A N HISTORICAL AND CRITICAL REV I E W OF THE CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND, FROM THE Reigii ofQjJEEN ELIZABETH, TO THE Settlement under King WILLIAM. EXTRACTED From Parliamentary Records, State Acts, and other authentic Materials, By J. C. M. D. ^ate ; but iegiilators muit conquer their own pre-occup^tions firft, before fuqh ^ feparation can be made, or even attempted. In former time, in the heat of contentions for power and property, pre-occupations had a foundation : they were lucrative as well as natural ; at this day they are neither lucrative nor natural, . ray furely, the tranfient effeds of tranfient policy (liould ceafe,- and if an union, on the te- nets of religion cannot be obtained, yet an union on civil principles, and civil condud may. Good governors and wife men vvi.lL not objed to fuch an union, tho' they may be tender of propofing it, till a majority is prepared for believing W'hat it really is, an ufeful meafure. Our morals as men, our interefts as fubjeds, reqv;::. the reformation here hinted at •, religion, confident with civil order, fl:iould ceafe to be a civil crime, and punifhment fliould not reach thofe who are guilty of no other. Until people, whofe principles (^fuperftitious or orthodox) are recon- cileablc to our civil eftablithment, are trufted with conUitutional immu- nities, Ireland cannot be happy. Nay, the great Landlords of the king- dom mufi; be reduced to a Hate of real, and hereafter, undoubtedly to a ftate of feeling deficiency in their incomes, as the 1 -ibouring and induflrious (more than half the people) are rendered ufclefs, and indeed, hurtful to the aggregate whole, by too many rcltraints. Lazincfs, diflatisfadion, and defpondency, INTRODUCTION. Vll defpondcncy, the ofFspring of infecurity, will generally prevail ; nay, the very induftry of the people, thus punifhed, will be turned againft the ftatc. A flux monied property may be aequired, by a traffic in large herds of cattle, or in imports and exports of commodities, and the wealth acquired will find its way into remote lands, when no ftcurity can be found for it .at home. This, it muft be granted, is but a partial evil : The Britifli em- pire will lofe nothing ; it will in fa6l gain by it, as an emigration from hence to eultivale unoccupied lands in North America, muft contribute to the flrcnglh of government, and increafe of revenue, in thofe parts efpecially, where the Britilh legilbture have given fecurity of property, to Proteftants and Papifts indifcriminately. At the period from whence the Author of the following Memoirs fets forward, it will be found, that fpiritual hatred mixed itfelf with our former national feeds of difTention. The pervcrfenefs fo long imputed to the Irifti, as a people, was no longer charged on their nature, but on their religion, Almoft every moral, and civil duty, was then confined within the pale of an ecclefiaftical party : every fpecies of treachery was placed beyond it. Real crimes were difowned by one fadiort, imaginary crimes Were im- puted to another ; and this ftate of things occafioned guiit on both fides, which in a different ftate, would undoubtedly be avoided. High as moft of thefe crimes were, yet moft were exaggerated, and the innocent fufFcred with the guilty. To complete the mifery of the times, the gofpel of peace was tortured to defend the meafurcs, and fandify the drunkennefs of every governing, as well as every rcfifiing fct of men; and tfius it fared in Ireland, in fome time after the accefTion of Qiieen Elizabeth to the Throne. Queen Elizabeth, whofe reign began in the height of ecclefiaftical rage, had admirable talents for government. To plant civil order in the place of that mifrule which difgraced the three preceding reigns, was difficult. Her intereft led her, and the fuccefs of her father and brother encouraged her, to change the religion then eftabliflied in Englaiul. This (lie cfFedcd ; but Viil N T R O D U C T I O N. but truth muH oblige us to confefri, that the new church v/as reared on the foundations of perrecution, and that the violence fo juflly cenihred in Queen Mary's reign was adopted as a juftifiahle meafure in the prefent. The change was made by a quick ad of legiflative power, but without that moderation, which found policy Ihould dired in eftablifliments of this na- ture. By: the change, one party in the nation was ruined, another was provoked. Fapifts were occafionally puniflied without difcrimination, and in the idea of party juHice, this procedure appeared equitable. But the Puritan Proteftant was punilhed alfo, and tlie clamour ran high among DiiTenters, that the old beafl returned, with a change only of the rider, and of the habiliments. The p.arty for a com.prehenfive reformation, grew popular and cncreafed every day in ftrL-ngth and numbers, as it increafed in fadion and cnthufiafm. The new church, even in the ad of extirpat- ino- the old, created to itfelf, enemies on all fides, and thus it happened that the fyflem wove by civil policy, was in a great degree unravelled by the ecclefiaftical. I^^ Ireland where ftatute laws prevailed, but within a narrow circle, the new fpiritual ordinances made no progrefs; the minds of the Iriih were even prepared againftany fpiritual change, and they were provoked by the -violence of the pale-governors in 1540, when after great exceffes in Dub- lin and Trim, they extended their rage to the town of Mcnaghan, plun- dering not only the monaflery of the obfervants, but putting the guardian and friars to death. In the firft years of Elizabeth's reign, fuch bloodv meafu res were Vifely avoided: on its commencement, the Earl ofSuflei appointed chief governor of Ireland, proceeded on a plan of mo'ieration without the pale, and for fome time within, where a majority ftill 1; ewed themfelves extremely averfe to the new fpiritual dodrines, eUabliihed by parliament in England. The ruinous efFeds of a Bre'ion government were long felt, and owned by the old inhabitants. A change to a ''Stter civil eflablifhment was pradicable and folicitcd for by them: but -hey were ftrenuous for the retention of their religion; and tho' unanimous on no other principle of defence, they declared themfelves unanimous in the defence INTRODUCTION. ix defiance of this. In treating therefore with the provincial Irifh, Lord Suflcx confined himfelf to the reformation of civil government, chiefly without preffing any other upon them. Tliis found policy was of fliort continuance, and the pe:)ple without the pale were exafperated, by the fudden meafures taken againft their brethren within. Contemporary writers are unanimous in affirming, and the nature of the thing verifies the fad, that the penal laws againft the cxercife of their religion, were the flrongcft: incentives to every infurredion of the Irifh fince the reformation. Thcfe laws were originally framed in England, where the majority were prepared for their reception ; but they were rejeded in the Irifh, or pro- perly fpeaking, the pale parliament. The natives of Ireland, ready at all times to recognize the temporal fu- prcmacy of their fovereign, and rejed any foreign claimant (lay or eccle- fiaflical) of fuch fuprcmacy, merited being received into the fociety of conftitutional fubjeds ; and that they fliould be fo received, had been the labour of Sir Henry Sydney, one of the ableft, wifeft, and beft governors ever fent into that kingdom. But in vain! The reformation, it is true, made no progrefs for a long time without the pale, and extraordinary efforts to enforce it by arms would certainly be dangerous, as it might put an end to. inteftine divifions among the people, which hitherto proved fo ufeful towards their redudion. To favour thofe divifions was previoufly the more politic alternative, and the Queen received the fubmiflions of many Irifli chieftains at her court very gracioufly, difmifTed them with honours and prefents, and left them free as to the concerns of their fpiritual confcience. It was other wife v/ithin the pale, and its environs. Here even the fenefchals of counties exercifed plain tyranny over the poor people, and fuch particular feverities were then inflided, even in the opinion of the Lord Deputy himfelf, " as were fufficient to drive the beft and quieteft ftates into fudden confufion (aj." (a) Lord Mountjoy's Letter. Pacat. Hibern. fub finem. b The X INTRODUCTION, The evils of perfecution were forely felt in England particularly, and in feveral diftrids of Ireland, during the greater part of Ovieen Elizabeth's reign. One party was punillied without difcrimination, and the other (and indeed both) without found policy. Thefe evils encreafed in the two fucceeding reigns, when thefe three kingdoms, for the firft time have been united under one fovereign. James the firft whom the trumpeters of fadion, charged with favouring Popery, was a great and determined enemy to his popifli fubjeds. His adminiftration in Ireland, with little exception, is a full proof of this. His trimming condud towards the Papifts of England, antecedently to his accefiion, is no proof to the contrary, for they gained nothing (and he intended they fhould gain nothing) by the laws he held out to them. Learned without knowledge, cunning without wifdom, one of his firft gracious proclamations imported a general jail delivery to all his fubjeds, excepting nmrderers and Papifts, and this coupling of the latter with fuch criminals produced a refentment, which degenerating into mad revenge, contributed in a confiderable degree, to the deteftable Powder Plot, entered into foon after, by a few defperate men, to get rid of their perfecutors. Charles the fucceftbr of James trod (and trod ruinoufly) in his father's fteps. He wanted to impofe the Englifti religion on his Scotifh fubjeds. The covenanters would not bear the introdudion of, what they deemed a fuperftitious liturgy, among them. They defended themfelves againft it by infurredion, and the parliament fitting at Weftminfter approved of their condud. The Northern Irifh finding affairs embroiled in Great Britain, and dreading fatal confequences from the refolutions denounced againft Papifts in the Englifti Houfc of Commons, entertained the thought of availing themfelves of the prefent opportunity, of fruftrating the inten- tions of their enemies, and of ftiaking off the bondage they groaned under, from the time of the late Ojieen's demife. But they meant to compafs this end by means equally juftifiable, with thofe employed by the Scotch covenanters, and ftill without an impeachment of their loyalty. The INTRODUCTION. xi The memory of paft grievances, the dread of prefcnt deftrudioa made thefe men defperate. For forty years before the period we mention, the whole body of Irifh Papifts bore minifterial invafions of the moft diftrefling nature to the human mind. The lands pofTefTcd by their families for feveral ages, were in the Court-Cafuiftry of that age pronounced invalid and refumable tenures, tho' no charge of treafon or rebellion could be made to the heirs in adlual pofTcffion. Upon this pretence of defedive titles fome have been ruined, others threatened with ruin : and this was not all. The court harpies grown impatient at the paffive condud of the proprietors, attempted to provoke them to open rebellion, by exercifing the moft galling tyranny over their confciences, by fining, imprifoning, and punifhing in various fhapes, fuch Papifts, as refufed to join in the eftabliihed form of worfhip. Here then we lee how the natives have been alarmed, in regard to property, and fpiritual liberty, and how they were tortured by ftate inquifitors for not fubmitting to religious dodrines, which fpiritual diredors may preach, but which no civil power on earth has a right to impofe ! — They furely who vindicate the rights of the Scots to infurredion in 1640, can with no good grace condemn that of the Irifli in 1641. We do not defend either, but we may fafely affert, that he who fhould at this time of day advance, with my Lord Clarendon, that the Irifli had no civil or religious grievances to complain of during the forty years antecedent to the Ultonian rebellion in 1641, has but a wretched alternative in option between wilful ignorance, and barefaced difhonefty. We have advanced that the Irifh in general wanted, in thefe confufed times of King Charles I. to redrefs grievances by legal and conflitutional means, and truth will warrant our faying fo. They were firmly attached to our monarchical form of government ^ they were cordially loyal to the reigning Prince, and ready to make a diftindion between the feverity of the law, and the difpofition of the monarch, notwithftanding the unwor- b 2 thinefs xii INTRODUCTION. thinefsof his deputies, who betrayed him and thcin. By their reprefenta- tives in parhament they made the higheft profcfTions of their afFedion, and were fincere. What then provoked to the fudden and defperate mea- fures which followed ? The anfvver is eafy and ready. This devoted people found the King's upright intentions fruftrated by an adjournment of the feffion of parliament in 1641, fo contrary to the King's order, as well as intereft. In that proceeding they difcovered how the Lords Juftices had been leagued fecretly with the Puritans at Wcflminfler ; how the King had been betrayed, and the hands of his enemies ftrengthcned -, how the claim to their own patrimonies (the hereditary pofTeffions of feveral ages) had been kept up, and the intention of granting them to under- takers from England referved. What idea could this difobedience to the King, this infecurity to the fubjed, fuggeft ? It did not produce jealoufy and millruft alone : it confirmed them in a certainty, that a ma- jority of the more antient and wealthy proprietors were to be. ruined, for the advantage of needy Grangers, as was intended by Lord Strafford's plan. All grew impatient, the Northern men, already ruined, grew del^ perate. The latter rofe up in arms in the fatal month of Odober 1641. And feveral counties have all at once been expofed to the barbarities of an exafperated multitude ; an evil which would not remain to be a ftain on the face of our annals, had the feffion been continued as the King intended, and had the bills prepared for the fecurity of the antient pro- prietors of the kingdom been paffed into laws. Had this, I fay, been the cafe, the defperadoes of Ulfter would be kept down by their Southern fellow fubjeds, who had no concern in the peculiar complaints of that party. . But the Lords Juftices and their agents took care to remove this line of feparation, and render the men in poffeffion as infecure, as the men ejeded. This fad is one of the moft important in the hiftory of this ifland, and fhould be well underftood. I fay no more of it here, that I may not anticipate on the following Hiftorical Review, wherein the details are given with equal candor and judicioufnefs. The INTRODUCTION. xiii The Earl of Clarendon has left us an account of thofe times in the ftile rather of a pleader, than of an hiftorian. He was douhtlefs a nobleman of great abilities, but very unjuft to the Irilh nation. In rcprcfentations anticipated by fpiritual hatred and national prejudices, this man of ftrength, refigns all his vigour. No longer maftcr of his fubjedt, he yields himfelf up a vi^illing captive, to fuch informations as were correfpondent to his prior ideas of the people he undertakes to defcribc. He appears to have been incapable of receiving fecond impreflions, and we can hardly on this account, charge him with delivering us a confcious untruth. Hiflory in fuch hands is neither better nor worfe, than what the writer ia enabled to make it, according to the degree of his partiality or averfion ; and he muft have little knowledge of men, who knows not, that this fpecies of human infirmity, is but too often an ingredient in fome of the beft, as it always is in the worft charaders, with whom the infirmity ends in vice. In the beft, it refembles a cancerous excrefcence on a beautiful face, and grows but too often out of our fairefl: principle, that of religion, from which it fhould, if poflible, be rooted. Were religious indifTerence ufeful in any inftance, it would be in this before us, where the more a. man is lukewarm in religious party-zeal, the nearer he approach.cs to the charader of a true patriot and good citizen. But there is a flrength of mind fuperior to rehgious indifference itfelf, which gives all the qualifica- tions neceffary to conftitute a good man, and judicious hiflorian. This ftrength the Earl of Clarendon and other great men (Proteflants and Pa- pifts) wanted, and ftill want. As painters of former times, they may give a good likenefs: as contemporaries they are intolerable; of all men the mofl likely to be deceived, and the moft laborious to deceive. The mifchief they circulate is in proportion to their abilities, and that rank in life, which render thofe abilities confpicuous. It is, indeed, to be lamented, that Mr. Hume, one of the ableft wri- ters of the prefent age, fhould as an hiftorian fuffer himfelf to be fo far led aftray by fuch contemporaries as we have hinted at, as to transfer all or XIV INTRODUCTION. or moft of the mifchiefs of the year 1641 in Ireland, from the original authors, to the unfortunate Irifh alone. Parties lefs aggrieved in Scotland were up before them, and drew the fword not only with impunity but with advantage. The Irilh in Ulfter who wanted to regain the lands they loft, followed the example. We do not juftiiy the ad in either kingdom. We only advance in alleviation of the IriHi crime, that the majority of the nation have, in the two reigns of James and Charles, fuffered a cruel bondage of thirty eight years with little intermiffion, and had now the moft alarming profped of extirpation before them. They did not mean to withdraw their allegiance from the King ; even the weak leaders of the Northern rabble had no fuch intention. The latter began, and aded fingly. Their outrages on their firft fetting out were kept within fome bounds; moft of the innocent Proteftants in the neighbouring diftrids had time to efcape into places of fecurity, before many murders were committed. The Papifts in the other provinces had no Ihare in their guilt ; they imme- <3iately publillied their deteftation of it. In general, they were fteady to their duty as chriftians, and to their loyalty as fubjeds. They in their own defence took up arms, not againft the King, but againft the King's enemies, who announced their excifion in public refolutions, and parliamentary votes. This is the truth of the fad. Mr. Hume paflTes it over as of no importance to the fubjed of his hiftory. m He appears to have fat down with an intention to cure us of our un- happy-party prejudices, by pointing out their terrible confequences, in the laft age, of our condud as legiflators, and our feelings as men. In general his obfervations are admirable, and ftand in the place of excellent inftruc- tions, enforced by ftriking examples. His miftakes at the fame time are hurtful, and a wound from fuch a hand muft be painful. But happily it cannot be mortal, in the cafe before us, as abundant materials of true information are ftill preferved entire. The documents in the following Review INTRODUCTION. xv Review will fhew that Mr. Hume's reprefentation of Irifn affairs in 1641, is not true hiftory, but fine and pathetic writing. Pity it is, to find fuch a man adopting the untruths of Sir John Temple, and fpreading them on a new canvas heightened with all the colourings of his art. The piece has certainly coft him fome labour ^ for horror and pity are v/rought up here in high tragical ftrains. But the Irifh certainly have not fat for the pic- ture; and Mr. Hume in this part of his hiftory muft admit the juftnefs of a charge, that he has given a wrong diredion to the palfions, he has taken fo much pains to excite. Mr. Hume- is ftill alive to review and correct fome miftakes in his hif- tory ; and fliould he decline doing juftice in the cafe before us (what muft not be fuppofed) he, and not truth, will be afl^eded. The changes of religion in thefe kingdoms produced a moft memorable sera in our hiftory j and however the reformation hath operated, in fpread- ing the bafe of civil liberty, yet it divided us into parties, and for a time produced terrible ftruggles for power and property in both kingdoms ; in Ireland efpecially thefe things had a period. When all power was fet on one fide, and that contention ceafed, yet the hatred which commenced with the original difputes remained, and exerted itfelf with remakable violence, in the framing of penal laws, which doubtlefs fhould be but few, in countries which exlft by induftry, unlefs the objed of fuch laW'S, be too formidable not to require its removal at any expcnce to the pub- lic. In this light hath Popery been held, from the very commencement of Queen Elizabeth's reign, and is feen in no other to this day. No ex- perience of Papifts being known and acknowledged good fubjeds in other Proteftant countries ; no experience of their good condud in our own, could hitherto remove the idea of their being enemies by principle to our Proteftant eftablifhment. Sir William Blackftone, who has enlightened thefe nations by his admirable commentaries on our laws, pronounces on this fubjed, like thofe who are content with the firft impreffions they receive, and think but little on a fubjed, in which they are but little concerned. " While XVI INTRODUCTION. " While Papifts," he fays, " acknowledge a foreign power, fuperior to the " fovereignty of the kingdom, they cannot complain, if the laws of that " kingdom will not treat them on the footing of good fubjeds." With great deference to fo great an authority, this judgment includes a charge, which it is impolfible to fupport, unlefs it can be proved that Englifh and iri/h Papifls are men of different principles from their brethren in Hanover and Canada. But this is not the cafe ; the majority of Englifh Papifls even in the days of Opeen Elizabeth (who ftripped them of power and li- berty) acknowledged no authority fuperior to her fovereignty, and re- nounced to the authority of Pius the Fifth, who wanted to withdraw them from the allegiance they owed her. This they have done, without any breach with the Roman fee in matters purely fpiritual ; in things, I mean, which regard the next life, not the prefent. The Papifls of Ireland have, in a Formulary lately drawn up by themfclves, renounced any authority, civil or temporal, claimed or unclaimed, by any foreign Prince or Prelate w^hat- foever, recognizing at the fame time his Majefty's title, and profeffing their allegiance to be due to him folely. Thus it is at prefent, even in Spain and Portugal, whe^-e no fubjcd would dare own or recognize any foreign power fuperior to the fovereignty of thofe kingdoms j and nearer home in France, the fovereignty of that kingdom is fo jealoufly guarded, againfl all foreign pretenders and pretenfions, that a profefl'or who fhould bring this matter even into doubt, would be degraded from his ofEce, if he did not meet with a feverer punifliment. Pity it is, that a point of know- ledge, fo much within his reach, (hould efcape Judge Biackftone ; pity it is indeed, that fo great an authority, fhould be employed to give weight, and perhaps perpetuity to a popular error, fo injurious to a million of his Majefty's good fubjeds ; for fo I venture to denominate them, not- withftanding the hurt they do the public through a legal incapacity to ferve it. We are forry to find any necclTity for faying fo much on this fubjed, and yet a little more muft be added, before we difmifs it. The INTRODUCTION. xvii The fupremacy of Popes in matters merely fpiritnal, and direded as it ought to be, for the prcfervation of harmony and unity in tlie church, can- not be formidable to princes ; thus rcftridtcd, it had for many ages been iifeful to them. The abufc of this fupremacy, and every ill-grounded claim foreign to it, may be removed, and (let me add) has been removed. In the prefent age, Popes have no more the power of depofing Kings, or of ab- folving fubjeds from their allegiance, than they had in the days of Conflan- tine, who permitted a legal eflablifliment of their religion in Rome, the ca- pital of his empire. The claim to this depofing power began and operated only in times of bigotry and ignorance, and has been often oppofed even in the darkeft ; in the dawn of knowledge it could not do much mifchief ; it Gould not operate in the light; and if any among us {hould be flill found blind; fhould any fpiritual dodor among us attempt to juftify fuch a claim, he may be eafily deteded by putting him to. the tefl of his civil orthodoxy. Such a man, if a chriftian, will not abjure to the public, what he teaches in private. It is againft fuch a man that the keen edge of penal laws fhould be employed; legislative wifdom fliould here draw a line of partition, in- ftcad of confounding the well principled, indifciiminately, with their oppofers. The Hiftorical Review now prefented to the public, was intended in- tirely for expofing, in a proper light, things over which the fatal prejudices of the times have thrown much obfcurity. We would draw ufeful inftruc- tions from our former calamities, and reconcile, by truth, men too long di- vided by miftakes. We have freely condemned, in this preliminary difcourfe, the condud of the Roman Catholics before the reformation : We have had no call upon us to juftify it fmee that time in any blameable cafe, and, through the rebellion which fucceeded the year 1641 in particular, the author of the following work has been free enough to expofe and ccnfure the violence and ambition of fome among the clergy as well as laity, that the more juftice might be done to the virtue and patriotifm of others of the c fame XVIU INTRODUCTION. fame party. It was an age of infatuation and drnnkennefs, among all par- ties (Proteftants and Papifts) throughout the three kingdoms, and an hifto- rian who from prejudice cannot diftinguifh, or who from bye-ends will not diilinguifli, between the mad and the fober, will acquit himfelf but ill. He will not inftrucl, but he certainly will miflead. The Catholics of the prefent age, have one great intereft in common with their fellow fubjecls, and it confifls in the peace of their country, un- der a monarch, who makes the happinefs of all his people the principal obje£l of his government. With this intereft in quiet they never will part. Since their fubmilTion at Limerick, in 1691, they have been faithful to the go- vernment, which God has fet over them ; and we take great pleafure, in finding that the penal laws of the late Qiieen, which they did not provoke, hav^e taken their beft effeds, in crowning thofe virtues, which, in fad, are the produdion of painful fufFerings, not of power or wealth. Whatever their religion be, a complex fyftem of fuperftition, or a fummary of chriftian duties, it enforces obedience to the eftabliflied government ; their perfeve- rance in fuch a religion is not a civil crime, though an hypocritical adoption of a different one, or a reward offered for obtaining the adoption, would be odious to God and man. Indeed if any danger can arife from their religion, it muf^ be from their not profefling it flncerely, and from omitting the du- ties it impofes on them. Every man w'ho has a retrofped to the grievances expofed in the following work, will think himfelf happy, that he found his cxiftence in this prefent century. In the prefent reign we mufl feel a com- fort like that which fucceeds to the terrors of a mighty tempefl ; our ftate bark is moored, and however many may fuffer by rel^raints on induftry and infecurity to property, yet every fubjed has a full permifllon to exercife the religion of his confcience. Can this be faid of the Tudor and Stuart reigns, when men were fined, tortured, and imprifoned, to exercife a religion againfl their confcience? Were infurredions in thofe days any mighty won- ders among a fierce and turbulent people ? Or will not their infrequency be the chief wonder with impartial pofterity ^ The I N T R ' O D U C T I O K. xix The intention of the author in the following Hiilorical Review of times-, (moft important to be well dcfcribed) is, we trull, fufiiciently explained. He labours to inftrud, not to mifreprefcnt; he endeavours to conciliate,. not to inflame. No honeft man of the prcfent age, (Proteftant or Papiit) is concerned in the condud of Proteftants or Papifts of any former age, other- wife than by contrafting the caufes and efte£ls in the one with thofe in the other, and intruding us thereby to put a proper eftimate on our prefent happincfs, and to remove any ill imprefTion the public may ftill retain, in regard to times fo very different from our own. This is placing a mirror before the reader, wherein beauties and deformities arc fairly reflected ; and whereby dedudions may be made, for improving our minds and manners, by the juftnefs of the reprefentation. The inftrudion to be drawn from the perufal of the following Iliflorical Review has been pointed out ; and if the Author has occafionally paft cen- fures on fome of our Roman Catholic predeceflbrs, relatively to fome falfe judgments and opinions, he has not done it impertinently, to guard the prefent generation of Roman Catholics againfl; fuch exploded notions. He knows them too well to need being fo guarded. The opinions he refers to (and they were no more than opinions) may be compared to chronic diftem- pers, which for a time make depredations on a found conflitution, and which fuch a conftitution will in time fliake off. The birth and parentage of thofe opinions can be eafily traced, if men will be at the fmall pains of doing it They were the offspring of local interefts, nurfed by tlie paflions, and adopted by the politics of the age. They are now no more, and the (hades which formerly enveloped the ignorant and unwary are difperfcd. No Roman Cathohc is now interefted in errors which were but local, and have indeed been oppofed by Roman Catholics in the mod clouded days. In the light which time hath fpread about us, Papifls have got a full fight of their civil duty ; and they profefs and pradice it. To them wc need. not apply. . Our prefent fuit is to Proteftants who ftill are jealous, and who may perhaps be loth to part with miftakes, they have been long in the ha- c 2 bit XX. INTRODUCTION. bit of indulging. Some among them (and it is a good omen) have aheady fliaken off their captivity under thofe miftakes ; and we wifh, and hope alfb, that others may make a philofophic effort, and refled that the opinions we have cenfured were no other than what we have reprefented them to be, mere temporary and tranfient evils, from which no party (Proteftant or Papift) \\as exempt in the times v.-e fpeak of. At prefent no party fhould be puniflied for opinions or principles which they are ready to abjure. The Papifts it is true, avow dodrines, which they are bound by confcience to retain, and which their adverfaries will always condemn. It is not in this cafe as in the other. The opinion is fugitive, the dodrine permanent. Relatively to tenets of faith, a charge made on one fide, is admitted to be juft on the other. There can therefore be no miftake in a cafe where all parties are agreed, and no good reafon can be afligned for charging men with dodrines they rejed, when fo many are avowed, as would juftify the charge of error, if error it could be proved. Human fociety expofed by nature to fundry evils, requires no adventitious fupply from caufes wherein nature revolts, inftead of bearing a part. If the terms of chriflian commu- rrion profeffed by Roman Catholics in every country, be deemed crimes punifhable in any; they mull fland to this in every punifhing country. They muft, in this cafe, oppofe the penalties of confcience to thofe of law, and refignedly yield to the lefler punifhment. Enough is faid to fliew, that an union on civil principles and pradices, under the prefent eftablifhment, is fufficient for all the pur- pofes of civil fecurity ; and we need not go about to prove, that in our own Northern foil, and under our variable climate, the profperity admitted by both, cannot be obtained, without the co-operation and mutual confi- dence of all our people. They muft be hands of mifchief indeed, that re- quire to be tied up from this co-operation, and heads devoid of all honcft principle, who fhould be an obftacle to fuch confidence. The Roman Ca- tholics are by law excluded from permanent property. Even infecurity is annexed to a flux-monied property acquired by their induftry. But the pe- aal laws they are expofed to, have long fince received a conftitutional rati- fication, INTRO-DUCTION. XXI fication, and while fuch laws cxift, their rcHgion commands obedience, not refiftance. They have as little the inclination, as they have the right, to feek any alleviation of their fufferings, but what they may obtain, from a Prince who has approved himfelf the beft of Kings, at the head of a wife parliament. Before v/e conclude, it is but fit that the author fhould exprefs his gra- titude to gentlemen who have forwarded the prefent work by their encou- ragement. He does fo unfeignedly ; and he has a particular call upon him to confefs his obligations to Mr. James Reynolds of AJJj-Street^ whofe correfpondence with the great towns of the kingdom is extenfivc, and who omits no occafion, and indeed improves every opportunity, to approve him- felf a loyal fubjed, and good citizen. June 1 2th, 1775. AUTHORITIES quoted in the enfuing Work. Eliquiae Sacrae Carolina;, or the Works of King Charles I. Odavo. Scrinia Sacra, or Myfleries of State and Government. Odavo, Lond. Ed. Morriffon's Hiftory of Ireland. Lond. Ed. Folio. I'acata Hibernia. Lond. Ed. Folio. State Letters of the Earl of Strafford. Lond. Ed. Folio. State Letters of the Earl of Orrery. Dub. Ed. Odavo. State Letters of Lord Arlington, by Brown. Lond. Ed. Odavo. Borlace's Hiftory of the Irifh Rebellion. Dub, Ed. Folio. Temple's Hiftory of the Irifli Rebellion. Quarto, Sir John Davis's Hiftorical Relations. Dub. Ed. Odavo. Journals of the Irifti Houfe of Commons. Folio. Supplement to thefe Journals. Dub. Ed. Folio. Walfti's Hiftory of the Irifh Remonftrance. Folio, Carte's Life of the Duke of Ormond. Lond. Ed. Folio. Carte's Colledion of Original Letters. Dub. Ed. Odavo. Earl of Caftlehaven's Memoirs. Lond. Ed. Duodecimo. Earl of Anglefey's Letter to the Earl of Caftlehaven. Lond. Ed. Duodecimo. Dodor Leland's Hiftory of Ireland. Dub. Ed. Quarto. Warner's Hiftory of the Irifti Rebellion. Lond. Ed. Quarto. Archbiftiop King's State of the Proteftants of Ireland under King James. Quarto. Mr. Lefley's Anfwer to Archbifhop King. Quarto. The Earl of Clarendon's Life and Memoirs, by himfelf. Dub. Ed. Odavo. Henry Earl of Clarendon's State Letters. Odavo. Lord Effex's State Letters. Mr. Belling's Manufcript Hiftory of the Wars of Ireland. Sir John Dalrymple's Memoirs. Dub. Ed. Odavo. Spencer's State of Ireland. Dub. Ed, Duodecimo. A N HISTORICAL AND CRITICAL REVIEW OF THE CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. BOOK! C H A P. I. Of the State of the Iri/f:)from the Time of the Invqfion of Henry II. IN order to form a right judgment of the principles, and condu£l of the natives of Ireland, fincc the reformation (from which period only, I pur- pofe to confider their civil difTenfions) it is necelTary to look back to the times preceding that event; and to take a curfory view of the manner, in which the lirfl Britifh adventurers, and their fuccelTors, for feveral ages, treated thefe, as they afFeded to call them, conquered People ( i ). Now it is evident from all our records, that after thefe adventurers got footing in that kingdom, the Britifh colonies only, and fome {a) few fepts of the Irifh, that were enfranchifed by fpecial charter, were admitted to the Benefit and Protedion of the laws of England; and that the Irifh, as fuch,were generally reputed alien?, B or (i) Sir John Davis's Hiftorical Relations, D. Ed. p. 45. (fl) Thefe were the O'Neals of Ulfter, O'lMelaghlins of Meath, the O'Conors of Conaught, the CBncn* of Tliomond, and the Mac Mouroghs of LeinlUr. Sir John Davis's Hift. Rel. 1 HISTORICAL REVIEW OF THE Bk. I. or rather enemies ; in fo much, that it was adjudged no felony to kill a mere {hi) Irifhman, in time of peace. It is alfo evident, that (2) the Irifli, on their parts, " did, at feveral times, clefire to be admitted to the benefit of the lavv; as in their petitions to Richard II. and Lord Thomas of Lancafter, before the war of the two Houfes ; and afterwards, to Lord Leonard Gray, and Sir Arthur St. Leger, when Henry the VIII. began to reform that kingdom. And it was certainly a great defed in the civil policy of Ireland, that for the fpace of three hundred and fifty years at leaft after the conqueft firft attempted, the Englilh laws were not commu- nicated to its people, nor the benefit or protection thereof allowed them; for as long as they were out of the protedion of the laws, fo as every Englifhraan might opprefs, fpoil, and kill them without controul (3), how was it pofiible they ihould be other than outlaws, and enemies to the Crown of England?' If the king would not admit them to the condition of fubjeds, how could they learn to acknowledge, and obey him, as their Sovereign ? When they might not converfe, or commerce, with civilized men, nor enter into any town or city without peril of ther lives: whither fhould they fly, but into woods and mountains, and there live in a wild, and barbarous manner ? In a word, if the Englilh would neither in peace govern them by the law, nor could in war root them out by the fword, muft they not needs be pricks in their eyes, and thorns in their fides, to the world's end ?" On the other hand, that thefe people merited far different treatment from the crown of England, is manifeft from hence, that when they were at laft ad- mitted to the condition of fubjeds, under James I. they gave many fignal proofs of their dutifulnefs; and obedience; and as the fame knowing, and impartial witnefs whom I have hitherto quoted, then vouched for them (4), " would gladly continue in that condition, as long as they might be proteded, and juftly governed, without opprefiion on the one hand, or impunity on the other; there being, in his opinion, no nation under the fun that did love equal, and indifferent (c), Juftice, better than the Irifh, or that would reft better fa- tisfied (2) Sir John Davis's Hiftorical Relations, D. Ed. p. i6. (j) Id. ib. p. 53. (4) Id. !b. p. 123. (V) So ridiculoudy, as well as tyrannoudy, was tliis " man fhould be found among the Englifli, contrary diftiiidion kept up, " That no man was lo be taken for " thereunto, it was lawful to feize him, and his goods, " an Englifiiman, who had not his upper lip fliavcn :" " as an Iiilh enemy." Sir John Davis, Ib. p. 92. (which, it feems, the Irifli had not.) " And, if any (f) " I dare affirm," fays Sir John Davis, Attorney " cuit of fix iliire.^i, namely, the VVertern circuit of General in Ireland, in the reign of J.inies I. " that " England. For the truth is, that in time of peace, " for the fpace of five years Urt part, there have not " the Irifli are more iearlul to offend the law, than " been found fo many malefactors, worthy of death, " the Englifli, or any other nation whatfoevet." Hill. " in all the fix circuits of this realm, which is now Rclat. p. 116. " divided into ihirty-fu ihitea at large, as in one cir- Ch.n. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. j tisfied with the execution thereof, altho' it were againfl; theiiifelves ; Co as they might have the protedion, and benefit of the law, when upon a juft cauf© they did defire it." CHAP. II. T&e State of the Irijb, at the Beginning of the Reformation of Religion. IN this condition of abfolute flavery, the Irifh remained during the reigna of Henry VIII. Edward VI. and (^ EHzabeth ; when the new reformed rehajion was firft introduced among them \ a circumftance not at all likely to induce them to embrace it, even tho' they had been willing to part with their old religion, which was far from being the cafe. This obftacle to their refor- mation, was accompanied with others ftill greater ; their new paftors were to- tally ignorant of the Irifh language, as their flocks, for the moft part, were of the Englifli(fl); befides, the inferior clergy, in thofe days, who had the immediate cure of fouls, were men of no parts, or eradition; and, what was much worfe, they were full as immoral, as they were illiterate (i). " The -' clergy in Ireland," fays Mr. Spencer (^), writing of this period, " excepting *' the grave fathers, who are in high places about the ftate, and fome few " others, who are lately planted in the new college, are generally bad, licen- " tious, and mofl: difordered." Such were the men, whofe new religious dodrine, and difcipline, thefe people were required to embrace, againft the convidion of their confciences, and at the peril of their liberties, fortunes, and lives. At the fame time that the ignorance, and immorality of the reforming miA iionaries caufed the Irifh to hate, and defpife their dodlrine, thefe people held B 2 the (i) Spencei's State of Ireland, Dub. Ed. (r?) " Even wiihin the Englilli pale," (viz. tlie " terfefted the Englifli fettlements, no other language counties of Dublin, Meath, Lowth, and Kildarc,) " was at all known ; fo that here the wretched flock " the Iiilh language was become (o predominant, that " was totally inacceflible to thofe ftiangers, who were " laws were repeatedly enadled to relhain it, but in " become their paftors." Leland's Hift. of Ireland, " vain. — In thofe tiaits of Irifli teiritory, which in- Dub. Ed 410. Vol. ii. p. 194. (b) He was Secretary to Lord Leonard Gray, De- " mon clergymen. And befides thefe, they have puty of Ireland, in tlie reign of Elizabeth. " What- " particular enormiiies ; they neither rer.d the Icrip- " ever diforders," adds he, on this occafion, " are " tures, nor preach to the people, only they take the " in the church of England, may be feen in that of " tythes and offerings, and gather what fruit they can " Ireland, and much more; namely, grofs fimony, " off their livings,which they convert as badly." State " greedy covetoufnefs, flellily incontinency, carelefs of Ireland, p. iji. " floth, and generally all difordered life in the com- 4 HISTORICAL REVIEW of the Bk I. the perfons of their own clergy, in the higheft efteem and veneration (c). Of this, I fhall mention one remarkable inftance, out of many others, that occur in their hiftory (2). " Towards the end of Ojieen Elizabeth's reign, her Ma- " jefty's forces belieging the caftle of Cloghan, and underftanding that in the " fame there was a Romifti prieft," (to which order of men they never gave quarter,) " having alfo in their hands, the brother of the Conftable, who had " the charge of the caftle, the commanding officer fent him word, that if he " did not prefently furrerider the Caftle to him, he would hang his brother in " their fight. But to fave the prieft, whofe life they tendered, they perfever- " ed obftmately not to yield : whereupon the officer, in their fight, hanged " the Conftable's brother. Neverthelefs, within four days afterwards, the " prieft being Shifted away in fafety, the Conftable fued for a protedlion, and " rendered the caftle. I do relate this accident," adds my author, " to the " end the reader may the more clearly fee, in what reverence, and eftimation, " thefe ignorant fuperftitious Irifh do hold a Popifli prieft ; in regard of whofe " fafety, the Conftable was content to fuffer his brother to perifti." CHAP. III. The Conduct of the Englijh Chief Governors of Ireland^ towards the 'Natives. MR. OSBURNE informs us (i), that in England, during Q. Elizabeth's reign, to be a Catholic was thought to fignify nothing elfe, but an enemy to God, and the Prince. The like prejudice prevailed alfo, at the fame time, in Ireland ; and the name of Iriftiman, or Papift, was deem- ed a fufficient juftification of any ad of cruelty, or injuftice, committed on the perfon who bore it I fay not this, merely on the teftimony of Iriftimen, and Papifts ; but on that alfo, of Engliftimen, and Proteftants ; fome of whom were eye-witnefles of the fads they relate, and had the virtue to publifh their deteftation of them. In (2) Pacata Hibernia, fol. 358. (1) Ofburne's Works. {c) " Ii's a great v/onder," fays the fame Mr. " Rome. Whereas, fome of our idle minifters, hav- Spcncer, " to fee the odds, which is between the " ing a way for credit and ellimatioii thereby opened, " zeal of ropirti pritfts and the niiniftcrs of the Gof- " and having livings of the country offered to them, " pel. For they fpare not to come out of Spain, from " without pains, and without peril, will neither for " Rome, and (rom Rheims, by long toil and dange- " the fame, nor for any love of God, or zeal of " lous travel'ing hiiher; where ihey know peril of " religion, be drawn forth from their warm nefts, to " death awaiteih them, and no reward, or riches to " look out into God's haiveft." lb. p. 114. " be found, only to draw the people to the church of Ch.m. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 5 In a (2) Memorial prefcnted to her Majcfty and Council, by aa (a) of- ficer, who had ferved fcveral years in htr army in Ireland j fome of thofe unconfcionable courfes are fet forth, particularly thofe frequent breaches of publick faith, and the infecurity of any pardon granted to thefe people, on their fubmitting to the government; who, fays the Memorialift, "with- out being guilty of any new crime, and evea without a legal trial, were afterwards condemned, and executed, to the great difhonour of her Majefty, and difcredit of her Laws." It would be equally fliocking, and ti^dious, to recite all thofe well-attefted a£ts*of cruelty and perfidy, which were perpetrated on thefe people, by the order, or connivance, of her Majefty's principal Minifters in that kingdom. Two, or three inftances only, which include hundreds of fufferers, will fuf- fice for the prefent. When, in the y-ear 1583(3), the garrifbn of Smerwick, in Kerry, furren- dered, upon mercy, to Lord Deputy Gray (^^j, he ordered upwards of feven hundred of them to be put to the fword (c), or hanged (4). " Wingfield was com- miflioned to difarm them ; and when this fervice was performed, an Englifli company was fent into the fort, and the garrifon was butchered in cold blood, nor is it without pain that we find a fervice fo horrid, and deteftable, commit- ted to Sir Walter Raleigh. The ufual, and obvious excufes for this feverity, could not efface the odioufnefs o£ it; on the Continent it was received with horror." About the fame time (5), " Walter Earl of ElTex, on the conclufion of a peace, invited Bryan O'Neal of Claneboy, with a great number of his relations, to an entertainment, where they lived together in great harmony, making good (2) Manufcript in Tiinify College, Dublin. See Append No. i. (3) Boilafe's Redii6>ion ofTrelnnd, p. 13^. {4) Leland's Hift. of Ireland, Vol. ii. p. 283. (5) MSS. Ififh Chronicle in Trinity College, Dub.- « (a) The author, in the body of his Memorial, of- themfclves. But, if it pleafe your Highnefs to.ap- fers the following trial and proof of his veracity. point ComiiiifTiontrs in that realm for the trial ; it I •' I defire not that your Majefty fhould either fimply prove not diteftly all that ever I have declared, let credit me, in this my plalntlealing, in detecting them," meloleyour gtacious^ favour for ever." (her Minifters in Ireland,) " nor them in excufing (^) " Repeated complaints were made of the in- barbarity, that little was left in Irc'arul for her Ma- fauman rigor prafliced by this Deputy, and his officers, jefty to reign over, but afhes, and dcact caicafles." The Queen was affured, that he tyrannifed with fuch Lei. Hill, of Ireland, Vol. ii. p. 287. (f) " The Italian General, and fome officers, were ed in cold blood." Leland's Hift. of Ireland, Vol ii. aude prifoners of war, but the gartifon was butcher- p. 283. 6 HISTORICAL REVIEW OP THE Bk. I. good cheer for three days and nights ; when, on a fudden, O'Neal was furprif- ed withan arreft, together with his brother and wife, by the Earl's order (c/). His friends were put" to the fword before his face; nor were the women and children fpared: he was himfelf, with his brother and wife, fent to Dublin, where they were cut in quarter-s. This encreafed the difaffedion, and pro- duced the deteftation of all the Irifh ; for this Chieftain ofClaneboy, was the fenior ofhis family, and as he had been univerfally efteemed, he was now as univerfally regretted." We don't find, however, that any remarkable commotion was excited on this account •, or that any immediate provocation on the part of the Irifh^ was fo much as pretended, for fo barbarous an ad of perfidy. " After the 19th year of Oiieen Elizabeth, viz, anno, 1577, the Lords of Conaght, and O'Rorke," fays (6) Morriflbn, " made a compofition for their Lands, with Sir Nicholas Maiby, governor of that province ; wherein they were content to yield the Qiieen fo large a rent, and fuch fervices, both of labourers to work upon occafion of fortifying, and of horfe and foot, to ferve upon occafion of war, that their minds feemed not yet to be alienated from their wonted awe, and reverence for the crown of England." Yet, in that fame year, an horrible maffacre was committed by the Englifh, at Mulloghmafton, on fome hundreds of the moft peaceable of the Irifh gentry, invited thither on the public faith, and under the protection of government. The fad is thus literally f'e^ tranflated from (7) the Irifh annals of Qjieen Elizabeth's reign. " Thj calends of January, on Tuefday, 1 577. In this year the Englifli of Leinfter and Meath, committed horrid murders on fuch of the O'Mores and O'Conors, and others of the King's and Ojieen's county as kept the peace, fued for protedion, and held no correfpondence with thofe of their kindred, who ftill flood out in arms againft the Englifh government." " The Englifh publifhed a proclamation, inviting all the well-afFeded Irifh to an interview on the Rathmore, at Mulloghmaflon ; engaging, at the fame time, for their fecurity, and that no evil was intended. In confequence of this engagement, the well-affeded came to the Rathmore aforcfaid, and foon after . (6) Hiftory of Ireland, fol. Ed.p. 3. (7} MSS. Ttln. Col. Dub. {J) " Such relations," as Doflor Lcland juftly hidories, except in the niinutencfs with which they oblervcs on (his occafion, " would be more Uifpicious, record the local tranfadions, and adventures of the ifthefe annals in general eiprefTtd great virulence Iiifli. And fonietimes they exprefily condemn their againft the Knglifli, and thtir government. But they countrymen, for their rebellions againft their Prince." do not appear to differ elfcniially from the printed Hift. of Ireland, Vol. ii. p. 25S. (r) By my learned, and very wojthy fti«nd, Charles O'Conor, of Balaoegare, Efq; as likcwife the former. Ch. IV. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 7 after they were aflembled, they found themfclves furroundcd by three or four lines of Engl irti and Irifh horfe and foot, completely accoutred, by whom they were ungeneroully attacked, and cut to pieces ; and not a fingle man cfcapcd." To this maffacre, the Memorialift beforcmentioncd, probably alluded, when he complained (8), " that her Majefty's fervants, who were placed in authority, to protect men for her fcrvice, had drawn unto them, by fuch pro- tcdion, three or four hjandred of the Irilh, under colour to fervc her Majefty; and brought them to a place of meeting, where her garrifon-foldiers were ap- pointed to be ; who there, moft difhonourably, put them all to the fword. This, adds he, was done by the confent, and pradice, of the Lord Deputy for the time being." CHAP. IV. Motives for the general Dif content in Uljier. . IN the year 1589(1), " When Sir William Fitzwilliams entered upon the government, Ireland was in the beft eftate that it had been in for along time, not only peaceable and quiet, but fo as any, the greateft Lord, called by letter, or meffenger, readily came to the State; and none of them were known to be any way difcontent. But, within three months after his taking the fword, having been informed, that the Spaniards lately (^jj wrecked upon the coafts of Conaught, and Ulftcr, had left with the inhabitants great flore oftreafure, and other riches, he greedily fought to get it into his hands, pre- tending the Ojieen's fervice, as appeared by a commiffion, by which he firfl effayed to feize the fame ; but that not taking effedt, he made a journey him- felf, into thefe parts, where, altogether failing of his purpofe, he brought thence with him, as prifoners, two of the beft affe£led gentlemen to the State, that were in thofe parts, whom he deemed to poffefs the greateft part of the treafure, namely, Sir Owen- Mac Tooly, father-in-law to the Earl of Tyrone, who had long enjoyed a penfion of two hundred pounds a year from the Ojieen, and Sir John O'Dogherty. The former refufing to pay for his en- largement, continued prifoner till the beginning of Sir William Ruffell's go- vernment,- (8) Lee's Memorial, MSS. Trin. Col. Dub. (i) Morif. Hid. of Ireland, fol. 4. {a) " Thofe (Spaniards) who were rtiipwrecked tence made ufe of, to excufe this barbarity.'" in Ireland, and caft afhore, were all put to ibe fword, 'Tis faid, that or. the coaft of Irtland, fevcnteen fnips, or perilhed by the hands of the Executioner ; the Lord and five thoufand tliice hundred and ninety four men Deputy, by whofe orders it was done, fearing they were then deftroyed. Rapio's Hift. of Eng. \ol. ix. would fide with the Rebels ; at leaft this was the pre- p. isz. Note. 8 HISTORICAL REVIEW OF THE Bk.I. vernment, who in pity difcharged him-, but the old gentleman's heart was firft broken, fo as fhortly after he died. The latter was releafed, after two years reftraint ; but not without paying for his liberty. At this hard ufuage of thefe two Ulfter gentlemen, all the great men of the Irifh, efpecially in thofe Northern parts, did much repine. " The loyal Irifh," fays Dodor Leland, " on this occafion, trembled for their own fafety, and the difafFeded were con- firmed in their inveteracy." "About the year 1590(2), died M'Mahon, Chieftain of Monaghan,whcs in his life-time had furrendered his country into her Majefty's hands, and re- ceived a re-grant thereof, under the broad leal of England, to him and his heirs Hiale ; and in default of fuch, to his brother Hugh Roe M'Mahon, with other remainders. And this man dying without ifrue-male,his faid brother came up to the State, that he might be fettled in his inheritance, hoping to be counte- nanced and cherifhed, as her Majefty's Patentee. But he found, as the (b) irifh fay, he could not be admitted, until he promifed fix hundred cows, for fuch, and no other, were the Irilli bribes. He was afterwards imprifoned for failing in part of his payment; and in a few days enlarged, with promife that the Lord Deputy himfelf, would go and fettle him in his country of Monaghan ; whither his Lordfhip took his journey fhortly after, with M'Mahon in his company. At their firft arrival, the gentleman was clapt into bolts; and in two days after, he was indided, arraigned, and executed at his own door ; all done, as the Irifh faid, by fuch officers, as the Lord Deputy carried with him, for that purpofe, from Dublin. The treafon for which he was condemned, was, becaufe, two years before, he pretending a rent due unto him, out of Ferney, levied forces, and made a diftrefs for the fame; which, by the Englifh law, adds my Author, may, perhaps, be treafon ; but in that country, never before fubjed to law, it was thought no rare thing, nor great (2) Id. ib. fol. 10. {h) On occafion of tills manner of expreffing him- wiiliout the fcant things fell out much contrary to what he had good reafon to expect, he pre- fumed, if theQjiecn kept thclrifh garrifonsftrong, and well provided for all the enfuing winter, file might, before the next fpring, fend into Ireland pro- per perfons, with her pleafure how much, and in what manner, every man fhould hold his land; and what laws fhe would have current there; and he was confident, they would be obeyed. And after this winter," adds his Lord- fliip, " I think flie may withdraw her garrifons, only leaving wards in their places; and if I be not much deceived, you Ihall find, that thefe men will be the lafl of all Ireland that will forfake the Queen's party ; and, I prefumc, after this winter, they will do the Qiieen good fervice againfl the Spaniards, if they come." On (4) the 30th of March following, Tyrone came to Mellifont, where be- ing admitted to the Lord Deputy's chamber, he kneeled at the door humbly, for a long fpace, making his penitent fubmilfion to her Majefly. And the next day he made a moft humble fubmifTion in writing, figned with his own hand; wherein, after abfolutely cafling himfelf on her Majefty's mercy, with- out prefuming to juffify his difloyal proceedings, he among other things, mofl: forrowfully, and earnefily dcfired, that it might pleafc her Majefty, rather'in Ibme meafure to mitigate her juf^ indignation againfl him, in that he did rc- ligioufly vow, that the firfl motives of his rebellion were neither pradicc, ma- lice, nor ambition; but that he was induced firfl by fear of his life, which, he conceived, was fought by his enemies pradtice, to fland upon his guard." This iubmiflion (2) Morriflbn, ib. fol. 236. (3) Id. ib. (4) Id. ib. tains bringing up his meat, and fonie of the colonels Spaniagb, chief of the Cavan.nglis in Leinilcr. Thefe," attending on bis perfon at the table, to which featt, adds my author, " were entertained with plenty of the rebels were invited, whom his Lordfliip had l:ite- wine, and all kindncft ; his Lcrdfhip aflurin^ them, iy received to mercy, under her Majefly 's pioteaion, that as he had been a fcourge to them in rebellion, \o till their pardons might be Cgned ; namely, Turlogh he would now he 3 mediator for them to her M^jefty, M'Henry, captain of the Fews, Ever M'Coolcy, in their ftate of fubjeils, they (landing firm and con- chief of the Fearney, O'Hanlon, a Lord of Ulfter, ftant to their obedience." Hift. of Ireland, p. 09. Pheliii) M'Feagh, chief of the O'Byrnes, and DoneU 3a HISTORICAL REVIEW OF THE Bk. I. fubmiffion in writing (adds Mr. MorrifTon) was prefented by the Earl of Ty- rone, kneeling before the Lord Deputy and Council, and in the prefence of a great aflembly, whereupon the Lord Deputy, in the Qjieen's name, promifed to the Earl, for himfelf, and his followers, her Majefty's gracious pardon. And to himfelf the reftoring of his dignity of the Earldom of Tyrone, and of his blood; and likewife new letters patent for all his lands, which, in his for- mer letters patent, had been granted to him, before his rebellion (5). " Thus had the Queen's army under Lord Mountjoy, broken, and abfolutely fubdued, all the Lords and chieftains of the Irifhry. Whereupon, the multitude being brayed, as it were, in a mortar, with fword, famine, and peftilence together, fubmitted themfelves to the Englifh government, received the laws, and Ma- giftrates, and moft gladly embraced the * King's pardon, and peace, in all parts -of the realm, with demonftrations of joy, and comfort." (5) Sir John Davis'a Hift. Relations. * James I. BOOK A N HISTORICAL AND CRITICAL R E V I E W O F T H E CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. B O O K 11. CHAP. I. The State of the IriJ/j under King James I. " O OME few years before Qpeen Elizabeth's death, King James was at (i) 1^ the utmoft pains to gain the friendfhip of Roman CathoHc Princes, as a necelTary precaution to facihtate his acceffion to the EngHfh Throne. Lord Home, who was himfelf a Roman Cathohc, was entrufted with a fecret com- miflion to the Pope ; the Archbifhop of Glafcow, another Roman Cathoh'c, was very adive with thofe of his own rehgion. Sir James Lindfay made great progrefs in gaining the Englifh Papifts." And as it feems to have been part of that King's policy, in order to pave the way to his fucceflion (2), " to wafle the vigour of the ftate of England, by fome infenfible, yet powerful, means," he had his agents in Ireland, fomenting Tyrone's war, ( " The Scots daily car- rying munition to the rebels in Ulfter.") So that the Queen was driven to an almoft incredible (a) expence in carrying it on, and her enemies flill encouraged by James's fecret alfiftance, and promifes. F "It (i) Robertfon'3 Hift. of Scotland, &c. (2) Secret Correfpondence bet^veen King James and Sir Robert Cecil, p. 75- _ (a) " The Queen's charge for Ireland," faysMor- thou fand, fix hundred and feventy-three pounds, iiine- tinbo, " from the iftof April 1600, to the zgth of teen iliillings and four-pence halfpenny." Hift. of Maich 1602, was two liundred and eighty-three Ireland, fol. 197. 34 HISTORICAL REVIEW of the Bk.II. " It (3) is certain," fays Mr. Ofburne, " that the promife, King James made to Roman Catholics, was regiftered, and amounted Co high at lead, as a tolera- tion of their religion." " Of (4) t-heite intrigues, Ojieen Elizabeth received obfcure hints from feve- ral quarters (5)." Her Majcfty in a letter to the King himfelf in 1 599, gave him to underftand, " that there vv^ere many Letters from Rome, and elfewhere, which told the names of men, authorifed by him (tho' fhe hoped falfely) to afiure his conformity as time might ferve, to eftablilh the dangerous party, and fail his own." The Roman Catholics, in the different provinces of Ireland, were, on James's accellion, fo much elated with the hopes of the above-mentioned tole- ration, and had taken up fuch an opinion, that the King himfelf was a Catho- lic, that they ran into fome exceffes, which have been fince, unfairly repre- fented by Hiflorians, as fo many overt a^ts of treafon, and rebellion. For, on that miftaken notion, they exercifed their religion publickly, and even feized on fome churches for their own ufe. The Mayors of Cork, and Waterford, are faid to have refufed to proclaim the King, becaufe they did not proclaim himprecifely at the time appointed by his excellency; and the citizens of Cork would not, it feems, fuffer the King's munition, and artillery, which was en- trufted to their keeping, to be conveyed to a new fort, built within their fran- chifes, but againft their confent. But we can eafily make it appear, that thefe paffages admit of a much mOre favourable interpretation, than what has been given them. For it is not furely probable, that men, who had preferved their allegiance under a fevere perfecution of their religion, during all the time of (^een Elizabeth's reign, would, without any new caufe, all at once, become rebels to a Prince, from whom they hourly expeded a toleration of it ; and whom they generally believed to be privately of their own way of think- ing in that refpedl. They excufed their delay in proclaiming the King, by affuring his Excellency, that it was occafioned (6), " Only by their defire of doing it with the greater folemnity •" which excufe appears to have been accepted; for when they had, foon after, proclaimed his Majefty, in the folemn manner they intended, Lord Mountjoy told them (7), " That in regard of their joyful, and folemn way of doing it, he was willing to interpret their adions to the beft, and took their good performance for an excufe." And, as to the hindering j^he munition, and artillery to be carried to the fort, they ,'- alleged (3) Ofl)urne's Works. (4) Robtrtfon ubi fupra. (5) Saunderfon King James. (6) Morriffon's Hiitorj. (7) Id. ib. / Ch. I. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 35 alleged (8), " That the fort was commanded by a perfon, who had, on fcveral occafions, (hewn gre:it contempt, and enmity to their city; and that the fol- diers there had offered them many abufcs, fliootingat their fifhermen, and at the boats fent out for provifion ; and ufmg them at their pleafure." And they made it their reqeuft to his Excellency, that, as the fort was built withia their franchifes, they might have the keeping of it for his Majefty, which they would do to their utmoft peril. They had, befides, another excufe, which was not altogether difapproved of by his Lordfhip; they knew, that the Deputy's power had determined with the Oiicen's life; but they did not know, that it was renewed by her fucceffor (9), " It may be," fays his Excel- lency, in his letter to them on this occafion, " that you have rafhly, and un- advifedly done this, upon fomc opinion of the ceafing of authority in the pub- lic government, upon the death of our late fovereign, which is fomewhat more, though no way in true, and fevere judgment, excufable; and, I think otherwife, you never would have been fo foolifh." And it yi^as then only that he firft undeceived them as to that matter, by telling them (10), " That his authority, as Lord Deputy, was renewed, and confirmed by his then Ma- jefty's royal letters patent, under his feal; requiring them, upon their alle- giance, to pay obedience to it ;" and adding, " that if he Ihould find they did {o, he would be glad to have occafion to interpret all things pafl in the better part, and take as little notice, as he could tliereof." But his Lorfl;iip feems not to have waited for the efFeds of this letter, which is dated April the 27th ; for*bn the firft of the following month, he marched out with an army towards Munftcr, and on the 4th entered at a place called Gracedieu, near the city of Waterford ; the citizens of which re- fufed, at firft, to receive his army into the town, being authorifed thereto by their charter; but they offered to give free and prompt admittance to his Lord- ihip, and his retinue, the Chief of them having, for that purpofjb, come forth, and attended him in his camp. What Lord Mountjoy feemed principally torefent in thefe people, to fuch a degree as thus fuddenly to draw down the army upon them, was the bold- nefs of feveral of the towns, and corporations (11), " in fetting up, of their own heads, the public exercife of the Popifh worfhip." For, in all his letters to the magiftratcs of that province, he takes particular notice of tint boldnefs ; frequently affuring them (12), " That his Majefty was a good Proteftant ; and even threatening one of thefe towns (13), " that if they did not defift from the public breach of his Majefty's laws, in the celebration of the Mafs, he F 2 vvouM (S^ld.ib. (9) Id. ib. fol. 288. (10) lb. (ir)Id. ib. (i2)Id.ib. (i3)Id.;b. -6 HISTORICAL REVIEW OF THE Bk. H. would think them fit to be profecuted with the revenging fword of his Majefly's forces." And in truth, his Excellency, in this expedition to Waterford, appears, at firft light, to have aded the part, rather of a meek and zealous Proteftant miffioner, than that of an incenfed leader of an hoftile army. For, upon the citizens coming forth to pay their refpeds to him in his camp (14), he imme- diately required them to bring unto him one Doilor White, a famous Jefuit of that city, " With whom," fays Mori iffon( 15), " he difputed againft fome erroneous pofitions of popery; all which," adds my Author, " his Lordfhip did (as no layman, I think, could better do) moft learnedly confute." It is but juftice to obferve, that his Lordfhip, at the fame time, did as learnedly confute an erroneous pofition in the citizens charter, granted by King John; by which they fuppofed themfelves privileged to deny his foldiers entrance into their city. But his Lordfhip told them roundly, without entering into the merits of the matter (16), " That if they did not prefently open their ports to him, and his army, he would cut King John's charter in pieces with King James's fvvord ; and that, if he entered the town by force, he would ruin it, and ftrew fait upon the ruins (bj." C H A P. II. ^ general ACF of Oblivion. KING James fucceeded to the Englifh throne without oppofit ion ; and his Catholic fubjedls, throughout the three kingdoms, made fignal re- joicings on that account. Upon this occafion, he not only confirmed Ty- rone's pardon, but alfo received him in England, (whither he was conduced by Lord Deputy Mountjoy) with fingular marks (i) of favour; and foon after, fent him back with (a) honour, to take polTeflion of his eftates in Ireland i having (14) Id. ib. (15) Id. ib, (i6) Id. ib. (i) Morrif. ubi fupra, f'Z'^ " But this florm," fays an adverfe writer, "as Hibcrn. Vol. i. p. 416. Such privileges were after- Toon as the Lord Deputy prefented himfelf with an wards granted them, " That the Juftices of aflize army before their walls, was appeafed ; and not long having no authority to hold their aifizes there, the after, larger libtrties and imnuinities were granted un- laws of religion (againft recuiants) could not be exe- to them, than formerly they had." Deiid. Curiof. cuted." lb. Vol. i. p. 359. (a) Tyrone's reception by the people of Beaumor- him, with bitter words. And when he was to return, ris, where he landed, was very different. " For no he durft not pafs by thefe parts, without direftions to jefpefl to the Lord Deputy," fays Mottiflbn, " in the Sheriffs to convey him, with troops of horfe, whofe company he rode up to London, could contain from place to place, till he was fafely embarked." many women in thefe parts, who had lofl hulbandf, Morrii'. HiH, of Ireland, fol. 296, and children i^ the Iiiih war, fiom flinging di;t at CLU CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 37 having fet forth a proclamation, forbidding all perfons to reproach him, at any time after, with the rebellion formerly raifcd by him, and then happily fuppreffed. But (2) although, by the fnpprefTion of tliis rebellion, the minds of the people were broken, and prepared to obedience, yet the ftate, upon good reafon, did conceive, that the public peace could not be fettled, till the hearts of the people were alfo quitted, by fecuring them from the danger of the law, which moft of them had incurred, one way or other, in that great and general confufion ; therefore, by a general ad of ftate, called the Ad of Oblivion, publilhed by proclamation, under the great feal, all offences againft the crown, and all particular tref{)afres between fubjed and fubjed, were to all fach as would come into the juftices of alTize, by a certain day, and claim the benefit of this ad, pardoned, remitted, and utterly extinguifhed (b), never to be re- vived, or called in queftion. And by the fame proclamation, all the Irifhry, who for the moft part, had no defence, or juflice, from the crown, were re- ceived into his Majefly's immediate protedion. "•This," continues my Author, " bred fuch comfort, and fecurity in the hearts of all men, as thereupon enfued the calmcfl,and mofluniverfal peace, that ever was feen in Ireland." Yet,, in the midft of this mofl calm, and univerfal peace, his Majefly, quite unmindful of all his former promifes of favour to his Roman Catholic fubjeds, ordered a proclamation to be publifhed, Itrid'y forbidding the exert- cife of their religion to thofe of Ireland, banifning their clergy, and infliding fevere penalties on all fuch, as fhould be found to harbour, or entertain them ; enjoining, alfo, the immediate execution of the ad of uniformity of the fccond of Elizabeth; which ad, tho' pretended to have been pafTed in the Irifh parliament forty years before, was then firfl folemnly pub- iifhed. By this ad, all Roman Catholics arc obliged to afTift at the Proteflant church-fervice, every Sunday and Holyday, on the penalty of twelve pence, and of what, indeed, was infinitely more grievous, the cenfures of the Ek;cle- fiaflical' courts, for each default, A method of proceeding very inconfiftent with the fundamental principles of that religion, which this ad was intended to introduce, viz. freedom of confcience, and the right of private judgment. Heylin (2) Sir John Davis's Hidotical Relations. (h) Happy, indeed, liad it been for the proptie- ther not fo fcandaloufly broken, in a few yziit aft^r, tors of fa entire counties in Ulfter, had this folemn as we fljall pttftntly fee it was. piomife of oblivion b«en faithful!/ obfeived ; or ra- 38 HISTORICAL REVIEW of the Bk. II. Heylin has juftly obferved another abfurdity in this ftatute. " The (3) Irilh," fays he, " were obhged, under feveral penalties, to be prefent at the reading of the Enghlh Liturgy, which they underftood no more than they did theMafs; by which means, they were not only kept in conti- nual ignorance, as to the dodrines, and devotions, of the church of England, but al(b were furnilhed with an excellent argument againft ourfelves, for hav- ing the Divine Service celebrated in fuch a language, as the people did not underhand (c)r H III. Some Confiderations on the two Statutes of Supremacy and Uniformity. TH E execution of the penal ad laft mentioned, and of the preceding ftatutc of fupremacy, was the more grievous, and unjuftifiable, as they were both well known to have been impofed upon the nation by force, or fraud, though under the plaufible appearance of parliamentary fandion. As for the ftatutc of fupremacy, there is no queftion but the Irifh chief- tains were previoufly awed, and broken, by a military force, in order to (a) gain their confent to it(i). " Lord Leonard Gray, to prepare the minds of the people to obey this ftatute, began firft, (fays Sir John Davis,) with a mar- tial courfe, by making a vidorious circuit round the kingdom, whereby the principal fepts ©f the Irifhry were all terrified, and moft of them broken ; and then, after this preparation thus made, he firft propounded, and paffed thofe laws, which made the great alteration in the ftate ecclefiaftical." Of (3) Eliz. (1) Sir John Davis's Hiftotica! Relat. (c)To remedy this inconvenience, " In the reign of James I. it was ordered, that the Bible and Conmion- prayer fnouid be tianflalcd into the Iriili Innguage ; which was done: and every parilh church was obliged to pay ten fhillings for an liilTi bible, when not one aniongft an hundred could read, or underlland it. And therefore," adds my Author, " an Irifh Proteftant Bifliop did laugh at this ftrange kind of alteraiion, and (a) Yet even when It came to be propofcd in par- liament, " Lords and Commons joined in exprelfrng their abhorrence oT the Ipiritual authority aifmiicd by the King" Lei. Hill, of Ireland, Vol. ii. p. i6;. " liut fear," fays the fame writer, " fcrved to allay the violence of thofe, wlio could not be perfuaded." However, " in defpite of legidalive auihotliy, tliey ftill oppofed that law with indefatigable zeal. Several incumbents of the diocefs of Dublin, chofe to refign thcif benefice*, rather than acknowledge the King's faid to fome of his friends, " In Q_ Elizabeth's tl:nc, we had Englilli Biblfs, and IriHi Minilleis ; but now we have iVJinifters come out of England unto iis, and Irifh Bibles witli them." — Vloft of the benefices and church- livings in Ireland, were beftowed upon Lng- liih and Scotti/h Minlfteis, aot one of them li«vinj]r three words of the Irilh tongue." Theatre of Caih. and i'roteft. Religion, p. JiS- fupremacy." And fo formidable, at lead fo conGdfr- able was this party, " that the Archbifliop (Brown) would not vcn'ure to fill up tlicir benefices until he had confulted his patron Lord Cromwell." Id. ib p. 167. Thefe incumbents objefled to the legality of that ftatute, becaufe, " two Proftors from e«ch Diocefs, had been ufually fummoncd and claimed to be a member of the legiflative body, and to have a full right of fuffrage in every queftion; and becaufe, in itiis cafe, their (lain) v.as rejvfled." Ib. p. 165-6. Ch.III. