UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT LOS ANGELES CRITIC NOTICES OF THIS WORK. FROM THE ECLECTIC REVIEW. " The able author of these volumes could scarcely have selected a more important period than the present for favouring the public with his labours. He has acquitted himself well throughout his somewhat arduous labours. There is a manliness of thought and independence of manner about them, which are exceedingly attractive. His own reflections are very little obtruded upon the reader." FROM TAIT'S EDINBURGH MAGAZINE. " It sounds like the tolling of funeral bells, as the annunciation is made of one death after another, among those who supported our canopy of empire through the last most memorable generation. The eldest of the Wellesleys is gone he is gathered to his fathers ; and here we have his life circumstantially written. Mr. Pearce is capable of writing vigorously and sagaciously." FROM BLACKWOOD'S MAGAZINE. " We have no idea of disregarding the labour which such a work must have demanded , or of regretting that the author has given to the country the most exact and intelligent Biography which he had the means of giving." FROM THE DUBLIN UNIVERSITY MAGAZINE. " The distinguished individual, whose Life and Correspondence lie before us, was one of the galaxy of great men by whom the reign of George III. was illustrated and adorned. England was called upon to confront perils, both political and social, such as she never before encountered, and by which the whole framework of her polity seemed about to be disorganized. And not the least among the remarkable men who were raised up to be her stay and protection against the revolutionary madness which was desolating Europe, was Richard Colley Wellesley, whose abilities will bear a comparison with those of the most gifted and brilliant of his contemporaries." FROM THE JOHN BULL. " This work presents a complete history of the public life of the Marquess Wellesley, and an outline of the great public events in which he bore a more or less distinguished part, prefaced by a brief, but interesting sketch of the origin and antiquity of the Wel- lesley family. " With respect to the author's opinions, although we do not always concur with him in what he has advanced upon the subject of the first French revolution, and the consequent war between this country and France, upon the Catholic Relief Bill, and upon certain points of our policy in the East Indies and the Peninsula, he is so little disposed to dog- matism, that we cannot help treating them with respect. But the main value of Mr. Pearce's book consists in his judicious and lucid manner of arranging the narrative portion of it, interspersed with and illustrated by documentary matter, by means of which we follow, not only the career of the Marquess Wellesley himself, but the course of all those great political events in Europe and Asia, which have now become matter of history. The chief defect of the work is, the almost total absence of personal details relative to the private character of the Marquess Wellesley. But it is a valuable addition to this branch of our literature. It contains numerous documents of great historical interest, and pre- sents a well written and connected narrative of the political conduct and opinions of a statesman who, for nearly half a century, occupied an exalted place amongst the great men of his time. We may add, that Mr. Pearce, though an avowed admirer of the Mar- quess Wellesley, is an impartial judge of his actions ; witness, among other things that might be adduced, his condemnation of the M arquess's policy respecting the press in India." FROM THE LEAGUE. " In these instructive and amusing volumes Mr. Pearce has given a very able sum- mary of the life of a statesman, whose reputation and rewards have been very inadequate for the services he rendered his country. Referring our readers to the work itself for the details of Lord Wellesley's laborious career, we shall merely regard him as an enlightened friend of Education and Free Trade, at a time when neither of these great principles met favour from men in power." FROM THE LITERARY GAZETTE. " Mr. Pearce has, it is at once evident and unquestionable, done himself honour by his diligent research he has had access to the best information he has acquitted himself of his task with much ability, and in a scholarlike style. This is one of the genuine historical publications of the age." FROM THE LITERARY GAZETTE. (Second Notice.) Y In our last Gazette we hastily introduced this important publication to our readers, .nd have now, therefore, no occasion to preface our more particular reference to it with farther remarks. It presents the life of a great statesman, long engaged in the most mo- mentous national affairs, and a perfect gentleman, to whom the poet's description of Hamlet might have been as justly applied, as to any individual of the age in which he flourished." FROM THE ATLAS. " No industry of research appears to have been spared ; documents and pieces of infor- mation new to us have often been gleaned, and, when the occasion called for an opinion, it is judiciously, freely, and manfully delivered." FHOM THK COURT JOURNAL. " Mr. Pearce has written the present work iu a laudable spirit of patriotism. The let- ters of Lord Wellesley, selected from his unpublished correspondence, are of high interest and proportionate value. The biography with which they are interwoven is careful, minute, and satisfactorily voluminous. As a reference for future historians, this work must prove of infinite importance." FBOM THE CRITIC. " Mr. Pearce has been fortunate in having for his subject the life of so distinguished a ruler and statesman as Lord Wellesley ; who lived and acted in such eventful times, whose public services were so varied and important, whose character influenced the welfare of millions, and affords such prominent features for delineation of the biographer. With the facilities afforded him by accession to state and family papers, Mr. Pearce has produced a work of undeniably sterling merit one distinguished by a spirit of candour and fairness, liberality, temperance, and charitable feeling, and especially by the soundness of its opinions and the breadth and sagacity of its views. His industry in the collection and judgment in the adoption of matter demand honourable notice, for they are conspicuous on every page; his researches, too, have been rewarded with much that elucidates what was obscure in recent state affairs, and will be of service to future historians. Added to this, his narra- tive is succinct, clear, and well-connected ; his style always agreeable sometimes, perhaps, a trifle too stilted ; and his description graphic even to the force and colour of nature. We now take our leave of these carefully compiled, entertaining, and useful volumes, cordially recommending them to every library in the kingdom." FROM THE MORNING HERALD.* that the corn and agricultural produce of Ireland was admitted into England duty free ; the dis- cussions on the great question of the Regency, in which Lord Wellesley took a prominent part, exhibited the spectacle of the British monarchy divided against itself ; and prepared the way for the Legislative Union, which was achieved soon after on the guarantee, that equal rights should be conferred upon all the inhabitants of the United Kingdom without distinction of race or creed. When the French Revolution astounded the na- tions of the earth, Lord Wellesley (then Earl of Morning- ton) was a Minister of the Crown. In all the questions which arose out of the excentric moral phenomena ob- servable during that tremendous epoch, he took a part, and appeared publicly as a champion against the ene- mies of the monarchical principle and the system of Re- vealed Religion. He assumed a decided Anti-Gallican attitude ; and strenuously advised and supported the war against the French revolutionary Government. His conflict with Mr. Sheridan on this topic in the House of Commons, established his reputation as a vigorous and eloquent debater, though his speech on the occa- sion referred to, had to endure comparison with one of the finest rhetorical outbursts of his brilliant and finely cultivated antagonist. The topics of Parliamentary Reform, the Irish Volunteers, the Slave Trade, the Prosecutions for PREFACE. ix High Treason, Seditious Meetings, the traitorous pro- ceedings of the Society of United Irishmen organ- ized by Theobald Wolf Tone, the India Bill, &c., all pass in review in tracing the life of Lord Wellesley ; nearly every portion of which, from the moment of his attaining manhood, was consecrated to the public service. Prior to his appointment as Governor-General of India in 1797, we see him sitting as a Peer in the Irish House of Lords successively member in the Par- liament of Great Britain for the boroughs of Beeral- ston, Saltash, and Windsor one of the Knights of St. Patrick, on the original foundation of that illustrious order a Privy Councillor in Ireland a Lord of the Treasury in England a Member of the English Privy Council a Commissioner for the affairs in India a Baron of Great Britain. Nor is it possible to contemplate the career of the Marquess Wellesley apart from the history of those brothers and such brothers ! over whose education, establishment in life and fame, he watched with such genuine fraternal affection. To his care the venerable hero, whose military renown has become one of the most valued properties of this country, was indebted for favourable opportunities for displaying his wonder- ful genius in war. As Governor- General of India in the first instance, and afterwards as Ambassador Extra- ordinary in Spain, and Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, the Marquess Wellesley had the power of ad- vancing and supporting his brother. Appreciating the sterling qualities of the man, and knowing the innate vigour and sagacity of his brother's capacious mind, he X PREFACE. never hesitated to employ his influence to procure the Honourable Arthur Wellesley's advancement ; for, not- withstanding the obloquy to which it exposed him, he was honourably conscious that in promoting his rela- tive to posts of trust and difficulty, he was conferring an advantage on his Country. But the Marquess Wellesley's Indian administration is justly regarded as the most splendid period of his Lordship's history ; though perhaps its lustre has, in some degree, tended to cast in the shade other portions of his public services of great utility. "When he as- sumed the reins of Government in Bengal, British power was tottering in the Indian Peninsula. Although the French settlements of Masulipatam, Pondicherry, Chandernagore, Carical, andMahe, had, in 1778, fallen into the hands of the British, a strong Gallican party existed in India, whose constant efforts were employed to promote the views of France, and depress the in- terests of England in the East. His first care was effectually to counteract the pernicious designs of the French agents employed in the armies of the native princes, and by restoring the balance of power, which had been grievously disarranged under the imbecile and divided counsels of his predecessors, as well as by the formation of subsidiary treaties with the native powers, to take security for the safety of the British possessions against internal enemies. His caution and decision in the war with Tippoo Sultaun, which crushed the hopes of the French in India, and the promptitude with which he fitted out an expedition to cooperate from the Red Sea, with the British and Turkish forces against the French in Egypt, completely thwarted the designs PREFACE. XI of the French Directory, and foiled the gigantic plans of Buonaparte, who had hoped, with the aid of Tippoo and other insurgent chiefs, to build upon the ruins of the British power in the East, an empire that was to combine the glories of Alexander, Mahomet and Charle- magne ! Lord Wellesley anticipated every movement of Buonaparte, he took every precaution that human foresight could suggest, to baffle the machinations of the enemy and maintain the integrity of, and im- part security to, the vast possessions committed to his charge. The wisdom of the Marquess Wellesley's policy in India is now universally recognised ; the voice of all parties is unequivocally expressed in its favour. The calumnies and misrepresentations with which his measures were for a time assailed, have perished and are forgotten ; and the importance of his public services is gratefully recorded by the great Com- pany who sway the destinies of British India ; at whose expense his official dispatches have been circulated for the instruction of the servants of the East India Com- pany in the principles which should guide their public conduct. Lord Wellesley filled the offices of Ambassador Ex- traordinary in Spain, and his Majesty's principal Secre- tary of State for Foreign Affairs at a most interesting period of the memorable struggle in the Peninsula, which he sustained with his characteristic constancy and vigour. Sir Arthur Wellesley's movements in the field, it will be found, were not of more importance to the general cause of enslaved Europe, than the less observed movements of the Marquess Wellesley in the cabinet. Xll PREFACE. An examination of Lord Wellesley's correspon- dence with the American Government and the British Plenipotentiary at Washington, will assist materi- ally in developing the merits of the important con- troversies between England and the United States which led to the ill-advised and inglorious war between the two countries in 1812. Questions of the gravest importance in connection with the mari- time rights of this kingdom, and the general principles of international^ law, are involved in those discussions, which sprang out of the arbitrary and unwarrantable Decrees of Berlin and Milan, promulgated by Buona- parte for the purpose of destroying the commerce of Great Britain. Lord Wellesley was among the ablest and steadiest advocates of Catholic Emancipation and the great principles of civil and religious liberty identified with that question. It is deeply to be lamented that the motion which his Lordship made in the House of Lords in July 1812, and which was only lost by a majority of one, and that one a proxy, was defeated ; Mr. Canning's motion having been carried in the House of Commons. A settlement of the question at that period would have prevented discussions that have since embittered the social and political condition of Ireland. Lord Welles- ley continued to advocate, with undaunted zeal, that just and necessary measure till its final accomplishment in 1829. To his Lordship belongs the merit of having crush- d the Secret Societies which convulsed Ireland, and of having first grappled with that great Orange confede- racy, which, banded together by secret oaths unknown to PREFACE. Xlll the laws, perpetuated religious feuds and the contests of rival races in Ireland ; excluded the mass of the popula- tion from the pale of the constitution ; deprived the King's Roman Catholic subjects of every right and privi- lege that makes life valuable to free men, and rendered a real union between the two countries impossible. Originally organized for the purposes of self-defence and maintaining the power of England in Ireland, the Orange Society considered themselves an English garrison in a foreign and hostile land, that was to be retained by the force of arms and ruled by military terror and coercion. It is unquestionably true that they were unwavering in their allegiance, and that they preserved with heroic constancy a steady fidelity to the Crown and people of England, to whom they were attached by the ties of religion and blood ; but as the reward of their fealty they considered that every office of trust and emolument rightly belonged to them, and they jealously and religiously excluded the most upright and the most honourable citizens of the Roman Catholic persuasion from a participation of power. Exclusion was one of their systematic rules of action ; intolerance was, avowedly, a guiding principle. They believed, many of them most conscientiously, that it was neces- sary to act in the nineteenth century as their fore- fathers had acted six hundred years before. They never considered the amalgamation of Saxon and Celt a desirable object. Their whole policy was to keep themselves separate and distinct from their Roman Catholic fellow-countrymen. To impart equal rights to the- Irish, to cover them with the aegis of English law, to promote the real incorporation of XIV PREFACE. Ireland with Great Britain by the abolition of odious and unphilosophical distinctions, and by the full re- cognition of the rights of conscience, appeared to them to be extravagantly absurd. Such a confederacy, when inflamed by religious animosities and prejudices, and animated by a recollection of by-gone conflicts, would present an insuperable barrier to the improvement of any country. So long as Ireland was to be treated as a subjugated foreign province, the existence of a garri- son, looking to England " as the rock from whence they were hewn," ready at any moment to appear in the field in arms to support the authority of the Crown, might have been useful and even necessary : but it is perfectly obvious that the perpetuation of such an institution, under the favour and protection of the Government, presented an insuperable barrier to the pacification of Ireland on the principle of rendering her inhabitants loyal and peaceable British citizens by abolishing all invidious distinctions. However laudable their intentions, and sincere their professions of loyalty were, the existence of an organized body with secret signs and symbols was a precedent for other dan- gerous and illegral associations, and was therefore to be deprecated as deeply injurious to the public peace. Lord Wellesley was the first who ventured publicly to discourage the system of Orange ascendancy ; he inflicted a wound upon it from which it never reco- vered. The amelioration of Ireland is now difficult ; but under the sway of the Orange system of exclusion on account of religious opinions, it was impossible. Much has been said as to the difference between the Celtic and Saxon races, and many theories have been PREFACE. XV based upon the differences supposed to be observable in what are considered pure specimens of both races. Without denying the general proposition, that different races of men are marked with distinguishing charac- teristics, we may be permitted to remark that there are great difficulties in the application of such theories to the condition of the Irish people. Climate has notoriously a powerful effect upon the human consti- tution ; and it is not consistent with reason to sup- pose that there could be any radical and essential natural difference between the inhabitants of one por- tion of the British Isles and the other, whose proge- nitors had been established in these islands for upwards of a thousand years. As a matter of fact, too, there are great difficulties in deciding who are Celts and who are Saxons, there being a strong infusion of Anglo- Saxon blood among the Roman Catholic population of Ireland. Stature and weight of the human frame are fallacious standards ; and the difference in habits of the two members of the British family is no certain criterion that there is an essential difference between the constitution of a Celt and Anglo-Saxon. How far are those habits to be ascribed to political circum- stances "? To what extent have they been modified by peculiarities of laws, institutions, social arrange- ments, and food 1 These questions require to be cau- tiously examined ; a candid examination of them cannot fail to produce the conviction that the infe- riority observable in the Celtic peasant in Ireland com- pared with the Anglo-Saxon, is mainly to be ascribed to the sinister effects of misgovernment. It is, perhaps, not too much to say that, if the Saxon rustics of XVI PREFACE. England had been trampled upon for ages, if they had been denied the protection of those wise laws, be- queathed to them by their free ancestors, which have made England what she is, if, instead of enjoy- ing the beneficent effects of a resident independent gentry and nobility, regularly performing their social duties, the landed proprietary had been absentees, the estates of the country had frequently undergone confis- cation, and the mass of the population been compelled to live upon the most inferior food, it may be a ques- tion whether so great a difference would have been observable between the Celts and Saxons of the British Isles as now subsists. If all political distinctions were abolished if equal laws and equal rights were ex- tended to all Britons indifferently, and the blessings of just government, universal education, and, above all, the benign influence of a resident landed proprietary, were extended to Ireland, it may be affirmed with confidence that the leading differences between the peasantry of the two countries would gradually diminish and finally disappear. Both the obsolete system of Ascendency, and the modern doctrine of Ireland for the Irish, contra-distinguished from the Anglo-Saxon, would be equally repugnant to the existence of that just and beneficial political equality in Ireland which Lord Wellesley was so desirous of establishing. Nor ought we to dismiss the subject without remark- ing, that while it appears not to be difficult to trace to political sources, many of the qualities which are considered marks of inferiority in the Celtic family, which have been ascribed to physical causes, it is PREFACE. XV11 vain, and worse than vain, to seek to depreciate the Saxon race, whose robust manhood, perseverance, energy, skill, indomitable courage, and dignity of cha- racter have made the English name respected in the remotest corners of the earth ! Several practical ameliorations of the greatest im- portance distinguished the Viceroyalty of the Marquess Wellesley. In the succeeding volumes the events of Lord Wellesley's life are laid before the reader, from the most authentic sources. The valuable collection of original manuscripts, presented by the representa- tives of the late Marquess to the British Museum, and deposited among the national archives, have, by special permission, been carefully examined, and such selec- tions made from his Lordship's papers and the public records as were necessary to illustrate the subject of these volumes. A large collection of letters, written by some of the most celebrated of the Marquess of Wellesley's contemporaries, and illustrative of the times in which he lived, not hitherto published, have been added, and are incorporated with the work. LONDON, JAN. 1846. VOL. I. PRECIS OF THE MARQUESS WELLESLEY'S CAREER. Born June 20th . / ; . '!. ,. 1760 At Eton . .rf^ .... 1772 Entered Christ Church College, Oxford, Dec. 1778 Succeeded to the Earldom of Mornington May 22nd 1 78 1 Took his seat in the Irish Parliament . 1782 Knight of St. Patrick . ' ',, 1783 Member for Beeralston r '. . . 1784- Member of Irish Privy Council . . . 1785 A Lord of the Treasury (England) . ' '.' ' 1786 Member for Saltash ' ". . . "'V 1787 Member for New Windsor, June ' .' ' . ' 1788 British Privy Councillor . ' '. . '? ' ' '(P* 1793 Gustos Rotulorum of the County of Meath . 1796 Married Mademoiselle Roland, 29th November . 1794 One of the Chief Remembrancers of the Irish Ex- chequer ..... 1796 Created Baron Wellesley of Great Britain, 20th of October . . . . . 1797 Governor-General of India . . .1 797 Created Marquess Wellesley, December 2nd . 1799 Captain General and Commander-in-Chief in the East . . . . . . 1800 Created Knight of the Crescent . . 1801 Returned from India 1805 XIX Ambassador to the Supreme Central Junta of Spain, July 28th. . . . ' 1809 Returned from Spain, December . . . 1809 Secretary of State for foreign Affairs, December . 1809 Knight of the Garter . . . . 1810 Resigned the Order of St. Patrick . . 1810 Resigned the Office of Foreign Secretary . 1812 Death of the first Marchioness of "Wellesley . 1816 Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, December . 1821 Second Marriage, October 29th . ; : . 1825 Resigned the Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland, March 1828 Appointed Lord Steward of the Household . 1831 Resigned . . : > . . 1833 Second time Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, September 1833 Resigned the Lord-Lieutenancy, December . 1834 Appointed Lord-Chamberlain to his Majesty . 1835 Resigned . '".,-'. . . .. 1835 Selections from his Lordship's Indian Dispatches, published . . . . '' > 1838 Prints for private distribution a volume of Poems, Primitiae et Reliquiae . .; ', t ,, 1840 East India Company resolve to place a marble Statue, in honour of Marquess Wellesley, in the India House . . . 1840 Died September 26th .- . . . 1842 CONTENTS OP THE FIRST VOLUME. CHAPTER I. Antiquity of the Wellesley Family. MS. Pedigree. De Wel- lesleys of Somersetshire, temp. William I. De Wellesleghe accom- panies Henry II. to Ireland settles there. Contest between Abbot of Glastonbury and Philip De Wellesleigh. English Estates pass to Banastres, &e. Sir W. De Wellesley in Parliament. Edward II. grants Kildare Castle. Edward III. grants Demor. Lord John De Wellesley captures O'Tool. Estates County Meath. Sir W. De Wellesley, Sheriff County Kildare, in Parliament, ap- pointed by Richard II. Governor of Carbery Castle. Pursues the O'Briens. De Wellesleys " Barons of Narragh." Spelman MSS. Dengan Castle (birth-place of Wellington), A.D. 1411. Lord- ships of Mornington, &c. Alliances with Cusackes and Plunkets. Drops the " De," Walter Wellesley, Abbot, studies at Oxford, Master of the Rolls, Bishop. Henry VIII. Cowleys, Wellesleys, and Cusackes intermarry. Pedigree traced to Dermot Macmo- rough, King of Leinster, and to Roderick O'Connor, King of Connaught. Name of Wellesley contracted to Wesley proof, Athense Oxonienses. Methodists. Rev. Charles Wesley. Colleys or Cowleys settle in Ireland. Lord Cowleye, Staffordshire, holds various high offices. Sir H. Cowley in Parliament. Providore of Queen Elizabeth. Sidney, &c. Family History. Richard Colley takes the name &c. of Wesley on the death of Garret Wesley. Created Baron. Son becomes Viscount Wellesley, Earl of Morn- ington, father of Richard, first Marquess, &c. Marries Lord Dun- gannon's Daughter, Doctor of Music, T.C.D., &c. Musical com- CONTENTS. XX111 PAGE positions. Richard Lord Wellesley at Eton. Musae Etonenses. Oxford Prize Poem. Death of his Father. Becomes Earl of Mornington. Generosity to his Mother. Assumes his Father's Debts. Education of his Brothers. Ages of William, Anne, Arthur, Gerald Valerian, Mary Elizabeth and Henry, on the death of their father . . . . . . .1 CHAPTER II. Lord Wellesley (Earl of Mornington) enters upon public life, 1781. State of Europe and America. The Age of great men Chatham, Pitt, Fox, Sheridan, Burke, Curran, Plunkett, Grattan, Flood, Grey, Erskine. Takes his seat in the Irish House of Lords. Repeal of Poyning's Law. Position of the Parliament of Ire- land. In favour of Catholic Emancipation. Advocates Economy in the Government Expenditure. A Knight of St. Patrick. Lord Bellamont attacks the Order. Earl of Mornington defends it. Advocates the holding a Parliament every Year. Censures the Profusion of Government. Supports a loyal Address to the Crown. Objects to the Position of the Volunteers. Armed Convention in Dublin. Excited state of Public Feeling. Lord Mountmorres's Reply to the Earl of Mornington, ridiculing his theatrical gesture. Speech for the Liberty of the Press. Elected Member in the English Parliament for Beeralston. 1785, Privy Councillor in Ireland. 1786, Lord of the English Treasury. Colleague of Pitt. Speaks on the Rohilla War. Attacks Lord North. Returned for Saltash. Speaks on the Treaty of Commerce with France. Elected Member for Windsor. The King's Indisposition. The Regency Question. Opposes the Pretensions of the Prince of Wales in Ireland. Protests. Defends the Lord Lieutenant. Extraordinary proceedings of the Irish Parliament. Collision with the English Parliament. Remarks on the Regency Question. Historical Retrospect. Great Importance of the Constitutional principle at issue. Recovery of Geo. III. Earl of Mornington re-elected for Windsor . . . . . .22 CHAPTER III. Supports Mr. Wilberforce on the Slave Trade. Opposes Mr. Dundas's Resolution for gradual Abolition. Moves an Amendment for its immediate Suppression is defeated. Moves a second Amendment. Denounces the traffic as infamous, bloody, and disgraceful to human nature. The Amendment supported by Mr. Pitt defeated. Clarkson's Labours. Vote of the House of Com- mons against the Slave Trade. Lord Mornington opposes Mr. XXIV CONTENTS. PAGE Grey's motion for Reform in Parliament, both in Spirit and Sub- stance. Examination of his Arguments. Fallacy that Reform was synonymous with American Democracy or French Republicanism. Eulogies on the general Spirit of the British Constitution. Mr. Fox replies ridicules Lord Momington's Positions. Boroughs and great Towns then unrepresented. Saltash, Beeralston, &c. com- pared with them. Changes since effected by Parliament. Mar- quess Wellesley Member of the Reform Government. 1793, sworn a Member of the English Privy Council. Appointed Commiss- ioner for Affairs of India. Devotes his attention to the posture of the British Government and native Powers in India. Con- fidence reposed in him by Mr. Pitt . . . .46 CHAPTER IV. The War with France. Difficulty of deciding whether War might honourably have been avoided, or not. The right of the French to depose the Power that violated their fundamental Laws and the Principles of Natural Justice. The French originally justified in their Proceedings. Events become complicated, and the question in relation to Great Britain altered. Palliating cir- cumstances of the French Revolution considered. Publications of Burke, Macintosh, and Erskine. Death of Louis XVI. The French Ambassador required to quit the Kingdom. Message from the King to Parliament to augment the Forces. In ten days after- wards the fact of War communicated to both Houses. Opening of Parliament, January 1794. Address to the Crown on the War. Lord Momington's great Speech, reviewing the Revolution, exhi- biting its progress, and tracing the Revolutionary Government step by step, holding up to reprobation all the atrocities, blasphemies, violence, perfidy, and cruelty that were enacted in France ; pointing out the spirit of aggression and wanton violation of the Laws of Nations that animated the French, and urging upon the Parliament, by every consideration that could be supposed to influence English- men, to support the Crown in carrying on with becoming energy this just and necessary War. Effect of the Speech on the House. Mr. Sheridan's brilliant reply to Lord Mornington. Mr. Wynd- ham and Mr. Dundas defend Lord Mornington. Mr. Fox criticises his Lordship's Speech. Mr. Pitt warmly eulogises it. The effects of the French Revolution on the mind of Europe considered . 60 CHAPTER V: Earl of Momington's Marriage. Lady Momington's Parentage. Madame Roland the French Heroine. Allusions to Lady Morn- CONTENTS. XXV PAGE ington in the Earl's Correspondence while in India. Their Sepa- ration. Her Ladyship's Death. Her Children. Lord Morning- ton's Speech on the Seditious Meetings Bill, 1795. Mr. Sheridan replies. Business of the India Board. Lord Mornington com- poses a Song at the desire of Mr. Pitt for the Dinner given hy the East India Company to Lord Duncan. Camperdown. Copy of Latin Verses descriptive of France, written hy Lord Mornington for Mr. Pitt, published in the Anti-Jacobin. Translated by Lord Morpeth in the same publication . . . . .127 CHAPTER VI. Sir John Shore resigns the office of Governor-General of India. Is created Lord Teignmouth. Mysterious Proceedings relative to the Appointment of his Successor. Lord Macartney passed over. The Pretensions of Lord Hobart overlooked. Appointment of Marquess Cornwallis announced. The Appointment rescinded. The Earl of Mornington finally appointed. Alleged Intrigues exa- mined. Lord Mornington's Qualifications. Letter of Marquess Cornwallis. Mr. Mill's Assertion that Lord Mornington went out to India unacquainted with its Aifairs His Lordship's Experience at the India Board, his constant Communication with Mr. Dundas, Marquess Cornwallis, &c. Arrives at the Cape. Is received most cordially by Lord Macartney. The Embassy to China. Wars of Hyder Ali. Letter and Latin Verses of Lord Macartney. Lord Mornington meets at the Cape Lord Hobart and General Baird. Conversations with them on the State of India. Meets by ac- cident Major Kirkpatrick, late Resident at the Court of Hyderabad (i. e. of the Nizam, Soubadahr of the Deccan). Institutes an In- quiry into the state of the French Force in the service of the Nizam. Danger to British Interests from the Presence of French Officers and Engineers in the Armies of the Native Princes. Lord Mornington, while at the Cape, addresses Mr. Dundas on the French Forces employed by the Nizam, Tippoo Sultaun, &c., &c. Thorough Knowledge of the Politics of India therein exhi- bited. Observations on Mr. Mill's Reflections on Lord Morning- ton. His Lordship records his Opinion of the great value of the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope to Great Britain. Sails from the Cape . . . . . . .133 CHAPTER VII. Lord Mornington, accompanied by Mr. Henry Wellesley (Lord Cowley), arrives at Madras Received by General Harris. Letter of King George III., introducing Lord Mornington to the Nabob XXVI CONTENTS. PAGE of Arcot. Letter of the Prince Regent. Interviews and Nego- tiation with the Nabob. Lord Mornington's Habit of Observation. Estimate which he formed of the various Servants of the Com- pany at the Presidency. Sails from Madras. Arrival at Calcutta. Reflections on that Event. Magnitude of the Empire committed to his Charge. The Career of the East India Company. Beautiful Scenery of Calcutta. Poetical Description of an Evening in Bengal. Sir Alured Clarke received Lord Mornington at Fort William. His Lordship at once enters upon the Duties of his Office . . 