THE
LITERATURE OF THE KYMRY
LONDON : PRINTED BY
SPCTTISWOODF, AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE
AND PARLIAMENT STREET
L]
THOMAS STEPHENS.
FROM A BUST BY J. EDWARDS.
THE
LITEEATUEE OF THE KYMEY:
BEING A CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE HISTORY OF THE
LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE OF WALES
DURING THE TWELFTH AND TWO SUCCEEDING CENTURIES;
CONTAINING NUMEROUS SPECIMENS OF ANCIENT WELSH POETRY IN THE
ORIGINAL AND ACCOMPANIED WITH ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS.
BY
THOMAS STEPHENS.
SECOND EDITION,
EDITED, WITH THE AUTHOR'S ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS, BY
THE REV. D. SILVAN EVANS, B.D.
WITH A LIFE OF THE AUTHOR BY
B. T. WILLIAMS, ESQ., Q.C.
bv, A xv 1
LONDON:
LONGMANS, GEEEN, AND CO.
1876.
.-i a ri glit i rest rved.
/sz J" 3
YblloQ
Dedication of hik fikst edition, 1840.1
TO
HIS KOYAL HIGHNESS
ALBERT EDWARD, PRINCE OE WALES,
IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED,
BY PERMISSION OF HER MAJESTY THE QUEEN,
THE FOLLOWING
RECORD OF LITERARY AND INTELLECTUAL LABOURS
AMONG THE
ancient anti 3PHu£tnou$ ftacc
WHOSE REPRESENTATIVE HE IS,
IN THE HOPE
THAT WHEN FUTURE YEARS HAVE EXTENDED HIS EXPERIENCE
AND RIPENED HIS JUDGMENT,
HE MAY FEEL A REGARD FOR THE INHABITANTS OF
Cfie principality
AS STRONG AS IS THEIR AFFECTION FOR
THE HEIR APPARENT TO THE THRONE OF BRITAIN.
?
EDITOB'S PBEFACE.
The Author of the following work had for some years been
collecting materials for a new and improved edition ; but
owing to declining health, and a pressure of other engage-
ments, he had, at the time of his death, been able to accom-
plish but a portion of the improvements which he had con-
templated.
It was his intention to re-write the part relating to the
alleged discovery of America, by Prince Madog ab Owain
Gwynedd in the twelfth century, his opinion, after further
investigation, having undergone a considerable change on
that subject ; to treat of the Triads at greater length, in order
to ascertain their true historical value ; and to devote a
section to the unravelling of the fable of Hu Gadarn. He
would probably have also modified some of the statements
respecting the poems attributed to the early Bards in
accordance with the views which he put forth in a series of
articles contributed to the ' Archseologia Cambrensis,' subse-
quent to the appearance of the ' Literature of the Kymry.'
With the exception of some verbal corrections, and a
few unimportant foot-notes, which are distinguishable from
EDITORS PREFACE.
the others, the additions to the volume are all from the
papers of the Author, and in his own words, it being the
desire of his representatives, as well as of the Editor, that the
work should, in the present issue, express no other senti-
ments or opinions than those of him whose name it bears.
D. Silvan Evans.
January 1, 1876.
PREFACE.
Ox the map of Britain, facing St. George's Channel, is a
group of counties called Wales, inhabited by a people
distinct from, and but very imperfectly understood by, those
who surround them. Their neighbours call them Welsh-
men. Welsh, or Walsch, is not a proper name, but a
Teutonic term signifying " strangers," and was applied to all
persons who were not of that family ; but the proper name
of these people is " Kymry." They are the last remnant of
the Kimmerioi of Homer, and of the Kymry {Ciinbri) of
Germany, that great people whose arms struck terror into
the Roman legions, and whose virtues Tacitus held up for the
imitation of his countrymen. From the Cimbric Chersonesus
(Jutland) a portion of these landed on the shores of North-
umberland, gave their name to the county of Cwmforland,
and in process of time followed the sea-side to their present
resting-place, where they still call themselves Kymry, and
give their country a similar name. Their history, clear,
concise, and authentic, ascends to a high antiquity ; their
language was embodied in verse long before the languages
now spoken rose into notice ; and their literature, cultivated
and abundant, lays claim to being the most ancient in modern
Europe.
PREFACE.
In the history of Cambrian literature there are four
marked periods. Of these the first relates to the fortunes
of the Strathclyde Kymry, the wars of the Ottadini in the
North of England in the sixth century, and the subsequent
emigration of that people to North Wales ; the second is
embraced between the years 1080 and 1350 ; the third,
thence to the first half of the seventeenth century ; and the
fourth from 1650 to the present time. The following Essay
treats of the second period, and is the work to which the
Ven. Archdeacon Williams awarded the Prize offered by
His Eoyal Highness the Prince of Wales at the Abergavenny
Eisteddvod of 1848. It has been since considerably en-
larged, and through the liberality of Sir John Guest, Bart.,
M.P., is now made public. It embraces a term of years
among the most stirring in the history of man ; for in the
greatness of the aims, the vastness of the achievements, and
the prevalence of profound excitement it can only be com-
pared to the age of the Eeformation or the late European
war. Activity prevailed everywhere, and was as apparent
in literature, philosophy, and theology as it was in warfare.'
It is during such an era of general movement that we have
to treat of the literature of Wales ; and it will be found, on
examination, that the Kymry need not shrink from a com-
parison with any contemporaneous people.
The Essay, it will be observed, embraces a variety of
subjects, and surveys all the manifestations of the Cambrian
intellect. My object was to give a complete account of the
mental labours of the Kymry of these centuries ; and to this
end Poetry, Music, History, the Triads, and the Mabino-
gion have been made subsidiary. In order to embrace this
variety of topics, I found it necessary to divide the history
PREFACE.
of the Toetry into four periods, and preferred arranging the
special dissertations in groups around the fixed points thus
obtained to interrupting a continuous narrative by such a
number of lengthy episodes. By this arrangement we gain
in variety what is lost in symmetry ; and as the episodical
sections are the most original in the book, it is to be hoped
that the defect they have caused in the plan may be the
more readily pardoned. A rational account is now given
of the poems so long erroneously attributed to Taliesin and
Merddin ; an attempt is here made to develope the pregnant
meaning of " Hud a Lledrith ; " and the old stories of the
massacre of the bards, with the burning of the books by the
often execrated Ysgolan, have been thoroughly sifted with a
view to their final settlement.
My own predilections were strongly in favour of taking
an enlarged view of the literature of the centuries embraced
between the ages of Meilir and Gwilym Ddu, and I have
been strengthened in that desire by a conviction that this
ought to be an Essay more particularly directed to English
readers. This is the way in which the Kymry can best
serve their country, as the preponderance of England is so
great, that the only hope of obtaining attention to the just
claims of the Principality is by appealing to the convictions
and sympathies of the reading part of the English popula-
tion. It is full time for some of us to do this ; and there-
fore it was my aim so to shape the Essay that, if successful,
it might be published, and its contents made known to the
English people, that they might no longer be ignorant of
our real literary worth. This is a knowledge of which our
neighbours are deficient, and one which we feel confident
will surely produce an effect most favourable to the inha-
xii PREFA CE.
bits ints of the Principality. Past experience justifies this
anticipation ; for Sharon Turner was not slow to exhibit
his appreciation of our poetic remains ; and Kobert Southey,
the late Poet Laureate, lent us a willing ear. Leigh Hunt, a
veteran in literature, exhibits the same kind regard in these
lines :
I used to think of thee and thine
As one of an old faded line,
Living in his hills apart,
Whose pride I knew, but not his heart ;
But now that I have seen thy face,
Thy fields, and ever youthful race,
And women's lips of rosiest word,
(So rich they open), and have heard
The harp still leaping in thy halls,
Quenchless as the waterfalls,
I know thee full of pride, as strong
As the sea's most ancient song,
And of a sympathy as wide.
And it would be ingratitude not to acknowledge our obliga-
tions to the poet Gray and to Mrs. Hemans. These examples
teach us that we have but to make known the richness of
our ancient literature to earn a favourable estimate of our-
selves ; and I, forgone, will no longer bear the too just
reproach that we are continually boasting of literary wealth
which we never produce for the public inspection in an
intelligible form ; for how can we reasonably expect our
neighbours to appreciate our literature until they are made
acquainted with it in a form which they can understand ?
But, while I exhort my countrymen to additional exertions,
it is not to be inferred that they have hitherto made no
efforts to diffuse a knowledge of their ancient literature.
Llwyd's account of our ancient MSS. was pulished in 1707 ;
and in 1764 Dodsley, under the designation Dissertatio de
PREFACE.
Bardis, published several specimens of ancient Kymric
poetry, with translations, undertaken by the Rev. Evan
Evans, at the suggestion of Bishop Percy. Mr. Lewis
Morris had frequent correspondence on the subject with
Mr. Thomas Carte and Dr. Samuel Pe^e ; Sir Walter Scott
was on intimate terms with Mr. William Owen, afterwards
Dr. W. 0. Pnghe, and has included in the notes to several I
of his poems extracts from Kymric documents, furnished
by the Cambrian lexicographer ; and Mr. Hooper, Pall
Mall East, in 1834, published a small volume of translations
by Arthur James Johnes, Esq., of the Poems of Davydd ab
Gwilym.
I have not thought it necessary to offer any vindication
of the antiquity of the Cambrian Poems ; a large portion of
the originals are lodged in the British Museum, and may
be seen on enquiry. Such specimens as are here given are
accompanied by the originals ; and the translation being
line for line, the reader may easily test my fidelity. The
Cambrian names of persons and places have been ren-
dered in English equivalents ; the English v has been
substituted for the Kymric /; and where there was any
probability of the c being pronounced soft its place has
been supplied by the letter k : in all cases I have not
hesitated to alter the symbols, in order to preserve the
proper sounds.
Throughout the volume I have been more solicitous to
inform than to instruct, to state facts than to advance
speculations, to allow our ancient remains to make their
own impression than to make out a case for them, and to
supply the reader with materials wherewith to frame his
own opinions than to furnish him with thoughts readv
xiv PREFACE.
made. Of such a work the specimens must of necessity
form a most important part ; in adhering as closely as pos-
sible to the originals, I have been in most cases compelled
to give unrhymed translations ; but where metrical versions,
such as those of Mrs. Llewelyn, which were kindly placed
at my disposal, were also distinguished for fidelity, they
have been given in preference. In my own translations I
have derived much valuable assistance from the Dictionary
of Dr. Pughe, the translations of the Rev. Evan Evans, and
the paraphrases of the Eev. Thomas Price. I am also under
considerable obligations to the works of the Eev. Edward
Davies and the Eev. Walter Davies. Many errors may
naturally be expected to have crept into the pages of one.
whose life has been spent within the shadows of his native
mountains, and whose scanty information has been, as
chance directed, picked up on the outskirts of the empire
of intelligence. For the correction of many of these I am
much indebted to Lady Charlotte Guest, whose suggestions,
as well as those of Mr. Eees, the publisher, offered while
the sheets were passing through the press, have been grate-
fully received and generally adopted.
Mekthyr Tydvil : July 2, 1849.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Thk Life öp Thomas Stephens xix
CHAPTER I.
SECTION I.
HISTORICAL SKETCH OF CAMBEIAN LITERATURE PRIOR TO THE
TWELFTH CENTURY.
Aneurin, Taliesin, Llywareh, Merddin, Golyddan, Cadwaladr, and Howel the
Good .............. 1
SECTION II.
HISTORY OF POETRY FROM A.D. 1080 TO A.D. 1194.
Meilir, Gwalchmai, Owain Kyveiliog, Hywel ab Owain, Periv ab Kedivor,
Einion ab Gwalchmai, Llywareh Llaety . . . . . . . . 10
SECTION III.
WELSH MUSIC.
Gruffydd ab Kynan — Irish Teachers — Bagpipes 55
SECTION IV.
INCIPIENT DRAMA.
Hud a Lledrith— Poetical Dialogues— A Miracle Play 69
CHAPTER IT.
SECTION I.
BARDS AND BARDISM.
The Bards, their Social Position, Sincerity, Numbers, Morals, Distinctions,
Learning, and Patriotism— Messengers of Peace 84
a
CONTENTS.
SECTION II.
POETRY FROM A.D. 1194 TO A.D. 1240.
PAGE
Kynddelw, Llywarch ab Llywelyn, Prince Macloc, Einion ab Gwgan, Davydd
Benvras, Elidir Sais, Phylip Brydydd, Gwynvardd Bryclieiniog — Other
Bards 118
SECTION III.
MYTHOLOGICAL POEMS, USUALLY ATTRIBUTED TO TALIESIN.
Belong to the Twelfth and Succeeding Centuries — Resemble the Arabian Nights
— A re Met rical Romances — Bardic Philosophy . . . . . .167
SECTION IV.
POEMS FICTITIOUSLY ATTRIBUTED TO MERDDIN AND OTHERS.
Identity of Merddin Emrys and Merddin ab Morvryn — Kyvoesi Merddin, its
Age — The ATallenau and Hoianau, Composed by Prydydd y Moch— The
Gorddodau, Composed by Gruffydd ab yr Ynad Coch — Classification of the
Poems of Taliesin — Poems Erroneously Ascribed to Taliesin, Golyddan,
Meugant, Aneurin, and Llywarch 198
SECTION V.
PROSE LITERATURE.
The Chronicles — Geoffrey not the Inventor of all the Fables in his Book —
Walter Mapes — Caradoc — Liber Landavensis — Effects of Geoffrey's History
— The Mental Idiosyncrasy of the Kymry ....... 295
CHAPTER III.
SECTION I.
HISTORICAL SURVEY FROM A.D. 1080 TO A.D. 1322.
Visible Improvement in Poetry — General Excitement — Formation of Languages
— Position of the Kymry — Personal Influence of the Cambrian Princes —
Crusades — Massacre of the Bards Disproved — The Ysgolan Story Refuted —
State of Cambrian MSS. — Popular Songs 31 8
SECTION II.
WELSH POETRY FROM A,D. 1240 TO A.D. 1284.
Llygad Gwr. Einion ab Madawg Rhahawd, Y Pryclydd Bychan, Hywel Voel,
Bleddyn Vardd — Gruffydd ab yr Ynad Coeh's Elegy on Prince Llewelyn 344
CONTEXTS.
SECTION III.
UKUCilOl S I'OKTIiy OF THE BARDS.
TAGE
Elidir Sais, Llewelyn Vardd — Giraklus — Welsh Princes — Gruffydd alj yr Ynad,
Brother Madawg ab Q-wallter 376
SECTION IV.
THE MABINOGION ; CLASSIFIED.
Arthur, a Creation of the Armorican Kymry — Cambrian Stories Lost — Authors
of the Mabinogion — Lady Charlotte Guest's Translation — Influence of the
Normans — The Church — Character of these Tales — Scarcity of Copies —
The Greal j$95_
SECTION V.
THE TRIADS.
Character — Antiquity — Historical Value 427
CHAPTER IV.
SECTION I.
THE WELSH LANGUAGE .... 430
SECTION II.
WELSH POETRY FROM A.D. 1280 TO A.D. 1322.
Gwilym Ddu— Other Bards— Character of the Poetry of the Succeeding Era —
Bhys Groch — Date of his Poetry — Specimens — Davydd ab Gwilym's Address
to the Summer . » • • • 443
SECTION HI.
GENERAL CRITICISM ON THE P.ARDIC POEMS . 475
APPENDIX.
THE TRIADS 493
a 2
1.
THE LIFE
OF
THOMAS STEPHENS.
By B. T. WILLIAMS, Esq., Q.C.
CHAPTER I.
In the Vale of Neath, at the foot of the hills that skirt the boundaries of
the counties of Brecon and Glamorgan, is Pontneddfechan, the birthplace of
Thomas Stephens. Before the awakening of enterprise in South Wales
the Yale of Neath, now teeming with a busy population and darkened by
the smoke of great Avorks, was distinguished for its beauty and solitude.
It was inhabited by an industrious and happy people, among whom lingered
many quaint traditions, ancient customs, and songs of characteristic melody.
The house of Aberpergwm, famed for its love of Welsh literature and
music, had long flourished in this valley. Its influence was traceable
among the people. Miss Jane Williams of Aberpergwm, going from house
to house, caught their traditional songs, put them into form, and thus
aided in winning for Welsh melody its present fame. The valley still
retains much of its ancient beauty, and Pontneddfechan has lost none of
it. This mountain village attracts still the attention of the traveller as it
nestles among the wild hills. It was there, on the 21st of April, 1821,
that Thomas Stephens was born, and it was there that he passed his early
years under auspices the most favourable to awaken in him a love of the
historic romance and poetry of the Welsh people.
The circumstances of his parents were removed from poverty, and still
farther removed from wealth. His grandfather was a Unitarian minister,
and had a small chapel near at hand. This fact had an influence upon the
career of young Stephens. The Unitarians from early times in Wales, as
well as elsewhere, have sought to promote a sound classical education. In
THE LIFE OF THOMAS STEPHENS.
many a town and village in South Wales has the Unitarian minister kept
a school at which the youth of the district were enabled to obtain an
accurate and severe training in Latin and Greek. Classical learning was
one of the traditions of the Unitarians, and Stephens received the benefit
of it to some extent. He was sent to a school at Neath, kept by the Rev.
John Davies, a Unitarian minister there, who was known to be a sound
classical scholar. This school had been established by the son of Davies,
of Castell-howell — well known as a poet, scholar, and divine. Stephens
remained there for several years, and got a thorough grounding in the Latin
language. Without this he could not subsequently have pursued his
philological studies with the success that attended them. Soon after he
had attained his fourteenth year he was apprenticed to a chemist at
Merthyr Tydfil. The term of his apprenticeship extended over five
years, and was marked by close application to study. "Reading — ever
reading," is the account given of him at this time — " reading every moment
in the day which was at his disposal — reading often all night." If Stephens
was ever missed, he was always found reading ; if ever guilty of any neglect
or breach of duty, it was traceable to reading. He then struck the mine
of knowledge which afterwards brought him honour and fame, and when
quite a boy commenced to write essays upon Welsh history and litera-
ture, which appeared in some of the local newspapers. He pursued also
the studies of his own business with assiduity, and in time became an able
and scientific chemist. In after years he was accustomed to undertake
chemical analysis and to give evidence as an expert in the law courts of
Glamorganshire. On the completion of his apprenticeship, and before he
had attained the age of twenty-one years, he succeeded to his master's
business as a chemist and druggist at Merthyr Tydfil. He remained at
the head of this business all his life, and died in the house in which he had
served as a boy. His triumphs were won and his studies were pursued
there. The student's victories are none the less glorious because they are
unattended by the exciting cheers of approving crowds. His victories are
achieved in silence, and posterity marks his fame. There are no stirring
events in the life of Thomas Stephens. He was a successful student, a
man of undoubted talent, worthy in himself, but seeking not his own, modest,
kind, courteous, and true. It is gratifying to turn aside from vulgar
self-assertion and false claims to worth and learning, to the real merits of
this illustrious life. " I value Stephens," said his distinguished friend Lord
Aberdare, " for the force of his intellect, for his courage in maintaining
unpopular opinions and opposing cherished but unfounded prejudices, fur
his simplicity of character and genial warmth of heart, and for the true
friendship he showed me during the many years of our acquaintance. He
was honoured by all for his high qualities, and he has left a lasting mark
on the literature of his time and country,"
THE LIFE OF THOMAS STEPHENS.
CHAPTER II.
When Mr. Anthony Trollope, in one of his books, proposes to settle a hero
comfortably out of the civilised world, he suggests that he should either
become Chief Justice of Patagonia or the county court judge at Merthyr
Tydfil. Like many others, this writer was probably not aware of the dense
populations that crowd around the great manufacturing and colliery
districts of Glamorganshire.
When Stephens first commenced the business of life Merthyr had
not attained its present position ; but Stephens profited, as others
have done, by attaching himself to its fortunes. He took an interest,
as we shall see, in the promotion of every effort to raise and improve the
people, and to alleviate their sufferings and poverty. He was also a pro-
nounced politician and a fearless asserter of his own views of religion.
But he was not one of those restless patriots who ever seek noise. He had a
depth of faith in his own views ; and, as some one has said, the deeper a
man's faith the more calm is his own life. While Stephens concealed
not his opinions, and held not his light under a bushel, he was no agitator.
Above all, like a true student and artist, he never permitted popular
turmoil to interfere with the great studies of his life. These were pursued
incessantly year after year, until he became at length the most learned of
all men in those branches of research and study which he had selected for
his own. In the meantime also he had not any of the weaknesses of Mr.
Harold Skimpole — weaknesses which some are still pleased to parade.
He was attentive to his business. He did all in his power to win the con-
fidence of the people of Merthyr in his shop, and he won it. Year
by year his circumstances improved, and after the lapse of a compara-
tively short time he became free from all pecuniary anxieties. His
money enabled him to stock his library with rare and valuable works
and to maintain the manly independence of his character. He never
sought favours from anyone, and he left his wife well provided for through
his industry and care.
I am disposed to think that the great pleasure of Stephens consisted in
studentship. His efforts were mainly devoted to the acquiring of know-
ledge and to the solution of historic difficulties. The putting of the
results of his studies into shape for the benefit of the public was a
secondary consideration, and was rarely attempted by him except, for the
sake of winning prizes at a Welsh Eisteddfod. Much has been said about
the continuation of this national institution in these times. It may, how-
ever, claim the honour of having encouraged Thomas Stephens to per
severe in his work. To the Eisteddfod we owe all his best efforts, and
THE LIFE OF THOMAS STEPHENS.
among them his far-famed " Literature of the Kymry." But Stephens
was himself well aware of the unsatisfactory character of the literature
usually produced by the giving of prizes at the Eisteddfod or elsewhere;
and we cannot but regret that his own genius was not fostered under
higher and better auspices. " Much," writes Stephens, " of the prize
literature of every country is worse than useless, having been written
more from a desire to please than to aid the cause of truth — more for self-
gratification and pecuniary gain than from any desire to leave the world
better and wiser — more in the way of supporting foregone conclusions
than in the spirit of honest enquiry. But whether it becomes a blessing
or a curse must depend in a great measure upon the judges. If writers
must not hope for success, except by inculcating the peculiar views of the
judges, and by confirming their prejudices, the literature produced by
prize-giving at the Eisteddfod were well sunk at the bottom of the
sea ! '
As the majority of my readers know, the Eisteddfod is the revival
of those great assemblages of the Welsh bards which used to take
place at the courts of the native princes of Wales. On such occasions
they competed against each other in music and song. The modern
Eisteddfod embraces also competition in literature and science and in art
and industry. The Eisteddfod is now as popular in Wales as it ever has
been in the history of that country. It has many faults, and the chief
are attributable to the fact that loud and uncultured men sometimes, on
account of their power of Welsh speaking, get to leading positions in it.
It is a mistake, too, in these days that any gr. at public gathering should be
conducted upon the principle that every man present must be taken to
understand Welsh.
But when the faults of the Eisteddfod are corrected, and when
modern facts, however painful and disagreeable, are recognised, it
will, I trust, long continue. It stimulates culture, art, and thought, and
encourages the Welsh people to develope the gifts they possess of oratory,
musie, and song. I know of no national institution coming down irorn
the far-off past of which a people have greater reason to be proud.
In the year 1840, when Stephens was nineteen years of age, he won a
prize at the Liverpool Eisteddfod for a " History of the Life and Times
of Iestyn ab Gwrgant, the Last Native Lord of Glamorgan." He believed
in the historical existence of that great hero then, but in his later years he
was a breaker of many Welsh images and had many doubts with regard
to Welsh idols. In 1841 he gained a prize at the Abergavenny Eisteddfod
for a " History of Remarkable Places in the County of Cardigan," and in
1845 he won another Eisteddfod prize for an essay on the "Heraldic
Poetry of Wales." But scant justice would be done to the learning and
genius of Stephens if it were supposed that these prize essays represent his
THE LIFE OF THOMAS STEPHENS.
claims to consideration. They were mere accidental scintillations of a
greater light :ind but faintly evidenced its glory. lie pursued ever in
the meantime his far-extended researches, but the full benefit of these, on
account of his having been stricken by early paralysis, the world will
never receive.
In líS47 there was an agitation among the Dissenters of Wales with
regard to the receipt of Government grants for educational purposes. It is
interesting to note this controversy. It shows that since that time the
leading parties to it have entirely changed their opinions and their sides.
The Dissenters maintained that the education of the people was no part of
the duty of the State, and that it ought to be left entirely to voluntary effort.
" It is against our principles," they argued, " to receive money from the
Government for religious purposes. We object to a State Church because
religion must be left for its support to the will of the people. There is
no proper education unless religion is made the basis of it. We would
rather," exclaimed they, *' see the people unediicated than educated
without belief in orthodox Christianity." On the other hand, their op-
ponents, the members of the Church of England, contended that the
secular education of the people was a part of the duty of the State,
because all citizens were interested in the decrease of the number of the
inmates of our gaols and prisons, in the advancement of the health, enter-
prise, sobriety, and general well-being of the people, all of which would be
promoted by a widespread education. Grant this, and why should not the
State discharge its duty in this respect ? " The question of religion,"
they said, " is settled. We have the charge of that." The Dissenters are
now the strong advocates of secular education and Government aid, and
the Churchmen plead in solemn tones for voluntary efforts and denomina-
tional schools. Stephens took a deep interest in this question at the time
and boldly maintained his opinions. I have now before me a series of
powerful letters written by him then, the arguments of which I need not
repeat, because, after thinking upon the subject for neai-ly thirty years,
the Welsh people have come to the conclusions which he then powerfully
maintained. He was conscious that he was nearly alone, for, quoting from
De Foe, he says, " If the impartial writer regards truth, let him expect
martyrdom on both sides, and then he may go on fearless; and this is the
course I take myself." In this spirit in a series of sound arguments,
supported by facts and statistics, he proves —
" 1. That voluntary exertions would be insufficient to provide education
for the very large number of children who now remain un-
educated.
" 2. That the Government scheme by which the deficiency was proposed
xxiv THE LIFE OF THOMAS STEPHENS.
to bo supplied was fair, just, and honourable, and fraught with no
injury to any power or party."
In the course of the long argument his opponents, bearing out De
Foe's theory, denounced him as " a maniac and a liar," and as a traitor
to the Church and Dissent. " I thank you," he writes to the editor of tin;
Monmouthshire Merlin, in which paper the correspondence appeared, "for
the very handsome manner in which you have borne testimony to the
truthfulness of my character during the years we have known each other."
And thus this most loyal man had to combat with the bigots of his
time !
Education was Stephens's idea of all reform. " The ballot box and the
power to vote will not make thee a hero, my drunken collier of Cyfarthfa ! '
Thus would he exclaim with Carlyle. Libraries, mechanics' institutes,
schools of all sorts, were ever engaging his energies. Nothing tempted
him to leave his own literary labours as did endeavours to educate those
around him, and to stimulate to intellectual efforts the young men who
came to him for advice.
CHAPTEE III.
In the year 184G Stephens was actively engaged in promoting the es-
tablishment of the Merthyr Library. In this institution he ever afterwards
continued to be deeply interested, and to it he bequeathed a valuable
legacy of books by his will. He was still only twenty-five years of age,
but he was hard at work at many things. Early he had the good fortune
to win the respect and confidence of Sir John Guest, the great ironmaster
of Dowlais, and of Lady Charlotte Guest, his gifted and amiable wife.
Their friendly encoiiragement and aid were of incalculable value to Stephens
then. In the struggle for position in early life the hand that helps then is
blessed. Sir John Guest co-operated with Stephens in the founding of
the Merthyr Library. This institution was established forthwith, and it
continues to this day to be of great benefit and use to the people of
that town.
In 1848 much interest was awakened among the Welsh people by
the offer of a prize, to be given at an Eisteddfod at Abergavenny by the
Prince of Wales, for the best essay on the " Literature of Wales during
the Twelfth and Succeeding Centuries." The value of the prize was no
more than 25/. ; but the fact that it was the first occasion on which the
Prince of Wales had patronised an Eisteddfod, as well as the nature of the
subject itself, awakened the competition of the best Welsh scholars. Here
THE LIFE OF THOMAS STEPHENS. xxv
was an opportunity for a man, if he had distinguished learning upon this
Bubject, to show it. Stephens set himself to the task. He started with
advantages such as few possessed, because he had all the knowledge with
which the severe studies of many years had stored his mind. At the Eis-
teddfod, when the judges were prepared to announce the prize, the greatest
interest and excitement prevailed, and this the late Archdeacon Williams, of
Cardigan, still further increased by declaring, as he rose to make the
award, that " a new star was to appear this day in the literature of Wales."
When the bardic name attached to the essay was read out, the silence
of expectation was most painful. Again the name rang through the
building, and then a young man, with marks of severe study upon his face,
rose and announced that he was Thomas Stephens, the author of the
successful essay. This essay was the basis of his great work the
" Literature of the Kyinry." It was shortly afterwards published under
that name. It was accepted as a leading authority by all Celtic scholars,
not only at home, but also abroad. Count Villemarque, Henri Martin, and
other literary critics were loud in their praises of it. Professor Schuitz
translated it into German, and Mr. Matthew Arnold in due time saw in it
" sweetness and light." Stephens always regarded it as his best work.
"Is it to be believed," said the venerable Welsh scholar the liev.
Walter Davies, " that the author of this is only twenty eight years of
ao-e ? "
The "Literature of the Kymry " was published at the expense and risk
of Sir John Guest. " Sir John," writes Lady Charlotte Guest to the
publishers, "having been the means of bringing Mr. Stephens's composition
within reach or the public, wishes also to do what is most liberal to Mr.
Stephens himself. He desires me to say that he wishes a hundred copies
to be placed at the disposal of Mr. Stephens free of all charge, and if any
profit should accrue from the sale of the remaining copies, Sir John desires
to present Mr. Stephens with the same." The book was waited for
anxiously by Welsh scholars. While it was parsing through the press
enquiries were continually made about it by eminent men; and when it was
at length issued, it sold quickly. " Your book," writes the local publisher,
Mr. W. Rees of Llandovery, " sells as fast as my binder can turn it out
of hand. Messrs. Longmans have sold off their first supply, and I have
just sent off to them another." The work was most favourably noticed in
all the leading literary reviews of the day, and the fame of the author was
established. The admiration of it of the present accomplished editor, Mr.
Silvan Evans, is not of recent origin. In August 1849 he thus wrote to
Stephens : " I do not hesitate to pronounce your book a most masterly
production, reflecting the highest credit on yourself and conferring a boon
of infinite worth upon the literature of the Principality."
The Prince Consort, on the part of the Prince of Wales, duly forwarded
xxvi THE LIFE OF THOMAS STEPHENS.
to Stephens a cheque for the value of the prize. Then came the difficult
question, How was a copy of the book which had thus won the royal
prize to be presented to the Queen and the Prince of Wales ? With all
' his research and learning, this was a problem that Stephens could not
solve. Lady Charlotte Guest is resorted to ; and she obtains all the
necessary information. This I reproduce here for the guidance of any
loyal and ambitious reader. Lady Charlotte says that " she called at Mr.
Murray's, and enquired what was usual with regard to presentation copies
to the Queen. She was informed that it was customary to have
them bound in morocco or white vellum, with gold lettering, and to have
the royal arms on the side." Rut this was only a step. How was the
book so bound and decorated to get to the Queen ? This Lady
Charlotte solves as follows : " I believe that it is not usual to send any
note or inscription addressed to the Queen or Prince with the copies of
any work to be presented. The Queen's private secretary is the proper
channel through which they should be sent, and the best way will be for
you to write to him to take the Queen's pleasure as to accepting the
copies, and at the same time to write to him any observations which it may
be wished should be conveyed to the Queen or the Prince relating to the
work." This course was followed ; the Queen consented to accept the
copies of the book, and they were duly sent. Lady Charlotte was presented
by Stephens with a beautifully bound copy for herself; and well did her
Ladyship deserve it.
It is to be remembered that at the same Eisteddfod at which Stephens
won the royal prize he also won another prize for an interesting history of
the famed Caerphilly Castle.
CHAPTER IV.
In 1849 Stephens took an extended tour upon the Continent. In these
days the Continent is made familiar in early years to the youth of
England, and they never learn the interest which a journey through
Europe is to a man who takes it for the first time late in life. Dr.
Johnson was an old man when he first saw Paris ; and the long postpone-
ment of this pleasure was well compensated for by his being able to ap-
preciate all around him with the keen sense which the thought and varied
experiences of his life had given him. Stephens emerging from his
studies — pursued without intermission for many years — and from his
constant attention to his business, shaking off all learning and care, and
going through the cities of Europe simply to see and enjoy, must have
been for the time a happy man. All that he could have done under the
THE LIFE OF THOMAS STEPHENS.
circumstances of his life he had done; and new all the glory of the civili-
sations, old and new, was exhibited to hiin.
But he did not long remain idle, for in the following year three prizes
were awarded him at the Rhuddlan Eisteddfod. One was for an essay on
the " Advantages of a Resident Gentry," another for a " Biographical
Account of Eminent Welshmen since the Accession of the House of
Tudor," and a third for a " Summary of the History of Wales." It has
often been said that no one has yet written a fair and reasonable History of
Wales. We have had summaries of prehistoric traditions and of national
legends which few in these days can with gravity pretend to believe.
The facts of our real history as a people have not been collected. We
recently have read with a new interest the excellent books ' of Dr.
Nicholas and Mr. J. Roland Phillips, as giving us almost for the first
time some solid information with regard to the important part played by
the Welsh people in the history of England since the Conquest. t was
hoped by many that Stephens had applied himself to this work. He has,
however, done no more than write the summary for which he won this
prize and several other treatises which bear upon the subject. Lady
Hall — now Lady Llanover — has always been ready to patronise the
Eisteddfod. Her Ladyship appears to have given these prizes herself at
Rhuddlan. She sent a cheque direct to Stephens for the amount which he
had won, and informed him that " she had declined to pay it to the
Rhuddlan Committee."
After the establishment of the fame of Stephens as a Welsh scholar
and historian by the publication of the " Literature of the Kymry, ' he
became general referee upon all subjects relating to the Welsh language
and antiquities. His correspondence immensely increased. Scholars from
.all quarters of Europe wrote to him for his views on disputed historical,
philological, and antiquarian questions. It is to be inferred from their re-
plies, many of which are before me, that he usually returned learned and
elaborate answers to the enquiries sent him. The publication of this cor-
respondence, if it could be got together— and there is no doubt that it
could — would be welcomed by all Celtic scholars. The limits assigned for
this biography permit only of a passing reference to it. He became a
critic and a stern upholder of historical truth in the Archcnologia Camhrcnsis
and other journals. He bowed to no prejudices, but exposed all falsities
which family and national pride sought to perpetuate. He traced the
origin of alleged prehistoric triads to the thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries; he exposed the vain notion that America was discovered by
the Welsh before the time of Columbus ; and he pronounced the story of
1 Tim County Families of Wale*, 1>y Dr. Nicholas, and the CivU War iv Wahs, l>y
K. Phillips. The two arc publishel by Messrs. Longmans.
THE LIFE OF THOMAS STEPHENS.
the massacre of the Welsh bards by Edward I. to be false. A Conti-
nental writer said of him that he " scaled the Celtic mythological heavens
and scattered the false gods and goddesses that disported there." At-
tached to the Welsh people, and admiring their literature and song, he
never allowed his patriotic sentiments to interfere with the assertion of
the hard truths of history. For this he lost in popularity, and was
often regarded with distrust by Welsh enthusiasts ; but this quality of
seeking truth above all things won for him the confidence of all true
scholars.
The following letter, addressed to the editor, Avas inserted in the
Archccologia Cambrensis :
Sir, — I hardly lmow whether it is worth while to intrude on the gravity of
your pages with allusions to a subject started by some of the more illiterate
among our fellow-countrymen not long ago ; but, having observed in print a
suggestion as to the propriety of publishing a list of such persons as have proved
themselves " traitors," as the term goes, to the last of the several phases of
traditionary belief among the Kymry, I send you a list of the more prominent
names of persons of this description. 1 cannot but remark that, in this our day,
" treason " of the kind alluded to assumes so bold a front that vigorous measures
must be taken by its opponents to hinder its progress, or else we shall all have
to alter and renew our notions of Cambrian history ; stump-oratory will be
deprived of some of its most valuable and successful claptraps; and the nation
itself will have to content itself with an honourable and rational account of its
past existence.
The list of the principal " traitors " is as follows :
1. Meurig Davydd, of Glamorgan (1560-1600), for asserting that the
Gospel was brought hither by the Apostle Paul, whereas he should have had
prescience enough to see that after his day the legend of Bran ap Llyr would
be invented, and would become the authoritative belief. — Cyvrinach y Beirdd,
p. 81.
2. Llywelyn Sion (1601), for a similar want of prescience, and for believing
that the Gospel was brought hither by Joseph of Arimathea. — Cyvrinach y
Beirdd, p. 8.