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. ."9 Of the ftatute of uniformity, of the 2d of Elizabeth, all the Iriih writers at, or near, that period, iinanimoully afHrm, that it was furreplitioufly or iorcibly obtained. Mr. Lynch in liis Cambrcnfis Evcrfus, informs us (2), " Ttiat it was Eafled by the artifice of one Mr. Stanyhurft of Corduff, then Speaker of the ifh Commons, who being in the reforming Intercft:, privately got together, on a day when the houfe was fiot to (it (h)., a few fuch members as he knew to be favourers of that intercft, and confequently, in the abfcncc ofalithofe, who, he believed, would have oppofed it. But that tliefe abient members, having underflood what had pafTed in this fecret convention, did, foon after, in a full and regular meeting of parliament, enter their protcfts againft it; up- on which the Lord Lieutenant alTurcd many of them, in particular, with proteftations, and oaths, that the penalties of that ftatute fhould never be in- Aided; which they too eafily believing, fuffered it to remain as it was. This, adds my author, I have often heard for certain truth, from many antient peo- ple, who lived at that time; and I am the more inclined to believe it, becaufe the Lord Lieutenant's promife was fo far kept, that this law was never gene- rally executed, during the remainder of Ojieen Elizabeth's reign ;" which was more than forty years ; that is, until all, or moft of thofe members were, pro- bably, dead, to whom fuch promife had been given. " In (3) the very beginning of that parliament, January. 12th, 1559, mofi: of the nobility, and gentry, were fo divided in opinion about ecclefiaftical go- vcrnment," fays Sir James Ware, " that the Earl of SulTex, then Lord Lieu- tenant, thought proper to diffolve it, in the beginning of the following month." We find alfo (4), that his excellency, upon diffolving the Parliament, went to England, to confult her Majefty on the affairs of the kingdom ; that, in a few months after, having returned to Ireland, he received orders to call an afTem- bly of the clergy, for the eftablifhment of the Proteftant religion ; and that, after this aflembly had difperfed themfelves, William Walfh, Bifhop of Meath, not content with what offers her Majefty had propofed, was, for preaching againft the book of Common-prayer, firfl imprifoned, and afterwards dcpofed, by order of her Majefty." Now, (2) P. (3) Annals. (4) Id. ib. (b) " In this Houfe of Commons, w* find the re- little wonder, that in defpite of clamour, and oppo- prefeniatives fummoned for ten counties only; the (Ition, in a feffion of a few weeks, the whole eccle- feft, which made up the number of feventy-fix, were fiaftical fyflem of Queen Mary was entirely rcveifcd."' citizens and burgeftes of thefe towns, in which the Leland's HilL of Ireland, Vol. ii. p. 224. Royal autbotity was predominant, It is th«rcfor(, 40 HISTORICAL REVIEW of the Bk. If. Now, as under the words, " Ecclefiaftical Government," the whole pur- port, and tendency of this a£t of uniformity are plainly comprehended, may w^e not reafonably conclude, from Lord SufTex's diflblving the parliament, on account of the jarring opinions of the members concerning that flatute ; and from the order, which he foon after received, to call an affembly of the clergy, " for the eftablifhment o'f the Proteftant religion," (which order, had that adt being duly and legally pafled, would have been needlefs, if not abfurd) that the flatute in queftion was not openly, and regularly carried; but that it was forcibly, or clandeftinely impofed, in the manner before-mentioned (c) ? H A IV. Sir Arthur ChicheflerV Government. IN the year 1605, Lord Deputy Chichefter, ( " who (i") had been a pupil of the famous Arch-puritan (a) Cartwright, and was himfelf a great patron, and encourager ef that fe£t,") " having (2) ordered the Roman Catholic Alder- men, and fomeof the principal citizens of Dublin, to be called before the coun- cil, exemplified under the great feal, and publifhed, the above-mentioned aft ef uniformity ; in regard," fays my Author, " there was found to be a mate- rial difference between the original record, and printed copies; that none might pretend ignorance of the original record ; and added thereto the King's injundion for the obfervance of it." Mr. (1) Preltyterian Loyalty. (c) We are told by a cop.ternporaty hiftorian, that a fniiilar artifice was fuccefsfully made ufe of, the year before, to get the like a£l of uniformity pafled in Eng- land ; which, probably, was confidered as a good predecent for pafTing the Irifh a£l in the fame manner. " The bill," fays my Author, " met many rubs and lets among the members of the Commons ; whereup- on, by watching an opportunity to fummon the fa- vourers of it together, at one unenpefled hour, when {a) This Cartwright was fo ftaunch a non-confor- milt, even as to ceremonials, that in liis reply to Archbifliop Whitgift, he makes ufe of thcfe words : " Certain of the things we (land upon, are fuch, that if every hair of our heads were a life, we ought to af- ford them, for the defence of them " Sir George Paul, in his life of Archbifliop Whitgift, telis us. (2), Harris's Hid. of Dublin. the oppofers were likely to be abfenf, viz. Early in the morning, before the ordinary hour of refort of Knights, Citizens, and Burgefles, to the parliament- houle, and upon a day unlocked for, the ftatifts pro- cured the faid bill to be fuddenly, and moft unjuftly (tho' not without fonie difficulty) pafled by the great- er number of voices : the rather becaufe of the ab- fence, and fubtle circumvention of the reft of their fellow-membefs." Hift. of the reformation, Vol. i. " that in his prayer before his fermons," he ufed to fay, " becaufe they (meaning the Birtiops) which ought to be pillars of the church, do band tfaemfelves againft Chrift, and his Truth, therefore, O Lord, give us grace, and power, as one man, to iet our- feives againft the.ii." p. 47. Ch. IV. CI VIL WARS IN IRELAND. 41 Mr. (3) Carte has difcovercd no lefs ignorance, than partiality, in his man- ner of juftifying the execution of this penal ftatute, at that jundure. " The Irifti Catholics," fays he, " became accidentally fubjcd to the fmall pecuniary penalties of it, forty years after it was made, upon their fcparation from the public worfhip of the (cftabliflied) church of Ireland; and it was reafonable to imagine, that fueh a fudden defedion ihould have irritated the government, and put them upon fome (b) wholcfome feverities, to flop it in the beginning." Here is a caufc affigncd for infliding this penalty, which never cxifted but in the Hiftorian's brain. For their fcparation, and» fudden defedion, from the public worfhip of the church of Ireland, neceffarily fuppofes their for- mer agreement, and conformity to it; but this he could not fupp fe of the Irifh in general, without a barefaced contradidion to known fads. For fo ftedfaftly did thefe people adhere to their antient religion in that, and the former reign, notwithflanding the many alluring offers, and terrifying punifh- ments, made ufe of to withdraw them from it, that Chichefter himfelf, who had often employed both means of fedudion, was heard to exclaim, in the rage of difappointment (4), " That he believed the very air, and foil of Ireland, were infeded with popery." The barbarous incivility, already men- tioned, which the young Earl of Defmond met with from his countrymen, and followers, after they were convinced of his conformity to the public worfhip of the church of Ireland, is a fufficient refutation of this miftake. The King about this time (5), fent inftrudions to the ftate, for miniftring the oath of fupremacy to the Catliolic Lawyers and Juftices of Peace ; and for putting the laws againft recufants in flrid execution. Accordingly (6), " of fixteen Aldermen, and citizens of Dublin, fummoned before the Privy Coun- cil, nine werecenfured in the caflle chamber; and fix of the Aldermen were fined, each in one hundred pounds ; and the other three, in fifty pounds a-piece ; and they were all committed prifoners to the caftle, during the pleafure of the court. It was, at the fame time, ordered, that none of the citizens fhould bear offices, until they had conformed (c)." G Hard (3) Life of Ormond, Vol. i. (4) Analefta Sacra. (5) Cane ubi fupra. Vol. i. fol. 21. [6) Harrii ubi fupra. (b) Yet, in another place, lie owns, " That ilie executed (adds he) it would be a force upon the con- penalties ot this aft were taifed for the private gain fciences of the poor ignorant Irilli, as they ftood in- of miniftcrs ; and had alwavs occatloncd a clamour formed." tart. O.m. Vol. i. fol. 523. abroad, of a terrible petl'ecution; and if rigoroufly (c) On this occafion, " all the old Englifh fami- denied the legality of the fcntence by which thefe fe- lies ot the pale, took the alarm, and boldly rcinon- verities were inflicled, and urged, that by the ftatuie ftrated flgainft the fcveriiy of thefe proceedings. 'Ihcy of 2d of Elizabeth, the crime of recufancy had its punifliment le 42 HISTORICAL REVIEW or the Bk I!. Hard as this treatment of the Catholic lai'ty was, (amjdft " the calmeft, and moft univerfal peace that was ever known in Ireland,") that of their clergy, was ftill more rigorous. To omit many other inftances, the cafe of Robert Law- ler deferves particular notice. When this poor man was thrown into prifon^ for exercifing thefuncftion of a Roman Catholic prieft, he (7), m order to re- move all fufpicion of his maintaining, or teaching any feditious dodrines, made the following confeffion, before the Lord Deputy and Council ; and af- terwards confirmed it on oath, viz. " That he did acknowledge his fovereign. King James, to be his lawful chief, and fupreme governor, in caufes as well ecclefiaftical, as civil ; that lie was bound m confcience to obey him, in all faid caufes ; and that neither the Pope, nor any other foreign Prelate, or Po- tentate, had power to controul the King, in any caufes ecclefiaftical, or civil, within that kingdom, or in any other of his Majeily's dominions." Yet this extreme condefcenfion could not, it feems, prevent his condemnation. The only pretence for this feverity was, his having denied, privately, to fome of his friends, who vifited him in prifon, that he had ever made fuch confeffion, as was derogatory to the fpiritual authority of the Roman Pontiff; for, he told them, " that he had not acknowledged, that the King was fupreme gover- nor in fpiritual caufes, but in ecclefiaftical." Whether this dil^indion, cal- culated for the private fatisf\dion of his friends, was well or ill founded, I fhall not take upon me to determine -, but certain it is, that it cancelled all the merit of his public confeffion. (7) Sir John Davis's Reports in fine. punifhment 2fcertained, and that any extenfion of the penally was illegal, and unconftitutional. — Their le- monftrance was prefenfed to the Council by an unu- fual concourfe of people, but the chief petilioners were confined to the caftle of Dublin ; and Sir Pa- trick Barnwell, their great agent, was, by the King's command, fent in cuftody into England." Lcl. Hift. of Ireland, Vol. ii. p. 421-2. The King, on this fubjeft, wrote to Chichefter, " That ]ie thought, both the order be lud taken for reformation, and the puniHiment he had inflifted upon fome of the Aldermen of Dublin, and certain others whom his letters mention, for their contempt, to be not only juft, but neceffary. — And that he conceived hope, that many, by fuch means, will be brought to conformity (in religion) who perhaps hereafter will find caufe to give thanks to God, and him, for being drawn by fo gentle a conftraint, to their own good." Defid. Curiof. Hib. Vol. i. p. 465. CHAP. Ch. V. C I V I L W A R S 1 N I R E L A N D. 43 C H A P. V. The Con/piracy, and Flight of the Earls. THESE feverities not having produced the defired effed, which, pro- bably, was a new infurredion, and confequcntly new forfeitures, ano- ther expedient was made ufe of, which had hetn(a) fometimes fuccefsful, viz. private information of an intended confpiracy of the Irifh, by means of an anonymous letter. But that there was in fad no fuch confpiracy, and that this letter was meerly a ftate-trick, to enfnare the innocent, by forged accu- fations, we have as good proof, as can poffibly be had of a negative, in the manifeft abfurdity, and contradidion, of the different accounts, which have been left us of it. The firft of thefe accounts, which is taken from Dodor Henry Jones, Bifhop of Meath, and formerly Scout-mafter General to Cromwell's army, runs thus (i), " Anno 1607, there was a providential difcovery of another rebellion in Ire- land; the Lord Chicheller being Deputy; the difcoverer not being willing to appear, a letter from him, not being fubfcribed, was fuperfcribed to Sir Wil- liam Ufher, clerk of the Council, and dropt in the council-chamber, then held in tbe caftle of Dublin; in which was mentioned a defign for feizing that caftle and murthering the Deputy, with a general revolt, and dependance on Spanifh forces ; and this alfo for religion ; for particulars whereof, adds the Bifhop, I refer to that letter, dated March the 19th, 1607." Hence it appears, that the firft difcovery of this confpiracy arofe from the anonymous letter above-mentioned. Doctor Carlton, Bifliop of Chichcfter, a cotemporary writer, has left us a prolix account of tlie difcovery of this confpiracy, in which, however, there is no mention made of this anonymous letter. The fubftance of his account is what follows. G 2 " Montgomery, (1) Preface to Borlafe's Hiflory of the Iiifli Rebellion. (a) This was then thought to have been a contii- niflers, when, and how to mike ufe of them agi'nfl Vance of Secreiaiy Cecil, whom Olburne calls " an Catholics. The original ot thefe iniUuflins, in Ce- adept in ilate tricks ," anci who two years before, cil'. own band-writing, wis toriiierly in the keeping of found the like expedient to have fuccteded in iheaf- the inlaiiioiis Judge Bradlhaw, by whom it was ihcwo fair of the Gun powdt-r Treafon. (See an EiTay to- to Sir William Fercival, who communicated it to a wards a new hiftory ot that irenfon ) " Cecil," fays gentleman of great worth, who died anno 1697. and Mr. Dod, " wa.s an adept in framing fiflitious plots, let't it among other papers of remarks upon the times." and has left inftrudions behind him to fucceeding mi- Ecclefiaft. Hift. Vol. iii. fol. 196, 44 H I S T O R fC A L R E V I E W o F T H E Bk. IL " Montgomery (2), Bifliop of Derry," fays he, " fufpeded, or was told, that Tyrone had gotten into his hands the greateft part o( the lands of his Biihoprick; which he intended, in a iav/ful courfe, to recover; and finding there- was no man could give him better light, or knowledge of thefe things, than O'Cahane (who was great with Tyrone) made life of fuch means, that he (O'Cahane) came to him of his own accord, and told him, he could help liiin to the knowledge of what he fought ; but that he was afraid of Tyrone ^ yet he engaged, to reveal all that he knev/ of that matter, provided the Bifhop would promife to fave him from Tyrone's violence, and not deliver him into England, which the Bifhop having promifed, he brought O'Cahane to the Council in Dublin, to take his confeifion there. Uppn this, proceffes were feAt to Tyrone, to warn him to come up to Dublin, at an appointed time, to anfwer the fuit of the Lord Bifhop of Derry. There was no other intention, but, in a peaceable way, to bring the fuit to a trial ; for the Council then knew nothing of the plot. But Tyrone having entered into a new confpiracy, of which O'Cahane was, began to lufped, . when he was ferved with a procefs to anfwer the fuit, that this was but a plot to draw him in, and that furely the treafon was revealed by O'Cahane. Upon this bare fufpicion, Tyrone with his confederates, fled out of Ireland, and loft all thofe lands in the North." Doilor Carlton adds, " that he had this account of the difcovery of the con- ipiracy from the Bilhop of Derry himfelf The r:ader will pleafe to recolleft, that, according to the Bifhop of Meath's ftory, the firft difcovery ofthi^j^plot was made to the Council by an anoymous letter dropt in the council-chamber ; but, by the Biihop of Derry's account, the adual flight of the Earls, and their confederates, out of the kingdom, was what alone excited in them the firft fufpicion of the confpiracy. . But let us refledt a moment on the obvious incredibility of this latter Bifliop's tale. O'Cahane, a prime Catholic gentleman, poffeffed of a very large eftate, enters into a confpiracy with Tyrone, againft the Proteftant religion, and go- vernment of Ireland ; and yet, at the fame time, he comes, " of his own ac- cord," to a Proteftant BiHiop, to put him in a way to deprive the perfon, who; was to be his chief leader in that confpiracy, of a great part of his eftate, the lofsofwliich muft have proportionably leflTened that leader's power to carry it on; and this he does, for no other recompence, but a promife from the Bifhop, that he will fave him from Tyrone's violence; that is to fay, from the violence of a man, with whom he was not only great, but alfo joined in a plot againft the government. Now fuppofing that O'Cahane only knew that Tyrone was engaged in fuch a confpiracy, without being himfelf an accom- plice (z) Thankful remembrance, &c. p. 168. Ch. V. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 4; plicc in it, would he not have thought fuch knowledge of his guilt a much better fcciirity, and defence, againfl Tyrone's violence, (as it put himabfolute- ly in his power,) than any promife of protection from the Bifhop could be' But as it is fuppofed, that he was adually concerned with Tyrone m that con- fpiracy, what can be more abfurd, than to imagine, that he would, of his own accord, and without any fuitablc recompence, have thus provoked his leader, to feek revenge, and his own pardon by revealing his (O'Cahane's) guilt? For it is not even pretended, that O'Cahane had any thoughts, all this while, of difcovering the plot; and how he could have expec^led to carry it on, in con- cert with Tyrone, after having thus provoked and injured !iim, is, indeed, a a my fiery not ealily unravelled (bj. Sir John Temple's account (3) of this confpiracy is much fliorter than that pf either of thefe Bifhops, but equally incoherent and abfurd. " In this ftate," fays he, " the kingdom continued under fome indifferent terms of peace and tranquillity, until the (cj Earl of Tyrone took up new thoughts of rifing into arms. And into this rebellious defign he drew the whole province of Ulfter, then entirely at his devotion. But his plot failed ; and finding himfelf not able to get together, any confiderable forces, he, with the principal of his adherents, quitting the kingdom, fled into Spain." The contradiction of Tyrone's having drawn the whole province of Ulfler into his rebellious defigns, and at the fame time, his not being able to get to- gether any confiderable forces, is too glaring, to need any further animad- verfion. These are the only written accounts I have yet met with, after a very diligent fearch, of this confpiracy of the Earls, from which, I prefume, the candid reader will conclude, that there never was any fuch confpiracy ; and that thefe (3) See his Hiflory of ihe Irifli Rebellion. (I'J Incredible as thefe things are, yet in order to that would not do, his iV;ajefi)' was pleaftd, that he carry on the farce thoroughly, and to garble up flioulj ufc hia difcretinn in uiawing down feme force O'Cahane's great eftate, among the reft, O'Cahane upon him." This letter is dated Januaiy z.^th, i6o7. himfelf was afterwards teized, as one of the confpira- And in another letter of the zrth of November fol- tors, and forfeited, like the other gentlemen of LMtk-r. lowing, they fay, " but for O'Cahane, whom it feein- The King and Council, however, difcovered fome eth, you have imprifoned, we like well of the courfe tendernefs, with refpeCl to him, before his adlual you have taken with him. — And we allow alfo, very fcifure. For they dcfircd the Deputy " to biing him well of your placing his f;n in the college." Dcfidc- to conformity, by fliaking the rod over him ; but if rata Curiofa Hibern. p. 50813. • (tj Tyrone was, at this time, fo clofely looked not drink a full caroufe of fack, but the ftate was ad- after, " that he was heard to complain, that he had vettifed thereof, within a few hours." Sir John Da- fo many eyes watching over bim, as that he could vis's Hift. Rclat, p. 117. 46 HISTORICAL REVIEW OF THE Bk. II. thefe accounts were then framed, however injudicioufly, to give feme colour of right to public ads of flander, oppreffion, and rapine. Doctor Leland has juftly obferved on this occafion(4), " That it feems extraordinary, that the Northerns, who were ftill fmarting with the chaftife- ment they had received, in the late rebellion ; whofe confequence, and influ- ence, were confiderably diminiihed ; and who were very lately reconciled to government, and inverted with their honours and eftates, fhould precipitately involve themfelves in a new rebellion (^^/" Such an event indeed, in thefe circumftances, not only feems extraordinary, but adually is, at leaft in a moral fenfe, utterly incredible. CHAP. VI. Puritan Bijhops in Ireland. DURING Sir Arthur Chichefter's government, feveral of the eftabliHied clergy were puritanically aifedled, if not puritans profefTed, Of this number, was the famous Dodor, afterwards Primate, Ufher ; for when in the year 1605, he was Provoft of the College of Dublin, " the whole dodrine (i) of Calvin (4) Hift. of Ireland, Vol. il. (J) But the fame writer endeavours to refute the Cnly radilional account which lias been hicherto hand- ed down to us of it, (viz. that (he flight of the Earls was occafioned by the treachery of one of the family ef St. I aurence ;) by meerly fuppofing, " that, if any art, or (reachety had been ufed to render the Earls obnoxious to the law, they would themfelves have explained the deep fcheme, and have left fonie iiie- moiials, in vindication of iheir condufl, either in Spain or Rome, where ihey were entertained, and protedUd. But, as no fuch memorials (fays he) have appeared, they feein to have acquiefced in the charge Otconfpiracy againft the Englilli government." But to this it may be anfwered, on a much mote probable fuppofiiion, that thefe noblemen were not, perhaps rxpeti at drawing up memorials; or rather, that they were in loo defponrii-ng, and necelfitous a condition, to do more than relate thiir misfoilunes, and the manner in which they weie brought on them, verbally, in order to obtain a fubfirtcnce fioni thofe courts, to which they fled for refuge ; and that this traditional account was originally deiived, and unitotmly handed dov,-n to us, from fuch verbal iclation. But let us irjr the foice of this negritivc rcafoning on the oppo- (1) Carte's Ormond. file fide of the quefiion. The King feems to have been fo apprehenfive, that this affair of (he Earls " might blemilli" (as he expreffes it) " the reputa- tion of that fi iendfhip which ought to be mutually ob- ferved between him and other Princes, that he thought it not amifs, to publilli fome fuch matter, by way of proclamation, as might better clear mens judgments concerning the fame." At the fame time, folemnly promifing, '' that it fhould appear to the world as clear as the fun, by evident prool, that the only giound, and moiive of thefe Earls departure was the private knowledge and inward terror of their own guiltinefs." lb. p. 425 But neither in that, nor in any other au- thentic inftrutnent, nor in any manner whatever, did his Mijefty deign, ever after, lo enlighten the world, even with the lealt gliiiipfe of evident proof, that fuch was the motive ol thefe Earls departure And I (liall leave it to ihedecifion of every candid r».'ader, whether this non performance of his Majelly's folemn promife, be not a belter negative proof of the nullity, and fic- tion of this confpiracy of the Earls, than the barenon- appearance of a memorial in their vindication, can be deemed of its realitj' f Ch.Vil. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 47 Calvin was, by his management, received as the public belief' of the Itifli church, and ratified by Chichefler in the King's name (2^, It was, in fhort, he that drew up thofe Calviniftical articles, then agreed to in convocation, which were afterwards condemned, and abolirticd by Lord Diiputy Went- worth, containing arrant Brownifm, and confirming not only the Lambeth- articles, fiipprelTcd by Queen Elizabeth, and aftcrvv-ards rejcdtcd by King James ; but alfo feviral particular fancies and notions of his own." " After (3) the repeal of the IriiTi a roices of a. few, feledted for that purpofe under the Ch.VlI. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 49 and therefore moved, that tlieir votes might be a wliilc fufpcndcd, until a Speaker was chofen; after vv^hich the legality of their elections fhould be duly enquired into. But this motion being foon rejedted, and Sir James urged, by the oppofite party, to proceed dirc£lly in the chufing of a Speaker, he named (d) Sir John Everard, and was feconded by Sir Chriftopher Nugent, Mr. "William Talbot, and feveral other rofpedable members. But Sir Oliver St. John, and Sir Thomas Ridgeway infixing tumultuoufly, that Sir John Davis was chofen Speaker, by a majority of voices ; and the other party calling out, as loudly, to place Sir John Everard in the chair, great confufion arofe among them ; fo that the number of votes, on either fide, could not be determined, until Sir John Davis's friends having followed him to another room, thofe who remained within, agreed to put Sir John Everard in the chair, fuppofing him to be duly elected, as in truth he was by a real majority of legal voices, notwithftanding the greater number of nominal votes on the other fide. But the court-members, on their return, finding him there, and confcious of their greater numbers (3) dragged him violently thence, and fixed (e)S\i Jolm Davis in his place. They were emboldened to commit this out- rage, by the prefence of a band of foldiers completely armed, with lighted matches in their hands, who were placed, for that purpofe, at the entrance into parliament. Alarmed at thefe proceedings, the Catholic members quitted the houfe, having firft openly protefted againft the authors of fuch unheard-of violence, as invaders of the liberties of their country, and of the rights and privileges of parliament. H Not (3) Analefla Sacra. Reeves ubi fiipra. ftl) " A Rfcu(!int of rcTpeflable charaf^er, who dulged with a penfion." Leland's Hift. of Ireland, had- been a Juftice of tlie King's beDch, and, on re- Voi. ii. 447. figniiig his llation rather than take the oaths, was in- (e) A cotemporary writer, in a traft addrefled to chair of the Speaker ; but when the Protedants faw Sir Arthur Chichelier himfelf, relates this conteft in that, they quietly pulled Sir John Everard out of the the following nmnner. " There were," fays he, " two chair, and held Sir John Davis therein; and thus, eledlions, viz. thofe of rhe recufant feft had chofen with great contention, the fecond and third days (of Sir John Eveiard, Knight, for the Speaker ; and the parliament) were fpent ; but the recufants prevailed therefore in no wife would accept of Sir Johii Davis ; not iherrin, for Sir John Davis was maintained in the and in this divifion, grew an uncertainty, who had place. — Then did the recufants of both houfes of par- moft voices; whereupon. Sir John Davis' with all liament withdraw thenifelves, and reforted not thither thofe of the Proteflamcy, went out to be numbered, any more, notwithdanding that they were often fent and before they came In again, thofe of the recu fancy for by the Lord Deputy." Defid. Curiof. Hibern. had fliut the door, and iiad fet Sir John Everard in th^ Vol. i. p. 168. so HISTORICAL REVIEW of the Bk. IL Not content with this proteflation, thefe feceding members (fj fent four of the mofl confiderable of their own body into England, with their com- phiints to the King. Thefe were accompanied from the Houfe of Lords, by- David Roche, Vifcount Fermoy; James Plunkett, Baron of Killeen, after- wards Earl of Fingall ; and by the Lord Baron of Delvin, afterwards Earl of Weflmeath ; together with Sir Patrick Barnwell, and four lawyers. But thefe noblemen and gentlemen, inftead of obtaining redrefs of the in- jury complained of, were, in the end, fentfgj back and infulted, with this quaint and evafive anfwer (4), " That as Papifts, they were but half fubjeds, and therefore, fhould have but half privileges ;" which, by the way, was an indiredt confeffion of the wrong done them. Nay, it appears by a public fpeech, which his Majefty made on this occafion, that he would not allow them to be even half fubjecSs; which by a new quirk of Royal logic, he en- deavoured to prove thus : " As men, ye confiil of bodies and fouls ; now your fouls, which are the nobler parts, ye devote to the Pope ; to me ye fubmit nothing but your bodies, nor yet your bodies entire; for thofe ye divide be- tween me and the King of Spain ; him ye ferve with your bodies armed, leav- ing to me only your naked, ufelefs, and unarmed bodies (^J" With this curious anfwer, he remanded them back to Ireland, ordering them at their peril, to attend the bufinefs of parliament, which was chiefly that of raifmg large fupplies for his Majefty. And, indeed, in that refpedt, thefe half-fubjeds always fhewed themfelves abundantly more ufeful, than thofe he called his whole-fubjeds ; as, on account of their far greater number, and opulence, they contributed more than feven-eights, in all the loans, and fubfldies, that were required by him, during his whole reign. And for their chearful concurrence in granting this laft fupply, we fliall prefently find his Majefty (4) Coji'i Hi'ft. Irel. Vol. ii. p. 25. (y^ After having obtaicied leave from his Majefty, Kiliine, Delvin, Siane, Trimbleflon, Donboyne, in confequence of an hurnble addrefs figned by the Lowth, Cahyr." See that Addrcfe, Append. Lords Buttevant, Gormanfton, Fernioy, Mountgarret, (gj " Two of their agents, Talbot and Lutterel, were committed prifoners, one t& the Tower, and the other to the Fleet." Lei. Hift. Irel. Vol. ii. p. 451. . (h) Tiie manner in which he judified to thefe roughs? My Council may confider the fitnefs, if I re- agents, his having granted a commiflion for creating quire it; but, what if I had created forty noblemen, thefe new boroughs is ftill more extraordinary. " It and four hundred boroughs ? The more the merrier, was never before heard," faid he, " that any good the fewer the better cheer." Defid. Curiof. Hibetn, fubjedtj did difpute the King's power in this point. Vol. i. p. 220. What is it to you, whether I make many or few bo- Ch. VII. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 51 Majefly thanking them, with the reft of the Irifh Commons, in a fccmingly gracious and grateful manner. The CathoHcs, however, on their return to parliament, ftill infifted on queftioning the aforcfaid eledions, before any other bufinefs was proceeded upon; and they prevailed fo far, that an order was then pafTed, and repeated in the following felfion(5), " That the exceptions taken to thefe elections fliould be duly examined, at a more convenient opportunity." But we don't find, that fuch opportunity was ever after afibrded them (i). In this parliament, fo compofed, and managed, the adt of attainder, and outlawry, againft the no- blemen and gentlemen of the fix intire counties in Ulfter, for the before-men- tioned pretended confpiracy, was fufFered to be pafi^ed. It is well worthy of notice, that this a6l of the attainder of the Earls does not fpecify any particulars of the confpiracy lately imputed to them ; not even their flight, which was the only proof, and that meerly prefump- tive, that was alleged for it. It barely recites, in general, as the grounds of it (6), " Thefe noblemens having committed, and perpetrated, ads of treafon againft his Majefty (which, as we have already feen, they were only fufpeded, or acculed, of having intended to commit,) and their own and anceftors former rebellion againft Queen Elizabeth," (for which, as we have alfo already feen, they had all received his Majefty's free, and abfolute (k), pardon, at his accefllon.) It is therefore, no wonder, that while this ad was under debate, a committee of the Commons was appointed to wait on the Lord Deputy (7), " to acquaint him with a fcruple, that was moved, whether that attainder did look back to treafons committed before the King's time, or only fince." But no other anfwer appears, on the part of the Deputy, but the pafllng of the bill. (5) Commons Journal. Vol. i. (6) See Iiifli Statutes. (7) Com Jour. Vol. i. fol. 45, 47. (i) His Mni'efly, however, foon after fcrit inftnic- houfe, unlefs they ilioiild be a£;'iji duly elefted." — — tions to the Deputy, " That the Burgefles returned And alfo, " that the BurgeiTVs reiurned from the upon the new charters, fromTallagh, Lifinore, Ca- towns of Clogher, Aililone, and Gouran, rtiouid, for- teriogh, Clonkiltie, Felherd, Augher, Belfaft, and . bear to fit in the houfe of parliament." Dtfid. Curiof. Charlemount ; as alfo thofe from Kildare and Cavan, Hib. Vol. i. p. 324-5. being talfely returned, fhould forbear to fit in that (k) In one of his Majefty's letter."; of inftru£lions ferve private ends ; a matter fo odious to our na- to Sir Arthur Chicheller, when firfl appointed Depu- ture, to whom generally that people have carried ty, we find thefe wo ds. " We think it not ainifs, themfelves as becometh natural and loving fubjeds, as well for making kn; 55 extortion; the folemneft, and facredeft, of all chnrch-ccnfurcs, which was ex- communication, went about in fo fordid, and bafe a manner, that all regard to it, as k was fpiritual ccnfure, was loft- nnd'tlic cfFcdts it had in law, made it be cried out upon, as a moft intolerable piece of tyranny. The officers of the court thought they had a fort of right to opprcfs the natives ; and tliat all was well got, that was wrung from them. Primate Ufher himfelf, feemed fo fenfible of thefe abufcs, that he told Archbilhop Laud(i), " fuch was then the venality of all things facred in Ireland, thai he was afraid to mention any thing abo'ut them " and that, upon fome of the adverfe party's having afked him, " where he had heard, or read before, that religion and mens fouls were let to fale, after that manner?" His Grace was obliged to have recourfe to a. pitiful witticifm. for an anfwer, viz. " That there was another place, where both Heaven and God himfelf, were fet to falc." Which whether true or. falfe, (and falfe it moft certainly is) was a tacit confcifion of the juftice of the charge of public corruption againft: thefe courts. But we fhall prefently fee, that Primate Ufher's own court was not a whit lefs cor- rupt, in the opinion of the good Bifhop Bedel, than thofe of the other Irilh Bilhops^ These corruptions were fo flagrant, and long GOiitinned, that even in 1640, the diflenters in Ulfter, on whom the epifcopal clergy had, as we have ieen, conferred many llgnal favours, made fevere animadverfions upon them.. In their remonflranee to the Englifh parliament- of that year, they obferv- ed, among other abufes of thefe courts (2), " That the commutation of penance (which Burnet calls the worft of fimcny) which either fliould not. 4t all be exaded, or if exaded, fhovild be fet apart for the poor, and other pious ufes, came either to the Prelate's kitchen, or the Commif- fary's purfe, or to both; and that, though the officers of thefe courts pretended themfelves to be the advancers of virtue, and punifhers of vice, yet they ufually, without further fatisfadion, abfolved the moft fqandalous perfons for a fum of money, and often queftioned not at all fuch, from whom they privately beforehand had received fuch fum." (!) Burnet ubi fupra. (z) Prya's Amipalby to Biftiops, Part ii. p. 374. CHAP. f6 HISTORICAL REVIEW OF THE Bk.K C « A P. X. Tie Patience, and Submi//ion, of the 'Natives. ' WHILE the nobility and gentry of Ulfter were, by the late ad of at- tainder, ftript of their poffeflions, for crimes that were either never committed, or were formerly pardoned, another defign was fet on foot, to feize on the eftates of the natives in the other provinces, Tinder the pretence of a judicial enquiry into defedive titles. This enquiry caufed ^.(a) general alarm thro' every part of the kingdom; inafmuch as(i), " no title of lineal defcent, or long pofleflion, though for feveral hundred years, nor even letters patent, could fecure the proprietors againft the predatory efFeds of it." But as this bufinefs was profecuted with greateft violence in the enfuing reign, under Lord Wentworth's government, I fhall defer the confideration of it till I come to fpeak of that period. One would imagine, that fome catife had been given by the Irifh, or at leaft pretended by their enemies, for fuch continued feverity ; but nothing of that kind appears to have been the cafe ; for all hiflorians agree, that, except O'Dogherty's fhort-lived tumult, and the forged plot of the Earls, there was not the leaft commotion in Ireland, during that whole reign ; although, had the Irifh been difpofed to rife, it is certain, that no people could have a more tempting opportunity, or a more plaufible (b) pretence, than they then had (2), " for (i) Remonftrance from Trim. (2) Carte's Orm. Vol. i. fol. 45, (a) It was rlgoroufly profecuted by Sir Arthur rants of lands, coming within any title of conCeaN Chichefter, tho' the King in his inftrudions to him, ment ; becaufe he hoped that, thereby, both his upon his fitft appointment to the Lieutenancy of Ire- people would receive contentment, and his coffers land, told him, '' That he had dirctltd a commif- fome augmentation, by the compolition with the te- flon to compound with his fubjefts of that kingdom rants of fuch Lands." Defid. Curiof Hib. Vol. i. for defeftive and imperfeft titles; and that he had p. 455 6. relolved, from thenceforth, to giant no more war- (h) The Commiffioners (ent about this time from they took up. That, befides meat and diink, they England, by the King, to enquite into the numerous ext< rted money from the poorer people, where they erievances complained o* by the Irilb agents, let forth were ceifed ; three lliillings tor every night's lodging »n their report to his Majelly, " That out of the par- for an hoife-man, and two for a foot-man, fometimes licular inftances (being many) of oppreflion, and ex- more. As alio certain petty fums for their boys, and tortions of llie foldiers. provoll-marfhals, and others, attendants, befides viduais; and thefe foldiers look they had feltfted three fcore. 1 1'at in counties, money, not only for themfelves, but likewile lor other where the compofition, in lieu of the eels was paid, foldiers abfent, which the country called black men, the foldiers did extoii on his Majefly's fubjcds, by becaufe they were not feen. That, in all thefe cafes, neither payiog money, nor giving tickets, for what when the people had not money, they took forcibly ibuie Ch. X. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 57 " for King James never kept up a greater force in that kingdom, than one thoufand fcven hundred and thirty five foot, and two hundred and twelve horfe; and thefe in a miferable condition, fbmetimes three years unpaid j and not a penny of money in the hands of either of the Treafurers, or any to be borrowed from private perfons. Yet he was, all this time, fettling the plan- tations in different parts of the kingdom ; changing the (cj properties of lands, tranfplanting the old inhabitants, and fettling colonies of Grangers ; while the old Irifli captains, and petty Lords, were difcontented at the lofs of their an- tient power; and while there were, in remote parts of the kingdom, numbers of idle young, and a, did, not long before it broke out, turn their Irifh tenants off their lands, even to ftarve upon the mountains; while they took in Englifh, who were able to give them much greater rents, and more certainly pay the fame." He has alio informed ^15(3), " That thefe rebels,, at their firfl: rifmg out, had not many better weapons, than ftaves, fcythes, and pitchforks;" an indication furely, rather of a fudden unpremeditated eruption and tumult, than of any fettled fchcmc of confpiracy, or rebellion. Nay, fome weeks after their firil rlfing, fuch of thefe infurgents as appear- ed to the Earl of Oimond, feemed to him (4), " rather to be a tumultuous rabble, than any thing like a difciplined army ;" and his Lordfhip was of opinion, that (5) " there were as many arms, within a few, in the hands of only fix hundred of the King's forces, as there were among all the rebels then in the kingdom." But what puts this matter beyond all difpute is (6), " that the army of eight thoufand foot, and one thoufand horfe, (feven-eights of which were Roman Catholics,) that had been raifed, two years before, by the Earl of Strafford, (z) ib. p. 14. (3) 'b- p. 79- (4) Cart. Orm. vol. iii. (5) ib. (6) Carte's Orm. vol. jou mention a book that was newly publifhed, con- cerning the cruelties commitied in Ireland, at the be- ginning of the late war. Upon further enquiry 1 find, .Sir J. Temple, Mafter of the Rolls here, (Ireland) author of tirat book, was, this laft year, fent to by iieveral ftationers of London, to have his confent to the printing thereof; but he affurcs me, that he ut- terly denied it, and whoever printed it, did it without his knowledge. Thus much I thought fit to add to what i formerly faid upon lliis occafion, that I might flj " The difTIculty which .Moore found to pre- vail on the Ulfter-Irilh, (to rife) (hews there was no long-meditated fcheme of rebellion even among them." L^\, Hilt. vol. ii. Lord Mnguire, in his confcflion. do this gentleman right, in cafe it. were fufpefted, he had any iliare in publiiliing this new edition." State Let. Dub ed. p. 2. His Lordlliip was, at this time, foliciting a grant of three (he would have it five) hundred pounds a year on the forfeited eftates, for Sir John Temple, which he at laft obtained, (fee thell- letters,) and the Minillty Icenis to have made this re- publication of his hillory, an objeiStion, which his Lordlliip thus cndeavouis to remove. avers, that it was in May 1641, that he firft heard the motion from Sir James Dillon, of taking the caftic of Dublin.. See Botl. Hift of the Irilh Rebel, fol. 34. Ch. 11. C I V I L W A R S I N I R E L A N D. 109 Strafford, was, in June 164.1, entirely diflblved, without any inconvenience, or diforder, in the nation at that time."- " The complaints of grievances made hv tlic Pvoman Catliolic members," fays (7) Mr. Carte, " in the Irifii Iloufe ofComnions, in fnmmcr 1641, have been infifted upon, as a proof of their intention to raifo a rcbclhon at that jundure; but, by all the obfervations I have been able to make, I do not find, that there was any formed defign of the body of the Roman Catholic party in that parliament, for an affiiir of that nature. The compiler of the Nuncios memoirs," adds the fame author (8), " (a fair writer, wliatevcr his principles were, and who, on all occafions, fcems to be well accjiiaintcd with his fub- jed, and to write what he believed to be true,) fays, " that tlie Engli(h-Irifh of four hundred years ftanding, efpecially thofe of the Englifh pale, were ex- tremely averfe to the rebellion, and offered their fcrvice very (inccrely to the Hate againft the rebels ; remembering tlieir own origin, and chofing to adhere to the EngliQi government, which they were apprehenfive would be thrown off by the natives. To which reafon he adds another, drawn from the na- ture of their eflatcs, a conliderable part of which was church-lands, which, he fays, they were afraid of lofing, if the old Irhh got the power of the na- tion into their hands." CHAP. II. The fir fi Caufes of the Infurre6iion of 16^1^ in Utfier. MEN, whofe minds are exafperated by the remembrance of "former in- juries (which was peculiarly the cafe of the (a) Ulfler gentry, on ac- count of the feizure of the fix counties before-mentioned) are often fuddenly provoked to^ommit ads of violence, 'by a flight or inadequate caufe; but the immediate incentive to the infiirredlion of thefe Northerns was far from being fuch; it was nothing lefs, than a well-grounded fear of an intended extirpa- tion of their religion, or perfons. The petitions already mentioned, which were calculated for that end, feem principally to have been levelled at them; and probably received moft furtherance from their malevolent neighbours, the puritan Scots. Nor will this in theleaft feem ftrange, if it be confidered, that (7) ib. vol. i. fol. 152. (8) ib. vol. i. fol. 256. Nunc. Mem p 392. (a)" No great difficulty was apprehended in gain- giievoufly defpoijed by the plantations of James." ing the leaders of the Ulfter-Irifh, who had been fo Let. Hift.ofltel. vol. ii. p. 195. fevcrely chaftifed by the arms of Elizabeth, and fo tic HISTORICAL REVIEW OF THE Bk. V. that the Diflfenters in that province, were audacious enough, about the fame time, to addrefs a petition to the EngHfh Houfe of Commons ( I ), " figned by many thoufands in the county of Down, Tyrone, and others, againft epifco- pacy, and the eftablifhed religion itfelf." In that petition they complain, " that the moft learned, and feemingly moderate and pious Prelates, did pub- lickly, in fermons at Dublin, exclaim againft, and condemn the Scottish cove- nant, and the religion profefTed in Scotland; and therefore, they molt humbly pray, that that unlawfiil hierarchical government, with all its appendixes, may be utterly extirpated." These incentives to the infurredion in Ulfter are chiefly infifted upon in that impartial remonftrance of grievances from Cavan, which was drawn up by (2) Bifhop Bedel, a Prelate too wife to be impofed upon, and too juft and refolute, to advance any fads in excufe of thefe infurgents, of the truth of which he was not very- certain. As Bifhop Burnet, in his life, owns, that this remonftrance gives the bell colours to their proceedings of any of all their papers, that he ever faw, I will here tranfcribe it entire, from that Bifhop's copy. " To the Right Honourable the Lords Juftices and Council, the humble re- monftrance of the gentry, and commonality of the county of Cavan, of their grievances, common with other parts of this kingdom of Ireland. " Whereas we his Majefty's loyal fubjeds of his Highnefs's kingdom of Ireland, have, of long time, groaned under many grievances and preffures, occafioned by the rigorous government of fuch placed over us, as refpeded more the advancement of their own private fortunes, than the honour of his Majefty, or the welfare of his fubjeds; whereof, we, in humble manner, de- clared ourfelves to his Highnefs, by our agents, fent from the parliament, the reprefentative body of the kingdom; notwithftanding which, we find our- felves of late threatened with fir greater, and more grievous vexations, either •with captivity of our confcences, or utter expulfion from our native feats, without any juft grounds given on our parts, to alter his Majefty's goodnefs, lb long continued to us. Of all which, we find great caufe of fears, in the proceedings of our neighbour-nations ; and do fee it already attempted, by certain petitioners, for the like courfe to be taken in this kingdom, for the effeding thereof, in a compulfory way ; fo as rumours have caufed fears of invafion from other parts, to the diflbivingof the bond of mutual a2;reement, which hitherto, hath been held inviolable, between the feveral fubjeds of this (i) See Pryn's aniipathy to Blfhops, part ii. (2) Burnei's life of Bedd. Cli.ir. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. in this kingdom; and whereby all his Majefty's other dominions have been link- ed in one. For the preventing, therefore, of fuch evils, growing npon us in this kingdom, we have, for the prefervation of his Majefty's honour, and our own liberties, thouglit fit to take into our hands, for his Mighnefs's ufe and fer- vice, fuch forts, and other places of ftrcngth, as coming into the pofieffion of others, might prove difadvantagtous, and tend to the utter undoing of the kingdom ; c.nd wc do hereby (tcclare, that herein, we harbour not the leaft thought of difloyalty towards his Majefty; or purpofe any hurt to his High-- nefs's fubjcds, in their poiTeffions, goods, or liberty; only we defire, that your Lordihips will be pleafed to make remonftranccs to his Majefty for us, of all our grievances, and jult fears, that they may be removed, and ftich a courfe fettled by the advice of the parliament of Ireland, whereby the liberty of our confcicnces may be fecured unto us, and we eafed of other burdens in civil government. As for tire mifchiefs, and inconveniencies that have already happened, thro' the diforder of the common fort of people, againft the Englifh inhabitants, or any others, we, with the nobility and gentlemen, and fuch others of the fevcral counties of this kingdom, are moft willing and ready to ufe our, and their, beft endeavours in caufing reftitution and fatisfadion, to be made as in part we have already done. " An anfwer hereunto is moft humbly dcfired, with fuch present expedition, as may, by your Lordfliips, be thought moft convenient, for avoiding the in- convenience of the barbaroufnefs, and incivility, of the commonalty, who have committed many outrages, without any order, confenting, or privity of ours. Ail which we leave to your Lordihips wifdom, and ftiall humbly pray, &c." On the loth November i64r, the CFarrells of the neighbouring county of L^jngford, fent up alfo, to the Lords Juftices, a remonftrance of their grie- vances ; which was of much the fame tenor with that from Cavan, intreating redrefs in a parliamentary way. " Thefe gentlemen," fays Mr. (3) Carte, " had deferved well of the crown, and were on that account, particularly pro- vided for by King James, in his inftrudions for planting of that country. But the commiffioners appointed for the diftribution of the lands, more greedy of their own private profit, than lender of the King's honour, or the rights of the fubjfcdt, took little care to obfervc thefe inftrudions ; and the OTarrell? were generally great (b) fufferers by the plantations. Several perfons were turned out of large eftates of profitable land, and had only a fmall pittance, lefs (3) Life of Orm. vol. i. (b) " In a manufcript of Bifhop Stearne, we find the leaft compenfaJion, or any means of fubfiilsnce that in the fmall county of Longford, rwenty five of aligned to theai." L«l. HiH. IxeJ. vol. ii. p, <^7. eae fept were all deprived of tbeit eftatts, without Ill H I S T O R I C A L R E V I E W o r T n E Bk. V. lefs than a fourth part, afligned them for it, in barren ground. Twenty-four proprietors, moft of them O'Farrells, were difpofTeffed of their all ; and nothing allotted them for compenfition. They had complained, in vain, of this un- defervtd ufage many years; and having now an opportunity afforded them ofredrefs, by the infurredion of tlieir neighbours, had readily embraced it, and followed their example (for it does not appear that any of them were antecedently concerned in the confpiracy,) as they likewife did, in laying be- fore the Lords Juftices, a remonftrance of their grievances, and a petition for redrefs j which, like that from Cavan (4), came to nothmg." CHAP. III. The Majacre in IJland-Magee. T5 H E report that his Majefty's Proteftant fubjeds firft fell upon, and murdered the Roman Catholics, got credit and reputation, and was openly and frequently afferted," fays Jones, Bifhop ( i ) Meath, in a letter to Dodlor Borlace, in 1679. And, indeed, whatever cruelties may be charged vipon the Irifh, in the profecution of this war, " their firft intention, we fee," fays another Protertant (2) voucher, " went no further, than to ftrip theEng- lilh and the Proteftants of their power, and pofleffions." In a MS. journal of a Proteflant officer in the King's fervice, quoted by (3) Mr. Carte, wherein there is a minute and daily account of every thing that happened in the North of Ireland, during the firft weeks of this infurredJion, there is not even an in- fmuation of any cruelties, committed by the infurgents on the Englifli, or Proteftants ; although it is computed by the journalift, " that the Proteftants of that province had killed near a thoufand of the rebels in the firft week or two of the rebellion." And, on the i6th of November, 1641 (4), " Mr. Ro- bert Wallbank came from the North, and informed the Irifti Hoj}fe of Com- mons, that two hundred of the people of Colerain fought with one thoufand of the rebels, flew fix of them, and not one of themfelves hurt. That, in another battle, fixty of the rebels v^^ere flain, and only two of the others hur.t, none flain." Nor do we find, in this account, the lepii mention of cruelties, then committed by the IriiTi ; but much of the fuccefs, and victory of his Majefty's Proteftant fubjeds, as often as they encountered them;!ii -i^n'-^ o-.T/f That (4) Bifliop Burnet's life of Billiop Bedel. (1) See Preface to Borlafe's Hlft. of tlie Iri/h Rebellion. (2) Doftor Warner's Hift. of the Iridi Rebel- lion, p. 47. Tempi. If. Rebel. (3) Lifeof Orm. vol. i. (4) Appendix to ihc Journals of the Iri/li Commonj. Ch. m. CIVIL WAR§ IN IRELAND.-r? 113 That a great number of unofTending Iridi were maffacred in Ifland-Magee, by Scottilli puritans, about the beginning of this infurredlion, is not denied by any adverfe writer, that I have met with. An apology, however, is made for it by them all, whicii even if it were grounded on fad, as I fhall prefently fliew it is not, would be a very bad one, and feems, at leaft, to imply a con- feffionofthe charge. Thefe writers pretend, that this mafTacre was perpetrated on thofc harmlefs people, in revenge of fomc cruelties before committed by the rebels on the Scots, in other parts of Ulftcr. But as I find this contro- verfy has been already taken up by two able Proteflant hiflorians, who feem to differ about the time in which that difmal event happened, perhaps, by laying before the reader the accounts of both, with fuch animadverfions, as naturally arife from them, that time may be more clearly and pofitively afcertained. A LATE learned and ingenious author of an hiftory of Ireland, has fliifted cS this ftiocking incident, from November 1641, (in which month, it has been generally placed) to January following, many weeks after horriBlc cruel- ties (as he tells us) had been committed by the infurgents on the Scots in the North (5). " The Scott ifh foldiers," fays he, " who had reinforced the garri- fon of Carrickfergus, were poffefled of an habitual hatred of Popery, and enflamed to an implacable deteftation of the Irifh, by multiplied accounts of their cruelties. In one fatal night, they iffued, from Carrickfergus, into an ad- jacent dilirid, called liland-Magee, where a number of the poorer Irirti refid- ed, unoffending and untainted with ths rebellion. If we may believe one of the leaders of this party, thirty families were ailailed by them in their beds, and maffacred, with calm and deliberate cruelty. As if," proceeds the hifto- rian, " the incident were not fufficiently hideous, Popifh writers have re- prefented it with fliocking aggravation. They make the number of the flaugh- tered, in a fmall and thinly inhabited neck of land, to amount, to three thoufand, a wildnefs and abfurdity, into which other writers of fuch tranfac- tions have been betrayed ; they affert, that this butchery was committed in the beginning of November 1641, that it was the firft maffacre committed in Ulller, and the great provocation to all the outrages of the Irifli in this quarter. Mr. Carte feems to favour this affertion: had he carefully peru fed the colledion of original depofiffons, now in the poffeffion of the univer- fity of Dublin, he would have found his doubts of fads, and dates cleared moil fatisfadorily ; and that the maffacre of Ifland-Magee, as appears from feveral unfufpicious evidences, was really committed in the beginning O of ,•5) Lei. Hid. Irel. vol. ii. 114 HISTORICAL REVIEW of the Bk. V. of January, when the followers of (aj O'Neil had almoft exhaufted their bar- barous malice." Before I examine the feveral particulars of the foregoing account, I muft obferve, that the objection taken from the fmallnefs of the place, as if it were incapable of containing three thoufand inhabitants, is grounded on a mifap- prehenfion of fome circumftances in this event. For the Irifh that were there dertroyed, confifted not only of the inhabitants of tlie place, but alfo, and for the greateft part, of the country people refiding in its neighbourhood ; who, upon the (6) invitation of Colonel Chichefter, and Sir Arthur Tyrringham, had fled to Carrickfergus for protection, on the firft eruption of thefe tumults. " The town of Carrickfergus," fays Mr. (7) Carte, " was then the place of the greateft flrength in the North; and as Colonel Chichefter and Sir Arthur Tyrringham, had, on the evening of the 23d of Odlober, received intelli- gence of the infurredlion, they immediately, by beat of drum and kindling of fires, apprifed all the country people round them, of their danger; fo that the poor country people, who had not yet flirred, flocked to that place conti- nually, with all they couid carry of their fubftance, in fuch multitudes of men, women, and children, that the town was overthronged." The fame author alfo informs us (8), " That Colonel Chichefter and Sir Arthur Tyrringham, invited feveral of the moft eminent of the Irifh thereabouts, who yet re- mained quiet in their houfes, to come to Carrickfergus for fecurity; who accordingly went thither, but were made prifoners on their arrival." And (6) Cart. Orm. Vol. i, (7) lb. (S) ib. (aj Sir Phelim O'Neal's. This afTcrtioii has no other foundation but the depofin'ons now in the pot- lellion of the univerfuy of Dublin ; what credit is due to thefe, we Ihall juft now fee ; but if any regard at all is to be had to fuch of them, as have been care- ful!)' feleded from the reft, and publillied by Temple .j_nd Borlace, in their hiftories of this rebellion, we ihall find fome of them vouching, that Sir Phclini O'Neal did not order the cruelties he is charged with, till many weeks after January, 1641. For by Cap- tain Parkin's examinarion, " &ir Phelim began his niaflacres after his flight from Dundalk." Tempi. Ir. Rebel, p. 85. Now his flight from Dundalk did not happen till about the latter end of March following. Ciirte's Orm. vol. i. fol 288. Sir Henry Tichbourne's hiftory of the fiege of Drogheda. Mr. Carte, and moft C'her adverfe writers agree, " that it was Sir Phelim G Neal that firft began, and encouraged thefe imputed maflacres." Cart. ib. fol. 176. And Temple himfelf owns it, " 10 be a truth, that thofe Britilli whom the rebels fufFered to live among them, and fuch as they ifpt in prifon, wert not put to the fword by the Irifh, until in their feveral encounters they had with his Majefty's forces, they fuffered lofs of their men, and lo wtie enraged." ib. p. 126. Sir Henry Tich- bourne, who had the chief command in that diiving of O'Neil from Dundalk, performed that fervice, and afterwards purfued, it with fuch an amazing flaughrer of the Iiifli, in them parts, that he himft-lf boafls, that fome weeks after, " there vi'as neither man nor beaft to be found, in fixteen miles, between the two towns of Drogheda and Dundalk ; nor on the other fide of Dundalk, in the county of Monaj^han, nearer than Carrickmacrofs, a ftrong pile twelve miles dilhnt." ib. It is, therefore, not ftrange, tho' ab- folutely inexcufable, if this incenfed leader, or rather his favage followers, fhould be provoked to retaliate, in fome meafure, fuch cruelty and deftruftiou on the unhappy Engliili, whom they had in their power. Sir Phelim himfelf, in his lafl moments, declared, " that the feveral outrages conuiiitted by his officers and foldiers, in that war, contrary to his intention, then preflcd his confcience very much." Dean Ker's teftiniony. Nalfoti's Hill, Coile(5l. Ch. III. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 115 And becaufe it is allowed, that Mr. Carte, fcems to favour the affertion, " that near three thoufand innocent Irifh were maffacred in Ifland-Magee, in the beginning of November, 1641," it is but juft to produce the reafons, which appear to have inclined him to that way of thinking, by inferting the paffage at large, wherein they are contained. " On the 15th of November," fays that (9) well-informed writer, " the rebels, after a fortnight's fiege, reduced the caftle of Lurgan; Sir William Bromlow, after a ftout defence, furrendering it on the terms of marching out with his family and goods; but fuch was the unworthy difpofition of the rebels, that they kept him, his lady, and children, prifoners; rifled his houfe, plundered, ftripped, and killed moft of his fervants ; and treated all the townfmen in the fame manner. This," adds he, " was the firft breach of faith, which the rebels were guilty of, at leaft in thefe parts, in regard of ar- ticles of capitulation; for when Mr. Conway, on November the 5th, furren- dered his caftle of Bally-aghie, in the county of Dcrry, to them, they kept the terms for which he ftipulated, and allowed him to march out with his men, and to carry away trunks with plate and money in them. Whether," proceeds Mr. Carte, " the flaughter made by a party from Carrickfergus, in the territory of Magee, a long narrow ifland, in which it is affirmed, that near three thoufand harmlefs Irifli, men, women, and children, were cruelly maflacred, happened before the furrender of Lurgan, is hard to be deter- mined; the relations publifhed of fads, in thofe times, being very indiftind, and uncertain, with regard to the time they were committed ; though .it is confidently afferted, that the faid maffacre happened in this month of November." Let us now try thefe different accounts by the only fure teft of dates, and fadts. It is confeffcd on all hands, that the chiefs of the infurgents, through fear of the Scots in Ulfter (10), (" who," as the Earl of Clanrickard informs us, " w-ere forty thoufand well armed men, when the rebellion commenced;" at the fame time, that the rebels were, at leaft, by half lefs numerous, and furniflied with few better arms than (i i), " ftaves, fcythes, and pitchforks,") (12) publifhed a proclamation, " forbidding their followers, on pain of death, to moleft any of the Scottifh nation, in body or goods." Temple acknow- ledges, that this proclamation (13), " was for a time obferved;" and from Mr. Q, 2 Wallbank's (9) .ib. (10) Cart. Orm vol iii. fol. 77. (i i) Tempi. Iiifli Rsbel. p. 79. (i 2) Cart. Orm. 'om whence it evidently appears, that on the very day before that on which they publiflied their mani- fefto, they had taken a refolution to violate it (bj. CHAP. XVI. T6e Order for a general Pardon limited by the Jujiices. UT, if even this perfidious order was not found fufficient to excite thefe gentlemen to any hoftile, or difloyal attempt, the Juftices had Hill in referve, divers other means equally well calculated for that iniquitous purpofe. Their Lordfliips had, about this time received (i) " an order of both Houfes of the Englifli parliament, dated November 30th, di reding them., to grant his Majefly's pardon to all thofe, who within a convenient time, fhould return to their obedience." Yet, notwithfl;anding this order for (a) a general pardon, they Hill continued their former proclamation, which was fo (2) limited, with refped to perfons, places, and time ; and clogged, befldes, (6) See Temp. Irifli Rebel. (-) Id. b (1) See Temp, hifli Rtbd. (z) Id ib. (l>) " The Lords Juftices, as foon as rliey were miiTioners Cent from thence to any place out of hij fjtisHed that the L.oids of the pale would not truft power, took meafures in ordfr to convict them cf ihemrelvts in the city in the hands of Sir Charles ireafoti, arwl fofftii. their efialts." C&tt. OfiD. vol. i. Coote, though they were ready to treat with com- fol. 275-6. (a) " In another indance," fays Doflor Leland, in the name cf the EngliHi pailiament muft Ymye had " the conduft of tfaefc wretched governors was llill greater influence, than any act ot an Irifh niioiftry, de- niore fufpicious ; they received inftruftioiis for a general fpifcd and fufpet'ted by the body of the nation. Bu: pardon to fiich rebels, as ftiould fubmit withio a cet- the chief Governors, and their creatures, were expe- tainiime, to be limited by the Lords JutUces. But rienced in the art of convening forfeituras to their own no proclamation was publifhed, no pardon offered, in advaotage." Hift of Iicl. vol. iii. p. 339-40, confequence of theft inftrutJlions. — A pardon offered i4a HISTORICAL REVIEW OF THE Bk.V. belldei), with fuch impradicable conditions, that they muft have been them- felves fenfible, that it was apter to prevent, than to produce, fubmiffions. For firft, it abfolutely precluded freeholders, from all hopes of pardon ; " be- caufe," fays Lord Caillehaven (3), " they had eftates to lofe." And on the other hand, the poorer Irilh, who alone had been guilty of the depredations, and other mifchiefs then committed, were to be pardoned upon fuch terms only, as it was not in their power to comply with. " For their pardon," fays (4) Temple, " was to be granted only, on condition of reftoring the goods, and chattels, taken from the Britilh ;" •which reftitution, the fame writer (5) confeiTes, " it was impoffible for them to make." Befides this pardon, inftead of being general, (as both Houfes of the Englifh parliament intended it fhould be) extended only to the lower people of four counties, viz. Meath, Weft- meath, Louth, and Longford, (out of thirty-two that are in the kingdom,) " in (6) two of which four counties, no body of infurgents had yet appeared." And, the time allowed for their coming in, being ftinted to ten days, it was hardly poffibie, as the nation was then circumftanced, for half the perfons con- cerned to receive even notice of the proclamation, much lefs to furrender them- felves, on fo fhort a v/arning. IxV like manner, when his Majefly afterwards fent thefe Juftices his procla- mation of January ift, 1 641, granting a general pardon to thefe infurgents, upon their fubmilHon (7) ; " they fecreted the copies of it to fuch a degree, that the Lords and gentlemen of the pale, vvho lay neareft Dublin, could not get a fight of one of them." Nay, inftead of purfuing fuch pacific and con- ciliating meafures, they, on the ift of February following, commanded out the Earl of Ormond, with a powerful army, on an expedition to the county of Kildare ; where, " purfuant to his orders," fays (8) Mr. Carte, " he burnt Newcaftle and Lyons, and gave up Naas to his foldiers to plunder; having fent out parties, to burn Caftle-Martin, KilcuUen-bridge, and in fhort, all the country for feventeen miles in length, and twenty-five in breath." The Earl of Ormond was more implicitly obedient to thefe Lords Juftices orders, than became either a true lover of his country, or a faithful fubjed of his King. He was not infenfible of their Lordfhips criminal connedion with the prevailing fadion in the Englhh parliament; nor of the flagrant iniquity of many of thefe orders : for although, while they remained in the government, he (q) " protefted to Sir Henry Vane," who was one of the leaders of that fadion, " upon the faith of an honeft man, that he loved and honoured their perfons," (3) Memoirs. (4) ib. p. 48. • (5) \h p. 49. (6) Cart. Orm. vol. i. (7) I(}. ,ib. vol, i, fol. ^56. ,8) tb. vol. i. (o) Cart. Orm. vol. iii. Ibl. 4j. ' '' •'' Ch. XVII. CIVIL WARS Is IRELAND. 143 perfons," yet, u[)on the difgrace of Sir William Parfons, he tonfelTed to Lord Clanrickard, who, he knew, deteUed them (10), " that during their adminif- tration, the parliament's pamphlets were received as oracles, its eommands obeyed as laws, and extirpation preached for gofpcl." " The (i I ) Lords of the pale made no oppofitioii to any of thofe parties, that were detached to make the above-mentioned gcneial devaliation. But it afl'eded Lord Gormanllown, the principal mover of their union, to fuch a, degree, that he died not longafter of grief ; and the reft of the Lords of the pale, grown defperate, laid afide all thoughts of pardon, or treaty ; amd join- ed all their forces, for the fupport of the common caufe ; in which many others, who had as yet flood out, foon joined, fearing that they fhould, at laft, be involved in the others fate, fince a total extirpation was in- tended (b)r H A P. XVII. Lords Jiijiices Orders conceriimg Roman Catholic Pricfis, IN this expedition to the county of Kildare, " the foldiers found one'i) Mr. Higgins at Naas, who might, if he pleafed, have call ly fled, if he apprehended any danger in the flay. When he was brought before the Earl of Ormond, he voluntarily confefTed, that he was a Papift, and that his refi- dence was in the town, from whence he rcfufed to fly away, with thofe that were guilty, becaufc he not only knew himfclf very innocent, but believed, that he could net be without ample teftimony of it ; having, by his fole cha- rity and power, preferved very many of the Englilh from the rage, and fiiry of the Irifh ; and therefore, he only befought his Lordfliip, to preferve him from the violence and fury of the foldiers ; and put him fecurely into Dublin, to be tried for any crime ; w^hich the Earl promifed to do, and performed it j tho' with fo much hazard, that when it was fpread abroad among the foldiers, that he was a Papift, the oflieer in whofe ei^ftody he was intrufted, was affault- ed (10) Id. ib. (11) ]d. ib. vol. i. fol. 303. (1) Clarendon, Boil. Hift. of the Irifli Rebel. f^j " The favourite objeft both of the I: ifli govern- to their conquerors j fo that they and their poflcrity nient, and Englifh parliament, was the utter exrerini- were configned to inevitable ruin," Lei. Hift. of Ire), nation of all the Catholic inhabitants of Ireland— — vol. iii. p 166, Their eftates were already marked out, and allotted 144 1:1 1 S T O R I C A L REVIEW of the Bk. V. ed by them ; and it was as much as the Earl could do, to compofe the mutiny. When his Lordfhip came to Dublin, he informed the Lords Juftices of the prifoner he had brought with him, and of the good teftimony he had received of his peaceable carriage ; and of the pains he had taken, to reftrain thofe, with whom he liad credit, from entering into rebellion ; and of many chari- table offices he had performed ; of all which there wanted not evidence enough, there being many then in Dublin, who owed their lives, and what- ever of their fortunes was left, purely to him. Within a few days after, when the Earl did not fufped the poor man's being in danger, he heard that Sir Charles Coote, who was Provoft-Marfhal General, had taken him out of prifon, and caufed him to be (a) put to death in the morning, before, or as foon as, it was light ; of which barbarity, the Earl complained to the Lords Juftices ; but was fo far from bringing the other to be queftioned, that he found himfeif upon fome difadvantage, for thinking the proceeding to be other, than it ought to have been (b)" The Earl of Ormond, tho' Lieutenant General of his Majefty's army, had it not, it feems, in his power, to favs the lives of any Popifh Priefts, how- ever innocent, or meriting, whom he {hould happen to meet with in his march. For foon after (2), " his Lordfhip having promifed the Coun- tefs of Weftmeath, to preferve her chaplain, Mr. White, whom he found at her houfe, from the fviry of the foldiers, while he remained there ; the poor man, having, on fome occafion, left it the next day, was taken abroad by them, and brought to the Earl, whom he reminded of the protedlion he had promifed him the night before ; but he was only anfwered, that if he had ftay- ed in the houfe he was in, this would not have befallen him 5 and that it was then out of his power, to preferve him, himfeif being bound to purfue thofe orders, (2) Clarend. Hift. of the InlTi Rebel. (a) " It wss ceitainly a ruiferablc fpedaclc, as tors, thai is (continues his Lordftilp) all fuch, as he Lord Cafllehaven (^bCrves, in his nianulccipt vindi- ihould deem to be i'o ; which he pertoriiied with de- cation ol his memoirs, to fee every day nuitibers of light, and a wanton kind of cruelly ; and yet, all this people executed Hy martial law, at the dit'ciefion. or while the Juftices fat in council ; and the Judges, in rather caprice of Sir Charles Coote, an hot headed and the ul'ual feafons, fat in ilieir refpeflive courts, fpec- bloody man, and as fuch accounted even by the EWg- lators of, and countenancing, fo extravagant a tiibu- Xun and Pro'tftants. Yet this wis the man, whofti nal as Sir Charles Coote's, and fo illegal an execution the Lord,"; Juflices picked out lo entruft with a com- of Juftice." Cart. Orni. vol. i. Biiffion of n;artiiil l^'.v, to put to death rebels or trai- (b) Mr. Carre nbferOes, " that the hanging of this cd to juftify the fears, which the Lords of the pale man, (deferving in rif.ny rcfpefts, and exceptionable pretended to have of trufting ihemfelves in s place, in none but that of his religion) by martial law, by whereof that gentleman was governor." Life of Grin. Sir Charles Copte's authority, without a particular vol. i. foi. 280. warrant from the ftare, feeras perfeftly well calculat- Ch. XVIII. CIVIL WARS in IRELAND. 