159 CHAPTER VIII. Lord Mornington directs his attention to the Affairs of Tanjore. Geographical position of Tanjore. Danish Settlement at Tranque- bar. The celebrated Missionary Schwarz. Misrepresentations of Mr. Mill. Ameer Sing, the reigning Rajah. Serfojee, the Adopted Son of Tuljajee. Unjust Aspersions on the East India Company and the Governor-General, in Hook's Life of Sir David Baird. Colonel Baird at Tanjore in 1796. His Partizanship. Repri- manded by the Governor of Madras in Council. Examination of the Claims of the Rival Princes. Mr. Mill erroneously describes Ameer Sing as the Son of Tuljajee, the previous Rajah of Tanjore. Serfojee the \dopted Son of Tuljajee. Law of Adoption in Eastern Countries. Adoption among the Romans, &c. Rights conferred by Adoption. Serfojee the Pupil of Schwarz. His Edu- cation, Acquirements, Interview with Bishop Heber. Erects a Marble Monument to the memory of Schwarz. Justification of Lord Mornington's Proceedings. The Governor-General receives a copy of Malartic's Proclamation at the Isle of France respecting an Embassy from Tippoo Sultaun. Copy of the Proclamation, and Translation. Lord Mornington's first Impressions respecting it. Letter to General Harris at Madras, relating to the possible assem- bling of the Army. Communication from Mr. Duncan, Governor of Bombay. Dispatches from Lord Macartney and Sir Hugh Christian. Genuineness of the Proclamation. Lord Mornington examines upon oath Persons at the Isle of France when the Em- bassy arrived there. Conclusions arrived at by his Lordship. Dangers which menaced British India at this crisis. Probability of a French Invasion. French Expedition to Bantry Bay. Lord Mornington resolves to prepare for Hostilities. Final orders to General Harris .... .172 CONTENTS. XXVii CHAPTER IX. PAGE Career of Hyder Ali, father of Tippoo Saib. Wars with the British. Great Qualities. Marches to the Gates of Madras, and dictates Terms of Peace. War with the Mahrattas. British re- fuse to assist him. Invades the Carnatic. Spreads terror through the country. Tippoo Saib commands a Division of Horse. Hyder Ali encounters the British under Colonel Baillie. Utterly destroys Baillie's Forces Cowardice of Sir Hector Munro in de- serting Baillie. British Prisoners saved from Massacre by the interposition of French Officers. Measures of Warren Hastings. Sir Eyre Coote takes the Field. Fortune of the War changed. Hyder Ali and Tippoo Saib defeated. They gain Advantages over the British. A French Fleet arrives off the Coast of Malabar. Cruel Treatment of the English Prisoners in the hands of Hyder. Hypocrisy of Tippoo Saib. Death of Hyder Ali. Tippoo cuts to pieces the British Force under General Mathews. Mathews cruelly poisoned by the Tyrant. Seventeen British Officers poi- soned in Prison. Others die from the Effects of Imprisonment. Fall of Bednore. Siege of Mangalore Peace between Great Britain and France. Termination of the War with Tippoo. Wealth and Resources of Tippoo Sultaun. Tippoo, in defiance of the British, makes War upon Travancore. Marquess Cornwallis takes the Field. Seringapatam invested. Tippoo alarmed. The Capital spared .Gives his Sons as Hostages. Deprived of a large Portion of his Territory. Obliged to pay the Expenses of the War. Continued Enmity to the British. The Political Balance created by Marquess Cornwallis disarranged in 1798. The Allies weaker. Tippoo's Strength recovered Corresponds with the French, &c. His Letter to Sir John Shore, respecting Lord Mornington. Letters to Sir Alured Clarke and Lord Mornington . . 188 CHAPTER X. Dismay produced at Madras by Lord Mornington's orders. Mr. Webbe predicts that the Governor-General will be defeated, and impeached on" his return to Europe. General Harris alarmed. Advises Lord Mornington to temporise with Tippoo Sultaun. Memorandum of Mr. Webbe. Weakness of the Madras Govern- ment. Mr. Webbe trembles at the Prospect of an Invasion by Tippoo. Recounts the Disasters, Dangers, Expenses, and Delays of the Wars with Hyder Ali and Tippoo. Lord Mornington's Firmness. Repeats his Orders. Is supported by the Commander- 9 in-Chief and the Council of Bengal. Prepares for the Contest. XXviii CONTENTS. PAGR Negotiations with the Nizam and the Mahrattas. Acomplishes the Destruction of the French Force of the Nizam without shedding blood. The Nizam receives a British subsidiary Force instead of the disbanded French Corps. Effects of this stroke of policy all through British India. Exultation of the Adherents of the British Government. General Craig congratulates Lord Mornington on the Result. Correspondence between Tippoo Sultaun and the Governor-General 201 CHAPTER XI. Landing of the French Army in Egypt. Designs of the Direc- tory of France on British India. Effect of the Intelligence in India Buonaparte's Projects for the Invasion of British India. Circum- stances favourable to them. Proposes to cross the Euphrates and the Indus. Alexander, Tamerlane, Nadir Shah. Friendly Dispo- sition of Persia. Zemaun Shah prepared to cooperate with Tippoo Sultaun and Buonaparte. Buonaparte's Letters to the Sheriffe of Mecca and Tippoo Sultaun. Bourrienne's Account of Buonaparte's Plans. Conversations in St. Helena. Battle of the Nile and Defeat of Acre. Buonaparte's Proposals to the Emperor Paul. The Marches of Generals Lord Keane, Nott, Sale, and Pollock through Affghanistan. Boland and Kyber Passes. Tippoo's Correspon- dence with Zemaun Shah. Account of Zemaun Shah. His Power and Hostility to the British. Remarks of Lord Mornington and General Sir J. H. Craig, respecting Zemaun Shah. Effects of the Victory of the Nile. Lord Mornington's Plans for annoying the , French in Egypt. Letter to Lord Nelson. Precautions in Scinde against Zemaun Shah. Memorandum relating to Scinde . . 224 CHAPTER XII. Lord Mornington leaves Fort William for Madras. Received by Lord Clive, the new Governor. Change in the Sentiments of the Madras Government respecting the Governor-General's Plans. Intelligence that Zemaun Shah had advanced to Lahore. Sir Alured Clarke detained at Calcutta in consequence. Army of Observation under General Sir J. H. Craig on the Frontiers of Oude. Tippoo Sultaun's Delays to reply to the Governor-General's Expostulation. Letter from his Highness to Lord Mornington. Tippoo's Ac- count of the Embassy to the Mauritius. He evades Lord Morning- ton's Propositions. The Governor-General replies, and points out the dangerous Consequences of Delay. Further Correspondence. Lord Mornington receives Intelligence of a fresh Embassy from Tippoo to the French, embarked at Tranquebar. Orders the CONTENTS. XXIX PACK Army to advance in Mysore. Military Arrangements. Letter from Tippoo, saying that he was going on a Hunting Expedition. Declaration of the Governor-General in the Name of the British Government and the Allies. Various Private Letters written -by Sir Alured Clarke, from Fort William, to Lord Mornington at Madras, during the Progress of the Military Operations . . 243 CHAPTER XIII. Lord Mornington writes to Sir Alured Clarke at Calcutta. Conspiracy of Shums-oo-Doulah. The Mainspring of Government only to be touched by the Principal Mover. Apprehensions of an Attack on Calcutta. Buonaparte in Egypt. The Nabokof Bengal. General Stewart's Operations against Vizier Ali. Success in Mysore. Anxiety at Cooke's Illness. The Calcutta Newspapers. Lord Mornington strongly censures their Conduct. Declares his intention of adopting Harsh Measures towards the Editors. Orders, in the case of the refractory, that their Papers should be suppressed by force, and their Persons sent to Europe. The Discoveries in Bengal Success of the Army against Tippoo. Disposition of the Forces. Vizier Ali. Oude. The Indian Press. The Mirror, the Telegraph, and the Post. Reprobates their Conduct. Orders Mr. Bruce to be embarked for Europe. New Regulations for the Newspapers. Penalty of any Infraction of them. Establishes a Censorship. Remarks on these Proceedings. Their arbitrary Cha- racter condemned. Lord Wellesley's Authority cited by Sir J. Malcolm, in 1822, in favour of a Censorship on the Press. Evi- dence of Thomas Love Peacock, Esq., 1834. Suppressed Passage in the Report of Major Kirkpatrick. Reference to these Proceed- ings omitted in the published Dispatches of Lord Wellesley. Inferences from these Facts ..... 275 CHAPTER XIV. Tippoo Sultaun, instead of proceeding on a Hunting Expedition, commences a March to attack General Stuart at Seedapore, five days before the British entered Mysore. Defeated in his Attack on General Stuart's Force. Retreats. Re-crosses Mysore, and falls upon the Divisions of Colonel Wellesley and General Floyd at Mallavelly. Tippoo suffers a severe Defeat. Retreats to Seringa- patam. General Harris advances. Operations of the Army before Serihgapatam. Tippoo Sultaun's Letter to General Harris. The General's Reply. Operations continued. Second Letter from Tip- poo. General Harris transmits the Terms of the only Peace that would be granted. -Tippoo declines to accept them. Writes again. XXX CONTENTS. PAGE Preparations for storming Seringapatara. Tippoo's Fortitude and Valour. General Baird leads the Assault. Capture of the For- tress and City. Death of Tippoo Sultaun. Forbearance of the British Troops. The Sultaun's Family and Zenana respected. Consequences of the Fall of Seringapatam. Letter of General Harris in a Sealed Quill to Lord Mornington. Letter of Major Beatson to his Lordship ...... 292 CHAPTER XV. Anecdote of the Uma, or Bird of Prosperous Empire. Builds its Nest in the Avenue of Banyan Trees in the Garden of Lord Mornington's Residence at Madras. Superstitious Inference of the Natives. Description of the Uma. Figure of the Uma of Gold and Pearl, taken from Tippoo Sultaun's Throne, at Windsor Castle. Other Trophies there. General Baird superseded in Seringapa- tam by Colonel Wellesley. Lord Wellesley accused of having, on this occasion, unfairly pushed forward his Brother. Observations of Alison and Hook. The Question examined. Letters of General Harris, Lord Wellesley, General Baird, and Lord Clive. . . 304 CHAPTER XVI. Division of Mysore. Political Arrangements. Importance of the Conquered Territory to Great Britain. The News received in England with universal Satisfaction and Delight. The Thanks of both Houses of Parliament and of the East India Company voted to Lord Mornington, Lord Clive, and Mr. Duncan, and to General Harris, &c., and the Army. Buonaparte quits Egypt. Series of Private Letters, written from Fort William by Sir Alured Clarke to Lord Mornington at Madras. Letters of Lord Mornington to Sir Alured Clarke and Hon. F. North (afterwards Earl of Guilford). Note respecting Mr. North . . . . .318 CHAPTER XVII. The State Sword of Tippoo Sultaun presented to General Baird. The Army forward for Presentation to Lord Mornington a Star and Badge of the Order of St. Patrick, composed of Tippoo's Jewels. Lord Mornington declines to accept them. Private Letter of Hon. Henry Wellesley (Lord Cowley) to Mr. Canning, respect- ing these Jewels. They are presented to Lord Wellesley by the East India Company. Lord Wellesley declines to accept One Hundred Thousand Pounds from the Booty offered to him by his Majesty's Government and the Court of Directors. Division of the Spoil of Seringapatam. Unfair Distribution. Conduct of CONTENTS. XXXI PAGE General, afterwards Lord Harris, open to Censure. Letter of Lord Castlereagh to Lord Wellesley. Statement of the East India Company as to the Over-Payment. Written Opinion of the Attor- ney-General (Mr. Spencer Perceval), the Solicitor-General (Sir T. Manners Sutton), and Mr. Wm. Adam, on this Question. Opinion of the King's Advocate (J. Nicholl). Memorandum on the Amount of Booty in Seringapatam. Memorandum on the French Corps in the Deccan ....... 335 CHAPTER XVIII. Public Profession of Attachment to the Christian Faith by the Government of India. Suppression of Sunday Newspapers in India. Important Influence of the Institution of the Sabbath in Heathen Countries. Observations on the State of Religion in Bri- tish India Lord Wellesley ordains a Day for a Public Thanks- giving. Account of the Solemnities observed on the Occasion. Sermon of the Rev. Claudius Buchanan, &c. . . . 351 CHAPTER XIX. Commission of Captain-General conferred for the first time on the Governor-General. Copy of the Writ of Privy Seal. General Orders in the Calcutta Gazette. The Porte confers the Orders of the Crescent on the Marquess Wellesley. Copy of the Letter from the Grand Seignior. Congratulations in Letters from England from the Duchess of Gordon, Lord Dunstanville, Marquess Down- shire, Earl of Westmeath, Earl of Inchiquin, Lord Howden, Right Hon. N. Vansittart, Sir John Newport, &c. Letters of Sir Alured Clarke from St. Helena and from London .... 357 CHAPTER XX. Treaties negotiated by the Marquess Wellesley with various Native States. Treaties of Hyderabad. Jealousy of the Mahrattas. Closer Alliance between the Nizam and the English. Surat. Historical Sketch. Death of the Nawab. Negotiations with his Successor. Governor Duncan proceeds from Bombay to Surat. Treaty concluded. The Rajah of Nepaul seeks Refuge at Benares. Negotiations and Treaty with his Highness. Negotiations with the Court of Ava. Marquess Wellesley's Measures. Flight of several Thousands of Agriculturists from the Burmese Territory. They take Refuge in the British Dominions. Invasions of the Burmese. Negotiations. Peace firmly reestablished. Letter from Col. Symes. Dr. F. Buchanan's Mission to Mysore. Growth of Cotton iu India . 369 XXX11 CONTENTS. PACK CHAPTER XXI. Free Trade. Observations on the General Question. Lord Wellesley's Measures respecting the Trade of India. Hostility excited against him. Soundness of his View. Adam Smith's Theories. The Controversies ended in 1832. Statement of the Question of the Private Trade of India, by Mr. Udny, in a Minute to Marquess Wellesley. His Lordship's Anxiety on the Subject. Letter to Lord Castlereagh respecting Mr. Udny and the Question of Private Trade . 393 APPENDIX. /, 1. Translation of the Latin verses written by Lord Wellesley at Walmer Castle, by Lord Morpeth . . . 409 2. The Army at Seringapatam under the command of General Harris . . . . . . .411 3. Extract of a letter from Capt. Macauley to Lieut.-Colonel Kirkpatrick ...... 414 Extracts from Tippoo Sultaun's Secret Correspondence . 414 4. Correspondence between Major-Gen. Baird and General Harris respecting Colonel Wellesley's appointment . . 425 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE MARQUESS WELLESLEY, CHAPTER I. Antiquity of the Wellesley Family. MS. Pedigree. De Wellesleys of Somersetshire, temp. William I. De Wellesleghe accompanys Henry II. to Ireland settles there. Contest between Abbot of Glas- tonbury and Philip De Wellesleigh. English Estates pass to Banastres, &c. Sir W. De Wellesley in Parliament. Edward II. grants Kildare Castle. Edward I II. grants Demor. Lord John De Wellesley captures O'Tool. Estates County Meath. Sir W. De Wellesley, Sheriff County Kildare, in Parliament, appointed by Richard II. Governor of Carbery Castle Pursues the O'Briens. De Wellesleys " Barons of Norragh." Spelman MSS. Dengan Castle (birth-place of Welling- ton), AD. 1411. Lordships of Mornington, &c. Alliances with Cusackes and Plunkets. Drops the " De." Walter Wellesley, Abbot, studies at Oxford, Master of the Rolls, Bishop. Henry VIII. Cow- leys, Wellesleys, and Cusakes intermarry. Pedigree traced to Der- mot Macmorough, King of Leinster, and to Roderick O'Connor, King of Connaught. Name of Wellesley contracted to Wesley proof, Athense Oxonienses. Methodists. Rev. Charles Wesley. Colleys or Cowleys settle in Ireland. Lord Cowleye, Staffordshire, holds various high offices. Sir H. Cowley in Parliament. Providore of Queen Eliza- beth. Sidney, &c. Family History. Richard Colley takes the name, &c. of Wesley on the death of Garret Wesley. Created Baron. Son becomes Viscount Wellesley, Earl of Mornington, father of Richard, first Marquess, &c. Marries Lord Dungannon's Daughter. Doctor of Music, T.C.D., &c. Musical Compositions. Richard Lord VOL. I. B LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF Wellesley at Eton. Musae Etonenses. Oxford Prize Poem. Death of his Father. Becomes Earl of Mornington. Generosity to his Mother. Assumes his Father's Debts. Education of his Brothers. Ages of William, Anne, Arthur, Gerald Valerian, Mary Elizabeth, and Henry, on the death of their father. THE Wellesleys are descended from an Anglo-Irish family of great antiquity. In a manuscript pedigree among the papers of the late Marquess Wellesley, which appears to be an authenticated copy from Irish genealogies in MS. in the library of Trinity College, Dublin, the Wellesley family is traced as high as the year A.D. 1239, to Michael De Wellesleigh, the father of Wallerand De Wellesleigh, who was killed, together with Sir Robert De Percival, (one of the Egmont family,) on the 22d of October, 1303. It is stated by Playfair, that the family is of Saxon origin ; deriving its name from the manor of Wellesley, anciently Welles-leigh, in the county of Somerset, which was held under the Bishops of Bath and Wells, and to which the family removed from Sussex soon after the Norman invasion. In the reign of Henry I. a grant of the grand serjeanty of all the country east of the river Ferret, as far as Bristol Bridge, including the manor of Wellesleigh in the hundred of Wells, was made to one Avenant De Wellesleghe, whose descendant, according to some authorities, upon the embarkation of King Henry II. for Ireland, accompanied that Monarch in the capacity of standard-bearer. The manuscript pedigree, to which reference has been made, is silent on this point ; the statement apparently rest- ing on a tradition in the family that a standard, pre- served down to a late period in the mansion-house of MARQUESS WELLESLEY. the family in Ireland, had been borne by one of its ancestors before Henry II. A banner of St. George appears in the crest of the family, which was proba- bly worn in consequence of the royal grant of the grand serjeanty mentioned ; tenants under that te- nure having had the honour of carrying the King's sword or banner before him. In England the line was continued for seven generations from Avenant De Wellesleghe. In the sixth year of Edward III. we find Philip De Wellesleigh contesting with the powerful Abbot of Glastonbury the claim which that church- man had set up of exemption from the jurisdiction of the grand serjeanty, till then enjoyed by his family. He produced the original grant of Henry L. and the confirmations of his privileges by succeeding kings, and proved his descent from Avenant ; thereby defeat- ing the pretensions of the Abbot. Philip had no male issue, and his estates passed, by his daughter Elizabeth, into the family of Banastre, and from thence into other families. The English line of the De Wellesleighs thus became extinct. We now turn to the Irish branch of this ancient house. William, the son of Wallerand De Wellesleigh, is described in the pedigree as Sir William De Welles- ley (the family name now for the first time being written as it is at present). In the year 1339 Sir William was summoned to Parliament as a Baron of the realm, and had a grant by patent from Edward II. of the custody of his castle at Kildare, previously to the possession of it by the Fitzgerald family ; to hold the same for life, with a fee of twenty pounds a year. Being afterwards obliged to yield up the fortress to B 2 4 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF the Earl of Kildare, he received from Edward III. a grant of the custody of the manor of Demor in 1342. By his wife Elizabeth he had a son, Sir John De Wel- lesley, Knight, who was also summoned to Parliament, and acted a conspicuous part in the events of his time. Cox the historian, recorder of Kingsale, in his Hiber- nia Anglicana mentions, that in the year A.D. 1327, when Roger Outlaw, Prior of Kilmainham, the Lord Chancellor, was made Lord Justice of Ireland, David O'Tool, " a strong thief," who had been taken pri- soner the Lent before by Lord John [De] Wettesley, was executed at Dublin. This O'Toole was one of the most active of the insurgent Irish chieftains. Sir John De Wellesley was appointed in 1334 a commis- sioner with extensive powers, to preserve the peace in Ireland ; and a grant and free gift passed to him that year for services done against the O'Tooles, or O'To- thells, and for keeping the castle of Dunlavin, and driving out the O'Tothells ; also a grant was made, December 2nd, to his father, Sir William, for services rendered by him in Munster, and as compensation for damages sustained by him in that province. Upon the arrival of Sir Ralph De Ufford in Ireland, and the attainder of Thomas Fitzmaurice, Earl of Desmond, in 1343, he became security, jointly with the Earls of Ulster and Ormond, seventeen knights, and sundry gentlemen of note, for the appearance of Desmond, upon whose flight the bond was sued out against them. One of his brothers appears to have been Vicar of Kildare, 1377-8. Sir John De Wellesley, by his first marriage, obtained considerable estates in the county of Kildare, and had one son, William. He MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 5 married again on the decease of his first wife, and acquired a large landed property by his second mar- riage. His son, who was under age at the time of his father's death, is described in the manuscript pedigree as Sir William De Wellesley of Paynestown, county of Meath, in which county the family have been set- tled from the year 1363 to the present generation. He was summoned to Parliament as a Baron of the Realm in 1374. In 1378 he served the office of Sheriff for the county of Kildare ; and in 1381 re- ceived a commission from Richard II., appointing him keeper and governor of the castle, lands, and lord- ship of Carbery, and the lands and lordships of To- temoy and Kernegedagh for one year. In 1393 a writ was issued for granting him a reward for his labour and services performed against the O'Briens. His son, Sir Richard De Wellesley, served the same office of Sheriff of Kildare in 1418. Play fair men- tions that at this period the family of Wellesley bore the title of "Barons of Norragh," and also distinct arms, sometimes quarterly with their paternal coat, and sometimes singly ; and by an old MS. list of Peers of Ireland, it appears that one of this family was summoned to the Parliament called by Richard II. when in Ireland in 1399, the last year of his reign. Various records show that they had much property in the town of Norragh, the parish of Nor- raghmore, and the barony of Norragh and Rheban, in the county of Kildare ; but whether their barony had been derived from the chief lord of the palatinate of Meath, and not from the Crown, or whatever was the reason, the right of sitting in Parliament as Barons 6 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF does not appear to have been exercised by their pos- terity ; but they have since had a mere honorary ap- pellation of Baron, Baronet, or Banneret of Norragh. Sir Henry Spelman, in his learned work " Glossarium," expressly refers to the Wellesley family and the Bar- rony of Norragh : " Coujecturam auxit obiter quidam memorans, esse in Hibernia nonnullos quorum majoribus semel ali- quando ad Parlimentum Regni illius vocatis, hseredes nomen Baronettorum retinuerunt. Qua fide nititur, non mihi constat : sed plures esse in Hibernia Baronet- tos certum est, hsereditarie hoc insignes titulo, ab an- tiquo. Scilicet (praster Nicholaum de S. Michale, Baronet de Rheban cujus meminit Camdenus in sua Hibernia) : Sentleger, (quaere St. Leger "?) Baronet de Flemarg. Den, Baronet de Portsmanstown. Fitz Girald, Baronet de Burnechurch. Welleslie, Baronet de Norragh. Huseie, Baronet de Galtrim. S. Mighell, Baronet de Scrine, Nangle, Baronet de Navan."* Dengan Castle (the birthplace of the illustrious hero of Waterloo) came into the possession of the Wellesley family in the year 1411. Sir Richard De Wellesley is described as the first " Lord of Dengan," in right of his wife Joan, eldest daughter and heiress of Sir Ni- cholas de Castlemarten, by whom the castle of Den- gan, (sometimes written Dangan,) together with the lordships of Dengan, Mornington, Croskyle, Clonebreny, * Glossarium, p. 73. MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 7 Kilinessan, Belver, &c., accrued to the family. The fruit of this marriage was a son, Christopher of Den- gan, father to Sir William De Wellesley also of Den- gan, who married Ismay, daughter of Sir Thomas Plunket, Lord of Rathmore, and granddaughter of Sir Lucas Cusake, of Gerardstown ; by whom the Plun- kets obtained the lordships of Killeen and Dunsany, which afterwards became principal seats and titles in their family. About the year 1485 we find the prefix of "De " dispensed with ; the name being from hence- forward written simply Wellesley, as at present. The issue of Sir William Wellesley and Ismay Plunket were, first, Gerald his heir, called Lord of Dengan in a special livery of his estate granted in 1539 : Gerald married Margaret, eldest daughter of Sir Thomas Fitz- gerald, (second son of Thomas, seventh Earl of Kil- dare,) of Laccagh, Knight, Lord Chancellor of Ireland in 1484, by Elizabeth, daughter of Robert Viscount Gormanstown, Lord Deputy in 1484 : their, second son was Walter Wellesley, Prior of the Canons of the mitred Abbey of Kildare. He is mentioned in Hol- inshed's Chronicles'* among the learned men of his day, and is styled by him " Deane of Kildare " he was employed in procuring the release of Richard Nu- gent Baron Delvin, the Lord Deputy, who was detained a prisoner in the hands of O'Connor. The learned priest was some time Master of the Rolls ; and in the year 1531, on the nomination of King Henry VIII., * Vide seventh chapter of the Description of Ireland. Holinshed adds " there is another learned man of the name, who is Archdeacon of St. Patricke's." 8 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF was appointed Bishop of Kildare by Pope Clement VII. It is noted in the manuscript, that he was " restored to the temporals 23rd September in the same year." He retained his priory by dispensation during his life ; and on his death, in 1539, was buried in his convent. In the year in which the Bishop died an act was passed in a Parliament held in Dublin by the Lord Deputy, authorizing the King, his heirs, and successors, to be the supreme head of the church of Ireland, and denying the authority of the see of Rome. The third child of Sir William Wellesley and Ismay Plunket was a daughter Aleson, who ^ was married to John Cusake, of Cushington, county of Meath, the fourth in descent from Sir John Cusake, Knight, and Joan Ge- neville, (to whom we shall have occasion to refer again,) and by him had issue Sir Thomas Cusake of Lismullen in that county, Lord Chancellor of Ireland, and one of the Lords Justices, in 1552 ; whose daugh- ter Catherine, being the eldest of seven, married Sir Henry Cmvley, or, as it is sometimes spelt, Colley or Coullie, of Castle Carbery and Edenderry, Knight. By this marriage commenced the alliance, which we shall find was afterwards renewed by many intermarriages between the families of COWLEY, WELLESLEY, and CU- SAKE ; of which three families the illustrious subject of these Memoirs was the common descendant. The Cusakes derived their lineage, by heirs female, through the distinguished families of De Lacy, Gene- ville, Marshall, and Strongbow, from Dermot Macmo- rough, King of Leinster * ; his daughter and heiress Eva having married Richard Strongbow, Earl of Pem- * MS. Pedigree. MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 9 broke, whose daughter and heiress Isabella married William Marshall, who became in her right Earl of Pembroke. Their eldest daughter and co-heiress mar- ried Hugh Bigot, Earl of Norfolk : the third son of this marriage, Ralph de Bigot, by Berta Furnival his wife, had a daughter Isabella, who, being his heiress, married to Gilbert De Lacy (grandson of Hugo De Lacy, the conqueror of Meath and Lord Justice of Ire- land A.D. 1177, whose second wife * was the daughter of Roderick O'Connor, 56th King of Connaught, and 183rd and last Monarch of Ireland). The daughter and co-heiress of Gibert De Lacy, Maud, married Geof- fery de Geneville, Lord Justice of Ireland ; whose great-granddaughter and heiress, Joan Geneville, by marriage with Sir John Cusake, conveyed to their posterity this lineage, and the right of quartering the arms of all these families, and also those of Grant- menil, Clare, and Gifibrd, through the families of Bigot and Strongbow : a right afterwards transferred to the family of Wellesley by the marriage of an heiress of the house of Cusake. The whole of this descent was conveyed to the family of Cowley by Catherine Cusake, wife of Sir Henry Cowley mentioned above, f From this statement it will appear that the Mar- quess Wellesley, and the Duke of Wellington, were descended from, or allied to, two of the ancient Irish Kings ! The name of Wellesley we find was frequently writ- ten Wesley. Garret, who died at Dengan Castle 1683, * This circumstance is recorded in the MS. Pedigree of the Wellesley family, more than once mentioned. f Playfair, with MS. annotations by Lord Wellesley. 