3. George Owen Harry, for asserting cromlechs to have been graves.
4. Thomas Pennant, for the same offence.
5.. Edward Lhuyd, for asserting that the Gael occupied this country before
the Kymry,
6. The Rev. Ed. Davies, for denying the antiquity of the bardism of
Glamorgan.
7. Iolo Morganwg, for denying that there ever was a Brut Tyssilio.
8. The Rev. Thomas Price, for asserting that the pretensions of the chair of
Glamorgan can on no account be received. — Hanes Cymru, p. 42.
9. Rev. Walter Davies, for denying that Prince Madoc ever went to
America.
10. Professor Rees, for denying any historical foundation to the Bran ap
Llvr legend.
THE LIFE 01 THOMAS STEPHENS.
11. Rev. Jobn Williams (ab Ithel), for denying the truth of the Trojan
legend.
12. Rev. W. Basil Jones, for having written " Vestiges of the Gael in
GwviR'dd."
13. Mr. Anenrin Owen, for having denied the antiquity of the laws of
DyvnwaL
14. Archdeacon Williams, for insinuating the paganism of the bardic chair
15. And that arch-heretic Mr. Thomas Stephens, for having adopted nearly
nil the heresies of his predecessors, with I know not how many more, and es-
pecially for having abandoned his qualified belief in the Triads, on the ground
that, after seven years of incessant researches into the sources of Cambrian
history, he found them to be neither old nor trustworthy.
All these men, it is true, were thoroughly conscientious in their belief, and
laboured under the delusion that they were doing their country a real and im-
portant service in unveiling its true history, and in paving the way for such a
reconstruction of its annals as should command the respect of the literary world,
instead of exciting its ridicule, and might be accepted as an authentic, integral,
and honourable portion of the history of Europe. Moreover, they seem to have
had a most obstinate love of something they call truth, and in their simplicity
to have believed that history should not be an illusion, and that patriotism
should have some more enduring foundation than a series of demonstrable
truths.
I remain, &c,
Investigator.
With reluctance I pass over this learned correspondence. I see that
Dr. Basil Jones, the present Bishop of St. David's, ever an enthusiastic
student of Welsh literature, carried on a frequent discussion through the
post office with Stephens, in one letter the Bishop, doing himself but
scant justice, says, "I am a very poor Welsh scholar, and am so far from
understanding the poems attributed to Taliesin that I always regarded it
as a strong exercise of faith to believe they mean anything." As a boy
in school with a decent dictionary has no difficulty in understanding
Homer, we are bound to ask, How was it that Dr. Basil Jones, who was,
notwithstanding his modest statement to the contrary, a profound Welsh
scholar, could see no meaning in the rhapsodies of Taliesin?
Not only was Stephens regarded as the corrector of Welsh errors and
general instructor and critic of all Welsh subjects, but he was also some-
times sought to check the follies of individual Welshmen. The late Mr.
Williams of Aberpergwm, a man of great culture, requests the aid of
Stephens in the following difficulty : " The bearer of this," writes Mr.
Williams to Stephens, "has just introduced himself to me. He says you
have had the kindness occasionally to manifest some interest in his behalf.
He now informs me of his intention to undertake a journey to London and
to present himself to the Queen! I have endeavoured, without hurting
his feelings, to dissuade him from committing that absurdity ; but people
THE LIFE OF THOMAS xTEPIILXx
in his excited state of mind are not easily moved from a fixed idea. It is
a pity to think that one who, by his conversation and appearance, deserves
at least the tenderness of the world, shoitld expose himself to public
ridicule. I am sure you will, in your charity, prevail upon him to relinquish
his ill-advised project, or at least to defer it until instruction through books
and converse with the informed may render him more presentable at the
Palace than he is now." We have reason to believe that the kind offices
of Stephens were exercised with success, and that this peculiar ambition
remained without realisation.
In 1851 Stephens received a prize at the Cardiff Eisteddfod for a
" History of Cardiff." In 1852, at Port Madoe, he won a prize for an essay
on the " Working Men of Wales." At the Abergavenny Eisteddfod in
1853 he won three prizes — one for an essay on " Names of Places Designated
from Remarkable Events," another for a il History of Welsh Bards," and a
third for an essay on the " History of Trial by Jury in Wales." This
last prize, which was. one of 70£., was awarded to him by Chevalier Bunsen.
The essay is a remarkable production, which will, I trust, some day be
published. The Chevalier Bunsen spoke of it in terms of unqualified praise.
Sir Erasmus Williams and many others urged the publication of this work at
the time. " Bunsen's judgment," Avrote Sir Erasmus, " is, in my opinion,
an effectual recommendation of any work that may come from you.
Laudari a laudato is something, but laudari a laudatissimo is much more.
Happy should he be who has won, as you have done, the praise and
admiration of that noble and most admirable man."
The following is the adjudication of the Chevalier Bunsen :
The author of the fourth essay, mprked " Savigny " (Mr. Stephens), has
gone over the same ground as his competitors, with so much more caution, and
with such a thorough knowledge of the critical researches of the last thirty
years, that he has left his competitors far behind. " Savigny," too, stands up
for the claims of the Britons as originators of the trial by jury, but he thinks it
necessarv to sift critically the sources of our knowledge of their institutions.
He exhibits, in his judgment of the earliest Welsh traditions, great conscien-
tiousness and that impartiality which alone is worthy of a historian. He
shows the mythical and legendary character of some of those traditions, and treats
especially of those connected with Dyvnwal Moelmud, whom he supposes to
belong, not to the sixth century before Christ, but to the seventh of our era.
" Savigny " adopts, essentially, the deli niti on of jury given by Forsyth in his
classical work, which he reduces to four principal points. Two of the distinctive
features are negative — the first, that they are not a distinct class of men ; the
second, that they are not judges and no part of the judicial court. Two are
positive — the third, that they are a sworn body of men ; the fourth, that their
duty is to find the truth of disputed facts, decide upon the effect of evidence, and
to inform the court truly upon the question at issue. Starting, however, from
this point, " Savigny " arrives at a very different conclusion from Forsyth. Allow-
ing fullv that the trial by jury, as well in Wales as in the rest of the island, re-
THE LIFE OF TJWMA.S STEPBJ2NS.
ceived its specific English form in the period between Henry II. ami
Elizabeth, he thinks that, although the Celtic element has contributed more to
the formation of the institution than the Anglo-Saxon, yet the original germ is
to he sought for in the laws and practices imprinted on the British during the
Roman dominion — principally in the third and fourth centuries.
. . . Now, what I consider the distinctive merit of the author of the essay
signed " Savigny " is, that he has brought forward, with much critical judgment,
the claims of the Kymry; and, by so doing, has tilled up an important chasm in
the history of the judicial institutions of Great Britain. He has, besides, col-
lected many interesting facts and specialities about the jury in Wales since
Henry II. 's time. His merit in drawing the attention of the civilised
■world to the historical importance of the Cymreigyddion — also as regards the.
great principle of the co-existence of popular and professional judgments— is the
more worthy of approbation as, even in Forsyth's work, the Kymric institutions'
have been passed over in silence. I can, consequently, have no hesitation in
awarding the prize to the excellent essay signed " Savigny," which I trust
may, without delay, be prepared for the press ; and I conclude with expressing
my hope that the publication of such a work will go far to show the importance
of the Cymreigyddion y Fenni, and that it will encourage the members and friends
of that society to lay before the public, both in the original language and in
faithful translations, the great documents of the glory of ancient Kymry.
Buxsex.
The President mentioned that he had received a letter from Chevalier
Bunsen, in which he spoke very highly of Mr. Stephens's production : and de-
sired him to mention to Mr. Stephens that he was so much struck with the tone
and learning displayed in it, that he hoped, it he should be in London, he would
call at his Excellency's residence, Carlton Terrace, as he wished to have an
opportunity of making the acquaintance of so distinguished an essayist.
Stephens was a man of great amiability and of modest benevolence.
No one who deserved help or charity applied to him in vain. To young
men struggling in poverty for better positions in life he ever gave his
friendly aid, and the cry of distress he quickly heard. I have now before
me letters and papers about an appeal which he successfully made to the
" patrons of Welsh literature on behalf of a Welsh writer and bard," and
a contributor to Welsa periodicals, " who had always been a vigorous
promoter of a standard of Welsh orthography." This worthy man had
removed to London, and had there been reduced to a state of great want
and privation. Contributions duly flow in — one coming from that dis-
tinguished man Dr. Connop Thirlwall, the Bishop of St. David's — and
the Welsh writer living in Somers Town, London, is relieved. " I
have an overpowering desire," writes the poor bard in his wretched
dwelling in town," to see the hills of Gwent and Morganwg again, but
that, I fear, will never be.
THE LIFE OF THOMAS STEPHENS.
CHAPTER V.
In politics Stephens was a philosophical reformer. His abstract theories
with regard to political justice were far in advance of those around him,
who often mistrusted him because of his apparent want of party zeal.
But he was prepared to accept good results even when produced by
anomalous conditions ; and he was in no haste to see change until favour-
able opportunities arose for it. I would class him with the philosophical
Radicals, were it not that, while they believe in the possibility of realising
some day all the schemes of their books, Stephens, coming out from his
long study of all the histories, had grave doubts about the attainment of
perfection for any human institution. His career as an active politician
may be said to have begun and ended with the representation of Merthyr
Tydfil by Mr. H. A. Bruce — now Lord Aberdare. From 1851 to 18G8
Mr. Bruce was the member for Merthyr, and during that time he had
no more steadfast supporter than Stephens. There existed between them
the most perfect confidence, and the member soon learnt to appreciate
the sterling worth of his friend. Mr. Bruce has been no dreamer. He
has taken his part in the discussion of burning questions, not without
glory, but his attention has been chierly directed to the doing of practical
good. In all his efforts to promote education, sanitary reform, and good
habits among the people, to improve the relations of master and servant,
to protect the children, and to secure the well-being of the collier and
miner, he had the warm support of Stephens.
The practical career of Mr. Bruce, accompanied as it was with un-
doubted sincerity and earnestness of purpose, won his admiration. The
correspondence which during all these years passed between them was of
a very confidential character, and I have no right to publish it. In
questions of difficulty the member frequently wrote to Stephens for his
opinion. " I am glad," says Mr. Bruce in one letter before me, " to
escape from the heated atmosphere of party and to have the cool opinion
of my Merthyr friend, who has nothing but national interests and honour
to guide him in his judgment." When Stephens was in any difficulty
about procuring books necessary for his studies, Mr. Bruce was usually
asked to make a search for them. " I wish to obtain," wrote Stephens,
" ' Baga de Secretis.' " " I will do my best," replied Mr. Bruce, " to get you
' Baga de Socretis.' It is not a blue-book, but, whatever be its description
or colour, I will get it for you." But Baga is not so easily to be found,
because in a subsequent letter thus wrote Mr. Bruce : " ' Baga de
Secretis' keeps his own secrets so successfully that I cannot unearth him.
The librarian of the House of Commons knows not Baga, neither can
THE LIFE OF THOMAS STEPHENS,
I find anyone else who does. He has certainly never been bound in
blue."
At the Abergavenny Eisteddfod in 1853 Stephens won the prize for
an " Analysis of the Remains of the Writings of the Welsh Poets from
the Earliest Period to the Present Times, with Reference to the Elucida-
tion of Welsh History." The Rev. Chancellor Williams, in awarding
the prize, spoke of this essay in very high terms. It contained a
minute and elaborate history of the first great era of Cambrian bardism,
in addition to the required analysis of the poetry of that period and of the
others subsequent to it. There was a general desire that the essay should
be printed as a companion to the " Literature of the Kymry." This was,
however, never done ; and it now remains in manuscript among the other
unpublished works of the author.
In August 1856 Stephens took a tour through Ireland. This tour
was ever afterwards associated in his mind with many stories of Irish
character, which he would recount at times. He lost no opportunity of
seeing life, for I observe a play bill of the theatre at Tralee, which he at-
tended, still preserved among his papers. The prices of admission charged
on the occasion were, for the pit, fourpence, and for the gallery twopence.
I wonder whether he verified in Ireland the following opinion, expressed
to him at this time by a distinguished Welshman, whose name I had
better withhold ! " A South Wales man is by nature straightforward
and candid, but a North Wales man cannot possibly shake off his duplicity
under any circumstances whatever. Cunning is the study of all classes
north of the Dovey. The inhabitants of Carnarvonshire and Anglesey
are Irish in origin, and in character are like that people."
Nowhere was the learning of Stephens more appreciated than it was
among the scholars of France. In his " Etudes d'Archéologie Celtique "
Henri Martin said of him : "lam glad to pay here a debt of gratitude.
Mr. Thomas Stephens, author of the ' Literature of the Kymry,' is one of
those men who are surrounded by conditions the least favourable, yet by
their indomitable vigour and capacity win entirely by themselves and are
the sons of their courage and persevering will." The following letter to
Stephens from M. de la Villemarque, one out of a large correspondence, is
not without its interest :
Au chateau de Keransker, pros Kemperle (Bretagne) :
le 17 mai 1856.
Monsieur, — Quand même il n'existerait pas une republique ties lettres, dont
tous les niembres sont frères, il y aurait pour nous, Bretons-Armoricains, et pour
vous, Kjmrys-Bretotis, une mère-patrie commune dont nous sommes les fils ;
nous devons done nous aimer et nous entre-aider. Vous m'avez prouve que ces
sentiments sont les votres, en voulant bien parler de moi d'uue manière aimable
dans votre excellent livre " The Literature of the Kymry : " et moi-même j'aiété
tres-heureux de pouvoir louer ce livre dans ma traduction françaísedés " Poèmes
I 2
THE LIFE OF THOMAS STEPHENS.
des Bardes Bretons du rv c Siècle," publiée à Paris par Renouard, rue deTournon,
en 1850. Dernièrement encore j'ai eu occasion de citer vos travaux, cornrne des
modèles de critique, dans une lecture que j'ai faite à lTnstitut de France sur
les monuments de la laogue des anciens Bt-etous
C'est done avec un veritable chagrin que j'ai lu dans le a Cambrian Journal,"
revue distinguée, éditée par un bomme si intelligent et si impartiel, ce me
femble, une lettre à l'editeur où vous êtes traité d'une manière inqualifiable.
Non ! quelques dissentiments qui puissent exister sur certains points de detail,
vos " Studies in tbe British Biography " ne sont point indignes de vos études précé-
dentes ; vous continuez à marcher dans la bonne et large voie, et vous y marchez
même d'un pied plus assure et plus indépendant; vous perpetuez la saine école
d'Edward Lhuyd, à laquelle appartenait aussi mon excellent et à jamais
regrettable ami Thomas Price, et vous partagez avec d'autres l'honneur de cette
renaissance cambrienne qui attire sur votre beau et intéressant pays les regards
de 1'Europe savante. Mais j'espère que ce nuage eleve entre compatriotes s'est
dissipé depuis longtemps, et que vos contradicteurs aurontfini par juger, comme
les étrangers, qu'une severite, même poussée à l'exces, vaut mieux qu'une com-
plaisance fâcheuse ou qu'une deplorable tìatterie. Je serais bieu aise de l'ap-
prendre de vous, car je n'aime poiut les querelles de famille :
11 Cas bethau Breton
Gwrth ac ymryson
Rhwny cydvrodorion."
Vous savez qu'on attribue ces vers à un de vos sages et de vos saints qui
vint nous prêcher au vi e siècle, et qui est mort chez nous. Je les cite souvent.
Pour vous, monsieur, si, comme je n'en doute pas, vous avez fait la paix avec
vos critiques, revenus à des sentiments plus equitables, à ceux du temps où ils
vous regardaient " with pride as the future historian of Wales," vous pouvez dire,
en le leur prouvant, avec le sage des Kymry :
" Nerth cryv, ei drugaredd."
Veuillez agréer l'assurance de monestime et de la sympathie avec laquelle
j'ai l'honneur d'etre, votre serviteur,
Le Pirecteur de 1' Association bretonne,
Vte. Hersart de la Vixleharqtte.
In the year 1857 Stephens consented to be one of the adjudicators of
a prize offered for the best critical analysis in Welsh on Hebrew prophecy.
" You will have," Dr. Rowland Williams wrote to him, " as colleagues two
clergymen and two Dissenters, and it will be your business to keep the peace
between them, and to aid in the adjudication of the prize with reference to
literary and general merit and to the dissemination of truth rather than that
of any particular view or theory." After accepting the office of adjudi-
cator Mr. Stephens received the following letter from Professor David
Williams, of Lampeter College :
St. David's College, Lampeter: June 22, 1857.
Sir, — As judges of the best essay on Prophecy, for which Dr. Williams, our
Vice-Principal, has propounded a prize, it will be necessary for' us and our
colleagues to exchange our thoughts and opinions on certain preliminary
THE LIFE OF THOMAS STEPHENS.
arrangements as soon as we conveniently can. But I trust you will pardon me
if, before we enter upon the consideration of any business connected with that
essay, I venture to ask you one question. 1 have no doubt, from all 1 have
heard of you, that you will frankly avow your religious sentiments, if necessary,
whatever they may be. I do not know whether you will be surprised to hear
that you have been represented to me by several people as holding certain
opinions on religion which, if you do, it may be a question whether I may not
be prevented from acting with you in adjudicating upon the essay. Will yu,
therefore, kindly answer me one question, which shall be expressed in few words?
Do you believe the Christian religion to be of Divine origin ? I hope you will
give me credit for haviug asked this question in no uncharitable spirit, but
simply for the sake of ascertaining whether you and I do not hold opinions so
opposite that it may be either unwise or impossible for us to act together in
deciding upon the merits of theological essays. I may add that I write this
without the knowledge of Dr. Williams.
I am, Sir,
Yours very faithfully,
David Williams, Professor of Welsh.
Thomas Stephens, Esq.
To this Stephens sent the following reply :
July 28, 1R57.
Sir, — I have to apologise to you for not having replied to your note earlier.
With reference to your enquiry whether or not I believe in the Divine origin
of Christianity, I have to remark that, though I should have no difficulty in re-
plying to this or any other question of a similar nature, I cannot reconcile my
giving you a reply at all with my sense of independence. For you to institute
an inquisition into my religious opinions is a grave infringement of the liberty
of conscience, which Protestants claim as a right and believe it their bounden
duty to preserve. It appears to me that you are attempting to exercise an
authority which you do not possess and which I ought not to recognise.
Yours, &c,
T. Stephens.
To the Eev. D. Williams.
To this Mr. D. Williams sent the following reply :
Pontarddulais, Llanelly: July 30, 1857»
Sir, — On my return home last evening I found your letter of the 28th inst.
I must confess I regret you do not think tit to give me a direct " yes " or " no "
to the question I put to you. But I think this may have arisen from my not
having made myself understood. I did not ask that question because I was
afraid the differences of opinion between you and myself in adjudicating upon
the essays would be so great as to render it impossible for us to act together.
I have no reason at all to fear that. But what I wished to say was, that you
are reported to hold opinions which I consider would make it unwise and posi-
tively wrong for a clergyman at least to co-operate with you as a judge of theo-
logical essays. It is very probable I should agree with you in thinking that the
judges ought to act independently of each other. But, before I take a single
THE LIFE OF THOMAS STEPHENS.
step in the matter, you will excuse me for saying that I must have, as you will
probably admit I have a right to claim, a direct answer to the question I put to
you.
I had rather not apply to Dr. Williams for your answer, as I think it is a
matter to be settled entirely by you and myself. I have only to add that if
you do not think proper to give me a direct answer, the only alternative left me
will be to resign my office as judge.
I am, Sir,
Yours very faithfully,
David Williams.
Thomas Stephens, Esq.,
Dr. Rowland Williams, then professing with some courage those
charitable sentiments and opinions which eventually led him to the "Essays
and Reviews " difficulties, tried in vain to induce Mr. David Williams to
make peace. " I regret exceedingly," he wrote to Stephens, " that any-
thing should have occurred to hurt your just susceptibilities. It is foreign
to all my habits of thought to institute unauthorised inquisition into any
man's conscientious relations to his Divine Judge." But Dr. Rowland
Williams's amiable efforts were in vain. Mr. David Williams preferred
to adhere to the straight and narrow road that leads to no difficulty in the
Church, and retired from the position of adjudicator. Such example, as
is usually the case, was followed, and Stephens was left alone with the
Rev. David Lloyd, LL.D., principal of the Carmarthen College, a Unitarian
like himself, to decide about this prize. In their adjudication, which was
approved of by Dr. Rowland Williams, they say, " We accepted the office
of judges from a sense of the importance of Hebrew prophecy, and of the
desirability of having the views of BilHical scholars made known to our
countrymen in their own language. Knowing that since the retirement of
the majority of the judges originally appointed considerable distrust arose
from the supposition of our holding extreme opinions on the subject, we
thought it becoming in us to announce that we would not allow our doctrinal
views to have any influence upon our decision. We are pleased to find
that the competitors accepted our declaration in good faith, and honestly
wrote out their convictions. As it happens, we are under no temptation
to depart from our pledge. Not one of the essays represents our own
views."
CHAPTER VI.
Thomas Stephens did more than any man of his time to elevate the tone of
the Eisteddfod, and to win for it the confidence of scholars. " The non-
sense talked at Welsh gatherings," wrote to him Mr. Clark, of Dowlais,
a well-known antiquarian and an austere critic, " makes an English man
of business ashamed to support them. But you have done so much to
THE LIFE OF THOMAS STEPHENS.
introduce common sense and the principles of sound criticism into Welsh
literature, that I entertain a hope that an Eisteddfod promoted by yourself
will be an exception to the general rule." Stephens won prizes at every
Eisteddfod of any importance at which he chose to compete. I have
given a list of many of his prizes : I could add many more, but I care not
to do so. After the European fame that lie had won, the medal of an
Eisteddfod, and the praises of the judges there, appear not to me to be of
much moment. But I must not pass over the incident connected with tlie
Madoc prize at the Llangollen Eisteddfod in 1858. There is a notion — nay,
a firm belief — among some Welsh bards that the discovery of America was
made by the Welsh people in the twelfth century under the leadership of
Prince Madoc. They believe that many Welshmen settled there then,
and that they are now represented by a tribe of Welsh Indians. It is
further believed that these Welsh Indians have been visited by Welsh-
men in recent times, and that a conversation in the Welsh language was
carried on between them.
Accordingly, a prize of 20/. and a silver star were offered for presenta-
tion at the Llangollen Eisteddlbd, in 1858, " for the best essay on the
Discovery of America in the Twelfth Century by Prince Madoc ap Owen
Gwynedd." Stephens investigated the subject with his wonted critical
skill, and came to the conclusion that the whole story rested upon no
reliable historical evidence. He sent in an essay to the Eisteddlbd in
competition for the prize, in which he contended — with success, as most
reasonable men thought at the time — (1) that Prince Madoc never left
his own country — that he came to a violent death at home, and that a
bard was tried on a charge of having murdered him ; (2) that no hint of
the discovery of America appears in Welsh literature until after the time
of Columbus; and (3) that the story of the Welsh Indians was unsupported
by any evidence, but that a young Welshman, of the name of John
Evans, in 1798 spent a winter among the alleged descendants of Madoc's
followers, and found no trace of anything Welsh about them or their
language. When it became known that this essay had been sent in, and
that the judges thought it the best, great was the alarm among the Welsh
enthusiasts at the Eisteddfod. " The discovery of America," said one
illogical bard, " is a jewel that our mother race has long worn, and it is
not to be taken from her except on the clearest possible proof."
The Rev. John Williams ab Ithel, intolerant in his national wrath,
denounced the suggestion that the essay should win the prize, or should be
admitted into the competition at all. The discovery of America by Madoc
as a fact was a postulate at the Eisteddfod, and everyone who questioned
it was ineligible as a candidate for the prize. Mr. Silvan Evans was one
of the judges, and he thus ably states the facts with regard to this con-
troversy :
THE LIFE OF THOMAS STEFHEYS.
THE MA DOC ESSAYS.
To the Secretaries of the Llangollen Eisteddfod.
Gentlemen, — Inasmuch as a controversy has arisen respecting the adjudication
on the Madoc essays, and as one of the grounds alleged by the Llangollen Com-
mittee for withholding the prize from the author of the best essay is an imputed
informality in my award, I, as one of the appointed judges, consider it to be my
duty to the competitors and to myself again to lay before the Committee a
formal statement of my views.
The subject was announced in these terms : (< For the best essay on the Dis-
covery of America in the Twellth Century by Prince Madoc ap Owen Gwynedd,
20/. and a silver star."
Six essays were forwarded to me. Five of the writers took the affirmative
side, and laboured, with more or less ability, to show that Madoc ap Owen had
discovered America; but one of them, under the signature "Gwrnerth Ergydlym,"
by far the ablest writer, took the opposite side, examined the subject fully and
candidly, displayed throughout a deep acquaintance with all the evidences
bearing upon the question, aud manifested no small amount of critical sagacity.
While the essays were under consideration I received a note from one of the
secretaries stating that both he and his colleague were of opinion that a treatise
"sent in on the »o>2-discovery of America" "ought not to be received, there
being no such subject in the programme." This interference with the functions
of the judges appears to me to have been irregular and improper, and implied
that those to whom the adjudication of these essays had been entrusted were
not capable of deciding whether they were ou the proposed subject or not. I
therefore claim for myself, and for those who acted with me, the right to inter-
pret the terms of the announcement in accordance with their obvious meaning
and the spirit of the age in which we live ; I am decidedly of opinion that the
negative essayist ought to participate in the competition, and I emphatically
deny that the competitors were bound, to commit the immorality of adopting
any conclusion that seemed to them not warranted by the premises.
I do not think it necessary to enter into the comparative merits of the affir-
mative essays. All of them, whether we take them singly or collectively, appear
to me to fall far short of establishing the points which their respective writers
have undertaken to prove ; and as literary compositions none of them will bear
comparison with the masterly essay of " Gwrnerth Ergydlym."
Having read the whole of the essays with as much care as the circum-
stances permitted, the impressions left on my mind are these :
That the existence of the so-called Welsh Indians has not yet been esta-
blished ;
That Madoc's alleged discovery of the American Continent rests upon bare
conjecture ; and,
That it is still an open question whether he ever left his own country.
If these essays exhaust the subject to which they refer, I can draw no other
inference from their contents than that these points cannot, with our present
stock of knowledge, be proved to the satisfaction of unbiassed minds, lam
THE LIFE OF THOMAS STEPHENS. xxxix
therefore of opinion that one decision alone is possible, and th.it the prize ought
to be awarded to " (nvrnerth Ergydlym."
In this sense, but less fully, I had expressed myself in the communication
which I addressed to you in the earlier part of the Eisteddfod week ; and I
must be permitted to observe that my decision in this case was as formal as
in the case of Barddas and the Diarebion Cymraeg, of which I acted as one of
the judges, and no complaint was made that my verdict in reference to those
subjects was deficient in point of formality.
I now confirm my former judgment, and must be understood to affirm
emphatically —
1. That the essay of £< Gwrnerth Ergydlym " is strictly upon the subject and
entitled to compete ;
2. That it is by far the best essay sent to me ; — and,
3. That the author is fully entitled to the prize of 20/. and the silver star.
I remain, Gentlemen,
Your faithful Servant,
D. Silvan P]vans.
Llangian : Dec. 8, 1858.
But all reasoning was of no avail. The Committee of the Eisteddfod,
led on by Mr. John Williams ab Ithel, withheld the prize from Stephens,
on the ground that no essay could be admitted in competition which did not
labour to support the discovery of America by Prince Madoc. When this
announcement was made at the Eisteddfod, Mr. Stephens stepped on the plat-
form and claimed permission to say a few words. The chairman begged him
to refrain from doing so, and one leading man ordered the brass band
present to strike up, in order to drown his voice. There were, however,
many present who wished to hear him, and, yielding to their cry, the
chairman allowed him to speak. He said " the real objection to his
essay was that the conclusion arrived at was at variance with the precon-
ceptions of the Committee. The Eisteddfod was not an arena for special
advocacy, but for the promulgation of truth. He raised his indignant
protest against the right claimed by the Committee to award their prizes for
the advocacy of one-sided views of disputed questions. Gwir yn erbyn y byd
(Truth against the world) was a common motto at the Eisteddfod, and
he honestly wrote his opinions upon the supposition that their object was
to arrive at the truth. The first affirmation of Madoc's discovery was
made in 1559, sixty-seven years after the discovery of America by
Columbus, and the person who made this affirmation referred to Lopez de
Gomara, a Spanish historian of New Spain. His ambition was to be the
interpreter of the claims of the language and literature of Wales to the
neighbouring and Continental nations ; this he had hitherto endeavoured
to be to the best of his ability. He was proud to be considered a firm
exponent of well-founded claims on the part of the Welsh people, and he
would still continue to urge strongly and persistently every merit honestly
xl THE LIFE OF THOMAS STEPHENS.
pertaining to the history and national character of the Kymry ; but it
lowered them as a people to claim what they could not prove belonged to
them, and they tarnished their own reputation in attempting to deprive
Christopher Columbus of the great glory of his discovery." Applause, loud
and long, was won from the audience by this manly speech. But it was all
of no avail. The Committee withheld the prize. Ab Ithel's enthusiasm
carried all before it, and the brass band which was at his command
struck up again, to the general delight. After this Stephens sought- no
more Eisteddfod laurels. He retired to his severe studies, his literary
criticism, and the practical and benevolent duties of his daily life. He
found in his experience the truth of his own quotation from De Foe : " If
a man resolves to venture upon the dangerous precipice of telling un-
biassed truth, let him proclaim war with mankind ! "
The virtues of private citizenship usually remain unsung. In towns
and villages are to be seen schoolrooms, infirmaries, libraries, chapcds and
churches, and halls, all the work of silent heroes, who, though unrecognised
by Carlyl'e, exist throughout the land, working faithfully for no reward in
the discharge of what they believe to be their duty. Stephens, during the
many years which he passed at Merthyr, never lost an opportunity of doing
his part to improve the town and to elevate its inhabitants. He had to
educate it in the way of sanitary reform, and had to fight manfully against
the powerful cry that his schemes would increase the local rates. In con-
junction with Dr. Dyke, a learned medical practitioner there, and a few
other thoughtful men, he succeeded in securing for Merthyr the advantages
of a Local Board of Health. When a new cemetery was required he ad-
vocated the selection of the present site at Cefn, in opposition to the views
of many of the ratepayers. His letters published in the public papers
upon this subject are powerful appeals to his fellow-townsmen not to allow
an unwise economy to interfere with their best efforts to promote the general
health of the town. He was for many years an earnest advocate of the
cause of temperance among the colliers and miners, and he was active in
promoting the construction of the Temperance Hall. He spared no effort
to advance the usefulness and success of the Merthyr Library, of which, as
we have seen, he was one of the founders. His excellent addresses and
lectures to the young men of the district are now remembered by them
with gratitude. One of the anomalies springing up from the sudden rise
of populous towns in the mineral districts of Glamorganshire is that they
remain without any of the advantages of municipal corporations. At
Merthyr, however, there exists the habit of treating the chief constable of
the upper division of the hundred of Caerphilly with the honours of a
quasi-mayoral ty. The principal men of the town are in successive
years appointed to this office. Stephens was high constable in 1858.
Mr. N. R. Williams, the Unitarian minister of Merthyr, found in
THE LIFE OF THOMAS STEPHENS. xli
Stephens not only one of the chief supporters in his chapel, but also a
profound theologian, to whom he could ever resort for information and
advice. Stephens had read deeply in Biblical criticism and had mastered
the history of the creeds. He was strong in his own belief as a Unitarian ;
and I have letters of his, published in the papers, now before me which
show with what vigour and learning he could maintain his argument in sup-
port of it. He made the Unitarian chapel the centre of many of his good
deeds. The care of the poor, the instruction of the young by the lending
of books and by his own never-failing attendance at the Sunday school, were
duties never neglected by him. Among the earnest and intellectual people
who attend that little chapel his manly and genial countenance will
long be missed and his noble example long remembered. " He was,"
says Mr. N. R. Williams, " my friend and support when I first came here,
young and inexperienced in life ; and such he continued to be for fifteen
years."
Mr. C. H. James, who has worked with Stephens for years in many a
good cause at Merthyr Tydfil, thus writes to me about him :
I knew Mr. Stephens for a great number of years, and worked with him in
various good causes up to the time that hi» powers failed him, and during the
whole course of time that we were so eugaged there never occurred the
slightest ruffle in our intercourse.
AVe were engaged together for many years in the management of the
Merthyr Library— he as secretary, and I as one of the subscribers and committee.
The establishment of that institution was due in a great measure to his zeal and
persistent devotedness to its objects ; and its maintenance in the efficiency in
which it was maintained was also owing almost wholly to his constant supervi-
sion. He was for many years the very soul of the society, and without him
it would have collapsed.
It is impossible to estimate the influence for good which he exerted in this
way. Had everyone in Merthyr exerted himsslf with the same singleminded-
ness and devotion to institutions equally productive of good, the place would
by this time have worn a different aspect.
The same desire of enlightening young people which impelled him to give
so much time and thought to the Library urged him to Sunday school-
teaching.
This, too, he continued for many years in Twynyrodin Unitarian chapel. In
this way he got about him a number of intelligent young men, and I have no
doubt that many not only in Merthyr, but in parts far away, would acknowledge
that the lessons received from Mr. Stephens in these classes have quickened
their intelligence and assisted them very materinlly in the struggle which they
have had in life to establish and root themselves in the communities where
Providence has placed them.
As a Welsh scholar and critic his works are the greatest testimony to his
powers, and by them the w T orld will judge him. Besides, however, those works,
he was always ready, when, occasion required, to assist his neighbours by deliver-
ing lectures, mostly for the benefit of the Library, and these always showed
the scholarly miud which marked everything which came from him.
xlii THE LIFE OF THOMAS STEPHENS.
The characteristic which most struck me iu him was the evenness of his
mind and temper. Nothing ruffled him. Conscious, I presume, of the inten-
tion to do what was right and just on all occasions, he seemed above the petty
jealousies and passions which cloud the minds of so many men who have
otherwise many admirable traits in their character; and knowing him as I did
for many years, seeing him as I did, on some occasions, at meetings of various
kinds, when many were raging and storming, my old friend Stephens was always
placid, and frequently in a few kindly words, weighty with sense, poured oil on
the stormy waters. It was, I suspect, this evenness of his temperament which
aided him so greatly in applying his critical faculty to the historical problems
which came before him to be solved. He was a Welshman, but he was a truth-
loving man, and he never knowingly permitted the patriot to stifle those
higher claims which truth and historical impartiality claim from all true men.
His judicial attitude as a critic was admirable, and was, I think, in his writings
that feature for which he is entitled to the highest praise which such works are
entitled to.
CHAPTER VII.
On the 19th day of February, 1862, the banks of one of Mr. Crawt>hay's
great pits — called Gethin Pit No. 2 — were crowded by wailing women
and children — waiting for the dead, who were being sent up from the
workings below. An explosion of fire-damp had taken place. Forty-nine
persons had been killed ; and by their death twenty-eight women and
sixty children had been deprived of their natural support. The destitution
of these people in the depth of this winter was great ; and their misery
aroused the best energies of Stephens. He became the life of a movement
that was set on foot for their relief. He dedicated himself to it night and
day ; and it is thought by some that, by over-exertion, he then inflicted an
injury upon his constitution from the effects of which it never really
recovered. He was honorary secretary to the Gethin Relief Fund, and, to the
honour of the inhabitants of Merthyr and of the Glamorganshire hills, he
was well supported. In a short time the sum of 7,528£. was subscribed ;
and up to his death this fund, with the assistance of a committee, was
administered by Stephens. With it the women have been sustained and
the children educated and brought up to useful occupations. Standing in
his shop, I have seen the Gethin recipients come to him for their money
with happy faces. He knew them all — their story, their wants, their
anxieties — and had a kind word for all. He never neglected or forgot
them. Even during the last month of his illness, when he could scarcely
speak, he would insist upon seeing that the Gethin money was paid, and the
last act of his business life was the signing of the cheque for the poor
widows.
He was about this time carrying on a large correspondence witli learned
THE LIFE OF THOMAS STEPHENS .xli.i
men with regard to the importance of arriving at some degree of uniformity
and correctness in the orthography of the Welsh language. Without a
very cautious regard to the derivations of words it is difficult for a person
even well versed in the Welsh language to avoid grave mistakes in spelling.
As a matter of fact, thenumber of men whoare masters of Welsh orthography
are few. It was Stephens's desire to adopt rules founded upon classical in-
vestigation, which should be a universal guide. Hetook the initiativeand for-
warded a printed circular to all who were likely to be interested in the subject.
Thence followed a weighty correspondence — very dry, but of interest to
some who may like to investigate it some day. He was also greatly concerned
in endeavours to arrive at a correct account of the Druidic religion — of its
origin and influences. To him there appeared to be a siibtle metaphysical
and ethical system behind the vague and rough sketches we have of it in
unlearned histories. He made large purchases of books bearing on this
subject, and seemed to entertain the idea of publishing a work upon it.