145 orders, which the Lords Juftices liad given him. Neverthelefs," continues Clarendon, " he did endeavour to have faved him, at leaf!:, till he might be brought to Dublin ; l)ut the whole army, pollefTed with a bitter fpirit againft the Romifli clergy, mutinied upon it ; and in the end, compelled his Lordfhip to leave him unto that Juftice, which they were authorifed to execute, and fo put him to death." CHAP. XVIII. T/je Caufe of the Infurre6lmi in Munjier. "'f"T(i) was the middle of December 1641, before any gentleman, in the \_ province of Munfter, appeared to favour the infurredion. Many of them had Ihewn themfelves zealous to oppofe it, and tendered their fervice to that end. Lord Mufkerry, who had married a fiftear of the Earl ofOrmond's, of- fered to raife a thoufand men, at his own charge ; and, if the ftate could not fupply them with arms, he was ready to raife money, by a mortgage of his eftate, to buy them j if when the fervice was ended, he might either keep the arms, or be reimburft what they coft him ; nor did any figns of uneafinefs, or diflaffedion, appear among the gentry, till Sir William .St. Leger, Lord Prefi- dent of that province, came to Clonaiell ; which was on the firilof that month. There had been, a few days before, fome robberies committed in the county of Tipperary, by a rabble of the vulgar fort, and a parcel of idle young fel- lows of the baronies of Eliogurty, Killemanna, Clanwillian, and Middlethyrde ; who, as foon as they had got their prey, divided it, and retired to their feve- ral parifhes. Among other Englilh whofuffered, a great number of cows and fheep, were taken from Mr. Kingfmill of Ballyowen, brother-in-law to the Lord Prefident. Sir William St. Leger, upon Notice thereof, came in two or three days, with two troops of horfe, in great (a) fury, to Ballyowen ; and being informed the cattle were driven to Eliogurty, he marched that way. As he fet forth, he killed three perfons at Ballyowen, who were faid to have taken up fome mares of Mr. Kingfmill's; and not far off, at Grange he killed, or hanged, four innocent labourers ; at Ballymurrin fix, and at Ballygalburt U ' , eight; (1) Cart. Orm. vol. i. (a) " In Munfter the fiift fymptoms of commotion remonftrateJ to St. Leger on the rigour of his execu- appeared in fome petty ravages and robberies, which tions, weie received with difdain and iiifoience, were puniflied by the Lord Frefident, Sir William St. pleaded the neceliity of felf-detence, and df dared for Leger, with a barbarous feverity. The difaffedted war." Lei. Hid. of Irel. vol. iii. p. 154. 146 HISTORICAL REVIEW OF THE Bk. V. eight ; and burnt fcveral houfes. From thence, Captain Pailly, marching to Armail, killed there feven or eight poor men and uoraen, v/hom he found {land- ing abroad in the ftreets, near their own doors inoffenfively ; and palling over the river Ewyer, marched to Clonalta ; where, meeting Philip Ryan, the chief farmer of the place, a very honeil and able man, not at all concerned in the robberies, he, without any enquiry, either gave orders for, or connived at, his being killed, as appeared by his cherifhing the murderer.' The Cap- tain went from thence, to meet the Lord Prefident ; where feveral of the chief nobility, and gentry of the country, being furprifed at thefe ralh and cruel pro- ceedings, waited upon his Lordiliip, with their complaints, which were re- jeded, and the Captain applauded for what he had done. Among thefe gen- tlemen, was James Butler, Lord Baron of Dunboyne ; Thomas Butler of Kil- connel, James Butler of Kilveylagher, Theobald Butler of Armail, Richard Butler of Ballynekill, Philip O'Dwyer, and feveral others of good quality. " They obferved to the Lord Prefident, how generally the people were exafperated by thefe inconfiderate cruelties, running diftradedly from houfe to houfe •, and that they were upon the point of gathering together in great numbers, not knowing what they had to truft to, and what was likely to be their fate. They told him, tliat they waited upon his Lordfhip, to be inform- ed how affairs ftood, and that they coveted nothing more than to ferve his Ma-, jefty and preferve the peace, and defired that he would be pleafed to qualify them for it, with authority and arms ; in which cafe, they would not fail to fupprefs the rabble, and fecure the peace of the country. The Prefident did not receive their reprefentation and offer, in the manner they expeded ; but in an hafty furious way, anfwered them, that they were all rebels, and that he would not truft one foul of them •, but thought it more prudent to hang the beft of them. And in this extraordinary humour, he continued all the while thefe, and other perfons of quality, their neighbours, were waiting upon him. This made them all withdraw, and return to their houfes ; much refenting his rudenefs, and feverity ; as well as very uncertain about their own fafety ; fome of them imagining, that this diftrufting of their loyalty, and deftroying of their reputations, was the preface to a defign of taking away their lives. From Clonmell, Sir William St. Leger marched into the county of Waterford, and his foldiers in the way, as they went, and returned from the Wexford-rebels, killed feveral poor harmlcfs people, not at all concerned in the rebellion, or in the plunder of the country ; which alfo incenfed the gentlemen of that county, and made them prepare for Handing on their defence fbj." CHAP. (i) " In this fudden and violent commotion, the preferve both the perfoiu and the fortunes of the Eng- Southern leaders, however provoked by the cruelties lifh fi-fftii any outrage." Lei. ubi fupra, p. 154. of St. Leger, yet exprcffed a laudable foUiciiude to Teaiple informs us on this occafion, " that Sir Wil- liam Ch.XIX. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 147 CHAP. XIX. The Caufc of the InfiineBion in Conaught. THAT the like inhuman treatment of the natives in Conaught, by per- fons placed in authority there, occafioned the firft rife, and fubfcquent extenfion of the troubles in that province, appears from the authentic tefti- mony of the Earl of Clanrickard, who was governor of Galway, during the whole time of this war. By his Lordfhip's great adivity and vigilance, that province continued quiet, for many weeks after the infurredion commenced ; " and did utterly miflike the proceedings of the infurgents ( i )." The county of Galway, in par- ticular, on the 6th of December 1641 (2), remained undilturbed." But on the 23d of the following month, the cafe feems to have been very different, which Lord Clanrickard imputes (in a letter of that date to the Duke of Richmond) to the mal-adminiftration of the Lords Juftices, as already related, both before and after the infurredion began (3). " All," fays he, " are generally difcontented with thofe, who manage the affairs of ftate here, whom they charge with fecret pradicing, in both kingdoms, before the commotions be- gan, to raife parties to deftroy their religion, and divert, and hinder the King's graces, intended towards them, and by that means, to put them into def- peration, that they may forfeit their lives and fortunes. And fince the dif^ tempers began, the fame perfons have difpofed of affairs, as if the defign was to put the whole kingdom into rebellion, as now it is." His Lordfhip, in a letter to the Earl of Ormond in June following, grie- voufly complained (4), " that infults offered to himfelf, within the limits of his government, were, at leaft, connived at ; that one of his beft manors was ravaged, by fome of the army under Ormond's own command ; and that out- rages were committed on others, in that diftrid, who had protedions from the U 2 ftatej (0 Minutes of Lord Clanrickard's letter in the council-boots. (2) ib. (3) Claniick. Mem. Cart. Orm. vol. iii. (4) Cart. Orm. vol. iii. liam St. Leger gallantly purfued thefe rebels ; and that acquainting him, with what fort of rebels be had been after a long and tedious inarch, became upon them engaged, lays, " never was the like war heard of; unawares, and flew two hundred of them, befidcs fe- no man makes head ; one parilTi robs another, go reral whom he took prifoners and hanged." Hift. of home and iliare the goods, and there is an end of it ; the Irirti Rebel, p. 159. Sir William himfelf, in a and this by a company of naked rogues." CarU Orm, letter to the Earl of Ormond, December nth, 1641, vol. iii. fol. 47. 148 HISTORICAL REVIEW of the Bk. V. ftate, and wl)o," fays he, " fill thefe parts with theiriad complaints, diftrad- ing moft men's minds to defperation ; which, he doubted not, would be of dangerous confequence to the wliole province ; as he then underftood, that the people began to prepare for their defence, and gathered all the forces they could make." These outrages were now fo much increafed, that his Lordfliip acquainted the Juftices, that, fince the time he made his former complaint, which was on ■the 27th of the preceding month (5), " Scarce any day pafled, without great complaints of the Captain of the fort of Galway, and the (a) commander of a fhip of war, then lying in the harbour, fallying out with their foldiers, and trumpet, and a troop of horfe ; burning, and breaking open houfes, taking away goods, preying of the cattle, with ruin and fpoil, rather then fupply to themfelves ; and all this committed, not only upon thofe who w"ere pro- teded, but upon them who were molf forward to relieve and alTift them, not fparing mine," adds his Lordfhip, " frequently upon fancy, or rumour, with- out examining the occafion -, the Captain of the fort fhooting his ordinance in- to the town, or threatning to do it, keeping diforderly fentries at every gate, abufing thofe that oifer to go out, threatening to take them prifoners to the fort, and to exercife martial law upon them ; killing, and robbing, poor people, that came to market, burning their fifher-boats, and not fuffering them to go out, and no punillnment inflided upon any that committed thefe outrages ; and, as I am well informed," adds he, " ailing moft things without any regard to the King's honour engaged, or any refpe6t at all to me, in action, though much in profeffion." " These particulars, my Lords," proceeds Lord Clanrickard, " do fo dif- temper and difquiet all men's thoughts, even thofe that have been moft for- ward to do fervice, that it is like to be of moft dangerous confequence at this time, (5)Id,ib. (^) Lord Forbfs, wlio had brought along with him your Majefcy dolh live, it would be fo : and there- the famous Hugh Ptters, as his chaplain, and wss forr refolved, for the good of the kingdom, to tike much go>erned by h's advice." Cart. Orm. vol. i, fol. your life away ; and that to that attion. Mr. Dell, and 34.7. This Peters and one Dtll, another Prefliyterian Mr. Peteri, thc-y were well aifured, would willingly minirter, feein to have afterwards, darted the tirft hint bear thciii company ; for they had often laid to thele of the project of the King's murder. An anonymous agitators, youi Majefly is but a dead dog. My pray- 'etter, of November 9th, 1647, to the following pur- ers are for your Majelly's (afety ; but 1 do too much pole, was privately handed to his Majefly. " In dif- fear, it cannot be, while you are in thofe hands " charge of my duty, I cannot omit to acquaint you, RiHg. Carol. Sacr. p. 207. In confequence of this that my brother was at a meeting lall: night, with information, his iVlajefty privately wltlidrew hlmfelf eight or nine agitators ; who in debate of the obllacle from Hampton-court, on the nth of the fame month, which did moft hinder the fpeedy effefting their defigns, attended only by Sir John Berkley, Aftiburnham, and did conclude it was yout Majefty j and that as long as Legg, Ch. XX. C I V I L W A R S I N I R E L A N D. 1+9 time, •when Mayo, Sligo, Thomond, and other countries, have prcparal for- ces, and are ready to fall upon my Lord Prefulcnt and myfcL^. I mult there- fore, moft humbly and earneftly intreat your Lordfhips to take a fpeedy courfe, that the country may be qiiietcd and fatisfied, that deflrudion is not intended againftthe well-affeded ; that I may be repaired in my honour, and prefcrved in my authority, now grown into contempt; or that your Lordihips will be pleafed to difcharge me of the burden of this government, for, in this manner^^ 1 may not longer hold it, with dilfervicc to his Majefty, and danger and dis- honour to mylllf." CHAP. XX. . Further Severities of the Lords Jiifticss, ABOUT this time(i), " Sir John Read, one of the gentlemen of his Majefty's privy-chamber, then in Ireland, being intrufled with letters to his Majeily, by the nobility and gentry uf the pale, was invited by the Lords Juftiees to repair to Dublin, that they might confer with him, before his departure ; but, at his coming to Dublin, he was committed clof-j prifoner to the caftle, notwithftanding they wrote for him, and though he told theni, he brought letters to his Majefty. Soon after this, they put him to the rack (a)y Lord (2) Dunfany, who lived quietly in his own houfe, doing all adls of liumanity to the diftreffed Englifh, even at the hazard of his life, came with his fon to Dublin, and furrendered himfelf to the government, " where he was immediately imprifoned, and endited by a jury, which did (3) not confifl of freeholders." At the fame time, (4) Patrick Barnwell of Kilbrew, Efq;^ one of the mofl confiderable gentlemen of the pale, a venerable old man, of the age of fixty-fix, a lover of quiet, and highly refpeded in his country, " having furrendered himfelf to the Earl of Ormond, and received a (b) fife condud from (1) Cart. Orm. vol. ii'. fol. 295. (2) Id. ib. (3) Brief Narrative. See WalHi's Reply to a I'cifon of Ciualiiy. ^4) Cart. Grill, vol. i. (a) " The principal qiieftion put to him while On ferve their end.<>, by calunini.-iiing his Majefiy ; at rfie the rack, was, whether the King was privy to, or fame tiire that they protnoied their own fchciiie of encouraged the rebellion.'' The Lords Jullices, de- an extirpaiiou by racking ihele gentlemen, whofe voted to that party, (in the Englidi parliament,) to treatment could not fail of deterring every body from whole difpofiiion the government of Ireland was en- venturing themfelve.'i into theii pov, er for the futuie. ' tirely lelt, endeavouted, in this deteftable way, to Cart. Oim. vol. i. fol. 301 . (h) The Earl of Omond, in a letter to Lord Juftice ' brew, I fufFered him to come along with me.'' Cart. Patfons, fays, " Having received from your Lorddiip, Orm. vol. iii. fol. 68. " Patrick Barnwell of Kii- a note intimating a fafe-guard to Mr, Barnwell ofKil- brew, Efq; endured the torture with fo ftcady an avowai I50 HISTORICAL REVIEW of the Bk.V. from Sir William Parfons, was, neverthelefs, upon his arrival in Dublin, im- prifoned, and put to the rack ; and he, (LordDunfany,) and Sir John Netter- ville, fuffered great hardfhips afterwards, from the rigour of the Lords Juftices, in their confinement in the callle of Dublin, for twelve or fourteen months ; and being refufed to be bailed, were ready to perifh for want of relief." Besides thefe, (5) Sir Andrew Aylmer, Gi raid and George Aylmer, Efqrs. Edward Lawrence, Nicholas and Stephen Dowdal, Efqrs. Sir Nicholas White, and his fon, John Talbot, Gerald Fitzgerald, and William Malone, Efqrs. all gentlemen of the pale, had either fubmitted to the Lords Juftices, or to the Earl of Ormond in this expedition to Drogheda. But, altho' it was certainly known, that they never were in any manner conneded with the infurgents, but on the contrary, that they had greatly fuffered by their- depredations, " yet they were all committed prifoners to the caftle, without being even admitted to the prefence of the Lords Juftices ; after which, they were examined, fome by menace, others by (c) torture, and moft of them neceflitated to fubfcribe to what the examiners pleafed to infert. In confequence of thofe examina- tions, and perhaps (d) other kinds of management, they were all endited of high treafon ; in the fpace of two days, there were above three thoufand fuch enditments upon record." (5) Id. ib. avowal of his innocence, and fuch abundant evidence unhappy gentleman, lie was permitted to refide in was offered in his favour, that the Juftices were afham- Dublin, and his eftate protefted from the general ha- ed of their cruelty ; and to make fome amends to the vockof the foldiery " Lei. Hill, of Irel. vol. iii. p. 165. (c) " Preparations were made for their trials. — tices had recoiirfe to the rack, in order to extort fucli But, as they had never been engaged in any hoftile confellions, as thefe mifcreanis had a niind to put into aftion, proper tafls were wanting to fupport a charge the mouths of thefe unhappy men." Warner's Irilli againft them. To fupply this defedl, the Lords Jul"- Rebel, p. 176. fJ) The Juftices " had exerted themfelves fo vi- goroufly, that enditments of treafon were found againft thofe, and above a tlioufand more, in the fpace of two days." Lei. Hift. of Irel. Ubi fupra. " With a ftamelefs outrage on decency, a memorial was pub- lickly read at the council-board, from a friend of Sir William I'arfons, reprefeniing his merits in expending fums of money for procuring witnefTcs on thefe endit- ments." Id. ib. p. 201. CHAP. Ch. XXI. CIVIL WARS in IRELAND. ^51 H A P. XXI. The Gentlemen of the Pak petition the King ani Parliament. WHILE the gentlemen above-mentioned were coaflned in tlie caflle of Dublin, they addrcffed to the Earl, now Marquis, of Ormond, the following petition ; inclofing two others, one to his Majeity, and the other to the Englifli Houfe of Commons. " MAv(i)it pleafe your Lordfhip to call to mind, how your petition- ers, Tipon your Lordfhip's advancing into the country, with his Majcily's army, did come, and fubmit to your Lordiliip •, not doubting but that they fhould thereby, partake of his JNIajefty's grace and mercy. And yet they have received as hard meafure fmce, as it they had been taken prifoners, and committed the higheft ads of treafon. Your Lordfhip cannot forget, that we were then, out of danger of the army; and that, if we had fufpeded any fuch hard, and extream ufage, as we have fmce found, we might have means, and opportunity to ihift for ourfelves, and at leaft, to continue our former liberty. But we being confcious of no voluntary treafon, committed by us, did, of our own freewill and accord, put ourfelves into your Lord- fhip's hands ; not doubting, but that this was an engagement upon your Lord fliip, in point of honour, (if not upon his Majcfty, as we conceive it is) to intercede to his Highnefs, and to the parliament, for us ; which your Lord- fhip has not hitherto done. " Their humble requeft unto your Lordfhip, is, that for the clearing of yourfelf, from having an hand in the proceedings, which, fmce their fubmiffion, have been againfi; your petitioners ; and for the vindicating your honour unto pofterity (v/hich, in the opinion of many, doth in this much fuffer) your Lordrtiip will be pleafed, by your letters, to tranfmit their petition^ fubfcribed by them, unto his Majef^y ; and alfo to the honourable Houfe of Commons in England, which is the leaft right, and it is in the main (i) Girte's Orm. vol. iii. 152 HISTORICAL REVIEW of the Bk. V. main nothing but truth, which your Lordfhip is bound in honour to tef- tify (a)r The Marquis of Ormond, in a letter to the Speaker of the Englifh Houfe of Commons, after having made a kind of apology for fending liim thefe petitions, acquaints him (2), " that, indeed, what concerned thefe gentle- mens' coming to him of their own accord, and the courfe that had been af- terwards held with them, was very truly fet forth ; and that he had not heard of any hoftile ad, that had been done by any of them." But then he immediately fubjoins, what certainly was never intended for their fer- vice, viz. " and to enter into their hearts, and fearch what is there, is only peculiar to God. I am not able," adds he, " to judge whether any trea- fon was hatched there, or no." And, with this invidious infinuation, " he fubmitted it to the wifdom of that great council (the Englifh Commons) to advife when, and where, and to whom, to diftribute mercy, for the moft advantage of the prefent fervice." The principal drift of which fervicc, he perfedly well knew, was by all manner of means, to attaint the perfons, and confifcate the eftates, of all the Roman Catholic nobility and gentry of the kingdom (b), (2) Cart. Orm. vol. iii. fa) " The Lords Juflices, wlio not only favoured the defigns of [heir friends in England, but expefled to have their own fervices rewarded by a large por- tion of forfeitures, were refoived to difcourage paci- fic difpofitions. The genilemcn, who were fent in cuftody to Doblio, (on furrendering thenifelves to Ormond) though men of refpeflable characters and families, engaged in no aflion with the rebels, fome, fufferers by their rapine, averfe to their proctedings, known proteflors of the Englilli, were all, indifcii- niinately, denied accefs to ihe Juftices, clofely im- prifoned, and threatened with the utmoft feverity." Lei. Hift. of Irel. vol. iii. p. i6j. (hj Mr. Carte informs us, " That he found in the Earl of Orinond's notes, written with his own hand, that in April, 1643, there was a letter read at the council-board, from an intimate friend of Sir William Parfons, who claimed a great merit 'to himfelf, in getting fome hundreds of gentlemen endiied ; and the rather that he had laid cut funis of money to procure witnefles to give evidence to a jury for finding thels enditments." Orm. vol. i. fol. 423. CHAP. Ch.XXir. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 153 HAP. XXII. Barbarous Orders of the Lords Jujiices and Council to the Earl of Ormond. WERE there any room to call in queftionthe accounts hitherto given, of thcfe Lords Juftices cruel and rapacious adminiftration, their own public orders, which were conftantly and rigoroufly executed, would authen- ticate and confirm them, beyond all poffibility of doubt. Out of thcfe orders, I (hall feled two or three pafTages, (for more would be fhocking to the reader's humanity,) with reference to the ends all along propofed by them, which evi- dently were, firft to compel fuch of the Irilh, as were {till quiet, to rife in their own defence, and afterwards, to feize on their pcrfons, and eftates for hav- ing yielded to fuch compulfion. On the 23d of February, 1641, the Earl of Ormond, when on his march towards the Boyne, received the following refolution of the Lords Juftices, and Council (i). " It is rcfolved, that it is fit, that his Lordfhip do endea- vour, with his Majefty's forces, to wound, kill, flay, and deftroy, by all the ways and means he may, all the faid {a) rebels, and their adherents, and re- lievers ; and burn, fpoil, wafte, confume, deftroy, and demolifh, all the places, towns, and houfes, where the faid rebels are, or have been, relieved, or har- boured, and all the corn and hay there ; and to kill and deftroy (/>), all men there inhabiting, able to bear arms." On the 9th of the following month, thefe Lords Juftices and Council, dif- patched another order to the Earl of Ormond, then marching into the pale, with an army of three thoufand foot, and five hundred horfe, to burn, fpoil, and deftroy the rebels of the pale, without excepting any. By this order, " thofe who offered to come in, were in no other manner to be taken in, than as prifoners, taken by the ftrength of his Majefty's army ; and, if any of them Ihould come to the army, the foldiers were to feize on them, before X they (i ) Carte's Orm. vol. ili. (a) IiiHi and Rebels were then fynonimoiis terms. (h) " Can any one think after this," fays Doftor Warner, " that thcfe Lords J uliices had any reafon to complain of the cruelties committed by the ignorant and favage Iri(h. ' Hift. of the Irifh Rebel. 154 HISTORICAL REVIEW OF THE Bk.V. they had accefs to his Lordfliip ; and afterwards, they were to be denied ac- cefs to his perfon (cj." In tills manner, fuch of thofe vmhappy noblemen, and gentlemen, as had been driven from Dublin by their Lordlhips' proclamation, on pain of death, b.ad never offended the government, or were defirous to return to their duty, if in any refped they had offended, were delivered tip, without diftinction, to the mercy of foldiers, who thirfted after nothing more ardently, than the blood of the Irifh ; and whom their Lordfhips had before incenfed, by all manner of ways, againft the nation in general. Doctor Nalfon affnres ns (2), "that the feverities of the Provoft-Mar- fhialls, and the barbarifm of the foldiers to the Irifh, were then fuch, that he heard a relation of his own, who was a captain in that fervice, relate, that no manner of fdj compafTion, or difcrimination, was fhewn either to age or fex ; but that the little children were promifcuoufly fufferers with the guilty ; and that, if any, who had fome grains of compaffion, reprehend- ed the foldiers, for this unchriflian inhumanity, they would fcornfully reply, why, nitts will be lice, and fo would difpatch them." " May (3) 28th, 1642, the Juftices iffued a general order to the com.man- ders of all garrifons, not to prefume to hold any correfpondence, or inter- courfe, with any of the Irifli or Papifts dwelling, or refiding in any place, near, or about their garrifons ; or to give protedion, immunity, or difpenfa- tion from fpoil, burning, or other profecution of war, to any of them ; but to profecute all fuch rebels, from place to place, with fire and fword, according to former commands, and proclamations. Such," fays Mr. Carte, on this oc- cafion, " was the conftant tenour of their orders, though they knew, that the foldiers, in executing them, murdered all perfons, promifcuoufly, not fparing, as they themfelves tell the commiilioners for Iriih affairs, in their letter of the 7th of June following, the women, and fometimes, not children." (2) Hlftoric. Colleft. (3) Cart. Orm. vol. i. fc) " In the execution of tlufc orders, tlie Juftices Jeclare, that the foldiers flew all peVfons pomlfcuoufl/, not fparing ihe women, and fouieiiiiies not the children." Ia-I. Hill, of Irel. vol iii. p. 1 72. (iJ) " Among the feveral afls of public fervice torian Boilace, with particular fatisfaflion, and performed by a regiment of Sir William Cole, con- triumph : Starved and i'amifhed of the vulgar forr, (iding of five hundred foot, and a troop of horfe, we whole goods were fcized on by the regiment, feven find the following hideous article recorded by the hif- thoufand." Lei. lb. CHAP. Ch.XXIII. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 155 CHAP. xxiir. Orders of the EngliJJj Parliament, relative to Ireland. PREPARATORY to thcfe deftrudive orders of the Jufliccs and Council of Ireland, their partizans in the Enghfli parliament had procured a (i) re- folution to be paffed, on the 8th of December, 1641, never to tolerate the Roman Catholic religion in that kingdom ; and, in February, or March fol- lowing, the fame parliament voted the confifcation of two millions and an half of acres, of arable, meadow, and parturc land, when very few perfons of land- ed property were concerned in the infurredion. On occafion of this refolu- tion concerning religion. Lord Clanrickard expoflulated, with jufc and fpirited rcfentment, in a letter to the Earl of Effex ^ who, it was then thought, would have come over Lord Lieutenant, with orders to execute it. " It is reported (2)," fays he, " that the parliament hath refolved to make this awar of religion, that no toleration thereof is to be granted here ; nor any pardons, but by confent of parliament, to fend one thouHmd Scots into this kingdom, and yourfelf to come over Lord Lieutenant. If fuch be the refolutions of England, I fhould efteem it the greateft misfortune pofllble, to fee you here upon fuch terms ; but if you come over as becomes the perfon, honour, and gallant difpofition of the Earl of Ellex ; and not as the agent of perfecution, it may produce much happinefs to your own particular, and to this kingdom in general. And, if I may prefume to fpeak my fenfe, it will not agree either with the honour, or fafcty of England, to make ufe of fuch a power of Scots to deftroy, or over- run us here. My Lord, recoile£l yourfelf, and draw together your beft, and braveft thoughts ; confider that, by this violent proceeding, contrary to the religion of the whole kingdom, you will put us into defpcration, and fo hazard the deflrudion of many noble families." In confequence of the Englifh vote, for the confifcation of two million and a half of Irifh acres, " the Lords Juftices, in a private (3) letter to the Speaker of the Houfe of Commons in England, May i ith, 1642, without the reft of the Council, befought the Commons, to affift them w'ith a grant of fomc compe- tent proportion of the rebels lands. Here," fays (4) Warner, " the reader will find a key, that unlocks the fecrct of their iniquitous proceedings ; and here we find the motives to the orders they gave for receiving no fubmifllons ; for ifiiiing no proclamation of pardon at firft, as the parliament had fuggefted ; X 2 and (1) Hughes' Abridgment. (2) Cart. Orm. vol. iii. (3} Id. ib. vol. i. (4) Hift. Irifli Rebel. 156 HISTORICAL REVIEW, &c. Bk. V. and in fhort, for all their backwardnefs in putting an end to the rebellion, of which feveral opportunities offered ; and confequently, for their facri- ficing the peace and happinefs of the country, and the lives of thoufands of their fellow-fubjeds." " But(5)fomc kind of zeal," fays a Royal author on this occafion, " counts all merciful moderation luke-warmnefs, and is, not feldom more greedy to kill the bear for his fkin, than for any harm he hath done j the confifcation of men's eftates being more beneficial, than the charity of faving their lives, or reforming their errors." (5) Relig. Sacr. Carolin. p. 85. AN A N HISTORICAL AND CRITICAL REVIEW OF T H E CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. B O O K VI. CHAP. *I. The Nobility and Gentry of Ireland unite in a regular Body. TH Fy Lords and gentlemen of the pale, who had feen their houfcs burnt, their lands deftroyed, and their tenants murdered, without making anv oppofition, ftill renewed (i) their applications to government, to accept of their beft affiftance and endeavours, towards putting a ftop to the infurrcelion, now daily increaling in every part of the kingdom. But .thefe overtures were fcornfully rejeded, and even the propofers of them held worthy of punifh- ment. The Earl of Caftlehaven, who had prefented one of their petitions, was (2) imprifoned ; and had he not efcaped by a flratagem, might have been racked for his officioufnefs, as Sir John Read was on a fimilar account. At the fame time, Hugh Oge O'Connor, Sir Luke Dillon, and others of the prin- cipal gentry of the county of Rofcommon, intrcated the Lords Cianrickard and Ranelagh, to prevail with the Juftices, to receive the like humble offer of their fervices, or, at leaft, to confent to a fufpenfion of hoflilitics, for fome fhort time. Lord Cianrickard tranfmitted their rcquell to the government, with his humble wifhes for itsfuccefsj but Sir William Parfons was fo much offended at the motion, that Cianrickard was obliged to apologize for having made (1) Cane, Cafilehtve;). {2) See his Memoir;. 158 HISTORICAL REVIEW of the Bk.Vi. made it, by telling him (3), " tliat his grounds for feconding that application were, that fire and fword having made a Iharp dif^overy of his Majefty's high indignation, fome part of his mercy might appear, by a diftindion of puniihment ; which then, and fmce, had fallen equally, not only on capital offenders, but even upon deferving fcrvitors. Thefe," adds his Lordfhip, " were the apprehenfions, which drew me into that error, wliich I muft now conceive to be fuch, as it ftands in oppofition, to fo able a judgment. But certainly, fome other way of moderation may be agreeable to his Majefty's goodnefs, and the deftrudion and murders committed by the foldiers, thereby prevented ; which are now aded upon thofe, who are proteded by your Lordlliip, which, at prefent, puts all men into high defperation." Thus, were the Catholic nobility and gentry of Ireland, at laft, compelled to unite in a regular body ; and to put themfelves into that condition of na>- tural felf-defence, which has been ever fince branded by their enemies, with the appellation of a moft odious and unnatural rebellion (aj. The firft refult of this union was, an humble and dutiful addrefs from them to his Majefty, fetting forth (4), " that, having apprehended, with fulnefs of forrow, the condition to which the mifreprefentation of his Majefty's minifters in Ire- land, united with the maligna'nt party in England, had reduced them ; and fad experience having taught them, that a refolution was taken to fupplant their nation and religion ; they humbly conceived it neceifary, after long pa- tience, to put themfelves in a pofture of natural defence ; with intention, ne- verthelefs, never to difturb his Majefty's government, to invade any of his high prerogatives, oropprefs any of his Britifh fubjeds, of what religion focver, that did not labour to opprefs them. Which intention in the beginning of the troubles, they had folemnly fworn to obferve ; an oath, often lince reite- rated, left the mifguided and unauthorifed motions of fome among them, ihould be conftrued to derogate from that faith and allegiance, which, in all humblenefs, they confeifed they owed, and fincerely profefi'ed unto his Ma- jefty. That, before any ad of hoftility committed on their parts, they had, with all fubmiflion, addrelfed themfelves, by petition, to the Lords Juftices and Council, for a timely remedy againft the then growing evils ; but that therein, (3) Cart. Orm. vol iii. (4) Id. Lb. ("aj " To ftrengtlien their party," hy» Mr Carte, tlve llv*-!!, and efiates of the t.ords of the pale, would " as much as was poffible, ihcy fcnt nianititlh ai'd he made ule of to deftroy them, by piece-nieal, one declnrations of the motives and reafo.is of ihfir con- after another: and that the only way to pFevent the duft, to all the Cnglilh Catliollcs ihroiigliout the deftruflion of each particular, was to nnire all toge- kingdom. Nor did fhey find any great difficulty i:i tbet as one man, to niake a general aiTociatioii for engaging them ; they being ready enough to confider their defence, and to depend upon the fate of war, it as a conuiion caiife, and to imagine that the fame to make the bed terms they could for Ihenifelves." fnares, which they were pcrfuaded had been laid for Orm. vol. iii. fol. 262. Ch.f. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 159 therein, they had found, inftead of a falve for their wounds, oyl poured into the fire of their difcqntcnts, which occafioued fuch intemperance in the com- inon people, that they aded fome unwarrantable cruelties upon puritans, or others fufjicdcd of puritanifm, which cruelties they (b) really detefted, had punilhcd in part, and dcfired to punifh with fulnefs of fevciity, in all the adors of them, when time fhould enable them to it ; though (added they) the meafure offered to the Catholic natives here, in the inhuman murthering of old decrepit people in their beds, women in the i^ raw, and children of eight days old ; burning of houfes, and robbing of all kind of perfons, without diitindion of friend from foe, and (c) digging up of graves, and there burning the dead bodies of our anceftors, have not dcferved tiiat juflice from us." Im the conclufion of this addrefs, we find the following zealous obteftation. '.' We therefore, with hearts bent lower than our knees, do humbly befeech your facred Majef^y, timely to alfign a place, where, wnth fafety, we may exprefs our grievances, and you may, with freedom, apply a feafonable cure imto them; and there you fliall find our dutiful affedions, attended with jufl caufe of fecurity in our faithfulnefs, and manifefl; arguments of our earnefl de- lire to advance your fervice." (h) Tliey kept their word religloufly in this refpef^. For, in the iwo peaces concluded afterwards witii the Ma:quls of Orinond, viz. thofe of 1646 and 1648, they ixprci'sly cxcep'ed, from pardon, all thofe of their paity that had conmiitted luch cruellies. And long before either of ihefe peaces. Lord Claorickard ifltified, " that it was the defite of the whole nation, that the 5ftors ofthcfe cruehies flionld. in the highffl dt-gree, be inade examples to all pcifteiiiy." Cane's Oriii vol. iil. And the Marquis of Onnond hiiv.ftif, confeflcd, " that thofe alluniing powt-r among the Iiifli had Ir.ng difclaiiiicd them, and prolelTcd i,n ear- liell define I lui ihty might be brought to punilliaien;.'' Id. ih. (c) Tliat ihcy did not exaggerate in this particular, is plain from a letter ol Lord Clanrickard's, who fays, " that while he was at Tyrellan in trcafy with Lord Foibes, (the coiiimnnder of a parliament (liip of war,) iho' Lord Rancl.igh, piefident of Conaught, was then in the fort of Galway, he faw the" country on fire, his tenants houfes and goods burnt, and four or five poor innocent creatures, men, women, and children. inhumanly mur'ards(6) Rofs, with an army of about two thoufand five hundred foot, and five hundn'd horfc. In his way thither, he took the Caftle of Timolin •, and although he had promifcd quarter to the garrifon, on account of their gallant defence, Y 2 yet (4) Carte ubi fupra. (5) See Append. (6) Belling's MSS. f^J Sir Hcnty Tichburn, foon after made Lord vy-coiincii, that mofl of tlieni defircd to run any for- Jultice on I'arfons' removal, informs us, " that the tune, and exireiiiily of fauiilliing, rather than jielJ ctffation intended was fo difagreeable to the IiiHi Pti- unto it." Hift. of the (lege of Drogheda. (I) This reiTionfl ranee has been already quoted, in 1644, and then dlfmiffed without the lead difproof, this review, and will hereafter be quoted as authcn- or even coniradiclion, of any of the numerous grie- tic evidence, as well on account of the^oleiiinity of vances it complains of ; and without any refoluiion, its delivery and accrptance, as becaiii'e of the fevere or motion, alter a debate of fo many days, that bears examinations it iinJirwcnt in the Itifli Houfe of Com- ihu {lighted appeaiance, either of a ceiilure, or denial nions, (from which all the Roman Catholic membets ofthefaftsit contains. See Append, to the Journals had been expelled) from the 8th to the 12th of April, ofthe Comiiions. (c) This expedition was undertaken by Ormond, lianienl would certainly withdraw their fupplics, on at the (kfireof a committee 01 the Fnc'JIdi parliament, notice of luch an addrefs, upon which the (hips were ihen ftnt to difii^ and liiperintend the alfairs of Ireland, ilaycd ; yet the bufinefs was fo argued, as the Major CXprefsly againrt the King's command. See Borl. Ir. had licence to proceed in his journey " ]d. ib. tol. 144. Rebel, fol. 142-3. " It being defired by the officers " But with this the Englilli pailiament was fo much ofiheatmy, on a certain occafion, that Major Wo- dilpleafed, that they for lonie lime, withheld tliofe dowes might repair to his Majefty to exprefs their fcanty fupplics which tbey before ufcd to fend them." fervice, this conunittee dcuionftrated, that the par- Id. ib. fol. 145. i64 HISTORICAL REVIEW OF THE Bk. VL yet he fuffered them to be (7) cut in pieces by the foldiers, after they had fur- rendered their arms. And, in his return from Rofs to Dublin, on the i8th of March, (the day on which the other com milfioners were receiving the remon- ftrance at Trim) having met -and attacked an army of the confederates, under General Prefton, he entirely routed it; (8) killing above five hundred of their men, among whom were many officers and gentlemen [d). The (9) Juftices, in a letter to the Speaker of the Englifh Houfe of Commons, take particular notice of this adfion, as a fatisfa«Sory proof, " that the King's commiffion for hearing the complaints of the confederate Catholics, gave not the leafl inter- ruption to the proceedings of the war (e) againft them." C H A P. IV. Sir William Parfons difplaced from the Government. IN confequence of the remonftrance delivered at Trim, his Majefty informed the Lords Juftices ( I ), " That he had given command, and authority to the Marquis of Ormond, to treat with his fubjeds of that kingdom, who had taken arms againft him ; and to agree with them on a celTafion of arms for one year; which, as it was a fervice of very great concernment to his Majefty, and his prefent affairs in both kingdoms, fo he willed and commanded, that they would therein give the moft efFedual affiftance and furtherance to advance .the fame, by their induftry and endeavours, as there fhould be occalion." Not (7) Id. ib. (8) Id. lb. (9) Carte's Orni. vol. iii. (i) Id. ib. (J) " And in his return to Dublin," fays Mr. Carte, " he burnt«nd fpolled the enemy's country, without •.he lead oppofuion." Orin. vol. i. fol. 407. (e) They ohfcrve, however, in the fame letter, up houfe, and fcaitcring their families, le.nving ftill that their poverty, and want of all things, was luch, fewer to bear the burden. In the end, therefore," *' that although the rebels were not able to overcome add they, " we were enforced to tix on our former hii Majefly's army, and devour his other good fub- way, and to fee who had any thing left him, imt'aken jedts, yet both his army and good fubjefls were in from him, to help us ; and, although there were but danger to be devoured by the wants of Decdful lup- few luch, and tome of them poor nierchants, whom plies forth of England. And that the miferies of the we have now by the law of nccellity utterly undone, officers and foldiers for want of all things, even of and difabled from being hereafter helpful to us, yet food, were unfpeakable ; that, by the inlupportable we were forced to wrell their commodities from them." burthen then laid on the city of Dublin, for their Bor. Hill, of the Irilh Rebel, fol. 146-7. maintenance, many houfckeepcrs were daily breaking Ch.IV. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 165 Not long after the arrival of this order (2), Sir Francis Butler landed from England, with a fuperfedeas for Sir William i'arfons's government, on account of his being a principal oppofcr of the intended ceffation, and with a commifll^ on to Sir John Borlace, and Sir Henry Tichbourne, to be Lords Jufticcs ; who, accordingly, on the i ft of May, 1643, were inllituted in the govern- ment. And on the 12th of the fame month, Major Warren and Sir Francis Butler, came to the council, the Lords fitting, and prcfcntcd a petition to the Lords Juftices, accufing Sir William Parfons of high mifderaeanors, and other treafonable matters, and requefting that his perfon and goods might be fecured." After many needlefs delays, and a fecond command from the King, the Lords Juftices appointed the Marquis of Ormond to meet the commiiTioners of* the confederate Catholics at Caftle-Martin, on the 23d of June, and to enter upon a treaty with them for a cefiation of arms. The Alarquis, as we have feen, had ftiewn but little inclination to be concerned at all in fuch a treaty ; and he difcovered lefs to be inftrumental in concluding it. For (3), on the day before he fet out for Caftle-Martin, having caufed the principal Citizens of Dublin to be fummoned before the council-board, he delivered a motion in writing, that " if ten thoufand pounds might be raifed, the one half in mo- ney, the other in viduals ; and to be brought in within a fortniglit, he would, in that cafe, proceed in the war, endeavour to take Wexford, and break off the treaty for the ceffation." But the principal citizens of Dublin, not being able to advance that fum, (fuch was their {a) extreme poverty at that jundure) Sir Henry Tichbourne, who, upon the fuppofition of his fiivouring the cefiation, was appointed Lord juftice in Parfons' room (4), " moved the board, (there being then one and twenty counfellors prefent,) that every one for himfelf, out of his peculiar means and credit, ftiould procure three hundred pounds, which, among them all, would raife fix thoufand three hundred pounds ; for even with that," lays Sir Henry himfelf, " he (the Marquis) offered to undertake the work, and, that there fhould be no further mention of a ceflTation among them. But this motion of mine,"' (2) Id. ib. vol. i. (3) Carte's Orm. vol. i. (4) Hid. of the fie-e of Drogheda. faj Temple informs us, " That when, in the begin- ihould aiiive from England, they returned this anfwcr. ning of the infurredion, the Juftices feiit for the after a nioi't ferious confuliation, and very folemn de- Mayor and Aldermen of Dublin, and laid before them b.ite among themfelves, that they were not able to the high necclfities of the ftate, defiting to burrow a furnifli above forty pounds, and part of that was tj confiderable fum of money for the prefenr, which they be brought in in cattle." Hift. of the Irilli Rebel, undertook to repay out of the next tteafute, that p. 47. i66 HISTORICAL REVIEW op the Bk.VI. mine," proceeds he, " finding no {b) place, the ceflation began to be treated on, and was in fincerity of heart, as much hindered, and delayed by me, as was in my power." Such was the zeal and fidelity of one of his Majefly's chofen, and principal minifters, then in the government of Ireland ! C H A P. V. TUs Majejlys Commiffioners meet thofe of the Confederate Catholics, to treat of the CeJJ'ation. ON the 23d of June, 1643, the(i) commifTioners of the confederate Ca- tholics prefented themfelves before the Marquis of Ormond in his tent, near Caftle Martin, in the prefence of divers Colonels, Captains, and other officers of his Majelty's army, his Lordfliip fitting in his chair covered, and the Irifh commilfioners {landing bare-headed. After feveral pafTages between them, all tendered in writing, the latter gave his Lordfhip a copy of the au^ thority they had received from the fupreme council of the confederate Catho- lics at Kilkenny, in thefe words. " Whereas (2) his Majefty's moft faithful fubjeds, the confederate Ca- tholics of Ireland, were enforced to take arms, for the prefervation of their religion, for the defence of his Majefty's juft prerogatives and rights, and for the maintainance of the rights and liberties of their country, laboured to be deftroyed by the malignant party ; and whereas his Majefty in his high wif^ dom, and in his Princely care of his faid fubjefls, welfare and fafety, and at their humble fuit, that his Majefty might be gracioufly pleafed to hear their grievances, and votichfafe redrefs therein, did dire6l there fliould be a cefTa- tion ( I ) Borl, Hift. of the IrilTi Rebel. (2) Id. ib. (h) There fs an odd pafl^ige in Botlice, which garnientf, and apparel, upon the diflreflVd Proteflanfs iliews the exireniely necefiitous condition of the Pro- in Ireland ; in reference to which, the 19th of Sep- teftanls of Ireland, about this period, inore than any tcuiber following, the Lord Mayor of London ordirr- thing elfe I have any where met with. LIpon the Eiig- ed, that thofe cloaths (liuuld be brought to Yotkftiire- lifh pailiaiiient's neglediiig lo fend them any paitof hall in Blackwcll-hall, 10 be ready lor fliipping them that money which had been fubfcribed, and paid in, for Ireland, and a vafl fupply was brought in ; (cha- in England, I'olely for their relief (and wliich, as we rity never fo much manitcfling its coiiipalTion, as in have leen, they peifiJioufly employed againft the that cafe,) which afterwards was entrufled to a re» Kfnghimfelf) " Yet," fays my author, " that fome- veiend perfon, who difcharged his triift with fingular thing mijjhi feem to be done, there was an order of prudence and integrity, though, as to the army, the Commons boiife of parliament, the 3d of Auguft, thefe cloaths never reached, or were intended." Hift. 1642, that the minillers about the city of London of the Ifilh Rebel, fol. 120. ihould be defiled to exhort the people to bellow old Ch. V. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 167 tion of arms, and thereupon did dircdl the Right Honourable the Marquis of Ormond, to treat of, and conchide, the faid cclFation with the faid confede- rate Cathohcs ; know ye, that the fupreme council, by the exprefs order and authority of the faid Catholics, by them conceived and granted in their ge- neral aflembly at Kilkenny, on the 20th day of the laft montli of May ; and in purfuance of the faid order and authority, repofing fpecial trufl and con- fidence, in the wifdom, circumfpedlion, and provident care, honour, and finccrity of our very good Lords, Nicholas Lord Vifcount Gormanftown, Donogh Lord Vifcount Muflcerry, and our well-beloved Sir Lucas Dillon, Knight, Sir Robert Talbot, Bart. Terlagh O'Neal, Fyfq; Geoffry Brown, Efq; Ever Macgennis, Efq; and John Walfh, Efq^ have conflituted, appointed, and ordained the faid Nicholas Lord Vifcount Gormanftown, Donogh Lord Vifcount Mufkerry, &c. our eomniiffioners, and do, by thefe prefents, give and grant to our faid commilfioners, or any five, or more of them, full power and authority to treat, with the faid Lord Marquis of Ormond, of a ceffation of arms, for one whole year, or fhorter, and to conclude the fame for the time aforefaid, upon fuch terms, conditions, or articles, as to the commiffioners aforefaid, in their judgments, confeicnces, and difcretions, fhall be thought fit, and expedient ; by thefe prefents ratifying, and confirming whatever adt, or ads, our faid commilTioners fhall do, or execute, concerning the faid cef- fation. Given at Kilkenny, the 23d of June, 1643. MOUNTGARRET, CASTLEHAVEN, AUDLEY, MALACH, Archicpifc. Tuamenf. FLEMING, Archiepifc. Dublinienf. MAURIT de RUPE et FERMOY, NETTERVILLE, NICHOLAS PLUNKETT, EDMUND FITZMORRICE, PATRICK DARCY, ROBERT LYNCH, RICHARD BELLING." C H A P. j6B historical review of the Bk. VI. CHAP. VI. The Cejfation at lajl concluded. BUT a difference arifing upon two points, viz. (i) the diflblution of the prefent Irifh parliament, and liberty to ufe hoftilities againft all fuch perfons, as fhould appear in arms againft either party, (which, the commif- lioners of the confederate Catholics were ordered to infift upon, and the Mar- quis of Ormond peremptorily refufed,) caufed the treaty to be adjourned to the following month. One reafon, among many others for infifting on the diflblution of that parlia- ment, was (2), " its having expelled, by an arbitrary order, all thofe members v/ho had been indided in the illegal manner, and by the iniquitous means already mentioned ; and its afterwards having palled another order, that no perfons fhould lit either in that, or any future parliament, till they had taken the oath of fupremacy." By the the firft of thefe orders, forty-iix members were expelled, and their places fnpplied (3), " by clerks, foldiers, ferving men, and others not legally, or not at all chofen or returned ; and by the laft, a much greater number, unexceptionable (4)," fays Warner, " in all refpe£ls, but that of their religion (a)^' The other point was infifted upon, from a well-gounded fufpicion, that the Scottifh forces in Ulfter, that had taken the covenant, and received their pay from the Englilh parliament now in open rebellion againft the King, would rejedl the cefl"ation, as they foon after actually did. And of the reafonablenefs of that fufpicion, the Marquis of Ormond himfelf, was then, probably con- vinced, from his knowledge of their difpofition, and circumftances ; at leaft, on the 8th of March following, he certainly was fo, w'hen he told Lord Dig- by (5), " that the foldiers and common people in that quarter, were fo deeply infedled, that he had little hopes they could be unanimoufly, or in any con- siderable number, drawn to ferve the King againft the rebels in England or Scotland ; (1) Cart. Orm. vol. i. (2) Warner's Irlfli Rebel p. 21 1. (3) Remonft. from 'I'lini. (4) Ubi fupra. (5) Cart. Orm. vol. iii. f'ol. 256. (a) " His Majefly on this occafion, afreiwards had been invaded by that order, as well as to give ■ordered the Lord Lieutenant to call before him the foiiie faiisfaftion to the Roman Catholics, who were Speaker and members of the houfc, and recjuirc them thereby aggrieved in a poini which ihey had mod at to vacate that order, there bring no law or ftatute in heart, and on which depended all their hopes of re- force in Ireland to fupport the fame. This was an drefs either of prefent, or future grievances." Carte's t£i ncctffaiy to vindicate his own prerogative, which Orm. vol. i. fol. 523. Ch. VI. C I V I L W A R S I N T R E C A N D. 169 Scotland; of the new Scots," adds he, " your Lordfhip fees there is no hope," and yet, even at this jundure (as sve Iha'H hcreafier fee) when thefe forces were guilty of frequent breaches of the celiation then concluded, and did at lart openly rcjedt it, he rcfufed to join with the confederates, or even to countenance them by his authority, to make jufl rcprifals upoa them. During this adjournment of the treaty, a fmall, but ill irrtcnded, incident had like to have frnilrated all hopes of its fuccefs (6). One Captain Farrcr, in the goverment's fervice, had been taken prifoncr by the confederates ; while one Synott, a Captain among the confederates, was in the fame condition with the government. The Lords Juftices and Council deliring tohave Far- rer exchanged for Synott, direded the following notice to the fupreme coun- cil of the confederates. " We, the Lords Jullices and Council, do declare, if Captain Farrer be forthwith releafed by the rebels, and fafely fent hither, that forthwith, upon his coming fo releafed, we will give order for the releaf- ing Synott, lately employed as captain among the rebels, out of prifon, the jailor's jull dues being firfl paid ; and will then permit him to depart freely, without interruption." The following fpirited anfwer {hews, how highly the confederates refented this, (as. they deemed it) new infult on their loyalty. " We (7) do not know to whom this certificate is direded ; for we avow ourfelves, in all our adions, to be his Majefty's loyal fubjeds. Neither fhall it be fafe, hereafter, for any melfenger to bring any paper to us, containing other language, than fuch as fuits with our duty, and the affedions we bear to his Majefty s fervice ; wherein, fome may pretend, but none fhall have more real defires, to further his Majefly's interefts, than his Majefly's loyal and obedient fubjeds, MOUNTGARRET, MUSKERRY, &c." Shortly after the fending of this anfwer (8), Sir William Parfons, Sii'Adam Loftus,Sir Robert Meredith, and Sir John Temple, Privy-counfellors,were charged before the council, by the Lords Dillon and Wilmot, Sir Faithful Fortefcue, and others, with having by divers ways and means, abufed the truft repofed in them by his Majefty, in their feveral offices and employments ; and with having traiteroufly endeavoured to withdraw his Majefly's army in Ireland, from his obedience, to fide with the rebels in England. " Upon this charge, Z they (6) Belling's MSS. (7) Id, ib. Boil. Ir. Rebel. (8) C»it. Orm. vol i. 170 HISTORICAL REVIEW of the Bk. VI. they were all imprifoned in the caftle of Dublin. But we find (9), " That they were fo dear to thofe En2;lifh rebels, and fo highly valued by them, that they avowed them for theirs, by offering in exchange for them, three of the King's chief commanders, whom they had prifoners at London." > The King had often and earneftly preffed the Lords Juftices, to conclude this celTation, as the only vifible means, by which liis diftreffcd army in Ire- land could be relieved, or himfelf fiipplied in England, or Scotland, with thofe additional forces, of which he then flood in the greatefl need ; but, not till after the receipt of his (10) fifth letter of September 7th, 1643, were his commands, in that refpe£f, obeyed. And thus, at length, on the 1 5th of that month, the Marquis of Ormond, and the Iriih commiifioners (11), figned the inftrument of the cefTation at Sigginflown ; w^hich, being confirmed by the Lords Juflices and Council, was notified, by proclamation, to the whole king- dom ; the commiffioners of the confederate Catholics infilling, all along, on their title of dutiful and loyal fubjeds, which no confi deration whatever could make them forego. CHAP. VII. The Advantages of the Cejfation to his Mcyejlys Army. AN D, in truth, the confederates, by confenting to this cefTation, (as both armies were then circumftanced,) gave an undeniable proof of their having highly merited that title. Sir Philip Percival, CommifTary Genera] of the provifions of the King's forces, declared, in a memorial which he after- wards gave into the Englifh parliament, " that (i) both the ftate, and the army were, at that jundure, in the greatefl diflrefs j that the flores in Dublin had no manner of viduals, many times for one day; that the foldiers would not move without money, fhoes, and flockings; for want of which, many had marched barefooted, and had bled much on the road ; and that other;;, through unwholfome food, had become difeafed and died. (9) Id. ib. vol iii. fol. 271. (10) Borlace Irffli'RcbclUon.'^ •' (!»} Carte's Ormond, rol, i. ( I ) Carte's Ormond, vol. i. fol. i j6. Ch. Vir. C I V I L W A R S I N 1 R E t A N D. 171 " TriAt the Irifh, all this while (a), fubfifled vcr^ well, carfying their cattle, efj)ecialiy their milch-coWs, with them into the field, " That the ftate at Dublin had no money in the treafury ; fometimes wanting means even to bury their deaci commanders ; that, before the cefTa- tion was coneluded, the government's army was fo oppreiled with Vv'ants, and their neceffitics were fo great, befides the difeontent of the ofliecrs, that there was no need of any other enemy, than hunger and cold, to devour them fuddenly. " That the confederate Catholics had, all this time, three armies on foot in Leinfter, well furnilhed with neceffaries, and ordnance ; and that they had perfedl intelligence of this diflrefs of the flate, and the condition of the Englifh forces^ K^o^ing the prevailing ftrength of their own armies." The Lords Juftices and Council, in a letter of the 8th of May, 1643, con- fefled, " that they then, found the royal army fuffering under unfpcakable extremities of want of all things neceffary to the fupport of their perfons, or maintenance of a war ; and that they had no vifible profped, by fea or land, of being able to preferve the kingdom for his Majefly, from utter deftrudion of the remnant of his good fubjedls there." But they were now to be relieved from this extreme diflrefs, by thofe very men, whom they had hitherto confidcred, and treated, as their worft and mofl implacable enemies. For the confederate Catholics freely (bj obliged themfelves on the conclufion of this treaty, to pay to the Marquis of Ormond thirty thoufand pounds, for the prefent fubliftence of his Majefty's army. And, in order to " vindicate (2) themfelves from the calumny, that was raifed againft them, as if they were rebels, and had rcfolved to throw off the King's Z 2 government, (2) Cart. Orm. vol. i. fa) Sir PhHip Perc'vaF was fo far from being in- RatcliflTtold the Marquis of Ormond on that occafion, tlineci 10 favour the Irilli in this reprefentaiion of iheir " that, had he not been tccoiiin.eacicd by his Lord- circumftances, or in any other refpeft, that he was iViip, he would have palfed at court for a round head." one of thofe agents, that had been fent to the King Cane's Oiin. vol. iii. fol. 3 i6. This Sir Philip Per* by the Proteftants of Ireland to oppofe the ceffiitioti. cival foon after joined the Engiifli rebels. And he did fo virulently oppofe it, that Sir George fi) " Ormond's deinand for a fupply for mainte- but declared their intention to grant his Majefly a free nance of the King's forces, was not warranted by his gift, on the conclufion of the f.'uce." Le!. iliil. of comniiflion to hear their grievances ; the confederates Ireland, vol. iii. p. 206. refufed to bi.id themfelves by any previous ftipulation, 172 HISTORICAL REVIEW OF THE BkVL government, they further engaged, to tranfport feveral thoufands of their befl men to Scotland, to re-inforce his Majefty's army there ; which engage- ment they afterwards performed, with great honour to themfelves, and not lefs advantage to his Majefty's fervice. CHAP. vm. The Cejfation violated hy his Maje/iys Forces in Ulfler. TH E cefTation was fcarce fooner publifhed, than rejedled by the Scots in Ulfler, ftill, nominally at leaft, under the Marquis of Ormond's com- mand. For, upon the firft notice of it, the Englifh parliament (i), " fent them frefh fupplies of money, arms, and provifions ; with orders, on their ar- rival, to denounce fire and fword to all that fliould embrace it, and to march in a body, with all neceffary provifions, towards Dublin." But thefe Scots did not, it feems, wait for the parliament's ordeff. Fot we find the fupreme council complaining to the Lords Juflices, on the 1 5th of Odober, that (2) " the Scots, who, not long before, had come over in great numbers to Ireland, had, by the llaughter of many innocents, without dif- tindion of age, or fex, poffefled themfelves of large territories in the North ; and that, fince the notice given them of the ceffation, they had continued their former cruelties, upon the perfons of weak, and unarmed multitudes." Wherefore, they hum.bly propofed to their Lordfhips, " that thefe violators of the ceffation, and fecret enemies of his Majefly, might be profecuted by the joint power of all his Majefly's good fubjeds, of what nation foever ; and that, while the fuccours for his Majefly were in preparation, their own pro- ceedings againfl them, might no way be imputed, as a defire to violate the ceffation." But this propofal being rejeded by their Lordfhips, and the hoflilitles of the Scots flill continuing and increafing, a flop was, for a while, put to thofe fupplies, which the confederate Catholics had engaged to fend to the King ;"* a great part of them now becoming abfolutely neceffary for their own de- fence. Lord Inchiquin was fenfible of this impediment, when he told the Marquis of Ormond, in a letter from Oxford, February 1643 (3), " that tho' the (i) Lord Dlgby's Let. to the Marquis of Ormond, C«rt. vol. ili. (z) Belling'^ MSS. Botl, Ir. Reb. f. 176. (jj Carle's Unn. vol. iii. fol. 244. Ch.lX. CIVIL WARS in IRELAND. 173 the Irilh were extremely relied on, yet he feared, they were unable to do more than defend themlblves from the Scots, who, he doubted, would prove dangerous rebels to his Majefty." And Lord Digby alfo, writing to the Marquis about the fame time (4), " made no queftion, but that the Irifh, in cafe they were rid of their apprehenfions of the Scots in Ulfter, would engage thoroughly, numeroufly, and entirely in his Majefty 's fer- vice." TjHE Marquis of Ormond was himfelf confcious, that the increafing hofti- lities of the Scots for a while prevented the confederates from fending the promifed fupplies to his Majefty ; though he afterwards charged them with their delay in the performance, as a breach of their engagement. For, ex- cufing himfelf to Prince Rupert (5), " touching the procuring of arms, and ammunition from them, for the fervice of his Majefty's ftiips under his com- mand, he told him, that he had little hopes of prevailing with them; and that they were not very much to blame, the Scots being yet in Ireland in great numbers, and frefti reports coming daily, that they would not only begin the war with them in England afrefti, but endeavour to impofe the tak- ing of their covenant on the people of Ireland, by force of arms (a)!' C H A P. IX. The Covenant brought into Ireland; further Breaches of the Cejfation by the Scotch and Ertglijh Forces. THE Englifh parliament having, on the 25 th of September, 1643, with great folemnity, taken the covenant, difpatched on the 4th of Novem- ber following. Captain Owen O'Connolly, the famous difcoverer of the Irifti rebellion, with letters to all the Britifti Colonels in Ulfter, " recommending to them the taking of the fame(i), and the carrying on the war againft the Irifh; and aftliring them of fufficient fupplies for their maintenance, upon complying with thefe conditions." And this commifTion did O'Connolly un- dertake to execute, altho' he knew, that the King had on the 9th of the fore- going (4) Id. ib. (s) Cart. Orm. vol. iii. (i) Cart. Orm. vo! i. fol. 4)57. (a) In another letter he fays, " I have with much ed and exhaufted by war, makes me doubt their iup- earncllncfs prefird the Irilli for fome coiifiderable p.iy- plies will be flow and fmall " Carte't Orm. vol. iii. nient of tiieir airears ; but their preparations for their lol 515. own defence, and the poverty of the kingdom, waft- 174 HISTORICAL R E V I E^ W or the Bk.VI. going month, declared by proclamation, " that covenant to be a traitferous, and leditious combination agaiiift him, and againft the eftablifhed religion and laws of the kingdom." This man had now entered into all the meari}res of the Englifh rebels faj; and was (2) foon after made a Colonel by them j but, about the year 1649, he was killed in an engagement, by Colonel Johrt Hamilton. After the landing of O'Connolly, " all the Scotch, and mo{> of the Eng- IHh officers in Ulfter, took the covenant ; altho' the Marquis of Ormond had, by the King's command, fent down a prochimilion againft it, which the Co* lonels of the regiments under his command there did not publifh, for fear, as they pretended, of Major General Monroe. The inhabitants of the North were now become fo violent for the covenant, that they even (bj refufed main-- tenance to fuch of the foldiers, as would not take it." And now, even thofe ISnglifh officers, and foMiers in Ulfter, (who had fub-- mitted to the cefTation) were preXTiiled on to promife Major General Monroe^' that, whenever he marched cut aga'hil the Irilli, they would join him in the expedition (3); and of the juftice ot this union, againft fuch an enemy, they declared themfelves fatisfied in their confciences. " Accordingly (4), on the 30th of June, the two combined armies, making about 10,000 foot, and 1000 horfe, (tho' neither Owen O'Neil, nor the Earl of Caftlehaven, the two Irifh Generals in that province, did fufped in the leaft, that either the old Scots, or the Englifh under the Marquis of Ormond, would march againft them, in breach of the ceflation,) fent out feveral parties into Weftmeath, and Long- ford, which burnt the country, and put to the fword all the country people that they met." ,^ Major General Monroe's ingratitude and perfidy were, 4n every refpeCt, equal to his cruelty. This appeared by his behaviour to the Earl of Antrim, foon after his arrival in Ireland. " Mr. Archibald Stuart, chief agent to that Earl, had (5) raifed, in the beginning of the troubles, about eight hundred men, a great part of them the Earl of Antrim's tenants and dependents, near Ballymenagh j and with them fecured that part of the county of Antrim j notwithftanding (2) Id. ib. (3) Id. ib. fol. 49 J. {4) Id. ib. (5) Cart. Orm. vol. i. fol. i83. (a) He had gnttfn, for the firfl difcovery of this confpiracy, 500 1, and 200I. per ann. from the Engli/lj paiiiament. Borl. Hift. of the Rebel, fol. 55. (l>) " They, whoever appeared inoft attached to the Royal caufe, now caught the popular contagion," (of the cortnant.) Lei. ubi fupra, vol. iii. p. 20J. Ch.X. CI V I L W ARS IN IREL A ND. 175 .notwithftanding which, this Major General, with two thoufand five hundred Scots, marched about the middle of April, 1642, into that country, where he made a prey of above five thoufand cows, burnt Glcnarm, a town belonging to the Earl of Antrim, and wafted that nobleman's lands. The Earl came, in the latter end of April, to his feat at Dunlucc, a ftrong caftlc by the fea fide •, and after his arrival there, found means to fupply Colerain, which had been blocked up by the Irilh, and was reduced to extremity, with an hundred beeves, fixty loads of corn, and other provifions, at his own expence. He had offered Monroe his fervipe and aififtance for fecuring the country ; in the peace of which, he was greatly interefted, by reafon of his large eftate, the rents of which he could not otherwife receive. Monroe made him a vifit at Dunluce, where the Earl received him with many exprelfions of gladnefs, and had provided for him a great entertainment ; but it was no fooner over, than, the Major General made him a prifoner, fcized the caftle, and put the reft of the Earl's houfes into the hands of the Marquis of Argyle's men." The continuation of the before-mentioned outrages of the Scots in Ulfter, in breach of the ceffation, caufed Lord Digby to write to the Marquis of Ormond, in July 1644, " That (6) the growing diforders of the kingdom imported a greater neceffity of peace with the Irilh, and of an union againft thofe traitors of the covenant, fo much more dangerous, than any other, as they were firmly linked with the rebels in England." H A P. X. "77»e Revolt of Lord Inchiquin. ABOUT this time, died Sir William St. Leger, Lord Prefident of Mun- fter; and the King having (r) appointed the Earl of Portland to fucceed iiim in that charge. Lord Inchiquin, who was married to Sir William's daugh- ter, and had folicited, and expeded that Prefidentftiip after his father-in-lav/'s deceafe, was now fo much incenfed by the difappointment, that hewaseafily perfuaded by (2) Lord Broghill, to rejedl the celTation, and receive the Englifh parliament's commiflion for the Prefidentftiip of Munfter, in oppofition to the King's appointment. " In (3) this capacity, he performed many confid^rable Services for that parliament, taking great ftore of plunder from the Irifti, and not (6) Id. ib. vol. iii. fol. 335. (1) Id. ib. vol, i. fol. 512. (l) Ludlow's Mem. vol. i. (3) Id. ib. 176 HISTORICAL REVIEW OF THE Bk. VI. not fparing," fays Ludlow, '* his own kindred j but if he found them faulty, hanging them up, without diftindion." But one of his mofl memorable fervices on this occafion, was, his barbarous ex- ploit at Cafhel (4) ; " where, having brought together an army, and hearing that many priefts and gentry thereabouts had retired with their goods into the church of that city, he llormed it, and- put three thoufand of them to the fword, taking the Priefts even from under the altar.' At the fame time, that he himfelf deferted the King's fervice(5), he per- fuaded his brother. Lieutenant Colonel Henry O'Brien, to deliver up Ware- ham to the Englifh parliament, and to come away, with his whole regiment, to Ireland. This Lieutenant-Colonel was, afterwards (6), taken prifoner by the confederates, and in great danger of an unhappy end, in revenge for a Roman Catholic Dean, whom his brother had lately caufed to be hanged, and for his own crime in delivering Wareham to the parliament. But Lord Caftle- haven, alleging that for this very reafon he ought, for a teftimony of their own loyalty, and of their deteftation of his breach of truft, to be fent as a preferit to the King, to be punifhed as his Majefty Ihould fee fit, he was faved from prefent execution, and afterwards exchanged." Though Inchiquin's difappointment was the real caufe of his defe(£lion, yet he pretended another, and more extraordinary, reafon for it to the Mar- quis of Ormond, viz. "An (7) information he had received, from fome Eng- lifh women, of a common talk of fome of the Irifh, that they defigned to feize Cork ," and, upon this frivolous pretence, he drove all the magiftrates, and Catholic inhabitants out of that city ; as alfo out of Youghall, and Kinfale, al- lowing them to take no more of their goods with them, than (8) what they could carry on their backs, feizing all the provifions, and effeds in their houfes." Lord Digby, by his A^ajefty's command, recommended thefe dif- treifed people to the Marquis of Ormond's care. " The King," fays he (9), " is very fenfible of their fad condition, and will not foon forget the inhuma- nity of that Lord." But Inchiquin, in order to engage his officers and foldiers in the fame mea- fures he had embraced himfelf, caufed an (10) oath to be adminiftered to them, by which they obliged themfelves to endeavour the extirpation of Popery, to carry on the war againft the Irifh, notwithftanding any command, proclama- tion, (4) Id. ib. Caftlehaven's Memoirs. (5) Cart. Orm. vol. i. fol. 513. (6) Id. ib. fol. i;2Q. (7) Id. ib. vol. iii. (8) Id. ib. vol. i. (9) Id. ib. vol. iii. fo'. 153. (10) Belling's MSS. Ch.XI. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 177 tion, or agreement, to the contrary ; and to fubmit to no peace, or conditions With them, but by confent, and allowance of King and parliament This was then a favourite mode of exprelfion with thofe who fought, in the King's name, agaiiift his perfon. CHAP. XI. The Confederates fend Supplies to the King. HOW much foevcr the King has been ccnfured^^o^, for employing his Irifh Catholic fubjcds, againft his Englifh and Scottifh rebels, (even by thofe, who had adually reduced him to that neceffty) his Majefty's good opi- nion of their courage and fidelity, was certainly well grounded. Lord Byron, in a letter from Chefter, to the IV!arquis of Ormond, January 30th 1643, requiring fupplies from Ireland (i), " wifhed they were rather Irifh, than Englifli ; for that the Englifh he had already, were very mutinous ; and be- ing," fays he, " for the moft part this countrymen, are fo poifoned by the ill-affedted people here, that they grow very cold in this fervice." And, in- deed, that this preference, in favour of the Irifh, was juft, and reafonable, appears from hence, that fuch of the Englifh Proteftant forces, as were com- manded over on that duty (2), " went with fuch reludance," fays Borlace, " as the fharpeft proclamations, of which there were feveral, hardly reftrained them from flying their colours, both before and (b) after their arrival in Eng- land." But with how much fpirit and alacrity, the Irifh crowded into that fervice ; and what wonders they performed in it, fhall be prefently related, from unqueftionable authority. But there now arofe a new, and more fubflantial impediment to the tranf- milTion of thefe fupplies by the confederates (3), " from the Irifh coafts being A a infefled (0 Carte, Leland, &c. (2) Hid. Iridi Rebel, fol. 177. (3) Cart. Qrm. vol. i. (e) " It was Lord Tnchiqiiin above-mentioned, that fitft moved the King to fend for the fnrcei of Ii eland into hiigland." liorl. Hift. iiifh Rebel, fol. 20j. (k) " They defcfrted to Sir Thomns Fairfax, notivithflanding thtir folemn Oath; and nun.bers of thca-. were perfuadcJ to take amis fur tlic pailiamcnt." Lei. Hitl. Irel. vol. iii. p. 2 16. i-S HISTORICAL REVIEW OF THE Bk. VI. infefted by fwarms o^c) rebel-lhips," whofe commanders fhewed no mercy to fuch of the Royal party, as had the misfortune to fall into their hands. For " of (4) one hundred and fifty men, whom the Marquis of Ormond had about this time fent to Bril^ol, and who happened to be taken by Captain Swanley, commander of a parliament Ihip, feventy, befides two women, were inhu- manly thrown over board, on pretence that they were Irifh." This (truck a jufl terror into all the neighbouring ports, and fcarce a fiiip durft ftir out of the harbour. Shortly after, however, feveral hundred IrifB ventured off to his Majefty's affiflance ; " and on the third day of their failing (5), having taken a Scotch veffel, with about fifty Kirk-minifters, deputed to preach up, and ad- rainifler, the covenant in Ulfter, inflead of retaliating Captain Swanley's late inhumanity, they contented themfelves with only making them prt- foners." * Ox the i6thof May, 1644, the Earl of Antrim acquainted the Marquis of Ormond, that (6) " he had then, for three months paft, maintained by his own credit, and that of his friends, at leaft two thoufand men, ready to be fhipped off, waiting for their arms and provifions ; which, he feared, wouldv. not come fo foon as expeded, while the parliament fliips were fo thick on that coafl (d):' Yet fo great was that Lord's zeal for his Majefly's fervlce, and fo little did the Irifh fear the danger then attending it, that on the 27th of the following month, he wrote again to the Marquis (7), " that he had fent off about fix- teen hundred men, being as many as the fhips could conveniently hold, com- pletely armed by his own fhifts, befides fifteen hundred pikes ; and that he had difcharged fcven, or eight, hundred men, for want of iliipping." But hisLordfhip feems to have fhifted fo well afterwards, tJiat we find, by a letter of the Marquis of Ormond, July 17th following, " that (8) the num- ber of men then embarked by him (Antrim) from Waterford and other places, (0 Ormor.d's Let. Carf.Col'efl. cf Iiis Papers, vol. i. p. 4S. (5) Ca:t. Oim. vol. i. (6) Id. ib. vol. iif. (7) Id. ib. (8j Id. ib. vo!. iii. fol. J28. (c) The Majfluis of Ormond hinifclf, in a letfer treacheroufly furptifed Belfaft, and attcmp-ted other to the Archbiihcp of York, M:)y ayih, 164.;, men- Englilli garrifons ; fo that, until ihtfe feas be cleated, tions thefe two great impedinienis to the lianfmiirion and the danger of the Scots over, Anglefey can ex- of t!i€ Irifli fiipplies. " in addition to other diificul- pe6l little irdeed, or no furcoiir out of Ireland. " Cart, li'.s," fays he, " we are here threatened wirli r,n in- Culltc. of Oiig. I'apers, vol.i. p. 48. vafion of ihe Scots out of the Notth, who have (J) " 1 am forrv," fays Secretary Nicholas, in a fir ult ; and that there is no podibility for the King letter to the ^hrquis of Ormond, IVI.iy 20lh, 1644, fuddenly to let foi lb and maintain (uch a guard upon " that the piiTage to and from Ireland, is, by the the Irifh coall, ts to lupprefs their foiccs by lea." E.nglilh lebdi' Ihipping on thai coaft, rtmleied fo djf- Caite's Colkfl. of Oini. Oiig. Papers. Ch. Xr. CIVIL WARS IN I JR.EL AND. 179 places, amounted to two thoufaad five hundred, well armed, and victualed for two months." Lord Clarendon's high encomiums on this nobleman's zeal, and activity in the King's fervice; and on thr valour, fidelity, and wonderful fucccfi, of thefelrifh in promoting it is the more remarkable, as it is well known, that his Lordrtiip was not at all biafled, by any partial affedionto either of them (9), "It cannot be denied," fays he, " that tlie levies the Marquis of Antrim made, and fent over to Scotland under the command ofColkitto, were the founda- tion of all thofe wonderful afls, which \verc performed afterwards by the Marquis of Montrofs. They were fifteen hundred men, very good, and with very good officers ; all fo hardy, that neither the ill fare, nor the ill lodging, in the Highlands, gave them any difcouragement. They gave the firft oppor- tunity to the Marquis of Montrofs of being in the head of an army, that de- feated the enemy, as often as they encountered them. After each victory, the Highlanders went always home with their booty ; and the Irifh only ftaid together with their general. And from this beginning, the Marquis of Mon- trofs grew to that power, that after many battles won by him, with much ilaughter of the enemy, he marched vidorioufly with his army, till he made himfelf mailer of Edinburgh, and redeemed out of the prifon there, the Earl of Crawford, Lord Ogilvy, and many other noble perfons, who had been taken and fent thither, with a refolution that they fhould all lofc their heads ; and the Marquis of Montrofs did always acknowledge, that the rife and begin- ning of his good fuccefs, was ^ue, and to be imputed, to that body of the Irifh, which had in the beginning been fent him by the Marquis of Antrim; to whom, the King had acknowledged the fervice, in feveral letters of his own hand-writing." It is therefore no wonder, that we find Lord Digby fo frequently impor- tuning the Marquis of Ormond (10), " to ufe all polfible means to alfifl, and encourage, the Earl of Antrim, and his forces, in the fervice of Scotland i whereof the King's party," fays he, " find fuch admirable efTeds in England." nor, on the other hand, is it at all flrange, that in order to prevent their com- ing into England, the parliament of that kingdom palTed that cruel ordinance of the 24th of Odober, 1644(11), " that no quarter fliould be given to any Irifliman, or Papifl born in Ireland, that fhould be taken in hoflility againfl the parliament, either upon the fea, or in England, or Wales." (9) Clarendon's Life written by himfelf, vol. ii. p. 246. See Append. (10) Cirte't Orm. vo!. iii. (11} Borl. Ir. Rebel, tol. 178. See Hughe's Abridgment. A a 2 CHAP, iSo HISTORICAL REVIEW or THE Bk. VI. H A P. XII. The Confederates prefs the Marquis of Ormond to take the Command of their Forces. TH E hoftilities daily committed on the confederates by Monroe in Ul- fter, Sir Charles Coote in Conaught, and by Inchiquin in Munfter, in breach of the ceffation, caufed them to repeat their moft earncft requeft to the (a) Marquis of Ormond, now (b) Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, that he would condefcend either to take the command of their -forces upon himfclf, or to permit them to employ them againft thofe, now his Majefly's open and de- clared enemies. They were the more importunate in this requeft, as they were privately alTured, that orders of that kind had been already fent to his Excellency ; for his Majefty had promifed, that the (c) Marquis fhould join with them, particularly againft the Scots in UlRer, when a peace, or cefTation, was concluded (i) ; " It being underftood," fays Lord Digby on this occafion, " that, if the Scots fubmitted not to it, they fhould then be declared againft, as common enemies." The Marquis himfelf was fully fenfible of the rebellious difpofition of thefe Scots. He even owned (2), " that he doubted not, but that, when they were all able, they would endeavour to be mafters of all the harbours, and other places of corifequence, in the kin2;dorn, on pretence of fecuring them againft Papifts, and malignants." Soon after this, he acquainted the Earl of Clan- rickard (i) Carte's Ofm. vol. iii. fol. 346. Letter to Ormond (2) ib. vol. iii. fol. 327. (a) Who was fully fenfible of the heinoufnefs of tioa, that the ffime fliouIJ be kept, Fs bound by ho- ibat breach. For, in a Iciler to Colonel Mathew, fo nour, and all hiws, to maintain it wirh all his power ; ftioi) after its conclufion, as December 14th, 1643, from whence it doih follow, thai all who fliall oppofe he fays, " bis Majefty having agreed thereunto (the it, mufl oppofe themfelvcs agaijill his power and au- celfaiion) and publifhed (o the woild by his proclania- thoiitj.'' Carle's O.ra. vol. iii. foi. 2xS. (h) " On the jirt of January, 1643, James Marqui: of Ormond was foleumly in Chrift-chutch, Dublin, fworn Lord Lituienant, with general acceptance." Boil. Hill, of the Iriih Kebii. fol. 180. fcj The K'ng himfelf in the ponfcripl of a letter the ceflation for a year ; for which you fliall promife the fnOrmond, in December 1644, lays on t hi j occafion, Jrifh, if you can have it r,o cheaper, to join with llieni, *' I have thought to give you ihi3 fuiiher order againft the Scots, and Iii&equiii." Relig Sacr. Carol. (which, J hope, will prove aeedkfs) to feek to {tncwr Ch. XII. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. i8i rickard(3), '* that he had difcovercd a confpiracy, whereby Drogheda firft, and by confequencc, Dubhn, was to have been put into their hands." On the other fide, he confeired, that by accepting the command of the confede- rates' army (4), " he might have drawn their dependancc upon him, and been able to diipofe of their forces, according to his Majefly's pleafure, for the ad- vantage of the fer vice, either in Ireland, or elfewherc; that he was affured, the confederates, in cafe of his compliance, would provide the King's army then in his charge ; but that, if he refufed, they might conceive they were not obliged to it, having, as they alleged, paid fdj ail that was promilcd, or been damnified by his party, in more than remained due, fince the cefl'ation." He (5) knew, that adually, at that very jun£lurc, thefe confederates were preparing fix hundred barrels of corn, and four hundred beeves, for- his army; and in Ihort, that all liis hopes of fubfiftence then depended upon them, and that a breach with them, for which they did not want a colour, might have ftopt that fupply." Yet, in oppofition to all thefe motives of duty, neceflity, and convenience, his Excellency alleged, as his principal reafon for not complying (6), " that if he agreed to either of the ways defircd by the Irifh ; that is," fays he, " if I take the charge of their army upon xhe, or denounce immediately an offenfive war againft the Scots, not ten Proteflants will follow me ; but rather rife as one man, and adhere to the Scots (7).* Nay " he was confident, he fliould, ku that cafe, be fuddenly and totally deferted by the Proteflants." After fuch a reprefentation of thedifiercnt difpofitions of the Protefiants and Catholics of Ireland at that diftraded period, and by fo impartial and competent a judge and witnefs, who can entertain the leafl doubt, but that the latter were really, and the former only nominally, his Majcfty's loyal fubjedls. And indeed, not only the confederate Catholics, but even fevcral other noblemen of the kingdom, entirely unconne(3.ed with them, preifed earneftly, (i,) Carr Orm. vol ii'. f 1 370. (4) IJ. ih vol ili fol. 322. (5) Id. ib. vol. i. (6) IJ- ib. vol. iii. fol. 353. (7) Id. ib. vol. iii. fol. 3;3. (J) The coiifedtntes hat! a fTureri Daniel O'Neal, ■^oS. On occafii ,->of this Genil.»man'sdeatl), in 1669, 3. CcloMC-l in lire King's rervice, whom Orinofid liad King Cliiiles in a leiier of ihai date, ro his filler, 1 he fsnt 10 iheni on this occ.fion, " that though by the Diitchefs ol Orlc.ins, iays, " Poor O'Neal died this agreement in writing, his Excclienoy v«.a."i to receive afternooo ot nn ulcer is Jw'sgu'S; he wasas ht.ne the IvI.-irquis told Gall r.iith (5), " that by letters from L'l:1cr, he found it v/as mifundcrflood, that all the Scots, fcrving in Ireland, were in that confpi- racy, or fo far millmfted, that they were under a great cloud of fufpicion." But after having obfervcd', how difficult it v/as to flop the mouths of the com- mon people, " he confideatly affirmed, that their nation had loft no jot of efteem or truft, in the more coufidcrate fort, by it j and that it ffiould be found, that no rigour, beyond neceffity, in order to his prefervation, had been, or fhould be ufed." This fhewed an apt difpoHtion in his Lordfhip, to follow his friend Galbraith's advice, to acquit himfclf to the Scots in the man- ner prefcribed. Whether, or no, he adually did fo, does not appear ; but cer- tain it is,, that in all his letters to the King's friends, he expreffed very different fcntiments of thefe people, from what are here recited; and, particularly, in one written to the King himfelf, in January 164.5, while this f^-eret treaty was carrying on, he told his Majefty (6), " That, through an almoft general, defedion in the Northern army. Colonel Chicefler was no longer able to ferve him tliere (d)." On the other hand, he was frequently and pofitively affiuredby his noble friend,; Lord Clanrickard, that the loyalty of the confederate Catholics was fuch, (at the. very time that he was thus negociating their ruin) (7), " That, if the impe- diuients to the peace were once removed, they would foon fatisfy his E.xcellency of their real, earn^ft, defire, to be employed in his Majefty's fervice ; and that, the difficulty would be rather, to keep back the multitude of forward fpirits, that would prefs into that expedition." (5) Id. ib. (6) Cait. Orni. vol. iii. fol. 442. (7) Id. ib. fol. 413. (d) And (o long before, as July 1644, lie told were able, they would endeavour to be roafters of ail Lord Digt))', as websve already obt'tived, " thai he the harbours, and other places of co.ofe'iuence in !i"e- could aot doubt, but that, whiu ihc Scots in Ulller kingdom." Cart. Oiin. vol. i'ii. C H A P. -190 HISTORICAL REVIEW of the Bk.VI. CHAP. XVII. The Ear/ o/" Glamorgan arrives in Ireland. TH E King, finding that the Marquis of Ormond would not conclude a peace with the confederate Catholics, upon thofe equitable terms, which he had fo often ordered him to grant them, difpatched the Earl of Glamorgan to Ireland, with a private commifllon for that purpofe ; a nobleman, whofe zeal for his Majefty's fervice could be exceeded by nothing, but his attach- ment to his religion, which was the Roman Catholic \a\. Upon this Earl's firfl: arrival at Kilkenny, Lord Mufkerry acquainted the Marquis of Ormond, from thence, with the bufinefs he came about, in gene- ral terms. To which his Excellency anfwered ( i ), " That he knew no fubjeft in England, upon whofe favour, and authority with his Majefty, and real, and innate, nobility, he could better rely, than upon Lord Glamorgari's ; nor any perfon, whom he (Ormond) would more endeavour to ferve, in thofe things, which that Lord Ihould undertake \b\ for his Majefty's fervice." This anfwer Lord Mufl<;crry communicated to the general affembly, then litting at Kilkenny ; as an indication, that his Excellency Avas difpofed to fup- port, or at leaft, would not difavow any agreement they fliould make with Glamorgan. Upon which prefumption, the affembly refolved to conclude a public peace, for civil matters, with the Marquis of Ormond on his own terms ; after they had made a private one with that Earl, for matters of religion ; (i) Carte's Ormoml, vol. iii. . [fi] " The Earl of Glamorgan Iind fpent one hundred thoufand pounds, in railing, provid'rg, and main- taining forces for the King, in the lirft year of the rebellion." Cart.O/iu. vol. i. foi. 553. [*] " If the parlicular inflruftlons, or conimi/ilons defeat the King's hopes offuccoiir, hy obflrufling the grajited to Glaiiior^aii," fiys D flat Leland on occa- Jrilli peace. To this tliey altribiiteil eve;)' delay, and tion of this anl'v.'cr to Lord Mufkerry, " were not whtn i he feizure of the King's cabinet at Naleby, dif- comiiiunicated to the Lord Lieiitenanl, it appear.', at covered his private inllriictions to (-Trmnd 10 con- leaft, from this warmth of reconinicndaiion, that he dude a pesce, whatever li might coll, they were en- cnnfidered (he ILarl as a perlon duly nuihorifcd to trtat raged, and printed the letter wlih fcvere aniiiiadver- v.'ith the Irilli. The irilli confitkrcd Ormond as I'e- fions oa the iVIartiuis" Miih of Ireland, vol. iii. cretly difaffefted, and in conjuiii-lion u ith ihc I'rediy- p. 253. tcrian council, (;: they" called tiieui,) detciiiiiiied to Ch. XVir. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND 191 religion; which lalt liity Toon after did, about the latter end of Auguft,. The government's determined oppofitlon to a peace with the Irifh, on any- tolerable terms, made it abfolutcly nccelfary, to keep this laft tranfadtion fc- cret. But a copy of Glamorgan's treaty having been [c] accidentally found, foon after its conclufion, it was tranfmitted to the Engliih parliament, and by them made public. And Lord Digby, who was then in Dul)lin, fearing that the [d] large conceffions, in point of religion, which tlie confederate Catholics had obtained by that peace, might alienate the affedions of his Majefty's Pro- teftant fubjeds in both kingdoms, did, in concert with the Lord Lieutenant, fummon the Earl of Glamorgan before the council; where they confidently accufed him of having either forged, or furreptieioufly obtained his Majefty's commilTion ; upon which, on the 26th of December, that Earl was commit- ted [^] clofe prifoncr to the caflle of Dublin. About the fame time, the King was prevailed upon, publickly to difavow, in a mcflage to both Houfes of the Englifh parliament, Glamorgan's commifrion, and thereby, made void the peace, lately concluded with the confederate Catholics, in virtue of it. In what light we are to confider his Majefty's public difavowal of Glamor- gan's commiflion, may, I think, partly be gathered from his difpatch to the Lord Lieutenant and Council of Ireland on that occafion ; wherein, among other things, he fays (2), " The truth is, that the preiTing condition of my affairs, (2) Carte ubi fupra. [r] " In tlie pocket of Mikchias O Kelly, Ti[u!sr Archbiiliop of Tuani, when lie was killed near Sligo." Carle's Oni). vol. i. fol. 553. [ti] " The confederates, for the prefenf, had receded from the demand of an aft of parlljnient for fecuring the pofltflions of the clergy, as difficult, and prcjuuicial to his iVlajefiy." Ld. HilLof Irel. vol. iii. p. 26S. [e] " When Glamorgan's impiifonment was known his impnlonment ; and neither that eTpediiion. nor to the coiit'cilerates at Kilkenny, that event put iheiu the treaty of peace (with Orniond) could go on, till le jnto a terrible contlcrnalion. ^0ll.e cried out to arms was at liberty." Cart. Orm. vol. i. fol. sOz. But, it and were iinmediately for beficging Dublin, to fet him feenis, Cheder was loft by the delay of fending thefe free. The council laboured to cool the flame, but three thoufand Iiilli to its relief, cccafioned by G!a- were forced to fubiuit to the calling of a new afl'eiubly niorgan's iinprifoninent ; for Sir Eilward Walker in- in an inconvenient time. They wrote to the Loid forms us, " that, had not the dcfigned relief from Lieutenant, pre fling Glamorgan's releafe, asabfohite- lieland been ftopt, by the accufatioii and iniprilon- ly nectfl'aty for the relief of Chefler, then befic ged, ment of the Earl of Glamorgan, that place had not and in great dillrefs ; for which fervice, three thou- fo foon fallen into the rebels hands ; and might pof- fand men were ready to embaik, and nothing want- fil ly have been the bads of a new forluoe to hi: iMa- ing but the (hips, for which Glamorgan had contrafl- jerty-" Hill. Difcouti fol. 151. cd, 10 tranfpon them. That all was at a (land by '.^z n I S T O R re 'A L R E V I E VI b f x a s Bk VI. aiiairs, obliging me to procure a peace in Ireland, if it might b6 had on any terms fafe to my honour, and confcience, and to my Proteltant fubjeds there-.; and finding alfo, that the faid peace could not be gained, but by fome' fuch indulgence to the Roman Catholics, in point of freeing them from the penal- lies impofcd upon the cxercife of their religion, as although juftly, and duly,, I might grant, yet haply, in a public tranfadion, could not be v/ithout fome fcandal to fuch of my good fubjedls, as might be apt to be wrought upon by their arts, who did continually watch all opportunities to blaft the integrity of my adions ; I thought fit, ovor and above my public power, to affure the faid Roman Catholics, in a Icfs public way, of the faid exemptions from the penalties of the laws ; and of fome fucli other graces, as might, without ble- miih to my honour and confcience, and without prejudice to my Proteftant fubjeds, be afforded them. With the knowledge of -tliefe fecret inftrudions to the Marqui-s of Ormoiid, I thought fit to acquaint the Earl of Glamorgan, at his going to Ireland ; being confident of his hearty affedk>n to my fervice ; and -withal, knowing his intercft with the Roman Catholic party to be very confiderable, Ithought it not unlikely, th-at the Marquis of Ormc5nd might make good ufe of him, by employing that interefl, in perfuading them to mo- deration, and to reft fatisficd upon his (Glamorgan's) engagement alfo, with thofe above-mentioned conceffions ; of which, in the prefent condition of af- iairs, Ormond could give them no other but a private affurance ; and to that end, it was polTible, I might have thought to give imto the faid Earl of Gla- morgan fuch a credential, as might give him credit with the Roman Catholics, in cafe Ormond fhould find occafion to make ufe of him, either as a further affurance of what he (Ormond) fhould privately promife ; or, in cafe he fhould judge it neceffary to manage thefe matters, for the greater confidence, a part by him (Glamorgan) of whom, in regard of his religion and intereft, they might be lefs jealous [f]." If] " At the very time of the King's public letter to refled, tlut the execution of any fcntcnce againfl h'un tlie Lord Lieutenant and Council, orderirgamong other Oiould be fufpcnded. And lie Ibll contrived to convey things, Lord Digby's charge ngainft Glamorgan (hould fecrcily to Glamorgan, rejieartd affiiraiices of his cr n- be thoroughly, and diligently pro ecuted ; he by ano- fidc-nce and iriciidiJiip." Lti. Mill, of Ircl. vol. iii, tier letter to the Marquis of Ormond, privately di- f. 2%^. CHAP. Ch. XVIir CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 19; HAP. XVIII. Chmorgzn noiv freed from hh Confinement^ treats with the Nuncio Renucctnt; Ormond's Opinion of that Proceeding. " /^~^N (i) the 30th of the fame month of December, the Earl of Glamor- \^^ gan, having fent to the Lord Lieutenant, the original counter-part of the articles of his peace with the confederate Catholics, was fet free from his clofe confinement, but flill remained a prifoner in the caftle, having only the liberty of the houfe, until his Majefty's further pleafure was known. And fhortly after, his Lordfhip was enlarged, upon his own recognizance of twen- ty thoufand pounds, and that of (2) the Earl of Kildare, and the Marquis of Clanrickard, of ten thoufand pounds each, to appear on thirty days notice. Soon after his enlargement, he went to Kilkenny, where he (hewed (3) the utmoft zeal to bring the confederate Catholics to agree to the terms of peace offered by the Marquis ofOrmond, the defeds of which, in the article of re- ligion, were to be fupplied by himfelf." The Nuncio Renuccini, who fome fliort time before, had {a) arrived from Rome, and had gained confiderable influence on the Irifh foldiery, the com- mon people, and even on the general affembly, was then at Kilkenny, With him the Earl of Glamorgan had chiefly negociated, when he wrote to the Marquis of Ormond from thence (4), " that fmce the high poft his Excellen- cy held, and the difl^erence of religion, would not permit him to engage open- ly, he was of opinion, it would not be improper to delegate that office to others, to whom if he would join himfelf, he doubted not, but in a few days, and even hours, he fhould obtain whatever fhould be thought reafonable and honourable." In (1). Carte's Orni. vol. iii. fol. 562. (2) Id. ib. (5) Id. ib. (4) Id. ib. vol. iii. (a) Lord Caftlcliaven tells us, th.it, " coming near the confederate Catholic?, Plunlifi's frigate took- fire, the coalt, he was chaced by a p.Trll.iiiient frigate, to ipmch wh'ch, !:c wns forced to lye bv, ami in tl'.e commanded by one Plunket ; and that, as he wa;i main time, the Nuncio ^ot to fhore." Memoirs, ready to lay him on board, to the great mi;foitune of 194- HISTO RIC AL RE VIE W or THE Bk. VI. In? anlwcr to this letter, his Excellency told him (5), " that his afFedions, and interefts, were fo tied to his Majefty's caufe, that it would be madnefs in him to difgull any man, that had power, and inclination to relieve his Mijelty, and the fad condition he was in ; and therefore, that his Lordfhip. might fccurely go on, in the way he propofed to himfelf, to fcrve the King, v/ithout fear of interruption from him, or fo much as enquiring into the means he worked by {b)." Such encouragement to proceed m his treaty with a p>frfon, who thought he could not make too high demands, in the article of religion, is furely an authentic proof, that his Excellency was, by this time at leaf!:, convinced, that Glamorgan's commillion was not either forged by himfelf, or furreptitioufly obtained. But, leafl any doubt fhould remain on that head, I fhall produce part of >fwo letters from his Majcfty to that Earl, which clearly demonflrate the rea- lity of his commiffion, and which areftiil to be feen in the Britilh mufcum, in his Maiefty's own hand-writing (6). In the firft of thefe letters, which is dated' February 3d, 1645-6, a folicitude is plainly expreffed, left refentment of the ill ufage that had been given to his Lordlhip, fliould provoke him to difcover the whole fccret. " In a word," fays his Majefty, " I have com- manded as much favour to be fhevvn to you, as may poffibly fland with my fervice, orfafety; and, if you will yet truft my advice, which I have com- manded Digby to give you freely, I will bring you fo off, that you may be flill ufeful to me, and I Ihall be able to recompence you for your afFedion. If not, I cannot tell what to fay; but I will not doubt your compliance, fince it fo highly concerns the good of all my crowns, my own particular, and to uiake me have Hill means to flicw myfelf your alTured friend, CHARLES R. The other letter is dated the 28th of the fame month, when his Majefty knew, that the Earl either was, or would foon be, at liberty; and was fent by Sir John Winter, his Lordlhips coufin-german, and a Roman Ca- tholic. *' Herbert, (5) IJ. lb. (6) See Warner's Hid. IrifiiRcb.l. fi) " This anfwcr of the Marquis of Ormond feems Incondftent with a real perfuafion, that Glamorgan Wis not duly auihuiifcd to treat with the coiifedcratca." Lei, Hill. Irel. vol. iii. p. 276. Ch. XIX. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 19:; " Herbert, I AM confident, that this honeft, trufty bearer, will give you good fatif- fadion, why I have not, in every thing, done as you defircd. The want of confidence in you being To far from being the caufe thereof, that I am every day more and more confirmed in the trufl that I have of you. For believe me, it is not in the power of any, to make you fufFer in my opinion by ill offices. But of this, and divers other things, I have given Sir John Winter fo full inftrudions, that I will fay no more, but that I am your moft affured friend (f), CHARLES R. I SHALL add nothing more on this fubject, but that we find in the Nun- cio's memoirs (7), " that the Ear! of Glamorgan left with the confederate Catholics, the original of his commilfion to treat with them, in his Majefty's own hand." HAP. XIX. Peace concluded with the Marquis of Ormond. THE imprifonment of the Earl of Glamorgan, and the King's di fa vowal of his commilfion, were two incidents, that greatly favoured Renuc- cini's defigns. That prelate had brought to the confederates pretty large fup^ plies, and much larger promifes (i). His entrance into Kilkenny on horfe- back under a canopy, was as folemn and magnificent, as both clergy and laity could make it. When he came to the place, where the couAcil fate, he was placed in a chair not far from Lord Vifcount Mountgarret. prefident of the council. After fome paufc, he prefented the Pope's brief to the prefident ; which being publickly read, he made an oration to the afiembly, and con- cluded it with letting them know three things, which wel-e principally given C c 2 him (7) Enquiry into the fliare which Charles I. had in Glamorgan's treaty, p. 107. (1) Belling's iVlSS. (c) " That Glamorgnn dill flill cnioy the Royal Kim ofthe ccntinuarce ofiiis rricrdfnip, and pron.ifcs favour and confidence in a very high degieo, there is to make good sll his ir.llrutb'ons to him, and the direft, and pofitive proof in thofc letters extant among Kui^io." Lei. Hifl. of lid. vol. iii. p. 385. Note. tl'.e Hi^rlcian nianufcrip's, In which Chailes alTuies ' 196 HISTORICAL REVIEW of the Bk. VL him in command by his Holinefs. The firft was, to endeavour the propaga- tion of the Catholic religion, the fecond to conferve the Catholics in union among themfelves, and the third, to cherifh in them the allegiance due to their lawful fovereign. He could not," adds my (2) author, who was. prefent, " liave .ended his difcourfe more to the fatisfadion of all that heard him, thanti by mentioning the fubjeds' duty towards their King, and his having it in. charge to cherifh it. For it w^as colleded from thence, that he was willing they iliould bury the memory of their pafi: fufFerings in the bleflings of an happy peace. But in the fequal, we Ihall find, how httle conformity there was between his proceedings and his profelfions." At this time, however, he was held in the highcil: efleem, and veneration, by the confederate Catholics ; and, as their hopes of obtaining liberty of con- Icience, which were all centered in Glamorgan's peace, were now at an end, by tl:c King's difavowal of it, they readily accepted the Nuncio's offers, ot what he then called aid and prote£lion, but what was foon after changed into dominion and controul. That this acceptance was a matter rather of neceffity, than choice, appears from their conduit towards a former agent from Rome, in whicli they fhewed little inclina^tion to fubmit their temporal concerns to a fpiritual fupetintendency. For when, foon after the cefllition n'as concluded, Petrus Francifcus Scarampi, fent upon tlie fame bulineG by Pope Urban VIII. (3), " came to Limerick, attended by fome twenty horfe. t\ic gates were fliut againfl him, and a compliment fent him by t'ne magif- tratcs, that they were lorry he had undertaken fo tedious and troublefome a journey, at fo unfcafonable a time, when all the city were bufily employed in matters of great confequence, in choiing of magill:rates for the enfuing year, and in app'otting their firft payment of the thirty thoufand pounds, with wliich, upon the celTation, they had agreed to fupply his Majefty's army, on which account, they could i>Jt give him fit attendance; but they ofrered to lodge him a mile off the city, and to let him know the next day their refo- Jution concerning his admittance. But the agent replied, that if they were not at leifure to receive him then, he would not attend their leifure the next day, and fo went away (a)." But (2) ib. (3) Clanrick. letter to Ormond, Mem. Engl. ed. Carte's Otiii. vol. iii. (a) L'-rd Orrery, in liis anfwer to Peter Walflj, Roman Catholic fubjcfls living under Pmieflnnt go- ci:tb a bull ot' Pope Uib.>n \ III. dated tlie 28th of vernn)ents. Wa'.fh, with good ifafoii, fiifpciris this May, 1643 (the time Scarampi arrived in Ireland,) bull to have been fortjed, as he could not t'lnd upon tiicour.igin'^, and exciting the confederates, by par- cjiquiry, that the oiiginal was ever feen by any one. dopf. iniluif;';nces, kz. 10 continue the war againfl But, even luppofing it teal and genuine, it proves ihe the King's foices, as a proof of the dangerous in- dirtft contrary ot what his l.onKliip has produced it fiuence which Popes have had, in fuch cafe:, on lor, as it did not in the leaft hinder, 01 retard the ttta- Ch. XIX. CIVIL V/ A R S i n ' I R E L A N D.' 197 But the confederates growing weary, Toon after, of Renuccini's haughtiness,. and defpotifm; and being afiured befules, that the King would, when ' '• had it in his power, make good his cngagciner^t to them by Glamorgan, priv-atcly refolved to conclude the peace with the Marquis of Ormond, wliieli related chiefly to civil matters, on his own terms; in order to enable his M-ijefty. by fending him powerful fupplies, to renew, and connrm Glamorgan's tr -aiy with them, concerning mutti rs of religion. " But (+) although the Nuncio was extremely averfe to Ormond's peace, as containing no fatisfadory conceffion- in fpintuals ; yet he was far from defiring that the promifed fupplies fhould be withheld from his Majefly. The method he propofed was (5), " That the cefTaiion fliould be ftill continued, and affiftanee fent to the King, in the fame manner, as if the peace had been concluded ^/'j." Pursuant to the above refolution, the general aflembly, which met on the 6th of March 1645 (6), difpatchcd Lord Muikerry, and other commif- fioners, to Dublin, to conclude the peace with the Marquis of Ormond; and accordingly, it was there concluded on the 28th of the fame month. At the fiuTie time, with the articles of peace, was figned a conditional ob- ligation, or defeafance (7), " whereby the confederates engaged to tranfport ten tlioufand foot into England or Wales, well armed and provided, by April the ill.; and fourthoufand more by May ift following, to be muftcred, view- ed, and allowed, by fuch perfons, as the Marquis of Ormond fliould appoint. And, in cafe the faid forces were, not fent, at the times appointed (unlefs hindered by the blocking up of harbours, contrary winds, or other reafon-. able caufe, to be allowed, as fuch, by the Marquis of Ormond) thefe articles were to be of no efFed, and each party difengagcd, as if they never had been agreed upon." (4) Cart. Orm. vol. i. (5) Id. ib. (6) Id. ib, (7) Id. ib, ty of ceffation, vliich the confederates chearfully great v.anta and diftrefles of his Mojefty's army at tli:; concluded with ihc Marq\iis of Ormond, in- Septeiii- juntlure ; while lluir own was in good condiiion, a:, i Ler following ; although they very well knew the enjoyed grtat pltnty. (i) The Nuncio, though he oppofed Osmond's peace, yet e.xborieci the confederates in the mean time, to. prolong tfaeccffatron, and to fend their forces lor the leh'ei'of Chel'ccr." Lei. ubi fupia, p. 275. CHAP. fo^ lilSTOKICAL "REVEW ot the Bk. VI. H A P. XX. The Conchfion of the Peace too long deferred. THUS was the peace at length concluded; but too late for the principal end of it, his Majefty's alMance in England, or Wales. For the Eng- lilh rebels were, by this time, grown fo powerful in all thofe places, where the fuppiies from Ireland might propofc to land, that there was not a fecure fpot left (i) for their defcent, nor any horfe on that fide, to countenance their landing, nor even a fafe retreat for them, after they were landed; fo that to fend them away, as matters then flood with the King, "would be only expofing ib many men to inevitable deflrudion (2). " The fupremc council, however, immediately (a) ilfued warrants, to have four thoufand men drawn out of the flanding forces of Leinfter and Munfter, and two thoufand more from the other provinces ; prefixing a day for thoir being at Ballyhafl<:e, and Pafiiige, places commodious for their embfirkation. And they gave out commifiions for levying the remaining four thoufand, which were to be tranfported in a fe- cond mifhon ; having laid embargoes on all vefiels in the river of Waterford, and in the harbours of Wexford, and Dungarvon. And as no induftry," proceeds Mr. Belling, " was omiLted on their part, fo there was not any oc- cafion, fince the beginning of the war, wherein the council found more prompt obedience to'their commands, or more hearty willingnefs in the peo- ple, to bear any charge, that might conduce to the advancement of it." Rut the King himfelf, on account of the unhappy fituation of his affairs, in the places now mentioned, thought fit to countermand this embarkation. For, in a letter to the Marquis of Ormond, March 26th, (two days before the conclufion of the peace) he told him (3), '• that his condition was then very fad and low, by the late difbanding of his army in the Weft; which," adds his Majefty, " if fuccoars of foot had arrived in time out of Ireland, might have been prevented, to our mofl certain advantage. That he thought fit (1) Id. ib. Beli:ng'.i MSS. (z) B.Iling's iVlSS. (j) Cait. Orm. vol iii. fol. 451. (a) Lord Digby, in a letter, from Kl'kerny, (o as apprehending tlicmffives fent 10 facrifice, unleTs the .Vhrquls . 205 to know his mind. This only," adds his Lordfnip, " we have had thr fi^p- pinefs to know from him, when he forefaw the condition ho was likely to be in, that he dcfired, tiiat the Prince his fon, the Opeen, and all his failhfnl fervant;;, Ihould jointly govern themfclves, accordin:^ to v^iist they fhonld judge to be the true intcrcfts of his crown and pofterityj and not according to ■\\'hat, from his forced condition, might outwardly be made appear as his plea- fure. And 1 am confident," proceeds his LordHiip, " if there be a polfibility of conveying any thing of fecret to you, your Lordlliip will receive his exprcfj plcafure to this cflc6t." After this, as if he dreaded an event, which, though imknown to him, had then recently happened, he adds (2), " My greateft fear is, leaft before my return to you, the King fhould have been forced by the Scots,, to fet an embargo upon the peace of Ireland ; but, tho' he have, I hope you will be able to keep things fair, till I come; and that then, having received fuch further affurances, as I fliall be able- to give you, of the King's condition, of the Qpeen and Prince's refolutions, and of the grounds laid to carry them through, no fuch embargo will be any hindrance to you, to purfue vigorously that courfc, which you Ihall judge prudent, juft, and honourable." If the Marquis of Ormond did not receive this letter on the 24th of that month, when the King's order, forbidding him to proceed in the peace (3), arrived ; (which might, I own, have been the cafe) yet he certainly knew, from his own recent experience, that his Majefty was, then, in the condition of a prifoner with the Scots, and not fufFered to fend to, or receive from, his friends any difpatches, but fuch as they had both feen and approved of For his Excellency and the Council, having feme time before (4), twice demanded a fafe condud, from Major General Monroe, for one of their meffengers, who was to pafs by way of Scotland, wnth letters to the King, they were both times peremptorily refufed. This refufal w-as given about the 7th of June, and on the i ith of the fame month, the Scots in England compelled his Ma., jcfty to ilgn an order to the Marquis of Ormond, to forbear all further pro- ceedings in the peace with the confederates ; ■wiiich order was tranfiiiitted to his Excellency, by the Scots committee in Ulfler, with evident marks of an intended affront to his Majefty's authority in his Lordfliip's perfon ; for they not only fent him the King's letter with (i;) the feal broken, declaring in their own, which inclofed it, that no difpatch from his Excellency and the Council, lliould be permitted to pafs, unlefs they w^ere made acquainted with it's con- tents, (2) ib, (3) Cart. Orm. (4) Cart. Orm. vol. iii. fol. 480. (5) Id. ib. 2o6 HISTORICAL REVIEW of the Bk.VII. tents, but they alfo omitted giving the (b) Marquis of Ormond his title of Lord Lieutenant, either in the body, or fuperfcription of their letter. Yet this fo grofsly affronted the Lord Lieutenant, and Council, who had frequently difo- beyed his Majefty's free and pofitive commands, to conclude this peace with the confederates, did now, all at once, moft readily comply with this con- ftrained order, fo difrefpedfully fent them, to forbear all further proceeding^, in it. H A P. IV. Lord Digby arrives in Dublin and caufes the Peace with the Confederates to be proclaimed. BU T that vifible alacrity, with which the Lord Lieutenant and Council obeyed this inhibiting order, was fuddenly damped, by the arrival of Lord Digby in Ireland, on the 4th of the following month ; who, upon hear- ing of it, and of their prompt compliance with it, wrote to his Excellency (i), " that having received, by an exprefs, the knowledge of his Majefty's condi- tion, and of his pofitive pleafure in the weightieft of his affairs, and particular- ly, thofe of the kingdom of Ireland, he was commanded to fignify the fame, as Secretary of State, to his Excellency. Your Excellency therefore," proceeds he, " is to take notice, that his Majefty, having upon moft pofitive engage- ments of the Scots, both unto himfelf and the crown of France, by the French agent refiding with the Scots, received affurances from them in three points, namely, that they would not endeavour to force his confcience ; that they would give a fure retreat among them to all his faithful fervants, and adhe- rents ; and laftly, that they would endeavour, by treaty, or by force, to rc- ftore him to, and eftablifh him in, his juft rights ; put himfelf voluntarily into their hands : but fincc, he hath found them fo far from performing any part of their engagem.ent, that they have ufed him, according to his Maieftv's own cxprefTion, barbaroufly ; and* have made him, from the time of his laft faid difpatch, which was the 2d of June, a prifoner of the ftrideft kindj havin. not (i) u. ib. (b) The Lord Lieutenant ar,d Council, in their give them clear, and uninterccpted ways of addrcG anlA'ei ;o the cots coniDiiitee in Ulfter on this occa- to his Majefly, ihey hoped to give hiin fit accounts of Son, obfcive, " that they found fo little hope of le- a)! his (.oiiiiuands directed to us the Lord I itutenant ; reiving his Majefl)' s itte pleafuie, touching his af- which tiile, by the way, we hold fit to obtcrvc unto fairs and fervanin in Ireland, that theV had great caufe you, his Majefty is pleafed to give us, though you, 10 fear even thr faftty of any mcfTenger of trurt they in the feveral letters direiMcd by you unto u-;, are not /hould fend ; that, as loon i; ii ilioiild pleafe Cjd to pleafed fo to ftile us." Cait. Onn. vol. iii. fol, 490, Ch. V. CIVIL WARS IN I R }<: L A N D. 207 not only chaccd from him the only pcrfon that accompanied him thither, but alfo fet forth a proclamation of death againft any who had fcrvcd him during tliefe troubles, that (hould prefume to come amongft thern ; infomuch, that his Majefly declares, that he hath no poffibility left him, either of receiving any knowledge of his own aiffairs, but as his enemies (hall rcprefcnt them, or any advices from his faithful fervants ; much lefs to exprefs his pleafure to them, in any way, but what they (hall force from him. And that, having with much Ikill and difficulty, obtained that fecret means of exprelling, in (hort, his fad condition, and his will and pleafure thereupon, the Qiieen and Prince, and all his faithful fervants were to underftand that, as the lafl; tree diredtion they were to receive from him ; and that they (hould, in all things, purfue, and caufe to be purfued lleadily, thofe orders, that he had given before this time of his unfree condition ; and that, in all things wherein he had not given diredions, while he judged himfelf free, the Prince his fon (hould give, from time to time, fuch orders, as (hould be judged beft for the advantage of his crown, and intereits, without being diverted from it by any thing, that, in his prefent reftraint, might be either furreptitioufly, or violent- ly got from him. That particularly, for the bufinefs of Ireland, he had, while he was free, redoubled unto his Excellency fuch pofitive orders, for the conclufion of the peace, upon the terms exprelFed to him by his Excellency, fmce the mutual figning of the articles, that he was confident it would be pro- claimed, before his Lordfhip could be back in Ireland." HAP. V. Lord Digby hi/ijls on the proclaiming of the Peace. ON the 28th of July 1646, to fatisfy the council on this occafion, Lord Digby drew up and figned a declaration, wherein after repeating what has been mentioned in the above letter, concerning his Majefty's having re-^ doubled his pofitive orders to the Marquis of Ormond to perfe6l the peace with the confederates, and his own expectation, that it would, therefore, have a^ually been proclaimed before his arrival in Ireland; he added, that(i), " finding, inftead thereof, a flop fet upon the fame, by occafion of a letter dated from Newcaftle the i ith of June, fuperfigned Charles Rex, and attefled Lanerick ; and knowing, by his Majefty's free exprelfion of his will and plea- fure, and of his refolutions and defigns in the whole ftate of his affairs, how (1) Cait Orip. vol. iii. fol.491. 2o8 H I S T O R I C A L R E V I E V/ o P THE Bk. VII. how contrary to his free judgment and will, the fame letter of the iithof June is, and how deftructive to all the foundations laid by his Majefty, for the recovery of his owai, his crown's and pofterity's rights, whether by way of a good accommodation, or of War, any obedience to the faid letter in putting a flop to the peace of this kingdom, expeded by his Majerty, would be; I do, according to my duty, and as Secretary of State, upon certain knowledge of his Majefty's refolution, and as I will anfwer it ^Yith my life, " Declare unto his Excellency, the Lord Lieutenant, and Council of his Majefty's kingdom of Ireland, that the faid letter of the i ith of June, is either a furreptitious letter, or a forced one from his Majefty ; procured by feme falfe information of the ftate of his aftairs, and moft contrary to what I know to be his free refolution, and unconflrained will and pleafure. And I do fur- ther declare, with the fame folemnity, and engagement of my life, that, if the peace of Ireland fliall not be prefcntly concluded, the hinderers of it arc the occafion of fubverting, and deftroying, the main foundation refolved, and laid, by his Majefty, for the recovery of his own, his crowm's, and pofterity's rights, as aforefaid, whether by way of accommodation, or war ; for the pre- venting of which irreparable mifchief, if there fliould be the leaft danger thereof by the fcruples of any, I will freely take the whole matter upon myfelf, to anfwer to his Majefty, as his Secretary of State, Vv'ith my life for this de- claration of his w^ill. And I do offer myfelf to be detained as a prifoner, where the Lord Lieutenant Ihall appoint, until fuch time as his Majefty flirdl be at liberty to exprefs freely, and publickly, unto the Marquis of Ormond (after private letters received from the Marquis of Ormond and myfelf) his uncon- ftrained will : and then, if his Majefty fliail not juftify me to have declared it faithfully, I fubmit myfelf to fufter death. And I defire, that this declaration of mine be entered in the council-book, for my juftification, that I have dis- charged my duty, in cafe the mifchiefs here fet down, fhall be occalioned by deferring the peace of this kingdom, upon the aforefaid letter of the eleventh of June. In witncfs whereof, I have hereto fet my hand, July 28th, 1646. DIGBY." This declaration was accordingly (i) regiftered in the council-book; and, \ipon the fame day, a proclamation was publilhed ratifying, and confirming, the articles of the peace ; and enjoining all pcrfons to obferve, and pay due obedience to it. (1) Carte's Omi. vol. I. C H A !', Ch. VL CrVIL WARS IX IRELAND. 209 C H A P. VI. Owen O'Neal aiid the Nuncio reject the Peace. ^W^ H E Marquis of Ormond ftemed not more unwilling to have the pence X prochiiiucd, after it was agreed to, tlian defirous of an occafion to dif- folve it, after it wa.s proclaimed. Unhappily for both fides, fuch an occafion foon prefcnted itfelf The peace had been generally received by the confede- rate nobility and gentry, and by the greateft and beft part of their clergy, con- formable, in that rcfpedt, to the eftabliflied clergy of Ireland ; v/ho, in a re- nionftrance to the Lord Lieutenant on that occafion, fi.gncd by two Arch- bilhops, nine Bifhops, and feventy-feven clergymen (1), " did moft heartily acknowledge, that by his Excellency's very great pains and labour, he had, at lafl, concluded a moft necefl^ary peace ; which they humbly conceived to be the only means to continue the blelTmgs of religion and loyalty among them -, and to be the only hopeful way to reduce the kingdom, wholcly to his Ma- iefty's obedience." But the Nuncio Rcnuccini, and General Owen O'Neal, abfolutely refufed to fubmit to it ; the former, becaufe there was no provifion made for, w^hat he deemed (a)^ the free exercife of religion ; without wliich, the confederates were engaged by their oath of aflbciation, never to conclude a peace ; and the latter, though on the fame pretence, yet in reality, becaufe no liipulation was made for rcftoring him, and his numerous followers, to their (b) forfeited t'rtates in Ulfter. The Nuncio alledged befidcs, that the commiifioners, who •uid concluded the peace, did not, according to their inftrudions, infifl upon the repeal of the penal ftatutes againft the Roman Catholic religion. 'I'he Marquis of Ormond coviid not deny the fad; but he maintained (^2), " that the peace, which the confederates' commiffioners had concluded, by virtue of E e an (1) Boii. Hift. of ihc Irul RibJ. (z) Car: Orni. vol. i;f. (f!) W-f, " The Pope himfelt"," fivs Doclor I chiid, " hnd declared, that a conivvance wa; a.j liir.t could atprefent be rcal'onably liemand.d." Hill, o.' Irtl. \ol. iii. p. 277. (h) " Over and above tliofe demand?, which cor- re.liiuiion of the grent eftatcs in Ulflcr, which w^. ftrncd religion, to which they feeuud 10 adhere with not in ihe power ot' the crown to nwke." Boil. Hilt, more than ordinary zeai, and thereby d.cw a depen- of ;he Iti.'li Rtbel. to!. 313. CItiv'aJc dentyofths clergy to them, they ii.ijllcd upon the Jon. oro HISTORICAL REVIEW of the Bk. VII. an authority derived fiom their general affembly, whether advantageous, or prejudicial to thofe that trufted them, ought to have been inviolably ftuck to, how blame-worthy foever they might be pretended, for tranfgreffing inftruc- tions." This manner of reafoning, however, feems to have been taken up by his Excellency, only for prefent convenience ; for he argued very different- -ly on the fame topic of inftrudions, when, in a former treaty with the con- federates, the cafe was to be his own ; and when, in order to juftify his re- jeding fome of their propofitions, he told them (3), " that if he had exceeded his- inftrudions, he would have deluded thofe he treated with, with the fha- dow of conceffions ; for that the fubilance would be loli, by his tranfgreffing the rules given him, in any one particular." But however that might have been, the Nuncio's cafuiftry differed mate- rially from that of his Excellency on this occafion; and therefore, that pre- late refolved to enforce his opinion by fuch means, as, in truth, neither be- longed to, nor (c) became his charader, or miifion. For, having called toge- ther, at Watcrford, fuch of the Irifli Bifliops and other clergy, as were mofl:- ly under his influence, on pretence of forming a fynod to fettle ecclefiaftical matters, they entered all at once on a debate concerning the lawfulnefs of the late peace ; and having foon determined, that all thofe who were inftrumental in making it, were for the reafons before-mentioned, guilty of a formal breach of their afibciation-oath, they iffued an excommunication againft them; as alfo, againft thofe of their communion, who fhould afterwards adhere to It ; forbidding, under the fame penalty, any public dues to be colleded by, or paid to fuch pcrfons as were formerly appointed to receive them :, and giving encouragement, at the fame time, to the people to relift any force that might be ufed for that pmpofe. This," fays Mr. Belling (4), " of all their commands, met with the prompteft obedience ; and men were fo pleafed with the ob- fervance cf it, that, when the clergy themfelves had, foon after, formed a new government, by the name of the Council and Congregation, they found much difficulty to bring the people to open their purfes." [3] Id. ;b. vol. ii;. fol. 424. [4] Bellng's MSS. (c) " The Tniiicio's violent meafiircs were, it feems, contrary to tlie inTiriiftions lie FiJil received from Rome, and-made it neceffjry for iiiia 10 fend an ajiology to tlie I'ope." Lei. hiil. of Irel. vol. i-ii. p. 292. Note. C H A ?. Ch.VIh CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 2.11 C n A P. VII. The bad Effects of the Clergy s Proceedings. iY this fpiritual weapon alone, the Nuncio and his clergy, contributed more, in one week, towards the defeat of the confederate army, than, the Marquis of Ormond, with all his forces, had been able to effed:, during the whole preceding time of the war. The caufc of religion, which is faid to have firll; moved them to take arms, and, afterwards, to have united them in a regular and formidable body, was now made an inftrument to fplit them in- to parties more exafperated againft each other, than they were before a^ainft their common enerfiy. The titular Bilhop of Olfory Unit up, by an interdid, all their churches, and houfes of prayer, in Kilkenny, the place where their general aflembly, and fupreme council, ufually met ; upon which the Mar- quis of Ormond {lircaftically obferved (i), " that they were a ftrange fort of people, who, after fighting fo long for liberty to open their churches, and having got it, fhut them up again, of their own accord, and hindered their peo- ple to refort to them," The Nuncio's violent meafures, as I have already obferved, were contrary to the inilru6lions he had received from the court of Rome. By thcfe, he was (2) direded, in cafe peace was made, to do nothing, either by word or deed, to fhew that he either approved, or difliked the fame. Nay, there was great reafon to believe, that the peace concluded with the Marquis of Ormond, was agreeable to his Holinefs's fentiments. For fome time before, when Mr. Bel- ling had an audience of him on that fubjedt, the Pope told him (3), " It was no wonder, if the King thought it unfafe publickly to grant the Irifh the conditions they demanded, left it might difoblige his Protellant fubjeds, and that, therefore, a connivance ought to content them for the prefent." The terror, however, of this excommunication drew off great numbers of the common foldicrs ; and it fo far feared General Prefton and his officers, who had fubmitted to, and proclaimed, the peace at the head of his troops, that he and his whole army, went over to thefe militant ccclcliaftics. Their E e 2 plea (1) C?.rt. Orni. vol. i!!. (z) Id. ib. vol !■ iol c-S. (j) Bdling's MSS. Carte, vol. iii. fol. 36-). 212 HISTORICAL REVIEW of the Bk.VII. plea of the breach of their (a) aflbciation oath, and of the failure of their com- miilioners to infift on the pubhc exercife of their rehgion according to their initrudions, was indeed plaufible; but they had a much better excufe, in the infecurity of that peace from the King's before-mentioned order of the nth of June to the Marquis of Ormond, to proceed no further in it ; and in that order's not having come to their knowledge, till after it was proclaimed. But notwithflanding this defe£lion of fome of the commanders, foldiers, and common people (4), " all the confederate nobility, and gentry (except a very -few of the latter) and all the old Bifhops, and regulars, whofe millionary pow- ers were not fubordinate to the Nuncio's authority, flill adhered to the peace, in defiance of the cenfures denounced againft them (5); and the Nuncio him- felf, foon after, received a fevere reprimand from Rome, for having aded in the matter contrary to his inftrudions." HAP. VIII, The Marquis of Ormomi goes to Kilkenny, but returns Juadenly to Dublin, THE Marquis of Ormond, having had notice of thefe pradlces of the Nuncio and clergy at Waterford, went to Kilkenny (i), " being invit- ed thither, and informciJ, that his prefence would foon remove the caufes, or fupprefs the eftetts, of the clergy's difcontent. His Lordfliip confeifes (2), *' that he v/as received there with many expreffions of joy in the people, and with the refped due to his Majefty's Lieutenant •," but adds, '* that upon his further march into the country, being refufed admittance into Clonmell, and belides, informed that General O'Neil, leading an army of Ulflermen, was invited, and drawn towards Kilkenny, to hinder his retreat, and cut off the guards (4) Ciarcnd. It. Rebel. (5) Cart. Orni. vol i. fol. 570. (1) IJ. ib. vol. ui. {i) U. ib. (a) In that oath, the following, amont; other pro- to be pafieJ therein." Unkind Deferter, &c. p. 55. pofiiioiis, w;is agreed to, viz. " Thai they woijU not The fame auihor adds, " Now, if the ('.sid coamiit- coiifent to lay down arms, until all tie laws and tee of treaty for concluding the peace, fwervcd rt()iT\ .tituics, made fince the time of King He-ory V'lH. any ofthe rules, and in(1rt;i!lion.i given them (as, in- whereliy any relfraint, penally, mulft, or incapacity, deed they have done) what they lOcJ, can no way ni other relhiftion whalfoever, is, or may be, laid Cn oblige either the clergy or lire people, to their own any of the Roman C^^t^olic^•, cither of il.e clergy, or ovcnhrow, and defitutlicn. It were a hard cafe tcr laiiy, for the exetcife of theRomsri Catholic religion a Coiumon-weHlih, it feifens hy her impowered with within this kingdom, and of their fcveral fiinftions ; Iriill, could bind it to cfls prtjiuiicial, and dellruc- Oiould be repealed, revoked, and declared void in the live to theif prefervalion, im^rvlls, aiid libeitv." neit parliament, by one, or tr.oie ac"ls of parliament Ib. p. 60. Ch.VIII. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 213 guards he had brought witli him, he haftily returned to Dubhn, full of indig- nation, and ri;(entnient at this inftancc of trcufon, perfidy, and ingra- titude." Such was the Mnrquis of Ormond's declared fenfe of this matter, which ha> been generally, adopted by all our hiftorians. I (ha!!, however, tiik: the liberty to examine, whether the information his E>:ccllency fpeaks of was grounded on flict ; or whether it was not rather contrived, or at leaft, coun- tenanced by himfelf, in order to juftify a defign, which he then entertained, of renewing his treaty with the Scots in Ulrter; and with their now only a^;- knowledged mafters, the rebels m the Englifli parliament. Whatever faults General O'Neil might have had, ingratitude, and (^/'j per- fidy were not, certainly, of the Number. Mr. Carte himfelf, one of his ac- cufers on this occalion, informs us, in relation to a tranfadion fubfequent to this (3), " that the Marquis of Ormond had a very advantageous opinion, as well of his honour, conftancy, and good fenfe, as of his military fkill ; from which, he propofed as much advantage to the King's afiairs, as .he did from the force of his troops ; and that he always ufed great franknefs, in his trea- ties with him." His Excellency knew, tliat O'Neil had publickly rejeded the peace, and was ftill in hoftility againfl him ; io that, fuppofing the information true, and that he really defigned to cut off his retreat to Dublin, fuch a defign could not be properly deemed perfidious ; or, indeed, fo dilhonourable, in any re- fped, as thofe frequent ads of rapine and cruelty, committed on the confe- derate party by forces under his Lordfliip's obedience, during the ceffation ^ which ads, inftcad of being puniflied, or reflrained, were conftantly connived at, if not encouraged, by his Lordfhip and the council ; a proceeding very different from that of the general affembly of the confederate Catholics, with regard to O'Neil -, whom, on account of his oppofition to the peace, while it was in agitation, they negleded, in their appointment of generals, after its conclufion. And refentment of that negled was thought to have been the chief caufe of his hoftile, and too fuccefsful, endeavours, to fruftrate all their fubfequent undertakings for the fettlement of the kingdom, UXDKR (J) ib. (I'J " O'Neil," fays one of h!s mofl invetera'e Cnr:e, " o!)rerved tlic ctfTiiion fo tcligioufly, lliat rner..ies, " was a man of an hauglity and pofiiive when Inme ot ilie garriton ot EnniiVallen iuacie r.iiTi an humour ; and rah.er hard to be inclined to reafonable offer of betraying the place, he would not embrace ir, coni1i:Ions, ihan tafv lo decline them, ct break his alcho' great gi eat preys liad been tjkcn t'rom the IrilT), wrr.l, wheal. e had conftnied." Boil. HilJ. of the in the excurflons nade by that garir,";n.' Ortr. Iriih Rtbel. fcl. 233. ' Owen O'Neil," fiys Mr. vol.i. 214 HISTORICAL REVIEW of the Bk VII. Unber colour of juft indignation at O'Neil's fuppofed defign, the Marquis of Ormond, in concert with the council, (foon after his (cj return to Dublin from Kilkenny,) addreffed the Britifh pr.-liament, and renewed his treaty with the Scots in IJlfter, with compliments to thefe btter, which, whether fincerc or not, refleded no fmall dilhonour on his Excellency (4). " There now goes," fays he, in a letter to Sir Tames Montgomery, September the 1 8th, "from me and the council, a difpatch to the old and new Scots, and Britifli officers, (in Ulfter,) acquaiating them, that for the prefervation of the kingdom to the crown ot England, we have made an addrefs to the parliament, and defiring, in the mean tin:ie, there might be, betwixt us here, fuch a correfpondence, as befits men, that are certainly of one mind, however, through the difteni- per of the times, we may have differed in our ways." CHAP. IX. The Marquis of Ormond purfues his Treaty ivith the Covenanters in Ulfter. IN vain did his Excellency's noble friends, the Lords Clanrickard and Digby, alTure him, on this occaiion (i), " that they ftill found the gene- rality of the Iriih nobility and gentry, and others of inferior rank, very well difpofed to peace j that General Prefton, and his officers, were flill well in- clined ; that Prefton's compliance with the Nuncio vras only to preferve himfelf, and to get fuch a body together as might make him as confiderable as O'Neil; that this body conlifling of all thofe forces, which the Marquis had moft reafon to hope well of, if he might have but private fatisfadion for the fecurity of religion, io far as he did underftand it to be fecured by the articles of the peace, but found it indeed not to be, he would join heartily with his Excellency." Thefe remonflranccs, I fay, made no change in the Marquis's, and council's fettled purpofe, to profecute their treaty of alliance with his Majcfty's declared enemies in both kingdoms. As the Bifhops, and clergy aifembled at Waterford, found themfelves fuf- peded of having put O'Neil on the fuppofed dclign of cutting off his Excellency's retreat . (.}) Cart. Orm. vol. iii. fol. 566. (1) U- ib. vol. iii. fol. 507. (c) He ariived in Dublin from Kilkenny, on the 13th of September. Cart. Orm. vol. iii. fol. 366. CklX. C I V I L W A R S I N 1 R E L A N D. 275 retreat to Dublin, one of tlicir body thought it incumbent upon him to wipe away that afpcrfion (2), " by protefting folcimily, before God and his Angels, that they were utter llrangers to any fuch defign ; and that they neither knew, nor cxpcdcd, that his Excellency would have fo fuddenly returned to Dublin." And General Preftou allured the Earl of Clanrickard(3), " That, (inftead of the Nuncio and clergy's having given encouragement to O'Neil's advani:e) he himfelf had been the bearer of two different orders from them, upon notice of his advancing with his army, to oblige him to retire. But that O'Neil's anfwer was, " that the Nuncio was but a young foldicr, and that, for his p^rt, he muft, and would go, where his army might be beft kept together, and provided for." General Prefton himfelf, was not altogether unfufpeded by the Mar- quis, of having confpired with the Nuncio and clergy, in the defign of intercepting him. His Excellency, however, even in his hafty retreat to Dublin, met witli fuflicient reafon to acquit him of any fuch defign (4}, " for, having difpatchcd Major General Sir Francis Willoughby, with a con- fiderable party, to prepare his way, the Major General underftood, when he came to Leighlin-bridge, that Colonel Bagnal, under General Prefton's com- mand", was poftcd in the- fort there, with an hundred men; and as he was to pafs by that fort, he fent two officers to Bagnal, to know whether he might expert him a friend, or an enemy. Colonel Bagnal returned a very civil anfwer, that the palfage over the bridge fhould be open, and that he might command any accommodation the caftle could afford. The Ma- jor General found it fo at his coming, and marching over the bridge, rendevouzed his men in the plain field, where he refled till Lieutenant Colonel Flower joined him in the evening, with the Lord Lieutenant's own regiment." (2) Unkind Dcfeiter, &c. (3) Carte's Orm. vol, iii. fol, 497. (4) Cart Orm. vol. i? CHAP. 216 HISTORICAL REVIEV/ of the Bk. VII. H A P. X. A new General Jjvmbly and Council. N the mean time, the Nuncio's party increafed daily, and his oppofition to the peace in proportion; infomuch, that, after having formed a nev/ general affembly of fuch perfons, ecclefiaftics and others, as he knew to be moft attached to him, he had the hardinefs to caufe feveral eminent members of the former alTcmbly, who had been attive in concluding the peace, to be imprifoncd in the caflle of Kilkenny. Among thefe(^i), were Lord Mount- garret, with his two fons, and all the members of the fupreme council, except Plunket and Darcy. Sir Robert Talbot, Sir Pierce Croiby, Dodor Fennel, Colonels Bagnal and Wale, with feveral others, underwent the fame fate (2). This affembly affumed the entire government to themfelves; and, by a folemn decree, on the 26th of September, appointed a new fupreme coun- cil, conlifting of four Bifhops and eight laymen, commanding all the gene- rals to be fubjed to their orders. The Nuncio took upon him to be prefident of this council. It is, neverthelefs, certain, that the Irifli clergy did not by thefe rafh proceedings, deviate in the main, from their real and fixed fentiments of duty, and allegiance to the King. This appears from a letter of the Nuncio's to Cardinal Pamphilio, wherein he tells him (3), " that the oath of alle- giance was fworn by all the Bifhops without any fcruple, and that it was fo thoroughly rooted in the minds of all the Irifh, even the clergv, that, if he had in the leaft oppofcd it, he would prefently have been fufpeded of having other views befidcs thofe of a mere Nunciature ; which without any fuch handle, (adds he) have been already charged upon me by the difaffeded." Yet, even in this new-modelled confederacy, there wanted not fome fire- nnous advocates for the obfervance of the late peace. Part of thofe honeft reafons produced by Colonel Walter Bagnal, in fupport of it, at one of their meetings, I fhall here tranfcribe from Mr, Belling, who was prefent. " I AP- •(1) Carle, ib. Bdling's MSS. (2) Carf. vol. v. fol. 5S4. Belling's MSS, 13) O.rte's Oim. vol. ii. t'ol. 579. Fjo.ti the Nuncio's Mciiioiis. Ch. X. CIVIL WARS IN IRE 1. A ND. 217 " I APPJiAEL," faid he, " to the confciences of all that hear me, if when we were firft compelled (for compelled wc were) to take arms for the fafety oi our lives and fortunes, and for the defence of our religion, and our King's rights; and when his Majefty had power to difpute his caufc, \vith probabi- lity of fuccefs, againft his rebel-fubjeds of England ; if, I fay, we had been Uicn offered lefs advantageous conditions, than thofe granted by the late peace, whether we Ihonld not have accepted them, with a thankful fubmiffion to his Majefty's gracious pleafure? And truly, I cannot fee that improvement in oui condition, if we prudently weigh all circumftances, which fhould make us now lefs willing to acquiefcc. We have plenty of arms, yr>u wnll fay, wliich we then wanted ; our armies are formed, and our affairs directed by a con- flant way of government. Certainly, it cannot be denied, if we make the comparifon only between us and ourfelves, without having a profpe6t on our enemy, and upon the change of his condition, betw-een the then tumults, and now confederate Catholics, that we have manifold advantages, which we then wanted. But when we confider likewife, that the party in the parlia- ment of England, which had vowed the extirpation of our religion, and was then feconded but by the confufed clamours of the multitude in London, hath armies at prefent, and the Royal fleet at their command -, and that, of the two contending parties, whofe conflidt and hoftility againft each other gave us refpite to advance thus far in our w^ork, that party is likely to prevail, which threatens our deftru6tioa ; when, I fay, we Ihall maturely weigh this change to the better in our enemies, we cannot be fo partial to ourfelves, as to think our prefent eftate fo much improved beyond theirs, that we (hould now reject thofe conditions, w^hich we would have chearfully embraced at firft. And it is very manifeft, that if w'e would have inclined to fuch refolutions, at a time when our King was in a fituation to keep the parliament-forces em- ployed, and fo to divert this ftorm from falling on us, both regard to our own intereft, and dutiful companion of our fovereign's prefent condition, ought now, in all reafon, to move us, by endeavouring to relieve his Majefty from his heavy preffures, to lay everlafting obligations of gratitude upon hinii and, by aflifting his party in England, to lift up a fliield for our own defence ; which can no otherwife be done than by accepting this peace, concluded, and publifhed by authority of the kingdom ; and by avoiding thofe fevere punifhments, which never fail to attend the breach of publie faith." Afterwards, addrefling his fpecch to the Bifliops there prefent, " My Lord:^," proceeds he, " there was a time, when our anccftors, at the F f peril 2i8 HISTORICAL REVIEW OF THE Bk.VII. peril of their fortunes, and with the clanger of their perfons, fhcltered fomc of you, and your predecefTors, from the leverity of the laws ^ they were no niggardly Iharers with you in your wants; and it cannot be fiid, that the' fplcndor of your prefent condition hath now added any thing to the fincere and filial reverence, which was then paid you. We, their poftcrity, have with our blood, and at the expence of our fortunes, afferted this advantage, which you have now over them, have redeemed the exercife of your fundtions from the penalties of the law, and your perfons from the perfecution to which they were fubjed. We are upon the brink of a formidable precipice, reach forth your hands to pull us back ; your zeal for the Houfe of God will be thought no way lefs fervent, that you have preferved the Irifii nation; refcue us, we befeech you, from thefe imminent miferies, that vifibly environ us. Grant fomewhat to the memory of our fore-fathers, and to the affedion we bear you ourfelves. Let a requeft find favour with you, made to prevent the violation of public faith, and to keep the devouring fword from the throats of our wives and children (a)." Mr. Belling informs us (4), " that this fpcech moved compaflion in fome of the Bifhops; but that a refolution taken in their fynodical congre- gation was held too facred to be revoked, or changed, upon any conii- dcration." CHAP. XL T/je Nuncio, O'Neal, and Prefton, advance towards Dub/in, with a confidcrable Army. ^TT^HE Nuncio's lay-eccleliaflical confederacy, tho' much elated with their \ newly acquired power, were fuddenly alarmed, by certain, and un- doubted intelligence of the Marquis of Ormond's having advanced fo far in his treaty with the Englifli parliament, that commiffioners were appointed to pafs over to Ireland on that occafion, and orders iffued for two thoufand foot, and three hundred horfe, to be tranfported from Chefler to Dublin. This intelligence (4) Ubi fupra. (a) This loyal gentleman havinj:; been aftcrwau's the latter, for having foimerly (igned a warrant, as fciit by cor.leclerates to the Ooiiiwellians, as a pub- was pretended, to hang one John Sione, a known, and tic hoilage for the ptriorniance of ailicles agreed on convifted fpy. See Collcik. of Maflacies committed between then, wa; executed at Kilkenny by otder of on the Iiiili. Append, Ch. XI. CIVIL WARS in IRELAND. 