10 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF William his son, and Garret, who devised all his estates in 1745 to his cousin Richard Colley, Esq., (the paternal ancestor of the late Marquess Welles- ley), wrote their names Wesley. Anthony Wood, in the Athence Oxonienses, in giving an account of Wal- ter Wellesley, the prior of Kildare A.D. 1539, already mentioned, describes him as " Walter Wellesley, com- monly called Wesley ;" adding, "that he was bred up a canon regular of the order of St. Augustine, and among them in Oxford was educated for a time/' It has been surmised that the family of the founder of Wesleyan Methodism originally came from Saxony, and that they were of the same stock as John Wesselus, the famous reformer ; but it seems more probable that Wesley was a mere abbreviation of the old Anglo- Saxon name of Wellesleigh ( Wells, the city, and lea, a field). There is a curious anecdote preserved in the Wesley family, and mentioned by Southey in his Life of Wesley, concerning the connection between the families of Wellesley and Wesley : " While Charles Wesley was at Westminster under his brother, a gen- tleman of large fortune in Ireland, and of the same family name, wrote to the father, and inquired of him if he had a son named Charles ; for if so, he would make him his heir. Accordingly his school bills, dur- ing several years were discharged by his unseen name- sake. At length a gentleman, who is supposed to have been this Mr. Wesley, called upon him, and after much conversation asked him if he was willing to accompany him to Ireland : the youth desired to write to his father before he could make answer : the father left it to his own decision ; and he, who was MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 11 satisfied with the fair prospects which Christ Church opened to him, chose to stay in England. John Wes- ley, in his account of his brother, calls this a fair escape : the fact is more remarkable than he was aware of, for the person who inherited the property intended for Charles Wesley, and who took the name of Wellesley in consequence, was the first Earl of Mornington, grandfather of Marquess Wellesley and the Duke of Wellington. Had Charles made a different choice, there might have been no Methodists, the Bri- tish empire in India might still have been menaced from Seringapatam, and the undisputed tyrant of Europe might at this time have insulted and endan- gered us on our own shores." So much for the maternal family line of this " an- cient house of fame : " we now turn to the family of Colley, or Cowley, which in 1745 assumed the name of Wellesley, or Wesley. The Cowleys, we are assured by Playfair, are de- scended from a family of that name seated at Cowley, in the county of Stafford, one of whom, Robert, Lord of Couleye, was Seneschal in the reign of King Edward II. Two brothers of this family, Robert and Walter Cowley, settled in Ireland in the reign of Henry YIIL, and held successively various public employments in that kingdom. In the twenty-second year of that reign a patent passed the great seal, granting to them jointly, during their respective lives, the office of Clerk of the Crown in Chancery. Robert, after having filled various offices, became Master of the Rolls in Ireland. He was appointed in 1540 a commissioner for letting the lands of the dissolved abbeys, and one of the keep- 12 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF ers of the peace within the county of Meath, with power to enforce the statutes of Dublin and Kilkenny. He is mentioned by Hooker as one of the four prin- cipal enemies of the house of Kildare. " This gentle- man, Robert Cowley," adds he, "for his wisdom and policy was well esteemed of the lady Margaret, Coun- tesse of Ossorie, as one by whose advice she was in all her affairs directed." His brother Walter was ap- pointed Solicitor-General of Ireland in 1537, with a fee of ten pounds a year, and was afterwards Surveyor- General of the kingdom. Sir Henry Cowley, or Colley, of Castle Carbery, was a member of the Privy Council in the reign of Eliza- beth ; and in the Parliament held in Dublin A. D. 1557, he represented Thomastown in the county of Kilkenny. The following letter, appointing him Pro- vidore of the Queen's troops, is a curious document. The Duke of "Wellington's ancestors, it appears, were not ignorant of the science of feeding an army : "THOMAS SUSSEX, "To all Mayors, Shirifs, Bailives, Constables, Con- trollers, and all others the Queene's Majesty's Officers, Minysters, and lovinge Subjectes, and to every one of them greeting. Wee lette youe witte that wee have auctorised and appoynted, and by these presentes doth auctorise and appoynt, our well-beloved Henry Colley, Esquyer, or the bearer hereof in his name, to provyde and take up in all places, to and for the furniture of her Majesty's armie resydent within the realme of Irelande, as well within the liberties as withoute, within the said realme, salte, wyne, wodd, tymber, MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 13 lyme, brick, and cole for the furnyture of the said armie ; and alsoo shipps, boats, lighters, gables, an- chors, horsses, carriages, and all other provysion, for the conveniaunce of the same, as well by sea as by lande : and also bakers, breawers, coopers, millers, maryners, labourers, and all artificers and ministers as by hym shall be thought meete and convenient, from tyme to tyme for the service aforesaid : and also bake-houses, brew-houses, garnells, and sellers for the stowage of the same, as by him shall be thought good ; he paying for the same at reasonable prices as hathe bene accustomed. Wherefor we will and commaunde youe and every one of youe, &c. Yeven at Kilmay- nam, the 25 of June the yere aforesaid (1561). Willm. Fitz Williams, Henry Radcliff, Francis Agarde, John Parker, Jaques Wyngefelde." * He received the honour of knighthood from the Lord Deputy Sydney, who recommended him to his successor Lord Gray in the following terms : "My good lord, I had almost forgotten, by reason of the diversity of other matter, to recommend unto you, amongst other of my friends, Sir Henry Cowley, Knight of my own making ; who, whilst he was young and the vigour and strength of his body served, was va- liant, fortunate, and a good servant ; and having by my appointment the charge of the King's county, kept the county well ordered and in good obedience. He is as good a borderer as ever I found any there. I left him at my coming thence a counsellor, and found him for his experience and judgment very sufficient for * Rot. de anno 30 Eliz. 14 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF the room he was called unto. He was a sound and fast friend to me, and so I doubt not but your lordship shall find when you have occasion to try him." It appears from Nicholas Malby's account of the govern- ment of Ireland, drawn up and sent to Queen Eliza- beth in 1579, wherein were distinguished all the men of power in the King's County, that Sir Henry Cow- ley was a man of name and power : " he is an English gentleman, Seneschal of the county, who governed very honestly, but now is sore oppressed by the rebels the Connors." His wife was Catherine Cusake, by whom he had issue three sons. It would be tedious to trace the genealogy step by step : it will be sufficient, for the purpose of indicating the family history of the Marquess Wellesley to no- tice that Henry Colley, Esq., of Castle Carbery, who died in 1700, was succeeded by his second son Richard Colley, Esq., who came into possession of the Wellesley estates, and was elevated to the peerage in Ireland, by the title of Baron Mornington. In 1728 Garret Wesley, as has been already mentioned, devised all his estates to this Richard Colley, who was his cousin once removed, and was descended from the same stock of the families of Wellesley and Cusake, on the condition that he and his heirs should assume the surname and use the coat of arms of Wesley. "After the death of his cousin, Richard Colley, Esq. made a solemn declaration to the following effect : * Whereas Garret Wesley, late of Dangan in the county of Meath, deceased, on March 13th, 1727 made his will, and died September 23rd last ; and by his said will devised all his real estate to Richard Colley, MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 15 Esq., of Dublin, for life, remainder to his issue male with remainder over, provided that he and his sons, and the heirs male of his body, assumed and took upon them the surname and coat of arms of Wesley ; ' whereupon the said Richard Colley, alias Wesley, tes- tified and declared that immediately after the death of the said Garret Wesley he did assume the surname and coat of arms of Wesley, according to the said pro- viso of the said will. Dated November 15th, 1728." * It is not clearly known at what precise time this distinguished family adopted the ancient patronymic of Wellesley for the abbreviated name of Wesley. It is certain that when the Duke of Wellington went out to India, he was called the Hon. Arthur Wesley. On his arrival he presented to Sir John Shore, afterwards Lord Teignmouth, who preceded the Earl of Morning- ton as Governor-General of India, the following note from Lord Cornwallis : " Dear Sir, I beg leave to introduce to you Colonel Wesley, who is Lieutenant-Colonel of my regiment ; he is a sensible man and a good officer, and will, I have no doubt, conduct himself in a manner to merit your approbation. " I am, &c., CORNWALLIS." In the Journals of the Irish House of Commons the name is invariably spelt WESLEY. In 1790, among the list of Members is the Hon. William Wes- ley [Pole], for the borough of Trim ; in 1793 we find his renowned brother sitting for the same borough as the Hon. Arthur Wesley. Lord Mornington is also described in the Irish Parliamentary Register as Richard * Rot. pat. de anno 2 Geo. II. 1C LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF Wesley, Earl of Mornington. In all the official papers of the Marquess Wellesley written during his adminis- tration in India, his brothers are invariably styled Wellesley. Richard Colley Wesley having succeeded to the es- tates of his cousin, was in 1746 created by his Majesty a Peer by Privy Seal. He married Elizabeth, the eldest daughter of John Sale, LL. D., Registrar of the diocese of Dublin ; and was succeeded by his son Garret, who in 1735 was advanced to the dignities of Viscount Wellesley of Dengan Castle, and Earl of Mornington, county of Meath. This was the father of the Marquess Wellesley and the Duke of Wellington. He was a Privy Councillor in Ireland, and Custos Rotulorum of the county of Meath. His Lordship married Anne, eldest daughter of Arthur Hill Trevor, first Viscount Dungannon, and had issue by his lady six sons and two daughters. The Earl of Mornington was much distinguished for his musical compositions. He was considered, in his day, an eminent performer and composer ; and the University of Dublin conferred upon him the degree of Doctor and Professor of Music, as a testimony of their estimation of his numerous musical productions. His Lordship is ranked by authorities on music among our principal glee writers,* and was a prominent mem- ber of the Madrigal Society. Amongst the most ad- mired of his compositions are the following, "Here in cool grot ; " " When for the world's repose ; " " 'Twas you, Sir ; " " Gently hear me, charming maid ; " " Come, fairest nymph ; " and, " By Green- wood tree." The Earl of Mornington died on the * Vide " History of Music," by William Cooke Stafford, Esq. MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 17 22nd of May, 1781, at Kensington, leaving his title to Richard Colley Wesley, Lord Wellesley, even then dis- tinguished for his brilliant classical attainments, and destined soon to become one of the most illustrious among British statesmen. The subject of these Memoirs was born on the 20th of June, 1760, at Dengan Castle, county of Meath, or, according to some, at the residence of the Wellesley family, Grafton Street, Dublin. He was at an early age placed by his father at Eton College ; he held a high place in that venerable and distinguished seat of learning the most celebrated for the classical scholars it has produced of any institution in the king- dom. Lord Wellesley was deeply attached throughout his long life to Eton. As we shall have occasion to mention hereafter, in another part of this work, some of the latest productions of his Lordship's pen were dedicated to his beloved Eton ; and in testimony of the strong affection which he entertained toward the place where he received his first impressions of literary taste, and in accordance with his desire expressed before his death, his body was deposited in the vault of Eton chapel. Lord Wellesley was one of the principal contributors to the three volumes of the Musce Eton- enses. His Lordship's first contribution is dated 1778, and bears the motto, ApuvicQui vegi Targfe. It breathes the spirit of energetic patriotism which was so conspicuously exhibited in the Governor-General of India. We extract as a specimen the concluding twenty-three lines : * * They are slightly altered from the original in Lord Wellesley *s Primitue (1841). VOL. I. C 18 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF " Quid memorein, qualcm sub libertate Britanna Terra tulit prolem ? satis sequora subdita ponti, Atquc avulsa dolens nudatis lilia parmis Gallia, et infracti toties tcstantur Iberi Virtutem patrum, et generis molimina nostri. At ncc adhuc sacra Libertas, neque vividus ardor Angliacos intra fines et pristina regna Tarn prorsus periere ; manet, manet ilia juventae Vis animi, et flammae scintilla relicta prioris ; Quae jam fulmineo Gallorum marte superbas Frangat opes, nostrisque minantes arceat agris. Illustres animae patrum ! quos territa quondam Gallia servilis vidit fundamina regni Concutere, et trepidas late dare jura per urbes ; Vos saltern faustis coelesti e sede nepotes Respicite auspiciis : vos uno foedere cives Hostilem in gentem perjurique agmina Galli Jungite ; discedat nostra Discordia Terra ! At jam certatim totis capit arma juventus Litoribus ; jam sublimi resonantia pulsu Tympana szepe boves inter sulcosque colonus Audiit assuescitque tubse, gaudetque corusca Prospiciens patrias late per rura cohortes Exultare acie, et castris albescere colics."* lu the same year we find the following : AD GENIUM LOCI. O levis Fauni et Dryadum sodalis, Finium tutela vigil meorum ! Qui meos colles et aprica laetus Prata nemusque * This was a period of great excitement and embarrassment in Eng- land. This country was at war with the revolted colonies of America, with which, on the 4th of Feb. 1778, France concluded a treaty of defen- sive alliance. Privateers and vessels, carrying American letters of marque, plundered British ships on the high seas, and menaced the coasts of Ireland and Britain. On the 23rd of April in that year, the audacious American pirate, Paul Jones, burnt a sloop in the harbour of Whitehaven ; and afterwards, landing on the western coast of Scotland, near Kirkcudbright, pillaged the house of Lord Selkirk of money and MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 19 Mobili lustras pede, nunc susurros Arborum captans, modo murmurantis Fluminis servans vitreos reducta in Valle meatus ! Die ubi attollat melius superbum Verticem pinus ? rigidosque quercus Implicans ramos nimis sestuosam Leniat horam ? Namque Tu saltu tibi destinato Excubas custos operosus, almae Fertilem silvse sterilemque doctus Noscere terrain : Dum malum noctis picese tenello Leniter verris folio vaporem, et Sedulus virgulta foves, futurse Providus umbrae. Lauream sed campus Apollinarem Parturit myrtosque vigentiores ; Omnis et te luxuriat renascens Auspice tellus : Te, rosa pulchrum caput impedita, Caiididi conjux facilis Favoni Ambit, ut vernos tuearis sequo Numine flores. Laetus O ! faustusque adeas, precamur, Nil mei prosunt sine te labores, Nil valeat, cultum nisi tu secundes, Rustica cura. In the third volume of the Musce Etonenses, which is exclusively occupied with compositions in Greek, the first piece is by Lord Wellesley. Having spent seve- ral years at Eton, under the provostship of the Rev. Jonathan Davies, M.A., * his Lordship was sent to the University of Oxford : plate ; in the following year, the united fleets of France and Spain, under Count D'Orvilliers, appeared in the Channel in great force, menacing our shores, and exciting a general fear of an invasion. * In a note written in 1840, the Marquess Wellesley thus describes this gentleman. " Doctor Jonathan Davies, Head Master and afterwards c2 20 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF " To that fair city, wherin make abode So many learned imps, that shoot abroad, And with their branches spread all Britainy, No less than do her elder sister's brood : Joy to you both ye double nursery Of arts, but Oxford ! thine doth Thame most glorify."* He matriculated as a nobleman at Christ Church December 24th, 1778. In the congenial exercises of this college, Lord Wellesley employed himself with all the ardour of a youthful mind bent upon achieving that fair fame which the poet tells us, " All hunt after in their lives." t It would fill a volume to enumerate all the eminent men that Christ Church College has sent forth. Among the statesmen and lawyers who have received their education there, may be mentioned Sir Dudley Carleton, Sir Edward Littleton, Edward Sackville Earl of Dorset, Lord Littleton, William Earl of Mansfield, the Right Hon. George Canning, and Sir Robert Peel, Bart. ; among the poets, and other remarkable members of this great intellectual brotherhood, are, Sir Philip Sydney, Ben Jonson, Otway, Yilliers Duke of Buck- ingham, William Penn, Locke, and Lord Bolingbroke. Lord Wellesley was much distinguished for his pro- ficiency in classical literature ; and in 1780 gained the Latin Verse Prize, " In obitum viri eximii et celeber- rimi navigatoris Jacobi Cook." J He remained at Provost of Eton, who had been tutor to Lord Wellesley when first he entered Eton school, at the age of eleven years, and who always bestowed the solicitude and affection of a kind parent on the education of Lord Wellesley." * Spenser. t " Love's Labour Lost." t The Rev. William Jackson (afterwards Bishop of Oxford) was tutor to Lord Wellesley when he was elected from Eton a student of MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 21 Oxford till 1781, when he was called away from his favourite studies to the more active business of life by the death of his father, the Earl of Morning- ton, who died on the 22nd of May in that year : he did not remain long enough to take a degree. The embryo statesman now returned to Ireland : he at- tained his majority in the month following his father's death : his first act on becoming of age was character- istic of the generosity and integrity of his manly nature. He voluntarily took upon himself the nume- rous pecuniary obligations of his deceased father, and exhibited his filial affection toward his surviving pa- rent by placing the estates, to which he had succeeded, under the management of his mother. His Lordship also directed his attention to the intellectual training of his brothers, who were all greatly indebted to him for his watchful and prudent superintending care in early life. On the death of their father, "William Wellesley Pole* was eighteen years old, Anne Wel- lesleyf thirteen years, Arthur Wellesley ;{; twelve years, Gerald Valerian ten, Mary Elizabeth || nine, Henry eight years old.H Christ Church Wishing that Lord Wellesley should be a candidate for the University prize, and anxious to try his powers of writing hexameter verses, he desired Lord Wellesley to translate a passage from the Arcades of Milton into that metre. Mr. Jackson approved of the verses which Lord Wellesley wrote, and encouraged Lord Wellesley to write for the prize ; which he did accordingly in the year 1780, and won it by a poem on the death of the celebrated navigator Captain Cook. (Note by Marquess Wellesley.) * Afterwards Lord Maryborough. - Married to Henry, son of Lord Southampton. Duke of Wellington. In the Church. || Lady Culling Smith. IT Lord Cowley. 22 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF CHAPTER II. Lord Wellesley (Earl of Mornington) enters upon public life, 1781 . State of Europe and America. The Age of great men Chatham, Pitt, Fox, Sheridan, Burke, Curran, Plunkett, Grattan, Flood, Grey, Erskine. Takes his seat in the Irish House of Lords. Repeal of Poyning's Law. Position of the Parliament of Ireland. In favour of Catholic Emancipation. Advocates Economy in the Government Expenditure. A Knight of St. Patrick. Lord Bellamont attacks the Order. Earl of Mornington defends it. Advocates the holding a Parliament every Year. Censures the Profusion of Government. Supports a loyal Address to the Crown. Objects to the Position of the Volunteers. Armed Convention in Dublin. Excited state of Public Feeling. Lord Mountmorres's Reply to the Earl of Mornington, ridiculing his theatrical gesture. Speech for the Liberty of the Press. Elected Member in the English Parliament for Beeralston. 1785, Privy Councillor in Ireland. 1786, Lord of the English Treasury. Colleague of Pitt. Speaks on the Rohilla War. Attacks Lord North. Returned for Saltash. Speaks on the Treaty of Commerce with France. Elected Member for Windsor. The King's Indisposition. The Regency Question. Opposes the Pretensions of the Prince of Wales in Ireland. Protests. Defends the Lord Lieutenant. Extra- ordinary proceedings of the Irish Parliament. Collision with the English Parliament. Remarks on the Regency Question. Historical Retrospect. Great Importance of the Constitutional principle at issue. Recovery of Geo. III. Earl of Mornington re-elected for Windsor. THE period at which the youthful Earl of Morning- ton entered upon public life, was one of the most eventful epochs in the history of modern Europe. Shortly afterwards the French Revolution shook, as it were with an earthquake, the whole civilized world. The principles which were promulgated in revolution- MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 23 ary France principles of philosophy, " falsely so call- ed," threatened to overturn the most powerful mon- archies ; and essentially modify, if not utterly change, the whole structure of society. The public mind in England was much excited on the subject of Parliamentary Reform. This country, oppressed with debt, was engaged in war ; and the proceedings of several treasonable societies, which, at the instigation of bold bad men, contemplated a change in the constitution of the country by means of violence, created alarm for the public safety ; and afforded a seeming excuse for the employment of coercive measures hostile to the spirit of the common law, and hazardous to public liberty. A young republic was established on the distant shores of the western world, which professed to be based on perfect equality and freedom, and boasted that it recognised in all their dignity the inalienable rights of man. It was the age, too, of great men of splendid intellects brilliant imaginations unrivalled eloquence. Chatham, Pitt, Fox, Sheridan, Grey, Flood. Burke, Erskine, Curran, Plunkett, Grattan, and other " burning and shining lights," were shedding the rays, either of their rising or setting sun, upon this kingdom ; and Great Britain and France were cradl- ing two of the greatest warriors that ever appeared on the battle-fields of ancient or modern times. In 1781, when the Earl of Mornington took his seat in the House of Peers, in College Green, Dublin, Ireland was agitated by the splendid and astonishing appeals of Henry Grattan* one of the noblest pa- * " No government ever dismayed him the world could not bribe him 24 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF triots, and most upright characters ever recorded in history : " So simple in heart, so sublime in the rest ! With all that Demosthenes wanted endued, And iiis rival or victor in all he possess'd."* In 1780 the Irish Parliament passed the memorable resolution, " That the King's most excellent Majesty, and the Lord and Commons of Ireland, are the only power competent to make laws to bind Ireland ; " and a body of armed volunteers, amounting to 50,000 men, demanded from England the recognition of the legislative independence of Ireland. We have no means of knowing the sentiments of the Earl of Mornington on the question of Irish independence ; but recollecting the strength of his Lordship's love for his native country, and the statesmanlike sagacity that marked the whole of his subsequent career, we may safely assume that his Lordship would have been pre- pared to insist either that Ireland should be com- pletely identified with Great Britain admitted into the great imperial co-partnership on terms of perfect equality permitted to participate in all the inesti- mable advantages of English laws, English institutions, he thought only of Ireland lived for no other object dedicated to her his beautiful fancy, his elegant wit, his manly courage, and all the splendour of his astonishing eloquence. He was so born, and so gifted, that poetry, forensic skill, elegant literature, and all the highest attain- ments of human genius were within his reach ; but he thought the noblest occupation of a man was to make other men happy and free ; and in that straight line he went on for fifty years, without one side-look, without one yielding thought, without one motive in his heart which he might not have laid open to the view of God and man." Rev. Sydney Smith. * Byron. MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 25 and English customs or else rendered competent to legislate for herself, freely and independently, without the humiliating, unjust, and insulting provisions of Poyning's law,* which gave the Anglo-Irish a Par- liament, without the power of action a mere cham- ber for the registration of the decrees of his Majesty's Privy Council. Lord Mornington was in favour of the removal of the disabilities of his Catholic fellow-coun- trymen from the earliest period of his public life ; and happy would it have been for this kingdom, had the eloquent counsels of this statesman prevailed in the legislature, at the time when he urged upon Parliament the settlement of the great Catholic question. The Earl of Mornington at once began to take an active part in the discussions in the Irish House of Peers ; and at an early date we find him urging upon the Minis- try the duty of economy in the administration of the government. On the 5th of February, 1783, King George the Third ordered letters patent to be passed the Great Seal of the kingdom of Ireland, for creating a society or brotherhood, to be called Knights of the Illustrious Order of St. Patrick, of which his Majesty, his heirs and successors, were constituted in perpetuity Sovereigns ; and his Majesty's Lieu tenants- General, and General Governors of Ireland, &c., Grand Masters. The letters patent, dated Whitehall, February 5th, appoint- ed the following knights companions of the newly- created order.f * 10 Henry VII. c. 23. t " It hath been the custom of wise and beneficent princes, in all ages, to distinguish the virtue and loyalty of their subjects by marks of honour, to be a, testimony of their dignity and their excellency in all qualifications which render them worthy of the favour of their Sovereign 26 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF His Royal Highness Prince Edward. His Grace William Robert, Duke of Leinster. Henry Smith, Earl of Clanrickarde. Randal William, Earl of Antrim. Thomas, Earl of Westmeath. Morrough, Earl of Inchiquin. Charles, Earl of Drogheda. George de la Poer, Earl of Tyrone. Richard, Earl of Shannon. James, Earl of Clanbrassen. Richard, Earl of MORNINGTON.* James, Earl of Courtown. James, Earl of Charlemont. Thomas, Earl of Bective. Henry, Earl of Ely. Chancellor, his Grace the Archbishop of Dublin. Register, the Very Rev. the Dean of St. Patrick's. Secretary, Lord Delvin. Ulster, William Hawkins, Esq. Usher, John Freemantle, Esq, On the 23rd of October, in the same year, Lord Mornington having moved an address of thanks to Lord Temple, the late Lord-Lieutenant, Lord Bella- and the respect of their fellow subjects ; that so their eminent merits may stand acknowledged to the world and create a virtuous emulation in others to deserve such honourable distinctions," &c. Royal Warrant of the Order of St. Patrick, Feb. 1783 ; Blackstone, vol. i. chap. xii. Collar days for the most illustrious Order of St. Patrick : Christmas Day : New Year's Day ; Twelfth Day ; St. George's day ; Easter and Whit Sundays ; All Saint's day (if on a Sunday) ; St. Patrick's day ; St. Andrew's day. * The Marquess Wellesley resigned the dignity of a Knight of St. Patrick in 1810, on his investment as Knight of the Garter. MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 27 mont* animadverted with some severity on the rise and manner of the appointment of the order of St. Patrick, complaining of the neglect of his own ser- vices. Lord Mornington, according to the painfully brief reports in the Parliamentary Register,^ -"spi- ritedly replied ; and Lord Bellamont answered and declared that he meant nothing personal to his Lordship ; which apology was politely accepted." On the 3rd of November Lord Mornington supported the motion of Lord Mountmorres, "that a session of Parliament should be holden every year in this kingdom \" urging that the motion was strictly par- liamentary and constitutional ; that the situation of the country required it ; that they (the Peers) were the hereditary counsellors of the Crown and nation the medium between the King and the people ; and that it was the duty of the House to advise his Majesty on the wants and necessities of the State. On the 26th of the same month we find the noble Lord commenting on the profusion practised by the admi- nistration in several instances. He condemned large and expensive grants, inadequate to the circumstances of the country great sums given for the ease and indolence of great cotton manufacturers, rather than for the encouragement of manufacture an increase of the salary of the Lord Lieutenant, and 2000 a year for his secretary, with other alarming increase of ex- * Lord Bellamont was rather a conspicuous person in his day. He is described as " a nobleman of much quickness of parts, of real but very singular talents, and most fantastic in the use of them." He was very severely wounded in a duel with the Marquess Townshend, on which occasion Lord Charlemont acted as his second. t Dublin, 1793. 28 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF pense. " He did not," he said, " mention these things, or rise merely with an intention to oppose Govern- ment ; but he wanted to know what was the eco- nomical plan of Government, or whether they had any such \ If," he continued, " they ran into extraordi- nary expenses, he would, even if he should have the misfortune of standing alone, oppose every expensive measure." But though Lord Mornington did not hesitate to condemn the administration when he thought it his duty to do so, he was always ready to give the Government his independent support when the occasion required it. His Lordship took a leading part in the debate on the 1st of December, 1783, on the message from the Commons bringing up a resolu- tion, " that an humble address be presented to his Majesty, to declare the perfect satisfaction which we feel in the many blessings we enjoy under his Ma- jesty's most auspicious government, and our present happy constitution ; and to acquaint his Majesty, that at this time we think it peculiarly incumbent upon us to express our determined resolution to sup- port the same inviolate, with our lives and fortunes." Lord Mornington was one of those who considered that the proceedings of the volunteers were unconsti- tutional ; and that an armed assembly, holding regular sittings in the vicinity of the Houses of Parliament, should not be permitted to dictate to, or overawe the legislature. It is presumed that it was on this ground alone that he supported the resolution sent up from the House of Commons ; for, looking at the abject slavery in which the mass of the Roman Catholic population of Ireland then groaned trodden down by MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 29 as cruel a system of despotism as ever was devised by the evil genius of mankind ; and recollecting the then state of parliamentary representation in all parts of the United Kingdom, it would be difficult to justify the expression of that " perfect satisfaction " in the " many blessings " enjoyed under his Majesty's " most auspi- cious government," and the existing "happy constitu- tion." Lord Mornington, in addressing the House of Lords, said : " This address comes from the Com- mons, and they desire your Lordships to concur in it. The assembly of the volunteers has sat for nearly three weeks, with all the forms of Parliament ; and will any noble Lord say they have no intention to infringe the privileges of Parliament, and to attempt the total extinction of the laws of the land. Have not both Houses of Parliament been surrounded by armed mobs "? and will any man pretend to say it is not time for this House to interfere 1 Shall any noble Lord, high in office though not in confidence, or any noble Lord in confidence though not in office, not have a sense of the danger of the times, as the House of Commons seem to have. I am for this address, and upon this ground, that it offers to his Majesty a suffi- cient and a necessary pledge of our loyalty and affec- tion to his person and the constitution of the country : and to the people it speaks our firmness for Parlia- ment will not be robbed of its privileges, even by its own children ; and we cannot, for the sake of our pos- terity, suffer it. We ought to give the Government our assistance, when its imbecility may require it, to support the Constitution. A great deal has been said relative to the volunteers ; there is no man that 30 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF reveres, that respects, them more than I do; their temper and moderation have made the greatest impres- sion on my mind ; but I am not blind to their imper- fections, when I find that they have gone beyond the original idea of their institution* If," added his Lordship, emphatically, "the Constitution is suffered to be infringed, I will not remain to be a witness of it, but leave the country. If the Constitution is not supported, no body of people can be happy." The reply of Lord Mountmorres was principally directed against the Earl of Mornington : " To enter into a competition with the noble Lord (Mornington)," said he, " I should wish to avoid. The public interest may be promoted by our co-operation, but not much by our collision. Discretion tells me that among the candi- dates for public opinion and popular fame, Fortune, like other females, usually prefers the younger to the older claimant. I shall give the noble Lord full credit * The appearance of Mr. Flood and of the delegates by whom he was accompanied in their volunteer uniforms in the Irish House of Commons, excited an extraordinary sensation. On both sides the passions were worked up to a dangerous height. The debate lasted all night. The tempest (for, towards morning, debate there was none) at last ceased. The question was put, and Mr. Flood's motion for Reform in Parliament was negatived by a very large majority. The House of Commons then entered into resolutions declaratory of their fixed determination to main- tain their just rights and privileges against any encroachments whatever. Meantime an armed convention continued sitting the whole night, waiting for the return of their delegates from the House of Commons, and impatient to learn the fate of Mr. Flood's motion. (Edgeworth.) Whoever was present in the House of Commons on the night of the 29th of Nov. 1783, cannot easily forget what passed there. I do not use any disproportionate language, when I say the scene was most terrific. Several of the minority and all the delegates who had come from ' the Convention,' were in military uniforms, and bore the aspect of stern hostility. (Hardy.) MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 31 for the display of abilities we have witnessed. I ad- mit that he has held manly language. The character which has been drawn by a masterly hand, by the great Speaker of the Convention Parliament (by Lord Halifax) the character of a trimmer will not apply to the Noble Earl trimming will not be evidenced by his conduct ; neither, I am persuaded, will his Lord- ship TRIM* upon this, or upon any other, occasion. To the big words and inflated expressions which I have heard of danger to the Constitution, and insults from conventions of armed men, I answer in two short emphatic words Prove it. If formidable jspectres, por- tending the downfall of the Constitution, were to appear in this House, I admit that the nofele Lord is fright- ened with becoming dignity. The ancient Roscius, or the modern Garrick, could not stand with a better grace at the appearance of a spectre." On the llth of December, in the same session, Lord Mornington delivered a speech on the liberty of the press ; observ- ing, that any invasion on the liberty of the press, while restrained within just bounds, would, in his apprehension, be highly detrimental to the liberty of the subject. But Lord Mornington, who had now attained his 24th year, could not confine his ambition to the sub- ordinate Parliament of Ireland ; he longed to enter on a wider field ; and, without neglecting his duty in the Irish House of Peers, aspired to a place in the Parlia- ment of England, where he might measure weapons with some of his contemporaries of Eton and Oxford * An allusion to the borough of Trim, under Lord Mornington's influence. 