He investigated the historical origin of the Welsh mythological hero or
demigod Hu Gadarn. This is a kind of Welsh Proteus, whose history
varies in different ages. He is said by some to have been the leader of
the Kymry to Britain ; and by others he is described as " Hu the Mighty,
Jesus the Son of God — the least in respect of His worldly greatness whilst
in the flesh, and the greatest in heaven of all visible majesties." Mr.
Stephens's view was that all the stories about this personage originated in
the romance of Charlemagne. In the Mabinogi of Charlemagne (Llyfr Coch
o Hergest) he figures as the Emperor of Constantinople. The legend is
that when the Emperor of the West visited him, he found Hu Gadarn
ploughing in a field ; but the plough was made of gold, and he followed it
in a golden chair supported by mules. The Welsh Triads, as I have
already said, were subjected to the severe criticism of Stephens ; and
although they had been thought to be prehistoric in their character, he
succeeded in convincing most people who were disposed to accept truth
before prejudice, that nearly all of them were of a mediaeval origin. The
results of his study were contributed to various reviews and periodicals,
and often merely by letter to some of the most eminent Welsh scholars.
In addition to his many occupations he took, in 1864, the management of
the " Merthyr Express," a weekly newspaper at Merthyr, which Mr. C.
H. James, himself, and a few others had successfully established in that
year.
It is interesting to note how much Stephens was sought for informa-
tion and opinions upon all Welsh subjects. " I want you to tell me,"
wrote Mr. II. A. Bruce, "what Kymric bard was born at Ecclefechan, and
what evidence there is of the fact. I startled Carlyle very much the other
day by stating that several of our Welsh bards were geographically
Scotchmen, and that one of them was his townsman. He said that Eccle-
xliv THE LIFE OF THOMAS STEPHENS.
fechan did not mean ' little church,' but the church of a sainted Fechan."
In another letter the same writer asks, " What say you to the University
for "Wales ? I do not think it would do for Wales what the Scotch
Universities have done for Scotland, unless it were attached to some con-
siderable town. It might then become an intellectual centre and do much
for us. A mere building in the wilderness would only further pro-
vincialise us, and do more harm than good. I believe the want of a
common centre of Welsh thought has been the chief, if not the only, cause
of that dearth of men of real eminence in Wales which every candid man
must admit to have existed." A correspondence was always kept up
between Mr. Stephens and Viscount Villemarque and M. Henri Martin,
and other Continental scholars, chiefly upon Celtic literature and tradition.
But towards the end of the year 1864 the efforts of this worker and
student received a check. He had overtaxed his strength. His ever
active brain was receiving no rest. Even when attending to the duties of
his shop there was always upon his desk, in a retired nook, some learned
book or manuscript, to which he resorted whenever he had a moment's
time. He never spared himself when there was work to be done or when
there was a task of learning to master. His medical attendant observed a
change in him. He had received a slight attack of paralysis. The effect,
however, of it was scarcely perceptible to many. His power of thought
and of work remained ; but some observed that much of his vivacity had
gone. He became more retiring and diffident. The doctor ordered him
to abandon literary work, but this he would not do. His physical health
rallied, and it was only those who were well acquainted with the former
activity of his brain, his ready wit and freedom of speech, who knew that a
great change had come over him.
CHAPTER VIII.
On September 11, 18G6, Mr. Stephens was married at Llangollen Church to
Miss Margaret Davis, of Merthyr Tydfil. This lady, possessed herself of
a vigorous mind and of literary tastes, appreciated with her whole heart his
career and character. Never did wife render to husband deeper venera-
tion and devotion than she did to him. They were old friends. Her re-
lations were his chief companions, and one of the lessons of her youth
had been to honour this man of learning. Her father, known for much
charity in his day, died young ; and her mother lived to bring up his
children well. It is right to note of her mother that she was descended
from an old family — the Williamses of Penyrheolgerrig. In the time of the
Commonwealth these had been stout Puritans and Parliament men ; and
their descendants have abided by the principles of freedom. They loved
THE LIFE OF THOMAS STEPHENS. xlv
to patronise literary men; and it is recorded that old Iolo Morganwg
■was a frequent visitor at their house. 1 From this stock came the wife ol
Stephens. She was worthy of him. His own happiness was complete,
and the cloud which his attack of illness had cast over his life vanished
for a time before the sunshine which she brought.
Merthyr Tydfil was in 1868 the scene of a strange political contest.
Mr. II. A. Bruce had represented the constituency in Parliament for many
years with advantage and success. Few members were more secure in
their seats than he, and everyone regarded his continued representation
of Merthyr Tydfil under any circumstances as one of the most certain of
future events. Mr. Disraeli, however, assigned by his Reform Act an
additional member to this constituency ; and forthwith great excitement
arose as to the candidate that should be selected. A panic seemed to
seize the leading political spirits. It was at first conceded by all that Mr.
Bruce was to retain his seat, and that the sole question was the election of
his coadjutor; but forthwith a considerable portion of the constituency
found itself pledged to a line of conduct which was dangerous to Mr.
Bruce's interests. Mr. Fothergill brought powerful means to secure his
return. Influential deputations waited upon him and strong committees
were formed. But the Nonconformists were also on the alert, and formed
an irresistible combination for the return of a man who should represent
their interests. In the constituency their numbers were overwhelming ;
and they selected for their candidate Mr. Henry Richard, a patriotic
"Welshman of great powers and an earnest Dissenter. A better man for
the success of this party could not have been chosen. But many who thus
got pledged to Mr. Henry Richard as Nonconformists had already un-
wittingly got pledged to Mr. Fothergill, or were soon made to feel the in-
fluences that were brought to bear in his favour. The supporters of Mr.
Bruce apprehended the danger, but too late. While every effort was
being made by the supporters of Mr. Richard and of Mr. Fothergill on
their behalf, Mr. Bruce's supporters were content to rely upon the
eminent services of their man and upon the undoubted claims which he had
upon the constituency. Stephens was the most earnest and devoted advocate
of Mr. Bruce's cause. He Avas indefatigable in his efforts. He spoke at
meetings, and wrote much, both in English and in Welsh, in favour of his
friend. This was the last effort of his public life, and in it all the
energies of his former years seemed for a while to return. But all was in
vain. The day of election came ; Bruce was defeated, and those who
wore his colours or were known to be his supporters could scarcely walk
on that day through the streets of Merthyr with safety. "No event,"
1 See Waring's Iolo Morganwg, p. 171.
xlvi THE LIFE OF THOMAS STEPHENS.
■writes Mrs. Stephens, " grieved and disappointed my husband as much as
this. It had the effect of deadening his interest in the public affairs of
Merthyr, and he never more interfered in them."
After holding the office of honorary secretary to the Merthyr Library for
twenty-five years Mr. Stephens tendered his resignation of it. This was
made the occasion by his friends of raising a testimonial for him — a new
ordeal through which some good and many vain and foolish men have in
these days to pass. Stephens at first refused to receive any testimonial at
all, but at last he was prevailed upon to accept a bust of himself exe-
cuted by his old friend Mr. Joseph Edwards. Mr. Edwards entered upon
this work not only with the skill and spirit of a real artist, but also with
the zeal of a friend. He entertained for Stephens a profound regard, and
he studied hard to give to his work those touches which perpetuate in
marble character and thought. Eminently has he succeeded ; and it is
pleasing to know that Stephens lives not only in his writings and in the
memory of those who knew him, but also in this work raised by the
skill of one who was at the same time an accomplished artist and a loving
friend.
In 1870, while Stephens was taking a walk in company with his wife
in the neighbourhood of Vaynor, near Merthyr, he was again stricken by
paralysis. This time the attack was severe in its character. Although
he recovered to the extent of being able to pursue his studies for some
time longer, he rarely attempted to write. During the years of suffering
that followed he was watched with the greatest tenderness and care by his
devoted wife. Dr. Thomas, of Merthyr, was unremitting in his attention
to him. Several visits were made to London for the purpose of obtaining
eminent medical advice. But all was in vain. Stephens succumbed
at last to a long and painful illness, and died at Merthyr on January 4th,
1875.
In the town in which he had lived for many years his influence
as a man of character and learning was felt. He often advocated views
that ran counter to the prejudices of its inhabitants, but they failed not
to recognise his broad charity and the true nobility of his nature. Swayed
though they are by influences which many condemn, the inhabitants of
Merthyr are an energetic and generous people. There is much intellectual
activity among them. They honoured their distinguished townsman and
were proud of the fame that he had won. He intruded not himself upon
the rich or the poor, but his manly character had won for him the respect
of both. No man stood higher than he did in the universal esteem of his
neighbours ; and when he died, Merthyr truly sorrowed for him. It
was known and felt then that in all his actions he had been influenced only
by the love of truth and by the most enlightened patriotism.
THE LIFE OF THOMAS sTJil'I/l. - xlvii
The Rev. M. Williams, known to fame as "Nicander," wrote the following
letter to Stephens while he was engaged in the Madoc controversy.
Llanchyddlad Rectory, Eolyhead: Aug. 31, 1860.
Dear Sir, — I never was a believer in the discovery of America bv Madoc;
your remarks seem quite decisive of the point. It is a misfortune that v.
little value historical criticism in our researches. Too much prejudice aud too
little knowledge have, on the other baud, puffed us up to take credit for many
things that really do not belong to us. How often, for instance, have the words
of Tacitus been applied to the Kymry : " Cimbri parva nunc civitas, Bed gloria
ingens." Tacitus here makes not the remotest allusion to the Welsh, who in
his time were by no means a " parva civitas ; " be is, in fact, speaking of a tribe of
Germans.
I remember being much struck with your identification of Aedd Mawr with
the Roman general Aëtius. There seems to me to be more common sense in
this view than in that of Dr. Meyer, who suggests that the ALdui of Gaul were
so called from a god Aed, whom they worshipped, and whom he identify
with the Aedd Mawr of the Triads. These ./Edui, he thinks, p;ave this island
the name of Aeddon or Eiddin, which is perpetuated in the word Edinburgh.
Most of our scholars, in endeavouring to grasp at distant shadows, disregard,
and therefore miss, the substance that is nearer home and really available for
our true history. "What a havoc Niebuhr would have made of our traditions,
and what materials he would have found for "Welsh history where one would
have least expected to find any.
It is amusing to see how some actually good scholars receive all our
crudest traditions as sound articles of historic faith, and defend them as such
with all zeal and earnestness.
I remain, dear Sir,
Truly yours,
M. Williams.
Thomas Stephens, Esq.
This letter, written by a patriotic Welshman, indicates the field of
enquiry in history and literature that was open to Stephens. The illusions
and dreams of Welsh historians and bards had become a joke for the
world. But mixed up with them and underlying them, often but dimly
traceable, there were fragments of historic truth that it wei*e well to
preserve. Upon his work Stephens boldly entered, fearless to do what was
right and to ascertain the truth. For the task he had qualified himself by
years of laborious study. I count but little the alleged disadvantages
connected with his keeping of the chemist's shop at Merthyr. Greal
scholarship has not been usually achieved in luxurious rooms amid gilded
books; it has more frequently adorned empty garrets and filled with
grandeur lives of poverty. The accidents of place affect but little the real
student, Give him but the books, and soon will he become a ruler in a
great kingdom. Stephens was able to collect a valuable library of bis
own and to visit great libraries in London and elsewhere. lie mastere I
c
xlviii THE LIFE. OF THOMAS STEPHENS.
several languages, and had at his ready disposal a store of antiquarian
learning such as few possessed. He had a retentive memory, a sound
judgment, and capacities for profound thought. He thus became the first
Celtic critic of his day, and as such his name will be honoured and pre-
served. The work of his life was completed before he was forty-three
years of age, for after his first attack of illness in 1864 he did nothing
which will add to his fame. He died, moreover, at the age of fifty-three.
" Et ipse quidem quamquam medio in spacio integral a^tatis ereptus,
quantum ad gloriam longissimum ievum peregit."
A LIST OF THE MSS. ESSAYS AND WRITINGS OF
THOMAS STEPHENS.
1. An Analysis of the Remains of the Welsh Poets from the Earliest Period to the
Present Time, containing all the Bardic Biography known to exist, being, in fact,
a Comprehensive History of the Bards.
2. Biographies of Eminent Welshmen, with an Introductory Essay.
3. An Essay on the alleged Discovery of America by Madoc ap Owen Gwynedd in
the Twelfth Century.
4. The Gododin of Aneurin Gwawdrwydd: an English Translation, with copious
Explanatory Notes. A Life of Aneurin and several lengthy Dissertations illus-
trative of the Gododin and the Battle of Cattraeth.
5. A History of Trial by Jury: its Origin and Progress in the Principality of "Wales ;
and also the History of Trial by Jury in England.
6. An Essay on the Origin of the English Nation.
7. The History of the Town and Castle of Cardiff, with Appendix.
8. An Essay on the Names of Places in South Wales, to illustrate the History, Local
Traditions, and Legendary Lore of the Principality, taken from the Note-book
of a Rambling Pedlar.
9. An Essay on the Working Men of Wales compared with those of England, Scotland,
and Ireland.
10. The History of Wales from the Earliest Period to the Present Time, with an Intro-
duction containing the History of the Migrations of the Kymry prior to their
arrival in the Isle of Britain.
11. An Essay on the Advantages of a Resident Gentry.
12. A Welsh Eisayonthe Part taken by Welsh Chief tains in the Wars of York and
Lancaster.
13. An Essay on the Scientific Value of the Chemical Theories and Discoveries of Baron
Liebig.
14. An Essay: Druids, Druidic Customs ; Symbols and Alphabet.
15. Translation of a Treatise on the Position which the Welsh Ltng.iaje occupies a
those of Celtic Origin, with their Branches am >ng the Indo-European, or, as they
are generally called, the Indo-Germanic Languages.
Several Welsh Essays and materials for an Essay on the Neo-Birdic Theosophy.
CHAPTEE I.
SECTION I.
HISTORICAL SKETCH OF WELSH LITERATURE PRIOR TO THE
TWELFTH CENTURY.
The facts of history, apart from the circumstances from which
they sprang, can afford no instruction ; for our knowledge of
effects is not complete, until we add to it some acquaintance
with their causes. And therefore, as the phenomena visible in
the twelfth and following centuries, are the products of agents
set in operation in a previous era, it becomes of importance to
ascertain what those were, and what the state of literature was,
when we commence our criticism.
It is said that there are remaining some portions of genuine
Druidic lore ; but as I am able neither to deny nor confirm
that assertion, it will be wiser to abstain from giving any opinion
upon the subject, and proceed at once to the Bards of the sixth
century. The genuineness of the compositions, which go under
the names of these bards, was denied many years ago by Mr.
Malcolm Laing, and the Critical Revieio ; but as they could
have known nothing of the matter, their opinions were not of
much value. Mr. Sharon Turner, 1 an Englishman of great
learning and rare impartiality, has devoted an extensive essay
to this enquiry ; and as he has ratified the conclusions of Welsh
critics, we may now take it for granted, no one disputes that
such persons as Aneurin, Taliesin, and Llywarch lived at the
time stated. Many of the pieces imputed to Taliesin are un-
doubtedly not older than the twelfth century, as will be here-
1 Vindication of the British Bards, by Sharon Turner, F.A.S.
II
WELSH LITERATURE
after shown ; but it is also equally evident that other pieces
must be referred to a much earlier date. The bards who lived
in the sixth century were Aneurin, Taliesin, Llywarch, Myrddin,
Kian, Talhaiarn, Meugant, and Kywryd.
The poems of Llywarch Hen are undoubtedly old, and in
referring to an age of whose manners we have but few other
transcripts, are very valuable, nor are they destitute of poetic
excellence. Though a warrior, and treating of warriors, his
forte does not lie in heroic poetry ; his descriptions of manners
are happy, and the incidental allusions are strikingly illustra-
tive of the age ; but his chief power lies in pathetic lamentation,
and his elegies have many fine sentiments. He cannot, however,
take a high rank in bardic literature ; for either from want of
capacity, or in compliance with a bad usage, he begins long-
strings of verses with the same words, such as " Eryr Pengwern,"
" Eiry Mynydd," " Eglwysau Bassa," and with better effect,
" Ystavell Kynddylan." He has some very affecting verses with
this commencement, many of which bring out the facts of the
time with great clearness.
The hall of Kynddylan is dark to-niglit
Without fire, without songs ;
Tears afflict the cheeks. 1
Erom this we learn that the order of the bards existed in his
days.
Aneurin takes a higher position in the roll of poets, and his
Gododin, a poem detailing the adventures of the Ottadini, a
tribe of the Kymry, before their immigration from Cumberland
and the adjoining country to that portion of this kingdom now
known as Wales, justly entitles him to the precedence among
the bards of his day ; the next being Taliesin. Any criticism
on this poem, which did not treat the subject at length, could
not fail to be unsatisfactory; I shall therefore only pause to
offer a few remarks on what the object of the composition seems
to be. The Rev. Edward Davies conceives the Gododin to refer
to the reported massacre of three hundred Cambrian chiefs, by
Hengist and the Saxons, who invited them to a feast at Stone-
1 Owen's Heroic Elegies of Llywarch Hen, p. 78. The original runs thus :
Ystafell Cyndylan ys tywyll heno,
Heb dan, heb gerddau,
JDigystudd deurudd dagrau.
PRIOR TO THE TWELFTH CENTURY.
henge ; but the Eev. Thomas Price dissents from that view,
though acknowledging that he has seen no satisfactory explana-
tion of the meaning of the word " Cattraeth." Methinks the
acuteness which discovered the meaning of " Dyvynaul Vrych,"
might easily have overcome that difficulty, for I believe the
following to be the key to the Gododin. We know that a tribe
called the " Ottadini " occupied the shores of Northumberland,
from Flamborough Head to the Frith of Forth ; we know further
that Deivyr and Bryneich were adjacent territories ; and lastly
we know that in the adjoining county of York, there was a
Roman town of note, named Cataracton, l and now called Catte-
rick. The bard says, " The men of Gododin went to Cattraeth ; "
now Cattraeth must have been somewhere near. Many phrases
countenance this assumption:
Gwyr a aeth Gattraetb gan cldydd. (Twice repeated.)
Men went to Cattraeth at break of day, or with the d;iy.
and
Gwyr a aeth Gattraeth gan wawr. (Thrice repeated.)
Men went to Cattraeth with the dawn.
It therefore appears to me perfectly clear, that the subject
of the Gododin is an expedition of the Ottadini against the
town of Cataracton, then held most probably by the Brigantes.
Taliesin says :
Arwyre gwyr Cattraeth gan ddydd.
I will extol the men of Cattraeth who with the day, &c.
and we cannot suppose that this is simply an allusion to
Aneurin's poem, and not to real personages who might with
propriety be said to be of " the men of Cattraeth." The whole
scene and actions are laid in the North ; and there is not the
slightest reason for believing it can have had any reference to
the reported massacre at Stonehenge in Wiltshire. Aneurin
also makes allusions to bards existing in his time :
Hyfeidd hir etmygir tra vo kerddatvr.
Hyveidd the Tall will be known while there are minstrels.
1 It is but justice to an old bard to acknowledge that I was anticipated in this
remark by Iolo Morganwg, Lyric Poems, ii. 16
b 2
WELSH LITERATURE
and again :
Blwyddyn bu llawen llawer herddawr.
That year many minstrels were merry.
Both Aneurin and Taliesin 1 have been honoured with the
title of " King of the Bards," but in my opinion the title has
been given with least propriety to the latter ; for he has no
single work to compare with the Gododin, though he has
several small poems possessing more real poetry than any
portion of that poem. His life seems to have been more ex-
clusively devoted to the profession ; and unlike Aneurin he
does not seem ever to have handled the spear. His poems
show more skill in composition, finer ideas, bolder images, and
more intense passion than any poet of the same age. The
historical value of the Gododin is greater; poetical merit be-
longs more exclusively to Taliesin. There are nearly eighty
pieces attributed to him, most of which belong to a much later
date ; but the " Battle of Gwenystrad," the " Battle of Argoed
LI wy vain," the " Battle of Dyffryn Gwarant," and some of the
Gorchanau, seem to be genuine remains.
Under the name of Merddin, the editors of the Myvyrian
Archaiology place the " Hoianau," the " Avallenau," " Kyvoesi
Merddin a Gwenddydd ei Chwaer," the " Gwasgargerdd," and
" I Ysgolan." The Hoianau, which were supposed to be as old
as the sixth century, will, with the Avallenau, be shown to
belong to the thirteenth century, and the Kyvoesi to the tenth ;
the Ysgolan here alluded to will be found identical with the
Ysgolan, whom our poets and historians have conjured up in
the Tower of London to destroy an imaginary heap of books ;
and the real Ysgolan of actual history will be produced in the
third chapter to answer for himself. From this it would seem
that not one of the poems which are attributed to Merddin, is
likely to be his.
We have but few remains of the labours of other authors,
much too few to form any useful estimate of their poetical
merits. Ktjhelyn, Llevoed, Elaeth, Ttssilio, Gwyddno, and
Gwdion ab Don, were bards who lived about the same time. A
1 The name Tclesinus occurs in Eoman history, that of Pontius Telesinus, " dux
Samnitium," the opponent of Lucius Cornelius Sulla (Keightley, Hist. Rome, 340).
A Roman consul of the same name is mentioned by Tacitus.
riilOR TO THE TWELFTH CENTURY. 5
little later lived A van Verddig, who Las left an elegy on Cad-
wallon, of which Ieuan Brydydd Hir lias formed a favourable
opinion ; and still later lived Golyddan.
It is also said that Cadwaladr held an Eisteddvod some time
during his reign. 1 The abdication of this monarch left the
Kymry in great difficulties ; and the two succeeding centuries
are barren of literary productions. We are not, however, to
infer, that the order of bards was extinct, for on the contrary,
it seems to have grown considerably. The bard had, in fact,
become a necessary element in Welsh society; and, as we learn
from the Laws of Howel Dda, had obtained an eminent social
position. These laws throw much light upon the character and
office of the bard, and show him to have formed an essential
member of the royal household. Minstrels attended the monarch
whenever he went from home ; but the chief minstrel should
not be confounded, as he sometimes is, with the Bardd Teulu,
for it was the latter and not the former that was a member of
the household, one of the twenty-four officers of the court. This
expression, Bardd Teulu (the Family Bard), at once shows the
estimation in which that personage was held ; and his position
will be still more clearly understood from the following notices
in the Welsh Laws. 2
The domestic Bard shall receive of the family, a bea.st out of every
spoil in which he shall be present ; and a man's share like every domestic.
If there should be fighting, the Bard shall sing The Monarchy of
Britain in front of the battle.
When a Bard shall ask a gift of a prince, let him sing one piece ; when
he asks of a baron, let him sing three pieces; should he ask of a villain,
let him sing until he falls asleep.
His land shall be free ; and he shall have a horse in attendance from
the King.
The Chief of Song shall begin the singing in the common hall.
He shall be next but one to the patron of the family.
He shall have a harp from the King, and a gold ring from the Queen,
when his office is secured to him. The harp he shall never part with.
The protection of the domestic Bard, is to conduct a person to the
patron of the family.
1 "The prince held his court— that is, received his vassals— three times a year,
Christmas, Easter, and Pentecost." The laws originated thus, and these were fitting
times for Eisteddvodau.— My v. Arch. iii. 3C3 ; Villkmauqie, Iiondc Tabic, 311.
2 Wotton's Leges Wallicm.
WELSH LITERATURE
The domestic Bard, and the physician, shall be in the lodging of the
patron of the family.
The steward of the household, judge of the court, headgroom, chief of
song, master of the hawks, page for the chamber, and domestic chaplain ;
the satisfaction of their insult and murder are the same, and their heriots
the same; and their daughters are alike in rank.
In satisfaction for their insult shall be paid nine cows, and nine score
pence of money.
In their satisfaction for murder shall be paid nine hundred and nine
cows, with three advancements.
A pound is the heriot of each of them.
A pound is the maiden fee of their daughters, their covert fee is three
pounds, their jointure is seven pounds. 1
We have here clear evidences of the high estimation in which
the Bardic Order was held in the tenth century ; and it would
seem that the profession had been organised to a considerable
extent, so that there were at that time various degrees of bards.
The copies of the laws consulted by Dr. Wotton, and also the
one given in the first volume of the Cambrian Register, are some-
what defective ; and their account of the domestic bard, the
presiding bard, and the chief of song, is so confused that one
might suppose them to be various names for the same person.
A copy of the laws in the Welsh School in London, supplies
the deficiency, and enables us to see with more clearness into
1 Bardd teulu a geif eidyon y gan y teulu o bop anrheith yd vo yndi, aran gwr
mal pob teuluwr. Enteii a ddyly canu unbenaeth prydein o byd y wlad rac bron y
gad.
Ban a archo bard y teyrn caned un cairn ; ban archo breyr caned tri chanu. Od
eirch ytaeawc, caned yny gysgo.
Y dir yn ryd amarch bith osseph ygan y brenliin.
Y penkerd a dechreu canu yn y neuad kyssevin.
Eil nesaf ir penteulu vyd.
Telyn a geif y gan y brenbin, amodrwy eur ygan y vrenhines, pan gwystler yswyd
idaw. Y delyn ni ad byth ganthaw.
Nawd y bard teulu yw kanhebrwng dyn byd ar y penteulu.
En llety ypenteulu ybydant y bard teulu a'r medic.
Dystain, ygnad llys, Pengwastrawd, Penkynyd, Penkerd, Hebogyd, Gwas ystavell,
Effeiriad teulu, vn sarhaed, ac vn galanas, ac vn ebediw, ac vn vreint eu merched.
En eu sarhaed ytelir naw muw, a nawugaint aryant.
En eugalanas ytelir naw muw anaw ugaint muw gan dri dyrehavael.
Punt yw ebediw pob un onadimt.
Punt yw gobyr eu merched; teir punt yw eu kowyll ; seithpunt yw eu hagwedi.
riìIOR TO THE TWELFTH CENTURY
their actual conditions ; and from this we find the differences
between these functionaries to be the following :
The chief of song was not one of the twenty-four officers of
the court.
The chief of song and the bard president might be the same
person, if he should have obtained in bardic contests the chair
of presidency ; but they were frequently different persons. The
being a bard president entitled the bard to a seat at the royal
table, though the chief of song was not permitted to enter the
hall.
The bardd teulu was distinct from both. At the table the
bardd teulu sat below the pillars with the inferior officers of the
court, while the bard president sat above.
It is somewhat singular that the bards who lived at this
time, and under the guardianship of so able and accomplished
a prince, should have left no traces of their poetical labours.
It will perhaps be suggested that their poems have been lost ;
but I cannot countenance such an assumption. We shall pre-
sently see, in the first work of Meilir, that the poetry of the
bards one hundred and fifty years later was very rudimental,
and may therefore conclude that the age was not honoured by
any extraordinary intellectual exhibitions. The greatness of
the age was concentred in Howel ; and perhaps we shall not be
far wrong, if we attribute to the bards of that day no higher
aims than " Englynion y Clywed," and such moral lessons as
" Chwedlau y Frân," or the Aphorisms of Cattwg. These verses,
though indicating no great intellectual capacity, are in their
way exceedingly curious, and instructively show how an intelli-
gent people supplied the defect felt in the want of a written
literature. For this purpose we subjoin the following :
Hast thou heard what Avaon sung,
The son of Taliesin of just lay?
The cheek will not conceal the anguish of tbe heart. 1
That is one of the Verses of the Hearing, and here follows
one of the Fables of the Crows :
1 A glyweisti a gant Avaon
Vab Taliesin, gerdd gyfion —
Ni chel grudd gystudd calon.
WELSH LITERATURE
A crow sang a fable on the top
Of an oak, above the junction of two rivers, —
Understanding is more powerful than strength. 1
This is one of Cattwg's aphorisms :
Make the best on all occasions
Of what you already possess : —
Better than nothing is the shelter of a rush. 2
Cattwg the Wise sang it.
Possibly some of these may be later than the time of their
reputed authors ; but some of them may lay claim to high an-
tiquity.
These however rather confirm than disprove the assertion,
that after Howel, darkness covered the land. King Alfred in-
forms us that there were but very few able to read in his day,
and we may thence infer that there were no exertions made to
cultivate literature, or diffuse information. Perhaps, we have
no right to expect more than the Laws of Howel, the Life of
Alfred, and the writings of Asser, from so barren an age. Some
persons have, in a most uncritical manner, referred the poems
sometimes called mythological to the time which intervened
between the death of Howel and the appearance of Meilir ; for
this they assign no better reason than that a number of poems
exist to which there has hitherto been assigned no date, and
1 Bran a gant chwedl ar uwehder
Derwen uwch deuffrwd aber,
Trech deall na grymusder.
2 Gwna y goreu ym mhob angen,
O'r peth a fo'n dy berchen,
Gwell no dim gwasgawd brwynen.
Cattwg Ddocth a'i cant.
We must reject the pretension of the Bardic school, that this is the wisdom of
Cattwg, though we may hesitate as to the correct merit to assign them, whether to
charge them with a design to pander to national vanity in assigning to Cattwg the
merit that really belonged to Des Cartes and Spinoza, or whether, if the outcry against
Spinoza had begun so early, we are to credit them with courage in giving the protec-
tion of the honoured name of " Cadoc the Wise" to a philosophy which saw the light
much too soon for the world to recognise its merit as a grand contribution to the fund
of European thought. In either case we must concede to the bards of Glamorgan this
decisive merit, that they had the capacity to appreciate the merit of Spinoza two cen-
turies before appreciative Germany, and possibly three or more centuries before the
exhaustive system of that bold thinker became recognised in England. See Lewis
i. 187.
riilOR TO THE TWELFTH CENTURY.
that there is a gap which ought to be filled by something or
another : — they, it would seem, not being cognisant of the fact,
that the internal evidence of these poems contradicts such an
assumption. Their true character, and probable date, will be
shown in a subsequent chapter.
Another part of the literature of these centuries, was com-
posed of the prose histories of Gildas, Nennius, and Tyssilio,
and the sources from which they derived their information. I
loiow not for certain, what class of persons Gildas means by the
"seculares" (men of the world), to whose fables monks and
princes were so prone to listen ; but there can be no mistake
Avhen Nennius speaks of " antiquis libris nostrorum veterum,"
the old books of our ancestors. Such old books there must have
been. Mr. Price has advanced as a proof that Nennius was less
an original historian than translator, that his statement of the
likeness of the Virgin being borne on Arthur's shoulders, is pro-
bably a translation of "ysgwyd," a shield, which he is supposed
to have found in a Welsh history, and mistaken for " ysgwyt,"
shoulder, or " ysgwydd," as it is now written. This opinion is
to my thinking extremely probable, and is confirmed by the
occurrence in Nennius of such words as " Cat Coet Celyton,"
where the Welsh is not translated into Latin equivalents at all.
If these conjectures are correct, then it would result that the
Welsh had in addition to their poetry valuable prose histories,
in their own language, about a.d. 858. We also find mention
of many learned men during these years; but they for the most
part belonged to the Church.
We have not many memorials left by which to judge of the
fortune of the bards during the stormy period, which succeeded
the death of our legislator, though an occasional ray darts
through the gloom, and enables us to form an imperfect notion
of the character of the order. There is an assertion sometimes
made that there was an Eisteddvod held in the ninth century,
at which presided Geraint, usually called Bardd Glas, or the
Blue Bard, and at which cynghanedd was established as a con-
stituent part of verse. 1 How much truth there may be in the
former statement, as to the fact of an Eisteddvod having been
held, I am unable to ascertain ; but that which relates to cyng-
hanedd as an element in, though not as yet a necessary consti-
1 Cambrian licghstcr, i. p. 400.
10 WELSH rOETItY
tuent of, Welsh poetry is correct. It is however pretty well
ascertained that Bleddyn ab Kynvyn held an Eisteddvod in 1070,
and issued some regulations for the better government of the
order.
The important truths we learn from the preceding digest of
facts, are that in the eleventh century, the Welsh had an an-
cient literature ; a language which had been forming for many
centuries, and was always used as the vehicle for the trans-
mission of thought ; and an order of bards possessing great
influence over the popular mind, very numerous, and held high
in public estimation. Add to these, intelligent princes, a people
of subtle genius, an educated priesthood, and an intimate inter-
course with Ireland, the then favourite seat of learning, and
some preparation will have been made to appreciate the facts
and intellectual phenomena which will be unfolded in the
following pages.
SECTION II.
WELSH POETRY FROM A.D. 1080 TO A.D. 1194.
From the remarks in the preceding section, it would appear that
no poems of any great merit except those of the bards of the
sixth century had appeared prior to the appearance of Meilir,
and the very inferior character of the first poem we have belong-
ing to Meilir, will infallibly lead to the conclusion that at that
time bardism was at a low ebb. It may therefore be safely in-
ferred that no poems of any moment, belonging to the tenth or
eleventh centuries, have been lost, for it was scarcely probable
that any existed. The tranquillity of the reign of Howel, and
the stormy period which succeeded, are both equally barren of
literary fruit. Brighter times are now about to appear. Gruff-
ydd ab Kynan returned from Ireland to claim the patrimony of
his father from the usurper Trahaearn, whom he at length
defeated in the battle of Cam ; x and Meilir, the bard of the
1 Mynydd Cam is in Pembrokeshire, situated between Fishguard and Ha-verford-
■west.
FROM A.D. 1080 TO AD. 1194. 11
latter prince, in a lament upon his patron's fall composed soon
after the battle, furnishes us with the first poem demanding
critical remark. He narrates briefly, and with evident sincerity,
the fall of his patron ; and though the poem possesses but little
merit of a poetical character, it will be found useful for the
facts it mentions, and as an illustration of the manner in which
men and things were contemplated in his day. Meilir was a
man of some repute, and held in considerable estimation ; but
this short piece affords no trace whatever of the poetical capacity
which he afterwards showed :
I will adore my God, King of air ;
The Lord knows my distress ;
In trouble I grieve greatly,
For my kind lord , the ruler of many.
O that they should have come across the sea a second time,
The restless (untractable, uneasy) people of Nanhyver, 1
The Gwyddelians, the black devils ; 2
And the Scots, a people half strong.
A battle there was in Carn mountain,
And Trahaearn was slain,
And the son of Rhy wallawn, a spirited leader,
Came not away from the conflict ;
Thursday, three weeks since,
Towards night, was he slain. 3
1 " Nanhyfer is in the parish of Nevern, of which I am the vicar. Nanhyfer, the
Valley of Byfer. Hyfer is the name of the river that flows through the valley." — Tcyid's
Note, Nov. 7, 1849.
2 That is, the Danes.
3 I Dbahaearn a Mkii.yr.
Meilyr Brydyt agant yr Awdyl hon yn y lluyt y lias Trahaearn uab Caradawc a
Meilyr uab Rhiwallawn vab Cynvyn.
Gwolychaf ym Ren rex awyr
Arglwyt a wyr uym pryder
Pryder pryderaf yn fawr
Am fy Arglwydd llawr lliw niuer
Ny dotynt dros uor etwaith
Pobyl anhyuaeth nanhyuer
Gwytyl dieuyl duon
Ysgodogion dynion Hot for
Cad a uyt ym mynyt Carn
A Trahaearn a later
A mab Rhywallawn rwyf mygr
O'r gyfergyr nyd aduer
Ditioi ympen y teir wytlinos
Tu a nos yd ith later.
12 WELSH POETRY
The attentive reader will notice the orthography of the
original, that he may be better prepared for a dissertation upon
the language, which will form an introduction to the fourth
chapter ; and also bear in mind that the " u " coming before
"y" and the vowels is to be read as "v," and the "t" fre-
quently is to be sounded as " dh."
Apart from its historical value, the most noticeable feature
is the metre. It does not rhyme at the ends of the lines ; but
the last word of a line rhymes with a word towards the middle
of that which succeeds. This " awyr " rhymes with " wyr,"
" fawr " with " 11a wr," and so on throughout the poem. In the
language of the bards this recurrent rhyme is called Ban Kyrch ;
and with me it has ever been an especial favourite.
We have two other poems by Meilir, one an elegy on the
death of his second patron Gruffydd ab Kynan, 1 and the other
on the near approach of his own. Meilir must have been an
old man when he wrote the latter ; a wide gap of fifty-seven
years separates the dates of these and his former poem ; but,
as has been clearly shown by the author of Hanes Cymru, there
is no difficulty here presented which may not be explained on
the assumption that he was a young man at the death of
Trahaearn. The battle of Cam 2 was fought 1080, and the
death of Gruffydd ab Kynan took place in 1137. Now if we
assume that Meilir was twenty years old at the former period,
he must have been seventy-seven at the latter ; and when we
know that the king himself was quite as old, an octogenarian
poet is by no means an unaccountable phenomenon. However,
I am less solicitous about the age of the poet, than about the
very striking difference which appears between the poems of
the same man. What his first poem was, we have seen ; the
first was tame and uninteresting ; the latter are full of poetic
traits, vigorous thought, and weighty observations. Youth is
impressed upon one, the others indicate maturity. We shall
select as an example the poem entitled the " Death Bed of the
1 The Rev. Evan Evans (Disscrtatio, p. 106) says that Meilir on one occasion
officiated as an ambassador from G. ab Kynan to Henry I.