219 intelligence made the new confederates innagine, that his Excellency was no longer entitled to their obedience, they now confidering him in the fame hoitile light, with thofe declared enemies of his Majerty, whofc alliance, and alfiftancc againrt them, he was then folliciting. Purfuant to this Idea, they unanimoufly refolved, to march their whole army to Dublin, in order to prevent it's being delivered up to the Englifh parliament. According- ly, about the latter end ofOdober 1646, the two Generals, O'Neal and Prcf- ton, fet out, at the head of fixteen thoufand foot, and fixteen hundred horfe, together with the Nuncio, his congregation of clergy, and new fupremc council, towards that capital ; and, on the fecond of the following month, they fcnt the Marquis of Ormond certa'in propofitions, which, in effc£l(i), contained the fame demands, that they had all along made, and the King was willing to grant them, but which his Excellency had ftill obftiuately rcfufcd. The Marquis of Ormond was, at this time, ill provided with the Means of defence, againft fo numerous and powerful an army. There was great fear- city of victuals in the city ; and not more (a) tiian fourteen barrels of powder in the (lores ; yet, relying on the hopes of ainftance from the Englifh parlia- ment, he rejeded the confederates propofitions, with derifion and difdain. At tlie fame time, he privately follicited the aid of the covenanters in Ul- fler (2), with previous ofiers to them of thofe very terms, which he now re- fufed to the confederates, namely, the free exercifc of their religion, and the reception of their forces into his garrifonsj and, not having then prevailed, he afterwards, of his own accord, as we fliall prefently fee, furrendered the Royal authority to their mafters, the independents in the Britilli parliament, to the ruin of the King, and of the eftablifhed religion and government, in both kingdoms. (1) See Carte, Boilace. (2) Cane's Orm. vo!. iii. (aj " In the fenftf of his weaknefs," fays Mr. to tV.c fjmc hazards with hinifelf in OuWin, thw to Cafte, on this occafion, " bis Lordlliip had defired accept ol that circr. P'or," adds iny author, " he l4\e commander of n veflVl belonging to the patha- had rtafon to fufptft the good faith of tlie parlia- ineut to carry his wife ami children to the IQe otMan, ment." Carte's Oim. vol. i. fol. 588. "i'et to that but was refufed. And iho' the captain offered (o very parliament he, within a tew months after, de- rranfport iheni to Chefter, or any place in the par- livered up all the -King's -if , fcvcial iiionihs aflei Oruiamd's agree- Ch. XX. CIVIL W A R S in I II E L A N D. -;,<; (lifpofeof tlicir forces for carrying on their defign:, in the I;ittcr. Wherefore, llic confederate CathoHcs perceiving the danger they were in, met in th« Vv'inter of that year in a general afiembly at Kilkenny, where they took, into confideration, tliat his Majelly was in reftraint; that all addrcffes to him were forbidden ; and that fome members of parliament, who fpoke in his favour, were expdled. " Is that fad extremity, there being no aceefs to his MajeQy for imploring either his juftiee or mercy, all laws, human and divine, did allow the faid Catholics to take fome other courfe, in order to their defence and preferva- tion ; not againft his faered Majeftj', but againft thofc who had laid violent' hands on liis perfon, who defigned to abolifli the Royal authority, and rcfolv- cd to deflroy, or extirpate, the faid Catholics. " These Catholics, therefore, in January 1647, did, in the faid afiembly, conclude, that the Marquis of Antrim, Lord Vifeount Mufl3ablc eccle- lial^ics, of the kingdom. Yet while he was preparmg for his departure, the Lord Lieutenant fent him a private m.effage, by two of his particular friends, the Bifhop of Fernsand Nicholas FIunkett,Efq;(5), " that, if he uould then, at parting, take off his cxcommimication, and dilpole the people to an abfolute obedience to the peace, and the King's authority, he fliould not only receive all po.Tible civility from him, at his departure from Ireland ; but that he would make a very advan- tageous mention of him to the Qiieen, v/hofe diftrcffed condition," he faid, " would certainly gain fome credit to her at Paris, if it was not worfe than London." But the Nuncio did not wait their coming; for, on the night before, he went to fea in his own frigate, and, on the 2d of March, landed at St. Vaaft, in the Lower Normandy. ■ At his return to Rome, he was but coldly received by the Pope; and, after having been told (6), " that he had carried himfelf rallily in Ireland," inftead of being honoured with a Cardinal's hat, as he expeded, he was ba- nifhed to his billioprick, and principality of Fermo; which he found in a dif- tradled condition, by juft fnch another infurredion of the people agamfl their Viceroy, as he had himfelf raifed and fomented, againft the King's Lieutenant in Ireland. Thefe difappointmcnts of his own, and the diffrac- tions of his people, affeded him fo fcnfiblv, that he foon after died of grief. To (4) Cart. Onii. (5) Id. ib. vol. ii, fol. 55. (6) Wallli's Hlft. of the Ir. Keniciiflrance. (a) " Tlie court of Roir.e," fays Mr. Carte, though It was contrary to iht-ir maxiiin to tix a public ijiaik ofccDluis on tl:e cc.nouft ot' ilitrli iii- (aj " Tlie court of Rome," fays Mr. Carte, nifu-rs, difapprovin!;; Ins conJiiift, fent .hiiii ohIcts to " though It was contrary to iht-ir maxiiin to tix a iii„kc liafie iljithtr." Oiiii. vol. ii. (ol. 56. Ch. II. . CI VIL WARS IN IREL A N D. s+r To what ^/'j dcfpcratc courfcs, General O'Neal was driven by tlic aflembly's j)roclaiining him a rebel, and a traitor, fliall be hereafter related. ''■ C II A P. II. J'Tis Excellency treats of a Peace •with the Confederate Catholics. " ^~1~^ ^ ^ ^ ( ' ) Lord Lieutenant being invited to Kilkenny, by the general JL alFembly, October the 28th, in order to a more expeditious fettling of the points in difpute, made his entry into that city in a fplendid manner; having been met at fome diflance from it, by the whole body of the afTembly ; and by all the nobility, clergy, and gentry, in the neighbourhood. He was received into the town, by the Mayor and Aldermen, with all thofe ceremo- nies, and honours, which fuch corporations u fed to pay to the fupreme autho- rity of tlie kingdom, and was lodged in his own caftle, with all his own guards about him." The next day after his arrival at Kilkenny, his Excellency entered into a treaty of peace with the general aflembly ; and, after he had . advanced fo far in it, as that (2), " he thought, he had good grounds to hope it would be fpeedily concluded, upon the conditions he was empowered to give them, he found it fuddenly interrupted, by a very dangerous mutiny, raifed by fome leading officers in Lord Inchiquin's army, who endeavoured, not only to hin- der the conclufion of the peace, but alfo to incline thofe under them to a treaty, aftd fubmiffion to the Englifli parliament." On this occafion, it was thought nccefTary by his Excellency and Lord Inchiquin, to fufpend the conclufion of the peace (3), " in fuch a manner, as might induce the mutineers to believe it would be wholly laid afide for their fatisfadion." On the other hand, the article concerning the free exer- cife of religion, was not yet adjufted to the fatisfiidion of the aflembly ;■ fome of the clergy having much higher cxpedations, in tliat refped, than others thoughtfit tobeinfifted on(4). " This was the only point, in which there I i was (1) Carte's Orm. vol. ii. fol. 45. (2) Id. ib. vol. ili. (j) ib. (4) Id. ib. vol. ii. fol. 43. (h) " The Malice, and lieadlnefs of Owen O'Neal and liis party afterwtrds, was as much, and in tiuth more, againft the confederate Iridi, than the King.'' Eotl. Itifh Rebel, fol. 269. 242 HISTORICAL REVIEW of the Bk. Vllf. was danger of the treaty's breaking up unfinillied, it being very difficult to give content therein to the Roman Catholics without, at the lame time, dif- gufting the Proteftants." But an incident happening at this jundure, united the differing parties in that alfembly, and greatly accelerated the peace. Some copies of the remonftrance of the independent army in England, which had publickly avowed their defign of fubverting every thing, that had been hitherto known for government in thefe nations, were then brought to Kilkenny, and read with univerfal abhorrence. This (5) immediately re- moved all the difficulties, which fome of the Roman Catholics, in Zeal for their religion, had thrown in the way of the peace. The general affembly receded from their demands in that point. And, on the 28th of December, upon confideration of his Majefty's prefent condition, and their own hearty defires, fays Mr. Carte, of fpending their lives and fortunes, in maintaining his rights and interefts, they refolved unanimoufly, to accept of the Marquis of Ormond's anfwer to their propofitions for religion (6\ " That defperately wicked remonftrance," fays the Marquis himfelf, " whatever mifchief it may do, hath yet done tliis good, that it put us quite from all difputes upon the neceffity of conditions, and was no fmall caufe of the fpeedy, and I hope, happy conclufion of the peace." CHAP. III. The Peace of 1 648 concluded arid proclaimed. ON (i) the 17th of January 1648, the general aflembly repaired to the prefcnee of the Lord Lieutenant in his caflle at Kilkenny, and there, with all folemnity imaginable, prefented to him, fitting on a throne of ftate, the articles of the peace, by the hands of Sir Richard Blake, their chairman, which he received ; and, having confirmed them, on his Majefty's behalf, caufed them to be publickly proclaimed. Nine Roman Catholic Bifliops, pre- fent m the affembly, joined, the next day, in a circular letter, which they fent to all the cities and corporations of their party, exhorting them to receive, and obey the peace now concluded; which was in fubflance, that which Iiad been made in 1046, but rcjedcd by a former affembly." (5) Id. ib. vol. ii. fol. 49. (6) Id. ib. vol. iii. fol. 602. (1) Id. ib. vol. ii. fol. 50. The oil. III. civil. WARS IN J R E L A N D. 24 ; The Lord Lieutenant, in a letter to Lord Di^I)y, J^muary the 22d, after telling him, that the peace was concluded, adds (2), '• I muft fay for this people, that I have obfcrved in them, great readinefs to comply with ^".h'lt 1 was able to give tliem ; and a very great fenfe of the King's fad condition." And in another letter, of the fame date, to the Prince of Wales, he takes notice (3) " of the very eminent loyalty of the affembly, which was not," fays he, " Jhaken by the fucccfs, which God hath permitted to the monftrous re- bellion in England j nor by the mifchievous pradiiccs of the no Icfs malicious rebels in Ireland." After the fign'ng of the articles, his Excellency made a fpeech to the af- fenibly, wherein he congratulated them, not only on the fcore of what they had already obtained by that peace, in point of freedom of Worihip, abate- ment of penalties, and other advantages; but alfo on the hopes of further indulgence and favour in all thefe refpeds, according to their future merits." For he told them (4), " that, befides the provifion made againft their remoteft fears of the feverities of certain (penal) laws -, and befides many other freedoms, and bounties conveyed to them, and their poftcrity, by thefe articles ; there was a door, and that a large one, not left, but purpofely fet open, to give them entrance to whatever of honour, or other advantage, they could rea- fonably wifh." And yet, about the fame time that his Lordfhip made thii public and folemn declaration to the affembly, he, in a private letter to Sir •Charles Coote, a parliamentarian rebel (5), " averred with much confidence, (they are his own words,) that the advantages, which the Romifii profefiTors were fuppofed to have, in religion or authority, by that peace, were no other but pledges for his Majefty's confirmation of the other concefllons, and that they were to determine therewith (a) ;" as in truth they did, (z) Id. ib. vol. iii. fol 6oo. (3) Id. ib. fol. 601. (4) Id. ib. vol. iii. (5) ib. vol iii. (a) Yet the King hiniftlf, In a letter 10 the Mar- that he was extremely fatisficd with both, and v^ouM quis of Ormond, March the gih, 1649, told him on confiim wholly, and entirely, all that v.as contained this occafion, " that he had lately received from Lord in the articles." Cart. Collcft. ofOrig Papers, vul. ii. liyron the articles of the peace, which he had made p. 363. in Ireland, together with a copy of his letter lo him ; i 2 CHAP. 244 HISTORIC x\L REVIEW or the Bk.VUI. CHAP. IV. The happy Effects of this Peace. OrmondV Defeat at Rathmines. CromwellV Arrival in IreIa?iJ. THERE was, for fonie time, great union and harmony between the Enghlh and Irifh forcesi, now joined, under .the Marquis of Ormond's command. His Excellency in a letter to the King, June 28th, 1649, ^^~ quainted him (i^, " that the ground of his greatefl; confidence of future fuc- ccfs was their prefent cordial conjundion agamfl the rebels, their former dif- afFedion to each other appearing, then, only in 'an emulation rather of advan- tage, than hinderance (^^z^, to his Majefty's fervice." ' To this union it was certainly owing, that their firft op'cratioris were extremely fuccefsful ; for, in the fpace of a few months, they became mafters of Sli^o, Drogheda, Dundalk, Water^ord, Trip, Newry,- and in fhort of all the ftfong holds and towns in the' kingdom, except Londonderry and Dublin. Towards this latter city therefore, his Excellency marched the combined armies; hoping to repair the mifch,ie.fs he had done by his late furrendef of it to the Englifli rebels, and to reduce it once mOre under, his Majefty's obedience. His Excellency's exceffive conficlence in thqfe united forces, though now i'n' want of almoft every nccef-" iliry for his entcrprife on Dublin, is one of the fuppofed caufes of his fatal difappointment in that attempt. That this confidence was indeed exceflivc, appears by his letter of J.uly 1 8th, to the King, from his camp at Finglas; for there he tells him (2), " that, which only threatens any rtib to our fuccefs, is our wants, which have been, and are fuch, that foldicrs have adually ftarved by their arms, and many, of lefs conltancy, have run home: many of the foot are weak; yet I dcfpair not to be able to keep them together, and ftrong enough to reduce Dublin, if good fupplies of all forts come not fpeedily to relieve it. I am confident, I can perfuade one half of this army to flarve outright J. (1) IJ. Carte's Orig. Pap, vol. ii. p. 387. (2) Id. ib. vol. ii. p 3S9. CaJ AiiJ yet Borbce confidenil)' afll-rts, from Cla- porafed by th-Ir obedience and 'iibmifTion to t'le nu- rendoii, " that from ilie firft hour of the peace (of lhori:y and pleafuie of ihcir chief coimiiandcrs, than 1C48) thcfe Englifli and Iridi had not been wiih-jut Uni ed by thi; fame inclinations and atfcttions to any that prejudice lowardi each other, as gave the Viar- public end." Hill, of the Ir. Rtbel. fol. 2S7. ffuie iiuch treuble j and that they were raiber iiicor- Ch. IV. CIVIL V/ A R S i n I R E L A N D. 245 outright; and I lh;ill venture far upon it, rather than givcofFa game, fo fair on our lide, and fo hard to be recovered if given over." But while his Excellency was thus fecurely making preparations for that entcrpiife at Rathmincs, a place three miles diilant from Dubhn, his whole army was furpiifcd and routed, by Michael Jones, governor of that city for the parliament, on the 2d of Aiiguft 1649. '^ Joi"'"^^(3)5 according to the Marquis of Ormond's account, flew fix hundred in that engagement-, fomc iipon the f[.ot, and in the purfuit; but the greatefi; part, after they had (b) laid down their arms, upon promife of quarter, and had been, for almoft an hourfcj, prifoncrs; and divers of them were murdered, after they were brought within the works of Dublin." This fuddcn and unaccountable de- feat at Rathmines (d)^ renewed, in the Irlfh, all their former fufpieions, that his Excellency had ftill fome private imdcrftanding with the EngliHi rebels ; and thefe fufpieions were increafed, by the conftant ill fuecefs of all his fub- fequent undertakings againfi: their partizans in Ireland. To thefe misfor- tunes, was foon after added a general panic, occafioned by the unparalleled cruelties of Oliver Cromwell, who landed at Dublin (4), on the 15th of that month, with eight thoufand foot, and four thoufand horfe, two hundred thoufand pounds in money, and a vaft quantity of ammunition, and all kind of neceflaries for war. '• With thefe forces, he on the 3d of September, be- fieged, and took Drogheda by florm. And although all his ofliccrs, and fol- diers, had (5) promifcd quarter to fuch of the garrifon, as would lay down their arms, and performed it, as long as any place held out, which encouraged others to yield; yet when they once had got all in their power, Cromwell, being told by Jones, that he had now the flower of the Irifli army in his hands, gave (5) Id. lb. vol. ii. p. 397. (4) Cart. Orin. vol. ii. fol. S3. (5) !c!. ib. vol. ii. (ol. 44. Lei. Iliil. vol. iii. p. ^,'^0. (i) " Fifteen hundred priva'e foldieis, and tl r.e CTquerors, when ijiey had accep'cd quiiter, and Inindred cfFirers, were made prifoncrs ; about fix laid down their arms." Lei. Hift. of Ireland, vol. iii. hundred flain ; many of theff, 10 the difgrace of tlie p. 346. fcj " Soon after this defeat,'' fays Rcrlace, " Jones not have the h.ippinefs to know where you are, that ■ w:i- writto by his E.xctllency, to have a Jill ot tlie I may wait upon you. Michael Jones." Irilli Rtbel. prifoners h-- had taken from him, to whom it was re- fcl. zSo. plied, " My Lord, fince I route.! your arii'y, 1 tan- (J) Borlace informs us, " that this defeat at Rath- at that time, fo difpofed, as properly they would mines altered the redilt of councils at court, till then have fubiiiltted to his Majcfty, whatever aflerw3rv:s veiy flrong for his Majefty's repair iiro Ireland, the might have been the rtfult of their comtliance." the Scots having given ill proof of their integrity and Hill, of the Irifli Rebel, fal. zSo. faith. And certainly," adds he, " the Iriili were,. C4.6 n I S T O R I C A L R E V E W or t h e Bk. Vlli. gave orders, that no quarter fliould be given; fo that many of his foKliers were forced to kill their prifoners." The Marquis of Ormoud, in a letter to Lord Byron on this occafion, fays (6), " tb.at Cromwell exceeded even himfelf, for anything he had ever heard of, in breach of faith, and bloody inhumanity; and that the cruelties exercifed there, for five days Jlfter'the town was taken, would make as many feveral pictures of inhumanity, as are to be found in t1ie book of martyrs, or the relation of Amboyna." In this carnage, out of three thoufand, he left only about thirty perfons alive ; andthefe he fent to Barbadoes. C H A P. V. -CromwellV Policy to reduce Ireland. CROMWELL having foon after repeated the fame cruelties in the town of Wexford, which was betrayed to him by one fa) Stafford, increafed the general terror to fuch a degree (i), " that towns fifty miles diftant from him, declared againft the Marquis of Ormond ;" which provoked his Excel- lency to fay, probably with more anger, than truth (2), " that tlie Roman Cathoh'cs, who flood fo rigidly with the King upon religion, and that, as they called it, in the fplendor of it, were then, with difficulty withheld from fending commiffioncrs to intreat him to make ftables and hofpitals of their churches." But if, indeed, thefe people were at firfl fo much terrified by this raonfler's unparalleled cruelties, they foon refumed fufficient courage, to reject feveral more advantageous conditions from his favourite, and confident, Ireton, even in point of religion, than the Marquis of Ormond could ever be prevailed upon, by the mofl urgent neceifity of his Majefty's affairs, to allow fhem. For, when that regicide, in his march to munffer, fent propofals to the citizens of Limerick (3), offering them the free exercife of their religion, enjoyment (6) Cart. CoUea. of Orlg. Papers, vol. ii. (i) Id. lb. (z) ib. (3) Cait. Orm. vol. ii. fol. i 23. Lei. Hill. vol. iii. p. 370. (aj StafFord was governor of tlie Cnfilc of Wcx- ing this, prefently clapped fcaling ladders to the walls, ford ; " which Ciomwtll havlrg thus gninnl, advanced and entered without refinance inio the town ; where- his flig upon it, and turned the guns againd the town. in all found in arms were put to the fword, to the Fear fcized the townfinen, and the foldicrs in confu- number of two thoufand." Bull. Iiilli Rebel fol 284. Son (jiii'.tcd tlitir pofts. CioiuwiU's foldieis perceiv- Cli. V. CIVIL WARS I .V I R E L A N D. 247 enjoyment of tilt ir crtates, churches and church-livings, a free trade and com- nitrcc, and no garrilbn to be prdled upon them, provided they M'ould only give a free^pallage to his forces into the county of Clare, thefc citizens abfo- lutcly rejcdcd the overture." But OHver Cromwell, befide? his execrable policy of facilitating. the con- queit of Irelind, by the fame ot his cruelties, had taken care, before he left Dnblui, to publilh a (4) proclamation, forbidding liis foldicrs, on pain of death, to hurt any of the inhabitants, or Dike any thing from them, without pay- ing for it in ready money. This was Co flridly executed, that even in his march from Dublin to Drogheda, where he was guilty of that horrid butchery, and breach of faith before-mentioned (5), he ordered two of his private f-l- diers to be put to death, in the face of the whole army, for Healing two hens from an Iriihman, which were not worth fixpcnce." Upon this Arid oblervancc of the proclamation, together with pofitivf aflliranccs given by his officers, " that they were for (6) the liberties of the com- mons, that every one lliould enjoy the freedom of his religion, and that thofe who ferved the Market at the camp, tliould pay no contribution, all the country people flocked to them, vvith all kind of provilions -, and due payment being made for the fame, his army was much better fappl ed, than even that of the Irifli ever had been." On this occaiion, a congregation of (7) twenty Catholic Bifhops and Arch- bilhops, having on the 4th of December 1649, affembled, of their own ac- cord, at Clanmacnofe, publithed a declaration, wherein " they admonilhed all their people, not to delude themfelves with vain expedations of conditions to be obtained from that mercilefs enemy. And they befought the gentry, and the reft of their countrymen, for God's glory, and their own fafety, to contri- bute, with patience, to the utmoft of their power, towards the fupport of the war againft him. They, particularly, exhorted thofe, who were enhfted in the army, to perfevere conftantly in their oppofition to the common enemy, as they expeded the blclfina; of God upon their endeavours." The Marquis of Ormond, in a letter to the King, ohferved (8), " that, in this afTembly, there were divers fpeeches made, tending to the fatisfadion of tlie people; and to incline them to olDcdience to his Majefty, and ami'y among themfelves, in oppofition to the rebels." Let it be here obfervcd, in jufticc to thefe Bifhops, that it was in this letter to the King, that the Marquis firft allied his Ma- jefty's (4) Cnrt Orin. vol. i'. fn'. go. {5) Dofloi Gorges" Letter 10 Colonel Haoiilioii. AppenJ. 10 L.llv'j Anfw to King's flare of &e PioteQan's under K. J >irn.s. (6) Carte, ubi fupra, (-) Boil. Ir, Ribtl. iol. 290. (3) Cart. CoUeft. of Oiig. Papers. 243 HISTORICAL REVIEW of the Bk. VJII. jefty's permiilion to leave the kingdom, as being abfolutely indefendble againfl the rebels, by what powers he could then command. So very diftant from 4ruth, is that general affertion of our hiftorians, that it was the refradon- nefs, difobedience, and even rebellious difpofition of the Irilh clergy, that firii made hian vefolve upon quitting the government of Ireland at that iuncture. C H A P. VI. Owen O'Neil fuhmits to the peace; Inchiquin'r Forces revolt to the Rebels. iWEN O'Neil, who commanded an army of five ihoufand foot, and five hundred horfe, having been incenfed, beyond meafure, at the affembly's proclaiming him a traitor; and at the fame time, flattered by Sir Charles Coote and Colonel Monk, with hopes of a toleration of his religion, and the reftitution of his eftate, had entered into a treaty with the latter, and (i) relieved the former when clofely befieged in Derry, the only place of ftrength that was then in the rebels poffeffion in the province of Ulfter. But the Englifh parliament foon after condemned his treaty with the Monk, and rejetfted his further fervice. This is commonly thought to have been the (a) caufe of his quitting that party, and feeking an alliance with the Marquis of Ormond (2), " tb whom two blanks had been fent, about that time, under his Majefty's hand and feal, to be made ufe of, in any treaty or tranfadion with him." Wherefore, thro' the agency of Colonel Daniel O'Neil, that General's nephew, whom the Marquis of Ormond fent to folicit him for that purpofe, " Owen (3) O'Neil, on the 12th of Odober 1649, concluded and figned an agreement, on certain conditions, with his Excellency ; which though him- felf (i) Cart. Orni. vol ii, fol. 77. (2) Cart. Collefl. of Orig. I'ap. vol. ii. p. 317. (3) Cart. Orni. vol. ii. ' ■ (a) There is a very rlifFerent caufe afligned for tMs to confiJer, that his promife (to affift him) was but sccommodatlon ofO'N-.il wiih' Ormond in a letter confiitiorjal, as prcfuppofing the Pope's apprcbai ion, from Secretary Nicholas to Ormond liinilllf, which which he could never obiaiii ; but, on the contrary, he fays came from a very good author, Lord Brudc- had received a peremptory command from him, to do nell. It is there exprefsly faid, " that O'Neil had nothing prejudicial 10 the crown of England." Cart, written to Cromwell 10 thank him for the care he had Colledt. of Oim. Orig. Papers, vol. i. p. 29S. taken of himfelf and his army ; but dtfued him withal . ' Ch. VI. CIVIL Vv^ A R S IN IRELAND. 2+9 felf lived not to accomplifli, dying at Cloughouter-cnftlc in the county ofCa- van, in the beginning of December, was fliortly after performed fhj." The Marquis of Ormond had received frequent warnings of the infidelity of Inehiqnin's officers ; and fome probable reafons for withdrawing his confi- dence from Inehinuin himfelf His Excellency, in a letter to that Lord, No- vember 1 6th, 1648, on occafion of the before-mentioned mutiny of thefe officers, told him plainly, " that (4) he was very unwilling to have any thing to do with them ; and fecmcd to think that they had but delayed their defir'n, waiting for a more hopeful opportunity to accomplifli their end, which he inidcrftood to be, to betray his Lordlliip, and himfelf to the indepen- dents." The defection of thefe officers foon after to the parliament, to which Lord (c) Broghill's treachery and artifice not a little contributed, fuffieiently juftified thefe fufpicions. For in this favourable conjundurc of the acccffion of O'Ncil's forces, the diftrcfs of Cromwell's army, and the probability there was, by the advantage of apafs, of cutting off his provifions, and of making his retreat to Dublin very difficult, without lofing a good part of his men ; in thefe circumlbnces, I fay(t)), " on a fudden, and altogether, all the con- liderable places in the province of Mnnfter, as Cork, Youghall, Kmfale, K k Bandon- (4) Id. ib. vol. ill. (5) Clarend. Carte. (6) Le!. Hift.-vol. iii. p. 357. fh) Mr. Pelliiig informs us, " that when the news c.ime, of Ormond's being routed by Jones, O'Neil affeiiibled the chief officeis of his army, and addreflcd them thus, " Gentlemen, to demondrate to the world, that I value the fervice of my King, and the welfare of my nation, as I always did, 1 now forget and forgive the fupreme council, and my enemies, their ill practices, ar.d all the wrongs they did me from time to time, and will now enibrace that peace, which I foiraerly rejetfed out of a good intent." MbS. iJiflory. He fent his forces to Ormond, under Ever M'Mahon, Biftiop of Clogher, to whom the Marquis had given a coiiuuillion to command ihem. " It mud be acknowledged," fays Borlace, fiom Clarendon, " that this Bidiop performed, and obferved the con- ditions very juftly, as he was puniflual in what he promifed, and applied himfelf with all dex:erity, and indutby to the advancement of his iViajclly's intetefi ; fo that, during his time, he relliained the clergy from making any afts, which might difcourage the peo- ple from their obedience to the King's auihoriiy." Hift. of the Irifh Rebel, fol. 313. This Eilhop was alterwards taken prifoner in an engagement near Rn- riifkillen, after having received many wounc's ; and ignominiouQy put to death, by the pofuivc order of Sir Charles Coote, whom, witMn lefs than a year, he had relieved when in great extremity." Id. ib. Ibl.;i2. Clarend. Iriili Rebel. fr) In an engagement near Clonmeil, " this Lord Lroghill had taken the titular Hifliop of Rnfs prifoner, and promifed to fpare his life on condition that he ihi'uld ufe his fpiii;ual authority with the garrifon of a fort adjacent 10 the field of battle, and prevail on them to lurrender. For this purpofe he was conduct- ed to the fort ; but the gallant captive, unflmkcn by the fear of death, exhorted the garrifon to maintain their poft relbluiely againil the enemies of their reli- gion and country, and inilantly refigned himfelf to execution. His enemies," adds my author, " cculd difcover nothing in his conduft but infolence and ob- (linacy ; for he was a Papirt, and Prelate." Lei. Hift. of Irel. vol. iii. p. 362-3. 250 HISTORICAL REVIEW of the Bk. VIII. Bandon-bridge, Moyallo, and other garrifons, under Lord Inchiquin, revolted to the Englilh parHament ; and thereby gave them a fafe retreat, free pafTage, and necellary provilions of all they wanted ; as likewife harbours for their fhips, to bring every thing to them they could defire. This defedion, in fo fatal a jundlure of time, when the ftreights Cromwell was in by the winter, and want of provilions, had raifed the fpirits of men ; and when they looked upon themfelves as like to have, at leaft, fome hopeful encounter with him, was not (adds my author) a lofs, or a blow ; but a diflblution of the whole frame of their hopes, and defigns ; and confirmed that fpirit of jealoufy an,d animofity, in the army, which no dexterity, nor intereft, of the Lord Lieu- tenant could extinguilh, or allay (dj." This general defedion of Inchiquin's forces feems to have given the firft rife, and occafion to the proceediiags of the congregation of Bilhops at James- town, they looking upon it, as a new, and corroborating proof of Ormond's being privately conneded with the Englifh rebels. For, although his Excellency had been fully (7) apprifed, by the confederates, of the ill af- fedlions, and adual revolt, of feveral of the officers of thefe garrifons, before the general treachery now mentioned ; yet he readily agreed to Inchiquin's fufpicious ftipulation, " that (8) thefe garrifons fhould be entirely left to his own difpofal ; nor could Inchiquin ever after be prevailed upon, to admit any of the Irilh forces, though adlually in the King's fervice, into them." (7) Carte's Ormond, vol. ii. fol. ioi-2. (8) Id. ib. vol. ii. (JJ Yet, " the above-mentioned revolting garrifons bad been fupplied hy the IrilTi, during the whofe preceding fummer, to their exccUive charge." Otm. Let. to the King. Carte's Collect, of Original Papers, vol. i. p. 419. CHAP. Ch. VJT. 'CIVIL WARS in IRE-LAND. 251 C H A P. VII. l^he Marquis of Ormond dcfires Leave to quit the Kingdom. HIS Excellency, fo early as December 24th, 1649, requefted, and fhort- ly after obtained, the King's permKrion (i), " to withdraw both him- felf, and his Majefly's authority, out of the Kingdom, if be fliould fee occa- fion." And the better to fccure his retreat on all fides, from a people whofe lofTcs under him, and jealoufies of him, were daily increafnig, his friend (2) Dean Boyle, privately procured him a pafs from Oliver Cromwell; which be- ing afterwards difcovered by the ungenerous ufe that regicide made of it, his Lordfhip returned it by a trumpet, with a letter informing him, that it was officioully fought for and obtained by the Dean, without either his confent, or privity." His Excellency's defirc to withdraw himfelf out of the kingdom proceeded not, as has been already hinted, from the fuppofed refradory and dilloyal behaviour of the Irifh clergy, but from his own confcioufnefs of the people's great miflruft of him, and their confequent averfion to his government. For, as he himfelf juftly obfcrved on that occarion(3), " thefe people believing themfelves betrayed, would think it vain to be perfuaded into adion, which might render them incapable of conditions from the enemy. Or if they fliould be got forth, perhaps with church-cenfures, it would be with defpair, not hope, of fuccefs ; whilft they fufpeded their leader of having made conditions for himfelf, upon their ruin." Another of his reafons for defiring that permifTion was (4), " that it ap- peared every day more evidently than other, and would foon be vifible to thofe of the fhorteft forefight, that upon any thing Ireland could afford, it would not be poifible to make any refiftance againft the rebels; who then had the whole coaft towards England, Waterford excepted, ready to receive their K k 2 forces; (1) Carte. (2) Carte, Orm. toI. ii. fol. 121. {3) Carte's Colkft. ofOrig. Pap. vol. ii. p. 450. (4) lb. 252 HISTORICAL REVIEW of the Bk.VIII. forces ; commodious harbours for their (hipping, and garrifons, from whence they would immediately be in the heart of his beft countries, and at the walls of his remaining towns." After which he thus proceeds, " what thoua;hts of fubmiflion (to the rebels) this may produce in thefe people, or the 2;reater number of them, I know not; I therefore humbly defire t at your Ma- jefty would be pleafed to fend me your commands to withdraw myfelf hence." Nay, his Excellency feemed in fome meafure, to apologife for thefe people's averfion to his government, and their defire to get rid of it (5); " for many of the Irifh," fays he, " having promifed themfelves many ad- vantages by their coming under his Majefty's obedience, as the alTiflance of the army formerly under Lord Inchiquin's command, and the advantage of trade with the towns poffeffed by him ; that his Majelly would be able, in part, to eafe them of the burden of the war, by fupplies of money, arms, and ammunition ; and that whilll; the rebels forces were bent againft them, occa- fion would be taken to raife fome diverfion in England, or out of Scotland ; and finding Lord Inchiquin's forces, which, to their excefllve charge, they had fupplied all the fummer, now turned againft them, and the tOMns become garrifons to their enemies, from whence to annoy them by fea and land ; nO fupplies at all from abroad, and no diverfion in England, though Crom- well and Ireton, the fuppofed heads of the rebels, were removetl from thence; all thefe difappointments of their hopes, aggravated by the en- forced fpoil of a fuccefslefs army, began to breed in them fuch averfion," fays he, " to his Majefty's authority, and to myfelf, to whom all their misfortunes, the negligence, cowardice, and treachery of others,-^ are at- tributed, that I am told, it was in agitation with the violent party of the clergy, and others fet on by Lord Antrim, to procure a proteflation againft my government." (5) lt>. p. 419. CHAP. Ch. VIII. CIVIL V/ A R S I N IRELAND, 25a C II A P. VIII. The King is invited to go to Scotland.' ABOUT this time, the King was proclaimed in Scotland ; and conr- milfioncrs were fcnt from thence, to invite him ovtr to that kingdom ; hut upon fuch conditions, as were utterly inconfiftent, not only with the dignity, and good faith, of a King, but even with the honour and integrity of a gentleman. " Thefe (1) commilfioncrs were the Earl of Caflels, two burgeifes, and four Prefl^yterian divines. To give the better affurances of their good intentions to his fervice, immediately before their coming out of Scotland, the Marquis of Huntly was put to death, for no other crime but his loyalty to the Kin &• The Marquis of Ormond, ftill in Ireland, was confulted upon this, as in- deed, he was upon every other important concern of his Majcfty. But that he did not always deliver his opinion, with fuch candour and finceritv, as were fuitable to the confidence repofcd in him, is but too apparent, from his own letters on that occafion. In one of them to Secretary Nicholas, who, he knew, was averfe to that meafure, he fecms to have clearly forefeen all the evils that were likely to attend it -, for he tells him, that, " Unlefs (2) his Majefly \vas refolved to deliver up both himfelf, and his people, to the Covenant, andPref- bytery, he would not go into Scotland ; and that the covenant was inconfift- ent with the fDcace he had concluded with the Irifli, and which his Majefty had confirmed," But from what we find in a private letter of Lord Byron's, who was then with the King at Breda, to his Excellency, it appears that he fecretly abetted, and promoted, that defign. For Lord Byron told him (3), " that, in order to what he found was his Lordfhip s opinion, con- cerning his Majefty's conjundion with the Scots, he had contributed his beft endeavours to the effeding of it; and that his Majefty would begin his jour- ney in a few days, and had commanded him (Byron) to attend him thither." And the King himfelf, in a letter to the Marquis, January i6th, 164Q, fays (4), " you will perceive by my public letter, that I have refolved of a treaty with my fubjeds of Scotland, whereunto I was principally induced by that relatioru (1) Tb vol. i. p. 26S. (2) Carte's Onn. vol. iii. fol.607. (j) Cart. Oiig. Papeis, vol. i. p. 333. (4) lb. vol. ii. p. 4:3. 25+ HISTORICAL REVIEW o f x h e Bk. Vllf. rJation which Harry Seymour made to me, from you, of C.ie ftalc of things in Ireland." Accordingly, his Majcfly, having at^reed with the Scotch commiffioners, left Breda, and arrived in Scotland, on the 23d of June 1650, O. S. hut be- fore they fjfFcred him to land (q), they obliged him to lign both the cove- nants, national, and folemn. And, in about two months after, he was pre- vailed upon to publiih a declaration, " That he would have no enemies but the enemies of the covenant ; and that he did dttefl, and abhor, all Popery, fuperflition, and idolatry, together vvhh prelacy ; refolving not to tolerate, much lefs to allow, thofe, in any part of his dominions, and to endeavour the extirpation thereof, to the utmoft of his power." And, with regard to the peace lately concluded with the confederates, and confirmed by himfelf, he exprefsly pronounced it (a) null and void, adding, " that he was convinced in his confcience of the finfulnefs and unlawfulnefs of it, and of his allowing them (the confederates) the liberty of the Popifh religion ; for which he did, from his heart, defire to be deeply humbled before the Lord; and for having fought unto fuch unlav>"ful help, for the refloring of him to his throne." What ojiinion one of his Majefly's own fecretaries had of this declaration, appears from his letter to the Marquis of Ormond, January 25th, 1650. " When (6) I confider," fays he, " this infamous declaration, which the Scots compeHed the King to publifh, and are ftill refolved to have his Majefty ma,ke good (though not only all the King's party, but even ftrangers that have any fenfe of honour, or confcience, declaim againfl it) I cannot fo much as hope, that they intend any good, or fafety, to his Majefty, whom they have fo wickedly and notorioufly abufed." Mott certain it is, that after this declaration was known in England (7), " many people there, who were be- fore averfe to the parliament's meafures, freely and voluntarily enlifted in .their armies, to fight againft the Scots." (5) Sir Edward Walker's Hiftoric. Difcour. (6) Cart. Orig. Pap. vol. i. p. 400. (7) Id. lb. p. 417. (a) " Nothirjg couM be more convenient for the pie, tlian ttiis virulent declaration. Tliey Imputed it congregation of prelates, (ibon after affembled al entirely to the reprefentations of the Marquis of Ot- Jaiiies-town) and iheir purpofe of cnflaniin^ ihe.peo- inoiid." Lei. liill. of Ircl. vol. iii. p. 376. 1 CHAP, Ch. IX. C 1 V I L W A R S I N I R E L A N D. 255 I C H A P. IX. *■ . The Kingfecretly regrets this Mcafurc. HIS Maj'efty did not become guilty, all at once, of this open viola' ion of the public faith ( I'. " Before he left Breda, he yielded thus far to the Scotch commilhoners, that if a free parliament in the kmgdom of Scotland ihould fo think fitting, he would then find fomc way, how with honour, and iuftice, he might make void the Irilh peace. In the mean time, his Majefty would by no means permit, that any fuch thing fliould be inferted in the body of the articles of agreement; and it was concluded, that, that bufinefs fhould remain in a diftind paper in tlie Earl of Caffell's hands, in regard of the dif- honour it might bring on the Marquis of Ormond, and his Majefly's friends in Ireland. No fooncr was this done, but his Maif-fly laboured immediately to inform Ormond of what had paffed ; and Mr. Richard Weflon was dif- patched, on the i6th of May, from Breda, and one hundred and fifty pounds given him to defray his chara;es. But when his Majefty came into Scotland, he found him there, al]edging(2), " that he was not permitted by the Scots to proceed in his journey ; at which liis Majcfty was exceedingly troubled, but faw plainly, it was a contrivance between him (Wcfton) Lord Wilmot and the Scots. " After his Majefty had put to Tea, the Scotch commifTioncrs (hewed him new, and higher, propofitions from the kingdom of Scotland; which were, that unlefs his Majefty would immediately take the covenant, and, in termi- nis, break the peace with the Irifh, he was not to be received into Scothind'; at which he was fo much difgufled, that he refolved to lay afide all thoughts of going thither, upon fuch terms. But, overcome with the intrcaties of his fervants, he yielded, in terminis, to the breach of the peace with the Irifh, conditionally, that it fliould not be publiflied, until his Majefty had acquainted the Marquis of Ormond, and his friends in Ireland with it." At the fame time, that the Scots detained Wcfton in Scotland, and, by that means, prevented Ormond's earlier and particular knowledge of this tran- fadion, ()) Id.ib. vol. i p. 391. (2) lb. 25'6 HISTORIC A L R E V I E V/ of the Bk, VIII. fadion (3), " they difpatched feveral of their minifteis to the Laggan, and Clanboys, in the North of Ireland;" who, doubtlefs, proclaimed aloud, the news of the King's having confented to take the covenant, and to declare the late peace void ; being alfured, that nothing could more efFedually alienate the afl'eftions of the Irifh from his Majefly, or fet them at greater variance among themfelves, than luch intelligence. In May 1650, the Marquis of Ormond had (4) " heard by reports, which he thought probable, that the King had agreed with the Scots." And he afterwards expreffed his apprehen- .fion (5), " that great advantage was left to fuch, as were induftrious to draw the Iriih from their allegiance, by infuling into them a behef, that his Majeily, having taken, or approved, the covenant, they were deprived of the benefit of the peace, and left to the extirpation, which the covenant propofea, of their religion and pcrfons." H A P. X. Proceedings of the BiJJjops at Javies-toviin. TH E confederates being now alarmed by repeated accounts of the King's having taken the covenant, not without a well grounded fufpicion, that Ormond had approved of, and advifed, that meafure ; feveral of their Bifhops met at James-town, in order to confult what was fit to be done on fo im- portant an emergency ; where, taking into confideration the fad condition, to which their nation and religion mufl neceflarily be reduced by fuch an event ; and mindful of a refolution they had formerly (a), with good reafon, entered in- to, that, in cafe of a breach, or difavowal of the peace on the part of his Majefty, or Lord Lieutenant, they would return to their original confederacy, as the likeliefl means to hinder their people from clofmg with the parliament, " they now fell to deliberate on the rnoft efFedual way of putting that refo- lution in pradice ; and, at length, determined to recall, and withdrav.-, on the peril of ecclefiaftical cenfure, all thofe of their communion, froiia under the Marquis of Ormond's command ( I )." Wherefore, on the I2tlibf Auguft 1650, they drew up, anii (3) Cnrtc's Oini. vol. ii. . (4) Cart. Col!t£l. ofOrig Papers. (5) lb. (i) Clarcnd. C,;[ie. (a)-Qk^ account of the King's difavowal of Glamorgsn's pence, and Iii; being prevailcc! on, by the Scots, (o niske void4hat, ishlcli had been concluded with the Maicjuii oi.Ormond in 1616, by his ov.'n re\'ter.ucd coai- niar.ds. Ch. X. CIVIL WARS in IRELAND. 257 and figned, an excommunication againft all fnch Catholics, " as fliould cnlift under, feed, help, or adhere to, his Excellency j or alfift him with men, money, or any other fupplies whatfoever." To this excommunication (which, tho' thus haftily drawn up, was not publiflied till the 15th of the following month.) a limitation was annexed (2), " that the next general affembly, which was foon to meet at Loughrea, fhould difpofe of it as they thouglit proper." But that alfcmbly not having met at the appointed tiniej and freih, and undoubted, intelligence arriving daily, that his majefty had taken the covenant, and made void the peace, (the only feeurlty that was left them, for their religion, liberty, lives, and fortunes) thefe Biihops, on the 15th of September 1650, publifhed their excommunica- tion in the ufual form. At the fame time, they unanimoufly refolved, purfuant to their aflbciation-oath, flill faithfully to ferve the King againil the regicides, and to ufe all the me m^ in their power to hinder their people from aflifting them in any rt.fpecl whatfoever. The fineerity of this refolution appears, by their in- cluding, in the fame eeelcfiaftieal cenfure (3)," all thofe unnatural patriots, and others of their own flock, that fhould adhere to thefe common enemies of God, King, and country ; or fhould any ways help, affift, abet, or favour them, by bearing arms for, or with them ; or by otherwife contributing to them, without urgent aecelfity." So little foundation was there for the injurious refledidn made by a late (4) hiflorian, " that, it having been propofed to thefe Bifliops, to ifl'ue their excomm.unicalion againft thofe, who were guilty of fuch com^'li nces they had referved this engine of theirs, for more fa6tious purpofes, and eould not be prevailed upon to employ it in the King's fer- vice." On the very next day, how^ever, after this excommunication was publifhed, thefe Bifliops iiTued an order for fufpending the effeds of it in the Earl of Clanrick- ard's army, which confifted chiefly of Roman Catholics, the only perfons that could be afTcdled by it. Upon which irrefolution of theirs, the Marquis of Ormond failed not to obfcrve (5), " that, fuppoiiog them to have proceeded on juft grounds, yet their rafhnefs was not excufable, as appears in that as they haitily denounced their excommunication on the 15th of September, fo it was more wifely fufpended by the flxme men on the i6th following." (z) Id. \h. (j) Append, to Wnlfh'd Hill, of the Reiiionf fol. 70. (1) Ld. Hia. of Ireland. (5) Catt. Orm. LI CHAP. 258 HISTORICAL REVIEW of the Bk. VIII. HAP. XL Ormond approved, and advzfed, the Kings Agreement with the Scoff. IORD Clarendon, Do6lor Borlace, Mr. Carte, and generally all our hif^ _^( torians affirm, " that, when the Marquis of Ormond firfl: heard of the King's declaration at Dumferling, he did really (a) believe it a forgery, con- trived either b, the Englifh rebels, or the Irifli congregation, to feduce the people from their loyalty, and aftedion to his majefty." Hov^^ever that might be, his Lordihip certainly knew long before that declaration v.'as publillied, (what was equally deftruiStive to the Irifh peace) that the King had agreed to take the covenant, and thereby engaged his foiemn promife to endeavour the utter extirpation of thefe people's religion, or pcrfons. For, fo ( i ) early as March 5th, 1648, we find, that "heunderftood the Kingdom of Scotland had invited his Majefty thither to be crowned ; but that he was to fecure religion, according to the covenant, before he was to be admitted to govern." After which he fays, " if his Majefly refolves to confent to that condition, in the moft rigid conftrudion of it to himfelf, and his fubjecSts, I doubt not but his immediate going thither is moft counfelable." But he, at the fame time (2), " queftioned not, but it would be confidered, how inconfiftent the covenant was with the peace concluded with the Irifh, by virtue of the power given Iiim ; and that there would be care taken, to give that people no apprehenfion, that they w^ould be broken with, which might drive them to take defperate ways for their fafety." In November 1649, he declared (3), " that he was, at no time, againft the treaty with Scotland ; and that much lefs was he then." In July 1650 (4), " he believed it then appeared, that the treaty was ended, he hoped, in an agreement with the Scots, fo that," adds his Lordihip, " in place of arguments to difpofe his Majefty to an accord fo neceftary, as with- out, or befides, it, I fee no near hope of his reftitution, I fhall apply myfelf to the ufe to be made of fuch an accord, in this kingdom," (Ireland.) And then he propofes(5), " that himfelf may be fortified with fome gracious de- claration (1) Orm. Let. to Sec. Nicholas. Cart. Oiig. Pap vol. ii. p. 361 . (2) lb. (3) Id. ib. p. 415. (4) Id. ib. p. 436. (3) Append, to Waldi's Renionlhance. (a) Doftor Lcland more cautioufly, and indeed, fubfcribed the declaration, apologifing for this fliaine- niore truly, fays, " that Ormond afftiJled to believe ful tranfadtion, as the effed of fear, or force." Hirt. it a forgery ; but that he foon received a private let- of Jrel. vol. iii. p. 376. tcr from the King, aqlinowledging that he had really Ch. XII. CIVIL WARS in IRELAND. 259 claration from liis Majcfty, fubfequcnt to the agreement of Scotland, in favour of all thofe (Irifli) that had been, and flill continued, loyal, and afle<5tionate, to his fervice; and he conceived, that, without fuch a declaration, and pur- pofe as to thofe, his Majefly could not acquit hinifclf with honour towards that people; whereof," adds he, " many have perifhed, and more are likely to do fo, for their loyalty to the crown." HAP. XII. The real Caufe of the Clergy s Proceedings at James-town. T the fame time that the King's declaration at Drumferling was noti- fied in form to the Irifh congregation, the Marquis of Ormond propofcd to make good the peace, upon certain conditions; one of which was the re- voking their excommunication. But that they refufed to confent to, becaufe, as they alleged among other rcafons, " they underftood from his Lordthip's letter to them on that occafion, that he had fuggefted matter unto his Ma- jefly for makin;j; that declaration, by which for ought appearing unto them, the King had withdrawn his (aj commiffion from him, and had cafl: away the nation, as rebels, from his protection. Nor could they underftand (they faid) the myftery of preferving his Majcfty's authority with them, or over them, in fuch a cafe; or liow it could be done." They added, " that they believed, the King's authority being thus taken from them, the beft remedy for hinder- ing the people to clofe with the parliament, was to return to their former con- federacy, as it was intended by the nation, in cafe of the breach of the peace, on the part of his Majefty." That the King's agreement with the Scots, and the fliameful conditions of it, were early known to the Irifh in general, is manifeft, not only from what has been already mentioned, but alfo from the following inllance of the infincerity of his Majefty's more recent promifes to them. When his Majefty firft took the refolution of entering into a perfonal treaty with the Scotch commiffioners at Breda, he wrote to the Marquis of Ormond, January 23d, L 1 2 1649- (/i) In the dfclaralion at Drnmff tling, the King cnnfetTes, " that the King, by that afl (declaration) " acknowledged hi^ forrow for mailing peGce will) th« difavowed the peace wirii the Iriih, and took away Papids, snd recalled all the conuniirions granted by his protetlioji from tliem." Clanrick. Mem. Dub. ed. him in In land." Cart. Orin. vol. ii. fol. i 31 . Hence p. 108. the Earl of Clanrickaid, in a letter to Lord Muflcerry, 26o H I S T O R I C A L R E V I E W o F T H E Bk. VIII. 1649 [i], " to affure him, that though he wonld endeavour to obh'ge that nation (the Scots) by all jufi, and honourable, condefcenfions, to engage them- felves to enter England in the fpring, with a conliderable army, for his fer- vice ; yet he would not, either in the faid treaty, or upon any other occaficn whatfoever, conlent to any thing, that {liould be contrary to the agreement made with the Roman Catholics of Ireland; but would fulfil, and perform all grants and conceflions, which he had either made, or promifed them, according to the full extent of that grace, he had always intended that nation; which, as he had new inftances of their loyalty and afiedion to him, j?e Ihould ftudy rather to enlarge, than to diminifli, or infringe, in the Icaft degree." He, at the fame time, defired the Marquis " to give thefe aifurances to all the Irifh Roman Catholics." But tliis letter, it feems, did not reach his Lordfliip, till Midfummer following ; and [2], " that delay," fays Mr. Carte, " brought an irreparable mifchief upon the King's fervice ; the Marquis's continued igno- rance of the King's condition, and pleafure, difabling him to refute the ma- licious reports raifed, and the afperfions thrown on the King, for breach of faith, and for having abandoned, and given up the Iriin ;" fo that as his Ex- cellency complains in his difpatches by Lord TaafFe, " the venom of the for- gery had wrought very near a deadly effed, before the remedy came." Thus we fee, that before Midfummer 1650, the King's agreement with the Scots, and its ruinous confequences, were not only generally known in Ireland, but alfo had wrought an almoft deadly effed upon the affedions of that people to- wards him. And fo groundlcfs is the pretence, that the Marquis of Ormond was fur- prifed, and puzzled at thefe proceedings of the Bifliops at James-town, as at an event, of which he was at a lofs to divine the caufe, that it is manifeft, from a letter of his to Secretary Long, that he was fully apprifed of them, and the motives that produced them, at leaft, fourteen days before they were made public. For, having mentioned, in that letter, an anfwer he had fent to a requeft of theirs, which he judged would be ill taken, he adds [3], " which anfwer, whether it will produce a dired declaration againft: me, and an ex- communication of all thofe that fliall adhere to me, or not, is more than I am certain of, though I be told it will." This letter is dated the 2d of September ; and the clergy's declaration, and excommunication, were not publifhed till the 15th of that month, [1] Cart. Onn. vol. ii. fol. 129. [2] Id. ib. [3] Cart. Colled. Orig. Tap. vol. ii. p. 443. \ CHAP. Ch. XIII. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND, 261 HAP. XIII. The Generality of IriJIj Catholics condenmcd the Clergy s proceedings at James~ Tojon. THESE violent proceedings of thelrifn clergy, tboiigb not unprovoked, were far from being approved of by the generaHty of the Catholics of Ireland. " AH ( i ) the fober profeffors of the Catholic religion," fays Claren- don, " abhorred them; and moft of the eommiflioners of truil, and the prin- cipal nobility, and moft confidcrable gentry remained firm in their p-articular affedion, and duty to the King; and in their fubmiifion to the authority of his Lieutenant, notwithftanding the excommunication. And not only the whole nobility, and gentry of fortune and intereft, fome very few of the latter except- ed, but alfo many pious and learned men, of the feeular and regular clcri^y, and even fome of the Bifhops, did abhor, and abominate, the proceedings of that congregation, and the dodrine they infufed into the people ; the fame being difowneJ by fome of thofe Bifliops, as being obtruded upon them by the major vote; or done by their procurators, without their affent or knov/- Icdge. And even others of them, who were prefent at the congregation, and fubfcribcd the excommunication, difclaimed tlicir having confented to it, though they were obliged to fign it for conformitv." It has been mentioned above, that this congregation had annexed to their cen- fure a reftridion, by which the next general afTembly was empov/ered to difpofe of it in what manner they thought proper. That affcmbly met, by the Marquis ofOrmond's appointment, at Loughrea, on the ii:;th of November 1650 ; " it was very full, and (befides the clergy) (2), confilted of the principal nobi- lity, and gentry of f rtuneand intereft in the kingdom." " The Bifhops there prefent, for the removing of thofe jealoufies, which were occafioned by their proceedings at James-town (3), declared and protelted, of their own accord, that by their excommunication, and declaration, they had no other aim, but the prefervation of their rehgion and people; and that they did not purpofe to make any encroachment upon his Majefty's authority, or the liberty of their fellow fubjeds ; confelTmg that it did not belong to their jurifdidion fo to do." (1) Hift. of the Irifli Rebel. (2) Cart. Orm. vol, ii. Clarend. (3) Cut, Orm. vol. ii. f. 139. Clarfr.d. 26s HISTORICAL REVIEW OF THE Bk. Vili; When this aiTembly undevftood the Marquis of Ormond's rdblution to leave the kingdom, they (4) fent four o' their members, viz. the Lords L>illon and Clanrickard, and others, to hi^ ^ordfhip at Kilcolgan, with an inllrument bearing date the 7th of December, in which, after reciting what the Bifhops had protefted in the affembly, concerning their excommunication and decla- ration, they added (5), " that they, the Lords fpiritual and temporal, and the gentry met in that affembly, corceived, that there was no better foundation, or ground, for their union, than the holding to, and obeying, his Majefty's authority, to which they owed and ought to pay all dutiful obedience. And they did thereby declare, and protefl, that there was not any power in the Lords fpiritual or temporal, gentry or people, clergy or laity, of the king- dom, to alter, or take away, his Majeity's authority ; they holding that to be the chief flower of the crown, and the fupport of the people's liberty ; and they imanimoufly befeeched his Excelienc)'-, in his hearty defire of the nation's pre- fervation, to leave that authority with them in fome perfon, faithful to his MajeRy, and acceptable to the nation ; to which perfon, when he fhould be made known to them, they would not only afford all due obedience, but "would alfo offer, and propofe the beft ways and means they could devife for the confervation of his Majefly's ri_,ht , and the people's liberties, and in- terefls ; and for the begetting a ready obedience in all places and perfons, to his Majefiy's authority." In anfwer to this requefl, his Excellency told them (6), " that he was re- folved to make ufe fpeedily, of the liberty the King had given him as to his own perfon; which he found was unacceptable to the people. Yet that, if they could propofe to him any way how he could depofit the King's authority in fuch a manner, as that it might not be expofed to the fame afironts it had received in him, and might be applied to the preferving of the people, and the recovery of the kingdom, he fhould readily agree to it ; and he heartily wifii- ed they might receive that happinefs by his abfence, which they could not receive by his prefence." His Excellency was (7) refolved to trufl the royal authority in no body, but the Earl of Clanrickard, the only perfon in the kingdom fit for fo high a truft ; and on the 7th of December aforefaid, after he had embarked, he wrote to the affembly, " that he had left authority with his Lord- Ihip, {4) BoiIaceHift. ofthe IriniRtbel. fol. 339. Clarend. Carte. (s) lb. (6) Clarend. Carte. (7) Cart, Orjn. vol. ii. fol. 137. Ch. XIV. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 263 fliip, to govern the kingdom, provided their declaration were Co far explained, as to give the Marquis of Clanrickard full fiJtisfadlion, with regard to the exprelfions they made ufc of to declare their duty of obe- dience." An inftrument was hereupon drawn up, wherein (8) the aflcmbly de- clared, that neither the Lords fpiritual or temporal, gentry or people, clergy or laity had power to difchargc the people from that due, and perfect obe- dience to his Majefly's authority veflcd in the Marquis of Clanrickard; and that, in cafe of any fuch ad or endeavour, no pcrfons fliould, or ought to be led therel)y ; but that, for their difobcdicnce, on any fuch grounds, they were fubjedt to the heavy cenfures, and i)enalties, of the laws of the land. But to this, a provifo was added, that this obedience was not intended to be paid to any perfon, that fhould be appointed chief governor, who had joined in the covenant, or fhould violate the articles of the peace (a). Upon this de- claration, Lord Clanrickard was prevailed upon to accept the government ; and Ormond departed for France,. CHAP. XIV. The Prejhytery q/" Bangor's Proceedings on the Peace. ONE cenfured the congregation at James-town more fevereb;, than the Prefbyterians in Ulfter; yet none had fo little right to cenfure it. For that congregation only followed the example, that was let them the year before, by the Prefbytery of Bangor ; with this difference, that the former, a*; we have feen, had fome provocation given them, which tlie latter could not pretend. For on the conclufion of the peace in 1648, the King having fent a com- miffion to Hugh Lord Vifcount Montgomery of Ards, to command all tb.e forces within (8) Id. ib. (a) That provifo was exprefled in thefe words, niinated by, or procured froir; hi^ Majefiy, br reafoa " And inaliiiuch as his Majefty is at prel'ent in the of, or during hi; being in, an unfree condition, thit hands of a Frelbyterian party of the Scots, who have may raife a dirturbance in the prefent government, declared thcnifetves enemies to this nation, and vowed eftablifhed by his Majefty's authority, or caufe tire the extirpation of our religion, we declaie, it is not violation of the articles of peace " Bod, Hift. of tar hereby intended, to oblige ouifelves to receive, obey, Iiifli Rebel, fol. 339. or obfcrve any governor, that fliall come unduly no- 204 HISTORICAL REVIEW of the Bk.VlII. within that province, his Lordfliip thought it neceffary to fignify to his Ma- jefly's fubjeds of Ulfter his inveftiture with that commiirion, and accordingly publiflicd a declaration, July 4th, 1649, for that purpofe. A Presbytery was thereupon convened at Bangor, July 7th, in which a declaration was drawn up, containing feveral virulent reflections on his Lord- tliip. He is therein charged, among other things (i), " with lifting up his hand againft them ; with betraying the covenant ; with owning King Charles the fecond; with cloathing himielf with a comiTiiffion from him^ with receiv- ing commands from the Marquis of Ormond, and joining with malignants, who blafphemed the covenant. For this caufe," fiiid they, " as embaflaciors ofChriil:, we befeech the people not to join hands to fuch. a courfe ; not to join in executing fuch a commiHion, by ferving either as officers, or foldiers, or they fhall wring the dregs of the cup, which the malignants have been drinking, thefe many years pafl:. We do alfo, in the name of Jefiis Chriil:, warn the people of our chirge, from all compliance with their ungodly courfe, either by fpeaking favourably of them, acknowledging the authority of the prefent command under the Marquis of Ormond, and the Lord of Ards ; by impofing cefs for the maintenance of their unlawful power j or by obeying their orders, or paying cefs to their army, or fupplying them with that, which is 'the finews of war, money and viduals." I HAVE faid, that the Prefbytery at Bangor could not pretend fuch provo- cation for this outrage on the Royal authority, as the conp;regation at James- town really had ; for, by th*" King's having taken the covenant, the latter were threatened openly with the litter extirption of their religion ; but the Prefbytery were promi ed, and aliiired of the prefervation, and extcnfion, of theirs. Lord Montgomery, (a) who was himfeif a zealous Prefbyterian, folemnly engaged in his declaration (2), " in the prefence of God, that he would uie his uttermo^l endeavours, while he was entrufled with power, to countenance and alTift the exercife of their religion, as it was then pradticed ; and likevvife, that he would folicit his Majefty, and, (as he had good grounds to hope) with fuccefs, for a confirmation under his hand." And, two days before that de- claration iffued (3), Lord Inchiquin wrote to the fame Prelbytery, " that he, being a well-wifher to the Prefbyterian government, and honoured with a public truft by his Majefty, knew, that his Majefty was refolved, for their fatisfadion, (i) Piefbjtftian Loyalty. (2) ib. p. 409. (3) Id. ib. (a)" In April following, 1650, this fame Lord liiin, being perfons of great note and eminency in the •fArds, Lord iVloor, and Col. Trevor, came from the kingdom, and the firll of quality of tlie Proteftant Irifti ijuarters, ro Oliver Cromwell at Clonmcll, foon party, that came from the Irirti army unto them." after fee had taken that town, to tender thenifelvcs to Boil. Hift. of the Iriih Rebel. Append, fol. zz. 1 Ch. XV. C I V 1 L W A R S i N I R E L A N D. 265 fatisfadion, to eftablifti the Preibyterian government in them parts ; and, he believed, in other parts alfo of the kingdom. And no man knows," adds his Lordfllip, " whether the whole number of Proteilants may not agree to em- brace it." H A P. XV. The total DcfcBion of the Protejiant Forces. SHORTLY after the Prefbytery's declaration was publirtied, there was fuch a general defedion in the Northern army, that the Marquis of Or- mond told the King, in December 1649(1), " that his Majefty might ac- count that province, if not wholely loft, yet in a low, and defperate condi- tion ; and that he expeded to be ftrongly invaded from thence next fummer." In that letter it was, that he defired his Majefty's permifTion to withdraw himfelf out of the kingdom (2), " becaufe it was unable of itfelf, and without powerful aids from abroad, to refift the growing power of the rebels." Yet, when his Lordfhip did withdraw himfelf, fome months after, he greatly in- creafed thefe rebels power, by permitting, or rather tranfmitting, the forces then under his immediate command to join and afTift them. For, when he was preparing to leave the kingdom, and had defigned Lord Clanrickard for his deputy, " he permitted," fays the Earl (3) of Orrery, " all thofe worthy Proteftants, who, till then, had ferved under him, to come off to the reft of the Proteftants, though then headed by Ireton himfelf, efteeming them fafer with that real regicide, fo accompanied, than with thofe pretended antiregicides, fo principled." How thefe (as he is pleafed to call the confederates) pretended antiregicides were principled, with refped to his Majefty's fervice, fufficiently appears, from what has been already related. Nor, indeed, was Ormond himfelf unconfcious, that both their attachment to his Majefty, and oppofition to thefe rebels, were real and permanent. For when, upon a (4) former oc- cafion, he folicited leave from the Englilh parliament, to tranfport 5000 foot, and 500 horfemen, together with himfelf, out of the kingdom into France, in order to obtain their confent, he obferved (5), " that it would be a fure means of ridding their partizans in Ireland of many unfure friends, among the King's party, as well as many certain enemies among the Irilh ;" and thereby facilitate the redudion of the kingdom under their power. Thus were many of thofe Proteftant forces, under his Excellency, whom he calls the King's M ra party (1) Cart. Orm. vol ii. p. 422. (2) lb. (3) Anfwer to Walfh. (4) In the /ear 1647. ^5) Carte's Orm. vol. i. fol. 6oj. 266 HISTORICAL REVIEW of the Bk. VIII. party acknowledged by himfelf to be friends to the Englifli rebels, though un- fure, and the confederate Irifh Catholics to be their certain enemies. By this great accefTion of forces, permitted to thefe real regicides, the ruin of Ireland was quickly completed. Such permiiiion, however, was perfedly confonant to his Excellency's former agreement in 164.7, when he delivered up all his power and authority to the fame party. And in fad, had any comment been wanting to explain the motives of that agreement, this permilfion would be a very full, and clear one ; for, as the fame Lord Orrery obferves, and fecm.s to appeal to Ormond himfelf, then Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, for the truth of the whole paffage (6), " certainly, he etleemed thofe lefs ill, to whom he fent his friends, than thofe, from whom he fent them ;" and confequently, was more folicitous for the interefts and fuccefs of the former, than for thofe of the latter; which, furely, was, beiides, an unpardonable impofition on his truly noble friend, the Marqnis of Clanrickard •, with whom, in appear- ance, he left the government of the kingdom, but, in reality, by that per- miiTion, deprived him of the means of defending and preferving it. CHAP. XVI. Treaty with the Duke o/*Lorrain. DISTRESSED as the confederate Catholics now were, and deferted by all the Proteftant forces of the kingdom, their fidelity and zeal for his Majefty's fervice remained unaltered. While the general affembly was ftill fitting at Loughrea, very favourable offers of accommodation were fent them by the regicides, which they not only rejeded, but prevailed on the deputy ( i ) to iffue a proclamation, declaring all thofe of their communion, guilty of high treafon, and punifhable with death, who fhould aid or afTifl; them ; and fuch as were already with them, and did not quit their fervice in fourteen days, were by the fame proclamation, made liable to the fame punifhment (2). The Bifhops likewife, prefent in that affembly, denounced excommunication againft all Catholics, who either ferved under the regicides, or entered into any treaty of pacification with them. Yet (6) Orrery, ubi fupra. (1) Cart. Orm. vol. ii. fol. 144. Borl, Irifli Rebel, fol. 340. (2) Carte, ib. Ch. XVI. CIVIL WARS in IRELAND. 26? Yet loyal as this perfeverance of the Irifli clergy was, (notlcfTcned by the daily defertions of the Protellant royalifts, or by the increafing power and fuc^. ccfs of the regicides,) it has not hindered party-malice to fiiggeft, that they were, even at this jundure, inltilling fuch Icntiments into the minds of their people, as were utterly incompatible with their allegiance to the King, or due fubmilfion to his Lieutenant (2). " The Irifli," we are told, " had ftill as much of Ireland in tiieir power, as could manitain a war againfi: all the Englhh re- bels there ; that his Excellency the Marquis of Clanrickard, had argument enough to hop^", if he could be confident of the union of the nation ; that he might have reifonalily promifcd himreli an union of the nation, if he could have been confident of the afletiuon, and uitcgrity of the clergy ; but that the greateft part of the Irifh'eccleliarties had no mind to have any relation to the Englifli nation, and as little to return to their obedience to the crown ; that it was by the arlvice and influence of thefe ecclefiaftics, that the confe- derate Catholics were firft inclined to treat with the Englilli rebels for condi- tions ; and that afterwards, fuch offers were made to the Duke of Lorrain by commifTioners of their chofing, as in effed transferred the whole right, and fovcreignty of that kingdom to his Highnefs." But, befidcs what has been already related of the temper, and difpo- fition of thefe ecclefiaftics, and of the ffate of the nation at that dif- mal jundure, the whole of this charge is inconteflibly proved to be falfe, from that " flate of his Majefly's affairs, and the condition of his faithful fubjeds in Ireland, which the Marquis of Clanrickard himfelf tranf- mitted to the Marquis of Ormond, on occafion of the above-mentioned treaty with the Duke of Lorrain." For therein his Lordfhip fels forth (3), " that the power, and fuc- cefs of the rebels were fuch, as that the whole nation was in their pof- feffion, or fubjed to their contribution, except the province of Conaught, and county of Clare, his Majefty's city of Limerick, and town of Gal- way J and that the faid province of Conaught, and county of Clare were:, for the moft part, wafle ; that the inhabitants thereof were utterly impo- veriflied -, that no confiderable forces could be brought together, to main- tain a defenfive war againfi the rebels, much lefs an offenfive ; that the city of Limerick, and town of Galway, had of a long time, out of M m 2 a feel- (2) Clarend. (3) Cianrick. Mem. Dub. ed. p. 56. 