32 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF who now began to distinguish themselves in debate. At the general election of 1784, his Lordship was returned to the British House of Commons, as member for Beeralston, a small borough- town near the river Tamer, Devonshire ; which returned two members from the reign of Queen Elizabeth to the Reform Act, when its powers were extinguished. It was a nomina- tion borough, in the patronage of the Earl of Beverley. In the year 1785 the Earl of Mornington was sworn a member of the Privy Council for Ireland ; and so rapidly did his Lordship rise in public estimation, that in September 1 786 he was appointed one of the Lords of the Treasury, or Commissioners for executing the office of Lord High Treasurer of England ; his colleagues being the Right Hon. William Pitt, James, Marquis of Graham, Hon. E. J. Elliot, and Sir John Aubrey, Bart. The first occasion on which the Earl of Morn- ington addressed the English House of Commons, was on the debate on the articles against Mr. Hastings, and the conduct of the Rohilla war. He attacked Lord North with a good deal of spirit. " He expressed his surprise at 'the extraordinary reasons which the noble Lord had assigned for his having three times appointed Mr. Hastings to the chief place in the go- vernment of Bengal, subsequent to the Rohilla war. First, the noble Lord had said that he knew nothing of the Rohilla war till lately ; this was an extraordinary declaration from a noble Lord who had been at the head of his Majesty's councils at the time ; for who ought to know such a fact, but an administration pos- sessing the then newly -given control and inspection over the Company's affairs and dispatches. Next, the MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 33 noble Lord had expressed great delicacy with regard to interfering with the East India Company's consti- tution. He was glad to hear that the noble Lord's delicacy, on that subject, had been of such antiquity : he presumed, therefore, that it had been owing to that subserviency, which a right honourable gentleman had lately talked of exacting from all parties which coales- ced with him or his friends, that the noble Lord had condescended to pursue that line of conduct which he had followed in respect to a bill relative to the East India Company, which was not a little famous in that House, and throughout the country. The noble Lord had stated to the House, that the Court of Directors condemned every one of the acts of Mr. Hastings ; and therefore the noble Lord thought it would be wrong to turn him out of the Government ! A most extraordi- nary reason, with an explanation to which he hoped the noble Lord would favour the House ; not without stating (what he had hitherto omitted) his sentiments concerning the subject of the present debate." Having vacated his seat for Beeralston, on his ap- pointment as a Lord of the Treasury, Lord Mornington was elected for the borough of Saltash, on the river Tamer, in Cornwall, within a few miles of Beeralston, January 23rd, 1787 ; but the return being petitioned against, his Lordship was unseated by a Parliamentary Committee ; John Lemon, Esq., being declared to be entitled to the seat. In the February of that year, we find the rising Statesman taking a part in the great debate on the Treaty of Commerce with France ; on which occasion Mr. Pitt, Mr. Fox, Mr. Burke, Mr. Sheridan, Mr. Charles Grey, Mr. Flood, Mr. Grenville VOL. i. D 34 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF and Mr. Wilberforce addressed the House. Lord Mornington rose immediately after Mr. Burke had spoken, and delivered a highly effective speech. There is one passage in his address which is worthy of pre- servation. " It had been eloquently urged, that what- ever might be the commercial merits of the treaty in a political view, it prostrated the Majesty of this coun- try at the feet of France, and deposed Great Britain from the throne of Europe. HE ANSWERED, THAT THE TRUE MAJESTY OF GREAT BRITAIN WAS HER TRADE, AND THE THRONE OF THE COMMERCE OF THE WORLD WAS THE FITTEST OBJECT OF HER AMBITION. He said that the industry and ingenuity of our manufactures, the opu- lence which these had diffused through various chan- nels, the substantial foundation of capital on which they had placed our trade capital which had that night been well described as predominant and tyrant over the trade of the whole world all these, as they had been our best consolation in defeat, were the most promising sources of future victory ; and that to cultivate, to strengthen, and to augment these, could not be inconsistent with the glory of the kingdom." In June, 1788, the Earl of Mornington was elected member of the royal borough of Windsor ; and in that year was called upon to take a part in the counsels of the administration, on the great and eventful contro- versy on the Regency Question, which arose in conse- quence of the attack of mental derangement with which George III. was afflicted. With the exceptions only of the case of the Conven- tion Parliament, which assembled (contrary to the letter of the law, and the constitution of the country) with- MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 35 out the King's writ, to recall Charles II., and the case of the Parliament, which assembled at the call of the Prince of Orange, at the Revolution, 1688, to declare the throne of these realms vacant, the Regency Ques- tion, in 1788, is decidedly the most interesting point of constitutional law which has arisen in modern times. An emergency arose, for which the wisdom of our an- cestors had made no provision : our statesmen were thrown back on first principles : they had to examine the foundations on which the venerable pillars of the British Constitution were based. The Lord President of the Council expressed his opinion, "that, in conse- quence of the absence and incapacity of the King, the legislature was defective and incomplete ; whence all the functions of the executive government of the coun- try were actually suspended." The Lord President stated the case too strongly ; but the Parliament was unquestionably reduced to a most momentous dilemma. To vest the powers of royalty in another individual, even for a limited period, to the prejudice of the reign- ing Sovereign, required an act of Parliament : the King is an essential branch of that Parliament : no Act can, in law, be valid, without the King's assent : but the King, by the act of God, was rendered inca- pable of attending to any business, public or private. What then was to be done \ Mr. Fox, in the zeal of his friendship for the Prince of Wales, made an asser- tion which was equally repugnant to the common law of England, and to the democratic principles of the Whigs : he stated, that, " in his firm opinion, his Royal Highness, the Prince of Wales, had as clear, as express a right to assume the reins of government, and D2 3G LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF exercise the powers of sovereignty during the continu- ance of the King's illness and incapacity with which it had pleased God to afflict his Majesty, as in the case of his Majesty having undergone a natural and perfect demise." * Mr. Pitt opposed this courtly doctrine ; he defied all Mr. Fox's ingenuity to support it, upon any analogy of constitutional precedent, or to reconcile it to the spirit and genius of the Constitution itself ; and he laid down what seems to be the correct principle. " He maintained that it would appear from every pre- cedent, and from every page of our history, that to assert such a right in the Prince of Wales, or any one else, independent of the decision of the two Houses of Parliament, was little less than treason to the consti- tution of the country. He pledged himself to this assertion, that in case of the interruption of the per- sonal exercise of the royal authority, without any pre- vious lawful provision having been made for carrying on the Government, it belonged to the other branches of the legislature, on the part of the nation at large the body they represented to provide, according to their discretion, for the temporary exercise of the royal authority, in the name and on the behalf of the Sover- eign, in such a manner as they should think requisite ; and that, unless by their decision, the Prince of Wales had no more right (speaking of strict right) than any other individual subject of the country." Lord Morn- ington coincided in opinion with Mr. Pitt ; and there can be no doubt that their view of the case was both the most correct and the most popular one. But how were the legal objections to be met ? How meet the * Parl. Hist. 1788. MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 37 temporary evils, without wounding the constitution 1 Necessitous non habet legem ; * and here was an irre- sistible necessity : still the difficulty remained, how was the solemnity of an act of the legislature to be im- parted to a bill, without the assent of the Crown 1 The Attorney-General, Sir Archibald Macdonald, appears to have suggested the only imaginable way of meeting the exigency : " He wished the distinction between the politic or official capacity of the Crown, and the natu- ral and human capacity of the person of the King, might ever be kept separate ; for upon that distinc- tion depended the rectitude of their proceedings." The Solicitor-General, Sir John Scott (afterwards Lord Eldon), following up the same remark, observed, in the course of one of the debates : " The throne was as yet full of the monarch, and no man dared to say that his Majesty was deficient in his political capacity." As in cases of the tender infancy of the Sovereign, the ex- pression of the King's will, by his great seal, had in former times been directed by his Privy Council ; it was at length determined upon by both Houses, that the Lord Chancellor should affix the great seal to a bill, creating the Prince of Wales, Regent with limited powers.f In 1789 the Earl of Mornington took a conspicuous part in the memorable debates in the Irish House of Lords, on the Regency Question which arose in Ire- land in a still more complicated and embarrassing form. In that year, in consequence of the continued indispo- * Noy. t Lord Mornington voted in favour of Mr. Pitt's resolutions limiting the powers of the Regent. 38 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF sition of King George III., the Marquess of Buckingham, Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, made the following com- munication to the Houses of Parliament at Dublin : " MY LORDS, AND GENTLEMEN, " "With the deepest concern I find myself obliged, on opening the present session of Parliament, to commu- nicate to you the painful information, that his Ma- jesty has been for some time afflicted by a severe malady ; in consequence of which he has not honoured me with his commands upon the measures to be re- commended to his Parliament. I have directed such documents as I have received respecting his Majesty's health, to be laid before you : I shall also communi- cate to you, so soon as I shall be enabled, such further information as may assist your deliberations on that melancholy subject." Both the Irish Houses at once voted an address to his Royal Highness George Prince of "Wales, consti- tuting the Prince, Regent of the kingdom of Ireland with unlimited powers ; while the Parliament of Great Britain had imposed several limitations upon the powers vested in his Royal Highness. " We have, however," said the Irish Parliament, " the consolation of reflecting that this severe calamity hath not been visited upon us until the virtues of your Royal High- ness have been so matured as to enable your Royal Highness to discharge the duties of an important trust, for the performance whereof the eyes of all his Ma- jesty's subjects are directed to your Royal Highness. We therefore beg leave humbly to request, that your MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 39 Royal Highness will be pleased to take upon you the government of this realm, during the continuance of his Majesty's present indisposition, and no longer ; and, under the style and title of Prince Regent of Ireland, in the name and on the behalf of his Majesty, to exer- cise and administer, according to the laws and Consti- tution of this kingdom, ALL REGAL POWERS, JURISDIC- TIONS, AND PREROGATIVES TO THE CROWN AND GOVERN- MENT BELONGING." Lord Mornington opposed and pro- tested against the subservient adulation and unconsti- tutional character of this address. The Parliament of Great Britain had, with becoming regard for the dignity of the Crown, and the safety of the Constitu- tion, resolved, " that it is expedient that his Royal Highness shall be empowered to use, execute, and per- form, in the name and on the behalf of his Majesty, all authorities, prerogatives, acts of Government, and administration of the same, which belong to the King of this realm, to use, execute, and perform, according to the laws thereof, subject to the limitations and exceptions as shall be provided" In England the Regent had no power to grant any rank or dignity of the peerage, or to grant any office in reversion, or any office, pension, or salary, for any other term than during his Majesty's pleasure ; or to grant any part of the King's real or personal estate. Beside, the care of the King's person was specially committed, during the regency, to the Queen, who was vested with power to remove any of the household. In Ireland the Regent was invested with COMPLETE SOVEREIGNTY. The colli- sion between the Parliaments of the two countries, on this occasion, (which, but for the happy recovery of 40 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF King George III., might have been attended with serious consequences,) was one of the events which led to the act of Union ; by which the British Isles were incorporated inseparably into one kingdom : Ireland being in 1800 united to Great Britain, as "Wales was united to England in the reign of Henry VIIL, and as Scotland was in the reign of Anne. Lord Mornington at once saw the danger which was likely to arise to the peace of the empire, by a conflict between the two Legislatures on the subject of the regency : and he probably asked himself the question, if the Irish Par- liament had a right to act independently of the British Parliament, and confer unlimited powers on the indi- vidual in whom the English people would not confide them, had not the Irish Parliament a right to select a totally different person as Regent, from the individual chosen by the Parliament of Great Britain 1 Lord Mornington was one of the twenty-three Irish peers who entered the following protest against the address to the Prince of Wales : " Dissentient : 1st. Because the address in question to his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, is an address requesting that he will be pleased to take upon him the government of this realm, in such man- ner as is therein mentioned ; and to exercise and administer, according to the laws and Constitution of this kingdom, all royal powers, jurisdiction, and prero- gatives to the Crown and Government thereof belong- ing, without any law or authority whatsoever, that we know of, authorizing him so to do. 2ndly. Because we are apprehensive that the said address may be construed to be a measure tending to disturb and MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 41 weaken that great constitutional Union, whereby, as fully declared, and enacted, and specified in sundry acts of Parliament in this kingdom, this realm of Ire- land is for ever united and knit to the imperial Crown of England, and as a member appending and rightfully belonging thereto. Srdly. Because, although in every sentiment of duty, aifection, and respect toward his Royal Highness, we hold ourselves equal to, and will not be exceeded by, any of those who join in the said address, or by any other person whatsoever ; and are, and ever shall be, ready to lay down our lives and fortunes in the support and maintenance of the just rights of our most gracious Sovereign, and of every branch of his royal and august family ; we cannot pay any compliment to his Royal Highness, or to any one, at the expense of what we consider as great constitu- tional principles ; and we cannot (for such are the workings of duty, affection, and respect in our breasts) join in the said address ; which may, as we are appre- hensive, bring difficulty and embarrassment upon his Royal Highness, already too much oppressed by the great calamity which hath befallen our most gracious Sovereign, his royal father." The Marquess of Buckingham, the Lord-Lieutenant, declined to transmit the addresses of the two Houses to England ; and, on a calm review of the legal and constitutional points involved in this important dis- cussion, it seems to be impossible to doubt that his Excellency acted strictly according to law. His Excel- lency the Lord-Lieutenant's reply to the upper and lower houses of the Irish Parliament was as follows : 42 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF "Mr LORDS, AND GENTLEMEN, " Under the impression which I feel of my official duty, and of the oath which I have taken, as chief Governor of Ireland, I am obliged to decline trans- mitting this address into Great Britain. For I cannot consider myself warranted to lay before the Prince of Wales an address purporting to invest his Royal Highness with powers to take upon him the govern- ment of this realm, before he shall be enabled by law to do so." * The transaction now became more complicated. Not only were the Parliaments of two countries (inse- parably united to the same Crown) at issue, but the House of Lords and House of Commons in Ireland were directly at variance with the Viceroy ! The Houses agreed to resolutions declaring their right to * The office of Regent is one unknown to the common law : and perhaps the only mode of appointing a Regent free from objections and legal difficulties, is by the authority of a prospective Act of Parliament, duly enacted by the Lords Temporal and Spiritual, the Commons, and the Crown. The Earl of Pembroke, by his own authority, assumed the Regency of Henry III. when that King was but nine years old. A guardian and Council of Regency was named for Edward III. by the Parliament which deposed his father. On the accession of Richard II., in his eleventh year, the Duke of Lancaster took upon him the manage- ment of the kingdom till Parliament met, which appointed a nominal council to assist him. Henry V., on his death-bed, named a Regent and a guardian for his infant son Henry VI., then nine months old : but the Parliament altered his disposition, and appointed a Protector and Council with a special united authority. Edward V., at the age of thirteen, was, on the recommendation of his father and the authority of the Privy Council, placed under the protectorate of the Duke of Gloucester. By two statutes passed in the reign of Henry VIII., it was provided that his successor, if a male and under eighteen, or if a female and under sixteen, should be till such age in the government of his or her natural mother (if approved by the King) and such other counsellors MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 43 appoint a Prince Regent, and passed a vote of censure on the representative of the Crown ! Lord Morning- ton, who, as a Privy Councillor, and one of the Lords of the English Treasury, exercised much influence in the counsels of the Lord-Lieutenant, vigorously supported the Marquess of Buckingham. His Lordship, together with twenty-four other peers, entered protests against the resolutions of the majority. The protest against the resolutions, voted February 1789, asserting the right of both Irish Houses to declare a Prince Regent, was as follows : " Because the undoubted right, and the indispen- sable duty, declared in the said resolution to have been exercised and discharged by the Lords and Commons of Ireland, and to which it is alleged they alone are competent, do not, in any legal or sound sense, appear to us to have any existence. And because the assum- as his Majesty should appoint : he accordingly in virtue of those enact- ments, entrusted his son Edward VI. to his sixteen executors, who elected the Earl of Hertford Protector. The statute 24 Geo. II. c. 24, in case the Crown should descend to any of the children of Frederick, late Prince of Wales, under the age of eighteen, appointed the Princess Dowager Regent ; and that, 5 Geo. III. c. 27, in case of a like descent to any of his Majesty's children, empowered the King to appoint a guardian and Regent to be assisted hy a Council of Regency ; the powers of them all being expressly defined by several acts. By 1 Wm. IV. c. 2, her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent was appointed the guardian of her daughter (her present most gracious Majesty) until she attained the age of eighteen years ; and it was also provided that the Duchess should be Regent in case of the descent of the Crown during the Queen's minority an event which, it need scarcely be remarked, did not take place. By 3 and 4 Viet. c. 52, his Royal Highness Prince Albert the Queen's august consort, is constituted guardian of any issue of Queen Victoria becoming King or Queen of these realms under the age of eighteen years, subject to various provisos. Vide Chilly's Blackstone's Com. by Hargrave. 44 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF ing a right in the Lords and Commons alone to confer upon his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales the Government of this kingdom, under the style and title of Prince Regent of Ireland, in the name and on be- half of his Majesty, to exercise and administer accord- ing to the laws and constitution of this kingdom all regal powers and prerogatives to the Crown and Govern- ment thereof belonging, or the addressing his Royal Highness to take upon himself such government in manner aforesaid, before he be enabled by law to do so, seems altogether unwarrantable, and to be highly dangerous in its tendency to disturb and break the constitutional Union whereby this realm of Ireland is for ever knit and united to the Imperial Crown of England ; on which connection the happiness of both kingdoms essentially depends ;* and we are the more apprehensive of the danger, lest the doing so should be considered as tending to the prejudice, disturbance, or derogation of the King's Majesty, in, of, or for the Crown of this realm of Ireland." The happy recovery of King George III. solved the question, and averted the dangers of the threatened collision. From this time the Earl of Mornington was admitted more closely into the confidence of the King, who expressed his warm approbation of the young statesman's conduct in the painful emergency which gave rise to these discussions ; intimating his Majesty's displeasure against those who had supported the anta- * The King of England, de facto, being the King of Ireland de jure Ireland necessarily appending and rightfully belonging to the English Crown the local legislature of Ireland was clearly incompetent to in- vest a Regent with powers which the Parliament of Great Britain had withheld from him. MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 45 gonist pretensions of the Prince of Wales by the dis- missal of the Duke of Queensberry, the Marquess of Lothian, and Lords Carteret and Malmesbury. In the year following Lord Mornington was re-elected as repre- sentative in Parliament for the borough of Windsor. * Before the year A. D. 1690, the chartered corporation of Windsor usurped the exclusive right of voting in the election of members of Par- liament ; but it was afterwards extended to all inhabitants paying scot and lot. The greatest number of electors polled at any election in Windsor, during the thirty years before the passing of the Reform Act, was 363 : in the years 1839-40, the number of parliamentary electors was 667. 4G LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF CHAPTER III. Supports Mr. Wilberforce on the Slave Trade. Opposes Mr. Dundas's Resolution for gradual Abolition. Moves an Amendment for its im- mediate Suppression is defeated. Moves a second Amendment. Denounces the traffic as infamous, bloody, and disgraceful to human nature. The Amendment supported by Mr. Pitt defeated. Clark- son's Labours Vote of the House of Commons against the Slave Trade. Lord Mornington opposes Mr. Grey's motion for Reform in Parliament, both in Spirit and Substance, Examination of his Argu- ments. Fallacy that Reform was synonymous with American Demo- cracy or French Republicanism. Eulogies on the general Spirit of the British Constitution. Mr. Fox replies ridicules Lord Mornington 's Positions. Boroughs and great Towns then unrepresented. Saltash, Beeralston, &c. compared with them. Changes since effected by Parliament. Marquess Wellesley Member of the Reform Govern- ment. 1793, sworn a Member of the English Privy Council. Ap- pointed Commissioner for Affairs of India. Devotes his attention to the posture of the British Government and native Powers in India. Confidence reposed in him by Mr. Pitt. MR. WILBERFORCE was strenuously supported, in 1792, by the Earl of Mornington, in his noble efforts to extinguish the Slave Trade. His Lordship vigorously opposed the resolutions of Mr. Dundas for the gradual abolition* of the inhuman traffic. He contended that the British Parliament had an undoubted right to abolish the trade, notwithstanding any previous sanc- * One of Mr. Dundas's resolutions was, " That from Oct. 10, 1797, duties be laid on every male negro [imported] according to his stature, from five pounds to fifteen pounds." MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 47 tion* which it might be supposed to have given.f The utility of a continuation of this inhuman commerce to the real welfare of our islands he positively denied : and conceiving the point at issue to be, in fact, a ques- tion of principle and feeling, he disdained to reason on the policy of the measure. On the 25th of April Lord Mornington moved an amendment, that the Slave Trade should end on the 1st of January 1793 ; the amendment was lost by a majority of 49 ; the numbers on the division having been, yeas 109 ; noes 158. On the 27th of April, the House having again resolved itself into committee on Mr. Dundas's resolution, "That it is the opinion of this committee, that it shall not be lawful to import any African Negroes into any of the British colonies or plantations in ships owned or navigated by British subjects, at any time after the 1st day of January 1800," Lord Mornington then moved another amendment with a view to a more immediate abolition of the Slave Trade. The noble Lord " lamented the fate of his former motion for a speedy termination of the trade which had been already condemned as criminal, inasmuch as it was repugnant to the principles of justice and hu- manity. Had he followed his feelings, he should have proposed for the total abolition of this hateful traffic * " It has the authority of Acts of Parliament passed in this country, as well as colonial laws, which recognise, if they do not confirm it, and the sanction of ancient and universal custom." Apology for Negro Slavery, 1786. t According to the law in this country even during the permitted ex- istence of the Slave Trade, a negro slave became, on the moment of touching the British soil, a free man. Vide Salkend, 666 ; and the case of the negro Somerset; State Trials, xx. 79. 48 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF the 2nd day of January 1 793, immediately after the House had determined by a majority that it should not be so on the 1st day of January 1793. He was sorry that so infamous, so bloody a traffic should exist for one hour. Upon the justice of it nothing could be said ; upon the humanity of it nothing could be said. Being destitute of principle, being hated by all good men, and, as far as regarded its justice or hu- manity, abandoned by its own advocates, what could be said on the subject 1 But lest it should be thought that he was persevering in a cause which, though good, was not likely to succeed to his wishes, he was willing to concede something to the opinions of those who differed with him, and move for a more remote period than 1793 for the abolition of a trade which he loathed and detested. He thought in his conscience that it ought not to last one hour longer ; but as he could not get the committee to think with him on this subject, he must give up his own opinion to a certain degree ; and as he could not do all the good he wished, he would do all that he could. Gentlemen had said in a former debate, that time should be allowed to the planters to cool, and to discover the truth of the assertions of those who contended that the abolition would ultimately be for their advantage. What length of time it would require to cool them, and for truth to make its way among the planters, while the liberty and happiness of thousands were exposed to invasion during the tedious process, it was impossible for him to say. If he were to put the question mathematically, he would say, ' The force of truth being given, and the hardness of a planter's heart MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 49 being ascertained, in what space of time will the for- mer be able to penetrate the latter f For his part, he was free to say that he had known great numbers of planters of the clearest heads, and most quick and lively conceptions ; and he believed they were, in ge- neral, persons who would not be the last to discover the truth of a proposition. On this occasion, however, he meant to allow them two years; and he would ask whe- ther (if all that was wanted was to convince the planters that the abolition would not injure them) two years would not do as well as seven ? He believed the com- mittee would be of opinion, that the time proposed for the purpose of convincing their judgment was much too long ; for that, in point of fact, they were con- vinced already ; and it was nothing but mean and sordid avarice that induced them to wish for the con- tinuance of this abominable, infamous, bloody traffic this commerce in human flesh this spilling of human blood this sacrifice of human right this insolence to justice this outrage to humanity this disgrace to human nature ! Private follies from habit had some- times been excused by the charitable ; they aifected chiefly those who displayed them ; they were objects of compassion to some, and from the most severe they met nothing but ridicule : but for crimes, and those of the most public, notorious, hateful, detested nature, nothing could be said as an excuse or palliative. Every hour that this nefarious traffic was allowed to be continued was a disgrace to Great Britain." Mr. Pitt supported his friend on this occasion. He urged the committee to adopt Lord Mornington's reso- lution, " That the Slave Trade do cease from the first of VOL. I. E 50 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF January, 1795.' "I feel," said Mr. Pitt, "the infamy of the trade so heavily, the impolicy of it so clearly, that I am ashamed I have not been able to convince the House to abandon it altogether at an instant to pro- nounce, with one voice, the immediate and total abo- lition. There is no excuse for us, seeing this infernal traffic as we do. It is the very death of justice to utter a syllable in support of it !" Yet the eloquence of these two great men, which must have made the hearts of the man-stealers quail within them, could do no more than induce the committee to adopt the year 1796 as the time for the abolition of the legalized commerce in the human species.