2 " E mynydd hagen i bu y frwydyr ynddaw, a eilaw (hwnmv a eilw, y.a.) ciwdawt
y wlat y Mynydd Carn, sef yw hynny Mynydd y Garnedd, canys yno i niae dirfawr
Garnedd o fein adan (Gerrig a than) yr hon i claddvyt rhysswr yug cynnoesoedd
gynt." — My v. Arch. ii. 594.
FliOM A.D. 1080 TO A.D. 1194. 13
Bard," for we shall have elegies on inonarchs in abundance as
we proceed. 1
The King of kings is accessible to be adored ; —
To my Lord supreme I will prefer a prayer :
Sovereign of the region of necessity,
The most exalted circle of bliss,
Beneficent Being, make a reconciliation
Betwixt Thee and me !
Returning memory iterates a groan, that Thou shouldst
Be contemned for my sake, yet repenting it was done !
I deserved shame,
In the presence of God the universal Ruler,
In not serving truly
In my devotion !
Thou wilt serve me nevertheless, my Protector and King,
Ere I am become an earthly clod !
A faithful prediction
To Adam and his race,
Foretold in ancient days
The prophets.
The being of Jesus in the womb of martyrdom; —
The good Mary the burden did sustain.
1 Eex Rcgwm rybyt rwyt i voli : —
Ym Arglwyt uchav archav weti.
Gwlodic gwlad orvod
Goruchel Wenrod :
Gwrda gwna gymmod
Ryngod a mi !
Advrev advant cov dy rygoti
Erov, ac edivar y digoni !
Digonais geryt
Yggwyt Duw Dovyt,
Vy iawn grevyt
Heb i weini.
Gweinivi hagen, ym reen ri,
Cyn bwyv deierin divenyni !
Diheu darogant,
I Adav a'i blant,
Y rydraethasant
Y profwydi.
Bod lesu yn mru merthyri ; —
Mair mâd ymborthes i beichiogi.
14 WELSH POETRY
A burden have I accumulated
Of tormenting sin :
Severely have I been agitated
By its perturbations.
Sovereign of all life, how good art Thou when worshipped !
May I worship Thee ; may I become pure before I am tried !
The King of all chiefs
Knows that He will not refuse me,
Of His mercy
For my evil deeds.
I have received heaps of gold and velvet,
From frail princes for loving them !
But after the gifted muse I feel another impulse ;
Faltering is my tongue, urging me to silence.
I Meilir the Poet am a pilgrim to Peter,
A porter that regulates appropriate merits.
On that appointed day, when there shall rise up
Those who are in the grave, I will then look forward,
When I am in my allotted rest,
There waiting for the call
To strive and win the goal
In time of need: —
Baich rygynnullais
bechawd armovais,
Ry dy ergrynais
O'i gymhelri!
Rwyv pob wa mor wyd da wrth dy ioli
A'th iolwyv : ry purwyv cyn nom poeni !
Brenin holl riet,
A'ni gwyr na'm gomet,
Am i dnigaret
O'm drygioni.
Cevais i liaws awr aur a phali
Gau vreuawl riau am eu hoffi !
Ac wedy dawn aweii amgen yni :
Amdlawd vyn tavawd ar vyn tewi !
Mi, Veilyr Brydyt, berierin i Bedyr,
Porthawr a gymedyr gymmes deithi.
Pryd y bo cyvnod yn cyvodi
Ysawl y sy 'met, armäa vi,
As bwyv yn adev
Yn aros y llev,
Y Hoc a achev,
Aches wrthi : —
FROM A.D. 1080 TO A.D. 1194. 15
And let that be a solitude, by passengers not trodden,
And around its walls the bosom of the briny sea ;
The fair isle of Mary ;
The holy isle of saints,
The type of renovation,
There to rest in happiness.
Christ the predicted Cross,
Will recognise me there
And guard me from the rage of hell,
A place of exiled beings ; —
The Creator who formed me, will give me room among
The community of the inhabitants of Enlli ! l
This poem is infinitely superior to the preceding. It
contains poetical sentiments, a mastery of the metre, and skill
in the use and application of the language ; and if we subtract
the bardic colouring, the conception of the attributes of the
Deity would not discredit a more enlightened age. His chosen
resting-place is quite a poet's thought ; and I should like the
reader to peruse the verse a second time.
A very striking improvement had taken place in Welsh
poetry during the life of Gruffydd ah Kynan ; and the muse
which limped so lamely in 1080, after a lapse of fifty years,
takes such flights, that but few succeeding bards have been
Ac yssi didryv, didraul ebri
Ac am i mynwent mynwes heli :
Ynys Vair Virain :
Ynys glân y glain,
Gwrthrych dadwyrain. —
Ys caiu yndi.
Crist, croes darogan,
A'm gwyr, a'm gwarthan,
Eac ufern afan,
"Wa'han westi
Creawdyr a'm crewys a'm cynnwys ym plith
Plwyv gwirin gwerin Enlli!
1 For much of the above translation, I am indebted to the Cambrian Register.
"The region of necessity," is a phrase from the bardic mythology; and "the circle
of bliss" is a term for heaven in the doctrine of transmigration. "Enlli" "was the
Welsh name for the isle of Bardsey. There was formerly a religious house in it, when
it was customary for people of note to be buried; and the bards in particular. The
Celtic people seem to have had a general desire of being interred in olitary islands ;
for we find similar burying-groumls on the coasts of Ireland and Scotland.
16 WELSH POETRY
able to equal them. Upon the causes which had a general
tendency towards improvement, we shall* hereafter treat ; but
much of the excellence exhibited is owing to the individual
capacities of the poets themselves. Favourable circumstances
may afford facilities for the exhibition of original powers ; but
general causes cannot produce genius. Meilir in his latter
poems shows great ability ; yet he was greatly distanced by his
son. Few men have ever shown a greater mastery over the
Welsh language than Gwalchmai, and he has left us twelve
pieces, most of which are excellent. 1 We shall draw attention
to two of them. The poem called " Gorhoffedd Gwalchmai "
shows a love of nature, which reminds one of passages in
& Allegro, and of some of the sweet small poems of Words-
worth, — so natural are the sentiments, so smooth and flowing
the diction, and so poetic the ideas. We shall quote a few of
the lines : 2
Gwalchmai's Delights. 3
Thou early rising summer sun ! hasten,
The melodious talk of birds — the glorious season of song.
I am of the golden order fearless in battle,
I am a lion in the front of the army, — ardent in my advance,
Anxiously have I, at night, watched the boundary
Fords of the murmuring waters of Dygen Vreiddin, 4
Where the untrodden grass was supremely green, the water limpid,
And excessively talkative the nightingale well versed in odes ;
And where the sea mews were playing on a bed of streams,
In love-united groups with glittering plumage.
I love the nightingale of May, with his long white face,
1 Cambrian Register, i. 407.
2 Moehddwyreawg huan ddyfestin
Maws Uafar adar mygr hyar hin
Mi ydwyf eurddeddf diofn fy nhrin
Mi ydwj f llew rag llu lluch fy ngorddin
Gorwyliais nos yn achadw ffin
Gorloes rydau dwfr Dygen Freiddin
Gorlas gwellt didryf dwfyr neud iesin
Gordyar eaws awdyl gynnefin
Gwylain yn gware ar wely lliant
Lleithrion eu pluawr pleidiau edrin.
Caraf Eos Fai, forehun ludd
, Translated in Pennant, iii. 223.
4 Dygen Vreiddin -was not far from Shrewsbury, but within the Radnorshire
boundary ; and the name remains to this day attached to the Breiddin Hills.
FROM A.D. 1080 TO AD. 1194. 17
At the break of Jay, and ;it evening's close ;
I love the sweet music ians, who so fondly dwell
On clear plaintive murmurs, and the accents of woe ;
I love the birds, and their sweet voices
In the soothing lays of the wood.
Lines such as these have at this day a double merit, that of
being in themselves poetical, and of showing that occasionally
the bards turned from war and turmoil to commune with the
sweet choristers of the grove. Many of the bards were men of
good social position; ' and from such examples as are furnished
by Gwalchmai, we may infer, that some of them were men of
learning and of cultivated tastes, — men with eyes to see the
beauties of nature, and minds to appreciate them as objects
worthy of the poet's affection. There is a world of poetry and
truthfulness in that little line :
Cathl foddawg coed ;
the epithet " soothing " as applied to the " lays of the wood "
being so beautifully descriptive, and so strictly appropriate.
It should however be observed, that Gwalchmai is better known
among Cambrian critics by his ode upon the battle of Tal y
Moelvre. It is not clearly ascertained what battle the bard
alludes to, since Welsh history supplies no account of any en-
gagement of sufficient magnitude a/t that time, to justify the
language of the poet. The editor of the Gambro-Briton (vol. i.
p. 231) gives it as his opinion, that the poem refers to a series
of engagements ; but I am of opinion, with the Rev. Moses
Williams, that the poet treats of the defeat of the lieet en-
trusted by Henry II. to Madoc ab Meredydd in 1157, and
which attempted to land at Abermenai. 2 Mr. Price, I am
happy to perceive, came to the same conclusion ; and the fact
that Howel ab Owain, a contemporary bard, has a poem refer-
Agolygon hwyr hirwyn ei grudd ;
Caraf eilon mygr maith arnadudd, —
Eiliwed asserw, a seirch cystudd :
Carafi yr ednan, a'u llarian Lais
Cathl foddawg coed.
1 Gwalchmai says he was descended from Kynan ab Coel Godeboc — Myv. Arch,
i. 194.
2 The battle of 1157 or 1159 is expressly culled the Battle of Tal y Moelvre in a
MS. chronicle in the Eed Book of Hergest.— Caaẁro-Briton, ii. 220.
C
18 WELSH POETRY
ring to the same event, very clearly shows that Mr. J.
Humphreys Parry was wrong when he designated the engage-
ment as a mere skirmish. The following translation, which I
have altered where it did not seem sufficiently literal, is by Mr.
Parry.
Ode to Owain Gwynedd, King of North Wales. 1
The generous chief I sing of Rhodri's line,
With princely gifts endowed, whose hand
Hath often curbed the border land,
Owain, great heir of Britain's throne ;
Whom fair Ambition marks her own,
Who ne'er to yield to man was known ;
Nor heaps he stores at Avarice's shrine.
Three mighty legions o'er the sea -flood came,
Three fleets intent on sudden fray,
One from Erin's verdant coast,
One with Lochlin's armed host,
Long burthens of the billowy way :
The third, from far, bore them of Norman name,
To fruitless labour doom'd and barren fame.
'Gainst Mona's gallant lord, where lo ! he stands,
His warlike sons rang'd at his side,
Rushes the dark tumultuous tide,
Th' insulting tempest of the hostile bands ;
Boldly he turns the furious storm,
1 Arwyrain i Owain.
Ardwyreav hael o hil Rodri,
Ardwyad gorwlad, gwerlin teithi.
Teithiawc Prydein
Twyth avyrdwyth Ywein
Teyrnein ni grein
Ni grawn rëi.
Teir Hong y daethant, liant lestri ;
Teir prav priv lynges wy bres broyi.
Un o IwertQii ;
Arall arvogion
O'r Llychlynigion,
Lhvrw hirion Hi ;
A'r drydet dros vôr o Normandi
A'r dratferth anverth, anvad iti,
A dreic Môn, mor drud i eisyllyd yn aer
Y bu tervysc taer, y haer holi.
FltOM A. J), lost) Id A.I). 1 lii-4. I'.)
Before him wild Confusion Hies,
While Havoc rears her hideous form,
And prostrate Rank expiring lies :
Conflict upon conflict growing,
Gore on gore in torrents flowing,
Shrieks answering shrieks, and slaughter raving,
And high o'er Moelvre's front a thousand banners waving.
Now thickens still the frantic war,
The flashing death-strokes gleam afar,
Spear rings on spear, flight urges flight,
And drowning victims plunge to night;
Till Menai's overburthened tide,
Wide-blushing with the streaming gore,
And choked with carnage, ebbs no more ;
While mail-clad warriors on her side,
In anguish drag their deep-gash'd wounds along,
And 'fore the King's Red Chiefs are heap'd the mangled throng.
Thus Loegria's onset, Loegria's flight,
The struggle doom'd her power to tame,
Shall with her routed sons unite
To raise great O wain's sword to fame :
While sevenscore tongues of his exploits shall tell,
And all their high renown through future ages swell.
Before entering into a minuter criticism of this poem, it
might not be uninteresting for the English reader to know
that "The Triumphs of Owen" in Gray's poetical works is a
A rhacdo rewys chvys dyvysgi,
A rewin, a thriii, a thranc Cyruri,
Ar gad gad greude ;
Ar gryd gryd graende,
Ae am dal Moelfro
Mil Vauiuri !
Ar lât lât llachar ar bar bwi ;
Ar fwyr fwyr fyrvgawl ; ar vawl voti ;
A menei heb drei o drallanw gwaedryar;
A Uiw gwyar gwyr yn heli ;
A Uurygawx glaa a gloes (ryclini;
A thrychion yn dut rae reitrut ri.
O dygyvor Lloegr a dygyvrang à lii,
Ac cu dygyvwrw yn asfcrusii,
Y dygyvod clôd cletyv drrri,
Yn seith tigein iaitli wy rath voli,
c 2
20 WELSH POETRY
translation of the above. Of the two versions, that of Mr. Parry
is the more correct generally, though the finest image in the
poem is better, and more accurately rendered by Gray. Mr.
Parry's version is tame and diffuse ; Gray's is nearly as nervous,
terse, and bold as the original :
Check'd by the torrent tide of blood,
Backward Menai rolls his flood.
This ode, when presented to the English public by the Rev.
Evan Evans, won the admiration of several literary men. Gray
translated it ; and another critic of no less taste than that poet
was known to possess, has written a flattering criticism upon
it, which I here copy at length. It occurs in a letter from the
Rev. Thomas Percy, Bishop of Dromore, and editor of Percy's
Reliques, to the Rev. Mr. Evans already mentioned, and is as
follows :
" I admire your Welsh ode very much ; it contains a large
portion of the sublime. The images are very bold and animated,
and are poured forth with such rapidity, as argues an uncommon
warmth of imagination in the bard, whose mind seems to have
been so filled with his subject, and the several scenes of the war
appear to have so crowded in upon him, that he has not
leisure to mark the transitions with that cool accuracy, which
a feebler genius would have been careful to have done. It is
one continued fiery torrent of poetic flame, which, like the
eruptions of yEtna, bears down all opposition. . , ."
The writer then corrects an error respecting the character-
istics of epic and lyric poetry, and continues : " On the other
hand, it is the essence of the ode to neglect circumstances, being
more confined in its plan, and having the sublime equally for its
object. In order to attain this, it is obliged to deal in general
terms, to give only such hints as will forcibly strike the ima-
gination, from which we may infer the particulars ourselves.
It is no demerit or disparagement in your bard to have neglected
the minute circumstances of the battle, because it would have
been impossible for him to have described them within the
narrow limits of his ode. Here lies his great merit, that the
hints he drops, and the images he throws out, supply the
absence of a more minute detail, and excite as grand ideas as
the best description could have done. And so far I agree with
your critical friend that no poet ever hit upon a grander image
FROM A.I). 1080 TO A. IK 1194. 2]
than that of A Menai heb d/rai <> drallcmw, &c, nor could take a
nobler method to excite our admiration at the prodigious cause
of so amazing an effect." l
There is another feature connected with Welsh poetry, with
which the Bishop does not seem to have been made acquainted ;
but which is essential to a thorough understanding of the
literature of the country. In the Laws of Howel, we find that it
was customary to have songs after meals : " The chief of song
shall begin the singing in the common hall. When a song is
called for, the bard president should begin ; the first song
addressed to God, the next to the king to whom the court be-
longs, or if there is not one, to another king. After the bard
president, the domestic bard is to sing three pieces on different
subjects. If the queen should desire a song, let the domestic
bard go aside and recite without music, and softly, so as not to
disturb the hall." Now we have here, as in many other places,
proof that singing, and. singing to the harp, were established
customs ; there must therefore have existed many songs at that
period, though we have now not a single specimen, unless
Gwalchmai's ode may be accounted one. I am inclined to
think this was sung to the harp. For such a purpose con-
densation was an object which a judicious poet would not
neglect, as a heap of expletives and connectives would only
render the most energetic poem tame and insipid, while, on the
contrary, the mind which could marshal great thoughts to-
gether, giving each palpability and individuality like the ghosts
raised before the eyes of Macbeth, and suggesting rather than
describing the links of connexion, would exhibit the most perfect
mastery of his art : — the highest art being an abandonment of
the mind to its natural tendency, for great ideas make their own
appropriate expression, and, as Milton finely expresses this truth,
there are
thoughts that voluntary move
Harmonious numbers.
The abrupt transitions of this ode, when sung in accompani-
ment to the harp, were rather beauties than defects. Every
hearer would readily supply the connecting links as best suited
his own taste ; and when an enthusiastic people had bold images
1 Cambro-Briton, vol. i. pp. 175-G.
L>L' WELSH rOETltY
presented to their minds in nervous language, and in such a
manner that by an easy transition each auditor would find re-
sponses to the sentiments in his own noble and ardent feelings,
the effect must have been electric.
But this ode has other merits ; for not only is it poetical ;
it is also true to nature, as all genuine poetry must be. It is a
reflection of the time, place, and circumstance. This truthful-
ness to the manners, customs, and minutiae of everyday life, is a
fine feature in the poems of the bards, which is strikingly ap-
parent in the line —
A thryehion yn chit rac reit rut ri,
which I have translated into —
And 'fore the King's Red Chiefs are heaped the mangled throng.
The learned reader will perceive that this differs from every
other translation yet given. The Eev. Evan Evans translates
"Reit rut Ri," into "the king's red lance;" Mr. Price, into
"red streams of blood;" Dr. Pughe, Mr. Parry, and Mr. Ryder
render it by "red-stained chief;" while Mr. Gray adopts the
version given by Mr. Evans. To my thinking, not one of these
conveys a correct idea of the original meaning ; which, for the
reasons which follow, appears to me to be that given above. I
cannot help thinking that the chiefs and nobles of the country
are to be here understood ; and among other contemporary
allusions there is a line in Owain Kyveiliog's Hirlas, where the
words reit rut occur in a connexion which confirms my view,
and discountenances each of the others.
Achubeit j>oh reit rut eu harveu,
Ec' edvvynt rag terfysg eu tervynau,
Each of the red chiefs was prompt to use his arms,
And keep their boundaries free from turmoil.
This line of itself is enough to decide the question; but as na-
tional dresses and costumes are always objects of interest, I will
continue the quotation of extracts of the same purport. " Reit "
is evidently the plural of " rei," a chief, a word in popular use
among the bards. In the Avallenau mention is made of
" riau Rhydderch," the chiefs of Rhydderch ; Meilir speaks of
God as King of all chief* " Brenin holl riet," and in another
place —
FROM A.IK 1080 TO A.l). 1194. 28
Cefaia liawa awr aur :i phali,
Gaii vreuawl riau am <'u hoffi.
I have received heaps of gold and velvet
From various princes for my friendship.
Einion ab Gwalchmai terms Nest the daughter of Howel "reid
y ineini,' the chief of the pearls, and oven Gwalchmai himself in
this very ode says :
Ni grawn rei.
The King hoards no treasures.
From these it is pretty apparent that " reit " refers to persons,
and not inanimate objects, or qualities ; and if we wanted ex-
press testimony on the point we have it in Kynddelw:
Gwirawd an gwrthvyn, gwrth syr a lleuad
Gan rwyv rad rut vyhyr.
Liquor is pressed upon us, by the light of stars and moon,
By the ruler of the impetuous red chieftains.
and again :
Ninth tribe of the red-clad chiefs of battle,
Before death became their fate,
Tyngyriawn of triumphant destiny,
Tyngyr was no lover of peace. 1
The Tribes of Powys.
It therefore only remains for us to see if the notion of red cloth-
ing is consistent with the idea of the reid being chieftains,
warriors, or knights. Apart from the quotations already given,
in which the words reit rut three times occur in the sense here
expressed, there are other testimonies which clearly show that
the most honourable dress among the Welsh were red garments. 2
Kynddelw in praise of Howel ab Owain says :
1 Nawved eu riued rut wot yg Kyfrane
Kyn bu tranc eu trosedd
Tygyriawn tynghed orvolet
Ni charws Tynghyr tangnovet.
Gwdygorteu Powys.
2 Red coats were in use as early as the time of Queen Elizabeth. How much
earlier? — Kotcs and Queries; May 9, 18G8.
24 WELSH POETRY
Gwnawd im ri ruddfeirdd o faran,
A rhoddi rhuddwisg am danan.
My prince transformed us into red bards,
By putting red garments about us ;
and leaves us to infer that this was a mark of great honour ;
and Llywarch Hen says :
Gwedy meirch hywedd, a chochwedd ddillad
A phluawr melyn,
Main fy nghoes, nid oes ym dremyn.
This verse is thus translated by Dr. Pughe :
After delighting in the sleek tractable steeds, and garments
of ruddy hue,
And the waving yellow plumes,
Slender is my leg, my piercing look is gone.
Which thus combining the two ideas of red clothing, and
warrior wearers, conclusively proves that red was the most
honourable colour of military garments. But this colour was
not confined to the men, for red was also in favour with the fair
sex. The reader knows the story about the landing at Fish-
guard of the French in 1 797, and of the army of " Red-whittled "
old women who frightened them to submission, and it is to be
presumed knows that the red stripe ' is the exclusive wear of
the women of Pembroke and Carmarthenshire ; — the women of
Pont ar Dawe, and Cwm Tawe generally, are also noticeable
for the glaring red of their gowns and petticoats. Probably the
taste of the modern females is inherited from their ancestors ;
Howel ab Einion Lygliw speaks of the " scarlet dresses " of
Myvanwy Vechan; and Gruffydd ab Meredydd, in Marwnad
Gwenhwy var, is very clear on this point : 2
1 As female wear, there are two articles extensively used in Carmarthenshire, one
known as "minko" where the red predominates over the blue in the stripe, and
another where the blue predominates. In each stripe there are red and blue, as in the
poem.
2 Lie bu ra a gwyrdd, lie bu rudd a glas,
Neud gloes angau gystudd ;
Lie bu aur am eu deurudd,
Lie bu borffor cor ai cudd.
Lie bu fflwch degweh, deigr a wylir
A phorphor a rhudd, neud grudd grodir.
FROM A.l). 1080 TO A.I). 1194. 25
The wearer of white and green, 1 of red and blue,
Is now in the painful confinement of death ;
She whom gold so adorned,
The wearer of velvet, the church conceals her.
We mourn in tears that the flush of beauty's gone,
That the wearer of velvet and red is no more.
Whence came the red dragon of Cadwaladr ? Why was the
Welsh dragon in the fables of Merddin, Nennius, and Geoffrey
described as red, while the Saxon dragon was white ? Has this
anything to do with the red and white roses ? Whence the
derivation of the red uniforms of English soldiers? Should
these conjectures be founded in truth, then should we have in
this line the double merit of being true to actual facts, and of
suggesting a train of reasoning, which has thrown light upon a
national custom of an interesting character. We think living
warriors more dignified than inanimate spears, or streams of
blood, and therefore adhere to the reading above given.
Bardism had now become an honourable calling, and ex-
cellence in poetical composition was thought not unworthy of
kings and princes ; for we find persons of no less note and
influence than Owain Kjveiliog, Prince of Powys, and Howel,
one of the seventeen sons of Owain Gwynedd, aspiring to the
laurel crown.
Owain Ktveiliog took a prominent part in the military and
political affairs of his day. He was the son of Gruffydd ab
Meredydd, prince of one of the three divisions of Wales, called
Powys. His father died while his elder brother ruled over the
country, and therefore on the death of Madoc ab Meredydd, we
find him taking an active part in the affairs of his district.
There is reason to believe that his father was held high in
favour at the English court, as most of the Powysian princes
were ; and that Owain mny therefore have thus contracted the
regard for the Saxons, which he sometimes showed in his after
life. The first mention of him occurs in the year 1162. A
little before that, Cadwallawn ab Madoc ab Idnerth was appre-
hended by his brother Einion Clud, and transferred to Owain
Kyveiliog. He sent him to England, and got him imprisoned at
1 Llewelyn at Iorwerth wore green and white. — Prydÿdd y Med. (Myv. Arc//, i.
303.)
2G WELSH rOETBY
Winchester; but by the assistance of some of his friends he
escaped and returned to his own country. This Cadwallon, on
whom Kynddelw has a long elegy, belonged most probably to
the tribe of Elystan Glodrydd ; for we find in 1162, that Howel
ab Ievav ab Cadwgan ab Elystan Glodrydd, whose territories
lay between the Wye and the Severn, laid siege to Walwern
castle in Kyveiliog, the district which gave Owain his name, and
destroyed it. Owain in return led an army into the territories
of Howel, destroying whatever came in his way, on which the
country people, led by their chief, followed Owain to his encamp-
ment on the banks of the Severn. A bloody conflict ensued,
in which HowePs forces were beaten, and compelled to seek
safety in the woods, and Owain returning to his own countiy,
fortified his castle. In the following year Owain Kyveiliog,
with two other Welsh chieftains, took the castle of Carreg Hova,
near Oswestry, then in the possession of Gruffydd Maelor.
In consequence of an incursion in 1165 into Tegeiugl, then
in the possession of the King, by David the son of Owain
Gwynedd, the King of North Wales, Henry II. determined
to subjugate the Principality ; large preparations were made
for this purpose, and in addition to the men furnished by
the barons of England, he sent for levies from Normandy,
Flanders, Anjou, Gascony, Guienne, and Scotland. With these
he came to Oswestry, intending wholly to destroy the people of
Wales. On the other hand, the Welsh chieftains were not
idle. The princes of the three divisions of the country joined
their forces to receive him. Owain Gwynedd, and his brother
Cadwaladr, brought the men of North Wales; the Lord Rhys
those of South Wales ; Owain Kyveiliog, Iorwerth Goch, and
the sons of Madoc ab Meredydd brought the men of Powys ;
and to these were added the men between the Wye and Severn
led by the sons of Madoc ab Idnerth. These forces having
joined, marched to Corwen (Merionethshire) to meet the King.
Here the two armies lay in sight of each other for some time,
neither daring to attack. The King being at length tired of
this inactive life, and knowing that it was the object of the
Welsh princes to prevent supplies coming to his camp, moved
his army to Aberceiriog, whence he was followed by the Welsh-
men, and a skirmish, commenced between some straggling
parties, led to a general engagement in which the King's forces
were so severely handled, that he retreated to the Berwyn moun-
FROM A.D. L080 TO A J). L194. 27
tain. The skirmish was commenced between some men who
had been sent to cut down the trees which grew so plentifully
near Aberceiriog, as the King was anxious to avoid the incon-
venience which had previously befallen him, in Eulo wood; and
the Welsh, knowing the advantage it gave them, determined to
preserve the wood. Henry was much chagrined at the result,
and wantonly caused CadwallaAvn and Kynwrig, two sons whom
Owain Gwynedd had on a previous occasion given to him as
hostages, as well as Meredith the son of the Lord Rhys, and
other young princes, to have their eyes pulled out, and to be
otherwise maltreated ! Soon after, harassed by the Welsh, and
suffering from the heavy rains and want of provisions, he found
his position to be untenable, and completely discomfited returned
homeward ; and it would seem as if the English chroniclers
shared his discomfiture, for Matthew Paris does not say a word
about the expedition, and Matthew of Westminster simply says,
" Rex in Walliam expeditionem fecit " — the King made an expedi-
tion into Wales.
It is conjectured that the poem of The Hirlas Horn was
composed on the occasion of this battle of Crogen, 1 as it is
called ; and Mr. Price, to whose History of Wales I am indebted
for the preceding facts, confirms the belief. But as the poem
relates only to Powysian chiefs, indicates that the prince was
at home at the time, and affords no trace of the presence of the
allied army, it appears to me to have been intended for a less
public occasion.
So after the pressure of the English forces had been removed,
we find the Welsh princes, in their iisual manner, quarrelling
among themselves ; for two years afterwards we see Owain
Kyveiliog, and his cousin Owain ab Madoc, making war upon
their neighbour Iorwerth Goch, driving him away, and dividing
his lands among themselves, Mochnant above Rhaiadr being
given to Owain Kyveiliog, and Mochnant below Rhaiadr to
Owain ab Madoc. The Princes of North and South Wales,
being made acquainted with these facts, determined to punish
the malefactors, and invading Powys, Owain Gwynedd and his
brother Cadwaladr, with the Lord Rhys, compelled Owain Kyveil-
iog to seek refuge in England, and made Owain ab Madoc
1 See Powell's "History of Walts fur an interesting passage respecting Crogen,
p. 223.
28 WELSH POETRY
leave the castle of Caereinion in the hands of Owain Gwynedd.
Shortly after Owain Kyveiliog returned assisted by a body of
Normans, and soon reconquered his lands, took Caereinion castle,
and burnt it to the ground.
Three years afterwards we find a dispute between the Lord
Rhys and Owain Kyveiliog, the reason given in the Chronicle
of Caradoc being, " for as often as Owain could oppose the Lord
Rhys he would do so." Rhys led an army into his country,
and compelling Owain to give hostages for good behaviour in
future, considerately retired without inflicting any injury on
the property of his opponent. This magnanimity, it would
seem, had the desired effect, for we hear no more of Owain for
nearly eighteen years.
In 1188, Archbishop Baldwin, accompanied by Giraldus,
visited the Principality with the view of enlisting soldiers for
the Crusades. They succeeded in getting three thousand
volunteers, and were well received wherever they went. Several
of the Welsh princes showed them much respect, and all came
forth to meet them, except Owain Kyveiliog : he would not come,
and therefore says the ecclesiastic, "we excommunicated him."
Owain seems to have seen through the hollowness of their pre-
tences, and to have deemed it wiser to protect his own country-
men. The other princes gave them warm receptions ; but re-
fused to enlist personally in the cause. The Lord Rhys had
some intention of going to Palestine, but his wife dissuaded him
from going, and thereby drew upon her head the censure of the
Church. Owain, however, would neither go himself nor induce
others to go ; and probably was much too intelligent to be
frightened by the anathema of the disappointed Archbishop.
Judging from the commendations bestowed upon him by
Kynddelw, Owain Kyveiliog must have shone conspicuously
among the warriors of his day, for skill and personal pixrwess ;
and the same authority represents his court as being distin-
guished for generous hospitality :
Yn y mae yved heb neued heb nag
Heb nebawd eisiwed.
There was drinking without regret, without refusal,
And without any kind of want.
Yet it seems singular that Kynddelw, who sang the praises
of Owain himself, and afterwards of his son Gwenwynwyn,
FROM A.J). 1080 TO A..V. 1194. 29
should have left no elegy on his death. Latterly he owned
allegiance to Henry II., and was on friendly terms with
that monarch, who admired the wit and conversational powers
of the Cambrian chieftain. He died in 1197, and his son in-
herited his possessions.
But though Owain Kyveiliog was a prince renowned for
warlike achievements, his claim upon the notice of posterity
chiefly rests upon his poetical labours. The Hirlas is one of
the longest poems we have of the twelfth century, and has more
than ordinary merit. Its plan is eminently original and curious.
The prince imagines all his warriors assembled at night in his
palace, after an engagement which had taken place in the morn-
ing. Himself presiding, he gives instructions to his cup-bearer
to fill the Hirlas horn, and as the cup is taken to each chief in
succession, he enumerates the warrior's feats. He begins each
verse with " Diwallaw di venestr," Fill, cup-bearer, and first of
all ordering it to be taken to a chieftain named Rhys, he narrates
that chief's exploits, and in going over the names of the various
chiefs shows much tact in diversifying the praise bestowed upon
each. One of the verses thus appropriated to individual praise,
has a fine touch of pathos, which speaks volumes for the poet's
taste. In going round the circle, it became the turn of a chief-
tain named Moreiddig to be mentioned ; and this the poet does
in the following lines :
Fill, cup bearer, as you would avoid death,
Fill the horn of honour at our banquets,
The long blue horn, of high privilege, of ancient silver,
That covers it not sparingly ;
Bear to Tudur, eagle of slaughter,
A prime beverage of florid wine.
Thy head shall be the forfeit, if there come not in
The most delicious mead.
Having thus, to enhance the compliment, threatened death
to his cup-bearer if he brought not in the appropriate mead, he
proceeds :
To the hand of Moreiddig, encourager of songs; —
May they become old in fame before they leave us !
Ye blameless brothers of aspiring souls,
Of dauntless ardour that would grasp ev'n fire;
Heroes, what services ye have achieved for me !
30 WELSH TOETRY
Not old, disgustingly, but old in skill ;
Unwearied, rushing wolves of battle ;
First in the crimsoned ranks of bleeding pikes,
Brave leaders of the Moehnantians from Powys,
The prompt red chiefs to use their arms,
And keep their boundaries free from turmoil,
Praise is your meed, most amiable pair.
Having thus recited the merit of Tudur and Moreiddig, lie
turns to greet them ; but their places are vacant, and suddenly
he recollects they had fallen in the morning's conflict, he hears
their dying groans, his triumphant exultations cease, his hilarity
flies, and the broken tones of mournful exclamations suddenly
burst out :
Ha ! the cry of death — And do I miss them ;
O Christ ! how I mourn their catastrophe ;
O lost Moreiddig — How greatly shall I need thee ! *
This poem affords us a curious insight into the mode of
living in Wales ; and in perusing the lines which follow, I could
1 This translation, slightly altered, is taken from Turner's Vindication; the original
" Diwallaw di venestr na vyn angau
Korn can anrydet ynghyvetau
Hirlas buelin breiut uchul hen ariant
Ai gortho nid gortheneu
A dytwg i Dudur eryr aereu
Gwirawd gyssevin o'r gwin gwineu
Oni daw i mewn or met goreu oil
Gwirawd o ban dy ben vateu
Ar Haw Voreiddig llochiat certau
Kertyn hyn i glod cyn oer adnau
Dieithr vrodyr vryd ucheldeu
Diarchar arial a dan daleu
Cedwyr am gorug gwasanaetheu
Nid ym hyn dihyll nam lieu deheu
Kynnivieid gyrthieid vleinieid vleitiau
Kynvaran creulawn creulyd vereu
Glew glyw Mochnannwys o Bowys beu
glew gwuet arnatunt deu
Achubieit pob rheid rhut eu harveu
Echedwynt rag tervysc eu tervynau
Moliant yw ei ranu y rei gwynnau
Marwnad vu neud mi newid y dan
O chan Grist mor drist wyv o'r anaeleu
O 2foll Moreiddig mawr ei eisieu."
FROM A.D. 1080 TO A.I). 11:» I. 31
j
almost fancy myself reading sonic old Scottish legend of" Black
Mail : "
Llys Owain a borthwyd eirioed ar braidd
Porth mil a glywi — pyrth agored.
Owain's court has ever been fed on prey ;
And open wide his gates are Hung,
In Cambria's peaceful days.
It would, perhaps, be well to state that the Hirlas was a
drinking-horn — long, bine, and rimmed with silver, and is thus
described :
This hour we dedicate to joy ;
Then fill the Hirlas horn, my boy,
That shineth like the sea ;
Whose azure handles, tipped with gold,
Invite the grasp of Britons bold, —
The sons of liberty.
And the poem concludes with the following apostrophe : '
For Daniel fill the horn so green,
Of haughty brow, and angry mien ;
While lessening tapers shine
Fill it up with generous wine ;
He no quarter takes nor gives,
But by spoil and rapine lives.
Comely is the youth and brave,
But obdurate as the grave.
Hadst thou seen in Maelor fight
How we put the foe to flight !
Hadst thou seen the chiefs in arms
When the foe rush'd on in swarms !
Round about their prince they stood,
And stained their swords with hostile blood.
This passage in the original runs thus :
Gwr ni dal ni dwng, ni bydd wrtli wir
Daniel dreig cannerth, mor fexth hewir
Menestr ninwr a gweith yd ioleithir.
Gvryr ni oloith lleith ; oni Uochir,
Menestr medd ancwyn a'n cydroddir,
(iurtli dan t-doyw, goleu, gwrddloyw babir,
Menestr gwelud dy gwyth yn Llidwm dir
Y gwyr a barchaf wynt a beivhir.
32 WELSH rOETRY
Glorious bulwarks ! to their praise
Their prince devotes his latest lays.
Now, my boy, thy task is o'er ;
Thou shalt fill the horn uo more.
Long may the King of kings protect,
And crown with bliss my friends elect :
Where Liberty and Truth reside,
And Virtue, Truth's immortal bride !
There may we altogether meet,
And former times renew in converse sweet. — R. W.
This prince lias left us another poem upon an interesting
national custom. At this early period, the King was compelled
to visit his subjects in various parts of his dominions to receive
his revenue at stated periods, and also to hold his court. Owain
has finely described his circuit, and named one by one the various
places he was in the habit of visiting. The subject being novel,
I insert the poem at length, in a translation by R. Fenton, Esq.,
a gentleman favourably known in literature as the author of
Fenian's Pembrokeshire.