268 HISTORICAL REVIEW of the Bk. VIII. a feeling fenfe they had of their own deftrudion, being inclined to treat for conditions with the rebels-, that the fame was the refoiution of molt of the other people of Ireland, who could not humanely fee how they could be otherwife prefetved; and tliat many of the officers of his Ma- jefty's army did, from feveral parts of the kingdom, reprefent their fenfe that it was abfoluteiy necelTary tor the people's prefervation to treat with the rebels for conditions, feeing there was no power to refift them." From hence it .is manifeft, that whatever inclination thefe deferted Irifh had to treat with the rebels, was not at all owing to the advice, or influence, of their clergy ; but naturally arofe from that irremediable diiirefs, to which they then found themfelves reduced, and from the difmal profped of its daily increafe, vmtil it fhould end in their total de- ftruttion. " But no fooner," proceeds (4) Lord Clanrickard, " had thefe Irifli un- derftood, that the Duke of Lorrain's embaffador had arrived in Ireland, with offers of powerful affiance for the prefervation of the Catholic religion, and of his Majefty's fubjeds' interefts, than they took much comfort and encouragement thereby, hoping that the rebels power might be oppofed. And foon after, the towns of Limerick and Galway, and all other places yet in his Majefty's obedience, feemed more chearfnlly, than before, to affift his Majefty's authority, in oppofing the rebels -, and to difavow, and difclaim, any treaty with them, though formerly inclined, if not re- folved." Upon this change in the temper of the people, the deputy (5) " autho- •rifed fome of the Roman Catholic prelates, and commiffioners of truft, to treat with the faid embaffador; who being accordingly called together, with feveral officers of the army, after a long and ferous debate, weigh- ing the unavoidable danger the nation was in of falling into the hands of the rebels, did therefore advife, that it was abfoluteiy neceffary to accept of his faid Highnefs's protedion. But the faid embaffador's propofitions being fuch, as Lord Clanrickard could not confent to, the treaty, and con- clufion for farther fupplies, were put over to be determined by his Highnefs, or fuch as he fhould depute ; and by fiich as fhould be authorifed by the de- puty in his Majefty's behalf." His (4) ib. (5) ib. Ch. XVII. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 269 His Lordfhip concludes with his own opinion' upon the then fituation of affairs thus (6), " It is very evident, liow great tiie evils are that Vvill happen, if immediately great aids are not hartened to this nation; lor the kingdom will, by the forclloing thereof, be entirely in the enemies power and poireffion, and the people univerfally enforced to fubmit unto them," CHAP. XVli. The Treaty -with the Duke o/" Lor rain confidered. T muft be confefled, that this imminent danger of the whole king- dom's 'falling under the power of the Englifh" rebels, did induce Sir Nicholas Plunket and Geoffry Brown, Efq; (commijTioners on that occafion appointed by Lord Clanrickard) to yield to the folicitations of fome pri- vate agents of the Irilh clergy, then at Bruffels, to agree to the terms propofed by the Duke of Lorrain, rather than break off the treaty ; for which the deputy feverely reprimanded, and threatened to proclaim them. But even that Ifep tliey did not take without previous encourage- ment from the Qjieen, the Duke of York, and the Marquis of Ormond himfelf. " For(i), their commifiion being accompanied with Inllruclions for ap- plication to be made to the Qjieen, the Duke of York, and the Lord Lieutenant, upon their landings in accomplifhment thereof, Lord TaafFc repaired to Paris, and prefented to her Majefty, the Duke of York, and Lord Lieutenant, all the papers, and inftrudions, which they had received concerning that treaty; among which were the propofitions, agreed to and advifed, by the general alTembly, for obtaining the protection, and future fuccour, of the kingdom ; which were in effedl the fame with the articles afterwards concluded with the Duke of Lorrain. And the faid papers having been confidered, by her Majefly, the Duke of York, and Lord Lieutenant, her Majefly direded her letters to Sir Nicholas Plunket, and Geoffry Brown, Efq; willing them to give credit to Lord Taaffe, in what he Ihould relate unto them, concerning that affair. By Lord Taaffe tliey (6) ib. (i) Clanilck. Mem 270 HISTORICAL REVEW of the Bk. VIII. they underflood, that her Majefty, the Duke of York, and Lord Lieutenant wifted his Highnefs would undergo the charge ; and that he {hould meet with no oppofition from any of them : yet that, by any inltrument under their hands, they could not confent to it, left it might draw danger on tlie King's perfon, being then in the power of the Scots ; and, in purfuance of this letter of credence, Lord Taaffe advifed, that they fhould proceed to a conclufion of the treaty." The Marquis of Ormond, after having been informed by Lord Taaffe of the particulars of this tranfadion, wrote back to his Lordfliip (2), " that, touching the . bufinefs of Ireland, and the Duke of Lorrain, for ought ap- pearing to him, there was nothing done, that Avere to be willied undone ; and for what remained to produce new, and further fupplics, it was left to the agreement that fhould be made with his agent by the Marquis of Clanrick- ard, aflifted by fuch as the late general affembly had appointed ; who, as they were beft judges of their own condition, fo they had free liberty'- from his Majefty, in cafe of high necefiity, to endeavour their own preferva- tion, even by receiving conditions from the rebels, which muft be much more contrary to hiS interefts, than to receive them from any other, almoft upon any terms." He afterwards reminds his Loid(hip(3), " that he had already made his application, where the King (a) commanded he fliould, and that fo he was fairly quit of the matter (bj." This (2) Id. lb. p. 77. (3) ib. (4) To the Queen, and Duke of York. faj The King hiinfelf, in a letter to Lord C!an- rickard, condelcended to apologize for thefe com- miflloiiers. For, after having lold that Lord, " that they excufed their having confented to this, treary wifh the Duke of Lorrain, only by the reinedilefs nccefli- ties ihey then conceived Ireland to be in, and the abfolute defpair they had to procure a prefent fup- ply by any other means," he irifonns him, " that they kept both parts of the articles in iheir hands, till hit pleafure fhould be known ; and that they had not, in that tranfaflion, any purpofe of undulifulnefs or difrefpedl, towards bini, which," adds hii Majeftv, " we are willing to believe, and gracioufly accept their future fervice ; and we reconiniend them to your good opinien and favour, to the end, that upon their application to you, you may receive them into the fame place of confidence, and efteeni, you have for- merly had of them, and ufe their advice, and fervicc, as heretofore." Clanrick. Mem. Dub. ed. p. 120. . (i) The King in a letter (o Lord Taaffe, from Johnllone, January 2d, i6,'o, ufes thefe words, relative to this treaty with the Duke of Lorrain. " The ways liere for my affairs in Itcland being obllrufled, 1 have fceretoforc intreated the Queen to take that care upon her ; and if therefore (he ftull diredl you iosny thii^, you may fafely follow lier advice and direction, and have my confent to it." Clanrickard'j Memoirs, Dub. ed. p. 76. Ch.XVn. CJVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 271 This is the true ftate of that negociation for the Dul-.o of Lorrain's affif- tance, and proledion. But we will fuppofe, for a moment, the common invidious rcprefentation of it to be jiil^, namely. ** that the Catliolics of Ire- land, when theirs and the King's forces were T^imoft entirely reciuced, invited the Duke of Lorrain over, engaging, upon his ap{)earing among them with his forces, to deliver up the whole illand into his hands, and de- clare him their fovereign." I fay, even fujjpofing this to have been the cafe, let the candid and impartial judge, from the difmal fituation of thefe CathoHcs at that jundlure of time, whether a better, or more juftifi-'ble, projedt could have been thought of (5). " Tliey were then reduced to llavery, and beggary, by the Englifh rebels ; many thoufands of them murdered, and the reft deprived of their eftates. So that the queflion will turn v|pon this, wliether the Catholics of Ireland, in this wretched fituation, and in utter def- pair of ever feeing the monarchy rellored, for the prefervation of which they had fuffercd fo much, were to be blamed for calling in a foreign prince of their ow^n religion, who had a confiderable army to fupport them, rather than fubmit to fo infamous an ufurper as Cromwell, or fuch a bloody, and ignominious conventicle, as the rurnp-parliament. Many Protcftants, both Diffenters and Conformifis, who have been converfant 'in the hiftory of thofe times, have freely confeffed, that, confidering the miferabie condition the Irifh were then in, they could not have thought of a braver, or more virtuous, attempt; by which they might have been inftruments of rc- (loring the lawful monarch, at leaft, to the recovery of England and Scotland, from thofe betrayers, and fellers, and murderers, of his roval father." And, indeed, his Majefty's affairs were then fo abfoluleiy defperate, in every part of his dominions, that, after this treaty with the Duke of Lorrain was entirely broken off, the Marquis of Ormond himfelf, abhorrent as he always feemed to be, from any connedion with the Iridi Catholics, and efpecially with their clergy, advifed, that fpeedy recourfe might be had to their fupreme fpiritual head, the Pope himfelf, as the only vifible means of retrieving them ; which he feemed to think might be happily effected by his Holinefs's mediation, and influence, with other Catholic Princes and ftates. " To come fhortly," fays he (6) in a letter to the Marquis of Clan- rickard on that occafion, " to what I would be at, wherein you may be concerned, I conceive fome one muft be found, that hath power, if not with all, yet with moft Chriftian Princes, and ftates. Among the Pro- tcftants (5) Swifi's Works. (6) Carte's Col. of Orm. Original papers vol. i. p. 461. 272 HISTORICAL REVIEW, &c, Bk. VIII. teftants there is none fuch ; and among the Roman Catholics, it is vifi- ble, that the Pope has moft of authority, and perfuafion j and it (hall be, without fcruple, my advice, and that fpeedily, that fitting Miniflers may be fent, and apt inducements propofed, to him for his jnterpofition with all Princes and flates." Here the fentence is left thus abruptly broken off, with what view, jf done defignedly, may be eafily conjedured, from tha- foregoing fragment. AN A N HISTORICAL AND CRITICAL REV I E W O F T H E CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. BOOK IX. CHAP. I. The Marquis o/" Clanrickard leaves Ireland^ now entirely fiibjeB to the Englijh Rebels. THE affairs of the confederate Catholics being now abfolutely irretriev- able, the Marquis of Clanrickard, in 1652, left Ireland, carrying with him the royal authority (i). " And within a twelvemonth after, Mortogh O'Brien, the laft of the Irifh commanders, fubmitted to the parliament, on the ufual terms of tranfportation ; by the favour of which," adds (2) my author, " twenty-feven thoufand men had been that year fent away." " Cromwell (3)," fays a late hiftorian, " in order to get free of his enemies, did not fcruple to tranfport forty thoufand Irifh from their own country, to fill all the armies in Europe with complaints of his cruelty, and admiration of their own va- lour." This, together with the multitudes deftroyed by the fword, during the war, and by famine and peflilence after it, caufed a prodigious fcarcity of N n people (1) Boil. Itifli Rebel. (2) ib. (3) Dalrymp. Mem, of Great Btit. Tol. I part 2. p. 267. 274 HISTORICAL REVIEW or the Bi-. IX. people in the kingdom. But to fnpply that defect (4), Fleetwood, deputy for the parliament, invited over feveral colonies from England •, offering good conditions to fuch families, as would fettle in Ireland ; v/hereupon great numbers of all forts, and fexeSj flocked to that kingdom." " It (t,) cannot be imagined, inhoweafy a method, and with what peace- able formality, that whole great kingdom was taken from thr^ juil: owners and proprietors, and divided among thofe, who had no other right to it, but that they had pov/er to keep it. In lefs tlian two years after LordC lanrickard. left Ireland, this Hew government feemed to be perfedly efiablifhed j infomuch that there were many buildings erected for ornament, as well as- ufe; orderly and regular plantations of trees and fences, and enclofures raifed throughout the kingdom ; purchafes made by one from the other, at very valuable rates; and jointures fettled upon marriages; and all the convey- ances, and fettlements executed, as in a kingdom at peace within itfelf, and where no doubt could be made of the validity of titles." On the 26th of September 1653, the Englifh parliament declared, that the rebels in Ireland were fubdued, and the rebellion ended ; and thereupon pro- ceeded to the diftribution of their lands, in purfuance of the a6l of fubfcriptions 17^ Caroli. " This being notified to the government- of Ireland (6), Lord Broghill, afterwards Earl of Orrery, propofed at a council of war of all the chief conamanders for the parliament, that the whole kingdom fliould be fur- veyed, and the number of acres taken, with the quality of them ; and then, that all the foldiers fhould bring in their demand of arrears ; and fo to give every man, by lot, as many acres as fliould anfwer the value of his demand." This propofal was agreed to, and all Ireland being furveyed, the (7) b^ft land was rated only at four {hillings an acre, and fome only at a penny. The foldiers drew lots in what part of the kingdom their portions fhould be afligned them (8). Great abufe was committed in fetting out the adventurers fatisfadion for the money they had advanced, at the beginning of the war ; for they had whole baronies fet out to them in grofs ; and then they employed furvcyors of their own, to make their admeafurements (9). " No men had fo great fliares as they, who had been inftruments to murder the King. What lands they- were pleafed to call unprofitable, (which were thrown in gratis,) they returned as fuch, let them ba never fo good, and profitable (10). The lands held by the foldiers, as unprofitable, and as fuch, returned into the (4) Borl. ubi fnpra. (5) Life of Clarend. vol. ii. p. 1 1 7. (6) Morris's Life of Orrery. (7)ld. ib. (8) Cart. Oriii. vol. ii. fol. 301. (9) Id. ib. (10} Id. ib. Ch.II. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 275 the furveyor's office, amounted to 605,670 acres. In this manner was the whole kingdom divided between the foldiers, and the adventurers of money (d). C H A P. II. The Tranfplantation of the Irijh into Conaught. " /^^I^'-O^^'^WELL (i) and his council, finding the utter extirpation of the \^ nation, which they had intended, to be in itfelf very difficult, and to carry in it fomewhat of horror, that made fome impreflion upon tlie ftone- hardnefs of their own hearts, after fo many thoufands deflroyed by the fword, fire, famine, and the plague ; and after fo many thoufands tranfported into foreign parts, found out the following expedient of tranfplantation, which they called an adl of grace. There was a large tra6l of land, even to the half of the province of Conaught, that was fcparated from the reft, by a long and large river, and which, by the plague, and many maflacres, remained almoft defolate. Into this fpace, and circuit of land, they required all the Irifh (a) to retire by a certain day, under the penalty of death ; and all who after that time, fhould be found in any other part of the kingdom, man, woman, or child, might be killed, by any body who faw or met them. The land with- in this circuit, the moft barren in the kingdom, was out of the grace and mercy of the conquerors, aifigned to thofe of the nation, who were enclofed in fuch proportions, as might with great induftry, preferve their lives. And to thofe perfons, from whom they had taken great quantities of land in other provinces, they affigned greater proportions within this precind:. And that they might not be exalted with this merciful donative, it was a condition that accompanied this their accommodation, that they fhould all give releafes of their former rights and titles to the land that was taken from them, in confideration of what was now aifigned them ; and fo they fhould for ever bar themfelveSj and their heirs, from laying claim to their old inheritance. What N n 2 fhould (1) Cbiend. Life, vol. if. p. 116. (d) Lord Antrim's eflate, confifling of 107,611 ration of iheir adventures, and pay, which did not in acres, was allotted to Sir John Clothworihy, after- all, exceed the fum of 7000!. Cart. Orm. vol. ii. wards Lord Maflareen, and a few others, in confide- fol.278. (a) " Whom Cromwell had declared innocent of the Rebellion." Lei. Hift. of Irel. vol. iii. p. 409. Carte, &c. 276 HISTORICAL REVIEW OF THE BklX. fhould they do," continues my author, " they could not be permitted to go out of this precind, to fhift for themfelves elfewhere ; and without this affigna- tion, they muft ftarve herCj as many did daily die of famine." " In (2) this deplorable condition, and under this conflernat ion, they found themfelves obliged to accept, or fubmit to, the hardeft conditions of their conquerors ; and fo figned fuch conveyances, and reJeafes, as were prepared for them, that they might enjoy thofe lands, which belonged to other men. And by this means, the plantation of Conaught, as they called it, w.is finifh- ed, and all the Irifh nation was inclofcd within that circuit j the reft of Ireland being left to the Englilh, Some few eflates were left to the old Lords, and juft proprietors, who being all Proteftants (for no Roman Catholics were ad- mitted) had either never offended them, or had ferved them, or had made compofition for their delinquencies, by the benefit of fome (b) articles." CHAP. III. High Courts of 'jujlice in Ireland. ABOUT this time, a new tribunal, under the title of an high court of juftice, was eredled in different parts of both kingdoms, for the trial of rebels, and malignants, that is to fay, of thofe who were ftill found faith- ful to the King. That, which fat at Dublin in 1652, was befides, autho- rifed(i), " to hear and determine, all maffacres and murders, done or com- mitted, fince the firft day of Odober 1641 ; that is to fay, the adtors, con- trivers, promoters, abettors, aiders, and affifters, of any of the faid maffacres, or murders, or killing after quarter given." From the iniquitous, and bloody, fentences frequently pronounced in thefe courts, they were commonly called Cromwell's (i) Rib. (0 Borl. Itifli Rebel. fi^ This tranrplantntion, grievous and fliocking as feveral proportions of land ; that fo the new Engh'di it appears in this authentic defcripcion of it, has been pLinters might proceed without inteiiuption, and reprefented by a late hiftorian, rather as a piece of without that danger ot degenerating, which formtr jieceflary, and ufefiil policy at that time, than as an aft ages had experienced from an intercourfe with the of feverity.and injuQice to the Iriili. " Conaught," fays Irifli ; and the natives, divided by the Shannon from that writer, " was refcrved entirely for the Irifli, under the other provinces, and furrounded by Engiifl) gar- ihe qualifications determined by parliament. Here rifoiis, might be retrained from their old barbarous fhcy were to confine themfelves, and to enjoy their incutfions." Lei. Hift of Iiel. vol. iii. p. 396. Ch. III. C I V I L W A R S I N I R E L A N D. 277 Cromwell's (2) flaughter-houfes ; " for no articles were pleadable in them: andagainft a charge of things faid to be done twelve years before, little or no defence could be made : and the cry that was made of blood, aggravated with expreifions of fo much horror, and the no lefs daunting afpedl of the court, quite confounded the amazed prifoncrs, fo that they came like fhecp to the flaughter (a)" And indeed, what clfc could be expelled at a time, when all diftiadions of right and wrong were confounded, and loft in thofe of power, and impo- tence (3) j " when the noblcft ads of loyalty, (fays the Marquis of Ormond himfelf,) received the judgment due to the fouleft treafon ; due to the un- righteous judges that pronounced it, without authority in the perfons, or juftice in the fentence ; when the benches were crowded, and opprefled, with the throng, and wicked weight of thofe, that ought rather to have ftood manacled at the bar ; when fuch was the bold contempt, not only of the eflentials, but alfo of the very formalities of juftice, that they gave no reafon for taking away mens eftates, but that they were Irifh Papifts ; when all men were liable to the entanglements of two-edged oaths, from the conflidh raifed by them in mens breafts, between confcience and conveniency-, between the proftitution of their confciences, and the ruin of tiieir fortunes; than which an harder, and more tyrannical, choice could not be obtruded on chriftians. For here the eledion was not fwear thus againft your confcience, or you fhall have no part in the civil government, no office in the army, or benefice in the church ; but fwear thus, or you fhall have no houfe to put your head in, no bread to fuftain yourfelves, your wives, and your children f^j." Many inftances might be produced of the barbarous iniquity of thefe courts; but I fhall mention only one, which was exhibited at the trial of Sir Phelim O'Neil, in February 1652, when an infamous attempt was made by his judges to blacken the memory of their deceafcd King, with the fame mock-appearance of juftice, though not with the fame fuccefs, with which tlieir mafters in England had lately murdered his royal perfon. Sir (2) Hift. of Independency. (3) Orroond's fpeech 10 parliament. Boil. Ir. Rebel. (a) Such was the indifcriininate, and glaring in- corrupt, 0: no evidence; " yet in the Noithern pro- juftice of thefe courts, that, although io different vince, which had been the great tene of barbarity, parts of Ireland, they contrived to condemn about not one was brought to juftice but bir Phelim O'Neil.'' two hundred perfons, as guilty of murder, on forged, Lei. Hift. vol. iii. p. 394. (b) Is not this the cafe, at this day, of many Iiifh Roman Catholics, with lefpeft to th« operations of tht prefent Popery-law» ? 78 HISTORICAL REVIEW of the Bk.IX. Sir Phelim O'Neil, one of the principal leaders in the infurredion of 1641.^ confcious that nothing would more effedually induce the Irifn to join in his confpiracy, than their belief that it was approved of, and authorifed, by the King, counterfeited his Majefty's commiiTion for that evil purpofe; and hav- ing furpnfed the caftle of Charlemount, he there found an old patent, the fenl of which he ordered to be torn off, and affixed to that commiffion. The Irifh infurgents believed the authority real, and, therefore, entered heartily into his raeafures. The Englilh rebels, for a while, either believed, or pretended to believe, the fame ; and from thence had taken occafion to heap infinite reproaches on the King, who thereby loft the affedions of many of his other- wife well-djfpofed fubje£ls. Thus the fame credulity, real, or afFeded, of thefe two contending parties, b'y increafing their numbers, equally anfwered their different purpofes. But the motives, by which it operated in each, were very different; that of the infurgents being an honeft, though mifguided, intention of ferving his Majefty againft a fadious, and difloyal adminiftration ; and thai; of the others, an avowed defign to carry on, and foment the rebellion againfl himfelf. But the regicides, having now gotten into their hands the known author of the forgery, and imagining that he would not hefitate to accept of any conditions, that might extricate him from his prefent dangerous fituation, expeded to be able to convince the world, by his own teftimony, that he had levied, and carried on that war by a real commiffion from his Majefty ; hoping, by that means, to wipe away, or at leaft, extenuate, their own guilt, in the late King's murder, as if they had only by that ad, rid the world of the author and abettor of a rebellion, which they every where reprefented as moft odious, and deteftable. Full of thefe hopes, they privately offered him his pardon, and the reftitution of his eftate(^c), if he would make public confeffion, and proof of the genuinenefs and authenticity of this commiffion ; but they being anfwered, " that it was impoffible for him to do fo," refolved to try, what the terror of their high court of juftice would do; and therefore brought him to his trial (4), where his judges publickly repeated the fame tempting offer, and enforced it withftiamelefs importunity ; but he perfifting refolutely in his denial of the fad, his fentence was deferred till the next day ; and then again, for (4) Nalfon's Hiftoric. Collet. (() " He.liad been frequently folicited thereunto Ireland by King Charles II. who attended Sir Pheli'm by fair promifes, and great rcuaids, while he was in in pritbn, as his council, ufed frequently to lueniion prifon." Cart. Orni. vol. ii. fol. i8i. "Sir this as told him there by Sir Phelim, with great detefta- Richard Kennedy, made Baron of the Exchequer of tion of the offer." Id. ib. Note. Chill C I V I L W A R S I N I R E L A N D. 279 for the fame reafon, poftponed to the third, in order, as his judges told him, (dj to give him time to refle6t on their friendly propofal. But Sir Piiclim llill acquitting his Majcfty of having any hand in that commilfion, and even calling witneTfcs to prove,- that he had himfclf fixed the feal to it, in the man- ner before-mentioned, fentencc of death was pronounced agairifl him. But even then, they did not ceafc to tempt him j for at the very place of execu- tion, and after he had mounted the ladder, Ludlow fent him an offer of his life, and eflate, if he would then accufe his Majef^y of having fent him that commidion. But he calmly anfwered, " I thank the Lieutenant General for his intended mercy ; but I declare, good people, before God and his Angels, and all you that hear me, that I never had any commiffion (ej from the King, for what I have done, in levying, and profecuting this war." More of his fpeech, fays(c;) Dean Ker, who was prcfent at both his trial, and execution, " I could not hear, the guards beating off thofe, that flood near the place of execution;" Sir Phelim O'Neil is never mentioned in any hiftory of this infurre^lrion, but as a monller of cruelty, perfidy, and rebellion : I mean not to reprefcnt him as quite innocent in any of thefe refpe6ts ; but- I am inclined to think, that thefe charges have been greatly aggravated in his particular, as we find, they have certainly been, with regard to his affociates in this w^ar (6). At his trial he fervently declared, " that divers outrages, committed by his officers and foldiers, though contrary to his intention, preffed his confcicnce very much (fj." And, indeed, his Vv'hole conduct, on this occafion, feems to (5) Jb. (6) ib. Carle. C^J " His iiial," fiys Mr. Carte, " was drawn out inio a lerpth of fcvc-ral days, in hopes that the criminal, might in th»t ume be wrought upon to fave his life, by blackening the memory of the late King." Oim. vol. ii. foi. i8i. (e) " Lord Maguire, aifo, who was ptivy to all Majefty in kis anfwer to the pitliamcnt's two laft p.i- the tranfattions of the infiirgents, denied it to ilie lall, pers concerning Ireland.) than they who esatuineii (in 1644) ^'''^ niore fenfe of conlcience, (faith his iiim expecied." Borl. ItiiL Rebel, fol. 45. tj (fJ " He declared, that his confcieiice was already cpprefled by the outrages of his followers, and that he could not add to the feverity of his ptefent feelings by an unjuft Calumny of the King. Even at his execution, he was again tempted ; and returned the anfwer above-mentioned aloud." Lei. Hid. of Irel. vol. iii. p. 395. He is geneially accufed of having given orders for the killing Lord Caufield, en ferz'ng h's caflle cf Chatlemount ; but he was, on the contrary, I'o highly provoked at that villains, comiiiitted by ibme of hts brutal followers, that, in February 1642, having dil- covered fi.-j of the murderers, he ordered them ro be fifft hanged, and afterwards beheaded." MSS. Itllh Journ. written by his Cbaplaia. 28o HISTORICAL REVIEW of the Bk.IX. to afcertain the fincerity of that declaration. In this charitable light, I am apt to confider that unfortunate gentleman, with refped to his paft life ; but when I compare his behaviour in this laft fcene of it, with that of hisjudges» I am at a lofs to determine, which fhould be deemed greateft, the heroifm of the former, or the villainy of the latter (gj. C HAP. IV. "Henry CromweH'j Adminijiration in Ireland. HAD Henry Cromwell, fecond fon to Oliver Cromwell, been placed earlier in the government of Ireland ; or when he was fo placed, had he been fuffer-ed to follow the bent of his own humane difpofition, the Irifti of that period would have had much fewer, and lefs grievous, caufes of com- plaint than were then given them ; for to his favourable (a) reprefentation, and (g) Notwithftanding the confefftd truth of the above relation of the trial of Sir I'lidim O'Neii, a lare learned hiftoiian cenfures Mr. Carte, as rather uncha- ritable for faying, " that ihey would have pardoned .and rewarded hiin, if he had been profligate enough to have falfely accufed the late King." And he even aflerts on this occafion, that Sir Phelim " was not templed to accufe the King: and that his pardon was not proiuifed on any fuch condition, but that he was to purchafe it by producing a material, and authentic proof of his guilt." Lei Hift. of Irel. vol. iii. p. 39<;. Now I can't comprehend, what, or whofe guilt is here to be underftood. Sir Phelim O'Neii had already confefled himfelf guilty of the infurrcftion, but ftill denied that the King had given him a commidlon for commencing it. It is not to be fuppofed, that they %vould have pardoned, and rewarded him, for " pro- ducing material and authentic proof of that guilt, which he had already confefled ; it therefore remains, that they wanted him to coiifefs, and produce proof, that the King had granted him the commilfion in quef- tioa, which he could not do, becairfe no fuch com- miflion had been granted. And it is fufiiciently evi- dent, from all the circuisftances of his trial and exe- cution, that had he been profligate enough to yield to their importunity, by producing any proof, how- ever immaterial and unauthentic, or even by fimply avowing rhat calumny in any public manner, it would have gone very far towards contenting them." — Dean Ker, who was prefent, teftifies exprefsly, " that on the fecond day of his trial, fome of the judges told him, that if he could produce any material proof that he had fuch a cominiflion from Charles Stewart (for fo they called his late Majefly,) to declare and prove it, befoie fentence of death was paflld againft him, and that the faid Sir Phelim fliould be reflored to his eftate and liberty." See Naif Hift. Colleft. " Doftor William Sheridan, formerly Billiop of Kildare," fays Mr. Carte, " and the late Mr. Locke, a very worthy man, and member of parliament, were prefent at the fame time; and have to many gentle- men now living confirmed the truth of Dean Ket's relation." Life of Or m. vol. ii. (a) " The affcfi'ments which the Irifh paid were above a fourth as nmch as thofe of nil England and Wales ; which, he told his father in one of his let- tets, was ten times more than in due proportion they ought to be ; and that they paid incomparably more other charges, owing to the devaflations in the civil war, than any other of three nations." Warn. Iiifh Rebel, p. 567. Ch. IV. CIVIL V\^ARSiN IRELAND. 281 and influence, it was entirely owing, that the Protedor's council did not add new grievances, and opprelfions, to thofe they already fuffercd. His letters in Thurloe's colledion lliew his abilities and fl<.ill in governing (i). As Chan- cellor of Trinity College, he took that feminary into his particular care, and patronage, inltituling anew all the literary exercifes, together with the long neglected degrees in arts, and the feveral profefTorfhips ; and prefentcd the college with Primate Ufher's noble library, which he had purchafed with his own money. He was eafy of accefs, and aifable to all ; often entertaining at his table, even fequeftered perfons, and remitting to them one half of thofe large fums with which they were taxed for their loyalty. Far from being mad- dened with the enthufiafm of the times, he rcftored religion to fome fort of decency ; gave back fome churches, which were occupied by the Anabaptifts, to the former incumbents; and even had a new-born child of his own pub- lickly baptized in the cathedral of Dublin, a ceremony not feen there of a long time before." Had he been endowed with fortitude, equal to his juftice, and benevolence, his government would have been fignalized by an adt, that would have made fome atonement for his father's ufurpation, and parricide. He once (2) pro- mifed to declare for the King; the city of Dublin had undertaken to ftand by him, and the Lord of Ards engaged to draw 20,000 men together in the North, in fupport of that defign ; but, upon the receipt of letters from Eng- land, the very next day after he had made the promife, his fpirits failed him. The King's friends in Dublin juflly complained on that occafion(3), " that no commiflions had been fent them, nor any perfons appointed to command them in fuch an attempt. If thefe precautions had been ufed, they could have eafily, at that jundure, feized upon the caftle." Of his integrity, and difmtereftednefs, he gave many fignai proofs, during his adminiftration ; but none lb fignal, or indeed fo unprecedented, as that which appeared at the conclufion of it. " For upon his (4) recall from Ire- land, altho' he had held the government of that kingdom four years, he was not mafter of money enough after all, to carry him back to England ; and was, therefore, under the neceffity to crave fome from thence for that purpofe." What pity it was, that fuch a man as this, fhould be placed at the head of a nation without any other power, but merely that of executing defigns planned, O o for (i) Bates' Elenchus Motuum Nuperor. in Anglia, part ii. p. 5 jr. (i) Sir Ed. Hyde's Let. to the Mar- quis «fOrm Cart. Colkit. vol. ii. p. a4s. (3) Id. ib. (4) Warn, Iiijn Rebel. 282 HISTORICAL REVIEW of the Bk. IX. for its deftrudion, in another kingflom! To enforce ordinances, by which thofe who dared to profefs the religion of their confciences (5), or had not manifefted their conftant good affedions to the ufurpation ; and alfo the con- ftant good afFedions of thofe anccilors, from whom any eftates defcended to them, and had not already proved the fame, and obtained judgment thereof, were adjudged rebels convid, attainted of high treafon, and to have forfeited all their honours, eftates, and preferments. With what regret muft fuch a chief governor have beheld thofe numerous rapmes, and (b) murders, that were daily committed by his foldiers on that miferable people, not only with impunity, but even by his own conRrained order, or connivance. But injuf- tice and cruelty had then the fandion of law ; and, in fodifmal a conjundure, it is not, perhaps, lefs meritorious to employ power to prevent the increafe of evil (as he often did his) than it is, in better and more equitable times, to exert its authority and influence, for the promotion of adual good. (5) Hughes' AbriJgiiient, p. 33. (h) In thofe days, the name of Irifliman and rebel was thought to fignify the fame thing. For when- ever the Croniwellians met any of the poor countty people ,(broad, or difcovered them lurking fom theit fury in dens and caverns, they killed them on the fpor, iffome uniifual, or whimfica! circumftance did not happen to fave them. Thus Ludlow tells us, " that .being on his march, an advanced pariy found two of the rebels ; one of whom, fays he, was killed by the guard before I came up; the other was faved, and being brought before me, I afked him, if he had a mind to be hanged? And he only anfwered, if you pleafe. So infenfibly ftupid, adds he, were many of ihefe poor creatures." Mem. vol. i. At another time he tells us, he found fome poor people retired .within a hallow rock; " which," fays he, " was fo thick that he thought it impodible to dig it down up- on them, and therefore refolved to reduce them hy fmoak. After fome of his men had fpent mod part of the day in endeavouring to fmoiher thofe within, by fire placed at the mouth of the cave, they with- drew the fire ; and the next morning, fuppofmg the Irifiito be made incapable of refinance by the fmoak, fome of them crawled into the rock; but one of the Irifh, with a piftol, rtiot the firft of his men, by which be found the fmoak had not taken the dcfigned eifet^ ; becaufe fho' a great fmoak went into the cavi'y of the rock, yet it came out again at other crevices : upon which he ordered thofe places to be clofely flopped, and another fmothcr to be made; and the fire was continued till about midnight ; and then taken away, that the place might be cool enough for his men to enter the next morning; at which lime they went in armed with bac!;, breafl, and head-piece, found the man, who had fired the piffol, dead ; and pur about fifteen to the fword ; hut brought four or five out alive, with the priclh' lobes, a crucifi.x, chalice, and other furniture of that kind (but ro arms.) Thofe with- in," fiys he, " prefetved themfelves, by laying their heads clofe to a water, that ran thro' the rock. We found two rooms in the place, one of which was large enough to turn a pike." Such were the enemies, whofe lives thefe gallant regicides were in- cefTantly hunting alter. A fcore of poor defpoilej people, lurking in caverns from the fury of their pur- iuers, and furnifhed but with one piftol to guard the entrance of their hiding-place ! From the charadler of thele barbarians, we may well believe (tho' Ludlow does not mention it) that thofe four or five wretches, w hom they broiigiu alive out of the rock, foon after met with the fate of their companions. CHAP. Ch.V. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 283 CHAP. V. Contrivances of Sir Charles Coote, and Lord Broghill. " T^ ^^ (0^^'^g's intcrcft had been fo totally extinguifhed in Ireland, for _|_ many years paft, that there was no perfon of any confideration there, who pretended to revive it. At the death of Cromwell, and at the depofition of his fon Richard, Henry Cromwell was inverted with the full authority in Ireland; the two prefidents of Munfter, and Conaught, were Lord Broghill, and Sir Charles Coote, both equally depending on the Lord Lieutenant; and they the more depended upon him, anfl courted his protedion, by their not loving one another, tho' liiU agreeing in a long averfion to the King, by multiplications of guilt. Amidft the many fucceeding changes in the govern- ment, the two prefidents remained in their feveral provinces, with full power; either becaufe they had not deferved to be fufpeded, or becaufe they could, not be eafily removed." Some fufpicion, however, there was of Lord Brog- hill, which he took uncommon pains to remove; for, but a few months be- fore the King was reftored, he wrote to fecretary Thurloe (2), " that he had heard, he and his friends were mifreprefented in England, as perfons, that intended to fet up for themfelves, and to make Ireland a back door to let Charles Stewart into England ; and thereby, at one blow, to cut up by the roots, the precious rights, they had been fo long contending for. But he profefTed, that he knew nothing further from the thoughts of all his acquaintance and friends ; for that intereft, as well as duty, would keep them from fo ruinous a wickcdnefs." In the confufion that now arofe, from different revolutions in the flate. Sir Charles Coote took an opportunity to fend an exprefs to the King, with a tender of his obedience, and with great cautions, as to the time of appear- ing; only defiring(3), " to have fuch commifllons in his hands, as might be applied to his Majefty's fervice, in a proper conjundure ; which were fent to him, and never made ufe of by him. He expreifed great jealoufy of Broghill, and unwillingnefs that he fhould know of his engagement. Coote found affiflance to feize upon the caftle of Dublin, and the perfons of thofe that were O o 2 in (1) Clarendon's Life, vol. ii, p. 107. (2) See Warner's Hift. of the Irifli Rebel. (3) Clarend. ubi lupra. 284 HISTORICAL REVIEW OF THE Bk. IX. in authority, who were imprifoned by him ; and the government was fettled in fuch a manner, as was thought moit agreeable to the Prefbyterian humour j until, upon the King's reftoration, General Monk was declared Lord Lieu- tenant of Ireland ; foon after which, the King was proclaimed at Dublin, and in every other part of the kingdom." CHAP. VI. Comndjfioners feut from Ireland; their Chara&ers and Defigns. AS foon as the King was proclaimed, Sir Charles Coote and his affociates fent (i) commiliioners to his Majefty, whom they called commiffioners from the ftate ; and a prefent of money from the fame, accompanied with all thofe profeffions of duty, which could be expeded from the beft of fubjeds. These commifliohers were the Lord Broghill, Sir Audley Mervin, Sir John Clothwoithy, and feveral other perfons of quality, much the greater num- ber whereof (2) had been always notorious for the diflervice they had done the King. All thefe commilfioners from the ftate had inftrudlions, to which they were to conform, in defiring nothing from the King, but the fettling of his own authority amongft them, the ordering the army, the. reviving the execution of the laws, and the fettling the courts of juftice, and fuch other particulars, as purely related to the public ; and their public addrefTes were to this, and no other purpofe. But then (3), to their private friends, and fuch as they defired to make their friends, moft of them had many pretences of merit, and many expedients by which the King might reward them, and out of which they might be able liberally to gratify their patrons. And by thefe means, all who ferved the King were fumiflied with fuits enough to make their fortunes, in which they prefently engaged themfelves, with very trouble- for»€ importunity to the King himfelf, and all others, who, they thought, had credit, or power, to advance their defires." Lord (4) Broghill appeared fo very generous, and to be without the leaft pretence to any advantage to himfelf, that he quickly got himfelf believed ; and (0 Clarendon's Life. (2) Id. ib. (3) Id. ib. (4) Id. ib. vol. ii. p. I to. Ch. VII. CIVIL WARS in IRELAND. 285 jtnd havi;ig free accefs to the King, by mingling aj^ologies for what he had done, with promifcs of wliat he would do, he made i>iinfelf fo acceptable to his Majelly, that he heard him willingly, btcaufc he made all things eafy to be done and compaffcd ; and gave fuch afliiranccs to the btxl-chamber men, to help them to good fortunes in Ireland, whicli they had reafon to defpair of jn Ena,land, that he wanted not their teftimony on all Gcca^lOl^5,, nor their defence, and vindication, when any thing was refiecls^d upon to his difadvan." tage or reproach." The Ground-work of the before-mentioned expedients, propofcd by thefe commilfioners for the public fervice of the kingdom, was (5) the calling a new parliament, coniiiting only of Proteftant Peers, and Comn'/oners ; a general pardon, and indemnity to all the Proteftants : and that nothing Ihould be done to the prejudice of the adventurers, or foldiers ;, or towards qualifying the Irifli for recovering polTefTion of their eftates. C H A P. VU. The Irijh excluded out of the General A61 of Oblivion.. IT was apprehended that the ad: of oblivion, and general pardon, which the Englilh parliament had been drawing up to be prefented to the King at his landing, might be fo extcnfive as to comprehend the Roman Ca- tholics of Ireland ( I ). To prevent this, other agents were fent over by perfons concerned in the new purchafes ; all thefe attended the Houfe of Commons, fuggeiling continually, that they never could be fecure in anv parliament, that could be called in Ireland, if it did not exclude out of that att of general indemnity, all perfons who had any hand ia the rebellion ; under wliich notion, they comprehended promifcuoufly all thofe of the Roman Catholic religion, who had been fequeiiered, or in arms. Reports alfo were indullrioufly fpread by thefe agents, that the Irilh were ready to rife in a new rebellion. But this was a thing (2) impofTiblc to be conceived by any body, that knew the miferable condition of tiiefe people (3). There were, indeed, fome perfons, who had been deprived of their eftates, fo tranfported with the thoughts of regaining them upon the King's being proclaimed, (S) Cart. Grm. vol. ii. (i) Id. ib. (z) Id. ib. (j.i Id. fl>. -S6 HISTORICAL REVIEW OF THE Bk.IX. proclaimed, that they endeavoured to take pofTeflion of them immediately, without having recourfe to thofe methods, which the law prefcribes, in cafe of being unlawfully dif-feized. Thefe were chiefly of thofe irifh gentlemen, who had been found innocent (4), when in Cromwell's time, inquifition was made into the guilt of perfons concerned in the rebellion ; and who were af- terwards by him forced to quit their antient ellates, and accept other lands in Conaught, or Clare, in lieu thereof They had fuffered grievoufly in the exchange, and having been tranf,vlanted by an ufurped power, eafily imagined, they might warrantably re-enter upon their former pofTeirions, and ejed the intruders, as all in England did, whofe eftates had been taken from them (5) by the ufurpers. Hence arofe feveral riots, and dit1:urbances, which the con- vention at Dublin taking hold of, publifhed on May 20th, a declaration for preferving the peace, and quieting poffeffions; and the fevere laws and ordi- nances, lately made by the ufurpers againft the Irifh, were hereupon put in execution. They were not allowed to go from one province to another, to tranfad their bufinefs ; abundance of the eftated men were imprifoned, all their letters to and from Dublin intercepted, and the gentry forbid to meet, and thereby deprived of the means of agreeing upon agents, to take care of their interefls, and of an opportunity to reprefent their grievances." CHAP. VIII. A Proclamation publifhed againjl the Irijh. TH E members of both Houfes of the Englifh parliament thus clofely foli- cited by the convention-agents, and too apt of themfelves to believe the worfl; things that could be fuggefted concerning thefe people, joined in a re- prefentation to his Majefty, as foon as he came to London (i), " that many of the natives of Ireland, who had been deeply guilty of the late rebellion, had broke out of late into new ads of force and violence, fome of them rob- bing, defpoiling, and murdering, feveral of the Proteftants there planted, and others by force entering upon, and difquieting the poffeffions of the adventurers, and Ibldiers, to the great and manifeft difturbance of the Englifh plantation ; and they defired, that a proclamation might be iffued to rcprefs thefe attempts." The (4)Id. ib. (5) Id. ib. (1) Carte, Borlace. Ch. IX. CIVIL WARS in IRELAND. cSy The King accordingly, on the 3d of June, 1660, iffiied a prociimat; >!!, wherein (2), taking notice, by the information of the Lords, and Commo'is, that manv of the natives of Ireland hnd broken out into the above-mentioned ads of violence, and bloodfiied, •■• did, by the advice of faid Lords and Co-.ti- inons, hold it his duty to God, and the whole Protc-liant interclt, tocomjnand', publifli, and declare, that all Irifh rebels, other than fuch as by articles had liberty to refide in his dominions, and had not forfeited tlie l:)enefit thereof, that lliould refort to England, or Ireland, fhould he fortliwith apprehended, and proceeded againft as rebels, and traitors; and that the adventurers, fol- diers, and others, who were on the ill of January lalt paft, in pfjlfelhon of any of the manors, caflles, houfes, or lands, of any of the faid IriHi rebels, ihould not be difturbed in their poffelfions, till either leg^dly evicted by due courfe of law, or till his Majefty, by the advice of parliament, had taken further order therein," This proclamation was not more injurious to many of the loyal Irifh, whom it caufed to be imprifoned, or driven out of both kingdoms, than it was fortunate to all thofe, whom the late ufurpers had left matters of their eftates. For, by being thus preferved in the enjoyment of the freeholds, they were enabled to chufe reprefentatives to their mind, in the enfuing parliament, who, they knew, would confirm, and perpetuate, their, unjuft poffelTions. CHAP. IX. The Irijh Parliament. TO R D Chancellor Euftace, (a) Lord Broghill, now Earl of Orrer}*, and y Sir Charles Coote, now alfo Earl of Montrath, were appointed Lords Juftices of Ireland. They had procured inftrudions to be fent them from England ( I ), " to tender the oaths of allegiance, and iupremaev, to all his Majefty's fubjeds ; to proceed according to law againft thofe, that (hould re- fu fc (2) Eorlace, Carte. (i) Carte's Orm. vol, ii. (a) " Thefe two (new) Earls," fays Clartndon, jeftions might not be made. With tl:em there wf:e " had been eminently againft the King; but upon too many others, upon whom honours were conferred ; this turn, when all other powers w«re down, were upon fome, that they might do no harm, who were eminently for him. But the King had not then pow- thereby enabled 10 do the mote." Clar. Life, vol. ii. CI to chufe any, againft whom fome as material ob- p. 219. 2SS HISTORICAL REVIEW of the Bk. IX. fufethem; and to prepare fuca bills, as by them and the Privy Council (which was then likewife appointed) Ihould be thought to be for the good of the people, in order to a parliament. That parliament met on the 8th of May 1661. The Houfe of Commons confifted of two hundred and fixty members, of which number all but fixty-four were burgeffes. And (2) Cromwell having filled all the corporations through- out the kingdom with a fet of people of his own ftamp, it is eafy to account for the ftrength and prevalency of that party in the Houfe, which laboured to make good all the eftates of the adventurers, and foldiers, how guilty fo- ever, and refufed to hearken to any reafonable propofal, in favour of the old proprietors, however innocent." But even this favourable /^^ compofition of the Houfe of Commons did not content thefe ftate-harpies. In order to have the dividing the fpoil of the nation entirely among themfelves, and for ever to preclude the Ca- tholics from having any fhare, even in their debates about it, one of their firll illegal refolutions was (3), " that no members fhould be qualified to fit in that Houfe, but fuch as had taken the oaths of allegiance, and fupre- m.icy." With the fame view of banifhing the Catholic Peers from the Houfe of Lords, Primate Bramhall, their Speaker, procured an order to be paffed there (4), " that all the members thereof fhould receive the Sacrament of thevLord's Supper from his Grace's own hands." To fuch vile, and pre- datory purpofes, was one of the moft awful inftitutions of religion proftituted at that jundure ! But in no other parliament but one fo conftituted, and perverted, could ads, alienating the juft properties of almoft all the Catholics in the kingdom, be expeded to pafs. (2) Id. ib. (3) Orrery's State Letters, vol. r. p. 35. (4) Korl. Redua. of Itel. p. 34. (h) " That Houfe of Commons confided cliieflv of adventurers and foldiers." Caite's Orro. Tol.ti. foi. 265. CHAP, Ch.X. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 289 CHAP. X. Falfc Reports of a Con/piracy amonq; the IriJIj cont'mucd. The Effccls of thefe Reports. BU T the Commons, not fatisfied even with thefe advantages, In order to have fome colourable pretext for the injuftice intended, refolved to render the party to be injured as obnoxious as poffible. For this purpofe they left no means unattcmpted, however (a) wicked or abfurd, to counte- nance, and diffufe the calumny, lately raifed by their emiffaries, as if the Irifli had adually entered into anew confpiracy. They (i) had with great induftry, called before them feveral witneiTcs to prove that the Papifts were fometimes fccn attending divine fervice in their own way, and that confider- able numbers of people were gathered together on fuch occafions ; that a cutler's apprentice had new furbifhed an old fword for one of them ; and that another was dcteded buying a horfe for his necefTary occafions. Such proofs of a confpiracy, fays Mr. Carte, might have appeared good, and fufficient, to the two new Earls ; but did not fatisfy Sir Maurice Euftace, and a few others. Recourfe was, therefore, had to an old expedient for realizing imaginary plots, which had been formerly found fuccefsful (2). A letter fuppofed to have been written by one Irilh prieft to another, upon fomewhat that was deemed treafonable, becaufe dark, and unintcUigible, was fomewhere found, and laid before the parliament, by one Jephfon, a member; who, with feve- ral other members, was himfelf about two years after, convided of a real confpiracy againfl; the goverrmient. In confequence of this pretended difco- very, a proclamation was iffued, and executed with great rigour (3), " by which all artificers, and fliopke.epers,, who had been left in their habitations by the ufurpers, at the time of the tranfplantation, were now baniflied from Kilkenny, and other great towns. Horfes and arms, being no where elfe to be found, were fought for in trunks and cabinets ; and filver cups were de- fined to be chalices. The letter above-mentioned was tranfmitted into Eng- land with a reprefentation of the infolence of the Papifts, for whofe fuppref- P p fiou (1) Cart. Orm. vol. ii. (2} Id. ib. (3) Id. ib. enemies, and competitors of the Irifli," the guilt of new ;land on this occafion, " were indefa- geiies were rec tigable in endeavouring to load their whole party with vol. Hi. p. 426. (a) " The enemies, and competitors of the Irifli," the guilt of new confpiracies ; and even manifefl for- fays Doftor Leland on this occafion, " were indefa- geiies were received as folid proofs." Hift.oflrel. 290 HISTORICAL REVIEW of the Bk. IX. fion, in order to prevent the threatened danger, his Majefty's diredions were defired." " But (4) Chancellor Euftace fufpeded the injuftice, as well as defign, of this charge againft the Irilh ; and to difcover what ground there was for it, he di reded the judges, in their circviits, to caufe the matter to be enquired mto by the grand juries of the feveral counties, through which they pafTed. The finding of thefe juries was alike every w^here ; there being a great calm in all places ; no preparations for a rifing, nor fo much as a rumour of any new troubles. Nothing could be more frivolous, and void of proof, than the pa- per, which the Commons drew up on t'lis occafion, and prefented to the Lords Juftices ; who yet thought fit to feud it, inciofed in their letters, to Secretary Nicholas, fignifying at the fame time their opinion, that it would be deftrudive to the Englilh intereft, to admit the Irifh to trade, and fettle in corporate towns ; or to allow the Roman Catholic lawyers to pradice in their profeffion ; both which, however, had been pofitively allowed, by his Majefty's letters." HAP. XI. The Parties principally fufpeBed of this Conf piracy voluntarily appear before the Lords Jujiices, in order to deteEl the Forgery. THIS imputation of a new confpiracy was (i) matter of great confe- quence to the whole body of the Irifh Roman Catholics ; all their for- tunes depending on the pleafure of his Majefty, who was likely to be ef- tranged from them, by unjuft reprefentations of their difpofitions, and de- figns. Wherefore, the fuperior of their clergy was prevailed upon, to fend for the two priefts, whofe names were in the letter (2) ; the Earl of Fingall wait- ed upon the Lords Juftices, to defire aprotedion with regard to their fundion, but not to extend to the letter, or any other crime, with which they might be charged. But the Lords Juftices would not grant fuch a protedion ; and fome of the council told Lord Fingall, that they were no friends to the King, who made any objedions, or took meafures to prove it a forged letter. Der- mott, however, the fuppofed writer of this letter, came to Dublin ; as did Phelan, the other prieft, to whom it was direded. Soon after the (3) former prefented a petition to the council, complaining of the injury done him, by this (4) H. ib. vol. ii. fol. 231. (i) Id. ib. (2) Id. ib. (3) Id. ib. Ch. XII. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 291 this impofturc, defining leave, notwithftanding his fundion, to appear be- fore them, to juftify his innocence, being ready to fufTer any punilhmcnt, if he ftiould be found criminal as to that letter, or any thing clfc, that might tend to fedition, and the difturbance of his Majefly's government. After a long examination, he was committed to the cultody of an officer; and the next day Phclan appearing, Mr. Belling went witli him to the council, who having examined him, committed him in the like manner, upon his denying he had ever received any fuch letter." " It was very improbable, continues (4) Mr. Carte, that the Irifh fhould, at a time when their all depended on the King's good-will to them, be forming againft him defigns of an infurredion, which, if they were never fo unfaith- ful, they were in no condition to execute," CHAP. XII. Loyalty of the Catholic Nobility and Gentry of Ireland, at this Jun&ure. ON account of a fevere perfecution at this time raifed againft them, and in hopes of removing all future pretence for the fame, the Catholics of Ireland, having agreed upon a remonftrance, and proteftation of their loyalty, which was couched in the ftrongeft and moft explicit terms (i), fent it by the Earl of Fingall to (a J Mr. Walfh, an Irifti Francifcan, then at London, who P p 2 was (4) ib. (i) WallTi's Hift. of the Irifh Remonftrance, fol. 9. fa) " This Religious," fays Mr. Carte, " had Crace to turn Roman Catholic towards the latter part always been very cordial and fincere in all liis pro- of his life, the Duke told him, among other things, feflions, and zeal for the Duke's fervice. And his *' that he wondered, if the condition wherein he was Grace, having the pod of Senefchall, or Steward to appeared fo dangerous to him, why fo good a friend the Billiop of Wincheder (it being ufually given, in did not admonilh him fooner thereof." Waldi foon antient times, to feme of the moil powerful of the law there was no good to be done, and did not ven- nobility, who were thereby engaged in the proleftion ture on a fecond attempt." Ib. of the See) by a patent from Bifhop Morley, with The following pafTage from Lord Caftlehaven, t'ur- the fee ot one hundred pounds a year, had fettled it ther ijluftrates this Irilli Friai's charafler. Hi^ Lord- upon him for his fubfiftence. This was all VValfli fhip after having told us, " that he had received a had to live on. He received it duly, and enjoyed it long letter by a trumpet from Ireton, fetting foith the till his death, which happened a little before the Duke great value he had for his perfon, and offering him, of Ormond's." Orm. vol. ii. fol. 548. The fame if he would retire from the King's fervice and live in hiftorian informs us, " that Walih having urged his England privatel/, he fliould not only enjoy hiselUte, but 292 HISTORICAL RE VI EV^ or THE Bk. IX. was an humble confident of the Duke of Ormond : by whom it was immediately prefented to his Majefty, and moll gracioully received. Walsh, having foon after come to Ireland, in order to get this remon- llrance ligned by all the Roman Catholic clergy, nobihty, and gentry of the kingdom (as many of them as were at London, when it was prefented, hav- ing figned it there) fucceeded fo well, as to obtain, in a fhort time, the fig- natures (2) " of lixty-nine of the clergy, fecular and regular 5 five Earls, fix Vifcounts, two Barons, twenty-four Colonels and Baronets, and fixty Efquires and Gentlemen," But the Duke of Ormond, now returned to his government, and but too well acquainted with the late diflentions, and animofities. Among the Irifh clergy, (which, it will, hereafter appear, he then intended to revive) af- feded to believe, that there could be no certain reliance on any declaration of loyalty from the Catholic laity, until the whole body of their clergy had firft unanimoufly fubfcribed it. He therefore wrote a letter to Walfh, which was to be (hewn to all thofe,ecclefia{l:ics who were backward in fubfcribing, wherein he told him (3), " that, confidering how well his Majefiy received the fubfcriptions to the proteftation, prefented to him in England, he did not a little wonder, that the example had not been more readily, and frequently followed in Ire- land. That he had no other end in wifhing it fhould, than that thofe of loyal and peaceable difpofitions might thereby be diftinguifhed from others, for their own advantage ; that the fubfcribers were more likely to find fuch advantage than the refufers ; and that he defired to know who had already fufcribed, and who had refufed." His Grace already knew, that as this Proteftation had been cenfured by fome minifters of the court of Rome, on account of its fomewhat entrenching on the Pope's fpiritual authority, it would be hardly pofilble to prevail on fuch of the Irifh clergy, as had expedations from that court, to fubfcribe it, in the fame offenfive terms, in which it was conceived. For their chief, if not only, objedion was to thefe terms ; as Walfh himfelf owns (4), " that none at all fcrupled (2) ib. (3) Id. ib fol. 94. (4) ib. but remain in fafety with the efleem, and favour of the propofition concerning my own peifon: defiring him parliament;" adds, " I immediately fliewed this let- withal to fend no more trun]pcts with fuch errands, ler CO Father Peter Walfli, my then ghollly father, if perhaps, he would not nave the mefTenget i]l- whom I had always found faithful to the King, and a treated. From this time, there was an end cfallmef- lovtr of hi« country. With his advice, by the fame fages, and letters between us." Memoirs, p. 127. ttompet, I anfwered all his points, and rejeded his Ch. XII. CIVIL WARS i n' IRE L A N D. 293 fcrupled about what he calls the (bj Catholicnefs of it ;" and tl-at lliefc non- fublcribers had repeatedly offered to draw up, and fign, a protcflation of their own, equally loyal to his Majefty in point of civil obedience, and Ids liable to mifconftrudion, with refpedt to their fpiritual fubjcdion to the Pope. But all their propofals of that kind were constantly rejcdcd. But the Irirti nobility and gentry were not quite fo fcrupulous in this re- fped; for in order to convince the Duke of Ormond, that t!ic rcfufalofany number of their clergy fliould be no hindcrance to their fubfcribins;, in tcr- minis, to the firll remonflrance, " thcy(5) affembled together at Lord Clan- rickard's houfe in Dublin ; where, after Lord Tyrconnell had declared, that their agreement to, and concurrence m, that addrefs was wholely and folely their own ad;j that it was originally propofed by the Earls of Clancarty, Carllngford, and himfelf -, and fecondcd,- in very good earneft, by the Earl of Inchiquin, as many noblemen and gentleman as were then prefent, and had not fubfcribed at London (6), in number thirty-three, put their names to it; which number being joined to the London fubfcribers made, in all, one hundred and twenty-one, whereof twenty-one were Earls, Vifcounts, and Barons." Not content with this, they at the fame time drew up a letter, praying and inviting the unanimous, chearful, and fpeedy fubfcriptions of all the reft of the Catholic noblemen and gentlemen of the kingdom. This letter was Signed by the Earls of Cafllebaven, Clancarty, Clanrickard, Fingal, Tyr- connel, and Carlingford ; and expreffed (7) " their hopes, that the fame pru- dential, chriftian, catholic, and obvious reafons, which had induced them- f«.lves to fign that remonflrance, would prevail upon them alfo to do the like, as thefe reafons imported no lefs than the clearing of their holy re- ligion from the imputation of moft unholy tenets; the affuring his Majefty ever more of their loyal thoughts, hearts, and hands, in all contingencies whatfbever; and the opening of a door to their own liberty, and future caCc, from thofe rigorous penal laws, under which they, and their predeceirors, had fadly groaned, during an hundred years paft. That as they hoped they could not think, they would even for thefe defirable ends, fwcrve in the Icaft tittle from the true, pure, and unfeigned, profeffion of the Roman Catholic faith, nor (5) Id. ib. (6) Id. ib, fol. 95. (7) Id. ib. (bJ " I muft defire the reader," fays he, " to confcionablenefs, or uncaiholicknefs in point of faith, take notice here, that fiiice the year 1661, till this religion, or morality, in the fiibfcription of that rf- ptefent, about the end of the year 1666, there was monftrance, or declaration of allcgiacce." Hift, of not, among fuch a number of pretences and excufes, the hifti Remonf. fol 42. wy one alleged, by »uy at all, of unlawfulnefs, uii- a9+ HISTORICAL REVEW OF THE Bk. IX. nor from the reverence and obedience due unto his Holinefs the Bifhop of Rome, or the Catholic church in general ; fo they believed, that they would Tcl\ fatisfied, that nothing contained in this remonftrance refleded at all on the fpiritual jurifdidion, power, or authority of the Pope, or church ; the whole tenor of it afferting only the fupreme temporal power in the Prince to be independent of any but God alone, and the fidelity, and obedience due to him, in temporal affairs, to be indifpenfable by any power on earth, fpi- ritual or civil." Two (8) and thirty copies of this letter (one for each county in the kingdom) v/ere figned by thefe noblemen. " And (9) queftionlefs," fays Walfh, " had they been fent away, as defigned, the hands of all the Catholic noblemen, and gentlemen of Ireland would have been fubfcribed to the remonftrance, in lefs than fix months." But the Duke of Ormond, who had been made acquainted with the drawing up, and figning, of this letter, affeded to have it believed, that, as there was then lately difcovered a plot of the fanatics to feize the caftle of Dublin, if any papers were known to be carried about by Catholics for getting fubfcriptions, their good intentions might be eafily mifmterpreted, and even a confpiracy imputed to them on that account ; fo, " his Grace was pleafed," fays (10) Wallh, " to countermand, for that time, and to fufpend ever fince, the fending about of thefe letters, expeding it might be done more feafonably, when the clergy had figned firft." CHAP. XUI, T^e Irijh Clergy s Remonftrance of Loyalty. FIS Grace fill! perfifling in his demand of a general and uniform fub- fcription of all the Irifh clergy to the remonftrance firft delivered by Walfti (which he was privately affured, would not be (a) obtained) procured his (8) Id. ib. fol. 96. (9) ib. fol. 97. (10) ib. (a) One of th« reafbns, among many others, laws, plead innocency ; and all of them, public ar- afligni'd by the non fubfcribers, was, " ihat none of tides both of war and peace, for their faid eftates, elrher the laity, or clergy, who had fubfcribed, were and for the public, and free esercife of their reli- more favoured or more at liberty, than others; the gion too. fey- proprietors not, therefore, reftored to their eflates, " Nor were the clergy, who had fubfcribed, fuf- iho' feveral of them could, befides, according to the fered to enjoy even one chapel, without daily ha- zards Ch. XIII. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 295 his Majefty's confent, to fuffer them to meet in a national fynod at Dublin ) which, notwithftanding its f;ivourable appearance, he clearly forcfaw, would only fcrve to incrcafe thofo diflentions already fprung up among them, on that fubjc£l. For,notwithftandingallWaIfh's prolix, and learned harangues at this meeting, to prove the great expediency, and even alifolnte nccefTity, of their general compliance, the majority of the Synod flill rcfufed to fubfcribc to that particular addrcfs ; not, as they all declared, that they thou2;ht it contained any thing repugnant to the Roman Catholic faith ; nor yet, " that they meant thereby to decline, or difavow the fubflance of it ; but becaufc they believed it more becoming the dignity of that meeting, and more refpeclful to his Majefty and his Grace, to prefent a remonrtranee of their own framing, which, at the fame time that it expreffed as much loyalty as the other, fhould be fb unexception- able in point of language, that not only the Bifliops, and other clergy there prefent, but every Roman Catholic priefl: in tlie kingdom, both fecular and regular, would chearfully fubfcribe it. Wherefore, after mature deliberation and debate, the following remonftrance of loyalty was drawn up, and figned by this congregation; and on (i) the 16th of June 1666, delivered to the Duke of Ormond by two of their Bifhops, together with a petition, praying his Grace, to accept that remonftrance from them, and to prefent it to his Majefty, the rather that it was fo unanimoufly agreed to, as there was not one diffenting voice in all their number," " To the King's moft excellent Majefty Charles the Second, King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, &c. "WE your Majefty's fubjeds, the Roman Catholic clergy of the kingdom of Ireland together afl'embled, do hereby declare and folemniy protcft before God and his holy angels, that we own, and acknowledge your Majefty to be our true and lawful King, fupreme Lord, and undoubted Sovereign, as well of this realm of Ireland as of all other your Majefty's dominions-, confequently we confefs ourfelves bound in confcience, to be obedient to your Majefty in all civil and temporal affairs, as any fubjed ought to be to his Prince, and as the laws of God and naUire require at our hands. Therefore we promife, that we will inviolably bear* true allegiance to your Majefty, your lawful heirs, and fucceftTors ; (1) ib. fol. 68j. lards of imprifonments, and even men's lives, as ap- fwords, aflau'red, the aiiar rifletl, the prJells carried peared by a late perfecution, when both on St. Sie- prifoners to Newgate, and many both men and wo- phen's, and new year's day, in 1662, the chapel of men grievoiifly huii, loiiie flalhcd and wounded forelv, the Francifcans in Dublin, who had all been fubfcri- even to the great endangering of their livci." \\ allh'f bers, and wherein Walfh himfelf did officiate, was by Hifl. of »he Irifli Rciiionf fol 26 guards of foldiers, and whole companies with naked 296 H I S T O R I C A L R E V I E W o F T H E Bk. IX. fucceflbrs ; and that no power on earth fhall be able to withdraw ns from our duty herein; and that we will even to the lofs of our blood, if occafion re- quires, affert your Majefty's rights againft any that (hall invade the fame, or attempt to deprive yourfelf, or your lawful heirs and fuccelTors of any part thereof And to the end this our fincere proteftation may more clearly ap- pear, we further declare, that it is not our dodrine that fubjeds may be dif- charged, abfolved, or freed from the obligation of performing their duty of true obedience, and allegiance to their Prince ; much lefs may we allow of, or pafs as tolerable any dodtrine that pernicioufly, and againft the word of God maintains, that any private fubjed may lawfully kill or murder the anointed of God, his Prince ; wherefore, pxirfuant to the deep apprehenfion we have of the abomination and fad confequences of its pradice, we do engage our- felves to dilcover unto your Majefty, or fome of your minifters, any attempt of that kind, rebellion, or confpiracy, againft your Majefty's perfon, crown, or royal authority, that comes to our knowledge, whereby fuch horrid evils may be prevented. Finally as we hojd the premiffes to be agreeable to good confcience, fo we religioufly fwear the due obfervance thereof to our utmoft, and will preach and teach, the fame to our refpedive flocks. In witnefs v/here- of we do hereunto fubfcribe the 15th day of June 1666." But the Dukeof Ormond not only rejeded the petition, and remonftrance of this clergy, but alfo ordered them immediately to difperfe ; and foon after, banifhed them out of the kingdom ; infomuch that when his Grace quitted the government, there were not more than three Catholic Bilhops remaining there, two whereof were bed-rid, and the third had abfconded. (b). (b) His Grace espefled their fubfcriptions to that alleged, and Waidi himfelf owns, in feveral pnrts of very remonftrance, which had been prelented to the liis hiftory, that his remonftrance feems to airen alJ King ; and would accept of no other. See Waifti's that is contained in the oath of Uipreniacy iifelf. Aemojif. fol. 4S9. Although the son-fubfciibers CHAP. Ch. XIV. CIVIL WARS im IRELAND. 