* In the following year we find Lord Mornington, with more questionable judgment, opposing Mr. Grey's motion for a reform in Parliament. On the 7th of May, 1793, his Lordship addressed the House of Com- mons " against the whole spirit and substance" of the proposition submitted by Mr. Grey. The purpose of those who supported the measure then the subject of debate, said his Lordship, " was to change, not the administration only, but the very genius and spirit of the British Government ; to separate those elementary- principles of monarchy, of aristocracy, and of demo- cracy, which are now mixed and blended in the * In looking back to the history of the Abolition of the Slave Trade, it is impossible not to revert with a feeling of admiration to the early labours of that venerable and distinguished advocate of the rights of human nature, THOMAS CLARKSON, Esq., Playford Hall, Suffolk, who still lives in honoured old age to witness the fruit of that great harvest for which he broke up and tilled the ground, by his celebrated prize essay at Cambridge University, On the Slavery and Commerce of the Human Species, and his subsequent publications. MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 51 frame of this House, and, by combining them again ac- cording to some new and different rule of proportion, to create a system of which we at present know no- thing more than that it is to be new in its texture, and wholly different in its effects, upon the existing order of our happy constitution. A project so stated, and of such extent, has not been agitated in Parlia- ment during the present century ; and it is a duty which we all owe to the present and succeeding times, to pause and to deliberate with the utmost caution be- fore we consent even to take the first step towards a measure of such powerful effect, and of such lasting consequences. Before we part with those foundations on which the Government has been so long settled, it becomes us to recollect what that is which we are about to destroy, and to ascertain, as far as human foresight can enable us, what is likely to be substituted in its place." Lord Mornington eulogized enthusiastically, some perhaps will think extravagantly, considering the cir- cumstances under which his Lordship spoke, the British Constitution ; and dwelt with great force upon the admitted excellences of the body of our municipal laws. " Never," said he, " under any distribution of political power of which the memory has reached us, or of which we now see the operation, have the true ends of society been so effectually accomplished, or so long preserved, as under that Government which it is the professed design of this motion to change. Under that Government the life of every individual is secured by the mild and equal spirit of the law ; by the pure ad- ministration of justice ; by the admirable institution K 2 52 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF of juries; and by the gracious and equitable exercise of that prerogative which is the brightest ornament of the British Crown the power of mitigating the rigour of criminal judgments, and of causing law and justice to be executed in mercy. Under that Government the liberty of the subject is established on the same foun- dations, and protected by the same safeguards, which maintain the whole system of order in the State ; it is a temperate and rational liberty, inseparably connected with all the most sacred duties of society ; and while it adds new force to every civil, every moral, and every religious obligation, it derives from them its most pow- erful activity and its most substantial strength. Rest- ing on such foundations, and united with all the virtues and with all the genuine interests both of the Monarch and the people, it has long remained inviolate ; and it seems to contain every principle of stability which can enter into the frame of any human institution ; for it can neither be abused by the subject nor invaded by the Crown, without equal hazard to the safety of both; without endangering some fundamental principle of private tranquillity and domestic comfort on the one hand, or without disturbing the harmony and impairing the vigour of the monarchy on the other." Lord Mornington, in opposing Mr. Grey's motion, pressed upon his hearers the inestimable advantages which every subject of this realm enjoyed the safety of his life, his liberty, and his property ; and seemed to hint that the adoption of Mr. Grey's measure might possibly place these blessings in jeopardy : " What- ever might be contended to be the defective state of the representation in theory, it is an undeniable fact, MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 53 proved by daily and almost hourly experience, that there is no interest in the kingdom, however inconsi- derable, which does not find some advocate in the House of Commons to recommend it to the attention of the Legislature. From the same sources are necessarily derived the wealth, the power, and the splendour of the empire : it is the sense of safety, it is the confidence reposed in the protection of the Government, which have encouraged the subject to adventure the fruits of his industry and skill in those enterprises of agricul- ture, of commerce, and of manufactures, which, in the various stages of their progress, contribute equally to the profit of individuals and the prosperity of the State. From the united effects of all these circum- stances, the collective interests of the empire have been in a progressive state of improvement ever since the period of the Revolution." After alluding to the depression which followed the American war, his Lord- ship added, " thus, with all the imperfections and irregularities of this reprobated frame of Parliament, the nation has risen from the lowest state of humili- ation and adversity ' More glorious and more dread than from no fall, And trusts herself to fear no second fate.' " Lord Mornington, after dwelling with much force on this branch of the question, painted in strong colours the blood-stained government of revolutionary France : " Although questions of great magnitude and import- ance have engaged the attention of the House since the affairs of France have been the immediate subject of deliberation, the Hon. Gentleman will find that a topic 54 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF leading to such serious reflections, and furnishing such useful lessons, has not been so soon effaced from the memory of this House or of the country : the business of this day must revive every passage of those transac- tions with the most direct and forcible application to the present question. It will be pressed home to the recollection and to the feeling of every British subject, that a change in the existing Government (the avowed object of this motion), was the great revolutionary machine, by the working of which our enemies trusted to have reduced this happy people to the level of their own miserable condition. ' Commemoratio illius sce- leris intermissa est, non memoria deleta, dum genus humanum, dum populi Romani nomen exstabit, (quod quidem erit, si per illos licuerit, sempiternum), ilia pes- tifera intercessio nominabitur.' " Mr. Fox, in his reply, contended that the sovereign remedy for the discontents of the people was Represen- tation. Alluding to its effects in former times, in the cases of Wales, Chester, and Durham, he remarked " When the day-star of the English Constitution had arisen in their hearts, all was harmony within and without" " Simul alba nautis Stella refulsit, Defluit saxis agitatus humor ; Concidunt venti, fugiuntque nubes, Et minax (quod sic voluere) ponto Unda recumbit." Mr. Fox, turning to Lord Mornington's argument, said : " the Noble Lord had discovered that Rousseau, in his Social Compact, had said a very extravagant thing ! He was not very well qualified to judge, for he had MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 55 found the beginning of the Social Compact so extrava- gant that he could not read it through, but he believed it was one of the most extravagant of that author's works. He did not mean to say that the Noble Lord had produced an extravagant saving from Rousseau as a novelty; but it was somewhat remarkable, that an ex- travagant thing from the most extravagant work of an extravagant foreign author, should be produced as an argument against a reform in the representation of the people of Great Britain." In answer to those who con- tended that that was not the right time to enter on an inquiry into the state of the representation, Mr. Fox quoted, with much effect, the poet's raillery on some noble Earl " Let that be wrought which Mat doth say : Yea, quoth the Erie, but not to-day." In these days, when the principles resisted by the Earl of Mornington in 1793 are the established law of the land,* when the changes then denounced as preg- nant with danger to the constitution have been for- mally adopted by the Legislature, without producing any of the consequences that it was supposed would follow from them, it is difficult to conceive how any intelligent, unbiassed person could have concealed from himself the necessity of the proposed reform in the representation of the country the desirableness of which had been pointed out by the great constitutional authority Mr. Justice Blackstone.f The Earl of Mornington, in 1793, witnessed with concern and alarm the giant strides of democracy in neighbouring states, and recoiled, naturally enough, from the wild * 2 and 3 Wm. IV. c. 45. t Com. vol. I. chap. n. 56 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF projects of the designing knaves and mischievous enthu- siasts, who mix themselves up with every important movement : but on what principle could Lord Morn- ington defend the system that gave to Beeralston the population of which " borough" had arrived at the vanishing point in 1832 the power of sending members to Parliament, while Manchester, with all its wealth, population, and energetic industry with its 100,000 souls had not the power of electing a mem- ber ? * The fallacy of his Lordship's argument con- sisted in this, that the adoption of Mr. Grey's proposal * The following is a list of the great towns which were unrepresented in Parliament when Lord Mornington opposed Mr. Grey's motion, and which were empowered by 2 and 3 Win. IV. c. 45, to return Members : NEW BOROUGHS TO RETURN TWO MEMBERS TO PARLIAMENT. Population. Population, Manchester . 187,022 Lambeth . 203,329 Birmingham 142,251 Bolton . 41,195 Leeds . . 123,323 Bradford . 23,233 Greenwich 62,009 Blackburn . . 27,091 Sheffield . 90,657 Brighton . 40,684 Sunderland 43,078 Halifax . 15,382 Devonport . . 44,454 Macclesfield 23,129 Wolverhampton 67,414 Oldham . 50,513 Tower Hamlets . 359,820 Stockport . 25,469 Finsbury 244,077 Stoke-upon- Trent . . 52,946 Marylebone . . 240,294 Stroud 13,721 * The population of Saltash, for which Lord Mornington had been returned, was three thousand and twenty-nine : Beeralston, for which his Lordship previously sat, was, according to the parliamentary returns, a perfect blank. The whole of the fifty-six disfranchised boroughs were decayed, insignificant places ; the right to nominate members for which was considered the private property of certain great individuals ! Yet it was the theory of the constitution " that all elections of Members of Parliament ought to be free to be made with an entire liberty without any sort of force, OR THE REQUIRING THE ELECTORS TO CHOOSE SUCH PER- SONS AS SHALL BE NAMED TO THEM." MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 57 for a constitutional reform in Parliament or a resti- tution of rights recognized in the ancient laws of the country involved the reception of the wild theories and profligate maxims of J. J. Rousseau, and the vir- tual establishment of the ultra- democratic doctrines and godless system of Thomas Paine. It must be ad- mitted, that the political changes in progress in Europe when his Lordship came forward as the oppo- nent of Mr. Grey's measure of Reform were calculated to excite alarm, even in the breast of the most enthu- siastic reformer ; but the evils which had fallen on neighbouring nations ought to have served as a warn- ing to the British Legislature, to apply a timely remedy to notorious evils, and not to trifle with popular dis- content till it had been inflamed into settled rancour, eager for an opportunity of vengeance and deliverance ! The Earl of Mornington lived to see the groundlessness of the apprehensions which he entertained in 1793 ; and by a singular coincidence was, as Marquess Wel- lesley, a member of the Government which, in 1832, under the guidance of his old opponent, then Earl NEW BOROUGHS TO RETURN ONE MEMBER TO PARLIAMENT. Population. Population. Ashton-under-Lyne . 33,597 Salford 50,810 Bury 15,086 South Shields . 18,756 Chatham . 19,000 Tynemouth 16,926 Cheltenham 22,942 Wakefield . . 12,232 Dudley . . . 23,043 Walsall . 15,060 Frome 12,270 Warrington . . 16,018 Gateshead . 15,177 Whitby . 10,399 Huddersfield 31,041 Whitehaven , . 17,808 Kidderminster . 14,981 Merthyr Tydvil . 30,000 Kendal , 11,265 Rochdale . 25,764 58 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF Grey, carried the Reform Bill.* His Lordship's speech, however, to which we have referred, was cal- culated to exalt him in the estimation of both the King and his Lordship's colleagues ; and accordingly we find that soon afterwards, 21st June 1793, he was sworn a member of the English Privy Council ; and was ap- pointed a Commissioner for the affairs of India, an office which was peculiarly adapted to prepare him for the efficient discharge of the high duties which after- wards devolved upon him as Governor General of India. Mr. Pitt's Bill of 1784 appointed six Privy Council- lors to be Commissioners for the affairs of India ; of whom, one of the Secretaries of State for the time being was President. These Commissioners, who were appointed by his Majesty, and removable at his plea- sure, were vested with a control and superintendence over all civil, military, and revenue officers of the East India Company ; and the Directors of that corporation were obliged to lay before them all papers relative to the management of their possessions ; and to obey all orders which they received from them, on points con- nected with their civil or military government, or the revenues of their territories. The Commissioners were obliged to return the copies of papers which they received from the Directors in fourteen days, with their approbation, or to state at large their reasons for disapproving of them ; and their dispatches, so approved or amended, were to be sent to India, unless the Commissioners should attend to any represen- * The Marquess Wellesley was Lord Steward in Earl Grey's Ministry, 22nd Nov. 1830. MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 59 tations of the Court of Directors, respecting further alterations in them. Lord Mornington applied himself with his charac- teristic diligence to a thorough study of the various interests of our Indian empire ; and obtained a mas- terly and comprehensive knowledge of the relations of the several states to the British Government, as well as the power, resources, and position of the several parties in the Peninsula. He acquainted himself, as far as possible, with the details of every fact bearing upon the commerce, the government, and the laws of the coun- try ; and with the instinctive sagacity of great genius, pondered upon the future destiny and the possible exi- gencies of Hindostan. It has been already mentioned, that the first subject on which Lord Mornington spoke in the British House of Commons was that of India. He appears to have directed his attention to it from the beginning of his career in the English Parliament ; and very probably regarded the post of Commissioner for the affairs of India as a stepping-stone to the splendid appointment of Governor-General. The no- mination of Lord Mornington to the Board of Control at this period when the public mind was so much excited by the discussions in Parliament on the India Bills, shows the confidence which Mr. Pitt and the Government reposed in the judgment and discretion of that nobleman, then in the thirty-fourth year of his 60 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF CHAPTER IV. The War with France. Difficulty of deciding whether War might honourably have been avoided, or not. The right of the French to depose the Power that violated their fundamental Laws and the Prin- ciples of Natural Justice. The French originally justified in their Proceedings. Events become complicated, and the question in rela- tion to Great Britain altered. Palliating circumstances of the French Revolution considered. Publications of Burke, Macintosh, and Erskine Death of Louis XVI. The French Ambassador required to quit the Kingdom. Message from the King to Parliament to aug- ment the Forces. In ten days afterwards the fact of War communi- cated to both Houses. Opening of Parliament, January 1794. Ad- dress to the Crown on the War. Lord Mornington's great Speech, reviewing the Revolution, exhibiting its progress, and tracing the Revolutionary Government step by step, holding up to reprobation all the atrocities, blasphemies, violence, perfidy, and cruelty that were enacted in France ; pointing out the spirit of aggression and wanton violation of the Laws of Nations that animated the French, and urging upon the Parliament, by every consideration that could be sup- posed to influence Englishmen, to support the Crown in carrying on with becoming energy this just and necessary War. Effect of the Speech on the House. Mr. Sheridan's brilliant reply lo Lord Morn- ington. Mr. Wyndham and Mr. Dundas defend Lord Mornington. Mr. Fox criticises his Lordship's Speech. Mr. Pitt warmly eulogises it. The effects of the French Revolution on the mind of Europe considered. THAT the war with France in 1793 might have been delayed, or in some way avoided, few will now be dis- posed to question ; but whether, under all the circum- stances, it could have been evaded without compro- mising the monarchical principle in Europe, without MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 61 danger to the permanent, political, and commercial interests of Great Britain, and without the injury to the constitution of this kingdom, which would pro- bably have followed from a fraternizing with French atheism and democracy, it is more difficult to decide. That the French had a right to reform or remodel their constitution, no Englishman could deny, without reproaching his ancestors, who had declared that King Richard the Second had broken the original contract between the Sovereign and people, violated the funda- mental laws of this realm, and by misgoverninent for- feited the Crown; and who then, by the authority of Parliament, conferred that Crown, with multiplied legal solemnities, on Bolingbroke, afterwards King Henry the Fourth. That the French were fully justified in hold- ing an inquisition on the Government that had fla- grantly abused the power which it possessed, by gross and grievous oppressions, and had subverted the fundamental laws of France, it is impossible to doubt with the great precedent of 1688, sanctioning and confirming the principle laid down by the English Parliament in 1399, before us, declaring the throne vacant, and summoning thereunto William Prince of Orange and his wife Mary. If the French were jus- tified, according to the principles of natural justice and the law of nations, in proceeding to re-adjust their Government, it is quite obvious that the coalition of the Kings of Europe in 1792, for the purpose of in- vading the frontiers of France, and constraining her inhabitants to alter the form of government they had chosen, was utterly indefensible. That coalition was both a crime and a blunder an act of imbecility and 62 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF folly, and a daring infringement of the jus gentium. To it may be traced much of the savage phrenzy, the terrible atrocities, and the unspeakable villany that were developed in the later stages of the French revo- lution. Much was said of French propagandism : but what evoked that fell spirit 1 Those who based the justification of the war with France upon the aggres- sions which the French committed, might have recol- lected that the Anti-Gallican coalition had provoked those aggressions, and that in the month of July 1792, the following important proposition was sub- mitted to Great Britain by the Government of France : " The steps taken by the cabinet of Vienna amongst the different Powers, and principally amongst the Allies of his Britannic Majesty, in order to engage them in a quarrel which is foreign to them, are known to all Europe. If public report even were to be credited, its successes at the Court of Berlin pre- pare the way for others in the United Provinces ; the threats held out to the different members of the Germanic party to make them deviate from that wise neutrality which their political situation and their dearest interests prescribe to them ; the arrangements taken with the different sovereigns of Italy to deter- mine them to act hostilely against France ; and, lastly, the intrigues by which Russia has been induced to arm against the constitution of Poland ; everything points out fresh marks of a vast conspiracy against free states, which seems to threaten to precipitate Europe in universal war. The consequences of such a confe- deracy, formed by the concurrence of powers who have been so long rivals, will be easily felt by his Britannic MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 63 Majesty ; the balance of Europe, the independence of the different Powers, the general peace, every consi- sideration which at all times has fixed the attention of the English Government, is at once exposed and threat- ened. The King of the French presents these serious and important considerations to the solicitude and to the friendship of his Britannic Majesty. Strongly penetrated with the marks of interest and affection which he has received from him, he invites him to seek, in his wisdom, in his situation, and in his influence, means compatible with the independence of the French nation, to stop, while it is still time, the progress of that confederacy which equally threatens the peace, the liberty, the happiness of Europe; and above all, to dissuade from all accession to this project, those of his Allies whom it may be wished to draw into it, or who may have been already drawn into it, from fear, seduc- tion, and different pretexts of the falsest as well of the most odious policy." His Britannic Majesty declined the proposed mediation, observing, "the same senti- ments which have determined him not to take a part in the internal affairs of France, ought equally to induce him to respect the rights and independence of other sovereigns, and especially his Allies." There was something so exasperating in the idea of foreign intervention ; something so repugnant to the feelings of a brave people, in an attempt to overawe and coerce them on the part of foreign Potentates, that we can scarcely wonder at the tremendous energy with which the whole French population rose in resistance to the coalition of Kings, nor be surprised at the mad excesses committed by men who had been goaded into 64 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF hostilities with all Europe, and compelled to assume the offensive in order to preserve their own existence. But, in estimating the part taken by the Earl of Moruington at this unparalleled crisis, it is not enough to look at the circumstances which tend to palliate the atrocities of the excited populace of France. The question is, was the war, which has entailed upon Great Britain and Ireland an enormous debt, and which cost this kingdom some of its best blood, necessary and justifiable 1 ? In this great controversy, in which Burke, Mackintosh, and Erskine were the literary combatants,* and in which Mornington, Pitt, Fox, * See Reflections on the Revolution in France, p. 51 ; and a Regicide Peace, by the Right Hon. Edmund Burke. Vindicia: Gallicee, by James Mackintosh, of Lincoln's Inn, Esquire. Observations on the War with France, by the Hon. Thomas Erskine. " The French Revolution," observes Mr. Thomas Moore, in speaking of the first of these remarkable publications, "still continued, by its comet- like course to dazzle, alarm, and disturb all Europe. Mr. Burke had published his celebrated ' Reflections' in the month of Nov. 1790, and never did any work, with the exception perhaps of the ' Eikon Basilike,' produce such a rapid, deep, and general sensation. The Eikon was the book of a king, and this might in another sense be called the book of kings ! Not only in England, but throughout all Europe in every part of which monarchy was now trembling for its existence this lofty appeal to loyalty was heard and welcomed. Its effect upon the already tottering Whig party, was like that of ' the voice' in the ruins of Rome's ' departing towers.' The whole fabric of the old Rockingham confe- deracy shook to its base. Even some, who afterwards recovered their equilibrium, at first yielded to the eloquence of this extraordinary book, which, like the era of chivalry, whose loss it deplores, mixes a grandeur with error, and throws a charm round political superstition, that will long render its pages a sort of region of royal romance to which fancy will have recourse for illusions that have lost their last hold on the reason." Mr. (afterwards Lord) Erskine, in alluding to the same work, says, *' differing wholly from Mr. Burke, and lamenting the conse- quences of his late writings, I always think of the works and of the author in this kind of temper. Indeed, when I look into my own mind I MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 65 Sheridan, and the other " chiefs of the eloquent war," exerted the whole power of their Parliamentary rhetoric, it becomes us to speak with great diffidence. Origi- nally France had justice on her side ; she had unques- tionably the right which, according to law of nature and nations, every independent state hath and must have, to regulate her own internal affairs. And not only was France originally in the right, (viewing the matter in relation to foreign countries,) but the confe- deracy of the Allies was clearly in the wrong. The proclamations of the Duke of Brunswick were vio- lations of international law ; the fact that certain German Princes were the proprietors of property in Alsace, could afford no justification to an invasion for the purpose of maintaining feudal rights by the means of a foreign force, in opposition to the national will, as declared in the legislature. We may go further, and assert the general expediency and necessity of a revolution in the government of France ; and admit that a heavy responsibility rested upon those emigrant nobles and clergy who, instead of remaining at home, as the bulk of the English nobility did during the usurpation of Cromwell, to moderate and assuage the find its best lights and principles fed from that immense magazine of moral and political wisdom which he has left as an inheritance to man- kind for their instruction, I feel myself repelled by an awful and grate- ful sensibility from petulantly approaching him." Mackintosh pays a similar tribute to the genius of his great antagonist : " Argument every- where dexterous and specious, sometimes grave and profound, clothed in the most rich and various imagery, and aided by the most pathetic and picturesque description, speaks the opulence and the powers of that mind of which age has neither dimmed the descernment nor en- feebled the fancy, neither repressed the ardour, nor narrowed the range." Vindicite Gallicce. VOL. I, F 66 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF feelings of the people, basely deserted the post of dan- ger and of duty; filling Europe with their lamenta- tions, and inviting foreigners to invade their native land, and by force of arms restore the ancient tyranny which the French nation had discarded. So far we can go with the opponents of the war.* But when we * The feelings of a great portion of the English people with reference to the French Revolution on its first outbreak, and the revulsion which followed, is well expressed in the following fine stanzas of Coleridge : " When France in wrath her giant limbs upreared, And with that oath, which smote air, earth, and sea, Stamped her strong foot and said she would be free, Bear witness for me, how I hoped and feared ! With what a joy my lofty gratulation Unawed I sang, amid a slavish band : And when to whelm the disenchanted nation, Like fiends embattled by a wizard's wand The monarchs marched in evil day, And Britain joined the dire array ; Though dear her shores and circling ocean, Though many friendships, many youthful loves Had swoll'n the patriot emotion, And flung a magic light o'er all her hills and groves ; Yet still my voice, unaltered, sang defeat To all that braved the tyrant-quelling lance, And shame too long delayed, and vain retreat ! For ne'er, O Liberty ! with partial aim I dimmed thy light or damped thy holy flame ; But blessed the paeans of delivered France, And hung my head and wept at Britain's name. ******* Forgive me, Freedom ! O forgive those dreams ! I hear thy voice, I hear thy loud lament, From bleak Helvetia's icy cavern sent I hear thy groans upon her blood-stained streams ! Heroes, that for your peaceful country perished, And ye that, fleeing, spot your mountain-snows With bleeding wounds ; forgive me, that I cherished One thought that ever blessed your cruel foes ! To scatter rage, and traitorous guilt, Where Peace her jealous home had built ; MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 67 find the French passing the Rubicon occupying the Netherlands seizing upon the sea-ports of Belgium annexing that country to France, and thus menacing the maritime supremacy of England ; when we see French emissaries endeavouring to excite revolution in Great Britain, and to establish an independent Galli- cised republic in Ireland ; not only murdering their King and Queen, and committing such inhuman atroci- ties and freaks of anarchical fury, as to render it incumbent on surrounding nations, on the principle of self-preservation, to interfere, but publicly proclaim- ing war against the principle of kingly government and religion, and in the name of the National Assembly of France offering their protection and alliance to all nations desirous of recovering their liberties i. e. of cashiering kings and priests ; above all, when we recol- lect that the French revolutionary government struck the first blow, that the mass of the French people became possessed and infatuated with a desire for rapine, pillage, and foreign war, and that England A patriot race to disinherit Of all that made their stormy wilds so dear ; And with inexpiable spirit To taint the bloodless freedom of the mountaineer O France, that mockest Heaven, adulterous, blind, And patriot only in pernicious toils, Are these thy boasts, champion of human kind ? To mix with kings in the low lust of sway, Yell in the hunt, and share the murderous prey ; To insult the shrine of Liberty with spoils From freemen torn ; to tempt and to betray ? The sensual and the dark rebel in vain, - Slaves by their own compulsion ! In mad game They burst their manacles and wear the name Of Freedom, graven on a heavier chain ! F 2 68 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF was the oldest, the most constant, and the most power- ful of the enemies of France, and therefore an object of hatred to a vain and excited people, it would be diffi- cult to censure the policy so warmly and so ably recommended by the Earl of Mornington in 1794, of which, as we shall soon see, his Lordship was recognised as the most conspicuous champion. That policy was bold, vigorous, decided, and adequate to the occasion. If it has left to us the responsibility of a heavy debt, it has transmitted to us the noble and venerable fabric of the British Constitution unim- paired ; it consolidated the English empire in all its parts, preserved and extended the commerce of Eng- land, established and confirmed the naval supremacy of this nation, brought into play the great mental energies and astonishing resources of this kingdom, and added lustre to the renown of the British arms ; it restored the balance of power in Europe, we may add, it saved British India, and it preserved us from the pest of having a godless levelling democracy * estab- lished in the neighbourhood of our shores ! The part sustained by Lord Mornington, with refer- ence to the war with France, established his character as one of the most able politicians of his time ; and, it will be found, most materially influenced the course of his policy when at the head of the government of * It is not here meant that democracy is necessarily godless and level- ling. In the United States there are great inequalities of property ; and the general character of the people is decidedly religious. The Ameri- cans achieved their revolution wisely and righteously ; they proceeded soberly ; adhering to the great bulk of the laws and customs of their ancestors (see Kent's Commentaries) ; and notwithstanding Paine's Age of Reason, never abjured Christianity, or threw off the restraints of re- ligion. MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 69 India. His great speech in the House of Commons in 1794, to which Mr. Sheridan replied in a strain of brilliant raillery and remarkable earnestness of feeling, created a profound sensation throughout the nation ; it vindicated the policy of the Government, of which his Lordship formed a part, with singular ability ; placing before the country, in all its bearings, the merits of the question at issue between Great Britain and France. The tragical death of the unfortunate French King, Louis XVI., created one general sentiment of indigna- tion and abhorrence in every part of the kingdom. It was immediately followed by the annexed note from Lord Grenville, the Foreign Minister, to M. Chauvelin the French Minister Plenipotentiary in England, ordering him in the course of eight days to quit this realm : " I am charged to notify to you, Sir, that the cha- racter with which you have been invested at this Court, and the functions of which have been so long suspended, being now entirely terminated by the fatal death of his late most Christian Majesty, you have no more any public character here. The King can no longer, after such an event, permit your residence here. His Majesty has thought fit to order that you should retire from this kingdom within the term of eight days ; and I herewith transmit to you a copy of the order, which his Majesty in his Privy Council has given to this effect. I send you a passport for yourself and your suite ; and I shall not fail to take all the other necessary steps in order that you may return to France with all the attentions which are due to the 70 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF character of Minister Plenipotentiary from his most Christian Majesty, which you have exercised at this Court. " I have the honour to be, &c., " GRENVILLE." " Dated, Whitehall, January 24th, 1793." Four days after the date of this note, the King sent down a message to the House of Commons, in which, after alluding to " the atrocious act recently perpe- trated at Paris," his Majesty observed, " In the present situation of affairs, his Majesty thinks it indispensably necessary to make a further augmentation of his forces by sea and land ; and relies on the known affection and zeal of the House of Commons to enable his Majesty to take the most effectual measures in the present important conjuncture, for maintaining the security and rights of his own dominions, for support- ing his allies, and for opposing views of aggrandize- ment and ambition on the part of France, which would be at all times dangerous to the general interests of Europe, but are peculiarly so when connected with the propagation of principles which lead to the violation of the most sacred duties, and are utterly subversive of the peace and order of all civil society/' Mr. Pitt, in the debate on this message, spoke of the death of Louis as " a subject which, for the honour of human nature, it would be better, if possible, to dismiss from our memories, to expunge from the page of history, and to conceal it both now and hereafter from the observation of the world : " Excidat ille dies aevo, neu postera credant Secula ; nos certe taeeamus, et obruta multa Nocte tegi nostrae patiamur erimina gentis." MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 71 Up to this moment England had maintained a strict neutrality ; during the previous summer France was en- gaged in war with Austria and Prussia, but this coun- try abstained from taking any part in it. The aggran- dizements of France in Savoy and the Netherlands, in defiance of several solemn engagements entered into with England, and the declarations of members of the French Government of an intention to excite a revolu- tion in this kingdom, altered the posture of affairs, and suggested an immediate augmentation of the forces. Ten days after the message from which we have quoted, another royal message was sent down to Parliament, to the following effect : " GEORGE R. " His Majesty thinks proper to acquaint the House of Commons that the assembly now exercising the powers of government in France have, without pre- vious notice, directed acts of hostility to be committed against the persons and property of his Majesty's sub- jects, in breach of the law of nations and the most po- sitive stipulations of treaty ; and have since, on the most groundless pretences, actually declared war against his Majesty and the United Provinces. Under the circumstances of this wanton and unprovoked aggres- sion, his Majesty has taken the necessary steps to main- tain the honour of his Crown, and to vindicate the rights of his people ; and his Majesty relies with con- fidence on the firm and effectual support of the House of Commons, and on the zealous exertions of a brave and a loyal people, in prosecuting a just and necessary war, and in endeavouring, under the blessing of Provi- 72 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF dence, to oppose an effectual barrier to the farther pro- gress of a system which strikes at the security and peace of all independent nations, and is pursued in open defiance of every principle of moderation, good faith, humanity, and justice. " In a cause of such general concern, his Majesty has every reason to hope for the cordial co-operation of those powers who are united with his Majesty in the ties of alliance, and who feel an interest in preventing the extension of anarchy and confusion, and in contri- buting to the security and tranquillity of Europe. " G. R." In all the responsibilities arising from these grave events, the Earl of Mornington bore a part, his Lord- ship being, at that time, one of the Lords of the Trea- sury, and an influential member of the Government. On the opening of Parliament on the 21st of January, 1794, a most important and memorable debate took place on the original policy and the progress of the war. The discussion originated in the motion for an address of thanks to the King, in answer to his Ma- jesty's speech.