The Circuit through Powys. 1
To share the festal joy and song
Owain s train we move along;
Every passion now at rest,
That clouds the brow, or rends the breast ;
But oppression's foes the same,
Quick to kindle into flame :
Setting off from Mortyn, say
Whither shall we bend our way ?
Menestr gwelurl dy galchdoed Cyngrein,
Yngliylcbyn Owain gylchwy enwir,
Pan broiddwyd Cawres, taerwres trwy dir,
Proidd ostwng orvTwng a orfolir,
Menestr nam didawl, nim didolir,
Eoed ym mharadwys in cynliwysir,
Can pen teyrnedd, poed hir eu trwydded,
Yn i mae gweled gwaranred gwir.
1 I Gylchau Kymry.
Teulu Ywein llary lluoet anhun treis —
Yn eu traws arovun
Fyrt kyrt kyvetau duhun
Pa fort yt awn o Vortun.
FIÌOM A.I). 1080 TO A.lì. 1104. 88
Quick dispatch thee, boy ; take heed,
That thou slack not of thy speed,
Or with idle gossip greet
The loit rer thou maysl chance to meet,
Onward push, and look net back ;
Let nought divert thee from thy track.
To Keri hie thee, lad, and say,
Thither will wc bend our way.
Keri greeted, onward haste ;
Thy time will not admit of waste ;
With no vulgar message sent,
On thy duty be intent ;
Dread our anger to excite,
Lest our vengeance on thee light.
Then announce that in our rounds,
"We visit next Arwystli's bounds.
Thy errand told, stay not long,
Herald of a princely throng :
But onward still thy steps pursue,
Ceredig s confines in thy view ;
Thither with speed increasing go,
Swift as arrow from a bow :
And to Penwedig tidings bear
Of our approach and visit there.
Hence without delaying, boy,
To toil familiar by employ ;
Scorn fatigue, and unsubdued
Be thy painful march renewed :
Dos was yn ebrwydd heb roti — geirda
Yr gwrda y sy yndi
Dywan wan trywan trwydi
Dywed an dyvot i Geri
Dos was o Geri ac arehwn wrthid
Eac an Hid an llochi
Diwet y doetham i ti
Dywed y down Arwystli
Dygyehwyn gennad gan vawrrydic doryf
Y dervyn Keredic
Dywan ar wyllt ar walk pic
Dywed y down Benwedic
Dos o benwedic boen onyt — gennad
Gan yth wna kewilyt
D
34 WELSH POETRY
Then with shout as hunter's loud,
Publish this our message proud :
That Meirion's mountains shall detain
The course of our convivial train.
Quick proceed, the mountain crost,
That not a moment may be lost ;
Fast by the margins of the deep,
Where storms eternal uproar keep.
The road to shorten mend thy pace,
Be thy speed contracting space ;
And faithful to thy message, say
We take Ardudwy in our way.
No delaying, boy, push on ;
Ardudwy visited, be gone ;
Haste the region to survey,
Which Mervyn gloried erst to sway,
To Nevyn go, inquire for Nest,
And lodging there become her guest,
By which untold it may be seen,
That we are on our road to Lleyn.
Messenger, set off again,
Forerunner of our gallant train,
Hurry at our chief's command,
Prince of liberal heart and hand :
And as through Arvon winds thy way,
Armed knight, we charge thee stay,
That having journeyed many a mile,
We mean to visit Mona's isle.
Dywan ar gynan gynyt
Dywed y down Veiryonnyt
Dygychwyn gennad gyvyl mordvvy— gwynt
Gordyar y gylehwy
Dywan yr traean tramwy
Dywed y down Ardudwy
Dygychwyn gennad gein dervyn y wlad
A wletychwys Mervyn
Dos y west ar nest Nevyn
Dywed an dyvod Leyn
Dygychwyn gennad o gylch dragon — a llary
Lluossawc y galon
Dos varchawc arvawc Arvon
A dywed an dyvod Vou^
FllOM A.l). lost) TO A.I). lli)4.
We are Owain's princely host ;
Spoils of foes the wealth Ave boast;
Tyrant Lloegyr overthrown
Gives lis title to renown ;
Then our toilsome marches o'er
Can we want an opening door ?
Shall we not find in Rhos a bed,
Whereon to lay the weary head ?
Thy prince commands thee to depart
(Except the mistress of his heart
Haply thou shouldst chance to meet),
With strictest orders none to greet ;
But quickly mount the fleetest steed,
Not confiding to thy speed;
To Llanerch tidings to convey
That we shall stop there on our way.
Off again, that region face,
Nurse of a renowned race,
Who, for many a gallant deed,
Deserve the horn, the hero's meed ;
Thither haste with our commands,
Quitting Tyno Bedwal's lands,
And say we purpose to regale,
And taste of social joys at Iâl.
But tarry not, no respite take,
This witching region quick forsake,
Howe'er her sons to charm thy stay,
May throw temptation in thy way ;
Teulu Ywein had hawl dioleith — Lloegyr
Lluossawc am anrheith
A ennir wedi hirdeith
A annwny yn Ros nosweith
Dos was y gennyf ac nac annerch — nep
Ony byt vyg gorterch
Dywan ar vuan Veinerch
Dywed an dyvod Lannerch
Dygychwyn gennad gadyr ardal — teulu
Teilwng met o vual
A dywan Dyno Bydwal
A dywed an dyfod Ial
Kychwyn yw thervyn pathawr — eu hoewet
Hirvelyu eu gwaewawr
d 2
36 WELSH POETRY
We forbid thy lingering there
Beyond the opening of the year ;
To Maelor then thy steps direct,
That she our coming may expect.
This performed, yet loiter not,
Be thy very food forgot :
Every hindrance put away,
All that can create delay.
To stop at Maelor's not allow'd,
For further still extends thy road ;
To visit Kynllaith we propose,
Then haste the message to disclose.
Thy progress then, with counsel due,
And forms that suit our rank pursue ;
Worthy of our commission prove,
For not like petty tribes we move ;
Prompt to discharge the duty go,
And borrow fleetness from the roe,
That Mechain in her turn may hear
Of our intended visit there.
What though our prince, with prosperous rounds,
Has measured Cambria's lovely bounds,
Though conquer'd realms enrich our train,
Heaven's kingdom yet is ours to gain,
AVhich to possess may we aspire,
Faith lending pinions to desire ;
Where we, our earthly journeys past,
May find eternal rest at last.
Dywan diw Calan Ionawr
Dywed an dyvod Vaelawr
Dos was na olut na oleith— dy lwrw
Dy lutyaw nyd hawtweith
Dywan o Vaelawr vawrdeith
Dywed an dyvod Gynlleith
Dos was a chynghor na chyngein — an toryf
Val teiluoet bychein
Dywan dwe rylmt hytwein
Dywed an dyyod Vcchein
Teulu Ywein rwyf rwystrassam — wladoet
Poed gwlad net" a welam
Kyrch kyfrwyt kyflwyt adlani
Kylch Kymry kymerassam.
FROM A.I). 1080 TO A.D. 1 194. 37
This mode of sending messages was practised among the
farmers of the counties of Carmarthen and Cardigan, during the
"Rebecca riots;" and the reader who has read Scott's exhor-
tation in The Lady of the Lake, and followed Malise over the
Eighland crags, will not fail to relish a similar exhortation
written under actual circumstances six hundred years ago. The
practice of proclaiming war by sending an arrow round the
houses of the chiefs, which is said to have been prevalent in
Wales, is now found among the Indian tribes, also among those
whom Catlin supposes to have been the Madogwys, or Madocians
— "the gentlemanly Mandans."
We now come to another poet prince, Howel ab Owain.
He was the son of Owain Gwynedd, King of North Wales, by a
lady named Pyvog, the daughter of an Irish chieftain. He was
distinguished in early youth for skill and ingenuity, and he
began his warlike career while yet a very young man. In
1144, we find him and his brother Kynan leading an army
into South Wales, defeating the Flemings, and taking Car-
marthen castle from the Normans. This feat is referred to by
Kynddelw :
Am byrth Caer Fyrddin
Forth es gwyr gwaedlin
A gwawr trin bu trechaf.
About the fort.s of Carmarthen
Were collected warlike men,
And the hero of battle was victorious.
In 1155, Rhys ab Gruffydd and his brothers, the princes of
South Wales, sent to desire his assistance to destroy Tower
castle, Howel having obtained great reputation for engineering
talents and for military skill. Not long after, we find him en-
gaged in besieging his uncle Cadwaladr in Kynvael castle,
wherein he was successful, as appears from the ode above alluded
to, which Kynddelw addressed to this prince :
Thunderlike was the sound of the generous prince s army,
And heavy it was to hear Kynvael's towers fall ;
Flames crackled all around,
And arms were there to aid fire's destructive powers. 1
1 Twrwf Tonn toivhawe hael— fcrvrm oet, y clywet
Twr Kynvael yn kwytaw
A flameu o drin yn edrinaw
Ac angert ac ongyr yn Haw
38 WELSH POETItl
Just about the same period occurred the battle of Tal y
Moelvre, at which he was undoubtedly present, as appears from
Gwalchmai's ode, wherein he says :
A draig Mòn, mor ddrud ei eisyllydd yn aer,
And the chief of Mona's son so earnest in battle.
This clearly refers to Howel. The same fact is proved by
one of Howel's own poems, which could scarcely have been so
written had he not been on the spot ; and of which I have at-
tempted a translation in Ban Gyrch metre, such as is seen in the
following lines :
Pan ruddlam ruddflam flamychei hyt nef
Yn addef ny noddei,
where the " nef " at the close of the first line, rhymes with the
last syllable of "addef" in the second.
The Battle.
The ravens croak'd, and human blood
In ruddy flood, poured o'er the land ;
Then burning houses war proclaim'd,
Churches inflamed and palace halls ;
While sheets of fire scale the sky,
And warriors cry, " To Battle ! "
They clearly heard the conflict's roar
On Menai's shore from Seiont's fort ;
Three hundred ships, so heroes say,
The third of May, were set on fire.
Ten hundred times as many fled,
And not a beard staid on Menai. 1
1 Pan vei lawen vrein pan yrysei waed
Pan wyar waryei
Pan ryvel pan rudit c thei
Pan ruddlan pan rudlys losgei
Pan rudlam rudflam flemychei hyt nef
Yn addef ny noddei
Hawdd gweled goleulosc arnei
gaer wenn geir emyl mcnei
Treghissant trydydyd o vei triclianllong
Yn llyghcs vordei
A deckant kymant ae kilyei
Kyuaryf heb un yaryf ar venei.
FlìOM A.l). 1080 TO A.I). 1194, 30
Owaia Gwynedd died in 1169, after a prosperous reign of
fifty-two years ; and after some disputes had taken place re-
specting the succession, Howel, being the eldest son, seized the
reins of government, and ruled the country for two years,
during which there prevailed perfect peace. At the end of that
time his grandfather dying, he went to Ireland to take posses-
sion of the property which now became his mother's. During
his absence, David, a younger brother by Owain's second wife,
but who had the merit of being a legitimate son, aspired to de-
prive Howel of the sovereign power. Neither of them had in
reality any legal claim to rule ; but this was a period when
hereditary monarchy was very little respected, unless the son
at the same time inherited the father's ability. In this case, it
would seem that the children of Owain's first wife were incap-
able. Howel, therefore, though illegitimate, having the double
qualification of being the eldest son, and, what was better in a
warlike age, being possessed of military skill, and used to
command, found no great difficulty in being made King of
North Wales. Being now from home, David, who also seems
to have had more daring than his elder brothers, availed
himself of the first opportunity afforded by Howel's absence,
called together the friends of his mother, and being joined by
some discontented spirits, proclaimed himself King of North
Wales. Howel hearing of this, returned with all possible
despatch, but meeting David with a much larger army than
he had been able to muster, Howel was defeated and mortally
wounded. 1
This young prince was not only talented himself, but
seems to have won the affections of many other men of talent.
We have alluded to Kynddelw's ode to him already ; and in
the Myvyrian Archaiology there is a poem by Periv ab Kedivor
mourning his death, in truly elegiac strains, and with all the
marks of genuine feeling. From this poem it would seem that
his body was buried in Bangor, with two other sons of this
Kedivor. And now, while speaking of these sons of Kedivor,
whose affection for this young poet prince has linked them in-
separably in my thoughts with Howel ab Owain, perhaps I may
be allowed to quote another poem written upon the death of the
1 These facts are taken from an oxtract in Hanes Cymru, from the Llyfr Aber-
perffwm, a manuscript which Mr. Price thinks former historians had not consulted.
40 WELSH POETRY
prince. The editors of the Archaiology attribute the poem to
Llewelyn Vardd in one place, and to Einiawn ab Gwgan in an-
other ; but the arguments urged by Mr. Price seem to me to be
conclusive, — there being more reason for attributing them to
one of the sons of Kedivor, than to any other person. Periv,
the author of the elegy already mentioned, was most probably
the author of the following Englynion: 1
While we were seven, three sevens could not beat us,
We would not fly;
Unfortunately there now remain unkilled
But three out of the seven.
Seven men we were, faultless, firm,
And irresistible in our outset,
Seven immovable men, who would not fly,
Nor tolerate an insult.
Since Howel suffered death
While we were with him,
A great loss has befallen us,
But he is in the better company of the family of heaven.
The sons of Kedivor, numerous children
In the hollow above Pentraeth,
Fought desperately in the battle,
And were slain with their foster brother. 2
1 The original :
Tra vuam ein seith triseith nyn beitei
Nyn kilyei kyn an lleith
Nid oes yssywaeth o'r seith
Namyn fcri trin dioleith.
Seithwyr y Imam dinam digythrut
Digyflut eu kyflam,
Seithwyr ffyryf ffo diadlam,
Seith gynt ny gymraerynt gam.
Can etiw Hywel hwyl diotef kad,
Kyd vuam gyd ae ef,
Handym oil goll gyvadef
Handid tegach teidu nef.
Meibion kedivor kyd ehelaeth blant
Yny pant uch pentraeth,
Buant brwysgyon breise arvaoth
Buant briw ger ei brawd maetJi.
2 Kedivor was Howcl's foster father.
FROM A.D. 1080 TO A.J). 1101.
There was drop treachery, and unchristian
On the part of the suns of Cristin, 1
There is not a man living in Mona,
Of the freckled Brochvaelians.
But little good will come even now
Of holding unjust power,
And woe be to the false David, for spearing
That hawk of war, Howel the Tall.
Caradoc, old Kedivor's son.
Leader of armies of border troopers,
Hawk of the family, kind relation,
We are loath to part with thee.
The original is in very intelligible Welsh, and forms an im-
portant fact to support the opinion that the language of Wales,
seven hundred years ago, is easily understood by a Cymro of
the present day, when, as in these Englynion, it is to be had
free from the refinements, technicalities, and affectations of the
more celebrated bards.
It is now time for us to review the poems of this poet
prince, for whom I have a great liking. He is the most
sprightly and charming poet I shall have to notice. We have
already seen that his talents as an engineer, his skill as a com-
mander, and his courage as a warrior, had won him a great
reputation among his countrymen ; and it will now be seen that
he shines as eminently as a poet as in any of the other cha-
racters. The short poems he has left us are the sweetest pro-
Yny bernid brad brython ag cristyawn
Cristin ae meibyon
Ni Lo dyn y myw y nion
Or Brychvaelyeid brychvoelyon.
Yr a del o da o dala tir presseul
Preswylvod angliywir
Y gwaew gwae Davyt enwii
Gwan gwalch ryvel Hywel hir.
Caradoc vab kedivor
Gwalch bydyn gwerin goror
Hebawc teuln ku Keinmyn
Anhawd genhym dy hepcor.
My v. Ar.-h. i. 418,
Cristin was David's mother, Owain Gwyncdd's second wife.
42 WELSH POETRY
auctions of the age ; and free from verbal intricacies, and
affected images. While full to overflowing of a love of natural
scenery, and gay humour, they are really very delicious little
morsels. They could scarcely have found admirers among the
more pedantic bards ; but they will be relished by every man of
taste, who looks for feeling in poetry, and desires rhymed compo-
sitions to be something better than jingling nonsense.
The first we shall notice is " Gwladgarwch Hywel," or
Howel's Patriotism, which is finely expressed in an admiration
of the many good things which existed among the Welsh. And
if we may judge of Wales from this poem, it was rather a com-
fortable sort of place to live in.
Howel's Delight. 1
A white foam-crowned wave flows o'er the grave
Of Ehuvawn Bevyr, 2 chief of rulers.
I love the hated of Lloegr, the land of the north, this day,
With a people involved in every wile ;
I love the land where I had the much-desired gift of mead,
Where the shores extend in tedious conflict ;
I love the society and the numerous inhabitants
Therein, who obedient to their Lord,
Direct their views of peace.
I love its sea coast and its mountains,
1 Ton wen orewyn a orwlych bedd
Gwyddfa Rhufawn Befyr, Ben Teyrnedd.
Caraf teachas Lloegyr lleudir goglet hetiw
Ac yn amgant y lliw lliaws callet.
Caraf am rotes rybnehed met
Myn y dyhaet myr meith gywrysset
Caraf y theilu ae thew anhet yndi
Ac wrth vot ri rwyfaw dyhet
Caraf y morfa ac myuytet
Ae chaer ger ei choed ae chaen diret
2 Ehuvawn Bevyr, son of Gwyddno Garanhir, was apparently a hero of note ; but
the most specific notice of him is contained in the following Triad :
" Tri Eurgelein Ynys Prydain : Madawc mab Brwyn, Ceugant Beilliawc, a Bhu-
fawn Befyr ab Gwyddnaw Garanhir, sef yu gelwid felly achaws rhoddi en pwys yn
aur am danynt o ddwylaw a'u lladdes."
Which translated means: The three golden corpses of the isle of Britain: —
Madoc, the son of Brwyn; Keigant Beillicc; and Ehuvawn Bevyr, the son of Gwyddno
Garanhir ; and they were so called because there was given for their lodies, to those
who slew them, their weight in gold.
FROM A.I). 1080 TO A.I). 1104. 43
Its cities bordering on its forests, its fair landscapes,
Its dales, its waters, and its vales,
Its white seamews, and its beauteous women.
I love its warriors and its well-trained steeds,
Its woods, its strongholds, and its social domicile ;
I love its fields clothed with tender trefoil,
Where I had the glory of a lasting triumph.
I love its cultivated regions, the prerogative of heroism,
Its far extended wilds, and its sports of the chase;
Son of God ! great and wonderful,
How majestic the sleek deer, and in what plenty found !
I achieved with a push of a spear the task of honour
Between the Chief of Powys l and fair Gwynedd ; 2
And if I am pale in the rush of conflict,
'Tis that I know I shall be compelled to leave my country,
For it is certain I cannot hold out till my party comes ;
A dream has revealed it, and God says 'tis true.
A white loam-crowned wave flows o'er the grave,
A white bright foaming wave boldly raves against the towns,
Tinted the time it swells like glittering hoar.
I love the marches of Merioneth,
Where my head was pillowed on a snow-white arm.
Ac dolyt ae dw\iyr ae dyffrynnet
Ae gwylein gwynnyon ae gwymp wraget
Caraf y milwyr ae meirch hywet,
Ae choed ae ehedyrn ae chyfannet
Caraf y meuayt ae man veillyon arnaw,
Mynyd gafas flaw ffyryf orfolet
Caraf y Lrooet breint liywret
Ae diffeith mawrfeith ae marannet
Wy a un malj Duw mawr a ryvet
Mor yw eilon mygyr nieint y refet
Gwneuthum a gwth gwaew gweith arderchet
Y rwng glyw Powys a glwys wynet
Ac y ar welw gann gynnif rysset
Gorpwyf ollyngdawd o alltudet
Ni dalyaf diheu yny del ymplaid
Breutwyd ae dyweid a Duw ao met
Tonn wenn orewyn a orwlycb Lot
Tonn wen orewyn wychyr wrth drefyt
Gyfliw ac arien awr yd gynnyt
Caraf y morva y meiryonnyt
Men yd bu vivieh wenn yn obennyt.
Caraf yr eawa ar wyrryaws wyt
Powys comprised Radnor, Montgomery, and Merionethshire.
Gwynedd was that portion of North Wales not included in Powys.
-W WELSH POETRY
I love the nightingale on the privet wood
In the famous vale of Cymmer Deuddwfr. 1
Lord of heaven and earth, the glory of Gwyneddians,
Though it is so far from Keri 2 to Caerliwelydd, 3
I mounted the yellow steed, and from Maelienydd 4
Reached the land of Reged 5 between night and day.
Before I am in the grave, may I enjoy a new blessing
From the land of Tegyngyl 6 of fairest aspect !
As long as I am courteous and travel as a craftsman, 7
God will watch over my destiny.
Fair foam-crowned wave of impetuous course,
I will implore the Divine Supreme,
Precious from being a kins',
Yg kyraer Deudyfyr dyffryut iolyt
Arglwyt nef a llawr gwawr gwindodyt
Mor bell o geri gaer Lliwelyt
Esgynnais ar vclyn o vaelyenyt
Hyd ynliir Reged rwng nos a dyt
Gorpwyfy kyn bwyf bet butei newyt.
Tir Tegygyl teccaf yny elfyt
Ked bwyfy karyadawc kerted ofyt
Gobwylled fy iiuwy fy nihenyt.
Ton wenn orewyn wychyr wrth drefyt
Cyfarchaf yr dewin gwerthefin
Gwerthfawr wrth y fod yn frenhin
Kyssylltu eanu cyssefin
1 Cymmer Deuddwfr is in Radnorshire, and is now called Cvvm Deuddwr.
2 Keri is in Montgomeryshire.
3 The Rev. Evan Evans {Dissertatẁ de Bardis, p. 36) says Caer Lliwelydd means
Carlisle. I cannot say in what part of Wales it lies, but feel assured it is not Carlisle
in Cumberland. May it not be Llywel in Breconshire ?
1 Maelienydd is the old name of a district in Radnorshire.
5 The late Rev. T. Price, whose sudden death since this work was put into the
press every Welshman must deeply deplore, said that it is difficult to find the geo-
graphy of Rheged, and considered it to be the present county of Cumberland. (Hanes
Cymru, p. 278.) But this poem shows it to have been within a night's ride of
Maelienydd, mentioned in the preceding note, which accords with the locality assigned
to it in the recently published volume called Iolo Manuscripts, wherein it is stated
that it was situated in the district between the rivers Tawy and Towy, and comprised
the territories of Gower, Kidwely, Carnwyllion, Iscenneu. and Cantrev Bychan.
6 A cantrev in Flintshire.
7 Artisans in Wales could travel anywhere, and had admission everywhere. It is
this privilege the bard alludes to ; and this respect for artisans is strikingly shown in
the Mabinogion. A knight knocking at the gate of a castle is told, " The knife is in
the meat, and the drink is in the horn, and there is revelry in the hall of Gwrnach
the Giant; and except for a craftsman bringing his craft the gate will not be opened
tO'PJght." — Mabinogion, vol. ii. p. 293.
FROM .í.D. L080 TO A.l). lli)4. 45
To create a primitive muse,
For a song of praise, such as Merddin sang, —
To the women who have so Long claimed my bardic lore,
And who are so tardy in dispensing grace.
The most eminent in all the west I name,
Prom the gates of Chester to Portskewitt : '
The first is the nymph who will he the subject of universal praise,
Gwenllian, whose complexion is like the summer's day;
The second is another of high state, iar from my embrace,
Adorned with golden torques. 2
Fair Gwervyl, from whom nor token nor confidence
Have I obtained, nor has any of my race ;
Though I might be slain by two-lipped shafts,
She whose foster brother was a king should be my theme.
And Gwladys, the young and modest virgin,
The idol of the multitude ;
Kert folyant fal y cant mertin
Yr gwraget ae met fy martrin mor hir
Hyvyr wetawc ynt am rin
Penuaf oil yn y gorllewin
byrtk caer hyd borth ysgewin
Un ywr fun a fyt kyssefin foliant
Gwenllian lliw hafiu
Eil ywr Hall or pall pell vy min y wrthi
Y am ortherch eurin.
Gwervyl dec fy rec fy rin ni gefeis
Ni gafas neb om Hi n
Yr fy Hat a llafnau deufin
liym gwalaeth y gwreic brawdfaeth brenin
A Gwladus wetus wyl febin vabwreic
Gofyneic y werin
A chenaf ucheneid gyfrin
1 Portskewitk is near Chepstow, in Monmouthshire.
2 Torques were rings or chains of gold worn about the neck among the ancient
Welsh, as a mark of nobility. They were worn alike by males and females. In
1692 one of these antique chains was found in a garden near Harlech Castle; it
weighed eight ounces of solid gold, and measured four feet in length. It is now in
the possession of the Mostyn family in Flintshire. The lady of Sir Rhys ab Thomas,
in the tomb at Carmarthen, is represented with a square cap on her head, and a chain
round the neck; a short gown tied at the waist by a golden string, the ends of which
reach her knees ; and a long mantle with large sleeves covers the whole.
"It is my impression that further inquiry might lead you to the opinion that a
torque is neither a ring nor chain, but a piece of metal having hooks at the two ends,
by which, when worn, it was connected. I have seen several of gold beautifully
twisted, and I recollect last year handling an Irish specimen which was flat, likewise
of gold ; but in every instance they had a hook at each end.*' — Note from Mr. G. G.
Francis, Dec. 3, 1849.
40 WELSH POETliY
I will utter the secret sigh ;
I will greet her with the yellow blossoms of the furze.
Soon may I see my vigour rouse to combat,
And my hand on my blade, —
And the bright Lleucu my sister laughing,
Though her husband laught not from anxiety.
Great anxiety oppresses me, makes me sad,
And longing, alas ! is become habitual,
For the fair Nest, like the apple blossom sweet,
For Perwewr, the centre of my desire,
For Generys the chaste, who will not grant me a smile, —
May continence not overcome her,
For Hunydd, whose fame will last till the day of doom, —
For Hawys, who claims my choicest eulogy.
On a memorable day I had a nymph ;
I had a second, more be their praise ;
I had a third and a fourth with prosperity ;
I had a fifth of those with a skin white and delicate ;
I had a sixth, bright and fair, avoiding not the temptation ;
Above the white walls, she arrested me ;
1 had a seventh, and this was satiety of love ;
I had eight in recompense for a little of the praise which I sung ;
But the teeth most opportunely bar the tongue. 1
Mi ae mawl a melyn eithin.
Moch gwelwyf am nwyf yn etein y wrthaw
Ac ym Haw am fy llain
Lleeu glaer fy chwaer yn chwerthin
Ac ni chwart y gwr hi rac gortin
Gortin mawr am dawr am daerhawd
A hiraeth yssywaeth yssy nawd
Am nest dec, am debic afallulawd.
Am berwewr bervet vymhechawd
Am enerys wyry ni warawd ym hoen
Ni orpo hi diweirdawd
Am hunyt defnyt hyd dythrawd
Am hawis vy newis devawd
Keveisy vun duun diwyrnawd
Keveis dwy handid mwy en molawd
Keveis deir a phedeir a ffawd
Keveis bymp o rei gwymp en gwyn gnawd
Keveis chwech heb odech pechawd
Gwenglaer uwch gwengaer yt ym daerhawd
Keveisy seith ac ef gweith gordygnawd
Keveisy wyth yn hal pwyth peth or wawd yr geint
Ysda deint rac tavawd.
Slightly altered, where not sufficiently literal, from the translation of Dr. Pugho.
FJROM A.l>. L080 TO A.D. ll'.M. 47
I should conjecture from several parts of this poem that it
was Bong or composed on his return from Ireland to defend his
crown. He had a presentiment of his own death. It would
also seem that he was travelling in disguise. These facts would
explain the melancholy tone which pervades the poem, in which,
though the ruling passion is manifest, it yet shines with a sub-
dued light. The poem has many fine lines, and several very
elegant and forcible images, and cannot fail as a whole to pro-
duce a favourable impression.
Most of Howel's poems are devoted to the passion of love.
The following has a delicacy, and gaiety which are quite
charming : x
Give me the fair, the gentle maid,
Of slender form, in mantle green ;
Whose woman's wit is ever staid.
Subdued by virtue's graceful mien.
Give me the maid, whose heart with mine
Shall blend each thought, each hope combine ;
Then, maiden, fair as ocean's spray,
Gifted with Kymric wit's bright rav,
Say am I thine ?
Art thou then mine ?
What ? silent now ?
Thy silence makes this bosom glow.
I choose thee, maiden, for thy gifts divine ;
'Tis right to choose ; then, fairest, choose me thine. 2
This image of the water-spray, was a very great favourite
with the bards, and occurs in the amatory poems of most of
1 Fy newisi riain firain faindeg,
Hirwen yn y lieu lliw ehoeg ;
A'm dewis synwyr synhy.iw arwreigedd,
Ban dywed o fi-aidd weddaidd wofeg ;
A'm dewis gydrau gyhyd reg à bun,
A bod yn gyfrin am rin, am reg.
Dewis yw genyfi harddliw gwaneg,
Yd oeth i'th gyfoeth, dy goeth Gymraeg.
Dewis genyf y di ;
Beth yw genyt fi ?
Beth, a dewi di ? Deg y gosteg ?
Dewisies fun. fal nad attreg genyf;
lawn yw dewiasaw — dewis dyn deg.
2 The above very faithful translation, is by Mrs. Llewelyn, of Llangyuwyd
Vicarage, Glamorganshire.
48 WELSH POETRY
them. Howel himself has used it no less than three times,
once in the above, once in the preceding- poem, and once in
the poem called " The Choice," in the line : —
Gorewynawg ton tynhegyl ebrwydd.
The Kev. Edward Davies, the learned author of the Mytho-
logy of the Druids, a gentleman whom I shall have frequent
reason to quote in the following pages, is of opinion that some
passages in the poems called " Awdl Homier Hywel," and " Y
Dewis," countenance the assumption that the worship of
Druidism prevailed in the twelfth century. I am sorry to be
obliged to doubt the accuracy of his conclusions ; my reasons
will be found stated in another place.
Hereditary talent is not an ordinary phenomenon ; yet we
find such a fact in the bardic history of this period. Meilir
the father, Gwalchmai the son, and Einion and Meilir the
o-randsons, were all bards, and bards too of considerable repute.
Of Meilir and Gwalchmai we have already treated ; and we will
next notice the writings of Einion ab Gwalchmai. 1 Five of his
poems have escaped the ravages of time ; the best of which we
here lay before our readers, who will then have had religious
musings, warlike odes, didactic narratives, love songs, and
elegiac strains, laid before them ; and when to these we add
some most exquisite Englynion, presently to be noticed, it is to
be hoped they will not quarrel with the selection, or complain
that the feast is either plain or scanty. The elegy is written
upon Nest the daughter of Howel : who the Howel is, is not
clear ; but from her being styled " Gwynedd Anrhydedd/'
Givynedd's Glory, I am led to suppose the lady Nest, " Queen
of Pearls," to be the daughter of Howel ab Owain, the poet-king.
It is not necessary to enter into a detailed criticism of the
poem ; here and there throughout the piece there are few
poetical ideas, but for the most part it is a series of unconnected
sentiments of a commonplace character, heaped together with-
out any very apparent link of connexion, and it contains nothing
truly poetical except the introductory lines : 2
The spring returns, and May with its long days,
The trees are in their bloom, and the forest in its beauty,
1 See Iolo Manuscripts, p. 176 ; Cambrian Register, iii. 221, i. 442, iii. 68.
2 Araser Mai maith ddydd, neud rhydd rhoddi,
Neud coed nad ceithiw, ccinllyw celli ;
PROM A.l). 1080 TO A.l). 1194. 40
The birds chaùnt, the sea is smooth,
The gently rising tide sounds hollow, the wind is still.
The best armour against misfortune is prayer;
But I cannot hide nor conceal my grief,
Nor can I be still and silent.
I heard the waves from Gwenonwy land,
At the confines of the land of the sons of Belt : ■
The sea flowed with force, and conveyed
A hoarse complaining noise on account of a gentle maiden,
I have passed the deep waters of the Teivi with slow steps.
I sang the praise of Nest ere she. died.
Thousands have resounded her name like that of Elivri.
But now I must, with a pensive and sorrowful countenance,
Compose her elegy, a subject fraught with misery.
The bright luminary of Cadvan 2 when array 'd in silk,
How beautiful did she shine on the banks of Dysynni ! 3
How great was her innocence and simplicity,
Joined with consummate prudence !
She was above the base arts of dissimulation.
Now the ruddy earth covers her in silence.
How great was our grief,
Neud llafar adar, neud gwar gweilgi,
Neud gwaeddgreg gwaneg, gwynt yn edwi,
Neud arfau douiau, goddau gwedi,
Neud argel dawel nid men dewi,
Eudeweis i wenyg o Wynnofi. dir,
I am derfyn mawr meibion Beli
Oedd hydreidd wyehr llyr yn llenwi,
Oedd hydr am ddylan gwynfan genddi,
Hyll nid oedd ci deddf hi hwyreddf noli,
Hallt oedd ei dagrau, digrawn lieli,
Ar helw bun araf uch bannieri ton,
Tynhcgl a gerddais i gorddwfr Teiii ;
Ceintum gerdd i Nest cyn noi threngi.
Cânt cant i moliant mal Elifri,
Canaf gan feddwl awivkhvl erddi,
Caniad i marwnad, mawr drueni !
Canwyll Cadfan Ian o lenn bali
Canneid i synnieid gar Dysynni,
Gwan, wargan, wyry gall, ddeall ddognî,
Gwreig nid oedd un frad gariad genthi,
Gweryd rhudd ai cudd gwedi tewi,
Where is the great boundary of the sons of Beli?
Cadvan is the saint of Tovvyn in Meirionydd.
Dysynni is the name of a river that rims by Towyn.
E
50 WELSH POETRY
When she was laid in her stony habitation !
The burying of Nest was an irreparable loss.
Her eye Avas as sharp as the hawk s,
Which argued her descended from noble ancestors.
Virtue and goodness added to her native beauty,
.She was Gwynedd's ornament and pride.
She rewarded the bard generously.
Never was pain equal to what I suffer for her loss.
Oh death ! I feel thy sting, thou hast undone me,
No man upon earth regretteth her loss like me,
But hard fate regardeth not the importunity of prayers,
Whenever mankind are destined to undergo its power.
generous Nest, thou liest in thy safe retreat ;
1 am pensive, and melancholy like Pryderi. 1
I store up my sorrow in my breast,
And cannot discharge the heavy burden.
The dark, lonesome, dreary veil,
Which covereth thy face is ever before me, —
A face that shone like the pearly deiv on Eryri?
I make my humble petition to the Great Creator of heaven and
earth,
And my petition will not be denied,
Gwael nertedd maenwedd mynwent iddi,
Golo Nest golen direidi.
Golwg gwalch dwythfaleh o brif deithi,
Gwenned gwawn ai dawn o'i daioni,
Gwynedd anrhydedd, oedd rhaid wrthi
Nid oedd ffawd rhy gnawd rhin y gonthi,
Gnawd oedd dâl eur mat er i moli
Ni ryfu dognach er i dogni poen,
Penyd a fo mwy no'r meu hcbddi,
Neum goran angau anghyfnertbi,
Nid ymglyw dyn byw o'r byd fal mi,
Ni chyfeirch angen iawlwen ioli,
Er neb rhy barther i rhyborthi,
Nest yn ei haddawd, wenwawd weini,
Ydd wyf pryderus fal Pryderi.
Pryderwawd ccudawd, cyfnertbi ni wnn,
Nid parabl yw lnvn ni fo peri.
Lien argel issel y sy'm poeni,
Lludd Gwen lliw arien ar Eryri,
Arehaf im Arghvydd cuhvydd celi,
Nid ef a arehaf arch egrcgi,
Arch, ydd wyf nn arch yn i erchi
1 One of the heroes of JRomance, and son of Pwyll, Prince of Dyved
2 Eryri — Snowdon,
FROM A.D. L080 TO A.D. 1104. 51
That he grant that this beautiful maid,
Who glitter'd like pearls,
-May, through the intercession of Holy Dewi, 1
Be received to his mercy,
That .she may converse with the prophets,
That she may come to the inheritance
Of the All-wise God with Mary and the Martyrs.
And in her behalf I will prefer my prayer,
Which will fly to the throne of Heaven.
My love and aifection knew no bounds.
May she never suffer. St. Peter protect her;
God himself will not suffer her to be an exile
From the mansion of bliss. Heaven be her lot.
E. Evans.
There are in the Myvyrian Archaiology twelve Englynion
in praise of Ma doc ab Meredydd, Prince of Powys, which, with
Gwalchniai's ode, and the sweet flowing sonnets of Howel ab
Owain, I account the most interesting pieces belonging to the
twelfth century. They throw much light upon the military
history and habits of the country, show the influence of the
Norman manners in their proximity to the people of Powys,
and of the intercourse of the Powysian princes with the English
court, and are capable of being turned to good purpose by such
as understand their real significance, and can appreciate their
merits. In the whole range of our literature we have not as
lively a portrait of a chieftain ; the minutest features are
noticed, without the tout ensemble being lost sight of, and
Llewelyn ab Madoc stands as palpable before us, as if his
portrait had been painted on the canvas. In the easy flow of
Am archfein riein, reid y meini,
Trwy ddiẅyd eiriawl deddfawl Dewi
A deg cymmaint seint senedd Frefi,
Am fun a undydd i liammodi,
A"r irystlwn piyffwn y prophwydi,
Ar gyfoeth Duw doeth i detholi,
At anghyweir Meir a'r Mertliyri,
Ac yn i goddau gweddi a dodaf.