297 CHAP. XIV. The Duke of OrmondV Dcfign in permitting this Meeting of the IriJJj Clergy. PETER Talbot, titular Archbifliop bf Dublin, and one of the moft power- ful opponents of Walfh's remonftrance, obfervcd, afterwards, to that religious, that he had been, all along, only made ufe of as a tool, and a dupe, in that bufinefs ( I ). " The miniftry," fays he, " for reafons beft known to themfelves, were willing to let you preach, and prefs a formulary, which they forefaw would divide the Catholics among themfelves, difcredit their religion, and give the government the colour, and advantage of excluding from their eftates, many meriting gentlemen, for not profelfing that allegiance, which learned men of their own religion maintained to be abfolutely neccffary in a faithful fubjed." That there were fufficient grounds for fuch an obfervation, can be now proved by unqueftionable authority ; for about the end of the year 1666, after the before-mentioned fynod of the Irifli clergy had been difperfed. Lord Orrery, taking advantage of that incident, wrote thus to the Duke of Ormond (2). " I humbly offer to your Grace, whether thrs may not be a fit feafon, to make that fchifm, which you have been fowing among the Popifli clergy, publickly break out, fo as to fet them at open difference ; as we may reap fome practical advantage thereby." And, when, fome years after, his Grace's enemies had ftrangely accufed him of having countenanced, and en- couraged, Popery in Ireland, during his adminiftration, and inftanced his pcrmilfion of this fynodical meeting of the Irifh clergy, as a proof ol" it ; the Duke himfelf frankly declared (3), " that his aim in permitting that meeting was to work a divifion among the Romifh clergy ; and that he believed he had compaffed it, if he had not been removed, and, if contrary councils, and courfeshad not been taken, and held by his fucceffors in the government ; of whom, fays he, fome were too indulgent to the whole body of Papifts, and others not much acquainted with any of them ; not confidering the advantages of the divifion defigned." Some hopes, it appears, had been given, (which his Grace's before-men- tioned letter to Wallh feemed to confirm) that the fubfcribers to the firft re- monftrance would be reftored to their eftates. But Archbifhop Talbot calls O, q upon (1) Ftiar difciplincd, p. 92. (2) State Let. vol. it. (3) Cart. Orm. vol. ii. Append. £98 HISTORICAL REVIEW OF THE Bk.IX. upon Walfh (4), " to name but one, who had been the better for his fub- fcription. A man," fays he, " would think that my Lord of Iveagh's ex- tradion, innocency, and merit, his breaking General Owen O'Neil's army, his raifing, and lofing two or three regiments, in the King's fervice, his ven- turing himfelf, and his nearnefl: relations, in the towns belieged by Crom- well, his conftantly following his Majefty's perfon, and fortune in exil", need- ed no further remonftrance of his loyalty i but, however, that nothing might be objeded againft him, he figned yours : and yet is nothing the nearer his eftate. I know you prefied my Lord Duke of Ormond very much in Sir Ro- bert Talbot's behalf, faying it would be a great fcandal if the only gentleman in Ireland, who never would rejed the peace of 1646, and fufFered fo much on that account, were not reflored to his eftate ; and yet you fee he was, and his fon fa J is, in the fame condition with the reft of your fubfcribers." H A P. XV. T/)e King confejes his Obligation to make good the Peace of the Tear 1648. HIS Majefty had, at feveral times, acknowledged himfelf bound to ful- fil his engagements to the Irifh by the peace of 1648. We have already obferved, that in a letter from Breda, in 1650, he defired the Marquis of Or- mond (i), " to affure them, that he would perform all grants and conceffions which he had either made, or promifed them by that peace ; and v/hich, as he had new inftances of their loyalty and affedion to him, he fliould fludy rather to enlarge, than dimmifh, or infringe, in the leaft de- gree." In his fpeech to both Houfes of parliament, July 1660, v/hen a general ad of oblivion was intended to be paffed, his Majefty knowing that means had been ufed to exclude the Irith from the benefit of that ad, told them, " that he hoped the IriQi alone would not be left without the benefit of his mercy ; that they had fhewn much aftedion to him abroad ; and that he expeded the parliament would have a care of his honour, and of what he had promifed ihem." And in his declaration of the 30th of November following, (which was intended (4) Friar difcipl. p. 87. (i) Carte's Collea. of Orm, Orig. Pap. ('"^ This book was publi/lied in the )'ear 1674. Cii. XV. CIVIL V/ A R S IN IRELAND. 299 intended to be the ground-work of the a6ls of fcttlemcnt,) he again acknow- ledged this obHgation, and faid (2), " he muft always remember thr great af- fedtion a contiderabie part of the Irifli nation exprtfled to him, during the time of his Ixing beyond feas ; when, with all chearfulnefi, and obedience, tiiey received, and lubmitled to, his orders, though attended with inconve- nience enough to themfelves ; wliieli demeanour of theirs," adds he, " cannot but be thought very worthy of our protedion, jufticc, and favour." But the commillloners from Ireland, fcaringthat if the Irifli were included In the general pardon, they would be of eourfe reilored to their eftates (of which, by the bounty of the late ufurpers, thefc commiflioners, and their ad- herents, were then adlually in pofTcHion) (3) petitioned both houfcs, that they might be excluded by an exprefa elaiife, to be inferted in the atl. And upon a motion being made in the Houfe of peers, that this petition {hould be rejeded, and the Irilh included in the general indemnity, the Duke of Ormond oppofed it, alleging (4) that, " his Majefly had referved the cognizance of that matter to himlelf i" (bj though it was notorious, that his Majefty in his fpeech to par- liament, but a few days before, had acquainted them, " that he expeded (in relation to his engagement to that people) they would have a care of his honour, and of the promife he had made them." Excluded however they were, to the aftonifhmentof all honeft men ; who now perceived, what powerful inflruments their enemies made ufe of, to aeeomplifh their wicked purpofes. (z) Irifli Statutes. (3) Carte ubi fupra. (4) Sale and fettlement of Ireland. fi) I fliall tereaftcr have frequent occafion to quote this fmall trad. It was commoni)' called the Coventry-letter, becaufe it was dated from Coventry. It was written by Mr. Nangle, Attorney General in Ireland in 1685. The Earl of Clarendon, when Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, often mentions it in his letters to England, as a piece much taken notice of. " I hare received," fays he, in one of them, " a copy of a letter, written by Mr. Nangle, to the Ear! of Tyr- connel, from Coventry, 'tis a notable letter." St. Let. vol. i. p. I 56 Ellewhere, he fays, " I gave my Lord Chief Judice Keating a copy ot Mr. Nangle's letter, and defired his thoughts upon it." ib. His Excel- lency mentions Mr. Nangle, in feveral of his letters, as " a perfon of undoubted abilities, and integtity, in his profelTiOD." aq 2 CHAP. 300 HISTORICAL REVIEW of the Bk. IX. CHAP. XVI. Ormond's Reafons for his Oppojtion to the Irijb, confidered. THE Duke of Ormond afligned two reafons, in excufe of his unge- nerous condud in this particular. Firft he faid(i), " if he had not oppofed tlje motion for including the Irilh in the general pardon, others un- doubtedly would ; who, by exaggerating their former mifcondud, would have excited rather the parliament's indignation againft, than commiferation for, their cafe." But this reafon has no manner of force. For although the Eng- lilh had heard nothing of the infurredion in Ireland, but what gave them horror, and pofTefled them with the worft opinion of the whole Iriili nation, yet his Grace could have eafily fet them right, as to that matter (2): for, '* befides his being a witnefs of every man's behaviour during the troubles, he was well acquainted with all the circumftanccs of their cafe 5 he knew what early attempts the moft confiderable of their nobility and gentry made to return to their duty ; the difficulties they had to ftruggle with in that work, the pcr'everance with which- they purfued their defign, till they had accom- plilTievl it ; and the zeal with which, in the late King's diftrefs, they had em- braced the peace of 1648. All this, I fay, his Grace could have eafily made known to their Lordfhips, in cafe of the fuppofed exaggeration of their mif- condud, and would have been bound in honour and juftice to do fo; whereas, by his oppofition to the motion for including them in the general pardon, he gave occafion to their Lordfhips to confider them, as the moft criminalof all his Majefty's fubjeds in that refped, and as meriting peculiar and exemplary punifhment." His fecond reafon was ftill weaker than the firft, and is refuted by his own ex- perience. He pretended (3), " that he did not think, that the Proteftant Peers, or Commons of Ireland j or even the very Catholic Ir!fh, would be concluded by, or content with, an ad of the Englilh parliament." viz. An ad granting their pardon, and thereby putting them in a capacity to be reftored to their eftates ! His Grnce could not, ferioufly. have meant, that either the Proteftant Peers or Commons, or the Catholic Irifli, would have deemed an ad of the En^lifh parliament (v) Walfh's leiter to the Bi/hop of Ferns, p. 24. (2) Carte's Oim. vol. ii. (3)' Wairt), ubl fupra. . f > Ch.XVII. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 301 parliament infufficient for the purpofc of their reftitution ; becaufe it was no- torious (4) that he himfelf was reflorcd to his lands in Ireland, by an ad of the Englilh parliament; and particularly (5), that one BlackwcU was dif- pofTefTcd of his Grace's large eftate of Killcafh, in virtue of it." CHAP. XVII. The Earl of Ontrj abufes the King' s Confidence^ with refpeSi to the Settlement of Ireland. HIS Majefty's declaration before-mentioned, for the fettlement of Ire- land, (which comprehended every foot of land in the kingdom) or- dained, that about five hundred Irifh gentlemen therein named, who had faithfully ferved him abroad, fhould be reftored to their eflates ; but not un- til land of equal value was found (a), to reprize the Cromwcllian adventurers, and Ib'diers, who then had poflelTion of them. It alfo ordained, that fuch of the Irifh, as had never infringed the articles of the peace, concluded between the Marquis of Ormond and them, in 1648, fliould be reftored, upon the fame conditions. But the King had already difpofed of fo great a part of the kingdom, in gifts to Englifh and Irifh favourites (fome of whom had been acceffaries in his father's murder,) that the order for reprifals was abfolutcly (b) impradicablc j on which account the adventurers and foldiers flill continued their (4) Carte's Orm. vol. ii. fol. 398. (a) The claim of the adventurers was founded on an Englifh ai3 of parliament 17° Caroli, hy which all thofe, who had lent money towards carrying on the war againft the Iri.1i, fliould upon ihelr being fub- dufd, have a certain portion of their forfeited eftates conveyed to them. By the fame aft, it was provided that the money fo lent fhould not be applied to any other ufe but that of the Irifh war. Yet, *' fcarce was there one hundred thoufand pounds thus raifed, when (he fame parliament, contrary to its own aft and engagement, caufed it to be laid out for the fet- (5) Id. ib. vol. ii. foi 392. ting forth their army under the command of the Earl oft'llex, then ready for its march, againft the King at Nottingham." I3orl. Hirt. of the Iriili Rebel, fol. I 21. The foldiers, who were to be reprized with lands of equal value, had conflantly fought for the ufurpers againrt the King ; and were thus to be re- warded for that fervice. " They were,' hyi Mr. Carte, " for the moft part, Anabap:il1f, indepen- dents, and levellers." Orm. vol. ii. (h) " If," fays Ormond on this occafion, " the the fame declaration feems alfo to intend, there muft advent iirers and foldiers muft be faiisfied to the ex- be new difcoveries made of a new Ireland ; for the tent of what they fuppofe intended for them by the eld w'ill never ferve to fatiify thefe er^sgcmenti." declaraiion; and, it all that accepted, and conflantly Carte's Orm. vol. iii. fol. 340. adbered to the peace (of 164S) mud be reflorcd, as 30!j n 1-3 T O R PC A L R L V I E W or t h e Bk. IX. tlieir ulurped pofTcirion (i) ; "• altho' many of them, in refped of their no- torious, and opprobrious actions' againit the crown, throughout their whoie eaiployment; and of their exprcffmg, even after his Majefty's return, how little they were' fat Isfied with the revolution, were univerfally odious, both in England and Ireland." The Enrl of Clarendon, who was thoroughly acquainted with the condud, and intrigues, of this fetllement, informs us (2), " 'that his Majefty was led into this miiiake by a very pofitive afiurance from Lord Orrery, who was believed to underfland tlie ilate of that kingdom very exadly, that there was land enough, to -fatisfy all the foldiers and adventurers ; and that there would be a very great proportion left .for accommodating the Irifh very liberal- ly." But his Lordihip, at the fame time, made ufe of every finifter means, for his own .private advantage, to .reduce that proportion to no- thing. "For (3), " believing he could never be well enough at court, except he had courtiers of all forts obliged to him, who would therefore fpeak w^ell of him in all places, and companies, he recommended to many of them divers fuits for fuch lands, as by forfeiture, or otherwife, fhouid come to his Ma - jefly ; altho' he knew, that his Majefly had refolved, (and that by his Lordfhip's own advice) to retain thofe lands in his own power, to the end that, when the fettlement fhouid be made, he might be able to gratify thofe of the frifh nation, who had any thing of merit towards him, or had been lead faulty (4). His Lordfhip often, even fent certificates to thefe courtiers under his own hand, of the value thofe fuits might be to them, if obtained; and of the little importance, the granting them would be to his Majefty ; which having been fhewed to the King, difpofed him to thofe concelfions, which otherwife he would not fo eafily have made." (I) Clarend. Life. (2) ib. (3) Id. ib. (4) Id. ib. CHAP. Ch. XV[II. CIVIL WARS in IRELAND. 303 CHAP. XVIII. The Affairs of Ireland brought before the Englijh Council. ABOUT this time, a warm difpute was carrying on at London, be- tween the agents for the late confederate CathoHcs, and the commif- fionersfrom the council and the two Houfcsofthc Irifh parliament, in feveral memorials prefented by them to the King, in juftification of their rcfpedivc claims, and pretenfions. " But (i) the Irifh agents pleaded their caufe under great difadvantages (2). The commilfioners from the council and parliament dif- fered a little among themfelvcs, about their private and perfonal intcrefls \ but they were all united in one unhappy extreme, that is (fays Lord Clarendon who was prefent in council, during thefc difputcs) in their implacable malice tothelrirti; infomuch, that they concurred in their defirc, that they might gain nothing by the King's return ; but be kept with the fame rigour, and under the fame incapacity to do hurt, which they were then under. And though eradication was too foul a word to be uttered in the hearing of a Chriftian Prince, yet it was little lefs, or better, that they propofed, in other words, and hoped to obtain. Whereas the King thought tint mifcrablc peo- ple to be as worthy of his favour, as moft of the other party ; and that his ho- nour, juftice, and policy, as far as they were unreftrained by laws, and con- trads, obliged him more to preferve them, at leafl as much as he could. And yet it can hardly, be believed, how few men, in all other points very reafon- able, and who were far from cruelty in their nature, cheriflied that inclin >tion in the king; but thought it in him, and more in his brother, to proceed from other reafons, than they publifhed. Whilft others, who pretended to be only moved by chriftian charity, and compaflion, v/ere more cruel towards them, and made them more miferable by extorting great engagements from them for their protedion, and JntcrcefTion ; which being performed, would leave them in as forlorn a condition as they v/cre found," Besides thefe impediments to their fuccefs, from the malice of their ene- mies, the ignorance and prejudice of fome about the King, and the fraud and cruelty of others, thefe agents from the confederate Catholics had another obllaclc in their way, which was flill more imfurmountable ; and that was, the (1) Carte's Orm. vol. li. (2) Clarerd. Life. 304- HISTORICAL REVIEW OF THE BklX. the great poverty of thofe who ferit them. " The (3) new Earls of Orrery and Montrath had taken care to raife (a) privately among the adventurers and fojdiers twenty or thirty thoufand pounds, to be difpofed of properly, without any account, by way of recompenfe to fuch as rtiould be ferviceable to the what was called Englifh intereft. The Irifh had no fuch fums to command ; few friends about the court, and no means of procuring any. Thofe of the Englifh council, before whom they were to plead their caufe, were highly prejudiced, and incenfed againft the whole nation, knew little of the conduct of particular perfons, who deferved favour ; but were willing to involve every body, in the general guilt of the maflacre, as well as the rebellion." H A XIX. The Sufferings of the IriJIj Jet forth by their Agents before the KitJg and Council. IN vain did the Irifh agents urge(i), " the great and long fuflerings of their countrymen ; the lofs of their eftates, for five or fix and twenty years, the wafling and fpending of the whole nation in battles, and tranfpor- tation of men into the parts beyond feas ; whereof many had the honour to teflify their fidelity to the King by real fervices ; many of them returned into England with him, and were ffill in his fervice ; the great numbers of men, women, and children, that had been mafTacred, or executed in cold blood, after (j) Carte'3 Orm. vol. ii. (1) Clarend. Life. (a) And as much more publickly, for " the IrilTi Commons, on the 4th of i\]arch 1661, oidered, nem. con. thirty ihoufand pounds Eiiglifli to be raifed throtjgliout the kingdom, and prefented to his Grace the Duke of Ormond, with a claufe, that they in- tended not that prefent of theirs (hould be interpreed as an exclufion of his Grace, from any other jull fa- vour his Majefly might think fit to confer on biiii, or Lis." Com. Jour. vol. i. This order was procured by his Grace's friend, the Earl of Orrery, then one of the Lords- Jufticcs ; for thus that Earl wrote to his Grace, the day after it was part. " Yefterday the parliament met in this city. I had engaged the Speaker, and much the mod, if not all, the meiiibcrs, that their motion for their humble prefent for your Grace miglit be the very firft bufinefs gone upon. — It pafled without one ne- gative." Orrery's State Let. vol. i. p. 99. The fame Orrery having acquainted Ormond, that the firft aft of fcltlement was feni to England, adds, " Ail this kingdom looks upon your Grace as their great patron, to whom they in a high degree, owe thofe hopes, which his Majefly 's gracious declaration has given them." State Let. p. 37. This declara- tion was the bafis, and ground-work of the afts of fetilement. Again, he tells him, " your Lordlliip's favour to iJiis poor kingdom in haftcning the bill of fettlement, is (o fignal and great, that I know nor one man concerned in the good fciilcment of this kingdom but muft, and does, own himlelf your Grace's feivant, for your eminent pains and care in that dtfitcd woik." ib. p. 90. Ch. XIX. C 1 V I L W A R S I N I R E L A N a 305 after the King's government had been driven from tliem ; the multitudes tliat iiad been deftroyed by famine, and ihe plague, thefe two heavy judgments having raged over the kingdom for two or three years; and at lall, as a perfecution unheard of, the tranfplmting of the fmall remainder of the na- tion into a corner of the province of Conaught, where yet much of tlie lands were taken from them, wliieh had been aiiigncd with all ihofe for- malities of law, which were in ufc, and pradicc under that govern- ment." " In vain did they claim the benefit of the two treaties of peace, the one In the late King's time, and confirmed by liim ^ the other confirmed by liis Ma- jelly, who was prefent (2); by both which, they alleged, they flood indem- nified for all a6ls done previoul'ly by them in the rebellion, and infifted upon their innocence finee that time; and that they had paid fo entire an obe- dience to his Majeily's commands, while he was beyond the feas, that they betook themfelves to, and witlidrew themfclves from, the fervice of France or Spain, in fueh manner as his pleafure was they fhould do." It was deemed ftrnnge indiferetion and folly In them, even by fome of the leaft prejudiced of their judges, to mention, in that conjundure (3), " the unworthinefs and incapacity of thofe, who for fo many years had polTefled themfelves of their eltates, and fought then a confirmation of their rebel- lious title iVom his Majefty ; or to infinuate, that their rebellion had been more mfamous, and of gr. ater magnitude, than that of the Irifh, who had rifen in arms, to free themfelves from the rigour and feverity that was exer- cifed upon them, by fome of the King's minifters, and for the liberty of the'r confciences, without having the leaft intention or thought of withdrawing themfelves from his Majefty's obedience, or declining his government (a) ; R r whereas (2) Id. ib. (3) Id. ib. (a) Lord Clarendon's lil'e, and menaoirs, from tliaf, after his dilgrace, he was heartily forty for it, which thefe pillage; are cited, is a poflhuiuous work, appears from the following certificate, wlifcli a as written by hiinfelf, but not publillied till within thefe lately printed in one ol the public papers. Menioran- few years pad. In this place, he fcenis to exhibit duiii. " The I^ev. Mr. Cock, of Diirhim bi-in^ -ii iiis fome fynip'onis of remoife for that Machiavilian ad- kinfnian's, Sir Ralph Cole at Biifpeth caftk-. sbout vice, which the Iiifli ever accufed him of havinggiven the time that Lord Chancellor Claieiidon was dif- the K'ng, while the fettlement of Ireland was under graced, Sir Henry Brabant of Niw callle, csmr iht- confideration, viz. " to provide for his enemies, who iher, in his way from London, and lold S'r Ralph, might otherwife be troublefome, and to ovetlook his and hlin, this pafT.ige. That he, Sir Hi nry Bi banr, - friends, who would always ftick to him;" and this having been to wai' on Lord Clarendon jullaft.r his advice they ever confidtted, as one of the principal difgrace, his Lordftiip :if(er relling him how kindly he caufes of their ruin. That his Lordfhip did give his took that piece of tiiindOip, exprclTd himfelf ro this Majefty fo)|iie fuch counfei, on that occafion, and effefl. " That there were grievous things laid to his charge ; 3o6 H I S T O R I C A L R E V I E W o F T H E Ek. IX. whereas the others had carried on an odious rebellion againft the King's fu- cred perfon, whom they had horridly murthered in the fight of the fun, with all imaginable circumftances of contempt, and defiance; and, as much as in them lay, had rooted out monarchy itfelf, and overturned, and deftroyed, the whole government of church and ftate. And therefore they obferved, whatever punifhment the Irifli had merited for their former tranfgrefiions, which they had fo long repented of, and departed from, when they had arms and flrong towns in their hands, (which together \\ ith themfelves, they put again under his Majefly's protetlion,) that furely this part of the Englifli, who were poflelTed of their eftates, and had broken all their obligations to God, and the King, could not deferve to be gratified with their ruin, and total de- ftrudion. " It was," I fay, " deemed unpardonable indifcretion in the Irifh agents, to infift upon thefe, and other well known topics ; and not lefs fo, to give the m.oft diftant intimation of their humble hope (4), " that when all his Majefty's other fubjedls were, by his clemency reftored to their own efta'es, and were in full peace, mirth, and joy, the Irifh alone fhould not be exempt from all his Majefty's grace, and left in tears, aud mourning, and lamenta- tion ; and be facrificed, without redemption, to the avarice, and cruelty of thofe, who had not only fpoiled, and oppreffed them, but had done all that was in their power, to deftroy the King himfelf, and his pofterity ; and who now returned to their obedience, and fubmitted to his governmentj when they were not longer able to oppofe it." To this juft, and affecting ftate of the cafe, with refpedl to both parties, the commiffioners from the council and parliament of Ireland, anfwered only by a falfe, or exaggerated, imputation of the crimes of particular perfons among the Irifh to the generality of that people (5); and by an impudent revival of former felf-refuted calumnies ; which, though at this day, they are well known to be fuch, were then believed, or pretended to be believed, as fo many certain, and unqueftionable truths, by their corrupt, malicious, or ill- informed judges. (4) Id. ib. {5) See Clarendon's Life. charge; but that be could brar upag;'.infl all the reft, adding, " that he took that for the caufe of his own if his majefty would forgive him but one thing, which ruin, and willied ic might not occafion that of many was, that he was the perfon, who adviled him " to others, and at lall the King's." This is teftified by prefer his enemies, and neglefl his friends ; fince the H. Bedford, who had it from the above Mr. Cock, principles of ihe latter would fecure them to him /' London Chronicle, Decern. 2d, 1773. CHAP. Ch. XX. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. J07 CHAP. XX. A Court of Claims appointed in Ireland. '* •'T"^ HE (i) King found, that if he deferred fetthng the government of Ire- I land, till a pcrfe£l adjuftment of all particular interefts could be made, it would be very long ; he faw, that there muft be Ibme examination taken there, before he could make his determination upon thoie particulars, which purely depended upon his own judgment ; and fo he paft that which is called the firft ad of fettlement ; and was perfuaded to commit the execution there- of to com miffioners, recommended to him by thofe who were moft conver- fant in the affairs of that kingdom, though none, or very few of them, were known to his Majefty." These commiffioners conftituted what was commonly called the Court of Claims in Ireland (2), " but were very ill qualified for fuch a trufl. They were for the moft part engaged, by their interefts, in the party of the adven- turers and foldiers ; very many of them were in pofl^eliion of thofe lands, which others fued for before them ; and they themfelves bought broken ti- tles, and pretences of other men, for inconsiderable fums of money, which they fupported, and made good, by their ow^n authority. Thus the judges themfelves were both parties and witnefles, in all caufes that were brought before them." *' Such fcandalous pradices could not be fuffered to continue long (3). Thefe commilfioners were removed; and feven gentlemen, of very clear reputations, appointed m their room ; fome of them lawyers in verv much efteem ; and others, perfons of very good extractions, excellent underftandings, and above all fufpicion for their integrity, and generally reputed to be fuperior to any bafe temptation." It was imagined, however, by the fame noble hiftorian, whom I have hi- therto cited, and who has honoured them with this very reputable charadler, that thefe new commiffioners decided fomewhat too partially in favour of the R r 2 Irifli (1) Id ib. (») Cltrend. Life, vol. ii. p. 231. Carte's Oim. vol. ii. fol. 2 z©- (3) Clarend. Life. 3o8 HISTORICAL REVIEW OF THE Bk. IX. Irifh on this occafion(4); " tliat there was reafon to believe, that the obfer- vation they had made of the great bitternefs, and animofities, from the Eng- lifli, both foldiers and adventurers, towards the whole Irifh nation, of what kind foevf^r ; the fcandalous proceedings of the firft commiffioners, together with the very ill reputation many of the foldiers and adventurers had for extraordinary malice to the crov^rn, and to the Royal famhly ; and the notable barbarity they had excrcifed towards the Irifh, who without doubt, for many years, had undergone the mofl cruel opprelfions of all kinds, that can be imagined (many thoufands of them having been forced, without being co- vered under any houfe, to perifh in the open fields (5) for hunger;) the in- famous purchafes that had been made by many perlbns, who had compelled the Irilh to fell their remainders, and lawful pretences, for very inconfiderable fums of money ; thefe, I fay, and many other particulars of that kind, his Lordihip imagined, might probably difpofe thefe commiiTioners to fuch a pre- judice againfl many of the Englifh, and to fuch a compalfion towards the Irifh, that they might be much inclined to favour their pretences, and claims, and to believe, that the peace of the kingdom might be better provided for by their being fettled in the lands of which they had been formerly poffeiTed, than by fupporting the ill-gotten titles of thofe, who had manifefted all ima- ginable infidelity, and malice againft his Majefly, whilft they had any power to oppofe him." But certainly, every candid perfon will allow, that men of fuch diflinguifhed integrity, and underilanding, as his Lordfhip ad- mits thefe commiffioners to have been, were not likely to be biaffed even by the motives he has recited, to any unjuflifiable partiality in favour of a people, with whom they had no manner of connexion, and againft whom, it is .probable, they had imbibed fome part at leaft of thofe un- reafonable prejudices, which prevailed but too generally at that jundure of time. (4) Id. ib. (5) Id. ib. CHAP. Ch.XXI. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 309 HAP. XXI. *rhe Conditions of the Innocency., or J^ocency of the Claiviants. iUT although the commiflioners of the court of claims were thus hap- pily changed, the rigorous conditions of the innocency, or nocency, of the claimants, that had been firft refolved upon, were ftill continued. Ac- cording to thefe conditions, to prove a perfon innocent (1), it was not enough to Ihew, that he had never taken arms in the late infurredion, or entered into any treaty, or affociation, with thofe who had ; no : for, if fuch a per- fon chanced but to dwell, however inofFenfively, in any of the places occupied by the infurgents, he was to be judged nocent. This was, furely, a very hard condition ; " for abundance of Roman Ca- tholics," as (2) Mr. Carte obfcrvcs, " well -aifcdted to. the King, and very averfe to the rebellion of their countrymen, lived quietly in their own houfes, within the quarters of the rebels ; who out of revereiice to their virtues, or favour to their religon, allowed them to do fo ; fuch of them as had offered to take fhelter in Dublin, were by the Lords Juftices banifhed thence on pain of death by publick proclamation, and ordered to retire to their own houfes in the country, where they could not help falling under the power of the re- bels ; and if thefe fuffercd them to live there in quiet, an equitable man, who confiders the circumftances of thofe times, and the condition of ajl countries that are. in a ftate of war, will hardly fee any iniquity in tiie rcceivr ing that mercy, 6i: in the, unavoidable neceffity they were under of living ixi their own houfes, as Ihould bring upon thofe perfons the forfeiture of theiv eftates." • • But of all the marks of nocency eftabliflied on this occafion, that of having taken the engagemeiit to Cromwell, was the moft extraordinary ; for that engagement was primarily contrived, during the ufurpation, by thofe very (a) perfons, who, after the King's return, had acquired authority and in- fluence enough to have the modelling and impofing of thefe rigid conditions. From (1) Sale and Settlement of Ireland, Carte's Orm. vol. ii. (2) Orro, vol. ii. (a) The new Earls of Orrery «nd Motmtrath. jic HISTORIC AL REVIEW OF THE Bk.IX. From whence refulted this very Ihocking injuftice and abfurdity, peculiar, certainly, to the pohcy of thefe times (3), that the original framers and pro- moters of that engagement, who had themfelves voluntarily taken and (igned iU and had compelled others to take it, were not only held innocent, but rewarded with great honours, and employments of the higheft authority in the Hate ; while thofe who abhorred it, when it was forced upon them, and ne- ver took it but at the laft extremity, and to avoid a violent and fhameful (bj death, were condemned, as nocent, not only to the lofs of their eftates, but alfo to the mortification of feeing them beftowed upon the very authors, and impofers, of that engagement. CHAP. xxn. The Time limited for holding thefe Courts found too fhort^ and not fujfered to be enlarged, THE time limited for holding the court of claims was a twelvemonth ; but it fat (1) only " from February to Auguft following i during which fpace, the claims of near a thoufand innocents were heard ; whereof half were declared innocent, notwithftanding the many difficulties they had to en- counter, as well from the rigorous conditions before-mentioned, as from a fvvarm of corrupt witneffes, that were daily employed againft them. For the fuborning of witnefTt^s at thefe trials, was fb frequent, and barefaced, that their perjuries were fometimes (2) proved in open court, by the teftimony of honourable perfons, who happened accidentally to be prefent. Sir William Petty boafted, when he had evided the Duke of Ormond out of fome lands before this court, that he had gotten witnefTes, that would have fworn through a three Inched board." The {3) Sale and Settlement, &c. (1) Cart. Orm. vol. ii. {2) Cart.Orm. vol. it. fol. 393. (b) " This enpgfement was, during the ufurpation, perfon, whom they (hould meet in their way, that fbrceii npon the 1 ilh in fo violent and barbarous a could nor produce a certificate of his having taken it ; tnanner, thai iliofe who fefufrd it, wcr« not only ex- orders, which were cruelly executed, even on poor cludeil from all hin. fit oF'he 'laws, Imt were alfo in peafants, when thro' ignorance, or forgetfulnefs, they imminent dang' I of h ir livos fiom the public orders had left their certificates behind them." Sale and Set- ^ven to Croraweli's foldiers to ailow quarters to no tlement of Ireland. Ch. XXII. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 3" The time limited for the trial of innocents being now expired (3), Sir Rich- ard Rainsford, one of the commiffioners, and a man of great probity, thought it reafonable to fue for more time, in order to try the claims of tliofe, who could not be heard within the period above-mentioned, and who certainly, had as much right to demand the rcflitution of their eftates, until they were heard and found nocent, as thofe who had undergone their trials, and being adjudged innocent. " But thefe (4), fays Mr. Carte, were left to be riiincd, merely for want of that common juftice of being heard, whicli is by all nations allowed to the worft of malefadtors (a). The Duke of Ormond," adds he," " did not think it proper, to infert a claufe in the bill, in the draught of which he was obliged to have the concurrence of the council, for relief of thefe unheard innocents." The Duke himfclf feemed confeious of the in- juftice of this omilfion; for in a letter to the Earl of Clarcnvdon on that occa- fion, he fays (5), " if you look upon the compofition of this council, and parliament, you will not think it probable, tliat tiie fcttlement of Ireland can be made with much favour, or indeed reafonable regard, to the Irifh. If it be, it will not pafs; and if it be not, we muft look for all the clamour, that can be raifed'by undone men." The King had committed the drawing up of that bill(^^j, chiefly, if not folely, to the Duke of Ormond's difcretion. His Grace therefore was certainly blameable for not inferting the above-mentioned claufe, even fuppofmg him to have been merely paflive in the omiflion ; but that he was equally adive with thofe of the council, in hindering his Majefty to grant further time for trying the claims of Co many unheard innocents, will, I fear, be found too evident for the credit of his impartiality, or honour. (3) Sale an) Settlement. (4) Ubi fupra. (5) Carte's Ormond, vol. i!i. fa) " Of four thoufjnd claims of innocents, entered in that court of daiins, t'he commifTioners liad not tiiiie to ticar above fix hundred, by tlie 22d of Auguft, when their couimifficn ended. Id-. Lite oi Orn;ond, vol. ii. fol. 297. (i) There was hardly any ftep taken in England, with refpeft to the fetilement of Ireland, wherein his Grace's advice was not fought for, and followed. His friend the Earl of Orrery told him, " that he was affured by good hands, that iiioft of the perfons to be reftored by name, would be nominated by his Grace, though after\vards inferied in ibe aft by his Majefty." State Let. vol. i. p. 184. Lord Orrery's information was very right ; for Lord Arlington had before acquajnt- Oruiond, " that his Majelly had proniifed willingly to baik«o to bis Grace's reprefeotatio.ns fiom Ireland, concernirg the qualifications of thofe whofe mciii he fliould delire to recompenfe." And in another letter, he exprefsly told him, '• that his Majelly had bid hici write to his Grace to knuw, what perfons he «'ou!'.( advile him to nooiinate to be reftored to their eftitet." And foon after, the fame Lord fent liim a warrant. " Which," he faid, " he drew up as near as k: could to his Grace's fenfe, by which his Majefty em- powered him to fend a lift of the names." State Let, by Brown, CHAP. 312 11 1 S T O R I C A L R E V I E W o P T H R Bk. IX. C H A P. X'nil. An Enlargement of Time for hearing all the Claimants, by whom hindered. "TJlflS (r) Majefty, by a letter of February 2ift, i662,to theDuke ofOrmond, J~" fi had, probably at "iir Richard Rainsford's requeft, granted an en!arj;;ment of time for the trial of thofe innocents, who could not be heard within the year. But he afterwards revoked that grant, at the requeft of his Grace, and the Irifh council. This appc ars from a letter of Lord Arlington to his Grace, of the 7th of March following, wherein he tells him (2), " that his Majefty was furprifed at reading a letter from him and the council, of the preceding month, relating to the period that ought to be put to the commiflioners fitting and determining claims, on account of the contradiction, which that letter contained to what himfelf h d judged, upon hearing that point debated in the (EngJifh) council ;" but that, " however, his Majefty would refume the confideration of it." And accordingly, on the 25th of July following, the fame Lord Arlington inform- ed his Grace and the council (3), " that the king had adually revoked his grant of the 21ft of Febrmry at their requeft, and folicitation." For after having told them, that upon receipt of their difpatch concerning his Majefty's letter of the 21 ft February direded to his Grace the Lord Lieutenant, for receiving, and admitting, in general, all fuch perfons to put in their claims before his Majefty's commiirioners in Ireland, as his Grace fhould judge fit, notwithftand- ing the time limited by the ad of parliament was elapfed, he adds (4), " that he had acquainted his Majefty with their opinion thereupon, and that his Ma- jefty had accordingly commanded him, to fignify to their Lordfhips, that it was his Majefty's pleafure, that his faid letter of the 21ft of February fhould be wholely fufpended, and laid afide ; finding that faid letter was gained upon grounds, femingly equitable, tho' now, by their Lord fhips found to he (aj in.' confiftent with the ad of fcttlement." And thus above three thoufand perfons, who (0 State Let. (2) State Let. Colleft. by Brown, p. 356. (3) Id. ib. (4) 'b. (a) " The King referred the preparing of this bill of the Commons." Id. ib. Thefe Commons, as we to Cniiond, and the IriHj council." Lei. Hid. of have feen, " were, for the mod part, Cromwellian Irel. vol. iii p 435. 'But the Lieutenant and Council rebels, independents, anabaptifts, and levellers; and, weic empowered to cxphin any ditficulires, and amend by the appointment of the regicide3> aftually poflVflcd an^ dilefls in it." Id. ib. p 443. " Ormond pro- of the eftatCS of the Irifll." nifed to eiplaia and amend, agreeably to the wiflies Ch. XXIII. CIVIL WARi^ IN IRELAND. 313 who had entered claims of innoccncy, were not heard, and yet were left to be utterly ruined. For the court of claims being now at an end, that whicTi was cillcd the- explanatory bill, put an abfolute period to all future hopes of thcfc un- heard claimants. By that bill, it wasenatted (5), "that no pcrfon or perfons, who by the qualifications in the former ad of fcttlcment, had not been adjudged innocent, fhould at any time after, be reputed innocent, fo as to claim any lands, or tenemcntj thereby vcfted;.or be admitted to have any benefit, or allowance of adjudication' of innoccncy ; or any benefit of ar- ticles (b) whatfoever (6)." This bill (which the Irilh called the (c) black ad) was brought over to Ireland, figned and fealed, hy the Duke of Ormond himfclf. • ■ " - The articles above-intended, of which the Trifli were to receive no benefit, were thofe of the peace of 1648; on the conclufion of which, Ormond him- felf, then Lord Lit-utcnant, declared by proclamation, in his Majefly's name, " that all perfons rendering due obedience to the faid peace fhould be pro- teded, cherifhed, countenanced, and fupported, according to the true in- tent, and meaning of the faid articles." • I J' MUST here obferve, that the King was ^o fenfible of his obligation to perform liis part of the articles of that peace, that mentioning it in hijs declaration for the fettlement of Trclani, which was to be the foundation and ground- work of thefe ads, he uled the following remarkable words. " We (7) cannot but hold ourfelves obliged to perform what we owe, by that peace, to thofe who have honcftly and faithfully performed what tliey promifed to do, though both we and they were miferably difappoint' d as to the effeds of thofe promifes." Nor did any of the dif^ poil^ired rifh then claim the benefit of it, but fuch as were confcious, and could produce authentic and undeniable proof (fome of them by appealing even to his S s Grace's (5) See Afls of Settlement. Lei. ulii fupra. p. 440. (6) Walfh's Hift. of the Iiifii Reinon. fol. 568. (7) See ihat decLiration. Afts of Settlement. (b) " Thus every one remaining of thofe niune- snce was, that more than three thoufand perfons rous claimants, whofe caules had not been hearJ, was were condemned without the juflice granted to the entirely cut oft". Tliey complalntd of perjury and vileft criminals, that of a fair, and equal trial." Lei. fubornalion in the caufes that were tried before ihe Hill, of Ircl. vol. iii. p. 440. court of claims ; but their great, and flriking griev- fr^" By this aft, Ormond is faid to have got the city his friends of the council but at 60,000 I. though ofKilkenny, and fix other corporate towns, together they are v^ell woith 120,000 1." Unk, Ddeit. p. 165. with thtir lands and liberties, valued by binifeif, and 314 HISTORICAL REVIEW OK THE Bk. IX. Grace's knowledge) that they had all along faithfully obferved the conditions of it. And thefe, furely, had an incontcftable right to the benefits of a peace, " which, as LordCartlehaven witnefieth(8), they had fealed, and confirmed, with the blood of more than twenty thoufand of their beft men ; who loft their lives to maintain it, refufing, in the mean while, all oiFers of peace, and that to the very laft, from the Englilh parliament (d)." HAP. XXIV. Some RefleSlioiis on the foregoing A&s. iUT matters were now fo ftrangely altered, that the very claiming the benefit of that peace, was made ufe of as an argument againft their hav- ing any right to obtain it (i) ; " becaufe," fays Mr. Carte, " fuch claim was deemed a plain confefTion of former offences; in (2) fhort the King now declared for an Englifh intereft to be eftablilhed in Ireland ; and confidered the fettlement of that kingdom, rather as a matter of policy, than juflice. He faw, that one intereft or other muft fuffer, and he thought it moft fit, for 'the good of the nation, the advantage of the crown, and the fecurity of the government, that the lofs ftiould fall upon the Irifh." The Duke of Ormond's confolatory argument, with refpedl to thefe de- fpoiled people, in his fpeech to parliament on pafling the firft ad of fettle- :ment, is fomewhat remarkable (3). " Thofe," fays he, " that fhall be kept -out of their antient eftates, the inheritance of their fathers, through the defedt of their qualifications, and by the all difpofing providence of God, who was not pleafed to make them adive inftruments in this happy change, are deli- vered from tyrannous confinements, caufelefs imprifonments, and a continual fear (8) Memoirs, firft ed. (i) Orm. vol. ii. Lei. ubi fupra. (j) Carte, ib. (3) IJ. ib. vol. ii. Append, fol. 25. (J) i. e. While tliey coull keep any confidsrable their bert holts, the terms (o offered, and rejcft- nutnber of their people together; ibr even Borlace ed by the affenibly, when together, were foon •' confelTes, that vvliile their alTembly continued, fuch after embraced by all of them, when fcattered and di- Jerms were tendered to, and lefufed by, the confe- vided into parties ; on which they fubmitted, ;,nd derates, as were agreeable to a conquering army to laid down their arms ; having by the conditions, li- give (fuch as that of the ulurpers then was) 10 a brok- berty to tranfport thenifelves into foreign parts, or to en fcattered party, as the confederates were." But ftay in the kingdom," HiU of the Irifh Rebel, keing then (^652) reduced to bogs and woods, as fol, 385-6. Ch.XXiV. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 315 fear of their lives. The (^a^ good land lies afore them; their induftry is at liberty, and they are reftored to the freedom of fubjcds, and the protection of the laws; if an Irifh Papift be oppreft, they (hall relieve him; if the blood of the mcaneft of them be fhed, it ihall be ftridly enquired after. Let this ftate be eompared with tiiat they were in before the King's reftoration, and it will be found that the greatcft lofer has got fomething." But this cajoling amounts to no more, than an ollcntatious fuppofition, that his Grace's admi- niftration of Ireland was not, altogether, fo unjuft, tyrannous, and bloody, as that of the regicides, his now favoured predeceifors in the government of that kingdom. And the difference will appear ftill lefs, when it is confidered, that the mnocent fufferers under Cromwell, had at leaft the comfort of a remote, but reafonable hope, that juftice might be one day done them on his Majefty's reftoration ; but of this, their only remaining profped, they w^ere then to- tally deprived, under Ormond, by this explanatory bill. " It (4) will be difficult," fays a contemporary writer, " to pcrfuade thofe, who were not eye-witneffes of the fad, that the royal authority of a chriftiaa King, which in one part of his dominions maintained the Peer in his dignity, the commoner in his birth-right and liberty; which proteded the weak from the oppreffion of the mighty, and fecured the nobility from the infolence of the people ; and by which, equal and impartial juflice was diftributed to all, (hould, at the fame time, be made u(e of, in another part of his dominions, to condemn innocents before they were heard, to confirm unlawful, and ufurped pofTelfions, to violate the public faith, to punifh virtue, and coun- tenance vice, to hold loyalty a crime, and treafon worthy of reward ; in a word, to exempt fo many thoufands of faithful and deferving fubjeds, from a general pardon, which, by a mercy altogether extraordinary, was extended to fome of the murderers of his roval father." *' Colonel (5) Talbot, afterwards Duke of Tj-rconnel, fufpeding the Dwke of Ormond to have done ill offices to the Irifh on this occafion, expoftu- lated with his Grace in fo huffing a manner, that it looked as if he meant to challenge him ; and his Grace, waiting upon his Majefty, defired to know if it was his pleafure, at this time of day, that he fhould put off his doublet to S s 2 fight (4) Sale and Settlement of Irel. (5) Carte's Orm. vol. ii. (aj Before the year 1641, " the Irifli," fays Col. feven acres. So that." adds my author, " if the 1 aurence, " were proptietors of ten acres to one that majority of proprietors may give the denomination to the Englifli had in Ireland ; but, after the adl of fet- a country, which ufualiy it doth, Ireland is become tlement, thefe Englilli were in poflelTion, by that aft. Weft England." Intereft of Irel. part ii. p. 50-51. of four millions, five hundred fety thoufand thirty- 3i6 HISTORICAL REVIEW of t h k Ek. IX. fight duds Vv'ith Dick Talbot ; for fo he v/as ufually called. Talbot here- upon, wasfent to the tower, but after feme time was releafcd upon his fui)- miffion." CHAR XXV. A dangerous Conf piracy of the Puritans. TH E confcioufnefs of having done a wrong is ever attended with fome fear of refent nent from the party injured. Such was the Duke of Or- niond's fituation at this jundure, with refped to the defpoiled Irifli (r). " He had fpics and intelligencers in every part cf Ireland, who ferved him fo well, that there was not the leaft motion among them, but it came to his know- ledge." Complaints, indeed, that wretched privilege of fufferers, were heard from all parts; but no traces of a confpiracy, nor even endeavours for redrefs were any where difcovered. The cafe was very different with thofe rebellious fbdaries, who had got poirefTion of (a) their eflates. For upon the reftoring of a few innocents, legally adjudged fuch (2), " they conceived fuch refent- ment againft the government, for not having divided the fpoil of the whole nation among them, that they entered into two dangerous confpiracies on that ac^ count; firft, in 1663, to furprife the caftle of Dublin, and afterwards in 1665, ^^^ a more defperate purpofe. For, at tiiis later period, there was a general defign concerted in England, Ireland, and Sctland, to rife at one time, and to fet up the long parliament, of which above forty members were engaged. Meafures had been taken to gather together the difbanded foldiers of the old Cromwellian army; and- Ludlow was to be general in chief They were to rife all in one night, and to fp-irenone, that would not join in the defign ; which was to pull down the King, with the Houfe of Lords; and, inftead; of Bidiops, to fet up a fobor,; and painful miniflry." In thefe confpiracies feveral (4) Prefbyterian minifters,. and . .fO'Td. lb. (2) Id. ib. (3) Orrery's State Let. vol. i. p. 225. (4) Cart. Oni). vol. ii. (a) " I confef ," fays Lord Arlington in a letter rent and torn, fince his Majefty's rcdoration. I can 10 Ormond on iliis occ.ifion, " It will be a hard mat- compurc it lo notliing better, than the flinging the ter to be very iecurc of thofe, who fee their eftates reward, upon the death ot a deer, among a pack of enjoyed by otherinen, till time hath accuflomed tlieai hounds, where every one pulls and tears, where he to fuch digcftion." Slate let. by Brown, p. 408. can, for hinifcif; for, indeed, it has been no other " This country (Ireland)," fiys the Earl of Effex, than a petpetual icranible." Stale Let. p. 334. Loid Lieu(enant in 1675, " ^^s been perpetually Ch. XXVI. CIVIL WARS in IRELAND. 317 and feven members of the Irilh parliament, were found to he (5) engaged. The prifbns of Dublin were (6) crowded with thcfc niinirtcr!> j and thu incm- bers of parliament were ignominioully expelled. Lord Orrery, from wliom this account is moflly taken, has confelTed a truth on this occafion, which he certainly never intended fliould be made public. In a private letter to the Duke of Ormond, he tells him (7), " that he h.id brought over Captain Taylor, one of the leaders in the latter confpin:cv, to make confeffions to him; and that he had, as well as he could, laid open ta him, the inexpreffiblc mercy of his Majefly to that vile pnrty he had en^ao^ed himfclf with; not only in pardoning to them their part crimes, but alfo giving them the lands of many, who had ferved under his royal enrig;ns abroad, to pay the arrears, which had been contraded againft his fervice at home." Such, in thofe days, were confefTedly the rewards of loyalty, and the punilh- ment of rebellion, in Ireland! HAP. XXVI. The Duke o/" Ormond apologizes for the Favour he had Jhe-wn to the Cromcuel- lian Party in Ireland. "•HE Duke of Ormond's (^^j flrangc partiality in favour of the partizans of the late ufurpers, to the ruin of fo m my thoufands of his Majcfty's loyal, innocent, and meriting fubjeds, is thus more ftrangely accounted for by himfelf Having, in his fpeech to parliament on paiTuig the firft ad of ftttlement, (5) Com. Jour. vol. i. (6) Carte ubi fupra. (7) Slate Lei. vol. i. p. 2:6. (a) A rem!irk;ible itiftance of tliis parti.)lii7 we find teftant ; that his mother Lady Tin»rles, his brother*,; in .ptie i;f his Grace's leticfs to John Walfli, Elq; oi)e fiWrs, and ail iiis relations continuing Roman Cail»»- . of hiscoiimiifijoners. '' You know,' i'ays he, " what lies, liiil remained in the Irilli quarters, during ik» my inftruflions have always been to my comniiinontrs late infurreflion ; and fuch ot iheui as »«eie ^bie i»i: and leiv.THis ; to give up, even vihilft I might legally bear arms, as Lord Muflcerry, Coioi el F /patrick, do othcrwile, whatever I was pofTefled of, which his brother-in-law, his brother Colonel Duller of Kil- was but fet out to adventurers, or foldiers, though cafli, and Colonel GeOTge Mathews, and other his they had not clcaied their title in the court of claims." relations, as the Lord Mounlgarrct, Dunboyn, and Cait. Onii vol ii. Append, fol. 34. divers other Lords and gentlemen of his name and fa- 'Ihis partiality will appear ftill more (Irange, when mily, were generals, or commanders of lower quality it is confidered, " that his Grace was the firft of in the army of the confederates." See Eatl of .^r.glt- th^f^iilj' of the Buiieis, that was educated a Pro- fea'sLet. to the Earl of Caftlehaven, p. 6a. 3i8 HISTORICAL REVIEW OF THE BklX. fettlement, given a moft odious, and ftiocking (b) defcription of thefe ufur- pers, he thought fit in a fubfequent fpeech to the fame parliament, on palfing the explanatory a6t, to obferve, " that it might feem liable to fome objec- tion, that whilft he declaimed againft the proceedings of thefe men, he yet undertook to fee them ratified." After which, he ludicroufly, and as if he were fporting with the deIiru6tion of a whole people, adds, " to this I Ihall only, for the prefent, fay, that unjuft perfons may fometimes do juftice ; and ■for inftance, I will aflure you, that Ireton, at Limerick, caufed fome to be kanged, that defcrved it almoft as well as himfelf." Thus, according to the Duke of Ormond's cafuiftry, Ireton's fuppofed me- rit in hanging up fome Catholics, (obnoxious perhaps to his Grace, though btherwife, (c) good fubjeds) entitled that Regicide's vile adherents to be le- gally inverted with the eftates, and properties, of fo many thoufands of the innocent, and loyal natives ; and that too in breah of articles, by which his Grace had folemnly engaged, to fee thefe natives reftored. But leaving this frivolous apology to the contempt it deferves, let us now fee, if we cannot affign more probable caufes of this partiality from the con- ftant tenuor of his Grace's condud, during the whole time of the preceding war, and for fome years after his Majefty's reftoration. (h) viz. As " murderers of his Majefty's father, fame; who drove him into enWe, and all the sffliftfiig and ufiirpers of his inheritance ; whole endeavours circumftances of that mlferable ftaie of a King, &c." ■were inceirant to defttoy his petfon, and to blaft bis See Boil. Hift. of the Irifh Rebel. (<) The chief of thofe execufed at Limerick, hy Ireton's order, were the tiiular Birtiop of Erne!)', Major General Purccll, Sir Geoffry Baron, Sir Geoffry Cal- laway, and the mayor of that city. Thefe Ireton caufed to be put to death, in revenge for their noble perfeferaoce in defending that city, tho' infefled with the pleigue, againft him, for his Majefty. •' Ireton had fent in articles of furrender, in which he infiftcd that about feveiiteen of the principal perfons of the place, viho were ftill for holding it out, fhould be excepted (from mercy). — But thefe made fo ftiong a party, that the treaty was broke up, without any agreement. But the town being afterwards furrer.dcred (by the ttcachcrj of Col. Ftnnet) the Bilhop of Etneiy, Major General Purcell, &c. were taken in the Peft-houfe, where they were hid." Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 370, &c. Ireton himlelf, a few davs after he had taken Limerick, caught the infedlion, and died of it there. N. B. Ludlow, from whom the above is cited, was one of the judges of that court-martial, which condemned thefe gentlemen. " Colonel Fennel," fays Lord Caftlehaven, " hav- ing cowardly, or treacheroudy left the defence of the pafs at Killaloe, fled into Limerick, with all his party; where, upon the rendition of the town, which was not long after, Irelon, with more than his ordi- nary jullice, hanged him." Mem. p. laS. CHAP. Ch.XXVII. CIVIL WARS in IRELAND. sr^ H A P. XXVII. The p'obabk Motives of the Duke of Ormond'j paji and pnfent Ccndu€t^ v.iib refpedl to the Irijh. «« TWO (i) grants were made to the Marquis of Ormond by the King, foon after the breaking out of the war in 1641 ; one was the vefting in him all the fecurities, and mortgages, upon his eflate, formerly made, and belonging to fuch perfons, as were, or had been, in the infurredion. The other grant, was that of the lands held under him, and forfeited to him for breach of conditions. This grant was confirmed by a claufe in the firft a(5l of fettlement, and the eftates thus granted contained f'aj a prodigious quantity of land, which had been granted to gentlemen upon fee-farm, or quit-rents,, and military tenures ; by which they were obliged to follow their Lord, the head of that family, upon any occafion of hofting, into the field ; and upon failure thereof the lands were forfeited to their Lord." From his Grace's early application for thefe grants, it is evident enough, •what ufe he intended to make of them; as alfo what were the true motives of his backwardnefs to conclude the ceffation in 1643 ; and of his frequent difobedience to his Majefty's urgent commands to hallen tlie peace of 1646; of his carrying on, at the fame time, a private correfpondence, and treaty with the Scotch covenanters in Ulfter, in oppofition to that peace; and of his hindering the Irilh to be included in the general ad of indemnity, after the reftoration, or to be indulged with the neceffary enlargement of time, for proving their innocence, in the court of claims. From all this, I fay, it is manifeft, that his Grace forefaw, that a dijfferent conduit, in any of thefe conjundures, would have precluded him from fome part of that vaft emolu- ment, which he expeded from thefe grants, and which he knew, was in the end, to be proportioned to the extent, duration, and henioufnefs, of the infurredion. (1) Carte's Orm. vol. ii. fol. 30S. And (a) It is sflSrmed, that he got as many genileinen's him any chiefrj, as were worth at leaft 150,000!. eftates, upon the pretence of a grant of enjoying all Unkind Defert. &C. p. 166. lands that he could prove (b/ witneflVs) to have paid HISTORICAL REVIEW of the Bk. IX. cc And thus we find, his noh\e{b) friend, the Earl of Angle fey, acknow- ledging in print, in 1681(2), " that it was then apparent, that his Grace and his family, by the forfeiture and punilliment of the Irifh, were the greateft gainers of the kingdom, and had added to their inheritance, vaft fcopes of land, and a revenue fc) three times greater than what his paternal eftate was, before the rebellion ; and that moll of his increafe was out of their eftates, who adhered to the peaces of 1646, and 1648, or ferved under his Majefty's enfigns abroad." From whence his Lordlhip juftly concluded, that "his Grace could not have been very fincere, in making either of thefe peaces with the Irifh; but that, whatever moved him thereto, whether compafTion, natural affedion, or any thing elfe, he was in judgment, and confcience, againflthem; and io." adds he, " he has fmce appeared, and hath advantage by their lay- ing afide (dj (ejr (2) Letter tb the £arl of Caftlehaven. Cafllehav. Mem. ift. ed. ^JJ When the Duke of Buckingham was endea- vouring to fupplart Ormond in the King's favour, and made overtures to the Earl of Anglefey to join him for that puipofe, the " Latl tejtfled thefe over- tures with indignatfofl, find g»ve Onnond notice o: the defigns formed againft him." Lei. Hifl. of Ireland, vol. iii. p. 453. See Carle's Orm. vol. ii. fol. 482. ft) A knowing cofttem'porary writer aflerts, "that rrew great revenues is the King's grant of all ihofe the annual rents of Ormond's eltate before the war, lands of his own eftate, which weie leafed, and nioirgaged; the reft were grams of other men's eifaies, and olher gifts of his Majefty " His gifts and grants are thought to amount to 6jo,oOol. Unkind Defert. p. 161-2. See Queries, ib. Appen. p. 168. were bu' feven thoufand pounds fterling, (his antient eftaie being then encumbered with annuities and leafes, which othtrwde was worth forty thoufand pounds fterling per annum,) and at prefent (1674) it is upon eighty thoufand. Now the firft part of his fj) It is, therefore, no wonder, that his Grace's noble brother-in law, Lord Muikerry, when on his deach-bed, declared 'o himfelf, " that the heavieft fear that poIFefled his foul, then going into eternity, was for his having confided fo much in his Grace, who had deceived theni all, and ruined his poor country, and countrymen." Unkind Deferter, &c. fe) " My Lord Duke of Ormond," fays the Earl the lofles in his private eftate have not been equal to of tfll-x Lord Lieutenant of Ireland) in 1674-5, " '^"^ thofe I have fufTend (in the preceding civil war) and receved above 300,^^00 I. in this kingdom, befldes all yet he is fo happy, as no wiception is t« ken to it." l»is great places, and employments j and I am fure Slate Let, p. 213-14. CHAR Ch. XXVJII. C I V I L W A R S in IRELAND. '}2i C II A P. XXVIII. The Dak' q/'Ormond befriends the Irijh. 'T'ISTORICAL jufticc has hitherto obliged me to exhibit the Duke ofOr- 1^ |_ mond, as ading very unfuitably to that charader of eminent loyalty, integrity, and honour, which the generality of our hiftorians have beftowed upon him. But we are now come to a period of our hiflory, wherein, more wilhngly complying with the fame hiflorical juftice, we fliail be ^ble to rcpre- fent his Grace's condud in a far different light, in all thefc refpedts. In the year 1679, when fo much innocent blood was fhed in England, by means of the perjuries of Titus Oates, and his flagitious affociates, encouraged and patronifcd by the Earl of Shaftfbury (i), " the peace and quictnefs of Ireland was a great difappointment to that Earl, and his party; and they took all poffible methods to provoke, and exafperate the people of that kingdom, already too much difconlcnted. For that end, they procured orders from the council of Ireland, to tranfmit fevere bills againft the Irifh Catholics in mat- ter of religion, in hopes to drive them into a new rebellion. It was now pro- pofed to introduce the teft-ad, and all the Englifli penal laws, into Ireland ; and that a proclamation fliould be forthwith iffued for encouraging all perfons, that could make any further difcoveries of the horrid Popifh plot, to come in, and declare the fame (a)!' The Duke of Ormond, then Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and luckily, at that jundure, in England, employed all his interefl with the King, to prevent the calling a parliament for thefc cruel purpofes (2). " I will venture," fays his Grace, in a letter to the Earl of Arran on that occafion, " to tell you, with- T t out « (1) Cart. Onn. vol. ii. fol. 494. (2) Cart. Orm. vol. ii. fol. 535. (a) On the firft report of the Popifli plot, " Peter ard Talbot, (afterwards Duke of Tyrconne!) Lord Talbot, Aicbbidiop of Dublin, in a dangerous fit of Moiintgarret and his ^m\, and a Colonel of the name the llone, was iniprilbncd in the callle. Ordtr.-i were of Ptppard. Lord Mounigarret, repiefented as a ilVucd, that nil olliccr.s .Oioiild repair to their relpti^ive dangerous confplraror, v.ae of the age of eighiy years, garrilons; that Popilli ecclelmft cs tliould depart from btd-ridden, and in a ftate of dotage ; and, to the the kingdom, Popilh fcniinaties, and convents, rtiould furtl'.er difcredit of the evidences, no Colonel Peppaid be fuppreft. Infoiniations cjuickly multiplied, and was known, or could be found in Ireland." Lei. dircftions were received iiom England 10 feize Rich- Mill, of Itel. vol. iii. p. 4-4. ^22 HISTORICAL REVEW of the Bk. IX. out a cypher, that the reafon why the calhng of a parliament in Ireland flicks, is the leverity of two bills tranfmittcd againft the Papifts; the one taking away the votes of Peers, whilft they are Papife ; and the otlier infliding death upon a certain fort of Popifh clergy, if found in Ireland; the one feem- ing uniull;, and the oLher cruel, and neither neceffary. For my part, I con- feis, ifl had been here, when the expelling of the Popifli Lords pafTed, I Ihould have voted againfl it in confcience, and prudence; in confeience, becaufe I know no reafon why opinion fhould take away a man's birth-right ; or why his goods, or lands may not be as well taken away ; fince money mif- applied is, for the mofl part, a more dangerous thing in difaffeded hands, than a word in his mouth. And I think no lefs of the other bill, for upon ferious, and cool thoughts, I am againft all fangui nary laws, in matters of re- ligion purely, and properly, fo called." " It (3) was a terrible flur upon the credit of the plot in England, that after it had made fuch an horrible nolfe in a nation, where there was fcarce one Papift to an hundred Proteftants, there fhould not, for a year, be found one witnefs from Ireland, to give information of any confpiracy of the like nature in that kingdom, where there were fifteen Papifts to one Proteftant. But the proclamation above-mentioned, which was publifhed according to the order fent from England, fupplied that defed. For upon the encourage- ment given in it, Tories, and other criminals, confined in jails, pretended to have great difcoveries to make on that head, and obtained their liberty, and had money given them by the government of Ireland, to tranfport them to Enpland for that purpofe; though thefe wretches knew nothing of the mat- ter, till they were inftruded by Mr. Hethrington, Lord Shaftfbury's agent in managing and providing for them." It may not be unentertaining to the reader, to find here an exad defcrip- tion of thefe witneffes, left us by the Lord Lieutenant himfelf, after his re- turn to Ireland (4). " At council," fays he, " there is little more to do than to hear witneffes, fome come out of England, and fome producing themfelves here, and all, I doubt, forfwearing themfelves. Thofe that went out of Ireland with bad Englifh, and worfe cloaths, are returned well-bred gentle- men, weli-caronated, periwigged, and cloathed. Brogues and leather ftraps are converted into fafhionablc flioes and glittering buckles; which, next to the (3} Id. ib. (4) Carte's Oim. voL iii. Ch. XXVIII. CIVIL WARS IN I R E L A :. (s) 'b- (1) State of tlie Proteftants, p. 47. (a) Lord Chief Juftice Keating, ( " whom," as Lord Clarendon tellifies, " all parties owned to be a good man," Siaie Let. vol. i. p. 140.) in a letter dated 1688, fays, " that the Roman Catholic nobi- lity and gentry of Ireland were univerfally concerned both in the IiiHi army then raifcd, and in that, which was afterwards to be raifed." Append, to King's ftate of the Proteftants, &c. Lord Clarendon hinifelf, (h) This fcurrility feems lefs indecently applicable to King William's officers in Ireland ; for Marftial Scomberg, in a letter to his Majcdy from Li(burn, January 1689, tells him, " that nioft of the Irifh of- ficers under him, particularly thofe of the Ennifkillen- crs and Derry -men, were Peafants." Dalrymple's Mem. vol. ii. p. 72. part ii. The Tame Marfhal Scomberg mentioning the Irilli army, fays, " the ene- ay ve not only flrong in nun)bers, but alfo weil-dif- when in the government, had recommended feveral of thefe Roman Catholic officers to be provided for, as Lord Brittas, Captain Butler, Major M'Catthy, Colonel Lacy, and others. State Let. pallim, and vol i. p. 4. The firft and lail of the above-named officers, he fays, were almoft ruined by 0.\i:s's vil- lainy, ib. ciplined, and the (ituation of thetr camp as well cho- fen as the ableft generals could contrive." ib. p. ;'. Of his own officers he fays, " I never was in an army, where there were fo many new and lazy officers. The officers of the artillery are igno» rant, lazy, and timorous. I difcovered that in the artillery, there has been a great deal of rogaery." ib. p. 60, 27, et paUJm. 336 HISTORICAL REVIEW of the Bk. X. *Mk. Lefley has juftly obferved on this occafion, " that there never was, and perhaps never will be, a war, wherein there were not fome diforderly and wicked perfons ; and that, that army is beft conducted and difciplined, wherein fuch crimes are feweft and lead. Now," fays he, " whether the Proteftant arm.y, then in Ireland, was not much more mifchievous and un- governable, than the Popilli, I appeal to the teftimony of an enemy then on the fpot" That enemy was Dodor Gorge, fecretary toMarfhal Scomberg, who in a letter to Colonel James Hamilton (2), (after having told him, " that the fol- diers in the Proteftant army under King William, robbed and plundered at pleafure, that fome of its (cj leaders ridiculed, fcorned, and condemned, all motions for its good government, and order, and faid, that religion was no- thing but canting, and debauchery the necefTary pradice of a foldier) takes notice, by way of contraft, of the good difcipline, principles, and pradices, of the Popilh army under King James, the ftrid proclamations publifhed by that King, for the obfervance of good order, and how the penalties enjoined by them, were feverely and impartially executed." Dodor Gorge adds, " that too many of the Englifh, as well as French and Danes, in King William's army, were highly opprefllve to the poor country-people, whereas," fays he, " their enemies (the Irifh) had reduced themfelves to that order, that they exercifed violence on none, but the properties of fuch as they knew to be abfent, or as they phrafed it, in rebellion againft them ; whofe ftock, goods, and eftates, were feized, and fet by the civil government, and the produce applied towards, and for, the charge of the war." (2) See Append, to Lefley's Anfwer to King. fc) Marflial Scomberg, in a letter to King Wil- five or fix Ennifkillen-troopers began to flrip and rob liani, in February 169', informs him, that '" the En- him, although he cried out that he was Pay-mafter, rifkillen and Londonderry regiments were upon a and that he would give them money to carry him to footing of licence both to rob and deal." D.ihynip. the camp ; but that a French officer, in palling, hav- Meni. vol. iii. p 78. In another letter, he tells his ing known him, the Ennilkilleners brought him back." Majefty, that, " one mufl count upon the troops Id. ib. p. 66. " I don't love to pillage," adds the raifcd in Ireland, (for his Majefty 'a fervice,) only as Marihal, " I do what I can to prevent others from fo many Cravats. That, in the day of battle, they doing it, who think of nothing elfe." Id. ib. "Your ■win always throw thenifelves upon the firft plunder. Majefty," fays the fame, " had need of officers of That Mr Haibord (Pay maftet General of his army) juftice to reprefs the diforders among thefe people bad experience of this. For that, having gone one (officers) who are lazy, and live only by theft and night with his fowling-piece, .upon a party with pillage." ib. p. 59. Couat Scomberg, and having fallen from his hoife, CHAP. Ch.VIII. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 337 HAP. VIII. Irijh Rapparees. A LTHOUGH Dodor Kino; confcfles (i), " that the hearts of the Irifh _£\_ foldicry were i;eneraliy iunk, and that they openly declared themfelves to be delirous to lay down their arms, propofing to tliemfclves no other con- ditions, but to return to the ftation in which they were in at King James's accelfion;" vet, he at the fame time, reprefents that whole army as a band of furious freebooters and robbers (^(3J, " plundering the Proteftants in every part of the country; and its new commiiTioned officers, under the denomina- tion of rapparees, as committing fo many depredations and outrages, on their Protellant neighbours, that they could not be fafe in their houfes." This confcious untruth, I fay, he was not afhamed to affert, in the body of his book, though, in his appendix to it, he has publilhed a letter of Lord Chief Juftice Keating ah'eady cited, which teftifies(2), " that the thefts and robberies, then committed, were done in many places, by the cottiers and idlers in the coun- try, and often by King William's foldiers, though generally fathered on King James's army," And even Burnet has owned, that (3) " many of King Wil- liam's army were fufpedted of robbing in their turns, though the rapparees car- ried the blame of all (bj^ X X The (1) State of theProted. p. 82. (2) Sue Append. (3) Hift. of his own times, vol. ii. (a) This the Doiftor afferfs wiiIioi:t proof; better ferved by them. I have worked all this week but if we may rely on what Marfh.il ScoiDbeig bys of to rcgulaie what the captains (houlJ give their fol- ihe officers under his command, we fhall find them dieis, to prevent their cheating the men " Dalrymp. mtich worff than thofe of King Junes. " The troops vol. iii. p. 50. In another letter to the King, wherein of Londonderry, and Ennifkilien," fays he, " (as well he ccndires one IVhjor Broadnax, he fays, " there as the French) pillage on their fide. — I inuft, how- are many other officeis whom 1 could wifli In England, ever, tell your MajeHy, that if our Iri(li Colonels I never faw any mote wicked, and more interefled." were as able in war, as they are to pillage the country, ib. p. ^■^. and not to pay the foldiers, your Majelly would be (h) " They (among the Iiifh) who received pro- The following paffage from Billiop Burnet, is 9p- teClions from King William's generals, and were yet plicab'e on this occafion. " The King's (William's) plundered by his foldiers, tan with particular aniino- army in Ireland was almoft as heavy on the counrrr, fity to fwell the number of thefe ravagets." Lei. Hill. as the rapparees were. There was a great arrcar dne oflrel. vol. iii. p. 1589. " The people exclaimed, in to them; for which reafon, when the King fettled the bitternefs of grief, that the (Englifh) army were a government in Ireland, of three Lords Juftices, be worfe than the rapparees." Id. ib. p. 590. did not put the army under the civil authority, but kept 338 H I S T 6 R I C^A^L R E V 1 E W o f t h e Bk. X. The accounts, ferioufly given us of thefe Iriih rapparces, by fome Britifli writers, are really as ridiculous, as their treatment by the Engliili foldicrs, was cruel and unjuft. We are told (4), " that they carried the locks of their muilcets in their pockets, and hid them in dry holes of old walls ; and that they laid their mufkets charged,^ and clofcly corked up at the muzzel, and touch-hole, in ditches, with which they were acquainted; that their retreat was fafe; for that they hid themfelves in the unequal furfaces formed by bog- grafs ; or laid themfelves all along in muddy water, with nothing but their mouths, and noftrils above it." But Mr. Lefley's account of them, who had much better nienns of infor- mation, is both piteous and fliocking. He relates it as a well-known fa6t, " that (5) thofe, who were then called rappirees, and executed as fuch, were -for the moft part, poor harmlefs country people ; that they were daily killed, in vaft numbers, up and down the fields ; or taken out of their beds, and fhot immediately; which," adds he, " many of the Proteitants did loudly atteft; and many of the country gentlemen, as hkewife feveral officers of King Wil- liam's army, who had more bowels, orjuftice, than the reft, did abhor to fee what fmall evidence, or even prefumption, was thought fufficient to condemn •men for rapparees ; and what fport they made to hang up poor Iriih people by dozens, almoft without pains to examine them ; they hardly thought them human kind." In Dean Story's lifl; of perfons, who died in this war, there -are (6), " of rapparees killed by the army, or militia, one thoufand nine hun- dred and twenty-eight ; of rapparees killed and hanged by the foldiers, with- out any ceremony, one hundred and twenty-two." (4) Sir John Dalrymp. Mem. of Brif. and Irtl part. I. p. 176. (5) Anfw. 10 King. (6) Sir John Djiryiiip. ubi lupra, p. 176. kepi them in a military fubjeflion to their ofliceis ; were fent to the Lords Juflices, to be cautious in the for he faid, fince the army was not regularly paid, it exercile ot their authority over them ; fo the country would be iiiipoffible to keep iheiii from mutiny, il ihey ftill (uft'ertd much by ttieic forces." Hirt. of his own were put under rtrid dif ipline, and punifhed accord- times, vol. ii. fol. 39. Even Harris confeffes, " that ingly. The under officers finding, that they were the diforders, and robberies comni'tted by King Wij- only anfwerable ro their fuperior olHcers, took great iiam's army, afforded matter for infinite complainis, liberties in their quarteis ; and inftead of proiefting that it was found by experience, thut that aimy wag ihecountry, they opprclltd ii. 'I'he Kini; had brought aliDofl as heavy on the countiy as the rapparees ; that over an army of 70CO Danes, but they were cruel they took vart liberties in their qarters, and, inftead friends, and though they were inafters ; nor were the of protecting the country, opprefTtd it. And that, Elnglifti troops much better, — but the pay, due for notwilhllanding the orders of the Lords Juftices, ex- fome months, being now fent over, the orders were ttavagant outrages were daily committed by it." Life changed, and the army was made fubjefl to the civil of King William, fol. 595-6. , {OTetnmtnt. Yet ic was undeiflood, (bat inflrudtions CHAP. Ch. IX. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 339 CHAP. IX. A Conf piracy of the Protefiants of Dublin againji the Government. DOCTOR King mnft have entertained a very mean opinion of his readers' undcrftanding, if he expeded to be believed when hefaid(i;i, " that the government of Irelan(1, during Tyrconnel's adminiflration, purpofcd to ruin the trade of both Proleftants and Papifts, in order to make King James abfolute and dcfpotic ; that, for the fame end, it had formed a fcheme, to hang up one half of the Protefiants, and ftarve the other (a)" Thefe notions are fo perfedly burlefque, that they do not deferve a ferious anfwer ; and yet the Dodor has fo gravely fet about proving the latter afTertion, from the circumftance of difarming the Proteftants of Dublin, on the 24th of February 1688, and on the 20th of July 1689, that, 1 hope, I Ihall be excufed for tak- ing fome notice of it. As for the firft difirming (2), " this author himfjlf knew, (and probably at that time, avowed) that the necefhty of it was very great, and urgent ; as Derry had before (b)^ on the 7th of December 1688, fhut its gates againft the King's army ; and as the Ennifkilleners fcj had marched, attacked and X X 2 defeated. (i) State of the Proieft. p 71, 74. (2) Lefley's Anfw. p. 77. (a) He is guilty of ftlll greater extravagiince in lay- that fo ht conipalTid that defign, he cared not if he ing, " that ih^- Proteftants could not but conclude, fnn;)ved hiuifelt, and the kingdoms." Stale of the that King James was fj intent upon deflroying thcni, Pioiel^ p. 59. (b) " By an order of the Irifh Commoris, Decem- ber "th, 1695, the Lord Lieutenant was accju.iined, that it was tlie unanimous opinion of that houfe, tJiat the late rebtilion in this kingdom ccuid not be thought to have begun bcfoie the loth of April 1689, being the time given by his Majelly's (King William's) it~ claration to tlie Ki(h to lay d'^wn their arms. But that it lliould feem mote reafonable to have its firll beginning from the lime Duke Scomberg landed with with his army in the kingdom; that till Duke Scom- berg's landing, the late King James's authority was fubmiiied to, almoft through the wliole kingdom ; and that what w.is taken Itoin the Proteftanis, before that iim», was dilowned by the late King James, 23 may appear by fcveial proclamations declaring, that whoever iliould plunder any Pioteftant, lliould be an- fwerable for the fame, and undergo the pentltios of the law." Com Jour. vol. ii. fol 801. N. B. Auguft Ijih. i68g, Duke .Scomberg landed at Bafigor in the North of Ireland, with about 10,000 men. Which, then, of the two parties in arms fo long before that time, ought to be deemed rebels.' ('f^ Thefe Ennilkilleners were niercilefs enemies. At weapons of an enemy, tranfporied by zeal, and re- tbe l)«ttle.of Lilnilkea, they " defeated, and pur- fentmcnt. Above five hundred plunged into lake fueil the hifh with great (laughter, granting quarter Eatne, and but one of that muUitude efcaped." Lei. to n^e but officers. About two thoufind fell by the Hid. of Irel. vol. iii, p. 534. 34a HISTORICAL REVIEW of the Bk. X. defeated, a party of liis Majefty's forces. He knew, that the Proteflant gen- tlemen in Ulfter had ftnt a deputation to the Prince of Orange, December the 8th 1688; that they had received cominiffions from him (and they adually proclaimed him in the beginning of March following) that, by reafon of a (^(/j villainous forged letter, found in Cumber, fetting f^rth, that the Pa- pifts intended to mafiacre all the Proteftants, the whole North of Ireland ap- peared of a fudden in one blaze, though the Proteftants then were fo far from having any reafon to fear the poor Irifh tliere, as they pretended they did fear them, that they had them panting under their feet, in as much fubmillion, as ever a hawk had a hrk." Doctor King himfelf cohfefles, that, before King James left England, the Proteftants of Dublin had entered into a plot, to (3) feize the Lord Deputy, with the caftle, where the ftores of arms and ammunition (e) lay (4) ; " he knew, that thefe Proteftants (and himfelf among the reft) had a private un- derftanding, and connexion with the Northern rebels, as they were then called; that when they were difarmed, February 24th, 1688, all the Pro- teftants, generally, in Ulfter, Munfter, and Conaught, and in all Ireland, except Dublin, and other parts of Leinfter, (which the Lord Deputy kept in awe, with what forces he had) were then adually, in arms in oppofition to the government, and had entered into aftbciations, to carry on their war. And he has even owned (5), " that King James's army was but an handful to the Proteftants, there being even after the difarming, men and arms enough in Dublin, fays he, to have dealt with them." And yet this impartial writer has reprefented the government's difarming the Proteftants, at fuch a critical junc- ture, as nothing lefs than a defign to mafliicre them. (3) State of the Proteft. p. 82. (4) Lefiey, ubi fupra, and p. 189. (5) King, ib. p. S2. CJ) Chief Juftfce Keating, fays, " Copies of that letter were difperfed all over the Kingdom." Append. to ftate ot the Proteft. " That letter cauled the Proteftants of the North to meditate the defign of rifing againft the government." Lei. vol iii. p. 513. fe) " W^.en the news," fays he, " came to Ire- (ides the four thoufand of the army, were generally land, that King James had fent commiflioners to treat without arms ; and that thofe who were in arms, were with the Prince of Orange, it was propoRd by fome raw and cowardly. To do it effL-flually, there need- 10 feize the caftle oi Dublin. The fuccefs was ex- ed no more, than to feize the Deputy Tyrconnelj &C. Itemely probable; confidaing ihat the Papifts, be- King's State of the Proteft. p. 83. CHAR Ch. X. C I V I L W A R S I -\ I R E L A N D. 341 II A P. X. The dijarming of the Protejl ants further confidered. ASforthefeconddifarmingof theProteftants, on the 20th of July, 1689, (r) " It was in the very heat of the- war, between King James, and the Northern aflbciators, when Kirk had came from England, and was riding with his fliips in Loughfoil, for the rehef of Derry ; which, widi the before- mentioned confpiracy of the Protcftants of Dubhn, to feize the Lord Deputy and caftle, will furcly jul1;ify the fufpicion which the government entertained of thefe Proteilants, from the beginning." With refped to the fcheme of ftarving one half the Proteftants of Dublin, which Dodor King has imputed to King James, Mr. Leflcy obferves (2), " that the hanging two of his Irifti foldicrs before a Proteftant baker's door, for ftealing two loaves, not worth a fliiiling \ and the leaving them to hang there forty-eight hours (which Dodor Gorge teftifies) to terrify others, did not look like ftarving the Protcftants of Dublin; but rather like feeding them, by letting them have bakers of their own, and proteding them in that man- ner." And as for that King s defign of hanging the other half of the Pro- teftants, Mr. Lefley alfo obferves, " that in all the time the Proteftants of Dublin were in King James's power, viz. in fummer i68g, he did not hang one of them, though fome of them deferved it by the law then, as Dodoi King could witnefs." (1) Lefley, ubi fupra. (z) Ubi fupra. See Doflor Gorge's letter. Append CHAP. r>42 HISTORICAL REVEW of the Bk. X. H A XI. General De RofenV Cruelty before Derry. AFTER Derry had fhut its gates againft King James, and feveral times refufed to fubmit to his authority upon any conditions whatever, Ge- neral De Rofen, a foreigner, was fent to befiege it ; who made ufe, indeed, of a barbarous, tho' not unufual, expedient to reduce it under his Majefty's obedience. For, finding that the town was in extream want of provifions, .he purpofed to increafe their dirtrefs, by adding to their number; for which purpofe, he iflued orders for a general driving of all the Proteftants, proteded, and unproteded, within thirty miles round ; who were brought to his camp, aaid placed before the walls of the town, in hopes that their friends within would receive them into it, rather than fuffer them to remain in fo perilous a fituation. On account of this inhuman order of De Rofen, Do61or King thought himfelf entitled to brand the whole Irifh army under him, with the decent appellation of (a) murderers," becaufe(i}, " he did not remember to have (i) Slate of ihe Proteftants, &c. (a) " Had Doaor King," fays Mr. LeOcy, " fuch a (lory as that of Glenco, to tell of any of King James's officers in Irehnd, O ! what declamatiuns we lliould ■have of the bloody Irlrti cut-throats, m.ifncrers, &c. And what ufe would he have mride of their giv'ng it under their hands, that whar they did, was hy -he King's exprefs command, and none puniflied for it?" Aniw. to King, p. I 84 That fiwclcmg llory of G'enco is thus hriefly relat- ed by a laie inieligfnt and unprejudiced writer. " A proclamation was puhl llit d in Auumn, 1691, wliich declared that all itbel.^ who look the oaltis to the government, before the fi ll of Jinusry enfuing, (hould be pardoned All the "aiain td chieftain, of the Highlands, exctpf M'Don ild of Gl. nco, took the oaths beiore the tine prefixed Upon the laft day of December, he went to Foit Will am, and defired the oaths to be tendered to him by the governor of the fortrefs, who, as he was not a civil magiflraie, re- fufed to adminiftet them. M'Donald then went to Inverary, the country town, to take them ; but by bad weaiher was prevented from reaching it, till the Uim prefcribcd by the proclamation was clapfed. The Shetiif fcniplcd at firft, but was prevailed upon at laft, to reCv.Mve his allegiance. Advantage was taken of IVj Donald's not having complied literally with the terns of the proclamation, and a warrant tor proceed- ins; 'o executi n wiis procuied fiom the King, which was figned both above and below with Ms own hand. Sir J"hn Dalrympli', the fecretary, gave orders that the execution of it fhould be eftcCtual, and without any previous wnrning. For this purpofe, in the month of February, two companies went, not as enemies, bu' as friends, to take quarters in the valley o! Glenco, where all the clan lived. To conceal the tnieniion the better, the foldiers were of their own lineage. Highlanders of Lord Argyle's regiment. 1 hey were all teceiv.-d with the rude, but kind, ho(pii«lity ofthecoun'y. They continued in the valley near a fortnight, and then, in the tiight-iime rofe to butcher their hofts! Captnin Campbell of Glenlyon, who v^'as uncle to the wile of one of M'Donald's fons, and had fupped atid played cards with M'Donald's family the night before, commanded the party. Thirty-eight men were flain. Tlie reft would have Hiared rhefame fate, had not the alaint been given by one of M'Do- nald's Ch. XI. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 34-* have met any thing like it in hiftory." Had the Dodor been a little more converfant with, or mmdtiil of the hiftory of his own country, he would have found, that in the reign of C^iicen Ehzabcth, and fincc jlfo, many orders of equal, or greater crutlty had been iffued, by fome of the molt celebrated Englifh commanders of thofc times, in their feveral exp^'ditions againft tlie Iriih. In the year 1602, Lord Deputy Mountjoy boaftcd, in a letter to the Enpjifh council [2], " that with his army, he had dellroyed tl:eir corn, and caufcd a famine ; that being the only fure way," adds lie, " to reduce, or root them out." And his Secretary, Morriffon [3], " thought the war was then no way fo likely to be ended, as by a general famine." Which, as we have alre3dy feen, they did, at laft completely cfFed. In the lift of Sir Wil- liam Cole's boaftcd exploits againft the infurgents in 1641, we find [4], " that within a few months, he had ftarved and famifhcd, five thoufand four hun- dred and fifty feven of the Irifti," And when the garrifon of Limerick, whicli was befieged by Ireton, in 1650, and like thc-.t of Derry, was in great want ofprovifions, had turned out feveral ufelefs pcrfons [5], " that barbarous commander caufed fome of them to be executed, and the reft to be whipped back into the town (b)!' In September 1690, the Lords Juftices of Ireland iffucd a proclamation, whicli adually produced a greater famine among the Irifh, than tliat which De Rofcn's driving was only intended to produce [6]. By that proclamatioa, " the wives, children, and families of all thofe, who were in arms againft King William, and of all thofe who had been killed in the fame caufe, and of all abfentces, were ordered to quit all places under his Majefty's obedience, upon pain of being treated as fpies and enemies ; by v/hich means, great multitudes, efpecially of women and children, were driven into the Iriftj [2] Murrif Hif! of Ireland, fol 115. [3] Id. ib. foj. 6S. [4] Uorl HTt of the Ir Rcb, [5] Ludlow's Memoirs. [6] Ltfley, ubi Itipra. naid's Tons, who overheard one of the foldiers far to execution made the deeper iiripreiHon, becsufe the another, " He lik', d not the work ; lie feared not to King would not perinit any of thole, who were con- ftglit the M'Donald's in the field, but had fcarcely cetned in it, to be punillied, confciouij. that in their courage to kill ihcin in their fltfp ; but that their ot- cafe his own was involved." Sir Juhn Dilr^ mple'i ficers were anfwerable loi the deed, not they." This Memoirs, vol. i. p. 213. Dub ed. ^^^ Tlie celebrated Mr. Spencer,after having mention- after once entering into this courfe of reform»t!oB. ed, that Lord Deputy Gray (whole Secretary he was) in there be afterwards no remorfe, nor drawing back, carrying on the war againft the Irilli inMunller.in i 580, for the fight of any fuch rueful objedls, as niuft thcre- " had driven them to fuch an extremity of famine, that upon follow, nor for compafTion of their calamities ; they digged dead carcafles out of the graves for food," feeing that by no other means it i» polHble to cu'C v»as not afhamed to conclude in thefe fhocking words, them." Stale of Ircl. p. 166. " therefore, by all means it rauft be afluicd, that 344- HISTORICAL REVIEW OF THE Bk. X. Irifh quarters, whicla haftened that famine, that was afterwards among them." " But to fpeak impartially," fays Mr. ['] Lefley on that occafion, " is not the flarving of a country, or provinc.% as barbarous as Itarving a city? And was not crowding all the Irilh, men, women, and children, over the Shan- non in this war, done on purpofe to reduce them to famine? And it had that eifeft. Many of thefe v retches died, many women mifcarried, and numbers were ftarved in that driving over the Shannon ; infomuch that fome of the (t) Frotertant officers, who were employed in that expedition, exprefled the greateft regret to fee fuch lamentable fpedacles, and were afhamed of their commiffions; and thofe, who were thus driven, had King William's protections in their pockets," CHAP, XII. King James countermanded De RofenV Order as foon as he heard of it. I AM far from vindicating, or even meaning to extenuate the cruelty of De Rofen's order, from any former examples of the fame kind ; though many more than thofe I have mentioned might be produced, in the com- manders of armies, on fuch occafions [i]. King James himfelf expreffed the higheft refcntment of it, and put a [a] ftop to its execution, on the firft notice ; and in his circular letters to the governors of towns, and to the officers com- manding in chief in the North, he commanded them by no means to obey it; and accord ngly, that onier was not executed in mod parts of that province. This, adds [2] ^'r Lefley, I haci fr^m the officers, to whom thefe orders were fent, and from leveral Proteflants who have feen them, and can produce them." [j] Anfw. toKing, p 185. [i] Lefley, ubi fupra. [2] Id. ib, fc) The IrifTi officers lilcewife, w^o were employed ing, and obeying ; and many of them in De !'ofer,'s driving, '* exccuied ihefe crdfrs agaiiilt ihe cries they then heard rang for ever their countryraeD," lays Sir John Dalryinple, " weep- ears." Memoirs, part. ii. p. 40. (a) " It would be inhuman to the memory of the it, becaufe unhappy, to impute the oiQrace of this afti'iii to King him to feel fc James. He revoked the order as foon as he heard of part, ii, p. 41 fa)" It would be Inhuman to the memory of the it, becaufe his own fufferings had probably taught unhappy, to impute the oiQrace of this afti'iii ro King him to feel for thofe of others." Dalrymple'j Mem. Ch. XIII. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 345 them." Mr. Lefley alfo (3) appeals to the Earl of Granard, then living, " whether tiie fame day, that the news of this order of De Rofen's came to Dublin, his Lord'hip did not tell King James of it, and whether his Majefty did not anfwer, that he was grieved for it, that he had fent immediate orders to difeharge it, and that nont. but a barbarous Mufeovite, (for fuch, it feems, De Rofen was,) could have thought of fo cruel a contrivance." This Earl was accounted very (4) zealous for the Proteftant intereft; his Lady was a Prefby- tcri;m, and he had conftanlly received five hundred pounds a year from King Charles the fecond, to be dirtributed among the Prefbytcrian clergy in the Nor: h of Ireland, even when he permitted a cruel perfecution of their bre- thren in England." After all, the garrifon of Londonderry was, it feems, refolved not be be- hind-hand in cruelty with De Rofen himfelf (5). " For they ereded gibbets, and had detprmined to hang fome Irifh gentlemen, who were prifoners in the town, had not De Rofen's order been fo foon countermanded. And fome add, that they even threatened to eat them after they were hanged ;" which, from the extreme want of food, which they then laboured under, feems not to be very improbable. C HA P. XIII. The Protefiants of Ireland were not deprived of their Churches by King James, as Doctor YJin'^fets forth, KING James, when in Ireland, was not adhiated by that intemperate (a) zeal for the re-eftablifhment of the Roman Catholic religion, which he had before, on fome occ ifions, dilcovered in England; probably becaufe he had experienced the unhappy effects of it in the latter kingdom. Even when Y y he ^3) ib. p. 100. (4) Har. K. William, fo). 105. Note. (5) Id. ib. (a) TJie true ctufe and motive of King James's alarming reniembmnce of hia father's murder, and of endeavours to re-ellablilli the Roman Catholic reli- his brother's inceflant troubles during hij whole reign, gion in England, fee«iis not fo much to have been any which were both caufed, principally, by thofe very bigoted attachment to that leligion, (as is commonly men, who were the gteatelt enemies of that religion, thought) as, " his fufficiently knowing, that he could and who impudently called themfelves the only true never be in entire fafety, till the Catholic religion was Piotellants j will abate fomewhat of their wonder at eftabliflied in Engla.nd, in fuch a manner as not to be thefe his unconllituiional endeavours to give fome ruined, or deftroyed." Thefe were his own words ellablilliment to his R. C. fubjefts, See Sir John in a private conference with Barillon, the French Dalrymp. Mem. vol. iii. p. 37. embailador. And whoever confideis his recent and 346 H I S T O R I C A L R E V I E W o F T H E Bk X. he fent the Earl of Clarendon Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, one of his inflruc- tions to him was[i], " to confult the (^/'j Arch bi (hop of Canterbury in all the religious affairs of that kingdom." And Dodor King [2] confcffes, that when he was there in perfon, he turned out the Popiili Mayor of Wexford, for not rcftoring a church of which the Frotcftants of that city had been dif- poffeffed ; and that he expreffcd himfelf with more paliion on that occafion, than w"is ufual to him." This was a fad fo notoriouily true, that the Dodor was afhamed to deny, or conceal it -, but he was not alhamed to affirm and publifh what was as notorioufly untrue, viz. [3] " that in the riiocefs of Dublin alone, twenty-fix churches and chapels were by him taken from the Proteftants J and that his Majefty could not, or rather would not, prevent the demolilhjng, defacing, or feizing of nine ehurchcs out of ten." King James had publifhed a proclamation, December 13th, 1689, againfl meddling with any of the Proteflant churches in Ireland, as a violation of the ad of liberty of confcience [4]. But " his promifes to proted the Proteflants of that kingdom," fays Dodor King, " were meer pretences j the Popifh Priefis having taken pofTeffion of mofi of the churches there, by his private permiffion (cj (d)!' Mr. [1] Clarend. State Let. vol. i. p. 50. [2] Ubi fupra. [3] State of the Protcft. &c p. 177. [4] ib. p. 174. (b) The Earl of Clarendon, in a letter to Lo;d Sunderland, having informed him, " th.it a Printer in Dublin had petiiionsd for liberty to reprint the pa- pers, that were found in the la'e King's clofet, iliew- ing his reafons for becoming a Roman Catholic, as they had been before printed in Enghind ; and ihat he thought it not fii to grant fuch liberty, till he ki.ew his Majefly's pleafure ; foon after wiute to the lanie Lord, " that he was very glad his M,ijefty was pleaf- ed to approve of what he had done, concerning prmt- ing, and (topping of books, from beyond feas." State Let. vol. i. p. 136. and vol. ii. p. 204. His Lord- /hip mentions two parcels of Roman Catholic book.s which he flopped, one of religious controverfy, ca'led Pax Vobis ; and the other, a traft jurtifying the (c) King James was hardly ever noted for dupli- city of conduct J this can't be faid of his competitor for the crown. The Fiince of Orange, in a letter to the Emperor, acquainting him with his intended ex- pedition into England, lays, " I aflure your Imperial Majefty, by this letter, that whatever reports may have lieen (pread, and noiwithlhnding thofe, which way be fpttad for the tu ure, I have not the leall in- tention to do any hurt to his Britannic JVIajtlly, or to thofe wh'. have a right to pretend to the fucceillon of (d) /ind yet Doflor King, at the fame time, con- feffes, " that tlie Ptotellants, in their application to government for the recovery of fonie cliutchcs, had infurredlion in 1641, and condemning the a£ls offet- tltment, under the title of the Bleeding Ipiiigienia. ib. King James, in a private letter to the Piince of Orange, Jan, 26, 1 6S6, e.ihibiis a laudable fpiril of toleration. " 1 do eafily btlieve," fays he, " you are not for profecuting any meerly for their religion : 1 always was, and will be of that mind ; and am of your opinion, that it was the very hard ufage the Hugonotshad, and have flill in France, which made that aft.iir of the regulars (Friarr, whom the flates were then going to bani/h) be talked on where you are; and hope, as to that, you will continue of the fanre mind you are." Sir John Dalrym. Mem. vol. iit. p. 72. his kingdoms, and Hill iefs to make an attempt upon the Ciown." . And a little after ; " I ought to in- treat your Impirial Mnjefly to be aflured, that I will employ all my credit to provide, that the Roman Ca- tholics of that country may enjoy liberty of con- fcience, and be put out of lear of beii cr pcrfecuted on account of their religion " Sir John D.ilrymp. Mem. vol. iii. p. 170. See Append. Not only the Empe- ror, but the Pope himfclf, was cajoled by ihefe deceit- ful afl'urances. the luck (o gain feveral of the Popifh nubility to fa- vour their fuits." Ubi fupra, p. 176. ' Ch. XIV. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 347 Mr. Lefley treats this whole accufation, as a notorious untruth and ca- lumny [5] ; he calls upon Dodor King, to fhew one Proteftant church in Ire- land, that was taken away, either by King James's order, or connivance. He aflirms that his Majefty was fo very careful of the Proteftants, in that point, that even at Dublm, where he kept his court, neither the cathedral, nor any parifli church m the whole city was taken from the Proteftants; he owns, that he took Chrift-chxirch for hi.-; own ufe, bccaufe it was always re- puted the King's chapel. But Dodor King himfelf," adds he, " and others, then preached paihve obedience in their own pulpits in Dublin; and that to fuch a degree, as to give offence to fomc of their Proteftant hearers, who thought they Rretched even to flattery [e]." These pofitive affertions, publickly and grievoufly impeaching Dodor King's veracity, having never fince been contradided, or even queflioned by him or his friends, afford the ftrongeft prefumption, that they were, at that time, generally known and acknowledged to be undeniably true. HAP. XIV. King William'j Treatment of the Epifcopal Clergy in Scotland^ compared "with King James J Beoaviour towards the Protejiant Clergy of Ireland. MR. Ledey has drawn a parallel between King William's behaviour to the epifcopal clergy of Scotland, and King James's to thofe of the cftablilhed church of Ireland, at the fame time. viz. in the year 1689; by which it appears, that the former did adually effed in Scotland, what the latter was only fufpeded to have defigned in Ireland. " When [i]," fays he, " the flates of Scotland were convened by King William's circular letter of March 1689, the oaths required by the law to be taken by all members of parliament, or any judicature, before they can fit Y y 2 and [5] Aiifw. to King. [1] Pief. to bis Anfwer to King. (e) " Doflor King tlien u fed to fay, that psrfe- fee a cartful of clergymen going to the ftate for aflert- rution never liuned tcj'gion, but that rebclli jd de- ing the principles of religion." Lefleyi Anfvy. Pref. ftroyed it ; and that it would be a glorious fight to 348 HISTORICAL REVIEW OF THE Bk. X. and vote there, being laid afide, the anti monarchical, and fanatical, party were admitted into the houfe; and thereby, becoming the greater number (when the major part of Scotland, and much the greater part of the nobility and gentry, were epifcopal) did afterwards frame an ad of grace, pardoning, and acquitting all thofe, that had been concerned in the open and public re- bellions of Pentland-hills, and Bothwell-bridge ; and thus thefe furies incar- nate, the affaffinates of the Lord Archbilhop of St. Andrews, as many of them as were then alive, were enabled to become members of parliament. The fanatical mob, that had rabbled the epifcopal clergy, were armed, and made the guard of this meeting of the eftates, and refolved to facrifice any, who durft oppofe their defign?. They attacked the Archbilliop of Glafcow in the ftreets of Edinburgh, where the convention fate." " On the 31ft of May, 1689, King William fent inftrudions to Duke Hamilton, commiirioner, in thefe words, " you are to pafs an ad, turning the meeting of the eftates into a parliament, and the three eflates are to con- fift of the noblemen, barons, and burgeffes." Accordingly, the meeting, where the Bilhops formerly fate, was on the 5 th of June, 1689, turned into a par- liament, the Bifhops being firft excluded. Two days after, that parliament paffed an ad fettling Prefbyterian church-government, and on the 2 2d of July following, abolilhed epilcopacy. This was done in confequence of new inftrudions, fent to Duke Hamilton in thefe words, " You are to touch the ad abolifhing epifcopacy, as foon as you can ; and to refcind all ads incon- fiftent therewith." Thefe (a) inftrudions were figned by King William, at White-hall, July 17th, 1689, and the ad was touched at Edinburgh, on the 2 2d of the fame month ; and thus fell epifcopacy in Scotland, two months and eleven days, after King William and Opeen Mary took upon them the crown of that kingdom, which was the i ith of May, 1689." (a)" They wfT« primetl at London, by order of meeting of eilates and parliament there by the fom- King William, an 1689; nnd the Scots aifls otcon- miflioner, then exercifing the office of Cierk-regifler, vention, and paillanient above quoted, are coliefled and printed Cum Frivilegio at Edinburgh, an. 1690." and exirafled from the rcgifleis, and records of the Lefley, ib. CHAP. Cli.XV. CIVIL WARS I x IRELAND. 3+9 H XV. The true Caiife of the Decline of the Protcjlant Religion in Ireland^ in the Reign of King James. THE decline of the Protcftant religion in Ireland, in the reign of King James, was not owing, as Dodor King fnppofes, cither to the violence of his government, or the artifice, or induftry of his pricfts ; but to Xhc (a) negligence at firft, and afterwards, to thcfclf-intercftcdnefs, of its own clergy. Of their negligence ( i ), Lord Clarendon himfelf f^^ frequently complained, in his letters to the Archbifhop of Canterbury, whom, as I have already obferved, the King had ordered him to confult, in all the religions affairs of that kingdom. And the effeds of that negligence, together with the enfuing war, (for which religion was the pretence) were fu-ch, that Mr. Lefley fays, " he (2) was himfelf a witnefs, that Atheifm, contempt of all religion, debauchery, and violence, were more notorious and imiverfal, in the Protefiant army in Ireland, from the year 1688 to 1692, and more publickly owned, than fince he knew the world. That to lis knowledge, feveral had turned Paj)irts, on account of the lewdnefs of the army, and the apoftacy of the clergy. And that, how- ever it might feem a paradox, it \vas neverthelefs true, that there had been more converts to Popery, in England alfo, and from the fame caufes, witliin thii (i) Slate Let. vol. i. p. 2! ;. (a) " I dn n"t find,'' fays Marflia! Sconiberg, In a letitfr to King W4lli.ini. from Lifburn, Decern. i68^. " tliat I lie minifters apply them Vive? enough to thtir duty ; whilrt the Roiiiiiii Priefts are psffipnate to ex- (bj In one of thefe letter.^, he tells his Grace, " that very few of ihe clergy rtfided in thn'r cures; but employed pitiful curates,- which ncceiTnated the peo- ple to look after a Romifli Prieft, or a non-conforinift preacher, of both which there was pUnty. Thar he found it an ordinary thing in Ireland tor a nuniftfr to have five or fix, or more cures, and to get them fup- plied by ihofc, who will do it cheapeft. When," adds he, " I difcoutfe with my Lords the Biiliops on thefe things, J contefb I have not fatisfattory anfwtts." ib. vol. i. p. 215 Even Mafilijl Scombcrg hifliftif complained to King William in 1690, " that the (2) L'bi fupra, p 36-7 5. hort the people to die for ilie church of Rome, end !n putting theiiiftlvcs at tbeir Jigad." Dglryaip. Mciu. vol. iii. p. 59. (eftabliflied) clergy of Ji«linJ were people, thif w«f« litile a,itacli*;d to iheir paii/hco." D4iiyui^. Mem. vol. ii. .Append, p. 79. Loid Clarendon compbined !« 1685-6, "that feve- ral of the clergy were ableiit in England ; and among thefe the Archbiiliop of Tuam ; and the Bilhop of Down and Connor : that the former, after three years abfence, was refolved to come home ; but that the latter, who had been abfent from his charge fix years, defired to have his licence of abiincc renewed ; and that yet, it was renJIy a /Lame (o thiok how hi: «iio«efs by." Scale Un. voi. i. p. 215. 350 HISTORICAL REVIEW of the Bk. X. ihe four years above-mentioned, than in four years before that period." That is to fay, more in the four years after King James's abdication, when he could make ufe of neither force nor allurements, to gain converts to his religion, than in all the time, that he had it fo amply in his power, to employ both thefe means of fedudion, for that purpofe. BrsHOP Burnet has accounted for this fudden growth of irreligion and im- morality, at that jundure, in the fame manner. " A diitelief," fays he (3), " of revealed religion, a profane mockery of the chriftian faith, and the myf- teries of it, became fcandalous and avowed ; and it muft be confefTed, that the behaviour of many clersjymen gave Athiefts no fmall advantae. They had taken the oaths to, and read the prayers for, the prefent government ; they obferved the orders for public fafts and thanfgivmgs ; and yet they fhewed, in many places, their averiion to our eftablilhment too vifibly. This made many conclude that the clergy were a fort of men, that would fvvear, and pray, even againft their confciences rather than lofe their benefices; and by confequence, that they were governed by interefl, not by principle. Upon the whole matter, the nation was falling into a general corruption, both as to morals, and principles ; and thst was fo much fpread among all forts of people, that it gave us great apprehenfions of heavy judgments from Heaven fcj." H A P. . XVI. The Perplexity of the ejiablijhed Clergy nf Ireland after the Coronation of King Wiilirtm. TH E ftrange verfatility, and trimming behaviour, of the Irifh clergy on this occafion, is thus freely defcribed by Mr. Lefley (i). " Before the affoci ition in the North, they priyed for King James; in the beginning of March following, they proclaimed t!,e Prince of Orange King, and praved for him; on the 14th of that month. King lames's army broke their forces at Dromore, in the North of Ireland ; then they prayed again for King (3) Hid. of his own times, vol. ii. (l) Anfw. to King, p. lo8. (c) Qjieen Miry, in a letter ro King William July would take care of the church in Ireland. Every 1690, hai l.ielo ceiinrlcible wo d . " I inuit put- tody agrees, that it is the worft in Chriftendom." you in mind of one thing, helit-ving jr now the feafon, Dalrymp. Mem. vol. iii. p. i 54. (Ithe King was cLea la keituid,) which is, that you Ch. XVII. CIVIL WARS i v IRELAND. 351 King James, that God might flrcngthcn him to vaacjuilh and overcome all liis enemies; in Augult following, Scliomberg camo over with an En2,hlli army; then, as far as his quarters reached, they returned to pray the lame prayer for King William, the rell of the Protellants (lili j)rayni;^ for victory to King James. And yet they fay, that, all that while, they all meant the fame thing; four times, in one year, praying ■ backward and forward, point blank contradidory to one another. I'he (2) Bifhop of i\Ieath in his fpeech at tiie head, and in the name, of the Proteitant cltrgy of Dublin, took pains to^ clear himfelf, and them, to King William, from having been fo much as trimmers to King James, while he was among them ; that is, they were his inveterate enemies. Yet his Lordfliip was one of the Lords Spiritual men- tioned in the addrefs of the parliament of Ireland to that King, on the loth of May, 1689 •, in which they abhor the unnatural ufurnalion of the Prince of Orange, and the treafon of thofe who joined with him in England, and Ire- land; and profels to King James with their tongues and hearts, that tliey will ever aflert his rights to his crown, with their lives and fortunes, againfl; the faid Ufurpcr, and his adherents, and all other rebels and traitors what- foever (3)." HAP. XVII. The ejidblijhcd Clergy of Ireland laboured under a particular Difficulty on thii Occajion. AFTER King James's abdication, the parliament of England aboliflicd the declaration, viz. (i) " that it was not lawful upon any pretence whatfoever, to take up arms againfl the King." But this, by fome neglect, was tlili left upon the Irilh Proteflant clergy, under the penalty of forfeiting their livings, and as many of them as came into livings, after the revolution (among whom Dodor King was one) read the faid declaration publickly, in time of divine fervice, and were to continue fo to do, until fome parliament took it away. Notwithftanding which, they preached againfl it, difputed againfl it, and inflruded their congregations againfl it. And yet, to fave their livings, they continued flill to fubfcribe this hated declaration, before their ordinaries; and took certificates under their hands and feals, that they had fubfcribcd it ; and openly and publickly read the fame, on the Lord's day, in their parifli churches, (2) Id. ib. p. 103. (3) Id. ib. p. 103. (1) Lefle^i's Anfw, to King, p. 1 13 152 HISTORICAL REVIEW of the Bk. X. churches, in the prefence of the congregation there affembled. They read it in tb.e dellc, and preached againft it in the pulpit; and when they came out of the church, railed at the parhament, that impofed it, and wondered and curfed. their hard fate, that this declaration was not taken out of their way in Ireland, as it was in England, and wifhed it was done. In the mean time they would lofe nothing by it, they could fwallow." Nor was their embarraflment much lefs, upon taking the new oaths, that were afterwards framed [2]. " 1 here never was, proceeds Mr. Lefley, fo fudden, and fo fliamcful, a turn of men profeifing religion ; and their man- ner of doinsj it fo impolitic, as to make it evident, that they took the oaths, at leaft, with a doubting and faj fcrupulous confcience. For they did not take them freely, but haggled, and kept off, fome to the laft day, roaring againfl: them all the while; and then coming aboiit, all at once, with new- coined diflinctions and declarations, point-blank contrary to the declared fenfe of the impofers ; they differed among themfelves ; every one had a falvo for his own confcience; fome pretended they kept palhve obedience Hill, others that they were never for it. It was a fevere jeft, that the common people had got up, againft the clergy, that there was but one thing for- merly, that the parliament could not do, that is, to make a man a woman ; but that then, there was another that is, to make an oath the clergy v/ould not take." [z]ib. p. 123. (a) The Irifh Roman Catholics, " mack no fcru- pie to take the oath of allegiance to King WMIiain and Queen Mary, which was agreed to in the ar- ticles of Limericic ; and it was generally taken by them all over the kingdom, by the diieAion of ilieir clergy." Ledey's Anfw. p. 125. The Englift Ro- m.in Cal holies, in their chapels at London, prayed publickly, at the fame time, for King VN illiam and C^eenMary. LeOey, ib. p. 126. CHAP, Ch.XVlII. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 353 H A P. XVIII. The good Faith of King William'j and King JamcsV Officers compared. DOCTOR King was not a(hamed to affirm [i], " that among all the articles into which King James's officers entered, they never kept any to the Proteflants." Yet thefe Proteftants themfelves [2] fpoke, at the fame time, with commendation and honour, of Sarsfield's pund:ual obfervation of his articles, when he took Sligo, to omit other inftances [3]. General Ginckle owned to Major General Dorington, in the prefence of the Prince of Wirtem- berg, Monfieur Marquis de la Foreft, and ieveral other general officers, the good ufuage their Prifoners had received at Limerick, and other Irifh garrifons ; and moft of the Proteftants, that belonged to the North of Ire- land, did then confefs, that the Irifh, while among them in the fummer of 1689, kept their protections better to the Proteftants, than the Pro- teftants kept theirs to them. Even fome of the moft zealous fticklers for King William's government have complained much, that the articles entered into with the Iriih at Carrickfergus, by Marfhal Schomberg, were not (a) pundually obferved. For when that general firft landed, he ilfued pro- clamations of protedion and encouragement to the Irifti, who would return to their habitations, and follow their labour; which many accept- ed, and a great part of the country was thereby planned, fome places in as full a manner as before the revolution ; but notwithftanding thefe protec- tions, the Proteftant army fell upon them, and wafted their whole country ; and when the Irifti held out their protections, they tore them, and bid them wipe their a — e with them, and none were puniftied for this breach of protections." Z z NoT- fi] State of the Proteftants, &c. [2] Lefley, ubi fupra. [3] Id. ib. (a) " Upon the garrifon of Carricfergus being al- gard to faith, they fell furioufly upon the garrifon, lowed to inarch out with their arms, and fome baggage, wrefted their arms from them, plundered the more and to be conduced to the next Irift garrifon, fuch helplefs, and were rcflrained from murder, only by was the refentment of the Ulfter-Scots, for the out- the more vigorous interpofition of the general." Lei. rages they fuftained from thefe men, and fuch their Hid. of Iiel. vol. iii. p. 547, virulent enmity to Popifh troops, that, without re- 35+ HISTORICAL REVIEW OF THE Bk. X. Notwithstanding General Ginckle's proclamation (4), printed at Dub- lin, February 4th, 1690, wherein he affured the Papifts in their Majefties names, " that all of them, who would fubmit to their Majefties govern- ment, fhould be proteded as to their religion, eftates, and liberties ; yet that did not (b) hinder the multitude of out-lawries, and other forfeitures, pro- ceedings againft thofe Irifh Papifls, who fubmitted to the government, on that alTurance. As to their religion," adds Mr. Lelley, " they did not complain, for King William was very gracious to tbem in that refped ; but as to their perfons, eftates, and liberties, they cried out heavily of breach of public faith, and great opprelTion." Mr. Lefley had before attempted to prove that thefe forfeiting Irifh were not guilty of rebellion {5 I, " how could they," fays he, " who adhered to King James, be made rebels to Kins; William, before they had fubmitted to him? If you fay he had a title to Ireland, by being King of England, be- caufe Ireland is an appendix to the crown of England; I anfwer, from the beginning it was not fo ; and the government of England being diffolved, as Doctor King fays, by abdication, and returned back to the fuppofed Original contrail, or iirlt right of m-ankind, to erC'-l government for their own con- venience, of confequence the tye which England had upon Ireland was diifolved, and Ireland left, as well as England in its fuppofed original free- dom, to choofe what government and governors they pleafed ; befides all this, Dodtor King's principles freed them from King William ; becanfe of the pre- fumptions they had to think, that King (c) intended to invade their pro- perty, lives, and religion." (4) Lefley '3 Anfwer. (5) Id. ib. (i) " The impatience of William's En^llfli adhe- ons, granted to tlie peafantry, they forced this order rents only ferved to confirm the Irlili in their averfion alfo, to croud to their old leaders, and to take arms to the new government. And by a /hamtful difre- for their fecurily." Lei. Hift. of Irel. vol. iii. p. 574. gard, and alir.oft perpetual violation of his protefti- fcj The Irldi " faw their rel'gion on the point of Lei. ubi fiipra, p. 576. At Chapel-Izod, " Wil- beiiig utterly extinguirtied, and iheir remains of pro- liam was employed in receiving petitions and redrfff- perty ready to be fcizcd by ftrangcrs ; no fccurity'in ing grievances, arlfing from the perpetual viplalions Jubiiiiflton, no feliances on any promifes of pardon." ot his proteftions." Id. ib. CHAP. Ch.XIX. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 355 HAP. XIX. AJIoort Sketch of the Cruelties infli&ed on the Irijh Prif oners in this War. MR. Lefley, after having fliewn, that the foregoing charge of breach of articles made by Dodtor King againft King James's officers, was ground- lefs and wicked, has, by way of contraft, produced feveral notorious and un- controverted inftances of the perfidy and cruelty of King William's officers, towards their Irifh prifoners, in the courfc of this war. Out of thefe inftances, I fhall feled the few following ; and with them conclude this tedious and me- lancholy narrative of the ftate of tlie Irifli at different periods, for the fpace of more than one hundred and fifty years. *' When (i) Drogheda furrendered to King William, after the defeat at the Boyne, the fick and wounded foldiers were, by the capitulations, to be taken care of, and to be fent with paffes to their own army, as they recovered. But they were not only negleded, and might have ftarved but for the charity of fome of their own poor countrymen, who fold their beds, and cloaths to relieve them, but they were alfo kept as prifoners after they recovered, con- trary to their articles." Upon (2) the furrender of Cork, the Irifli army, though prifoners of war, were by the conditions to be well ufed. Notwithftanding which, even thofe Proteftants, who were mofl zealous for King William, owned, that the Irifh (a) General narrowly efcaped being murdered by the inhabitants ; that he had no juftice done him, nor any fatisfadion, upon his complaint to the Eng- lifh General; and that the garriibn, after laying down their arms, were ftripped ; and marched to a marfhy wet ground, where they were kept with guards four or five days ; and not being fuftained, were forced by hunger to eat dead horfes, that lay about them -, and feveral of them died, for want even of that, when they were removed from thence. That they were after- Z z 2 wards (1) Anfw. to King. (2) Id. ib. (a) General M'Cartliy, of whom when colonel, extremely well, wherever he was quartered, with Lord Clarendon. Lord Licutennnt tif Irehr.d, report- great eafinef;, and moderation." State Let. vol. i. ed to the Englilh ini.iiftry, " that he was a man of p. 45. His Excellency foon after recomin«nded him quality, and a foidier; and that he behaved hiralcif to the King to be mule 3 Major Generrd, ib. p. 47. 356 H I S T O R I C A L R E V I E W o F T H E Bk. X. wards fo crouded in houfes, jails, and churches, that they could not all lie down at once, and had nothing but the bare floor to lie upon ; where the want of fuftenance, and the lying in their own excrements, with dead carcafles lying whole weeks in the fame place with them, caufed fuch infection, that they died in great numbers daily. The Roman Catholics of Cork, though promifed fkfety, and protection, had, on this furrender, their goods feized, and themfelves flripped, and turned out of the town foon after." " In (3) December 1690, one Captain Lauder, of Colonel Hale's regiment, being ordered with a Lieutenant, Enlign, and fifty men, to guard about two hundred of the Cork prifoners to Clonmell, as they fainted on the road with the above faid bad ufage, fliot them to the number of fixteen, between Cork and Clonmell; and upon Major Dorington's having demanded juftice againft this officer from General Ginckle, Lauder got a pardon for the murder, and was continued in his poft." " King (4) William's army, after being entire mailers of (b) Athlone, killed, in cold blood an hundred men in the caftle,' and little out-work on the river. And at Aughrim above two thoufand, who threw down their arms, and alked quarter ; and feveral who had quarter given them, were afterwards killed in (cj cold blood ; in which number, were the Lord Galway and Colonel Charles Moore. The Major of Colonel Epingham's dragoons owned to Major General Dorington, that Lord Galway was killed after quarter, and when the battle was over. More vouchers," adds Mr. Lefley, " might be produced if needful." "In fhort, many hundreds of the poor Irifli prifoners were fent at a time (5) into Lambay, a wafle, deferted Ifland in the fea, near Dublin ; where their allowance for four days might, wathout excefs, be eaten at a meal ; and being thus out of the reach of their friends, (all (6) perfons being prohibited to pafs into it with boat, or other veffel, under the penalty of forfeiting the fame) they died there miferably, and in heaps." Thus (3) Id. ib. {.,) Id. ib. (5) Id. ib. Harris's King William, fol. 318. (6) Id. ib. (ij " Douglas, iti bis expedition to Atlilone, peafantry appeared, fuccefllvely, in confiderable bo- maiched as througli an enemy's country, his men dies, to claim tlie benefit of King William's declara- plundering, and even murdering, with impunity, in tion ; and were lucceirively enfnared by aiTuraace of defiance of the Royal proclamation, or the formal protcflion, and expofed 10 all the violences of the orders of their General. As he advanced, the Irilh - foldiers." Lei. ubi fupra, vol. iii. p. 576. (c) " In the battle of Aughrim, and in a bloody in the number of their prifoners, which amonnted purfuit of three hours, ((lopped only by the night's only to four hundred and fifty.'' Lei. ubi fupra. coining on) feven thoufand of the Irifli armj' were p, 606. flaio. The unielentiitg furj of the vigors, appeared Ch. XIX. CIVIL WARS IN IRELAND. 357 Thus publickly, were thefe, and many other fads, attefted by Mr. Lcfley, in his anfwer to Dodor King's ftatc of the Proteftants of Ireland under King James, in refutation of the numerous falfehoods contained in that book. The truth of which anfwer is flill further confirmed, by the Dodor's (d) confcious filence, under fuch heavy accufations, for more than thirty years, that he furvived the publication of it ; being moft of that time, in the exalted fta- tions of Bifhop of Derry, and Archbifhop of Dublin ; to which fuccefTive dig- nities, he was thought to have been raifed, chiefly on account of the great merit and fervice of that performance. (i}) One can't help fmillng to find an aflertion in his life, lately pretixed to Dean Swift's letters to his Grace, that, notwithftanding this long filence both of his Lordfliip and friends, " his Grace had by him at his death attelled vouchers of every particular fad alleged ia his tluie of the Procellanis of Ireland, which are novr In the hands of his relations." Swift's Works, vol. viii. If this be not a ridiculous boaft ot his biographer, a* moft probably it is, thefe relations of his Grace are now again thus publickly called upon to produce thofe actetled vouchers. The end. APPENDIX. No. I. From the MSS. Trinity College, Dublin. A. brief Declaration of the Government of Ireland -, opening many Corruptions in the fame; difcovering the Dil'contentments of the Iiifhery; and the Caufes moving thofe expedted Troubles : and fhewing means how to cflablifh Quietnefs in that Kingdom honourably, to your Majeily's Profit, without any hncreafe of Charge. [Wrote in the Government of Sir William Fitz-Wiili:\ms, who was fix Years Lord Deputy in Ireland ; that is, from the Year 1588 to the Year 1594.] By Captain THOMAS LEE, 1594. Anno Regni Reginae 37°. To the Queen's mod excellent Majefty. UNDERSTANDING, moft gracious fovereign, the proud and infolent terms the lords of the North of Ireland do now ftand upon, it moketh me bold to fet down my knowledge of thole parts to your Majefly, becaufe I have debated often with the chiefs of them, what was fit they fhould yield unto your Majefty ; and that it was unmeet for them in any fort to condition with your Highnefs : in the end (after long ■debating) they feemed fomewhat to like and allow of that which I demanded, as here- after lliall appear. And becaufe your Majefty may the better judge the caufes of their difcontentments, I have here fet down the unconfcionable couifes which have been held towards them, which being remedied, and that they may fee your Majefty doth no way allow of the fame, there is no doubt (notwithftanding all their proud fhews of difloyalty) but that they may be brought to dutiful obedience, and to yield you that profit which neither your Majefty now hath, nor any of your progenitors ever had ; {o as they may likewife have that which they demand, being nothing unfit for your Majefty to grant. In which difcourfe, if any thing fhould feem unpleafing to your Majefty, I humbly befeech you to pafs it over, and to perufe the reft, whereof I doubt 36o APPENDIX. doubt not, but fomething will content your Highnefs, for that it tendeth to your High- nefs's lervice and commodity. My meaning, whereby your Highnefs's profit may arife, is by O'Donnel, Maguire, Bryan Oge, O'Rorke, and Bryan Oge M'Mahon. The demands I made for your Majefly were thefe, that they (hould receive your Majefty's forces into their countries : and your laws to go current, as they did in other places; and fome part of their countries to be refcrved for your Majefly, to difpofe unto them who fhould govern them, and they to charge themfelves with that proportion that was fit for them to bear. To thofe demands they all yielded, fo that they might have fuch gentlemen chofen, as they knew would ufe no treachery nor hard meafures towards them, but to live upon that which your Majefly would allow; and that which they would give of their free confents, and to be no further charged ; and they would be as dutiful as any other country in Ireland now is. And how this may be performed, I have made bold with your Majefty's favourable liking, here to fet down upon my knowledge, both how your Majefly's forces may be received with their confent, and they to yield great pro- fit in dilcharge of that which your Majefly allows to the foldiers, and the foldiers to be well fatisfied. The caufe they have to ftand upon thofe terms, and to feek for better afTurance, is the harfh pradices ufed againfl others, by thofe who have been placed in authority, to protedt' men for your Majefty's fervice, which they have greatly abufed and ufed in this fort. They have drawn unto them by protedion, three or four hundred of thefe country people, under colour to do your Majefty fervice, and brought them to a place of meeting, where your garrifon foldiers were appointed to be, who have there mofl difhonourably put them all to the fword; and this hath been by the confent and prac- tice of the Lord Deputy for the time being. If this be a good courfe to draw thefe favage people to the tlate, to do your Majefly fervice, and not rather to enforce them to fland upon their guard, I humbly leave to your Majefly. When fbme one who hath been a bad member (pardoned by your Majefly) hath heard himfelf exclaimed upon to be a notable thief after his pardon ; and hath fimply come in without any bonds, or any other enforcement, to an open felBon, to take his trial, by your Majefty's laws, if any could accufe him: notwithftanding his coming in after this manner, and without any trial at the time (becaufe he was a bad man in times palt) there hath been order given in that felTion for the execution of him i and fo t APPENDIX. 361 fo he has loft his life, to the great difhonour of your Majcfly, and difcrcdit of your laws. There have alfo been divers others pardoned by your Majefty, who have beea held very dangerous men, and after their pardon have lived very dutifully, and done your Majelly great fervice, and many of them have loft their lives therein ; yet, upon i'mall fuggcftions to the Lord Deputy, that they fhould be fpoilers of your Majefly's be beftowed upon the fenefchal ; the abby of Donegal, and the abby of Derry, are two abbies, that have no lands belonging to thiJm ; fo mucii land, therefore, to be laid unto them, as fhall be thought fufRcient for their habitations, who (hall be drawn thither. And the remain of the whole country to be given to O'Donnel and the chief men un- der him, fo as they wilt contribute to this charge, which is only the diet of the hundred fool, which they -may pay in meal, butter and beef, according to their ufual manner, and yourMajefty's chief rent befides, which is 200I. yearly, to i)e the fenefchal's fee; which 200 I. your Majefly fcldom or never hath. This I believe O'Donnel will fub- mit himlelf unto and perform, if he may be handled thereafter. , TH^s garrilon once (etded in that place, wilt procure great quictnefs 'iff' your pro- vince of Conanght, and flop the only padage which they have to go to and fro to alhft an^ traitor that may rebel there. For Maguirc's country callied Farmanohan, Sir Dudley Loftus v.ith his £5 horfe (whereof he alio wanteth five, taken from him as aforefaid is mentioned, to be reftored to him,') and he to be fent fenelchal of that country ; Henry Warren his brother-in-lav/, to be fent as ftteriff and alliftant unto him, and to have 100 footmen under his charge, your Majefty to bellow upon thofe two gentlemen (to be inhabited by them and their friends) all thofe iflands which are upon the lough, and that one abby which is in the country and the lands belonging to ir, and the caftle of Ennilkillen, lately taken from Maguire ; and the reft of that country, to remain to the chief men inhabiting there, fo as they defray the fenefchal's fee and the charge of the 25 horfe, to be levied in butter, meal and beef, both for the diet and wages of the horfemen, and their horfe-meat, in fuch fort as the Irifhery themfelves (hall fet down, which will bs.a greater proportion than your Majefty would demand. • . ; ;.,.;. For 2,66 APPENDIX. For the county of Monaghan, called Macmahon's country, in refpedl of the great diilike which the Irilliery have of the now fenefchjl there, it may pleafe your Majefty to let him be removed, and in his place (for that it is next to the Earl of Tyrone's country, and the chief place ef the Earl's abode) that Sir George Bourchire may be fent thither as fenefchal, becaufe of the companies of horfe and foot, which are under his charge, and for that he is a gentleman of good vs^orth, who will with fome good fhow live in the place, which v/ill be a great comfort to the Earl to have fuch a neighbour; and to affift Sir George m that fervice, to fend Sir Henry Duke as fherifF of that coun- try, to be placed in the abby of Cloonis (which is your Majefty's, and himfelf your farmer there) with his own company of light-foot, and a band of loo foot more to be there in garrifon. This place of Cloonis is the only paflTage from M'Guire's country, and thofe parts, whereby the rebels may be {topped from doing your Majefly's good fubjeds any great damage in the Englilh pale. Your Majefly may fupply thofe places with 200 foot and 25 horfe without any iir- creaie of charge, taking them from fuch of the old garrifons as may very well fpare them 1 for fome one of the commanders of them is not worthy of a company, becaufe (in the laft conflid with the rebels) he loft his colours, and all his men ran away ; and he who receiveth fuch difhonour by fuch bafe traitors, it is a pity ever he fhould carry colours or credit any more. The aforenamed 200 foot and 25 horfe are to be placed in Tyrconnel and Farma- nohan, and the 100 foot to be under Sir Henry Duke in Monaghan ; at the abby of Cloonis may be alfo one of the companies of the old garrifon, and yet all other places of fervice very well furnifhed within. Within fhort time after Sir William Fitz-Williams hts receiving the fword he (finding many of your Majefly's garrifon-bands of Ibldiers in the hands of divers of your Highncfs's coualcllurs there) had an intent to take them from them, and to dif- pofe them to fuch gentlemen as were more fit to follow your Majefly's fervice, and often faid it was no rcafim but rather a great fhaine that fuch as were alliftants to him at the council board (having great offices and great entertainments belonging to them, and being otherwaysmen of good living, and yet unable to lead men and follow the fury of the wars) Iljould have bands of your Majefty's foldiers remaining in their hands; adding moreover, that it was unfit and unfdfe for your Majefty's men and lervice to be trained by and trufted to their officers difcretion, but rather to be beftowed upon gentle- men of worth, ability, aad fltill to follow the wars, which purpofe of his, if it had taken cfFeft, would (no doubt) have advanced your Majefty's fervice in that kingdom very much : APPENDIX. ^7 rpuch : but wlien he better confidered his own eftate, and !iis cor-iirig to that place, and what peril lie fliould draw unto hiinfcif to binder all his purpi/lcs of gaining, >f he fliould flrive with thefe great (xies, lie thought it more i'^k to kt thofe bands remain as they were, than to pluck, fuch a danger upon himfelfi for lie knew if lie fliould dif- pleafe them (being men of great friends and abilities) he could nut have hved there fix years to have mnde his commodity of that your Majclty's poor kingdom, delerving the place fo little as he did. But your Majefty being free from fuch doubt as troubled him, may difpofe thofe bands (as he had purpofcd) unto men of good deferts, who have been long trained in your Majefly's fervice there without reward, and many of them live difcontented to fee men of no worth accounted of, and themlelves being men of value negleded. Whereby aUb your Maj eft y fhall encourage many others to oflcr themfelves freely to your Highncfs's fervice, when they fhall fee good deferts rewarded. If thefe counfellors had been heretofore themfelves employed with their bands in the remoteft parts there, to do your Majefty's fervice in perfon, where great need ever was, tliere is no doubt but it had much availed ; but to hold their bands of foldiers as they liave done, and yet do, there is no reafon why they fliould have them. But to return to my purpofe -, thefe bands being well difpofed oi", and the forcnamed garrifoQs placed in inanner before exprellcd, and the lame accepted of by the Irifliery, becaufe tliey fhall fee that it tendeth to their good, and. that. nothing ihali be taken fiom them more than is compounded for, fhall, win them to honour, love and obey: your Kighnefs, and your officers and laws. Your Majefly (to have this good fervice efTeded) may be pleafed, that as well the chief commanders of thefe garnlbns, as alio the foldiers, may be fully paid all their enttr- lainment every month, whereby, your Majefty iTiall be freed fiom the charge of their vidualling, and they fnall have no caufe to exad upon the poor people for want of vie- tua;ls, or other provilipn. It may likcwife pleafe your Majefty, in refped thefe late and prefent wars, and troubles have greatly impoveriftied them, to grant unto the inhabitants of thofe coun- tries of Tyrconnel, Farmanohan, and Monaghan, two whole years refi^ite before they fhall pay any of the aforefaid contributions ^ and that for thofe two years they may not have any alfizes orfelFions within their countries, but that the fenelchals of thofe places may have full and abfolute authority over them, together with martial law (as Iwtii been accuftomed) to cut off all malefactors, and ftraggling traitors; in which time tbofc countries may be quietly inhabited, and grow to fome competent means to live upon^ ^nd be able to pay your Majefty. And -6S A P P E N D I X. And likewife it may pleafe your Majefty, to appoint them fiich a judge for the cir- cuit as will ufe them with all clemency and mercy, and not to take fuch (lender advan- tages againft them as many of their own countrymen have done ; for, I afTure myfelf, if the choice of ajuflice was left to themfelves, they would never choofe an Irifhman, becaufe none are fo corrupt as they. Whereas young O'Roirke is alfo out, and a great difquiet of your Majefly's pro- vince of Connaughl, he will in like fort yield himfelf a fubjed, and receive a fherifF into his country, and pay all duties appertaining, fo as he may be accepted into grace and reftored to all that was his father's. This 1 think he verily will perform, becaufe I have been moved to be a dealer between Sir Richard Bingham and him. And whereas I have taken upon me to nominate certain gentlemen as fit men for the places aforefaid, without any of their privities, yet I am well afflired (if it pleafe yonr IMajefly to appoint and command them) they will with all their abilities and en- deavours be ready ; but if any of them fhall miflike, in refpefl of the dangers of the places, ai>d fmallnefs of their companies, there be others who will underrake it. A GREAT part of that unquietnefs of O'Donnel's country came by Sir William Fitz- Williams, his placing of one Willis there to be fheriff, who had with him three hundred of the very rafcals, and fcum of that kingdom, which did rob and fpoil that people, ravifh their wives and daughters, and made havock of all ; which bred fuch a difcon- tentment, as that the whole country was up in arms againft them, fo as if the Earl of Tyrone had not rcfcued and delivered him, and them, out of the country, they had been all put to the fword, The profit which fhall redound to your majefty by placing thefe garrifons aforefaid in this fort, will (after the firft two years) amount yearly to 6000 marks, that is to foy 3000 marks to be faved, and 3000 marks to be gained. Concerning Tyrone, as your Majefty hath beftowed it upon the Earl, fo for tire better furtherance of the aforefaid fervices, it may pleafe your Highnefs to accept of his own offers, which were that all Tyrone might be but one county, which granted, he would (upon his own charge) build a goal and a feffion-houfe, and receive a fheriff into his country, whereby your laws might be obferved there. And where the Earl's adverfaries have, in times paft, incenfed your Majefty againft him, for the hanging and cutting off one Hugh Gavelock, a notable traitor, and Ion to Shane O'Neale, informing your Maiefty that the faid Hugh was your Majefty's fub- jedt, it Oiall be well proved that he was ever a traitor againft your majefty, a daily praftifer APPENDIX. 369 pra(5\irer with foreigners (as the Scots and others) for the diflurbances of that king- dom, and one who fought by all means to overthrow the Earl, who by martial law (which he then had) did cut him off for his ofFences, For the doing whereof, he did incur your highnefs's dilpleafure ; and the faid martial law, which kept that whole country in awe, was taken from him ; the want whereof has made his country people grow infolent againfl him, and careltfs of obferving any humanity or duty, which hath bred the outrages now in pradtice, fo that (in my poor opinion) it were requifite to re- ftore the fame authority unto him, provided it fhould not extend to the cutting off of any but fuch malefaillors, as fhall be of his own country, his tenants and followers : and I dare fay, he may every year hang 500 falfe knaves, and yet referve a great (lock to himfelf : he cannot hang amifs there, ib he hangs fome body. For the performance of the fervice in thofe aforefaid countries, it is not O'Donnell, Maguire, Brian Oge Macmahon, nor Brian Oge O'Roirke, nor any of thofe four who muil be dealt withal, for they are all traitors and villains, and moft obftinate againfl; your majcfty. But the foundation mull be laid upon the earl of Tyrone, to draw him by any reafonable conditions unto your majefliy, that you may have conference with him, and as he is made by your majefty a great man there, fo may he be alfo a fpecial good member in that commonwealth, to redrefs and remedy many great difor- ders, which no doubt he would faithfully do, if he might be trufted, for what maketh a man honefl but truft. And whereas fome affirm that he ftandeth upon a pardon for himfelf and his follow- ers, I think not fo, for he and they hold themfelvcs in lefs fafety thereby, than they were before, becaufe they have feen pardons ferve (in their conceit) rather for traps to catch others in, than for true and juft remillion and acceptance into the free bene- fit of fubjeds, which maketh him fear the like pradice towards himfelf. For whom, although I have undertaken at my firfl coming, that he fhould have performed as much as I then delivered on his behalf to your majefliy, now I dare not engage my credit fo far from him, becaufe it is long fince I faw him. But if it pleafe your majefly to fend me unto him, with encouragement and protec- tion immediately from your majefty, that he fhall come to your lord deputy there, and to your highnefs here in fafety, to come and go without im.pediment or ftay of his perfon, I doubt not but to bring him and his fon (whom I would wifh to be de- tained, but as himfelf fhall like of) and whatfoever he undertaketh to the lord deputy, coming in after this manner, there is no doubt of his performance : 1 know his adver- faries, who never were fuch friends as they might have been to the commonweal of that kingdom, will be earneft with your majefliy againft this, and that it is a great dilhonour to you to grant it ; but it will be proved, by their teftimony who live there. Ebb how 370 APPENDIX. how greatly it fliall advance your majefty's (ervice in this dealing with him, who hath heretofore ferved faithfully and valiantly, and hath therefore well merited, and fliall fave the lives of your highnefs's fubjedts, and the expence of much of your treafure. They who will be againft this, have thofe many years fcfFered notorious traitors, namely, Feagh M'Hugh, and the baftard Geraldines, mightily to difhonour your majefty, in the very view of your ftate ; and with that bale rebel and his adherents they will deal, as it were by way intrcaty, to accept of protedions, which is as much difhonour to a prince of your excellency and greatnefs as may be, fo to condition with fuch beggarly obje.is, as have neither power nor wealth, and yet are noted here to be great and dangerous men lo your ftate there. If there go not fome fpeedy contentment to the earl, to flay all this expefted fury, which is very like to h.;ppcn, but that there muft be prefent wars made upon him and his adherents your majtfly fhall take them in hand at a very unfit time, when they are thoroughly provided lo do great mifchief, and your majefly, uotfo provided to defend your por; •uujetts from their kidden force and fury. Your majefty, fmce yon were queen, never had fo great caufe to bethink you of the fervice of that place, as now you have. Your highnefs fhall not get fo great ho- nour in cutting off him, and thouiands of thofe bare people that follow him, as you fhall to win him and them, to be good and loyal fubjeds, and to live and ferve your highaefs, for good offices. As the cafe now ftandeth with the earl, he hath fraall en- couragements to be otherv/ife than now he is. For where it was your majefly's pleafure he fhould have great encouragement given him, by thanks for his laft good fervice againft Maguire, it was held from him, and inftead of that, they devifcd all means and policies to aggravate matters againft him to your majefty, which is credibly made known unto him ; and more, that upon what fecurity foever he fhould come in, your majefty's pleafure is to have him detained," How he hath thefe advertifements from hence, I know not, but your majefty is, or ihall be informed that he and his lady are papifts, and fofter feminaries, &c. True it is, he is airedlcd that wsy, but lefs hurtfully and dangeroufly than fome