* The ministerial champion was Lord * " That an humble address be presented to his Majesty to return his Majesty the thanks of this House, for his most gracious speech from the Throne. " To assure his Majesty that the circumstances under which we are assembled will not fail to command our most serious attention, as we are sensible that, on the issue of the contest in which we are engaged, depends the maintenance of our Constitution, laws, and religion, and the security of all civil society. " That we have observed with satisfaction the advantages which have been obtained by the arms of the allied powers in different parts of Eu- rope, and the change which has taken place in the general situation of MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 73 Mormngton, the leading advocate for amity with France, Mr. Sheridan ; Pitt and Fox being content to play subordinate parts on the occasion. We have the advantage of having a copy of Lord Mornington's affairs upon the Continent, since the commencement of the war : and that we must in a particular manner congratulate his Majesty on the valuable possessions which have heen acquired from the enemy ; on the undisputed superiority at sea, which has enabled his Majesty to afford such effectual protection to the commerce of his subjects ; and on the important and decisive blow which has been given to the naval power of his enemies, under circumstances which reflect the highest honour upon the conduct, abilities, and spirit of his Majesty's commanders, officers, and forces, both by sea and land. " That the system from which our enemies have derived the means of temporary exertion, founded as it is upon the violation of every principle of justice, humanity, and religion, evidently productive of internal discon- tent and confusion in France, and tending rapidly to exhaust the natural and real strength of that country, appears to prove, in the strongest man- ner, the necessity of vigour and perseverance on our part, and to afford in itself a just expectation of ultimate success. " That we must undoubtedly join with your Majesty in regretting the necessary continuance of the war ; but we are persuaded that it would be inconsistent with the essential interests of his Majesty's subjects to look to the restoration of peace on any grounds but such as may provide for their permanent safety, and for the independence and security of Europe : and it is impossible for us not to perceive that the attainment of these ends is obstructed by the prevalence of a system in France equally incompatible with the happiness of that country and with the tranquillity of all other nations. " That we acknowledge his Majesty's goodness in having directed to be laid before us copies of the Declaration which his Majesty has thought proper to issue, and also of the several Conventions and Treaties which his Majesty has concluded. " That we most cordially rejoice that his Majesty has so much reason to reflect with satisfaction on the steady loyalty and firm attachment to the established Constitution and Government, which, notwithstanding the continued efforts employed to mislead and to seduce, have been so gene- rally prevalent amongst all ranks of his Majesty's subjects. That the zeal and alacrity of the militia to provide for our internal defence, and the distinguished bravery and spirit displayed on every occasion by his Majesty's forces, both by sea and land, are the natural result of these 74 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF speech, corrected by his Lordship himself, and pub- lished in a pamphlet in 1794, under his own direction. It deserves to be remarked, as a singular coincidence, that the only speech ever known to have been cor- rected for publication by Mr. Sheridan was the speech in reply to Lord Mornington, delivered during this debate. sentiments, and might well be expected from a brave and free people, animated by the example of his Majesty's illustrious progeny, and sen- sible of the value of those blessings which it is the object of all our exer- tions to preserve. " That although we must at all times lament the necessity of any additional burthens, we feel it our indispensable duty to make a speedy and ample provision for the public service ; and that we steadily en- deavour to defray those expenses which the exigencies of the time must require, in such a manner as to avoid as far as possible any pressure which could be severely felt by the nation. " That his Majesty may be assured that in all our deliberations we can never lose sight of the true grounds and origin of the war : we have been called upon by every motive of duty and self preservation to repel an attack upon his Majesty and his allies, founded upon principles which tend to destroy all property, to subvert the laws and religion of every civilized nation, and to introduce universally that wild and destructive system of rapine, anarchy, and impiety, the effects of which, as they have already been manifested in France, furnish a dreadful but useful lesson to the present age and to posterity. " That we are sensible that the discountenance or relaxation of our exertions could hardly procure even a short interval of delusive repose, and could never terminate in security or peace ; and we trust that all his Majesty's subjects, impressed with the necessity of defending what- ever is dear to them, and relying with confidence on the valour and resources of their country, on the combined efforts of so large a part of Europe, and above all on the incontestable justice of their cause, will study to render their conduct a contrast to that of their enemies ; and by cultivating and practising the principles of humanity, and the duties of religion, will endeavour to merit the continuance of the divine favour and protection which have been so eminently experienced by these kingdoms." The address was proposed by Lord Clifden, and seconded by Sir Peter Burrell. MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 75 Lord Mornington began his address by drawing the attention of Parliament to the impossibility of retreat- ing from the contest in which they had engaged. " If," said his Lordship, " the present juncture of our affairs afforded us a free option between war and peace ; if the necessity which originally compelled us to engage in the present contest had ceased, and the question for our deliberation on this day were merely, whether we should return to the secure and uninterrupted enjoy- ment of a flourishing commerce, of an overflowing re- venue, of tranquil liberty at home, and of respect and honour abroad ; or whether, on the other hand, we should wantonly commit to the doubtful chance of arms all those accumulated blessings ; no man could hesitate one moment in deciding on such an alternative. To us, more especially, no other guide would be neces- sary than our own recent experience. "Within our own memory, the country has passed with such rapid steps from the lowest state of adversity to the utmost degree of opulence, splendour, and power, that all our minds must be furnished with whatever useful lessons are to be drawn from either fortune. We all know and have felt what may be lost by the calamities of war, and what may be gained by a wise improvement of the ad- vantages of peace. But whether I revert to the grounds and origin of this war, whether I look forward to the probable issue of the contest, or fix my attention on the inevitable effects of any attempt to abandon it in the present crisis, my judgment is drawn to the painful but irresistible conclusion, that no such alternative is now before us. Our choice must now be made between the vigorous prosecution of our present exertions, and 76 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF an ambiguous state neither of open hostility nor of real repose ; a state in which we should suffer most of the inconveniences of war, in which we should enjoy none of the solid advantages of peace ; in which, even if we could purchase, at the expense of our honour and our faith, a short respite from the direct attack of the enemy, we should never for a moment feel the genuine sense of permanent security, unless we could contem- plate, without emotion, the rapid progress of the arms and principles of France in the territories of our allies ; unless we could behold, without anxiety, the rapid ap- proaches of the same danger threatening the British dominions ; unless we could sit at ease, with the axe suspended over our heads, and wait with tranquillity of mind the moment when these formidable enemies, after the extinction of every element of order and re- gular government in their own country, after the sub- jugation of every foreign power whose allegiance might assist us in our last struggles, strengthened by addi- tional resources, animated by the prospect of new plunder, and flushed with the triumphant success of their prosperous crimes, should turn their whole force against the British Monarchy, and complete their vic- tory over the interests of civil society by the final destruction of that fair fabric of government, under which these happy kingdoms have so long enjoyed the inseparable advantages of substantial liberty, settled order, and established law. No part of the speech from the Throne more fully meets my sentiments on this important question, than that in which his Ma- jesty recommends us to bear in mind the true grounds and origin of the present war. We cannot have for- MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 77 gotten that before the French had declared war against us, we had seen in their conduct views of aggrandize- ment, projects of ambition, and principles of fixed hos- tility against all established government ; and we had been convinced that, unless the foundation of our com- plaints should be removed by a total alteration in their system with respect to foreign nations, war on our part would become at length inevitable. We cannot have forgotten that, instead of endeavouring to remove our just apprehensions, their explanations afforded fresh motives of jealousy, and their conduct aggravated every cause of offence ; until at length they interrupted all negotiation by a sudden declaration of war, attended by circumstances of unexampled perfidy and violence. At that time we declared, at the foot of the Throne, ' that we considered whatever his Majesty's subjects held most dear and sacred, the stability of our happy Constitution, the security and honour of his Majesty's Crown, and the preservation of our laws, our liberty, and our religion, to be all involved in the issue of the present contest ; and we pledged ourselves that our zeal and exertions should be proportioned to the importance of the conjuncture, and to the magnitude and value of the objects for which we had to contend. Impressions conceived after such deliberate examinations, assur- ances so solemnly pledged in the face of the nation and of all Europe, will not be abandoned by the wis- dom and firmness of this House, upon such suggestions as have hitherto been offered in this debate. Before we can be justified in relinquishing the principles by which our proceedings have hitherto been governed, we shall require satisfactory proof, either that the im- 78 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF pressions which we had originally conceived of the views of France were erroneous ; or that, by the course of subsequent events, the success of the war is become desperate and impracticable ; or that, from some im- provement in the system and principles which prevail in France and in the views and characters of those who now exercise the powers of government there, the mo- tives of justice and necessity which compelled us to enter into the war no longer continue to operate." On each of these propositions separately, and on the combined result of the whole, Lord Mornington declared his intention to bring the question to an issue. " In the present moment, however superfluous it may appear to search for any additional justification of our conduct, or to endeavour to throw any new light on a question already so well understood, yet it cannot but prove satisfactory to us that a variety of occurrences since the commencement of the war, and many new and striking proofs have concurred to confirm the wisdom and justice of our decision, not merely on general grounds, but precisely on the very grounds on which it was originally founded." " If," continued Lord Morn- ington, " I could bring to your Bar the most malignant, the most active, and the most able enemy of the Bri- tish name in the National Convention, the author of the most scandalous official libels against the views, in- terests, and power of Great Britain, the author of the most inflammatory speeches tending to provoke the war in which we are engaged, the author of the decla- ration of war itself, and the inventor of all the pre- tences by which it has since been palliated both in France and in England ; if I could bring him to a cross- MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 79 examination in your presence, confront him with his own reports, speeches, and manifestoes as with those of his colleagues in office, and comparing the result of the whole with concurrent and subsequent events, convict him and his associates of falsehood, treachery, and pre- varication, in all their pretended explanations of their own designs, as well as in all their affected complaints of the supposed views of his Majesty's counsels, I am persuaded that you would not reject an investigation, the issue of which must tend to confirm the nation in the original justice of our cause : such is the nature of the proof which I am about to offer to you." Lord Mornington then called the attention of the House of Commons to a letter addressed by Brissot, the leader of the Diplomatic Committee and the mainspring of the French Government at the breaking out of the war, to his constituents in defence of his measures after he had fallen into disgrace. " In that letter," said Lord Mornington, " Brissot reveals the whole secret and mystery of the French Revolution, and makes an open confession of the principles by which France was di- rected in her intercourse with other powers, of the means which she employed, and of the ends which she pursued." " The views," said his Lordship, " which are attri- buted to France previous to the war, were views of aggrandizement and ambition, connected with the pro- pagation of principles incompatible with, the exist- ence of any regular government. The particular acts by which those views were manifested were first, the decree of the 19th of November,""" in which France * 1792. 80 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF made (according to her own language) a grant of uni- versal fraternity and assistance, and ordered her gene- rals everywhere to aid and abet those citizens who had suffered, or might suffer hereafter, in the cause of (what she called) liberty. Her sense of liberty, as applied to England, was shown by the reception of seditious and treasonable addresses, and by the speeches of the President of the National Convention, expressing his wish for the auspicious institution of a British Convention, founded, as such an institution must have been, upon the destruction of every branch of our happy Constitution. 2nd. The conduct of France in incorporating the territories of other powers with her own, under colour of voluntary acts of union, pretended to have been freely voted by the people : particularly in the cases of Savoy and the Nether- lands, of both which countries France had assumed the sovereignty. 3rd. The opening of the Scheldt, in direct violation of the most solemn treaties, gua- ranteed by France herself. And, lastly, by her gene- ral designs of hostility against Holland." When the decree of the 19th of November was com- plained of in England, the Executive Council of France answered, that it would be injurious to the National Convention to charge them with the project of pro- tecting insurrections. Lord Mornington undertook to show the hypocrisy of this reply : "Brissot, in his confessions, is pleased to admit, 'that the decree of the 19th of November was absurd and impolitic, and justly excited uneasiness in foreign cabinets. 1 You shall now hear the wise, politic, and conciliatory exposition of the principles of France, MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 81 which he opposes to that decree. 'What was the opinion of enlightened men of men who were re- publicans before the 10th of August who desired liberty, not only for their own country, but for all Europe ? They thought that liberty might be estab- lished every where, by exciting those for whom go- vernment is administered against those who administer it, and by proving to the people the facility and ad- vantages of such insurrections/ This theory of uni- versal liberty/' continued Lord Mornington, "founded upon universal insurrection this system of exciting the people against all regular -government, of what- ever form, against all authority, of whatever descrip- tion this plan for the instruction of the mob in the advantages of disorder, and in the facility of outrage and plunder, is deliberately applauded by Brissot, as the established doctrine of the most moderate men in France; to which no one could object, on account of its absurdity or impolicy, or of its tendency to ex- cite uneasiness in foreign cabinets." * After quoting other passages from the writings of Brissot and Condorcet, illustrative of the proceedings of France with reference to Belgium, Lord Mornington called the attention of the House to the conduct of * " The King and his Parliament mean to make war against us ; will the English Republicans suffer it ? Already these freemen show their dis- content, and the repugnance which they have to bear arms against their brothers, the French. Well ! we will fly to their succour ; we will make a descent on the island ; we will lodge there fifty thousand caps of liberty ; we will plant there the sacred tree, and we will stretch out our arms to our Republican brethren ; the tyranny of their Government will soon be destroyed. Let every one of us be strongly impressed with this idea!" Letter of Monge, the French Minister of Marine, 31st Decem- ber, 1792. VOL. I. G 82 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF the French revolutionary agents in the United States of America, St. Domingo, and Constantinople : "In America, Citizen Genet was appointed President by Brissot and Le Brun : he there commenced his opera- tions by the institution of a Jacobin club ; he publicly insulted the magistrates ; disputed the acts of the Government ; opened what he was pleased to call a Consular Tribunal, under the authority of the French Republic, for the condemnation of prizes within the territory of America ; enforced the execution of its sentences by acts of open violence ; and at length, the powers and privileges of the consul acting under his orders having been annulled by the President of the United States, and his proceedings having been checked, as being contrary to the law of nations, and to the rules by which the relations of independent states are governed, Citizen Genet presents a remon- strance to the Secretary of State, in which he gravely says that ' he does not recollect what the worm-eaten writings of Grotius, Puffendorff, and Vattel say on these subjects ; he thanks God he has forgotten what those hireling civilians have written on the rights of nations, in times of universal slavery ; but he knows that his conduct has been agreeable to the spirit of the French constitution, of the American constitution, and of the rights of man, which are for ever engraven on his heart, and from which he learns that an appeal must be from the President, who is a mere ministerial officer, to the sovereign people of America/ Thus this disciple of Brissot takes upon himself to super- sede every maxim of the law of nations, by doctrines drawn from the constitution of France ; and, not con- MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 83 tent with that outrage, he arrogates to himself the right of interpreting the constitution of America by reference to the same polluted source, and affects to depose the President of the United States from his constitutional authority under colour of the sacred rights of man, and the indefeasible sovereignty of the people ! Citizen Descorches, employed by the same party at Constantinople, proceeded in the same spi- rit ; he established Jacobin clubs, and held primary assemblies for the propagation of the true faith of liberty among the Janissaries of the Porte. Thus, from Mr. Jefferson to the Reis Effendi, from the Pre- sident of the United States of America to the Grand Seignior, from the Congress to the Divan, from the popular form of a republic to the most unmixed mili- tary despotism, every mode and gradation of lawful authority, or of established power, was the object of deliberate, systematic, and uniform attack ! There is another feature of this project which I cannot omit, because it so nearly concerns the security of some of the most valuable possessions of the British Empire. We are told by Robespierre, that a part of the general scheme of Brissot and his associates was to free and arm all the negroes in the French colonies in the West Indies. Brissot, instead of attempting to refute this charge, takes merit to himself for the ingenuity and simplicity of the invention. He says, that by the simple operation of purifying the colonial system of the French islands, he would have accomplished the destruction of all the British colonies in the West Indies. He adds 'This is a secret of which few have any idea.' Those who have given their G 2 84 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF attention more particularly to the case of the African negroes will be the first to feel the complicated horror of this detestable project of massacre and desolation. An abrupt emancipation of the slaves in the West Indies, accompanied with the circumstance of putting arms into their hands, would instantly occasion a scene of bloodshed and misery which our imaginations could scarcely conceive, if it had not already been realised in the Island of St. Domingo, under the auspices of the commissioners appointed by Brissot and his party. There cannot be a more striking instance of the gene- ral tendency of the views of those who governed France at the time of the declaration of war ; it contains an epitome of that extensive conspiracy against the order of society and the peace of mankind, which we have already considered in detail." This was the first stage in Lord Mornington's argu- ment. He had shown that the mischievous spirit of the decree of the 19th of November, granting universal fraternity, &c., had been avowed, acknowledged, and defended by Brissot, while it was denied by the Execu- tive Council in their communications with the British Government, Brissot being the champion of all their principles and the author of all their plans ; that Bris- sot's exposition of this destructive spirit had been con- firmed by a variety of concurrent circumstances ; and that the arguments by which the difference of opinion between the contending parties and France, with respect to the decree of the 19th of November, had been main- tained, served only to prove more strongly their unani- mous agreement in the main principle of destruction on which that decree was founded. The noble Lord MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 85 then proceeded to discuss the principle of the incorpo- rations or re-unions of the different territories annexed to the dominions of France ; dwelling strongly upon the gross prevarications and contradictions of the author of the declaration of war as well as the shallow artifices employed by the Executive Council of France, in the hope of concealing the ambitious views of the French from the eyes of Europe. " First, with respect to Savoy and Nice ; Brissot in a report made to the National Convention, on the 12th of January 1793, in the name of the Committee of General Safety, a report intended to prepare them for the approaching war, and professing to contain a full and candid discussion of all the complaints of Great Britain, uses these words ' The unanimous wish of all the communities of Savoy, legitimates the union with that country.' Thus writes Brissot before the com- mencement of the war : observe how frankly and honestly he has since confessed the truth. ' Cambon wanted to unite everything, that he might sell every- thing : thus he FORCED the union of Savoy and of Nice. 1 With regard to the Netherlands, Brissot tells us in his confessions, that Cambon, the French Minister of Finance, forced that measure also with two views ; the compulsory introduction of assignats into that opulent country, and the universal plunder of property ; he introduces Cambon and his party reasoning with the Convention upon the manner of negotiating an union with the free and sovereign people of Belgium, in the following words : 'The mortgage of our assignats draws near its end : what must be done \ Sell the church property of Brabant ; there is a mortgage of 86 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF two thousand millions (eighty millions sterling). How shall we get possession of them 1 By an immediate union ! Men's minds are not disposed to it. What does that signify \ Let us make them vote by means of money. Without delay, therefore, they secretly order the Minister of Foreign Affairs to dispose of four or five hundred thousand livres (20,000/. sterling) to make the mob of Brussels drunk, and to buy proselytes to the principle of union in all states. But even these means, it was said, will obtain but a weak minority in our favour : What does that signify \ Revolutions, said they, are made only by minorities I It is the minority which has made the Revolution of France.' Thus," continued Lord Mornington, " you see that the union of these vast territories, with all their immense population, wealth, and commerce, was considered by the French Minister of Finance as nothing more than a mere financial operation, for the purpose of sup- porting the sinking credit of his assignats. The sacred regard paid to the general will of the people in the doctrines respecting minorities, cannot have es- caped the observation of the House. Something has been already said of the means employed to obtain the free consent of the people to these unions. On this subject we have full information from Brissot. * Do you believe the Belgians were ever imposed upon by those votes and resolutions made by what is called acclamation for their union, for which corruption paid in part and fear forced the remainder 1 Who at this time of day is unacquainted with the springs and wires of their miserable puppet-show ? Who does not know the forces of primary assemblies, composed of a presi- MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 87 dent, of a secretary, and of some assistants, whose day- work was paid for 1 ? How could they believe them- selves free and sovereign when we made them take such an oath as we thought fit, as a test to give them the right of voting? What could the disarmed Bel- gians object to all this, surrounded as they were with seventy thousand men \ They had only to hold their tongues, and to bow down their heads, before their masters ! They did hold their tongues, and their silence is received as a sincere and free assent ! ' Brissot states, with equal force of language, the ruinous effects of all these measures ; he says ' Despotism and anarchy are the benefits which we have transplanted into this soil ; we suppressed at once all their ancient usages, all their prejudices, all the ranks and orders of their society ; we proscribed their priests ; we treated their religious worship with open marks of contempt ; we seized their revenues, their domains, and their riches, for the profit of the nation ; we carried to the very altar those hands which they regarded as profane. Doubtless,' adds Brissot, 'these operations were founded on true principles, but those principles ought to have had the consent of the Belgians before they were car- ried into practice.' Have, then/' demanded Lord Mornington, " the e true principles' of France been mis- represented or exaggerated in this House \ Is it pos- sible for the most honest and enthusiastic indignation which the scenes exhibited in France have raised in any British heart to vent itself in terms of more se- verity than those which Brissot has used in expound- ing what he justly calls the true principles of the French Republic!" 88 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF Lord Mornington then, with great effect, confronted Brissot's confession in his communication to his con- stituents with Brissot's official report, in the name of the Committee of General Defence, 12th Jan. 1793, in which he stated, " that the Belgians themselves formed, and alone will form their constitution ;" as well as with the declaration of the Executive Council. " It is difficult," said his Lordship, " to determine whe- ther the prevarications of Brissot, the reporter from the Committee of the General Safety, or the subterfuges of the Executive Council are most worthy of animadver- sion ; both are so gross and flagrant that I cannot aggravate by any comments the impression which they have already made." The noble Lord then traced minutely the whole course of the hostile policy of the French toward Holland ; and contended, that the facts which he had submitted to the House all tended to confirm those impressions as to the ulterior designs of France, which had induced Parliament to enable his Majesty to augment his forces previous to the declaration of war. " The aggression of France, which was the immediate cause of the war," said Lord Mornington in continuation, " forms another material branch of the argument ; it was attempted to be justi- fied under the pretence of certain alleged acts of hos- tility, particularly the stopping the export of corn to France in the month of November 1792 : that measure was defended by my right honourable friends near me on the ground of their knowledge that warlike prepara- tions were then actually making in France. Upon this subject, Brissot's testimony is not only ample and un- equivocal, but it proves that preparations had been MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 89 commenced at an earlier period, and were proposed to be carried on to a much greater extent than could have been supposed by any person in this country in the month of November. While France was thus prepar- ing an armament against the maritime powers of Eu- rope, what should we have thought of the conduct of our ministers, if they had suffered the export of corn to that country, and thereby had contributed to accele- rate the equipment of those formidable fleets which the Minister of Marine had engaged to provide 1 But, while we are inquiring in this House the immediate cause of the war, we may derive some useful informa- tion on that head from the contentions and divisions which have disturbed the councils of our enemies. In the Act of Accusation against Brissot and his party, one principal charge is, ' the proposal from the diplo- matic committee by the organ of Brissot, to declare war abruptly against England, war against Holland, war against all the powers which had not yet declared themselves. 