Am dodeis ìrwyf im addoedi.
Ki bu dyn mer gu gennyf a lii
Ni l.u pocn oddef, Pedr wy nodi,
Ni bu da gan Dduw i ddidoli,
Ni bo ddidawl Nest, ncf boed eiddi.
1 St. David, the patron saint of Wales.
i: 2
1VELSH POETRY
the language, the minuteness of the description, and the spirit
of the whole delineation, we have a collection of merits not
frequently to be met with in Hie works of the bards ; and the
prince described seems so deserving of being the idol of a
poet's fancy, that the poet and his subject share our unbounded
admiration. 1
Does no one ask, — are men so unconcern'd
Before unsheathing their swords,
Who is yon mail-clad youth ?
Who is the haughty warrior before us ?
A glorious prince full of intelligence,
None will be allowed to lead him ;
He is a prince, valiant, powerful, and war-loving,
Llewelyn, the enemy of Gwynedd.
Whose swift moving shield is that,
And bright shining spear ?
Who is the determined warlike chief,
Who holds it by its armlets '(
It is the shield of Llewelyn, the brave
Protector of his country's rights;
A shield with a man's shoulder behind it;
A shield which carries terror before it.
Govynnwys nebun ny r.ien gan rei
Kyn rudaw haearngaen
Pa was a wisg e lasgaen
Pa walcli y\v y Lalch o'r blaen.
Lleissiawn werennic o ranned dyall
Nid arall ao harwed
Llyw glyw glew anhangnyved
Llewelyn gelyn Gwyned.
Pieu yr ysgwyt egutwal kynwan
Ar kamraew am y thai
Pwy'r glew Hew Hit aer ddywal
Ae deily kyfrwng dwy brennyal.
Yegwyt Llewelyn liw kacteithi bro
Eu honno yw honni.
Ysgwyt ac j'Sgwyd yndi
Ysgwyt ac ysgryt recdi.
FROM A.I). 1080 TO A.D. 11!» I. 53
Whose is the Hashing sword which cuts the air,
A sure wound-inflicter ?
An emblem of honour it will ever be,
And in that right hand will destroy enemies.
He who handles it, is the defender cf his country,
Eenown'd for downward strokes ;
A courageous soldier in the day of battle,
Is the hero of Mechain, — his country's pride.
Whose is that red helmet of battle
Surmounted with a fierce wolf?
Who is the rider of the fierce white steed ?
What is his name ? how wonderful his appearance !
He is called long-handed Llewelyn,
The irresistible leader of conflict,
Commander of men of the terrible shout,
Devastator of England ; faultless, and perfect is he.
Whose is the suit of complete armour ?
He will not fly from the battle-field.
Who is this hero of princely race ?
I ask you all, whence sprang he ?
Pieu y cleddyf cleu a dravodir
Klwyf liir diamheu
Klotvawr klywitor nat geu
Kavas Had ar Haw deheu.
Yssef ae trevyt trevat amddiffyn
Am diffwys gymnvynat
Gwoilch argae yri dyd aergat
Gwalch mecliein gorwyrein gwlat.
Pieu y rodawc rud varan aervle
Ae haervleid gyr y Ian
Pwy briw uwcli browysvarch can
Pwy y henw hynot gyvrann.
Yssef y gelwir llawhir Llywelyn
Llyw tervyn tervysc dir
Llawr gawr goruchel y wir
Lloegr ddiva ddivevyl gywir
Pieu yr arveu arvot heb gilyaw
Ni gylyant hyd angeu
Pwy wr pennaethuid geneu
Eac pawb pieu y dechreu.
54 WELSH rOETRY
lie is a renowned and valiant prince,
Famed for bravery, and slaughtering ;
The majestic Chief, dreadful in the fight,
Is the son of Madoc ab Meredydd.
Whose is the war-steed, fastest in the race,
Which so haughtily paws the ground ?
Who the prince so loved by his army,
With the spear which pierces without warning ?
He is a known, ambitious chief,
Who, as long as God supports him,
Will be famed as conqueror, brave and glorious — •
Worthy of the men of Tyssiliaw.
We can now easily understand the feeling which won for
this young- prince, the name of being* the " sole hope of the
men of Powys," for every line of the above Englynion, free from
bardic affectation and stamped with sincerity, clearly shows that
Llewelyn was a young chief of no ordinary promise.
The authorship of the verses is involved in some degree of
obscurity. Llywarch Llaett, the reputed author, lived be-
tween 1290 and 1340; and therefore so long after the death of
Llewelyn, as to render it quite impossible for him to be the
author of lines which were written during this prince's lifetime.
The poet gives his name, as is shown by the subscription to the
Englynion, as Llywarch Llew Cad ; and therefore, as Carn-
huauawc suggests, either Llywarch Llaety and Llywarch Llew
Cad were different persons, or the former lived a hundred years
earlier than the date usually given to his compositions. I
Yssef yw hwnnw lionncit mid or glyw
£f yw glew a llofrud
Mygyr gawr var trablawr trablud
Mab Madawc vab Maredud.
Pieu y katvarcb, eatvlaen ae gorveid
Ar gorvot dihavaivb
Ar gwr ar gwyr am y bareb
Ar gwaew ar gwan anghyvarcli,
Yssef yw bwnnw hanneifc gan Haw draws
Dra savo Duw gantbaw
Gwyr orvod gwrd glot gludaw
G wr rac gweriu dyssib'aw.
FROM .1.7). 10S0 TO A.l). 1104.
therefore incline to the opinion that the author is the person
called Llywarch Hew Cad ; though I have no farther knowledge
of that personage, for we know but little of the biography of
most of the bards.
The last remark indicates a sad defect, which is felt by every
one who attempts to give anything like a correct historical
sketch of our bardic literature. Few facts are so unsubstantial
as the bards ; like shadows they come and like shadows depart.
We know something of Davydd ab Gwilyin, Iolo Goch, and
Lewis Glyn Cothi ; but who was Meilir? Where lived his son
Gwalchmai? Llywarch ab Llywelyn, where was he born?
Whose son was Kynddelw? When was Davydd Benvras born?
When did Gruffydd ab yr Ynad die ? We cannot tell. Rhys
Goch came from the neighbourhood of Eryri ; Davydd Nanmor
wrote extravagant panegyrics ; Tudur Aled was liked by Sir
Rhys ab Thomas ; Gutyn Owain wrote history ; and Davydd
Llwyd lived at Mathavarn ; but beyond these scanty hints we
have no materials to construct biographies. The lives of the
most worthy are written in their poems ; — the lower grade, or
clerwyr, many of them were spies, beggars, and wanderers; they
lived from house to house, composed songs for weddings, and
importuned farmers for beds, cows, guns, saddles, bridles, and
horses ; they ate and drank whatever came in their way, and
were jealous of their rivals — the monks ; but beyond these facts,
which hold good of all, we know nothing. Particular incidents
we have not ; and therefore biographical sketches are impossible.
Having thus passed in review sucli portions of the poetry of
the twelfth century as seemed most deserving of notice, we now
come to speak of such other employments as composed, with
poetry, the intellectual life of the Welsh. Of these the science
of music first demands attention.
SECTION III.
MUSIC.
Op literature and civilisation, music has ever formed a part ;
and in most countries, the popular sentiment has very closely
allied a love of music with the love of virtue. Plato, in one of
his dialogues, makes Socrates express a regret that he had not
£6 MUSIC.
paid sufficient attention to the science ; Polybius attributes the
advancement in civilisation of an Arcadian tribe, to their love
of music : and Quintilian commends the science of harmony to
the notice of the learned. The poets of Italy make frequent
allusions to its civilising tendency ; it has been acknowledged
in other countries that " music has charms to soothe the savage
breast ; " and Shakespeare, followed by Congreve, has borne
testimony in favour of the same doctrine. The poets of Wales
. have not been behindhand, as is shown in these verses, trans-
lated from the Welsh :
The man to whom the harp is clear,
Who loves the sound o£ song and ode,
Will cherish all that's cherished there,
"Where angels hold their blest abode.
But he who loves not tune or strain,
Nature to him no love has given ;
You'll see him while his days remain,
Hateful at once to earth and Heaven.
Nor is this affection, which greatly prevails at the present day,
a thing of recent origin. It is inseparably linked with our
literature and history ; and the first poem we have conveys the
intelligence of a prevalent love of music. We have seen these
allusions to the Cerddorion in the extracts from the early bards ;
and the fact that a pencerdd, or doctor of music, was recognised
by the Laws of Howel, is full of significance. Towards a.d.
] 100, we find Gruffydd ab Kynan, King of North Wales, turning
his attention to the subject of musical regulations ; and from
his paying more attention to music than to poetry, we may infer
that he was partial to the former, and was perhaps himself a
competent judge of musical excellence. He was born and edu-
cated in Ireland, of Welsh parents,— Irs father having sought a
refuge there ; and he had, it is probable, imbibed a taste for
sweet sounds in the Emerald Isle. 1 In fact he seems to have
fallen in love with the pipe — the bagpipe, and when the country
became somewhat pacified, he made an attempt to inoculate the
people of North Wales with a similar taste. We learn this from
the account of his life by Robert ab Gruffydd :
1 T. Price on the." Welsh Harp," Cambrian Quarterly Magazine, ii. pp. 113, 122.
MUSIC. 57
"Gruffydd ab Kynan, King of North Wales, held an Eis-
teddvod, for the purpose of regulating minstrelsy, at Caerwys,
whither travelled all the musicians of Wales. There came also
some from England and Scotland. At that time the Welsh
disliked the pipes, and in fact forbade their use ; and therefore
it was a Scot that won the prize, and the King gave him a silver
pipe as a reward for his skill. The laws then enacted, continue
in force now, and are binding- upon, and guides to, the Welsh
minstrels at the present day. Gruffydd did not attempt to
make these regulations binding in South Wales, on account of
its being in the possession of strangers ; nor can the Princes of
South Wales lay claim to the obedience of the North Welsh
minstrels."
In the first volume of the Cambrian Register (p. 38C) we
find a more specific statement :
" Observe, this is the book called the Eepertory of string
Music— that is to say, the harp and crwth — within the three
principalities of Wales, which was drawn up from the science
of music, at the desire of four musical performers, on the harp
and crwth, who were unanimous in opinion, and desirous to render
song more perfect, to preserve, to play it with correctness, and
to elucidate it. The names of these four doctors were Allon y
Cenaw, Ehydderch Voel, Matholwch the Gwyddelian, and Olav
the Minstrel; and the auditors were Henri Gyveurydd, Carsi
the Harper, and many others who assisted by their counsel and
their art. And through the advice of these teachers, and the
science of the doctor of music, and the four professors with their
art, by unanimous consent, the twenty- four musical canons
were made, and to give stability to these, the twenty-four
measures were formed. For three causes were they made : in
the first place, to compose music; secondly, to know music; and
thirdly, to preserve it ; and their names follow in the language
of Ireland ; and Mwrchan the Gwyddelian Avas a Sovereign in
Ireland at that time, 1 who confirmed them at a place called
Glyn Achalchf by all his power and offices, and commanding all
to maintain them."
At that time, Ireland was famed as the seat of learning;
and though it is said that " Cadivor, Abbot of Llanveithin, a
1 About 942 ; see the poem of the Circuit of Irélçuî if.
58 M USIC.
wise and learned man, and of great piety, sent six young men
who were students with him, to instruct the Irish, a.d. 883," 1
the visit of Sulien, afterwards Bishop of Saint David's, to Ireland,
and his having remained there ten years to study, prove Arch-
bishop Usher to have been perfectly correct when he said, that
" in the eleventh century Ireland was full of pious and learned
men." 2 Considered in the light thus afforded as to the intellec-
tual state of Ireland, the above statements respecting the part
taken by Irish minstrels in organising the minstrelsy of Wales,
become very probable ; and therefore it behoves us to inquire
what influence the labours of Gruffydd ab Kynan, and the Irish
teachers whom he had imported, had upon the music of Wales?
This is a disputed point; and therefore we must approach it with
becoming caution.
It was Dr. Powell's opinion that " these musicians (i.e. the
Irish) framed in a manner all the instrumental music now in
use among the Welsh ; " while the Rev. Thomas Price most
positively denies, that the music of the Welsh is in any way
indebted to these Irish teachers. The words " in a manner "
are not by any means clear; while the assertion that all the
instrumental music of Wales is of Irish origin, is evidently un-
true. Mr. Price has discussed the subject fairly, and at much
length, in his History of Wales ; but I am as unable to follow
him into one extreme as I am unwilling to be led into the other
by the weighty name of Dr. Powell. Mr. Price, however, admits
that the names of several of the metres are Irish ; and that the
framers of our musical code were guided by the principles of
the Irish s} r stem to some extent in framing their own. I think
we ought to admit more than this; and though concurring with
Carnhuanawc in the belief that there was no revolution effected
in the musical taste of the Welsh, it appears to me that we are
to refer the introduction of the pipes among the Welsh, to the
reign of Gruffydd ab Kynan. In the account of the Feast of
Cadwgan ab Bleddyn in 1107, we find no mention made of any
but stringed instruments; nor yet in the history of the Eistedd-
vod held under the auspices of Gruffydd ab Ehys in 1135. Up
to that date the bagpipes were unknown in South Wales ; but
between 1135 and 1177 thej* had made some progress in popular
opinion.
1 Price's Hiäort/ of Wale», p. 4.GÌ. 2 Moore's Ireland, vol. ii. p. 181.
MT SIC. 50
The pipes were coming' into use, not instead of the crwth
and the harp, but with those instruments ; and we find harp-
ers, violinists, and pipers invited to the court of the Lord Rhys
at the latter date. I am strongly inclined to think that the
pipes were first introduced here, at the Caerwys Eisteddvod ;
and I am further of opinion that the " Ysgodawg" mentioned
by the biographer of Gruffydd ab Kynan, as having* won the
silver pipe, came not from Scotland, but from Ireland, as a por-
tion of the Irish people were known by the name of Scots in tli< v
twelfth century. This appears from a poem by Bishop Sulien's
son, descriptive of his father's visit to Ireland:
His ista digestis Scotorum visitat arva ;
and from Meilir's poem already quoted:
Gwjtyl dieuvil duon
Ysaodcgîon dynion lletfer. 1
The pipe was never greatly liked among* the Welsh ; they
treated it with contempt at Caerwys, and the bards always raised
their voices against it; and Lewis Glyn Cothi has left us an
excellent satire upon a piper. The poem occurs at p. 389 of
his collected works ; and has been thus spiritedly translated by.
Mrs. M. C. Llewelyn, which translation is here given with her
kind consent.
The Saxons of Flint.
A man, like others, formed by God,
On Sunday morning last I trod
The streets of Flint ; an ill-built maze —
I wish the whole were in a blaze !
An English marriage feast was there,
Which, like all English feasts, was spare.
Nought there revealed our mountain land,
The generous heart — the liberal hand —
No Mrlas there was passed around
With richly foaming mead high crowned.
The reason why I thither came
Was something for my art to claim —
An art that oft from prince and lord
Had won its just — its due reward.
For translation sec p. 11.
CO MUSIC.
With lips inspired I then began
To sing an ode to this mean clan :
Rudely they mocked my song and me,
And loathed my oft-praised minstrelsy.
Alas ! that through my cherished art
Boors should distress and wound my heart.
Fool that I was to think the muse
Could charm corn-dealers — knavish Jews ;
My polished ode, forsooth, they hissed,
And I midst laughter was dismissed.
For "William Beisir's bag they bawl,
" Largess for him ! " they loudly squall ;
Each roared with throat at widest stretch
For Will the Piper — low-born wretch !
Will forward steps as best he can,
Unlike a free ennobled man :
A pliant bag 'tween arm and chest,
While limping on he tightly prest.
He stares — he strives the bag to sound ;
He swells his maw — and ogles round ;
He twists and turns himself about,
With fetid breath his cheeks swell out.
What savage boors ! his hideous claws
And glutton's skin win their applause !
With shuffling hand and clumsy mien
To doff his cloak he next is seen ;
He snorted ; bridled in his face,
And bent it down with much grimace ;
Like to a kite he seemed that day,
A kite, when feathering of his prey !
The churl did blow a grating shriek,
The bag did swell, and harshly squeak,
As does a goose from nightmare crying,
Or dog, crushed by a chest, when dying ;
This whistling box's changeless note
Is forced from turgid veins and throat ;
Its sound is like a crane's harsh moan,
Or like a gosling's latest groan ;
Just such a noise a wounded goat
Sends from her % hoarse and gurgling throat.
His unattractive screeching lay
Being ended, William sought for pa}' ;
Some fees he had from this mean band,
But largess from no noble hand ;
MUSIC. 61
Some pence were offered by a few,
Others gave little halfpence too.
Unheeded by this shabby band,
I left their feast with empty hand.
A dire mischance I wish indeed
On slavish Flint and its mean breed ;
Oh ! may its furnace be the place
Which they and Piper Will may grace !
For their ill luck my prayer be told,
My curses on them, young and old !
I ne'er again will venture there ;
May death all further visits spare ! 1
The pipe lias now disappeared from the land ; and the fact
is an admirable proof of an improvement in the musical taste of
the people ; for it really is impossible that the bagpipe could be
a favoured instrument, where the clear tones of the harp had
once been heard.
The harp was almost the sole instrument in the tenth cen-
tury known to the Welsh ; and after the pipe had lingered here
for seven hundred years, the harp and the violin, the modern
representative of the crwth, are left in undisputed possession of
the popular will. The harp never lost its hold upon the affec-
tions of the people, is now the favourite instrument, and will
]3robably continue to be so while " the language of the soul
dwells on its strings." That line, in the original —
Iaith enaid ar ei thannau —
occurs in one of the Englynion which competed against the
Rev. Walter Davies, and is superior to any single line in his
Englyn, though the whole Englyn is inferior to the veteran bard
of Mechain's victorious verse, which ran as follows :
Plethiadau tannau tynion — y delyn,
I'r dilesg veddylion,
Odlau saint yw adlais lion,
Llais yn vawl llys nevolion.
1 I have omitted Tegid's prefatory summary, as the reader will easily get at tho
facts from the poem ; and it is scarcely necessary to state that I do not participate in
the slander cast upon tho English ; for, not having shared the disappointment of tho
hard, my temper is unruffled. The furnace alluded to is one of the furnaces used in
smelting lead ore, for -which, even in the hard's day, Flint was famous.
G2 MUSIC.
But the finest compliment paid to the harp is to be found in
" Marwnad Sion Eos," where the poet admirably manages to
compliment both harper and harp at the same time :
Nid oes nac angel na dyn,
Nad wyl pan ganai delyn.
Neither angels nor men could refrain from weeping,
When he (John the Nightingale) played the harp.
But we must revert to the subject of the influence of Irish
music. Much stress has been laid upon the language of
Giraldus, who being a contemporary writer, a lover of music,
and one intimately acquainted with the music of both countries,
is looked upon as an authority. On the one part it is confi-
dently claimed that he supports Powell's assertion, while the
defenders of the integrity of Welsh music deny that any such
conclusion can fairly be drawn from his words. The question
is therefore one of interpretation, and easy of solution when
fairly entertained. His words are these :
Notandum vero, quod Scotia et Gwallia, ha^c piopagationis, ilia com-
meationis et affinitatis gratia, Hiberniam in modulis, annula imitari nitantur
disciplina.
Which may be thus translated :
It should be observed notwithstanding, that the Scotch and Welsh,
this from being of the same origin, and that from intercourse and relation-
ship, are emulous to imitate the Irish in musical proficiency.
Now what does this passage signify ? Mr. Price states that
we are not justified in understanding it to mean that they "imi-
tated the style of the Irish musicians ; but simply that they were
emulous to cope with them, in the skilful practice of another —
i.e. the native music of Wales. Sorry as I am to differ from
our national historian, the imitari seems to me to be positive
and conclusive ; for at the period of Giraldus's visit, as I have
already shown, the pipes were spreading over the land, and the
Irish doctors of music had undoubtedly exercised considerable
influence upon the music of this country. We must therefore,
in my opinion, concede, that some of the musicians of Wales
were imitators of the Irish music ; but it is contrary to all ex-
perience, and contrary to an express declaration made by
Giraldus in this very essay on the state of Ireland, that the
MUSIC. 03
Welsli Lad a native music -which differed essentially from that of
Ireland, to suppose that the -whole of a country can be described
in such few words, or that these words hold true of all the
Welsli musicians. Giraldus's language is just what -we might
from other facts have expected. Gruffydd ab Kynan, to reform,
discipline, and improve the music already existing, imported
some teachers of Irish music. These men, teachers of a science
which appears to have been very perfect, and patronised by a
powerful monarch, who was anxious to diffuse his own taste
among his subjects, must have had some influence among the
Welsh; and therefore I should have anticipated that many
minstrels desirous of the favour of the Icing would have
humoured his prejudices, even if Giraldus had not said that
they found imitators in Wales. Many of the Irish then in-
troduced never returned to their own country ; and we have
already noticed the Irish extraction of Howel ab Owain, and
Cadivor Wyddel, with his seven sons. They would of course be
patrons of the pipes ; and the prevalence of these towards the
close of the twelfth century, and for many centuries afterwards,
attests the fact, that the influence of Gruffydd ab Kyan and his
hired teachers was by no means insignificant.
The point at issue seems to me to be one of degree ; that a
taste for the music of Ireland had been introduced among the
Welsh appears to be an ascertained and well-authenticated fact ;
but that it became so prevalent as to displace the native music in
popular estimation, is an assertion quite unsupported by evi-
dence. Such a taste was prevalent, but at no time did it
displace or even become a formidable rival of the Welsli music ;
for beyond the circle of Gruffydd's influence it commanded no
respect. The bards always derided it ; and they are much the
best criteria of public taste. The disputants on both sides
have omitted the consideration of a fact which would have gone
a long way to reconcile them. In the term Wales, there
must have been included many districts occupied by persons
not Welshmen, such as the Flemings of Glamorgan and Pem-
broke, the Saxons of the North and of Powys, the Normans,
mid the Irish, who seem to have remained in the Principality
in sufficient numbers to have formed a distinct class. The
musical taste of this foreign population differed essentially
from that of the native Cambrians ; and the incautious ob-
server might be led to state, that the pipe was popular in Wales,
U Mr sic.
from neglecting" to distinguish, between the foreign and native
inhabitants, the uninformed reader being thereby led to be-
lieve that that instrument was in favour with the Welsh, while
in reality it only found admirers in the other part of the po-
pulation. That this was really the state of the case appears
from many passages in the bardic writings. We have seen it
exemplified in the case of the Saxons of Flint; Davydd ab
Gwilym brings out this difference of taste with great clearness ;
when deriding " the leather harp," he says :
Ni luuiwyd ei pharwyden,
Na'i chreglais ond i Sais hen.
Its trunk was not formed, nor its hoarse sound,
But for an old Saxon.
We have here a distinction very carefully drawn, between the
musical taste of the two nations ; and again, in the same poem he
compares its tones to
Sain gŵydd gloflf, anhoff yn yd,
Sonfawr Wyddeles ynfyd.
The shrill screech of a lame goose (caught) in corn,
Horribly noisy, mad Irishwoman !
thereby strongly insisting upon the same point. We therefore
learn that the taste for foreign music still lingered in the land,
though the public taste was adverse. The same distinction is
made by Lewis Glyn Cothi, in satirising the bands of itinerant
minstrels and monks, who went begging about the land :
By the door would be one with a crazy fiddle.
And another dirty chap with a hurdy gurdy ;
And close by one with a pipe,
And some carcase with a hautboy^
Here these various instruments are held up to ridicule ; but
the harp was an honoured instrument never mentioned save in
commendation. The real state of the case will now be apparent ;
there was a taste for foreign music, but it was not the taste of
1 Wrth y dvws, un â'i grwth drwj
A baw arall â'i bervvg;
O'r lie bai arall â'i bib,
A rhyw abwy â rhibib.
MUSIC. 86
the Welsh people ; nor can Giraldus be fairly represented to
have said so. He mentions the existence of a native min-
strelsy among the Welsh ; and we ought not to assume that
he either believed or asserted that the taste of a nation can
be easily altered, where his words fall short of saying so.
There are many passages in the writings of Giraldus, and
those too written subsequent to his tract on Ireland, clearly
showing that the harp was the national instrument of Wales,
and leading us to infer that its music was so deeply rooted in
the public affection, as to render any attempt to dislodge it,
hopeless and impracticable. The remarks hitherto quoted from
Giraldus, were written in 1187; but the reader will be pleased
to bear in mind that the following was given to the world in
1204, subsequent to his tour through Wales with Archbishop
Baldwin, and when he had had sixteen years' additional know-
ledge, information, and experience :
" The strangers, who arrived in the morning, were enter-
tained until evening with the conversation of young women,
and with the music of the harp ; for in this country (Wales)
almost every house was provided with both. Hence we may
reasonably conclude, that the people were not much inclined to
jealousy. Such an influence had the habit of music on their
minds, and its fascinating powers, that in every family, or in
every tribe, they esteemed skill in playing on the harp beyond
any kind of learning."
The fair conclusion to be drawn from these facts is, that Mr.
Price enunciates a substantial truth when he asserts the integ-
rity, and national origin of the music of Wales ; while there is
more foundation in fact for the other view, than his warm
patriotism allowed him to admit.
Having thus spoken of the instruments, it may not be out
of place to say a few words on the characteristic features of the
music of Wales. Any person in some degree acquainted with
the history of the English drama, must know how the noble
compositions of Shakespeare and his imitators were, for a time,
nearly superseded in England by the rhyming tragedies, which
were baser imitations of French models. Nearly similar to the
temporary eclipse which obscured the genuine Shakesperean
drama, was that which nearly sent to oblivion the finest cathe-
dral music of the same country ; but happily for England, she
can boast that in respect of Church music, she possesses as truly
F
GO MUSIC.
as any other country in the world, what may be termed national,
or at least, a body of sacred melodies sufficiently characteristic
of the genius of her composers, to distinguish them through all
time from those of other countries ; so may she boast, but not
so triumphantly, of her secular music, inasmuch as the sea
songs, and several of the pastoral lyrics of England, are sung to
airs that bear no resemblance to those of any other country,
with which she was connected by commerce or scientific inter-
course. But during the years in which additions were made
to these national melodies, many of the most popular English
composers were servile imitators of every thing that was
foreign, while such men as Purcell and Lily were forgotten.
However, they were forgotten only to be remembered again with
deeper gratitude, and higher exultation ; and such precisely
appears to me to have been the fate of the music of Wales ; for
although we possess but few of the most ancient (if they must be
recognised by the names given them in the curious MSS. in the
Welsh School, London), 1 we possess very old melodies, which
I believe to have been composed at periods, when the Welsh
were less inclined to imitate the Irish, than they may be sup-
posed to have been during the reign of Gruffydd ab Kynan, and
as different in style and character from the melodies of Ireland,
as the cathedral music of England is from that of Scotland.
Affected as appears to most men of good taste the network of
Welsh alliteration, it cannot be denied, that the finest Welsh
airs, viz. Ar hyd y Nos, Glan Meddwdod Mwyn, Morva Rhudd-
lan, T Gadlys, Codiad yr Hedydd, Divyrwch Gwŷr Harlech, &c,
are specimens of such simple, pure, and unaffected melody as
neither Ireland nor Scotland did ever produce, though in sweet-
ness, tenderness, and voluptuousness the melodies of these two
countries may even excel those of Wales. Be that as it may,
no one who is capable of comparing the tunes of the three na-
tions, can for a moment doubt that those of Cambria are dis-
tinguished by characteristics so thoroughly distinct from those
of Ireland, that it would not be more absurd to believe that our
oaks have sprung from hips and haws, than to say that our best
airs are of Irish origin.
It is gratifying to find that eminent English critics have
1 Cambrian Register, vol. i. p. 391.
MUSIC. 67
expressed the same opinion, -with respect to the essentially dis-
tinct character and beauty of AVelsh music. Jones, in the
Relics of the Welsh Bards, quotes a highly flattering opinion
given in its favour by Dr. Armstrong ; and I was glad to per-
ceive that so fastidious a critical authority as the Athenaeum,
viewed our music in the same light : " There is the same
animation in its music ; and though we allow the excellent
effect of the Scotch, and the power of the Irish in noting the
transitions from rage to despair, and in describing their irritable
temperament, we must say of the Welsh music, that there is in
it an antique superiority which adorns every thing it approaches.
It breathes the spirit of a people yet proud of their former
pastimes, who treasure up as precious gold the traditions of
their forefathers, and with that a coldness to strangers, and
strange habits." 1
But in addition to having found favour with the musi'al au-
thorities of England, it has elicited a response from the public
opinion of the musical circles of the metropolis, as appears from
the following announcement in the Examiner : " The Welsh air
' Strike the harp,' with its chorus, quite delighted the audience,
and cold must they have been had they not felt its effect." 2
It is therefore unnecessary to adduce further evidence of
the sweetness, beauty, and sublimity of our national music.
The characteristics of the Scotch and Irish melodies, are
the frequent recurrence of leaps to thirds and fifths, and often
fourths and sixths above and below the key note, and the
prominence given to those notes ; and this appears to have
been occasioned by the necessity under which the composer felt
himself of making the passing discord, with respect to the
drone-note of the bagpipe, as short as possible. The bass con-
sisting only of one note, made it necessary that certain notes in
the melody should be as transitory as they could be made to
be ; while on the other hand, the melodies that had basses of
many intervals given them, are not distinguished by these faint
transitions, but have notes of every length on every interval of
the diatonic scale, while in their composition appears no avoid-
ance of a pause on one more than the other. Dr. Franklin was
of opinion that the superiority of the Scotch airs, was attribut-
1 Athencevm, November 2. 1834.
2 Examiier, a London literary newspaper, May 13, 1848.
f 2
08 MUSIC.
able to this frequent recurrence of the principal notes of the
common chords in them, but musicians of the highest eminence
in this as well as other European countries, could tell him that the
Old Hundredth, God Save the King, Luther's Hymn, and many
of the best Welsh melodies — yea, even those which continue to
this day to be admired by Englishmen as well as Welshmen —
are quite destitute of what he deemed so essential to true
melody. Although so many of the airs of Ireland have the
peculiarities noticed above in common with those of Scotland,
the Irish melodies are more commonly in triple time, than
either those of Scotland or Wales ; and often have a wildness
which is at once sad and seductive. Inasmuch as it cannot be
doubted that Ireland once possessed excellent harpers, one can-
not help asking where are the tunes that were their favourites?
for it cannot be denied that the published tunes of that country
are more playful and pastoral in their character, than we can
possibly believe the gravest compositions of her harpers to have
been. In other words, a country whose harpers were so cele-
brated should have preserved more of the pieces in which their
skill was oftenest displayed. The music of Ireland and Scotland
seems to have been composed expressly for the bagpipes ; but
that of Wales must have been from its very structure intended
for the harp.
In the twelfth century the inhabitants of Ireland, Scotland,
and Wales seem to have attained to considerable perfection in
the art of musical performance : but the following very fine
descriptive criticism by Giraldus, seems to point to the harp, as
the difficulties could not be overcome by any other instrument
then in use. His words are these :
" By the sweetness of their musical instruments, they soothe
and delight the ear; they are rapid, yet delicate in their mo-
dulation ; and by the astonishing execution of their fingers, and
their swift transitions from discord to concord, produce the
most pleasing harmony. This cannot be better explained than
by what I have said in my topography of Ireland, concerning
the musical instruments of the three nations. It is remarkable
that in all their haste of performance, they never forget time
and musical proportion ; and such is their art that with all their
inflection of tones, the variety of their instruments, and the in-
tricacy of their harmony, they attain perfection of consonance
and melody, by a sweet velocity, an equable disparity, and a
Mr si a 69
discordant concord; as if the strings sounded together fourths
or fifths, they always begin with 13 flat and afterwards return
to it, that the -whole may be completed under the swiet less of
a grand and pleasing sound. They enter into a movement and
conclude in so delicate a manner, and play the little notes so spor-
tively under the blunter sound of the base strings, enlivening with
a wanton levity, or communicating a deeper internal sensation of
pleasure, that the perfection of their art appears in the conceal-
ment of it; for—
Art profits when concealed,
Disgraces when revealed.
" From this cause those very strains, which afford deep and
unspeakable mental delight to those who have looked far, and
skilfully penetrated into the art, fatigue rather than gratify the
ears of others, who though they see do not perceive, and though
they hear do not understand." '
It is asserted that the Welsh were accniainted with counter-
point prior to Guido's supposed discovery of it, as one of the
twenty-four ancient games, in which Welshmen were ambitious
to excel, was to sing a song in four parts with accentuations
(Canu Cywydd pedwar ac acen).
SECTION IV.
HUD A LLEDRITH ; OE, AN INCIPIENT DRAMA.
In the account of the feast given by Gruffydd ab Rhys in 1135,
there occur these remarkable words :
A cliynnal pob chwareuon Hud a Lledrith, a phob arddangos.
And there were performed all sorts of plays of illusion and phantasm,
and every kind of exhibition.
I have as yet seen no attempt to explain what is meant by
these words ; but that others may not be compelled to stumble
in the dark as I have done, an attempt will be here made to
throw a ray of light upon the subject. It seems to me that
1 Quoted in Jones's Relics of the Welsh Sards.
70 HUD A LLEDVITH.
these exhibitions were similar to the plays known as masks and
mysteries, or the still earlier miracle plays among other nations;
and this opinion is confirmed by the facts, that in the writings
of the bards, we find frequent mention of " miragl," in connex-
ions which forbid our supposing they refer to the miracles of
Scripture.
On looking over the history of English literature, we find
that plays were instituted in London as early as a.d. 1180.
William Fitz-Stephen in his Life of Archbishop Becket, 'written
between 1170 and 1182, alludes to similar practices among the
monks. Matthew Paris, and Bulaeus state (Eistoria Universita-
tis Parisiensis) that the miracle respecting Saint Catherine was
played at Dunstable as early as 1119, and the latter states that
there was nothing new in this ; while we learn from the Annates
Bnrtonensis that strolling players were common towards the
middle of the thirteenth century. There is therefore nothing
improbable in the supposition that the " Hud a Lledrith a phob
ardclangos " here mentioned were things of this description ; on
the contrary, there are strong reasons for the belief. The lan-
guage of the historian is positive, and " ardclangos " cannot be
predicated without impropriety of any thing else. Assuming
therefore this conjecture to be correct ; we shall proceed to en-
quire how far these displays were founded in nationality. Did
they come from the Welsh soil? Or were they borrowed from
the English court ?
There is nothing à priori impossible, in the assumption of a
native origin for these exhibitions. Monks covered the surface
of Wales as well as England ; these miracles originated among
the monks in England ; and as the Welsh monks had hitherto
shown much more literary activity than the English, as witness
Gildas, Nennius, Asserius, Walter Mapes of Oxford, Giraldus,
and Geoffrey, why may not these miracles have sprung from
them ? The drama of the middle ages was a spontaneous pro-
duct ; l the classic writings had been laid aside for many cen-
turies previously, and their study was not revived for centuries
after this date ; and therefore these facts, coupled with the
existence of a rich dramatic literature among the Hindoos, tend
to prove, as A. W. Schlegel, a well-known German critic, has
1 Miiller, Hist, of the Lit. of Ancient G-rcece, p. 287, says it sprang from obscure
traditions of antiquity.
HI' J) A LLEimiTIL 71
stated, that " we are by no means entitled to assume that the
invention of the drama was made once for all in the world, to
be afterwards borrowed by one people from another." On the
contrary, as that able writer very clearly shows, "The invention
of dramatic art, and of the theatre, seems a very obvious and
natural one. Man has a great disposition to mimicry; when
he enters vividly into the situation, sentiments, and passions of
others, he involuntarily puts on a semblance to them in his ges-
tures. Children are perpetually going out of themselves ; it is
one of their chief amusements to represent grown people whom
they have had an opportunity of observing, or whatever strikes
their fancy ; and with the happy pliancy of their imagination,
they can exhibit all the characteristics of any dignity they may
choose to assume, be it that of a father, a schoolmaster, or a
king. But one step more was requisite for the invention of the
drama, namely, to separate and extract the mimetic element
from the separate parts of social life, and to present them to
itself again collectively in one mass ; yet in many nations it
has not been taken." 1 Among both the English and Welsh in
the twelfth century the step was taken ; was it spontaneous in
both, or did one borrow from the other ?
The Welsh princes had frequent intercourse with the
English Court, and there can be no doubt adopted some of its
manners; but I confess myself inclined to believe that at this
period Wales had an incipient drama belonging to itself. It
is admitted, by the best critics of the day, that Europe owes its
romantic literature to the Welsh and Bretons, why not the
romantic drama? and particularly as such dramatic remains as
we have are exclusively romantic ? The Mabinogion are full
of dialogues ; it required no great stretch of fancy to get
similar dialogues put into the mouths of living' speakers. In
every other department of literature, the Welsh were in advance,
and greatly too, of their neighbours ; whence arises the difficulty
of conceiving that a people who could invent for themselves
romances, and tales, could also imagine the possibility of
spoken dialogue ? But, however we may decide this question,
it is certain that dialogues could only have originated under
such circumstances, and that we have such dialogues among
our literary remains ; and the fact that they are not transla-
1 Dramatic Literature, lecture ii.
HUD A LLEDBITH.
tions, but original compositions, goes a long way to prove my
view of the origin among us of a national drama, or at all
events of what would, with proper care, have become so. If,
on the contrary, the reader inclines to believe the idea of repre-
sentation before audiences, borrowed, he will readily admit that
in intellectual entertainments, the Welsh princes were not
behind the monarchs of England.
Written dialogue seems to indicate the existence of a drama
of some sort, and the fact that among the Welsh remains there
were several dialogues of undoubted antiquity has always ap-
peared to me inexplicable on any other hypothesis. Those we
have are very simple, and certainly indicate a very rudimental
state of the supposed drama ; but I have not been able to
ascertain whether in the libraries of our old families, there may
not be more of them, and of a superior character. However,
such as they are, they are now presented to the reader. The
first specimen shall be the dialogue between Arthur the King,
in his youth, and his second wife Gwenhwyvar, who was a girl
educated by Melwas, King of Scotland. 1
ARTHUR.
Black is my steed, and bears me Avell,
Nor will lie the water shun ;
And for no man will he retreat !
GWENHWYVAR.
Green is my steed, of nature's hue.
May the boaster always be despised ;
He only is a man who makes good his word !
Who will ride", and will be firm ?
Who will march in the front of battle ?
None but a hero can overcome Cai the Tall, the son of Sevin.
ARTHUR.
Du yw fy march, a da dana
Ac er dwr nid arswyda ;
A rhag un gwr ni chilia.
GWENHWTVAK.
Glas yw fy march o liw dail ;
Llwyr ddirmygid mefl mawr air,
Nid gwr ond a gywiro ci air.
Pwy a ferchyg ac a saif ?
Ac a gerdd ymlaen y drin ?
Ni ddeil ond gwr o, Cai hir ah Sefin.
HUD A LLEDRITH. 73
ARTHUR.
I will ride, and I -will be firm, and will
March with speed along the bank of the ebbing tide ;
I am the man who will overcome Cai.
GWENHWYVAR.
Hold, youth ! It is strange to hear thee ;
Unless thou art more than thy appearance,
Thou couldst not overcome Cai with a hundred in thy train.
ARTHUR.
Gwenhwyvar of beauteous look,
Deride me not, though small I seem ;
I would myself a hundred take !
GWENHWYVAR.
Ha ! thou youth in black and yellow garb !
From having steadfastly viewed thy form,
Methinks I have seen thee before.
ARTHUR.
Gwenhwyvar, with sweet looks of mildness,
Inform me if thou knowest,
Where didst thou see me before ?
Myfi a ferchyg ac a sai
Ac a gerdda yn drwm geulan trai,
Myfi y gwr a ddaliai Gai.
GWENHWYVAR.
Dyd was ! rhyfedd yw dy glywed,
Onid wyd amgen no'th weled
Ne ddelit ti Gai ar dy ganfed.
ARTHUR.
Gwenhwyvar olwg eirian,
Na ddifrawd fi cyd bwyf bychan,
Mi a ddaliwn gant fy hunan.
GWENHWYVAB.
Dyd was ! a du a melyn.
"VVrth hir edrych dy dremyn ;
Tybiais dy weled cyn no hyn.
ARTHUR.
Gwenhwyvar olwg wrthroch ;
Doedweh i mi os gwyddoch,
Yn mhale, cyn hyn ym gwelsoch ?
74 II VD A LLEDRITI1.
GWENHWTVAR.
I saw a man of moderate stature,
At the long table of Kelliwig, in Devonshire,
Distributing his wine to his friends around him.
ARTHUR.
Gwenhwyvar, charming in discourse,
From woman's lips we look for idle talk ;
There truly thou hast seen me.
Here there is very clearly implied an audience to relish the
moralising at the commencement ; and it is difficult to conceive
any other motive for the composition of the dialogue, than an
intended personation. The following is of a different cha-
racter : l
Question. — Who is the Porter ?
A nswer. — Glewlwyd Gavaelvawr.
Question. — "Who is it that asks ?
Answer. — Arthur and the blessed Cai.
Glewlwyd. — If thou shouldst bring with thee
The best wine in the world,
Into my house thou shalt not come,
Unless it be by force, &c.
There is a very pretty play on the word " gwin " in the
original. When Arthur says it is, " Arthur a Chai gwyn,"
Glewlwyd affects to believe that he had said, " Cai gwin," or
" Cai of the wine," instead of " the blessed Cai."
GWENHWTVAR.
Mi welais wr graddol o faint
Ar fvvrdd hir Celliwig yn Dyfnaint
Yr rhannu gwin iw geraint.
ARTHUR.
Gwenhwyvar, barabl digri,
Gnawd o ben gwraig air gwegi,
Yno y gwelaist ti fl.
1 Pagwr yw y Porthawr ?
Glewlwyd Gavaelvawr,
Pagwr ai govin ?
Arthur a chai gwyn
Pa indda genhit
Gwin goreu im Lid
Yn ty ny ddoi
Onis gwaredy, &c.
HUD A LLEDMTII. 76
Mr. Davies endeavours to show, in his ingenious and learned
work, that there are references to Druidic worship here ; aid
the reader will form his own judgment as to the comparative
merit of our widely different explanations. The dialogue be-
tween Gwalchmai and Trystan, in the presence of Arthur, shows
a still further stage of development. Of a still different cha-
racter is the following dialogue between Llewelyn and Gwrnerth,
two Powysian saints :'
LLEWELYN.
Mountain snow, wind about hedges,
The Creator of Heaven is my strength ;
Does Gwrnerth sleep ?
GWRNERTH.
Mountain snow, God is greatest,
And to Him I will pray ;
I am not sleeping, I cannot sleep.
LLEWELYN.
Mountain snow, wind about the house,
As you speak so,
What, Gwrnerth, makes you look so ?
GWRNERTH.
Mountain snow, wind in the south,
I speak important words,
I think it is death, -tc.
IXYWELYN.
Eiry mynydd, guynt am berth,
Cany creawdyr nef am nerth
Ai cysgu a wna Gwrnerth.
GWRNERTH.
Eiry mynydd, Duw yn bennaf,
Canys attaw gweddiaf,
Nac ef, cysgu ni allaf.
LLYWELYN.
Eiry mynyd guynt am ty
Kanys llevery velly
Beth Urnerth a wna hynny.
GWRNERTH.
Eiry mynyd guynt deheu
Kanys traethaf prif eiryeu
Tebekaf yu mae agheu.
7(5 HUD A LLEDIUTH.
The original of the next specimen, is older than any of
the preceding, and purports to be a dialogue between Taliesin
and Myrddin ; but we know not the author or authors of any
of these. According to Mr. Davies, Myrddin, in this dialogue,
deplores the persecution of the Druids : I adopt his translation. 1
MYRDDIN.
How sorrowful I am ! how woful
Has been the treatment of Kedwy and the boat !
Unanimous was the assault with gleaming swords,
From the piercing conflict, one shield escaped,
Alas, how deplorable.
TALIESIN.
It was Maelgwn whom I saw, with piercing weapons before the master
of the fair herd ; his household will not be silent.
MYRDDIN.
Before the two men, in Nentur they land, before the passing form,
and the fixed form, over the pale white boundary. The grey stones they
actually remove. Soon is Elgan and his retinue discovered, for his
slaughter, alas, how great the vengeance that ensued !
TALIESIN.
Thou that rushest forth, with one tooth (thou boar) thy shield has
overwhelmed. To thee, complete liberality had been extended. Ex-
MYKDDIN,
Mor truan genhyf, mor truan
A dery am kedwy a chavan !
Oedd llachar kyvlavar cyvlavan,
Oedd yscuid o Tryvrwyd, o truan !
Oed Maelgwn a welwn, yn ymwan,
Y deulu, rac ter y vnlu, ni thawan.
MERDDIN.
Eac deuwr, yn nentur, y tiran,
Rac Errith a Churrith, y ar welugan
Meinwineu, yn ddiheu, a ddygan,
Moch gweler y niver gan Elgan,
Och, oe laith, mawr ateith y deuthau !
Eys undant, oedd rychuant y tarian,
Hyd attad y daeth rhad cyflawn,
IIUD A LLEDRITJL 77
cessively is the slaughter of Kyndur deplored. Slain are three men who
were liberal in their lives, even three eminent men, highly esteemed by
Elgan.
MYRDDIN.
Through and through, wide and pointed, they came advancing and
surrounding the only wise Bran, the son of Elgan. Dywal the son of
Erbin, with his retinue did they slaughter, in their last assault.
TALIESIN.
The host of Maelgwn, exulting, advanced; and severely did the em-
battled warriors pierce in the bloody inclosure. Even the battle of
Arysdeiydd, which is at hand, with the utmost energy will they prepare.
JIYRDDIN.
A host of flying darts, in the bloody plain, prepare the banquet of
gore. A host of warriors destroy the tottering Sidan. Many a festive
horn is broken ; many a horn-bearer is put to flight, whilst the host is
forcing them back to promiscuous slaughter.
Lias Cyndur, tra messur, y cwynan,
Llaes haelon o ddynon, tia fuan
Trywyr nod, mawr eu clod, gan Elgan.
Trwy a thrwi, vug a rug, y daethan,
Traw a thraw, undoeth Bran a Melgan,
Llad Dyvel, oe diwed cyflafan
Ah Erbin, ae werin, a wnaethan.
TAT.IESIN.
Liu Maelgwn, bu ysewn y daethan :
Aerwyr cad, trybelidiad, gwaedlan,
Neu gwaith Arysderydd,
Pan fydd, y deunydd,
hyd y wychydd,
Ydarparan.
Lliaws peleidrad, gwaedlad gwaedlan,
Lliaws aerwyr bryw breuawl Sidan.
Lliaws ban briwher ;
Lliaws ban foher,
Lliaws eu hymcliwel,
Yn eu hymwan.
78 IIUD A LLEDRITH.
TALIESIN.
The seven sons of Eliffer, seven heroes, when put to the test, shun not
the seven spears, in their seven stations.
MYRDDIN.
Seven blazing fires will counteract seven battles; the seventh is
Kynvelyn, in the front of every mount.
TALIESIN.
Seven piercing spears shall fill seven rivers ; with the blood of leading
heroes shall they fill them.
MYRDDIN.
Seven score liberal heroes are now become wandering spirits; in the
forest of Caledonia they met their fate.
Since I, Merddin, am next after Taliesin, let my prophecy be received
in common with his.
We shall have occasion again to refer to the last verse, and
therefore the reader will be pleased to bear it in mind, when we
corne to speak of the "Avallenau."
TALIESIN.
Seith meib Eliffer,
Seith gwyr, ban broffer,
Seith gwayw ni ochel,
Yn ei Seithran.
MIKDDIN.
Seith tan ufeliu
Seith ead cyferbin,
Seithfed Cynfelin,
Y pob cinhvan.
Seith gwaew gowanon
Seith loneid afon
gwaed Cinreinon,
Y dylanwan.
MYRDDIN.
Seith ugein haelon
A aethan yg wllon ;
Ynghoed Celyddon,
Y darfuan.
Canys mi Myrtin,
Gwedi Taliesin,
Bythawd cyffredin
Fy darogan.
HUD A LLEDRITII. 70
Quite as old as the preceding, i.e. as old as the twelfth or
thirteenth centuries, is another dialogue, between Ugnach, the
son of Mydno, of Caer Seon, and Taliesin, of Caer Deganwy.
All are metrical in the original. 1
TALIESIN.
O knight, who approachest the city with white dogs, and large horns,
I know thee not : to my eyes thou art not familiar.
UGNACH.
Thou knight, who repairest to the river's junction, on a stout warlike
steed, come with me ; I take no denial.
TALIESIN.
At present that is not my road ; abstain from an injurious act, for the
blessing of heaven and earth.
UGNACH.
thou who hast not often seen me, thou who resemblest one of the
initiated, how long wilt thou absent thyself, and when wilt thou come ?
TALIESIN.
When I return from Caer Seon, from contending with Jews, 2 I will
come to the city of Leu and Gwydion.
Marchawc, a girch y Dinas,
Ae cou gwinion, ae cirri bras
Nyth adwaen : ni rythwelas.
UGNACH.
Marchawc, a circh i'r Aber,
Yar march eadarn, cadfer,
Dabre genhiw, nim gwatter.
TALIESIN.
Mi nid aw ina in awr :
Gollew gweith y godriceawr,
Elhid bendith nev a llawr !
TJGNACH.
Y gwr nim gwelas beunit,
Y tebic i gur deduit
Ba hyd ei dy, a phan delit ?
TALIESIN.
Ban deuaw o Caer Sëon,
imlat ac itewon,
1 tan Caer Leu a Gwydion.
2 Jews and Saracens were conjoined in the time of the Crusades. See Myv. Arch.
ii. 438, year 1188.
80 HUD A LLEDRITH.
UGNACH.
Come with me into the city ; thou shalt have mead which I have pre-
pared, O thou with pure gold upon thy clasp,
TALIESIN.
I know not the confident man, with his mead, fire, and couch— fair
and courteous are thy words.
UGNACH.
Come with me to my dwelling, and thou shalt have wine that briskly
sparkles. Ugnach is my name, the son of Mydno.
TALIESIN.
Ugnach, a blessing attend thy throne, thou teacher of liberaliry and
honour ! I am Taliesin, who will repay thy banquet.
Taliesin, chief of men, thou victor in the contention of song, remain
here till Wednesday.
UGNACH.
Dabrede genhiw i'r Dinas,
A thuit met ara phellas
Ac eur coetb, ar di wanas.
TALIESIN.
Mi nid adwen y gur hy,
A nieteu tan y gweli,
Tec a chwec y dywedi.
UGNACH.
Debre genhiw im tino
A thuit gwin goros gelho,
Ugnach yw fy heno, mab Mydno.
TALIESIN.
Ugnach, bendith ith orset,
Athrod rad ac enrydi t !
Taliesin viw inheu, talaw iti dy gulet.
UGNACH.
Taliesin, penhav or gwir
Beitat yng kort. kyvrgir,
Trie yma hyd dyw Merchir.
HUB A LLEDRITH. 81
TALIESW.
Ugnach, whose harmony is the greatest, on thee may the Supreme Ruler
bestow His bounty ! I merit not the booth. I may not stay.
There are several other dialogues among the Welsh, between
Myrddin and Ysgolan, between Myrddin and his sister, be-
tween Arthur and Trystan, and between Arthur and Madoc ab
Uthr.
But whatever we might consider the object of these dia-
logues to have been, the frequent occurrence of the word
" Miragl " in the writings of the bards, very clearly shows that
dramatic exhibitions were in existence among the Welsh.
Of this we have positive proof in an old Welsh poem, addressed
to some Sir Walter, vicar of Bryn Buga (Usk), to which is
appended the following explanation : " Composed by Meredydd
ab Ehosser, to the miracle performed by Sir Walter, at Bryn
Buga, which miracle is in Welsh called Hud a Lledrith."
We are told by Mr. Taliesin Williams, that among his father's
papers is the following entry : " In many manuscript tracts on
musicians and minstrels, or reciters, Chware Hud a Lledrith,
is expressly said to be the same thing as anterluivt (interludes.)"
The " miragl " was a step in advance of these ; and we are in-
formed on the same authority, that the " poem above alluded
to displays a considerable degree of imaginative energy ;
blended, however, throughout with strong superstition. Sir
Walter's miracle consisted, according to this poem, in the exer-
cise of that degree of extreme magic, which ultimately reduced
the prince of darkness himself to strict bondage. The ram-
pancy of the evil spirit, who it is said had most inveterately
laid siege to the town and neighbourhood, and the awful spells
practised by Sir Walter, to counteract his operations, are men-
tioned in the poem with fear and trembling." 1 A few extracts
will show more clearly the nature of this composition. The
poet asks :
TAXIESIN.
Ugnach, moihav y alaw,
Ath ro rad y gulail penhaw ;
Ni haetaw Kabit, ny thrigiaw.
Williams's Colyn Bolphyn, p. 120.
G
82 HUD A LLEDR1TH
Who of virtuous conduct,
By strength of learning, can bind the Devil ? x
and Sir Walter replies :
What an exertion of gift ! to exhibit a miracle !
Ten thousand crimes, and their causes, all in flames,
Have I seen through its means; and to the very bottom,
The circle of the depravities and error that exist ;
And also their fate. Woe betide the knowledge. 2
The poet in wonder remarks :
Fully manifested to my view appeared
The intuitive genius of devils. 3
Ab Iolo gives it as his opinion, that the plays of Hud and
Lledrith "were dramatic representations, rather in imitation
of the Roman dramas, that must have been familiar to the
Britons ; " and -should this conjecture turn out to be founded in
truth, we shall have discovered a link of connexion between
modern and ancient Europe, hitherto unsuspected.
In the meantime, we shall be content with having shown the
strong probability of our having had in the twelfth century,
such miracle plays as were known to other nations. Compared
with contemporaneous princes, the Welsh kings were intel-
lectually superior, the country was more civilised, their litera-
ture abundant, and their bards in high estimation; may we not
therefore conclude that Hud a Lledrith a phob arddangos are
striking proofs of their being as far advanced in the apprecia-
tion of dramatic displays, as were their most intelligent neigh-
bours ? The miracle plays of England have been published, and
ably edited by Hone and others ; and possibly there may be
compositions of this class still lingering in the libraries of Wales.
Pwy, wrth fuchedd rinweddol,
O rym Dysg, a rwym y Diawl?
Dawngais mawr, dangos miragl ;
Drygau myrdd, a'u ffyrdd yn ffagl ?
Gwelais yn hon, i'r gwaelod,
Gylch drygau beiau sy'n bod ;
A'u diwedd. Gwae ! o'u deall.
Amhvg i'm golwg fe gaid
Athrylith y Cythreuliaid.
1IUI) A LLEDIÌITll. 83
The Comus of Milton is a well-known mask, or a drama in a
much higher stage of development.
Since the above was written, the Iolo Manuscripts have been
published ; and in that volume, I find the terms " Hud a
Lledrith " thus explained, on the authority of Ieuan Vawr ab y
Diwlith's treatise on the Welsh metres, which, according to
Mr. Edward Williams, must have been written about a.d. 1180.
" Hud a Lledrith (illusion and phantasm), a poetical composi-
tion, in which a number of persons, assuming characters dif-
ferent, with regard to rights, grades, and condition, from those
which really belong to them, carry on contentions and consul-
tations, is called a poem of Illusion and Phantasm. In such
representations, persons, under disguise, dispute with each
other, either for or against the subject submitted to their con-
sideration ; so as to develope its just and unjust, its cheering
and its disconsolate tendencies, with regard either to chance,
congeniality, and necessity, or their opposites; so as even-
tually to confer honour and reward on virtue, and reflect
disgrace, loss, and punishment on vice ; and thus to portray the
misery of all persons of evil habits, actions, and dispositions,
and the prosperity of the good. A poem of this description,
is carried on by question and answer ; for and against ; for
and for ; opposition and co-opposition ; that the subject or event
under discussion may appear in its true form and semblance ;
and that the persons attracted thereby, may, from first to
last, perceive things in their real characters, and be led to
acknowledge that the whole of the disguised representation
tended to unfold the truth. For these reasons compositions of
this sort were variously called poems, plays, and arguments of
Illusion and Phantasm, in older times ; but now the place of
performance, including the actors, is called, the Hillock of
Illusion and Phantasm, and the representation, a Play of
Miracles."
G 2
84 BAUDS AND BAUD ISM.
CHAPTEE II.
SECTION I.
BAEDS AND BARDISM.
In going through, the preceding pages, the reader cannot
fail to have noticed the striking difference which exists between
the position of the poets of the past, and those of the present
time. Now, the patronage of kings, lords, and commons sinks
into insignificance by the side of public approbation ; then, the
nobles were the chief patrons of literature, and the stern castle
was the seat of poesy. Now, the exalted by birth are frequently
outstripped in the race of intelligence ; then, they led the way.
Now, the popular author may laugh to scorn the frowns of the
great ; then, the poet was an appendage to the lord of a small
domain. Strange things have taken place in the interval ; but
all tend to the same point ; the substitution of intelligence and
moral worth for rank and wealth, in public estimation. This
is the strange eventful phenomenon which future' years will
more fully develope : the history of authorship in modern Europe
begins with the bards. By-and-by, when the author, as such,
takes a firmer hold of public regard, the history of the class will
become more and more interesting; and the bards, — the pioneers
of intellectual dominion, will, I trust, become objects of profound
interest and respect. In order therefore to facilitate in some
measure the development of auctorial history, I shall detain
my reader for a little time, and turn his attention from the work
to the worker, from bardism to the bard.
The respect shown to men of letters is a fair test of civilisa-
tion. In Sparta, where " Captain Sword " was high in the
ascendant, it was accounted unworthy of a freeman to learn a
SARDS A XI) ÌÌAHDISM. 85
mechanical art — the lielots or slaves being the artisans; and at
a much later date in the history of the world, the same feeling
prevailed, and may to some extent be said to prevail even at the
present day. We can therefore credit the statement, that Sir
Walter Scott enunciated a striking historical truth, when he
put in the mouth of Douglas these Hues :
A letter forged ! Saint Jude to speed,
Did ever knight so foul a deed !
At first in heart it liked me ill
When the King praised his clerkly skill.
Thanks to Saint Bothan, son of mine,
Save Gawain, ne'er could pen a line ;
So swore I, and so swear I still,
Let my boy bishop fret his fill.
In Wales a better spirit seems to have prevailed ; and in
direct contrast, it ivas here penal for a slave to assume the profes-
sion of a scholar, a smith, or a bard. This respect for artisans
enforced by the laws of Wales was also a popular sentiment
which has found a prominent place in the lighter literature of
the country. In the Mabinogi of Kilhwch and Olwen, the
hero knocking at the gate of Arthur's palace, bids the porter,
"Open the portal." "I will not," replies Glewlwyd Gavaelvawr.
" Wherefore not? " " The knife is in the meat, and the drink
is in the horn, and there is revelry in Arthur's hall ; and none
may enter therein but the son of a king of a privileged country,
or a craftsman bringing his crafts And we find it was reduced
to practice in common life, for Howel ab Owain, when his person
was in danger, relies upon this sentiment for protection :
As long as I am courteous and travel as a craftsman,
God will watch over my destiny. 1
From the same laws we learn that the bard was in repute at-the
kings court, and ranked next to the judge in the royal hall.
We have seen that from a very early period, the bards were
much respected, and at the time of which this essay treats, it
would appear that they were numerous. It is certain the pro-
fession was considered reputable, for we find King Gruffydd ab
Kynan framing laws for the government of the poets, and among
' See p. 44.
80 lìAIiDS AND BAUD ISM.
them we find many influential names. Meilir mentions his
having been sent on important missions ; and both Meilir and
Kynddelw speak of their having figured among the warriors
and chieftains of the various provinces. Howel ab Owain, and
Owain Ky veiliog, shed lustre on the profession ; and bardism
must have been of importance, when princes thought the art
worthy of their ambition. If additional names were wanting
to prove this position, we might cite the case of Iolo Goch and
Rhys Goch o Eryri, two able and accomplished bards ; and men
who though independent, thought it not unbecoming in them
to shine among the bards of Owain Glyndwr. By the Laws of
Howel the Good it was the duty of the bard to sing the national
anthem on going forth to battle, for which service he was to
have an extra share of the spoil which might be taken ; and
perhaps Gwalchmai and Kynddelw were present at the engage-
ments they mention, in discharge of this professional duty.
These facts show that the poet was a man of note ; the respect
shown to the professors of bardism indicates worth in the bards
and refinement among the ruling powers; and this exalted
appreciation of the importance of the Author's civilising mission,
reflects infinite credit on the character of the ancient Welsh.
The domestic bard had the care of the historical documents
pertaining to the tribe and its chief, and was the historiographer
of his patron, as well as his laureate. It also very frequently
happened that the bard was the teacher of the chieftain's chil-
dren — in fact, this was one of the bard's duties; and the reader
will at once bring to mind the unfortunate attachment of the
bard Davydd ab Gwilym for Morvydd, the daughter of Ivor
Hael, who had imprudently honoured the bard, by entrusting
to him the education of his heiress. This relationship will ac-
count for the more than friendly feeling which frequently con-
nected the bards with the young chieftains, and is so frequently
shown by the occurrence of poems addressed to young princes,
who would not have been otherwise known to posterity. Kyn-
ddelw was warmly attached to the young prince Howel ab Owain;
and Llywarch ab Llywelyn has several poems addressed to Prince
Rhodri, another of the sons of Owain Gwynedd. We have already
quoted the verses of Llywarch Llew Cad, to his patron Llewelyn
ab Madoc ; and we find again that that gallant young chieftain
has elicited the approbation of the old bard Kynddelw, by an
ad of liberality, indicating at the same time the generosity of
BARDS AND BARDISM. 87
Llewelyn, and the respect generally entertained for the bardic
profession. Happening- to be limiting- one day, Llewelyn ordered
his huntsman to give Kynddelw a stag which they had slain
close by the poet's house ; in gratitude for which he sang the
praises of the chieftain's horn.
The bards, besides being the teachers of the young princes,
were also their companions. Llywarch ab Llywelyn gives an
account of a quarrel between the sons of Owain Gwynedd of
which there would seem to have been no other witness ; and
Philip Brydydd, in his remonstrance to his patron Rhys Gryg,
says :
Hate me not, be patient — passionate chief, refrain,
Rhys of Rhos and Eppynt ;
I have been thy bard, and many know it,
And a hundred times thy companion formerly.
At the court of Maesaleg,
Bounteous Ivor made the bard,
Steward o'er his wealth to guard ;
and further, that chieftain seems to have given Davydd many
other privileges, which are recorded in verse, strikingly illustra-
tive of the manners of the times :
Honours great for me are stored
(If I live) from Ivor's hand,
Hound and huntsman at command,
Daily banquet at his board,
Princely baron ! at the game
With his piercing shafts to aim ;
And to let his falcons fly
On the breezes of the sky.
Every melody that rings
From the harp's sweet treble strings,
Every " solo " that is sung,
His Maesaleg's halls among,
Dice and draughts, and every sport
Of Maesaleg's joyous court,
Will the host who governs there,
Freely with the poet share. 1
Johnes.
Mawr anrhydedd am dcddyw
Mi a gaf, o byddaf by w,
88 BARDS AND BAIìDISM.
But great as were these honours, Lewis Glyn Cothi contends
that still greater were shown to himself.
In the earlier stages of bardism there was an evident and
close connexion, between the poems of which some have come
down to us, and the feasts of princes and chieftains. A very
large majority of the poems which have been passed in review
for the first three chapters of this essay, are panegyrics upon
living chieftains, and the remainder, excepting religious poems,
a few love songs, and a single satire, are elegies upon those
who had died. The first class were evidently calculated to pro-
duce effect, and were therefore in all probability recited at the
public feasts. We should easily have arrived at this conclu-
sion from the difficulty of assigning any other origin to these
poems, had we no other data to guide us in forming an opinion
than the express enactments in the Laws of Howel the Good
(see p. 14) : but when, in addition, we have the direct testimony
of an eye-witness, there need be no doubt as to the correctness
of the conclusion. The words of Giraldus are clear and specific :
"One day when Llewelyn, Prince of Gwynedd, held a full
court, 1 there came forward before all, at the conclusion of the
dinner, a certain man of fluent speech, such as those who in the
British language are called bards, of whom Lucan says :
The bards poured forth many songs. 2
On the same authority we learn, that there were written
Hel a clvwn, nid haelach ior,
Ac yfed gydag Ifor.
Saethu ei geirw saethynt,
A bwrw ei weilch i'r wybr wynt ;
A cherddau cildannau'n deg
A solos ym Maesaleg,
Chwarau ffristial a thawlbwrdd,
Yn un gyflwr a'r gwr g-wrdd.
D. ab Gwilym.
1 Eisteddvods were usually held on Calan Ionawr :
Ninheu ueirt prydein prydus eiryan berth.
Gwŷr a byrth uy rwyf ym pob Calan.
Prydyddy Moch, i LI. ab Iorwerth {My v. Arch. i. 299),
2 Processit in fine prandii coram omnibus vir quidam linguae dicacis cujusmodi
lingua Britannica sicut et Latina Bardi dicuntur imde Lucanus :
" Plurima concreti (securi) : fuderunt (fudistis) carmina Bardi."
Giraldus, Be Jure et Statu, Mencv. Eccl. apud Wharton's Anglia Sacra, vol. ii.
p. ÖÔ9.
BARDS AND HAlìDISM. 89
records among the Welsh as well as historical singing. When
at a meeting of the British princes, for the purpose of support-
ing Giraldus's ecclesiastical claims to the Bishopric of St.
David's, Gwenwynwyn, Prince of Povvys, spoke strongly in favour
of Giraldus's long struggle against King John, and said of his
exertions in favour of the independence of the see of St. David's,
that " as long as Wales shall stand, this noble deed will be
transmitted with deserved praises and applauses by historical
writings, and by the mouths of those singing." l
The elegies were, we may readily infer, composed at the
request of the surviving relations ; and the only bards who seem
to have been under the influence of pure inspiration, are Owain
Kyveiliog and Howel ab Owain.
But in addition to having fixed patrons and places of abode,
the bards had a practice of making the tour of the country once
in three years ; this was called " Clera." In the process of
time they framed regulations for the maintenance of these
circuits, by which a chief bard or pencerdd had the range of
the houses of the chieftains, but was allowed to enter no house
of less note ; and the lower grade of bards debarred from enter-
ing the mansions of the nobility, were equally jealous of the
visits of the superior grade to the domiciles of the common
people. Originally the practice was not much objected to ; but
by degrees it became a burden to poor people ; and this offensive
view of it has survived to the present day, for we not unfre-
quently find old people saying of some worthless person, " Clera
wyv yn ei chovio hi y vaiden ddiffaeth." " It is as a beggar I
recollect seeing the worthless creature." On leaving the halls
of his patron, the bard did not usually forfeit his place ; for his
chair was generally kept for him until his return. Rhys Gryg,
it would seem, objected to this practice, thinking Philip Brydydd,
his bard, should have but one master; but the bard stands
upon his privileges, and almost defies his patron to give the
chair to another. Wherever he went the bard was a welcome
visitor, and he had by virtue of his office free admission into the
palaces of the chieftains of the country. We find Kynddelw
and Llywarch ab Llywelyn eulogising South Welsh, as well as
1 " Quod, quamdiu Wallia statit, nobile factum hujus et per historias scriptas et
per ora canentium dignis per tempora cuncta laudibus atque precouiis efferetur."
Girald. Ibid.
00 BARDS AND BARDISM.
North Welsh and Powysian princes ; and on the other hand,
the bards of South Wales used to visit North Wales. This
migratory custom bears considerable resemblance to the prac-
tices of the Trouveres of the North, and the Troubadours of the
South of France ; and the bards, clerwyr, and minstrels of
Wales correspond pretty closely to the bards, rhymers, and
jongleurs of the age of chivalry.
The bards were also the frequent bearers of messages from
one chieftain to another, the bard being in fact looked upon as
the agent or representative of his patron. Meilir describes in
glowing terms his reception by King Gruffydd ab Kynan when
sent on an errand to his court : x
From the hand of the prince I drank in golden horns
(His ministering hand dared the boars),
In the Court of AberfFraw, for the glory of the prosperous ;
I went there on the part of an enthroned ruler !
A second time I went as a messenger,
From the splendid leader of battle — a righteous prince,
With fingers encircled with golden rings.
It must, however, be admitted that the relative position of
chieftain and bard, were unfavourable to the growth of truth-
fulness and mental independence in the latter; and we ac-
cordingly have much reason to doubt the sincerity of the profes-
sions made by the bards on some occasions. There occur to my
mind one or two instances of this want of sincerity. Gwalch-
mai and Kynddelw have both sung the praise of Madoc ab
Meredydd, Prince of Powys ; and also with equal if not greater
zeal, that of his enemy Owain Gwynedd, King of North Wales.
Now the question arises, how could they do this in consistency,
1 or in candour ? Mr. Price, who is usually candid, has given
answers in both cases, the highest praise that can be given to
which is that they are plausible. Of Kynddelw, he has stated
1 Yfais gan deyrn o gyrn eurawc
Arfod faet feisiad anghad weiniawc
Yn Llys Aberffraw yn ffaw ffodiawc
Bum o du gwledig yn lleithiawc
Eilweith yt aethuni yn negessawc
leufer llyw camawn iawn dywysawc
Bysedd eurgylclrwy yn fodrwyawc.
Marwnad Gruffydd ab Cynan.
BARDS AND BARDISM. 91
that his praises of Madoc may be attributed to the favour shown
to the bards by that prince, and also to the fact that Kynddelw
was a native of Powys ; but this is not the question to be
discussed. How came Kynddelw to sing the praise of Owain
Gwynedd with much greater fervour? This is the real -matter
at issue. It cannot be said that Mr. Price has evaded the
question, for his remarks give it more significance, than it
previously possessed ; but having raised this point, and stated
it with fairness and candour, he seems to have forgotten to give
the explanation. As regards Gwalchmai, his words are more
definite and complete ; and he attributes the apparent in-
sincerity to a supposed relationship between the bard and
Madoc ; but here again the reply is unsatisfactory, for suppos-
ing the relationship to exist, and admitting that the bard was
thereby biassed to do, what he would not otherwise have done,
that would form an admission of the . charge rather than a
justification of the offence. We may therefore, notwithstand-
ing Mr. Price's defence, 1 consider these bards obnoxious to the
accusation of insincerity; and it remains for us to show the
grounds, upon which such. apparent treachery was then held to
be justifiable. These will be found in a code of bardic morality.
A bard by right of his profession had free egress and ingress to
the palaces of the great ; and it is to be feared that the bardic
code permitted the bard to become the advocate of whoever
paid him. He stood in the same relation to his chieftain as a
lawyer does to his client ; and seems to have been the willing
advocate of whoever honoured him with his patronage. We
may almost go the length of saying this, from a perusal of
Meilir's ode already quoted :
Cevais i liaws awr aur a phali,
Gan vreuawl riau, er ei liofi.
I had heaps of gold and velvet,
From frail princes, for loving them.
And if there were room for doubt, the venal conduct of Gwalch-
mai and Kynddelw prevents any more charitable conclusion.
In all countries, and at all times, the standard of moral principle
has ever been higher than the practice ; but it is to be regretted
1 Have* Cymrv. pp. 564-6.
02 BARDS AND BARDJSM.
that such, sophistry as professional privileges is used to stifle
the voice of duty, block up the path of morality, and supply
substitutes for faithfulness and sincerity.
, From their positions, the bards had much power for good or
evil. They might have raised the standard of moral and in-
tellectual greatness among their countrymen, and have pointed
out more becoming pursuits than those in which they indulged ;
but instead of preaching peace, they were too frequently the
abettors of war ; instead of healing dissensions, they Avere prone
to widen the breaches already made ; and instead of leading the
way to grander views, and principles of conduct, they have on
too many occasions been the echoes of popular prejudices, and
the tools of ambitious chieftains. This is a light in which their
conduct is seldom presented ; it is nevertheless the truth. It
should not, however, be concealed that, as in the case of Iolo
Goch, they have occasionally given the chieftains good advice,
though these cases, unfortunately, form the exceptions rather
than the rule. Now and then, they also had the courage to
remonstrate with the princes, as appears from the following
lines imputing blame to Llewelyn ab Gruffydd, for imprisoning
his brother :
A man is bound by the Chief of Snowdon ;
A man, if free, like Khun the son of Beli ;
A man that would not suffer England to burn his frontier,
A man of the race of Mervyn, magnanimous like Benlli. 1
But I am sorry that the rarity of such occurrences, prevents my
forming a more favourable estimate of the truthfulness of the
bards.
It would appear that they were much more numerous, than
the scanty remains of poetry would leave us to expect ; for we
sometimes find mention of bards as being celebrated in their
day, of whose works not a vestige has escaped the ravages of
time. In 1157, we are told that " Gwrgant ab Rhys ab Iestyn,
the best and most learned bard of his time, was slain by Ivor
ab Meurig of Sainghenydd ; " and in relating this fact, Mr.
1 Gwr yn rhwym gan Rwyf Eryri
Gwr pe rhydd, fal Bhun fab Beli,
Gwr ni adai Loegr losgi ei derfyu
Gwr o hil Mervyn, mawrfryd Beulli.