1 During the trial of Brissot, Chaumette says in the Jacobin club, ' Every patriot has a right to accuse in this place the man who voted the war ; and the blood which has been shed in the Republic and without the Republic in consequence of it, shall be their proofs and their reasons.' Robespierre, in his Report on the 17th of November, 1793, says, 'With what base hypocrisy the traitors insisted on certain pretended insults said to have been offered to our am- bassador ! ' Brissot, on the other hand, replies, ' Who has been the author of this war 1 The anarchists only, and yet they make it a crime in us/ Robespierre im- putes it to Brissot ; Brissot retorts it upon Robespierre ; 90 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF the Jacobites charge it upon the Girondists ; the Gi- rondists recriminate upon the Jacobins ; the -Mountain thunders it upon the Valley, and the Valley re-echoes it back against the Mountain. For my part, I condemn them both the share of this guilt which belongs to Brissot and his associates is already known to you. They who murdered Brissot and his associates upon the scaffold were not only the most active promoters of the decree of the 19th of November and of the several unions, but the principal agents in all the odious vexa- tions exercised over the people of the Netherlands, and not one voice among them was raised against the mea- sures which immediately led to the war. Therefore I repeat it, whatever be the crime of having drawn down upon their own country the indignation of Great Britain and of her numerous allies, and of having fomented a general war in Europe, I charge that crime equally upon both these sanguinary factions/' Lord Mornington then entered into an examination of the various operations during the first campaign of the war. In mentioning the success of the Allies in Holland, his Lordship quoted a remarkable observation of Eobespierre, regretting that Duinouriez had not in- vaded Holland immediately after the conquest of the Netherlands. * If we had invaded Holland, we should have become masters of the Dutch navy ; the wealth of that country would have been blended with our own ; her power added to that of France, the Government of England would have been undone, and the Revolu- tion of Europe secured.' The success of his Britannic Majesty's navy had been signal. 'In the month of March,' observed Brissot, ' all our privateers were de- MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 91 stroyed by the English in the Channel. In the month of April our trading-vessels were taken by English frigates at the very mouths of our rivers.' Having drawn attention to the advantages gained over the French in Newfoundland, the islands of Tobago and St. Domingo, Lord Mornington adverted to the posture of affairs in Asia. It is evident from his remarks, that he had even then conceived in his mind the outline of that policy which afterwards distinguished his adminis- tration in British India, and imparted unity, strength, and solidity to our colossal eastern empire. " In the East Indies the French have been expelled from all their possessions excepting Pondicherry, the capture of which could not (according to the latest advices) long be de- layed. The acquisition of the fort of Mahe, on the coast of Malabar, is of the greatest advantage to our new territories on that coast, both with a view to the commerce and good government of those countries ; in a political view, it is obviously of considerable import- ance that the French should not continue to hold a possession which afforded them the means of so direct and easy an intercourse with Tippoo Sultan." Having dwelt at some length on the history of the revolutionary government, Lord Mornington con- tinued : " Such was the origin, and such is the form of that monster in politics, of which, as the very notion involves a contradiction of ideas, the name cannot be expressed without a contradiction in terms A Revo- lutionary Government ! a government which, for the ordinary administration of affairs, resorts to those means of violence and outrage which had hitherto been considered, even in France, as being exclusively 92 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF appropriated to the laudable and sacred purpose of subverting all lawful and regular authority. The sense of the epithet, Revolutionary, which is so la- vishly applied by the Convention to every part of this new system, requires some explanation. An extract from the proceedings of the National Convention, will serve to exemplify the manner in which that singular phrase is understood and admired by the most un- questionable authority in the service of revolutions. Barrere makes a report respecting the situation of the Republic in the month of December ; he reads a va- riety of dispatches from the National Commissioners in various parts of the Republic ; and at length he pro- duces a letter from Carrier, one of the Commissioners of the Convention, dated Nantz, December the 10th. This letter, after giving an account of a successful attack against the Royalists, concludes with the follow- ing remarkable words : ' This event has been follow- ed by another, which has, however, nothing new in its nature. Fifty-eight individuals, known by the name of refractory priests, arrived at Nantz from Angers. They were shut up in a barge on the river Loire, and last night they were all sunk to the bottom of that river. What a revolutionary torrent is the Loire ! ' You expect to hear, perhaps, that the disgusting rela- tion of this inhuman action raised some emotions of horror, if not of compassion, in the audience ; you expect to hear that the Convention manifested its resentment at this abuse of the revolutionary lan- guage ; but does any symptom of such sentiments appear 1 No ! after having listened to this interesting report, the Convention votes the following resolu- MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 93 tion : ' The National Convention, highly satisfied with the report of Barr&re, orders it to be printed, inserted in the votes, and sent to all the armies/ Highly satisfied with this figurative illustration of the style and title of that mild government which they had so lately instituted, they order it to be proclaimed and published over the whole territory of the Republic, to conciliate the affections of a free people and animate the enthusiasm of a brave and generous army. Here you learn the full force and energy of their new phra- seology. The Loire is a revolutionary torrent because it has been found an useful and expeditious instrument of massacre, because it has destroyed by a sudden and violent death fifty-eight men, against whom no crime was alleged but the venerable character of their sacred functions and the faithful adherence to the principles of their religion. But this event is truly said to have nothing new in its nature ; I dwell upon it for the ap- plication of the phrase, not for the singularity of the fact : every proceeding since the commencement of the troubles in France which has been dignified by the title of revolutionary, is marked with similar characters of violence or blood. The seizure of the property of the clergy and the nobility was a revolutionary mea- sure ; the assassinations of Foulon and Berthier at Paris, and of the King's guards at Versailles in the year 1789, were revolutionary measures. All the suc- ceeding outrages, the burning of the title-deeds and country-houses of all gentlemen of landed property, the numberless confiscations, banishments, proscriptions, and murders of innocent persons all these were revolu- tionary measures ; the massacres of the 1 Oth of Au- 94 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF gust and the 2nd of September the attempt to extend the miseries of civil discord over the whole world, the more successful project of involving all Europe in the calamities of a general war, were truly revolutionary measures ; the insulting mockery of a pretended trial to which they subjected their humane and benevolent sovereign, and the horrid cruelty of his unjust, precipi- tate, and execrable murder were most revolutionary measures : it has been the art of the ruling faetion of the present hour to compound and to consolidate the substance of all these dreadful transactions into one mass, to concentrate all their noxious principles, and, by a new process, to extract from them a spirit which combines the malignity of each with the violence of all, and that is the true spirit of a REVOLUTIONARY GOVERN- MENT ! " The revolutionary system of Finance next came under review. Lord Mornington, with great ability, exhibited to the House the fiscal operations of the French Government in all their details. Speaking of the efforts employed to procure gold and silver, his Lordship observed : " It will appear rather extraordi- nary to the House that the first measure taken with this view should have been the proscription of those metals. A letter is received from Fouch^, commis- sioner in the central and western departments, in which you may perceive the first symptoms of a grow- ing indignation against gold and silver. He says ' Gold and silver have been the causes of all the cala- mities of the Republic : I know not by what weak compliance those metals are still suffered to remain in the hands of suspected persons ; let us degrade and MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 95 vilify gol(J and silver; let us fling these deities of monarchy in the dirt, and establish the worship of the austere virtues of a republic.' He however adds " I send you seventeen chests filled with gold, silver, and plate of all sorts, the spoil of churches and castles : you will see with peculiar pleasure two beautiful croziers, and a ducal coronet of silver gilt.' This ingenious idea of vilifying and degrading valuable effects by seizing them for the use of the Republic, is not lost upon the French Minister of Finance. A few days after the receipt of this letter, a citizen appears at the bar, and desires to be permitted to exchange certain pieces of gold and silver bearing the image of the tyrant for Republican paper. This patriotic and disin- terested offer, as you may imagine, was gladly accepted by the Convention ; but, upon a motion being made that honourable mention of this transaction should be inserted in the notes, the Chancellor of the Exchequer rises with the utmost indignation to oppose so mon- strous a proposition ; he delivers- a most eloquent and vehement invective against gold and silver : he says, ' In a short time the world will be too happy, if we should deign to receive pieces of metal bearing the effigy of tyrants in exchange for Republican assignats ; already the whole nation rejects and despises those corrupting metals, which tyrants originally brought from America for the sole purpose of enslaving us. I have in contemplation the plan of a sumptuary law, by which I will drive the vile dung once more into the bowels of the earth.' What was the sumptuary law by which the Chancellor of the Exchequer proposed to ac- complish this salutary reform ? Here is that excellent 96 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF law. ' All gold and silver metal in specie or plate, all jewels, gold and silver lace, or valuable effects which shall be discovered buried in the earth, or concealed in cellars, walls, rubbish, floors or pavements, hearths or chimneys, or in any secret place, shall be seized and confiscated for the use of the Republic ; and the in- former shall receive a twentieth part of the value of whatever he shall discover; to be paid in assignats.' Concealment alone is the crime on which the law at- taches, without even any of the ordinary pretences of aristocracy or disaffection. In consequence of this de- cree, every place in which it was possible to conceal treasure is searched with the utmost rigour ; the pri- vacy of every house is violated ; every cellar and garden is dug up ; and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, with the most unrelenting spirit of persecution, pursues the objects of his hatred and contempt even to the bowels of the earth, where he had threatened to drive them." The formal renunciation of religion in France the public abjuration of the faith of Jesus and the bold denial of the existence of a God, produced sentiments of horror in England, and excited a spirit of deep indignation throughout all ranks and classes of the people. Lord Mornington did not fail, in the course of his address, to bring these circumstances, in all their deformity, before the attention of the House : " The Commissioners in the several departments," observed his Lordship, " received instructions to enlighten the public mind, and to encourage the abdication of the clergy. Some extracts from the addresses of the clergy, and from the letters of the National Commis- sioners, will best explain the true spirit of these pro- MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 97 ceedings. An address, dated the 30th of October, from the curate of Villos de Luchon, says ' For my part, I believe that no religion in any country in the world is founded in truth. I believe that all the various reli- gions in the world are descended from the same pa- rents ; they are the daughters of Pride and Ignorance. I believe that heaven is nothing more than the happi- ness which attends virtue on earth. I render this solemn homage to Truth. Universal morality is be- come my gospel ; and henceforth I mean to draw my texts from thence alone, and to preach in no other cause than that of liberty and of my country.' Upon receiving this address the Convention decrees, ' that all similar addresses of renunciation, of the ecclesiastical character and of the functions relating to it, shall be lodged with the Committee of Public Instruction, which is ordered to take effectual measures for rendering all such public acts useful to the history of the revolution and to the public education.' This proceeding does not satisfy the eagerness of Thuriot : he observes that he has no doubt that the new creed will soon efface all memory of the old. But in order that truth may be carried into every part of the Republic with more promptitude and effect, he moves that all similar let- ters should be translated into all the provincial idioms ; and upon his motion it is decreed, that all renunci- ations of the functions of religion shall be translated into all foreign languages. In the same month, the Archbishop of Paris enters the Convention, accompanied by a solemn procession of his vicars, and by several curates of Paris : he makes a speech, in which he re- nounces the priesthood in his own name and in the VOL. i. H 98 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF name of all his attendants ; and he declares, that ' he does it because he is convinced that no national wor- ship should be tolerated, excepting the worship of Liberty and Equality.' The votes of the Convention mention that the Archbishop and his curates were re- ceived and embraced with transport by the whole Con- vention ; and that the Archbishop was solemnly pre- sented with a red cap. The day concludes with a speech from Julien of Toulouse, a member of the Con- vention and a minister of the Protestant Church : he says, ' For twenty years have I exercised the functions of a Protestant minister ; I declare that I renounce them for ever. In every religion there is more or less of quackery. It is glorious to be able to make this declaration under the auspices of reason, of philosophy, and of that sublime constitution which has already overturned the errors of superstition and monarchy in France, and which now prepares a similar fate for all foreign tyrannies. I declare that I will no longer enter into any other temple than the sanctuary of the laws ; that / will acknowledge no other God than Liberty; no other worship than that of my country ; no other gospel than the Republican Constitution. Such is my profession of moral and political faith.' The letters of the National Commissioners are full of the same zeal. Lequinio and Laignelot, deputies of the Convention, wrote to that assembly from Rochefort, on the 2nd of the same month, in these words : ' Eight priests of the Catholic persuasion and one minister of the Protestant Church unfrocked themselves on the day of the last decade, in the presence of the whole people, in the Temple of Truth, heretofore called the parish church of MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 99 this town : they abjured the errors which they had so long taught, and they swore henceforth to teach no- thing but the great principles of morality and of sound philosophy ; to preach against all tyrannies, political and religious ; and at length to display the light of reason to mankind. The whole people, Protestants and Catholics, swore to forget their ancient superstition. Everything goes on smoothly here : the people, of their own accord, approach the torch of Reason, which we hold up to them with an air of mildness and fraternity. The Revolutionary Tribunal which we have established quickens the motions of the Aristocrats ; and the guil- lotine strikes the heads of traitors to the ground.' Boissett, another commissioner, gives an account of his operations in the departments of Ardche la Drome, du Gard, and Herault. He says, ' Fanaticism is de- stroyed. Catholics and Protestants, forgetting their former animosities, unite in the same worship that of Liberty and the Laws. The altars of Christianity are replaced by altars more holy.' Wherever the priests could not be induced by corruption to abjure their pro- fession; wherever the people did not willingly approach the torch of Reason and Truth, the most rigorous mea- sures of persecution were adopted. Dumont, one of the National Commissioners, announces to the Convention that, in order to destroy fanaticism, he arrests all priests who celebrate religious ceremonies on Sundays. He adds, ' that he includes those monsters called priests in his general list of proscription ; and that he has made several captures of those infamous bigots.' This letter was greatly applauded in the Convention. But the zeal of the municipality of Paris was most H 2 100 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF eminently distinguished in every period of this im- pious and cruel persecution. They decreed, ' that all churches and temples of religious worship, of whatever denomination, should be instantly shut; that the priests and ministers of the different religions should be responsible for any commotions on account of reli- gion which might happen in consequence of this de- cree ; that any person requiring the opening of a church or temple for the celebration of religious wor- ship of any kind, should be put under arrest as a sus- pected person ; and that the Revolutionary Committees should be invited to keep a watchful eye over the clergy of every denomination.' In consequence of this decree, the cathedral church of Notre Dame at Paris, and all the parish churches, were shut up for some time, until they could be regenerated and purified from every taint of Christianity." Lord Mornington, having related the circumstances attending the renunciation of the service of God by a Jewish Rabbi, proceeded : " On the same day a report was received from the popular Society of the Section of the Museum, announcing that they had executed justice upon all the books of superstition and falsehood ; that breviaries, missals, legends, together with the Old and New Testament, had expiated in the fire the follies which they had occasioned among mankind.* In order to take the lead in completing the salutary work in which they had hitherto borne so active a part, the Council On the 1st of November, 1793, Fouche ordered a festival at Lyons, in honour of Chalier. An ass formed a conspicuous part of the proces- sion, having a mitre fastened between his ears and dragging in the dirt a Bible, tied to its tail, which Bible was finally burnt before the populace, and its ashes scattered to the winds ! MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 101 General of Paris decreed * that a civic feast should be celebrated in the heretofore cathedral church, and that a patriotic hymn should be chanted before a statue of Liberty, to be erected in the place of the heretofore Holy Virgin.' You remember," continued the noble Lord, "the circumstances of that extravagant orgy to which this decree was the prelude. You remember the introduction of the Goddess of Reason into the Convention, the fraternal ardour with which she was embraced by the President in the chair, by the Secre- taries at the table, and by all the members present, and the piety with which she was afterwards publicly worshipped by the whole legislature of France in the cathedral church, or, to use their own language, in the regenerated Temple of Reason and Truth. There the Archbishop of Paris officiated in his new character, with a red cap on his head, and a pike in his hand ; and with that sacred weapon, which he bore as the symbol of the united deities of Reason and Liberty, having destroyed or defaced whatever emblems of the Christian religion had escaped in the first purification of the regenerated Temple, he terminated this auspi- cious ceremony by placing the bust of the regicide Marat on the altar of God ! To perpetuate the me- mory of this solemn act and celebrity of Atheism, the Convention voted that a colossal statue should be erected upon the ruins of all the emblems of monarchy and religion. The Sections of Paris congratulated the Legislature ' that Reason had gained so great a victory over Superstition ; that a religion of error and of blood was annihilated, a religion which for eighteen centuries had occasioned nothing but evils upon earth, 102 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF and yet it was pretended to be of divine origin ! Such are the works, such are the trophies of this religion ! may it be obliterated from the face of the earth ! Happiness will then return ; mankind will live like friends and brothers : from this auspicious moment, History, whose painful task has hitherto been to record the crimes of religion, shall have nothing to commemo- rate but virtue and happiness. We swear that we will tolerate no other worship than that of reason, liberty, equality, and the republic ! ' It appears by the votes that the whole Convention joined in this oath ; and the President made the following reply to this address : ' In a single moment you have annihilated the memory of eighteen centuries of error. Your philosophy has offered to Reason a sacrifice worthy of her acceptance, and fit to proceed from a true republican spirit. The Assembly receives your offering and your oath in the name of the country.' From the mouths of the prin- cipal actors in this extraordinary scene," continued Lord Mornington, " I have brought before you the scope and aim of their design. It was not (as we have been told on this day) to purify their own established mode of worship, and to clear it from the errors of the Church of Rome. Protestants were invited to unite with Catholics in the extinction of the Protestant as well as of the Catholic religion ; Protestants as well as Catholics were denied the liberty of assembling for the purpose of public worship ; Protestant as well as Ca- tholic churches were shut up ; and those who dared to celebrate religious worship of any kind were arrested, and treated as suspected persons. Christianity was stigmatized through the organ of the President of the MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 103 Convention, amidst the applauses of the whole audi- ence, as a system of murder and massacre, which could not be tolerated by the humanity of a revolutionary government. The Old and New Testament were pub- licly burnt as prohibited books. Nor was it even to Christianity of any denomination that their hatred was confined. Even Jews were involved in this compre- hensive plan : their ornaments of public worship were plundered, and their vows of irreligion recorded with enthusiasm. The rigour of the laws respecting fo- reigners was relaxed, in order that impiety might be propagated for the general benefit of all mankind. The existence of a future state was openly denied, and modes of burial devised for the express purpose of representing to the minds of the people that death was nothing more than an everlasting sleep.* And, to complete the whole project, doctrines were publicly circulated, under the eye of the Government, main- taining that the existence of a supreme God was an idea inconsistent with the liberty of man. And yet a noble Earlf in this debate has lamented that the French Government should have met with any interrup- tion in their laudable efforts for the destruction of despotism and superstition ! I trust these expressions were inconsiderately used : we are not yet sufficiently enlightened in this House to consider an attack upon Christianity, and even against the belief and worship of a God, as a laudable effort to destroy superstition. " Fouche, in 1793, issued a decree in the department of Nievre, di- recting the words, " Death is an eternal sleep I" to be placed over the entrance of every hurial ground. f Lord Wycombe. 104 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF * * * Such were the pro- ceedings by which the abolition of religion was at- tempted in France : but for the honour of human nature they did not answer the expectations of those who had digested the plan, and had been most active in providing the means for its execution. Disciplined in crimes, and accustomed to every scene of rapine, injustice, and cruelty, the people of France could not yet be induced to renounce for ever the consolations of religion. The provinces, almost without exception, were scandalised at the audacious profligacy of the Government, and even at Paris the strongest symptoms of the same sentiment appeared. Robespierre himself was alarmed ; and the Jacobin Club thought it prudent to declare that under all the existing circumstances, they admitted the idea of a God. Apprehensions were entertained that the salutary movement of terror might take a new direction, and that the order of the day might be enforced against the Government itself. At length, amid the discontents of the people, who claimed aloud the free exercise of religious worship guaranteed to them by the Constitution, after many struggles, and many unsuccessful evasions, slow, and reluctant, and ambiguous, forth comes the repentance of the Conven- tion! * * * * Their next step was to endeavour to vindicate their conduct to all Europe ; and with that view Robespierre drew up an answer (as he styles it) to the manifestoes of all Kings, in which he refutes in the most triumphant manner the charge of irreligion which had been alleged against the revolutionary government. He says, * We are accused of having declared war against Heaven it- MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 105 self : but what people ever offered a more pure worship to the Supreme Being \ The death-warrant of tyrants lay dormant and forgotten in the timid breasts of men ; we called it forth ; we executed it ; TO PUNISH KINGS, is TO HONOUR GOD.' Here, then, is their creed publicly proclaimed in the face of all Europe : in the murder of their innocent King is comprised the whole principle and practice of their religion, their sole profession of faith, and their established mode of worship." Lord Mornington, having exhausted the religious branch of his argument, next proceeded to recapitu- late the sources of the revenue of the Revolutionary Government for the current year (1794), "The tax upon all yearly income below the value of four hun- dred pounds, the seizure of all yearly income above that sum, including a tax upon the funds, upon commercial capital of every description, upon private debts, and upon all money not laid out at interest, arbitrary local loans levied upon the egotism of pro- perty and the malevolence of wealth, taxes raised by incompetent authority, the confiscation of all con- cealed property, and the abolition of religion. To this list might be added the revenue arising from their system of criminal justice, from their violations of personal freedom, and collaterally from their regula- tions for the destruction of agriculture and commerce, and for the maintenance of their army/' Having examined separately the regulations of the French re- specting agriculture, commerce, and internal trade, his Lordship observed : " Such is the system established upon the ruins of every right of property, and of every foundation of general opulence, by which the Revo- 106 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF lutionary Government have hitherto procured their revenue, and maintained and supplied their numerous armies. It remains to be considered by what appli- cation of terror this system has been enforced. Among the most sacred rights of a free people and the most essential maxims of justice are the right of personal freedom, and the maxim that no person should be punished without being heard. These rights were guaranteed to the people of France by the Consti- tution of the 10th of August, 1793. In defiance, however, of that constitution, arbitrary imprisonment and punishment upon mere suspicion the most vexa- tious and odious instrument of despotic power have been employed by the Revolutionary Government with a violence surpassing all that is recorded of the most rigorous tyrannies that have ever afflicted mankind. They have formally and openly abolished every trace of personal liberty in France by a single law, which requires no other comment than the proceedings of the Convention itself. Barrere, in a report from the Committee of Public Welfare, explains the principal and object of this law: he says 'The quality of mercy is the first sacrifice which a good republican owes to his country. In order to preserve the revolu- tionary vigour of the Government, an institution ter- rible, indeed, but necessary an institution which has been the salvation of France, has been disseminated throughout all the sections and all the municipalities : I mean, the law for the arrest of suspected persons. The keen and piercing eye of jealous Liberty has been fixed upon every citizen, has penetrated into every family, and pervaded every habitation. Public opi- MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 107 nion has marked out the persons who ought to be suspected, and they have accordingly fallen under the severity of the law. Birth, prejudices of pride, and habits of aristocracy, have branded every remnant of the gentry of France as a just object of suspicion. The useless, if not dangerous nature of their occu- pation, their illicit gains, their confidential concern in the pecuniary affairs of foreigners, are sufficient grounds for the arrest of the whole class of bankers. Their cruel speculations, their contempt for assignats, their sordid attachment to their own interest, have estranged all merchants from their fellow-citizens ; they therefore form another class of suspected persons. The relations of emigrants those who have aided them in their escape, those whom nature and the ties of blood have made the necessary accomplices of all their sentiments of hatred or affection all these are equally obnoxious to suspicion. All the clergy who have refused the constitutional oath, and who think that all is lost because their trade has become useless ; all the ancient magistrates, all those who have been bred to the profession of the law, are destined by their habits and interests to people the public prisons. These are the classes of society which are sentenced at once without being heard; these are the professions which carry their condemnation with them ; these are the natural connection of parentage and affection, which it is the duty of the law to strike without trial and without mercy. Let us banish all compassion from our bosoms ! Oh ! what innumerable mischiefs may be produced by a false sentiment of pity F But," added the noble Earl, commenting on this 108 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF extraordinary document, "these violations of the liberty of the subject will appear as acts of clemency, when compared with the daily murders and massacres which compose that sanguinary and merciless system, entitled by the Revolutionary Government, the Ad- ministration of Criminal Justice. * The effusion of blood at Paris has been such, that not less than a thousand executions have taken place there within the course of six months. Yet the vengeance and avarice of the Government is so far from being satiated, that the Commissioners of Police have lately acquainted the municipality of Paris, that the pit which had been appropriated for the burial of the unfortunate victims of the revolutionary tribunal was nearly full, and could not hold above 'some sixty' more ; they therefore desire immediate authority to dig another, in order to prevent any delay of justice ! I cannot," said Lord Mornington, " forbear to remark in this place, that during the whole period when all the power and authority of government in France were exercised by that humane and benevolent Prince whose innocent blood was shed on the scaffold, not one in- stance is to be found of an execution for a state crime ! * * * You have now before you the principal features both of the theory and practice of the Revolutionary Government. Reviewing this unexampled system in all its details, you will find special and effectual provision established for the indiscriminate misery and ruin of every rank and order of society. It contains a principle of im- partial persecution, equally applicable (as the occasion may require) to the separate interests of every dis- MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 109 tinct class and description of the people, from the gentleman of landed property and the opulent bankers and merchants, down to the industrious manufacturer and laborious peasant. Are these the arts of govern- ment 1 Are these the means by which the discordant interests and the contending passions of mankind can be brought to act in concert, and can be directed to the welfare of the community, the end of all political society, and the only solid foundation of power ? I speak to an assembly versed in all the great maxims of government, affectionately attached to the genuine principles of liberty, and accustomed to deliberate on whatever can affect the interests of a powerful state and the happiness of a numerous people. In such an assembly I am persuaded that I should not be con- tradicted, if I were to contend, without any further proof, that a tyranny so constituted and so exercised must of necessity be odious to the people, and con- sequently, whatever might be its temporary efforts, must rest upon an insecure and uncertain foundation. But I need not rely on general topics, however justly drawn from the constitution of human affairs, and from the character of man in all situations and in all ages. The people of France have not tamely sub- mitted to the oppression of this mean and humiliating usurpation. In no less than forty of the departments a spirit of indignation has broken out against the Go- vernment ; in many the people have taken up arms and waged open war ; in some they have expressed their discontent by riots and insurrections, by opposing the levies for the army, and by refusing to submit to the confiscation of their incomes, and to the plunder 110 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF of their goods. This spirit has appeared with great strength in all the most opulent commercial towns ; but it has not been confined to them ; it has been diffused as widely as the oppression which excited it, and its symptoms (varying with opportunities and means of exertion) are to be traced in almost every town and village of France. From the facts I have already enumerated, it is in- contestable that, in proportion as this tyranny con- sumes the property of France, it must entertain pro- jects of ambition and aggrandisement ; it must endea- vour to repair its disordered finances by preying upon its neighbours, and to supply the exhausted resources of domestic confiscation by foreign plunder. It is equally evident, on the same general grounds, that it must be the immediate interest of a government, founded on principles wholly contradictory to the re- ceived maxims of all surrounding nations, to propagate the doctrines abroad by which it subsists at home, to assimilate every neighbouring state to its own system, and to subvert every constitution which can form a disadvantageous contrast with its own absurdities. Such a government must therefore, from its nature, be hostile to all regular governments, of whatever form; but above all, to those which are most strongly con- trasted with its own vicious structure, and which afford to their subjects the best securities for the maintenance of order, liberty, justice, and religion /" Lord Mornington concluded his elaborate address, which occupied several hours in the delivery, with the following stirring peroration : " Thus, Sir, I have endeavoured to prove that the MARQUESS WELLESLEY. Ill original justice and necessity of this war have been strongly confirmed by subsequent events ; that the general result of the last campaign, both upon our own situation and upon that of the enemy, affords a reasonable expectation of ultimate success ; and that not only the characters, the interests, and the disposi- tions of those who now exercise the powers of govern- ment in France, but the very nature of that system which they have established, render a treaty of peace upon safe or honourable terms impracticable in the present moment, and consequently require a vigorous and unremitting prosecution of the war. Hitherto I have addressed my arguments to the whole House ; in what I shall now urge I must declare, that I do not mean to address myself to those few among us who did not share the common sentiment of the House and of the public in that period of general alarm which im- mediately preceded this war. But I appeal to those who, previous to the commencement of the war, felt, in common with the great body of the people, a well- grounded apprehension for the safety of our happy constitution and the general interests of civil society. Do they now feel the same degree of anxiety 1 Even in the midst of hostilities, in the very heat of the con- test, and after a campaign which, although greatly successful in its general results, has neither been ex- empt from difficulty, nor from the ordinary vicissitudes of a state of war, do they not now feel in their own breasts, and perceive in the public mind, such a degree of confidence in the security of all that can be dear and valuable to British subjects, as they would have gladly purchased before the war, even by surrendering 112 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF a part of those interests, the whole of which was me- naced in that gloomy period of general consternation ? What change of circumstances, what happy combina- tion has calmed the anxiety and revived the depressed spirits of the nation 1 Is it the decree of counter-fra- ternity, declaring that France will no longer interfere in the internal affairs of independent states, but re- serving to her the sovereignty of all those countries which were overrun by her arms in the first career of her inordinate ambition "? Is it the reply of Robes- pierre to the manifestoes of all the Princes of Europe, in which he pronounces kings to be the master-piece of human corruption, in which he libels every monarch in Europe, but protests that France has no intention to disturb monarchy, if the subjects of kings are still weak enough to submit to such an institution \ Is it the murder of Brissot and his associates \ Is it the disgrace and imprisonment of Anacharsis Clootz, the author of the Revolutionary Diplomatics, or of Thomas Paine, the author of the Rights of Man \ * Is it any * The reader will recollect Canning's satirical verses, " Have you not read the Rights of Man by Tom Paine ? (Drops of compassion tremble on my eyelids, Ready to fall as soon as you have told your Pitiful story.) " A singular account of Paine's imprisonment, and of the motives which induced that person to write his celebrated " Age of Reason," was pub- lished by William Cobbett in Philadelphia, in the year 1796. " From the thief-catchers in England," says Cobbett, in his own characteristic way, " Tom fled, and took his seat among the thieves of Paris. This may be looked upon as the happiest part of Tom's life : to live in a continual state of insurrection : to sit seven days in the week issuing decrees for plunder, proscription, and massacre, was a luxurious life indeed ! It lasted, how- ever, but five months. The tender-hearted, philanthropic murderer, Brissot and his faction, fell from the pinacle of their glory, poor Tom's wares got out of vogue, and his carcass got into a dungeon. This was a dreadful reverse for ' Old Common Sense.' But this was not all. He well MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 113 profession, assurance, or act of the revolutionary government of France? You all know it is not. The confidence of a wise people could never be rested on such weak and unsubstantial foundations. The real cause of our present sense of security is to be found in our own exertions combined with those of our Allies. By those exertions we were enabled to withstand and repel the first assault of the arms and the principles of France ; and the continu- ance of the same effort now forms our only barrier against the return of the same danger. Who then shall venture to persuade you to cast away the defence which has afforded you protection against all the objects of your former apprehension, to subvert the foundations of your present confidence, and to resort, for your future safety, to the inconsistent decrees, to the contradictory declarations, and to the vague as- surances of a guilty, desperate, and distracted faction, which ofiers no possible ground of security either in the principles of its policy or in the stability of its power? All the circumstances of your situation are now before you. You are now to make your option, You are now to decide whether it best becomes the dignity, the wisdom, and the spirit of a great nation, to rely for existence on the arbitrary will of a restless knew that the National Razor was at work, and he had every reason to believe that his days were numbered. He lay extended on the dirt like a sheep or a calf in a slaughter-house, expecting every moment that the butcher would come for him. How Thomas came to escape, is something that will probably remain a mystery. Be the motive for sparing his worthless life what it might, he was kept in his cage, and there he wrote the first part of his ' Age of Reason.' Now to the motive which led him to the composition of this blasphemous work, which was no other than that of saving his ugly uncombed head from the guillotine ! " &c. &c. VOL. I. I 114 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF and implacable enemy, or on her own sword : you are now to decide, whether you will entrust to the valour and skill of British fleets and British armies, to the approved faith and united strength of your numerous and powerful Allies, the defence of the limited mon- archy of these realms, of the constitution of Par- liament, of all the established ranks and orders of society among us, of the sacred rights of property, and of the whole frame of our laws, our liberty, and our religion ; or whether you will deliver over the guard- ianship of all these blessings to the justice of Cambon, the plunderer of the Netherlands, who, to sustain the baseless fabric of his depreciated assignats, defrauds whole nations of their rights of property, and mortgages the aggregate wealth of Europe ; to the moderation of Danton, who first promulgated that unknown law of nature, which ordains that the Alps, the Pyrenees, the Ocean, and the Rhine, should be the only boundaries of the French dominion ; to the religion of Robespierre, whose practice of piety is to murder his own Sovereign ; who exhorts all mankind to embrace the same faith, and to assassinate their kings for the honour of God ; to the friendship of Barrere, who avows in the face of all Europe, that the fundamental articles of the Revo- lutionary Government of France is the ruin and anni- hilation of the British empire ; or, finally, to whatever may be the accidental caprice of any new band of malefactors, who, in the last convulsions of their ex- hausted country, may be destined to drag the present tyrants to their own scaffolds, to seize their lawless power, to emulate the depravity of their example, and to rival the enormity of their crimes !" MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 115 Lord Mornington's address produced a powerful im- pression on the House, and that impression was not removed by the brilliant reply of Mr. Sheridan. In a speech delivered by Mr. Sheridan upon a subsequent occasion, we have a description of the Earl of Morning- ton's manner as a speaker, " Exactly two years ago at the opening of the session, he remembered to have seen the noble Lord with the same sonorous voice, the same placid countenance, in the same attitude, leaning gracefully upon the table, and giving an account from shreds and patches of Brissot, that the French republic would last but a few months longer/' His Lordship in early life paid much attention to the graces of elocu- tion : as we have already seen, his fine manly voice, and graceful deportment were noticed upon his first appearance in the Irish House of Lords, where Lord Mountmorres sneeringly compared his attitudes with those of Garrick. The greater part of Sheridan's reply to Lord Morn- ington, was, we are assured, * unprepared, and it is impossible to withhold our admiration from the natural earnestness of feeling and argument which characterised the effort of this great orator upon that occasion. " Undue advantage," Mr. Sheridan contended, " had been taken of the passions attached to human nature, in order to excite the indignation of the British public against the French, on account of the enormities they had committed in the course of the Revolution. The guilt and infamy of their conduct no person could deny ; but it only affected them, and no people had any other right than to lament the misfortunes of that Vide Moore's Life of Sheridan. i 2 116 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF country, without assuming, however, the least interfer- ence in its domestic affairs, unless by amicable media- tion between the parties. But had Europe acted this friendly part ? Had it not, on the contrary, since the commencement of the Revolution, expressed a decided aversion to one of the parties, and a manifest parti- ality to the other t Had it not proceeded from words to deeds, and espoused the cause of the Court in such a manner as could not fail to exasperate the people of France 1 Doubtless, the popular fury and its conse- quences were deserving of execration ; still, however, it did not follow that the whole nation ought to be punished for the crimes committed by the multitude during the rage of tumult and insurrection. The French were bursting, as it were, out of the prison of a long slavery : they had recovered their liberty, but knew not how to use it : they were hurried by resent- ment to retaliate on their oppressors the ill usage they had suffered, and had carried this retaliation to the most unjustifiable and criminal excess. But was it either equitable or wise in the European powers to coalesce for their punishment 1 They had an unalien- able right to freedom in common with all the human race ; and allowing the vengeance they had wreaked on their former masters to have been ungenerous, base, and cruel in the extreme, it had been confined to France : and foreign potentates ought to have reflected that by leaving the French to act towards each other without interposing between them, though that country would probably have been deluged with blood, it would have been the blood of Frenchmen alone, and humanity would not have to regret the additional destruction of MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 117 the many thousands whose lives had been thrown away in this fatal quarrel. " But," demanded Mr. Sheridan, " what was the sum of all that he (the Earl of Mornington) had told the House ? that great and dreadful enormities had been committed, at which the heart shuddered, and which not merely wounded every feeling of humanity, but disgusted and sickened the soul. All this was most true ; but what did all this prove ? what, but that eternal and unalterable truth which had always pre- sented itself to his mind, in whatever form he had viewed the subject, namely, that a long-established despotism so far degraded and debased human nature, as to render its subjects on the first recovery of their rights, unfit for the exercise of them. But never had he, or would he meet but with reprobation, that mode of argument which went in fact to establish as an in- ference from this truth, that those who had been long slaves, ought therefore to remain so for ever ! No, the lesson ought to be, he would again repeat, a ten- fold horror of that despotic form of government, which had so profaned and changed the nature of civilized man, and a still more jealous apprehension of any sys- tem tending to withhold the rights and liberties of our fellow creatures. Such a form of government might be considered as twice cursed; while it existed, it was solely responsible for the miseries and calamities of its subjects ; and should a day of retribution come, and the tyranny be destroyed, it was equally to be charged with all the enormities which the folly or frenzy of those who overturned it should commit. But the madness of the French people was not confined to their 118 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF proceedings within their own country ; we and all the powers of Europe had to dread it. True : but was not this, also, to be accounted for "? Wild and unset- tled as their state of mind was, necessarily, upon the events which had thrown such power so suddenly into their hands, the surrounding states had goaded them into a still more savage state of madness, fury, and desperation. We had unsettled their reason, and then reviled their insanity ; we drove them to the extremi- ties that produced the evils we arraigned ; we baited them like wild beasts, until at length we made them so. The conspiracy of Pilnitz, and the brutal threats of the royal abettors of that plot against the rights of nations and of men, had, in truth, to answer for all the additional misery, horrors, and iniquity which had since disgraced and incensed humanity. Such has been your conduct towards France, that you have cre- ated the passions which you persecute ; you mark a nation to be cut off from the world ; you covenant for their extermination ; you swear to hunt them in their inmost recesses ; you load them with every species of execration ; and you now come forth with whining declamations on the horror of their turning upon you with the fury which you inspired !" However correctly Mr. Sheridan may have traced the causes which led to the lamentable crisis in France, he appears in the above passage to have admitted the whole of Lord Mornington's case the necessity for defensive operations and precautions. He conceded the facts of the " madness," " fury," " desperation," and " the iniquity which had disgraced and incensed hu- manity" of the French : he described them as reck- MARQUESS WELLES LEY. 119 less men, impelled by "insanity," and even compared them to ferocious " wild beasts/' Whatever was the original cause of the frenzy of the French nation, it was, in 1794, clearly the duty of British statesmen to protect their country against its fury. Mr. Sheridan betrayed no small degree of bitterness in the course of his reply. Alluding to the observa- tions of Lord Mornington, contrasting the privations and sacrifices demanded of the French by their Minister of Finance with those required of the English people, he said : " The noble Lord need not remind us that there is no great danger of our Chancellor of the Exchequer making any such experiment. I can more easily fancy another sort of speech for our prudent Minister. I can more easily conceive him modestly comparing himself and his own measures with the character and conduct of his rival, and saying, ' Do I demand of you, wealthy citizens, to lend your hoards to Government with- out interest ? On the contrary, when I shall come to propose a loan, there is not a man of you to whom I shall not hold out at least a job in every part of the subscription, and an usurious profit upon every pound you devote to the necessities of your country. Do I demand of you, my fellow-placemen and brother-pen- sioners, that you should sacrifice any part of your stipends to the public exigency ? On the contrary, am I not daily increasing your emoluments, and your numbers in proportion as the country becomes unable to provide for you \ Do I require of you, my latest and most zealous proselytes, of you who have come over to me for the special purpose of supporting the war a war, on the success of which you solemnly have 120 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF declared that the salvation of Britain and of civil society itself depend do I require of you that you should make a temporary sacrifice in the cause of human nature of the greater part of your private incomes 1 No, gentlemen, I scorn to take advantage of the eagerness of your zeal ; and to prove that I think the sincerity of your attachment to me needs no such test, I will make your interests co-operate with your principles. I will quarter many of you on the public supply, instead of calling on you to contribute to it ; and while their whole thoughts are absorbed in patri- otic apprehensions for their country, I will dexterously force upon others the favourite objects of the vanity or ambition of their lives/ Sr -K -5'r % # -55- " Good God ! that he should have thought it prudent to have forced this contrast upon our attention ; that he should triumphantly remind us of everything that shame should have withheld and caution would have buried in oblivion ! Will those who stood forth with a parade of disinterested patriotism, and vaunted of the sacrifices they had made, and the exposed situation they had chosen in order the better to oppose the friends of Brissot in England, will they thank the noble Lord for reminding us how soon those lofty professions dwindled into jobbing pursuits for followers and de- pendants, as unfit to fill the offices procured for them, as the offices themselves were unfit to be created I Will the train of newly-titled alarmists, of super- numerary negotiators, of pensioned paymasters, agents, and commissaries thank him for remarking to us how profitable their panic has been to themselves and how MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 121 expensive to their country ? What a contrast, indeed, do we exhibit ! What ! in such an hour as this, at a moment pregnant with the national fate, when, press- ing as the exigency may be, the hard task of squeezing the money from the pockets of the impoverished people, from the toil, the drudgery of the shivering poor, must make the most practised collector's heart ache while he tears it from them can it be, that people of high rank, and professing high principles, that they or their families should seek to thrive on the spoils of misery, and fatten on the meals wrested from industrious poverty? Can it be, that this should be the case with the very persons who state the unprecedented peril of the country as the sole cause of their being found in the ministerial ranks ? The Constitution is in danger, religion is in danger, the very existence of the nation itself is endangered ; all personal and party consider- ations ought to vanish ; the war must be supported by every possible exertion, and by every possible sacrifice : the people must not murmur at their burdens ; it is for their salvation ; their all is at stake. The time is come when all honest and disinterested men should rally round the throne as round a standard ; for what, ye honest and disinterested men "? to receive, for your own private emolument, a portion of those very taxes wrung from the people on the pretence of saving them from the poverty and distress which you say the enemy would inflict, but which you take care no enemy shall be able to aggravate. Oh ! shame ! shame! Is this a time for selfish intrigues and the little dirty traffic for lucre and emolument ? Does it suit the honour of a gentleman to ask at such a moment ? 122 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF Does it become the honesty of a minister to grant \ Is it intended to confirm the pernicious doctrine, so industriously propagated by many, that all public men are impostors, and that every politician has his price ? or, even where there is no principle in the bosom, why does not prudence hint to the mercenary and the vain to abstain awhile at least, and wait the fitting of the time ? Improvident impatience ! Nay, even for those who seem to have no direct object of office or profit, what is the language which their actions speak 1 'The throne is in danger!' 'we will support the throne, but let us share the smiles of royalty ;' 'the order of nobility is in danger ! ' I will fight for no- bility/ says the viscount, ' but my zeal would be much greater if I were made an earl.' ' Rouse all the mar- quess within me,' exclaims the earl, ' and the peerage never turned forth a more undaunted champion in its cause than I shall prove.' 'Stain my green ribbon blue,' cries out the illustrious knight, 'and the foun- tain of honour will have a fast and faithful servant.' What are the people to think of our sincerity ? What credit are they to give to our professions 1 Is this system to be persevered in 1 Is there nothing which whispers to that Right Honourable Gentleman that the crisis is too big, that the times are too gigantic, to be ruled by the little hackneyed and every-day means of ordinary corruption." Mr. Wyndham defended Lord Mornington from the accusation of Mr. Sheridan, that he had not spoken to the question before the House ; declaring that the Noble Lord " had recapitulated the conduct of France in a manner so masterly, so true, and so alarming, as MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 123 seriously to fix the attention of the House and the na- tion." Mr. Dundas declared that Lord Mornington had illustrated the propriety of the war " in a manner not soon to be forgotten." Mr. Fox, in the debate which ensued, concentrated his attention upon Lord Mornington's speech : " I hope that the Noble Earl," said he, " will not deem me guilty of any incivility if I say that, on this point, the last few sentences of his speech, long and eloquent as it was, were much more to the purpose and afforded more valuable information than all the rest. The Noble Lord has declared, in explicit terms, ' That while the present, or any other Jacobin Government exists in France, no propositions for peace can be made or received by its. 1 Such are his remarkable words, from which we learn that while the present Government exists in France peace is impos- sible." Mr. Fox, contrasting the conduct of the Ame- ricans with that of the British Government, exclaimed, " Happy Americans ! while the whirlwind spreads de- solation over one quarter of the globe you remain protected from its baneful effects by your own virtues and the wisdom of your Government ! Separated from Europe by an immense ocean, you feel not the effects of those prejudices and passions which convert the boasted seats of civilization into scenes of horror and bloodshed ! You profit by the folly and madness of contending nations, and afford in your more congenial clime an asylum to those blessings and virtues which they wantonly contemn or wickedly exclude from their bosom ! Cultivating the arts of peace under the influ- ence of freedom, you advance by rapid strides to opu- lence and distinction ; and, if by any accident, you 124 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF should be compelled to take part in the present unhappy contest ; if you should find it necessary to avenge insult or repel injury, the "world will bear witness to the equity of your sentiments and the mo- deration of your views, and the success of your arms will no doubt be proportioned to the justice of your cause." Mr. Pitt warmly defended Lord Mornington's argu- ments. He said, " The speech of his noble friend had been styled declamatory ; upon what principle he knew not, except that every effort of eloquence in which the most forcible reasoning was adorned and supported by all the powers of language, was to be branded with the epithet of declamation." The divi- sion which followed the debate was decisive : but fifty- seven members were found in favour of the amend- ment to the address moved by Mr. Fox ; two hundred and seventy-seven voted for the vigorous prosecution of the war ! In looking at the French Revolution historically, we must not permit our minds to dwell too exclusively upon the atrocities and dark scenes which accompanied that grand and awful event. It was a terrific hurricane, it is true, which ruined many a fair edifice and spread terror and disaster far around ; but it purified the moral and political atmosphere ; and, though we may stand appalled at the marks of its fury, and look with sympathetic concern on the places and objects scathed by its " sulphurous bolts, 1 ' we, of the nineteenth cen- tury, breathe the freer for it. M. Guizot, in speaking of the burst of mind, the spirit of free inquiry which formed the paramount feature of this era, has for- MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 125 cibly depicted ' the instructive fact ' which was promi- nently displayed at that great conjuncture. " I allude," observes the philosophic statesman, " to the proof of THE DANGER, THE EVIL, THE INVETERATE VICE OF ABSO- LUTE POWER, WHATEVER THAT POWER MAY BE, WHAT- EVER NAME IT MAT BEAR, OR TO WHATEVER END DI- RECTED. We have already seen the government of Louis XVI. perish from this single cause. The power which succeeded it, the human understanding, which was the veritable ruler of the eighteenth century, un- derwent the same fate ; it possessed an almost absolute power in its turn, and thence derived an overweening confidence in itself. Its outbreak was glorious and useful: and if I were called upon to give an opinion upon the general operation, I should not hesitate to declare that the eighteenth century is to me one of the greatest eras of history that, perhaps, which has rendered the most important services to humanity, which has given to it its greatest stimulus, resulting in the most universal advancement ; so that, pronouncing upon it as a public administration, if I may be allowed to use that expression, my judgment should certainly be given in its favour. Still, it is not the less true that the absolute power possessed at that epoch by the human mind, corrupted it and led it to hold contem- porary facts and opinions different from those that were in chief respect, in an illegitimate disdain and aversion, which brought it into error and tyranny. So much of error and tyranny, in fact, as mingled with the triumph of human reason towards the end of the century, which we cannot conceal from ourselves nor ought to deny, was very considerable, mainly re- 12G LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF suited from the extravagance into which the human mind was thrown by the extent of its power. It is the province and will form, I believe," adds M. Guizot, " the peculiar merit of our times, to proclaim that all human power, be it intellectual or material, vested in governments or people, in philosophers or ministers of state, and exerted in any cause whatever, bears inhe- rently a natural viciousness and a principle of weak- ness and abuse ivhich call imperatively for the pre- scribing fixed limits to its exercise. Thus it is only a system of general freedom for all rights, interests, and opinions, their unfettered manifestation and legalised co-existence, that can restrain each individual power or influence within its proper limits, prevent it from in- fringing upon others, and make the spirit of free in- quiry an actual and general enjoyment. The conflict between Material Absolute Power and Intellectual Power which occurred at the close of the eighteenth century, has impressed upon our minds this great truth." MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 127 CHAPTER V. Earl of Mornington's Marriage. Lady Mornington's Parentage. Ma- dame Roland the French Heroine. Allusions to Lady Mornington in the Earl's Correspondence while in India. Their Separation. Her Ladyship's Death. Her Children. Lord Mornington's Speech on the Seditious Meetings Bill, 1795. Mr. Sheridan replies. Business of the India Board. Lord Mornington composes a Song at the desire of Mr. Pitt for the Dinner given hy the East India Company to Lord Duncan. Camperdown. Copy of Latin Verses descriptive of France, written by Lord Mornington for Mr. Pitt, published in the Anti- Jacobin. Translated by Lord Morpeth in the same publication. ON the 29th of November, 1794, the Earl of Morn- ington was married, at St. George's Church, Hanover Square, to Mademoiselle Hyacinthe Gabrielle Roland, a native of France, and only daughter of Pierre Roland and of Hyacinthe Gabrielle Daris, of the city of Paris. This lady, whose beauty and accomplishments had for some years exercised a powerful influence over the heart of the noble Lord, seems to have possessed many of the fascinating qualities of her distinguished syno- nyme, Madame Roland, who was guillotined by the French Jacobins in the previous year, exclaiming on the scaffold, " Liberty ! what crimes are committed in thy name \" Some have supposed that the Countess of Mornington was the daughter of the revolutionary heroine, and that she was the child to whom the most pathetic and affecting of farewells ever penned was ad- dressed. This, however, was not the case : the name 128 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF of Madame Roland,* the wife of the Girondist Minister of the Interior, was Manon Philipon, not Hyacinthe Gabrielle Daris. Although the contrary has been sug- gested, Lord and Lady Mornington lived on terms of the utmost affectionate harmony till the period of the noble Lord's appointment as Governor-General. The Countess remained in England ; but the frequent in- cidental allusions to her Ladyship in his Lordship's correspondence evince a continued anxiety for her happiness, and a tender regard for their children. One of their sons, it appears from a letter from Lord Auckland to the Marquess Wellesley, was at Eton in the year 1800. In December 1812, Hyacinthe Mary, their daughter, was married to Mr. Littleton, of Ted- dersley Park, county of Stafford a gentleman who, during the Marquess Wellesley's viceroy alty in 1834, filled the office of Chief Secretary of Ireland, and who has since been elevated to the peerage as Viscount Ha- therton. The Marquess and Marchioness of Wellesley, after the noble Lord's return from India, did not live long together : they separated, and appear not to have been again reconciled. The Marchioness lived till the year 1816, in which year she died, at the seat of her son-in-law, Mr. Littleton, in Staffordshire. Her remains were buried at Penkridge. Her Ladyship had enjoyed a separate income of 4,000/. a year, which at her death reverted to the Marquess. Viscountess Hatherton and her brothers, Mr. R. Wellesley and the Rev. Henry Wellesley, M.A., have survived both their parents, the elder of whom would have succeeded to the family titles, if the rules of the civil and canon law had prevailed in England. * See Memoirs of Madame Roland. Paris, 2 vols. 8vo. MARQUESS WELLESLEY. 129 In the debate on the Seditious Meetings Bill, in November, 1795, Lord Mornington took a prominent part; vehemently denouncing the societies which met at Copenhagen House, and reading a variety of ex- tracts from the violent and disloyal publications which at that period inundated the metropolis : " One passage he thought it necessary to read, as it contained a direct incitement to regicide : it was a de- finition of a guillotine * an instrument,' as they called it, ' of rare invention.' ' As it is the custom to deca- pitate, and not to hang kings, it is proper to have this instrument ready, to make death easy to them, supposing a necessity of cutting them off. This in- strument is used only for great malefactors such as kings, bishops, and prime ministers. England and France have had their regular turns in executing their kings ! France did it last/ &c. And in conclusion," added Lord Mornington, " Ankarstroem and Damiens, the two regicides,* were held up to the reverence of mankind. This, too, was from a printer given to the public by the societies in the list of patriotic printers. [*N