HARDS AND BARDISM. 93
Price adds the following comment : " Where is the work of
Gwrgant ab Rhys, the best poet of his day? We do not find
as much as a line of it. And there can be no doubt that many
other excellent compositions have been lost; for it is scarcely
credible, that from 1080, the time when Meilir first sang, to
1157, the date of his son Gwalchuiai's ode to Owain Gwynedd,
the brilliant deeds that were performed, should have elicited no
more bardic compositions, than the few which have descended
to us." 1 The same historian again relates another fact of a
similar character. " Madoc ab Iddon, King of Gwent, was killed
by a blow given by his brother Thomas, during a fit of intoxica-
tion, a.d. 1184. Madoc was a man who knew many arts and
sciences, and there was not found his equal in his time ; and he
was the best poet and wit of any in Wales." The fact can
scarcely be doubted, and yet not a vestige remains, wherewith
to test the justice of the criticism. During these periods, the
bards continued to increase in number ; and had become so
numerous towards the time of Edward the First, that on the
submission of the Welsh, that monarch found it necessary to
order "that the Westours, Bards, Rhymers, and other idlers
and vagabonds, who lived upon the gifts called Cymmortha, be
not supported, nor sanctioned in the country, lest by their in-
vectives and lies they lead the people to mischief, and burden
the common people with their impositions." 2 It is to be ob-
served that this really salutary prohibition is directed against
the irregular and wandering bards, and not against those who
were more orderly; and in the assertion made by Sir John
Wynn in the History of the Gwedir Family, and repeated by
Carte in his History of England, that many bards were put to
death by this monarch, there does not seem to be a word of
truth ; for we find many bards of note living at the date of the
alleged massacre, a.d. 1294-1300. Similar proclamations
were issued by Henry IV., Henry VIII., and Elizabeth ; 3 but
all concur in making a distinction between the orderly and
disorderly bards, censuring the oppressive exactions of the
latter, and proving the lower grade of bards to have been a
numerous and not very conscientious class of persons ; and,
1 Hrnics Cijmru, p. 560.
2 This Law is printed in Wotton, Leg. Wall. 548. See also Price.
3 See note to No. 127 Hengwrt MBS., Cambrian Register, iii. 296.
94 BARDS AND BARDISM.
unfortunately for the account of the massacre, the friendly
proclamations of Elizabeth and her father are as harsh against
the wandering minstrels, as the reported inimical ones of
Edward I. and Henry IV.
Of the numbers of the bards at these periods, some idea may
be formed from the following- list, of such as have left poems
behind them, to attest their existence.
FIRST PERIOD, A.D. 510 TO A.D. 1080.
510 560 Aneurin, one long heroic poem, and some moral
verses
520 570 Taliesin, 77 poems, of which the larger portion be-
long to later periods
520 560 Heinyn, bardd Maelgwn
Dygynnelw
Llywarch Hen, 12 poems, all apparently genuine
Myrddin, 6, most of them doubtful
Gwdion ab Don
Gwyddno
Golyddan
Meigant
A van Verddig 1
Elaeth
Tyssilio
Cuhelyn
Cynllwg
Llevoed
Divwg (tenth century), the bard of Morgan Mwynvawr. 2
Anonymous pieces, 15 in number.
SECOND PERIOD, A.D. 1080 to 1400.
1080 1160 Meilir, 3 poems
1090 Bleddyn Ddu, 2 poems 3
1150 1190 Gwalchmai, 12 do.
1 See Evans, Dissertatio, 78 ; and Llwyd, Arch. Brit. 255.
2 See Cambrian Biography, p. 874.
3 " Bledhyn dhŷ. po, an. 1090. I Dhyu, i Abad Aber Konuy, &c. L. K. H. Col.
1249, 1284." Llwyd, Arch. Brit. 255. Casnodyn's poems at col. 1249 in the Llyvr
Coch, where those attributed to Bleddyn Ddu begin ; and as in the Myv. Arch, he has
an ode to " Ieuan Abad Aber Conwy," the same poem is probably given to the two
bards. See Contents of "Llyvr Coch," Cambro-Briton, ii. 75, 106.
530
600
520
520
560
630
600
650
640
700
660
720
770
800
800
900
940
BARDS AND BARDISM. 05
second period — continued.
1 1 50 1200 Kynddehv, 49 do. most of them long l
I L50 1197 Owain Kyveiliog, 2 do.
1150 1200 Daniel ab Llosgwrn Mew, 2 short poems
1157 Gwrgant ab Rhys 2
Madawc ab Iddon 3
1160 1220 Gwynvardd Biycheiniog, 2 long poems
II GO 1220 Gwilym Ryvel, 2 short do.
1140 1172 Howel ab Owain Gwynedd, 8 do.
1160 1220 Llywarch ab Llywelyn, 32 long do.
1170 1240 Davydd Benvras, 12
1170 1220 Meilir ab Gwalchmai, 8 short
1170 1220 Einiawn ab Gwalchmai, 5 ditto
1170 Periv ab Kedivor, 2 ditto
1170 Gwgawn, 1 ditto
1170 Llywarch Llew Cad, 1 ditto
1170 1210 Seisyll Bryffwrch, 3 ditto
1170 1220 Elidir Sais, 11 ditto
1200 1240 Dewi Mynyw, 1 ditto (Elegy on Rhys Gryg, died
1233)
1250 Cynddelw Brydydd Llychwin
Einion Meirion
Einiawn ab Gwgawn, 1 ditto
Einiawn Wan, 6 ditto
Llygad Gwr, 5 long
Llywelyn Vardd, 7 ditto 4
Bleddyn Vardd, 13 short
Gruffydd ab Gwrgeneu, 2 short poems
Phylip Brydydd, 6 ditto
Prydydd Bychan, 21 ditto
Einiawn ab Madawg Rhahawd, 1 ditto
Adda Vras 5
1 For life of Kynddelw, see Walter Davies in Camh. Quart. Mag. i. 443-4.
2 See Myv. Arch. iii.
3 Iolo MSS.
4 Rees, Welsh Saints, p. 214.
5 In Llwyd's Archaologia Britannica are the following entries :
" Adha Vras, po. an. 1240; Vaugh. Membr. p. 254. Hanesyn Hún, Vaugh.
Membr. 8° [4 in al. advers.] Llyvyr (medh Mr. William Moris) yn kymiys j-n gynta
A^e Seint ynys Bryden lhe mae henue Plant Bryxan Bryxeiniog, &c. 2. Brŷd no
amserolieth Lyr, viz.: Oes Gurtheyrn Gurthme, &c. 3. Oudul a gant Adha Vras.
4. Anrheg Urien Reged,a marunad logo ab LhodM [ne la go a h Beli] o waith Taliest/n.
5. Axe Lhyyelyn ab Ioruerth. 6. O oes Gurtheyn, &c. hyd GàdGamlan. 7. Engly-
nion dŷad. 8. Brenhinoedh Ynys Bryden. 9. Llyvyr Theoplirastus am neithiore.
1200
1260
1200
1250
1220
1270
1230
1280
1250
1290
1210
1260
1200
1250
1210
1260
1230
1270
1240
90 BARDS AND BARDISM.
second period — continued.
Hywel Voel ab Griffri, 1 ditto
Madawg ab Gwallter, 3 ditto
Gruffydd ab yr Ynad Coch, 9 long ditto
Gwerneg ab Clydno, moral verses
Ednyved Vychan
Madog ab Selyv {Llwyd and Owen)
Cadwgan ab Cynvrig
Gwilym Ddu, 3 long poems
Cadwgan ab Ednyved
Llywelyn Brydydd Hodnant, 2 short
Hillyn, 2 ditto
Heilyn Ddu
Iorwerth Vychan, 2 ditto
Llewelyn Ddu, 1 ditto
Casnodyn, 5 long
Rhiserdyn, 1 ditto
Ehys Goch ab Rhicert, 20 ditto
Gruffydd ab Meredydd, 26 (a.d. 1400, Llwyd)
Iorwerth Beli, 1 ditto
Tudur Wiawn {Myv. Arch. i. 476)
Gruffydd ab D. Tudur, 5 ditto
Madawg Dwygraig, 10 ditto
Prydydd Breuan, 1 ditto
Y Proth, 1 ditto
Davydd y Coed, 7 short
Trahaiarn Brydydd Mawr, 2 ditto
Goronwy Gyriawg, 2 ditto
Iorwerth Gyriawg, 2 ditto
Sevnyn, 3 ditto
Llywarch y Nam, 1 ditto
Iorwerth Llwyd, 1 ditto
Meurig ab Iorwerth, 1 ditto
Goronwy Ddu, 2 ditto
Mab y Clochyddyn, 1 ditto (see Llwyd)
Howel ab Einion Lygliw, 1 long
Llywelyn Goch ab Meurig, 6 ditto
Howel Ystoryn, 1 ditto
10. Kronike bŷu: O oes Arthyr, &c. 11. Porxelhane Myrdhyn irŷlht. Uodí i gaiady
yn Lhynden gan Mr. E. Vaugh. modv. o drux- W. M." P. 256.
What has become of this hook ? How did it escape the notice of the editors of
the Myvyrian Archaiology ? See Cambrian Register, i. p. 445. Cambrian Biography.
See an accovint of tho Hengwrt MSS., Cambrian Register, iii. 281.
1240
1280
1250
1300
1260
1300
1270
1270
1270
1300
1280
1280
1320
1290
1280
1280
1280
1290
1340
1290
1340
1290
1340
1290
1340
1290
1340
1290
1340
1290
1340
1290
1340
1290
1340
1290
1340
1300
1350
1300
1350
1300
1360
1310
1360
1320
1360
1320
1370
1310
1360
1310
1360
1310
1360
1320
1370
1330
1370
1330
1370
1330
1370
1330
1370
BARDS AND HAliDlsM. f)7
second period — continued.
1340
1380 Tudur D.lall
1340
Davydd Ddu o Hiraddug, 1 ditto
1350
Gruflydd ab Llywelyn Llwyd
13G2
Y Mab Cryg, 1 3 short
13G2
Bergam o Vaelor, 3 1 ditto
1362
Ieuan Trwch y Daran, 1 ditto
1380
Y Iustus Llwyd, 2 ditto
1380
Tudur ab y Gwyn Hagr
1380
Cadwgan Henvoel
1380
Iokyn Ddu ab Ithel Grach
1380
Mab Clav ab Llywarch 3
1390
Eh) s Meigen
1390
Gruflydd ab Adda ab Davydd
Y Melyn 4
By a natural transition we are led to look more closely into
their manners ; and we find the picture drawn to be anything
but favourable. The language of the proclamations is strong,
explicit, and condemnatory of the lower grade of bards and min-
strels ; but coming from strangers, they may be looked upon as
prejudgments. We will borrow a description, from the satire of
Taliesin on the bards of Maelgwn Gwynedd : 5
Minstrels persevere in their false custom,
Immoral ditties are their delight,
Vain and tasteless praise they recite,
Falsehood at all times do they utter,
Innocent persons do they ridicule ;
Married women by their flattery,
Through mischievous intent, they deceive ;
1 Gruffydd Gryg ? See Llwyd.
- Mo MSS. 559.
3 Llwyd has a note on this : " Maklav ab Lhyuarch, ]po. an. 1380. An corruptè
pro Mâb Klav Lyuarx?" What is the authority for 1380? Why have ibo
editors of the My v. Arch, placed his works at the close of the first volume ? Is there
any warrant for believing this Llywarch to be Llywarch Hen ?
4 Mo MSS. 660.
s Cler o gam arfer a ymarferant
Cathlau anneddfol fydd eu moliant
Clod orvras difias a ddatcanant
Cel\rydd bob amser a ymarferant
Gorchmynau ddedfau Duw a dorant
Gwragedd priodol wrth ei moliant
Drwy feddwl drygbwyll r fawr dwyllant
]I
98 BARDS ANT) BARDISM.
The pure Avhite virgins of Mary they corrupt,
Those who believe them they bring to shame ;
They cause uneasiness to moral men
As they pass their lives away in vanity ;
At night they get drunk, they sleep the day,
In idleness without work they feed themselves,
At courts they inquire after feasts,
Every senseless word they bring forward,
Every deadly sin they praise,
Every vile course of life they lead,
Concerning the days of death they think not,
Neither lodging nor charity do they give,
And from no sensuality do they refrain.
Tithes and other proper offerings they do not pay,
And righteous people they delude,
Indulging in victuals to excess. 1
The birds do fly, the fish do swim,
The bees collect honey, worms do crawl,
Everything travels to obtain its food,
Morwynion gwynion mair a lygrant
A goelio iddynt a gywilyddiant
A gwirion ddynion a ddyfalant
Ai hoes ai hamser yn ofer treuliant
Y nos y meddwant y dydd y cysgant
Segur heb lafur yr ymborthiant
Yr eglwvs a gashant ar dafarn a gyrchant
A lladron ffeilsion y eydsyniant
Llysoedd a gwleddoedd a ymofynant
Pob parabl dibwyll a grybwyllant
Pob pechod manvol a gaumolant
Pob pentre pob tre pob tir a dreiglant
Pob salwedd ofer a ymarferant
Gorchmynau y Drindod a ddifrodant
Gwiliau na Suliau nis addolant
Am ddyddiau angeu nis gofalant
A phob glotkineb nis arbedant
Gormod o fwydydd i ddiodydd a fynant
Degwm ag offrwn teifwng, nis talant
Deddfolion ddynion a ddyfalant
Adar a hedant gwenyn a felant
Pysgod a nofiant pryfed a mlysgant
Pob beth a ymdaith i gynnull i borthiant
Ond eler ac oedion, a lladron difwyniant
Ni ehabla ich mysg dysg na cherddwriaeth
1 The petty bards were called "Beirdd Yspyddaid," smell-feast or small-beer
poets. — Myv. Arch. i. :;77.
BABDS AND BARDISM. 09
Except minstrels, and useless idlers.
I deride nor learning, nor minstrelsy,
For they are given by 1 leaven to lighten thought ;
IV silent, then, ye unlucky rhyming bards,
For you cannot judge between truth and falsehood.
The scene of this poem is laid in the sixth century ; and the
bards mentioned are those of Maelgwn Gwynedd, King of North
Wales ; but it was composed in the thirteenth century, and is
intended to satirise the bards of the writer's own day. 1 It was
usual to attribute this poem to Taliesin ; but it is now known
to be the production of a later author. A monk, Ion as Mynyw,
being the reputed author, would scarcely paint flattering por-
traits of the bards, for they were sworn enemies ; but I cannot
help thinking that there is much truth in what is here said.
And this is confirmed by Madog Dwygraig, a poet who lived
between 1290 and 1340, and who, speaking of the rewards be-
stowed by his patron upon the bards, says :
In the wooden town honour was awarded to us,
Whilst uninstituted bards were pursuing vanity,
Swifter than the sudden gale, that sweeps the valley. 2
But it should in candour be admitted that these remarks
were not intended to apply to the regular bards, and have a
pointed reference only to the disorderly, and less reputable
poets and minstrels.
The more respectable bards were at all times anxious, to
Cans Dirw ai rhoes gloes argyllaeth
Ond sawi syn arfer o gam arfaeth
Am watwar Iesu ai wasanaeth
Tewch cliwi Bosfeirddion ffeilsion anhyrwydd,
Ni wydoehi farnu rhwng gwir a chelwydd.
1 Erydydd y Moch is fierce against the minor bards ; and from this and other cir-
cumstances I conclude that this fictitious poem of Taliesin belongs to his age, if not
written by him :
Ny ystyr llythwyr uy llethrid ym kert
Gyrr di yr cart y wrthid
Ac onys gyrry di gyrraf vi rid
Yth deurnut ath dewrwarth ganlid.
Prydyddy Mock, i ör. ab (/yuan (Myv. Arch. i. 287).
2 Yn nhxevgoed i'n rhoed anrhydedd ar— digeirdd
'Siii ac virein Veirdd am overedd
Yn gynl na'r llechwynl ar llechwedd Ystrad
li 2
100 BARDS AND BARDISM.
mark the distinction between their less orderly brethren and
themselves ; and there was a perpetual feud between the bards
and the minstrels. Both laid claim to much popular respect,
and we can believe that the chieftains were occasionally
thrown into some perplexity by their rival claims. In this
sort of conflict, the bards seem to have had the advantage, and
there is an amusing story told, and probably invented by, the
bards of Maelgwn Gwynedd, 1 who one day, when pestered by
the rival candidates, hit upon a very original method of settling
the dispute :
When Maelgwn went to Ceredigion,
He bade the whole of the number
To swim the river.
When they landed on the opposite bank,
The harps were not worth a halfpenny,
In consecmence of the strings being wetted ;
But the bards could sing and poetise
As well as before, and therefore were they declared
Entitled to the pre-eminence. 2
The bards used to relate this story with a peculiar gusto,
and with willing auditors ; the logic seems generally to have
been convincing.
In the monks, the bards found bitter, and much more power-
ful enemies ; and a most angry war of words seems to have been
carried on between them. We have seen that the bards re-
ceived but few compliments from the clergy ; and it will now
appear that the former were quite as ready to pick out the faults
of " the grey brothers." Their greediness is the standing topic
for abuse, and the author of the " Avallenau," in one sweeping
line describes them as —
False, luxurious, and gluttonous monks.
Myneich geuawg, gwydawg, gwydus.
Kynddelw was on very bad terms with them ; and Davydd ab
Gwilym relates an encounter he had with a monk, which ended
in the consignment of the bard to the bigots' ready receptacle
for all troublesome censors. Davydd's opinion of the monk was
not much more complimentary :
1 See Lewis Morris on Traeth Maelgwn, Camh. Beg. in. oil.
2 Iorwerth Beli, Myvyrian Archaiology, vol. i. p. 470.
BABDS AND BARD1SM. 101
With ;i false form of holy life,
O'er all the wide world they are rife —
Dull Friars.
Sion Kent, lmlf monk, half bard, had no very high opinion
of his brethren. He was, like Iorwerth Vynglwyd, Twm Ivan
Prys, and many of their contemporary bards, tainted with
Lollardism. Indeed, the bard was generally a heretic, and much
given to looking through the deeds of the clergy ; and therefore
we need not much wonder that Sion Kent tells his brethren in
very intelligible Welsh, that they must either forsake their
luxurious living, or give up all hope of the kingdom of heaven ;
but then, as since, those gentlemen seemed to have preferred
the former alternative. As monks and bards increased in num-
ber, they became more and more enraged against each other ;
they were rival beggars, and therefore in each other's way.
Lewis Glyn Cothi has a graphic description of one of these
begging exhibitions : '
One Friar sells little glass images,
Another carves a garbless relic from a piece of alder wood,
One has a grey Curig (St. Curig) beneath his cloak,
And another carries Seiriol (St. Seiriol),
117//? nine cheeses under his arm;
And, by impressing unity upon the Trinity,
A load of wool ', or perhaps a bag of meal.
In these encounters the monks were overmatched, for the
wit of the bards was aided by the popular contempt into which
the mendicant friars had fallen. The reader of Chaucer will
perceive that the same sentiments prevailed on the other side of
the Severn.
Another fact merits attention. Not only were the bards
tin a bryn, er na bai'r wedd,
Delw o wydr er chvv lodwedd ;
Arall a wnai, o'r lie noeth,
O gwr gwerneo grair gwarnoeth.
I"n a arwain. yn oriog,
i iuEiG lwyd dan gwr ei glog j
( iwas arall a ddwg Seiriol
A naw o gaws yn ei gól ;
Drwy undeb erchir Drindawd
Cnuv o wlan acw, nen ilawd.
Works, p. 280.
L02 BAUDS AND BABDISM.
numerous, but they were divided into classes, and seem to have
attained to complete organisation. The Rev. Evan Evans
states, 1 that by the Law of Gruffydd ab Kynan, the bards were
classified as Prydydd, Teuliiwr, and Clerwr. The " Teuliiwr "
was the family bard ; the " Clerwr " was the wandering bard ;
bat the Prydydd took a higher rank than either. The
" Çlerwr " was the vagabond bard, who went from house to
house, and subsisted upon the charity of the chieftains, whose
praises he sang for the bread he ate. Generally speaking this
was the lowest grade of the bardic profession, though we find
bards of considerable repute, and who had a local habitation,
travelling from place to place ; but, as in the case of Davydd
ab Gwilym, more for pleasure than from necessity ; the "Clerwr"
corresponded nearly to the modern wandering vocalist, and con-
sidered with reference to him, bardism was truly an " idle trade."
The " Teuliiwr " was the family bard kept by the princes, in
their palaces^ and is well described by Giraldus : " This also
appears to me worthy of notice, that the Welsh bards, and
singers, or reciters, have the genealogy of the above-mentioned
princes in their most ancient and authentic books, and that too
written in Welsh." 2 It is therefore to be inferred, that this
bardd was a local functionary, and an appendage to the court,
or castle.
Distinct from these, and holding a more honourable title
and position, was the Prydydd. We have seen what he was
in the time of Gruffydd ab Kynan; and Lewis Glyn Cothi
shows that the Prydydd held the same superiority in his day :
Tri ffrwytldawn gerddor a ragorant,
Un j\v Bardd ei hun ac a henwant ;
Ail yw Storiaivr ac a ehvant ;
Trydydd Teuliiwr cywydd os cant. 3
Here we see the " Teuliiwr " still occuj)ying his former place ;
but Lewis being himself a Clerivr, with much tact omits that
offensive distinction, and insinuates that there was no distinc-
tion between him and the more honourable Prydydd, here de-
signated by the more comprehensive term Bardd. We also here
1 Dissertatio dc Bardis, p. 81.
2 Schulz's E.i.sai/ on Welsh Tradition, p. 29.
3 The Storiaivr, the Clerwr, and the Cantores historici •>£ Giraldus appear to be the
anic class of persons.
BARDS AND BARDISM. 103
find another class making its appearance, viz. the Storiawr or
the fabler, which corresponds with the second class, described by
Sion Kent as liars, or writers of tales :
A wen arall, nid call cant,
Ar gehcydd, vudr argoeliant.
Among the class Prydydd, may be ranked. Meilir, Gwalchmai,
Howel ab Owain, and Owain Kyveiliog ; and I am inclined to
think that when they wished to distinguish themselves from
the Cler, and the Storiawr, the family bards classed themselves
as Prydyddion, as in the case of Kynddelw, and most of the
other bards, who had talent enough to vindicate their position.
But even among the Beirdd, properly so called, there was
another distinction set up during the period embraced by this
chapter — that of Priv-vardd. In the contest between Seisyllt
and Kynddelw for the chair of Powys, the former claims a
superiority on account of an alleged descent from the primitive
bards :
It is my right to be master of song,
Being in the right line, of the true tribe, a bard of the inclosure ;
But Kynddelw the great, the giant of song,
Is of a race which has produced no bards. 1
Mr. Davies 2 is of opinion that the Priv-veirdd, or chief bards,
here and in other places alluded to, were the Druids; but to me
it appears that they were the three chief bards of Britain,
Myrddin ab Morvryn, Myrddin Emrys, and Taliesin Ben Beirdd.
But to proceed, we find the same distinction urged in the
" Awdl Vraith : "
Puny bard*, crows of the district,
Why do you not take to flight ?
If you be primary bards, formed by Heaven,
Tell your king what his fate will be. 3
J Mi biau bod yn Bencerdd,
O iawnllin o iavnlhvyth Culvardd ;
A liŷii Cynddelw vawr, cawr cj
hon ni henyw beirdd.
- Mythology of the Druids, p. 12.
3 Beirdd bychain, brain bro,
Py nad ewch ar ffo ?
* * *
Od ych brif feirdd ffydd o waith Dofydd,
Grwedwch i'ch brenin pa ei dramgwydd.
KM BAUDS AND SAUDIS M.
and again by Phylip Brydydd :
The chair of Maelgwn was pi'epared for bards,
And it was not intended for poetasters ;
And if they aspired to the chair this day,
They would be proved by truth and privilege to be unfit ;
The grave Druids of Britain w ould be there,
And those would not attain it, though their wings ached. 1
From the supposition that the chair of Maelgwn was
filled by Taliesin ; and from the mention in the same poem
of " the three chief fountains," we derive confirmation of the
opinion above advanced respecting the chief bards; though it
is probable that they were said, and believed to be Druids
as well.
Those who could claim a descent from the chief bards, set
up for themselves another distinction — that of being Druids.
It is possible that some of them might really claim a descent
from the Druids ; and it is certain that the influence of Druidic
ideas is observable in the poetry of these centuries ; but the
facts which in Davies's opinion prove the existence of Druidic
worship in the twelfth century, admit of a different, and more
probable explanation. In a careful analysis of the mental
phenomena of this period, we everywhere see in full activity
the influence of tradition ; and we accordingly find in this fact,
the explanation of what puzzled the acute author of the Mytho-
logy of the Druids, — the peculiarity of the Druidism which
now presented itself. It was not the real Druidism of history ;
but that of tradition purified, modified, and altered to suit the
taste of a more refined age, and superior intelligence ; there
was probably as much difference between the moody and
tyrannical Druid of reality, and the gentlemanly Druid of the
age of chivalry, as there was between the latter and the demo-
cratic Druid of Iolo Morganwg. Both the latter were fictitious ;
they were psychological — not historical truths. I find it dif-
ficult to believe, that Druidism had continued to be practised
as a form of worship to the twelfth century ; though the ideas
Cadair Faelgwn hir a huberid — i Veirdd
Ac nid i'r go veirdd yd gyverchid ;
Ac am y gadair honno heddyw bei heiddid
Bod se ynt herwydd gwir a braint yd ymbrovid
Byddynt Derwyddon pruddion Prydain
Nis gwayw yn adain nid attygid.
/i.lfíDS AND BA1WISM. 105
which formed the theology of the bards, lingered for a long
time after the introduction of Christianity, just as the cries
" Hey Bull Biger " and " Hey Jack and Lantern " have come
down to the present day, though the controversies between
John Calvin and his " inward light," and the Church of Rome,
which gave rise to these party cries, are nearly forgotten.
Druid ism in the twelfth century only survived in the bardic
theology ; and mythology with romance had appropriated to
their respective uses, the facts of history, and the stories of
tradition. It was revived for the purposes of a class, and used
to give additional dignity to those who were admitted to the
fraternity of priv-veirdd, or primitive bards. Some passages in
the poets seem to warrant a belief in the celebration of mys-
teries ; and it. is certain the bards encouraged such a belief.
They attributed to the primitive bards what did not belong to
them ; and u pair Keridwen " is not much older than the
eleventh century.
The perusal of the bardic remains has led me to the following
conclusions :
First, that the Druidism of the twelfth century was confined
to the bards.
Secondly, that the institution was of recent origin ; and if
the reader will look over the proofs which will be here produced,
1 think he will adopt the same views.
1. From a variety of evidences, we conclude that the bards
were desirous of forming some exclusive distinction for them-
selves, and the traditional veneration of Druidism was suited to
their purpose. They seized upon this, and breathed new life
into the old belief, and threw a halo of mystery round their own
persons. At the period now under consideration, it would seem
that the order was pretty numerous, or what is more probable,
that the bards wished to make that appear to be so ; and we
learn this from Kynddelw :
Excepting God and the divines of the land,
And sedulous Druids,
None know of the golden troop of gold-torque bearers
Our numbers ' in the billows of the stream. 2
1 Not the number of llw hards, but of the torque-wearing knights of Ma loc al
Meredydd.
'-' Nis gwyr namyn Duw a dewinion — byd
A diwyd Derwyddon
eurdorv eurdorchogion
Ein rhiv vn rhyveirth avon.
10G BARDS AND BARDISM.
There would have been no such doubt and uncertainty, if
they were known and had been long established, nor among
princes favourable to their cause, need there have been any con-
cealment ; we therefore must look upon this declaration, not as
the result of fear, for the bard avows himself one of the Druids,
but as a systematic attempt at mystification. "Pair Keridwen,"
in the language of the bards, is equivalent to our phrase " the
fount of inspiration," and is in fact the bardic name for the
muse. This will appear from innumerable passages in their
writings, — Llywarch ab Llywelyn desires :
Duw Dofydd dyn rydd reitun Awen — ber
Val o bair Ceridwen.
God the Ruler, give me a ray of melodious song,
As if from the cauldron of Keridwen ;
and in another poem, the same bard terms Keridwen, "the Ruler
of Bardism." Elidir Sais attributes the melody of his lines to
this source :
Llethraid vy marddair wedi Merddin
Llethrid a berid o bair Awen.
Flowing is my bardic lay after the model of Merddin,
A smoothness produced from the cauldron of the Awen.
Here we have " pair Awen," 1 having the same signification as,
and supplying the place of " pair Ceridwen." In another pas-
sage, allusion is made by Kynddelw to " cyrdd Keridwen," the
songs of Keridwen. This is also the sense in which we are to
understand the allusion to Keridwen by other bards ; and there
is not a shadow of a valid reason for the belief that Keridwen
.was an object of worship. One peculiarity of the new Druidism
as the fact that the characters of the bard and Druid are united,
and the bards, i.e. the priv-veirdd, are always members of the
order. Llywarch ab Llywelyn is very careful to certify this,
and stoutly asserts his being one of the fraternity :
My tongue pronounces judgment upon Britons,
From the British Channel to the Irish Sea;
To my institute, I am (entitled) without contention (being)
Of the chief bards, my principal companions.
1 Pair pedrydan. — Cynddelw, Myv. Arch. i. 210.
2 Vy nhavawd yn vrawd ar Vrython
O ror Ut liyd ror Iwerddon,
Mi i'm deddv wyv diamryson
O'r priv-veirdd, vy mhriv gyfeillion.
BARDS AND BARDISM. 107
Kynddelw speaks of Druids and bards, as praising Owain
Ivy veiling, and in another passage, shows that the two characters
were identical :
Bards arc constituted the judges of excellence,
And bards will praise thee, even Druids of: the circle,
OffouT dialects, from four regions.
A bard of the steep mount will celebrate thee,
Even Kynddelw, the first object in the gate. 1
From these facts we may see, that this new Druidism was a
thing of limited significance, and so obscure as to require ex-
planations; and a little reflection will show that it was instituted
by, and maintained for, those who wished to distinguish them-
selves from the less gifted bards. We further learn from the
last extract, that Kynddelw was the high priest of the new
hierarchy ; and this perhaps may, if borne in mind, throw light
upon those poems which are rendered so obscure by the Druidic
allusions.
2. Two fallacies pervade Mr. Davies's very ingenious work.
Of these, the first is the assumption that Druidism existed as a
form of worship in the twelfth century ; and the second, the
assumption that the mythological poems are the productions of
Taliesin. We shall by-and-by show, that these poems cannot
be older than the twelfth century ; and had he looked upon them
as the completion of a system of mythology, which time had
gradually developed, his work would have assumed a more co-
herent character, and his theory would have been much more
correct and valuable. Our present business has reference to the
former assumption. In the preceding pages an attempt has
been made to show, that the Druidism of the twelfth century
was a bardic fiction ; and we shall here follow up that view by
endeavouring to show, that the fiction was of recent origin.
This view of the matter derives its chief support from one of
the poems of Kynddelw, being a conciliatory address to Rhys
ab Gruffydd, the Prince of South Wales :
Beirnaid amrhegydd Beirdd am ragor,
Ath volant Veirddion, Derwyddon dor,
o bedeiriaith dyvyu, o beder ôr
Atli gyvarwyre bardd bre breudor,
Cynddelw cynhelw yn y cynnor.
108 BARDS AND BARD ISM.
O thou consolidator of the comely tribe ! since I am returned home into
thy dominion,
To celebrate thee under heaven,
O thou with the golden protecting spear, hear my bardic petition !
In peace let us taste the cauldron of Prydain's tranquillity,
Kound the sanctuary of the uneven number, thy sovereign power extend.
It (the bardic sanctuary) loves not vehement loquacity ;
It is no cherisher of useless sloth,
It opposes no precious concealed mysteries (Christianity).
Disgrace alone is excluded from bardic worship.
It is the guardian bulwark of the breaker of shields,
It is wise and zealous for the defence of the country, and for decent
manners,
A foe to hostile aggression, but the supporter of the faint in battle. 1
We find here the same anxiety to distinguish between the
bards proper and the less reputable class ; and the poem has
been termed " a general intercession for the cause, the mysteries,
and the worship of the bards." It is more than that ; it is an
answer to calumnies heaped upon it by some person or persons
— an attempt to disabuse the prince's mind of some prejudices
he seemed to have against the cause, or an answer to certain
questions he seemed to have asked — and an exposition of what
the bardic ceremony was not. Now, if it were Druidism, a thing
known by every Cymro, and instilled into the Cymry with their
mothers' milk, what need was there for such an explanation?
If it were not new, and its principles utterly unknown to the
Prince, what need of such assurances that it did not clash with
Christianity? And if it was already recognised and established,
1 Corv eurdorv can dothwyv i adrev
Jth edryd ith adrawdd is nev
Par eurglawr erglyw vy marddlev !
Pair Prydain provwn yn nhangnev
Tangnefedd am namld amniverwch-
Riallu dyheiddwch.
Nid achar llachar llavarwch,
Nid achles avles aravwch,
Nid achlndd eurgudd argelwch
Argel earth cerddorion wolweh ;
Dor ysgor ysgwyddeu amdrweh,
Dot tb a drud am dud am degweh,
Tarv aergawdd aertrwl gadarnweh.
] SAL' lis AND BARDISM. 109
what need could there have been for the prince's sanction ?
Any explanation other than the above involves us in endless
perplexities.
Mr. Davies lays much stress upon several of the poems of
Howel ab Ovvain, which, in his opinion, clearly prove that
Druidism existed as a form of worship in the twelfth century.
I am unable to draw the same conclusion from them, but as
they are not destitute of poetic merit, the poems are here given
in the translations of Dr. Owen Pughe: 1
I love the white glittering walls near the pleasant shore,
"Where bashfulness loves to observe the seamew's course;
It Avould be my delight, though I have met with no return
of love,
In my much-desired visit on the sleek white steed,
To behold my sister of flippant smile ;
To talk of love since it has come to my lot,
To restore my ease of mind,
And to renew her slighted troth with the nymph,
As fair as the hue of the shore- beating wave.
From the country of her who is bright,
As the coldly drifted snow upon the lofty hill,
A censure has come to us,
That I should have been treated disdainfully in the hall of
< Jgyrvan.
Playful from her promise was now torn expectation :
She has taken away my soul, and I am wretched !
1 Carafi gaer wennglaer o clu gwenylan
Mynydd gar gwyldec gweled gwylan
Ydgarwny vyned kenym kared yn rwy
Ry eitun ovwy y ar Yeingann
Y edrych vy chwaer ehwerthin egwan
Y a 'irawt caru can doeth ym ran
Y edryt vy lledvryd ae llet ovrwy
Y edryt llywy lliw tonn dylann.
Llifyant oe chyfoeth a doeth atann
Lliw eiry lhithyr oervel ar uchel vaim
Eac val ym cotidy yn llys Ogyrvann
Chweris oe badaw lii adoed kynrann
Ethyw am eneidy athwyv yn wann
Neud athwyv o nwyv yn eil garwy hir
Y weiin am llutir vn llys Ogyrvann.
110 BARBS AND BARD1SM.
Am I not become like Garwy Hir, 1
For love of the fair one, of whom I am debarred in the halls of
Ogyrvan ? 2
This differs slightly from the translation given in the Mytho-
logy of the Druids, where Llywy, here translated "fair," is made,
in the face of scores of passages which contradict the assump-
tion, to be a proper name. That author also translates Ogyrvan
into " the mysterious God ; " but in the passage :
Gwrdd i gwnaeth uch Deudraeth Dryvan,
Gwr hydwf gwrhydri Ogyrvan ;
He bravely achieved above Deudraeth Dryvan,
The feats of the renowned Ogyrvan,
Llywarch ab Llywelyn, evidently compares Llewelyn ab Ior-
werth's valour 4 to that of a renowned and real warrior: 5 there-
fore, as far as it depends on this poem, his conclusion is not
supported. The next poem from which he attempts to prove
his assertion, is the following :
I love the fort of proud workmanship in the Kyvylchi,
Where my own assuming form is wont to intrude ;
The high of renown eagerly seek admittance there,
And near it speaks the mad resounding wave ;
It is the chosen place of Llywy of splendid qualities, and fair.
1 Garwy was one of the most courteous knights of the court of Arthur. In a
poem addressed by Howel ab Einion Lygliw to Myvanwy Vechan, he says :
Neud wyf ddihunwyv, hoen Creirwy hoywdeg,
Am hudodd mal Garwy.
I am without spirit, thou that hast enchanted me,
As Creirwy enchanted Garwy.
1 am not aware that the story of this enchantment of Garwy by Creirwy, "one of
the three immaculate ladies of the Isle of Britain," is now in existence ; but it was
evidently well known to this bard, and also two hundred years earlier to Howel ab
Owain, for it is to that he refers.
2 Ogyrvan was contemporary with Arthur, and father of one of his wives ; and
the halls of Ogyrvan were probably the residence of an earthly damsel.
3 Carafi gaer valchweith or Gyvyhhi
Yny bylcha balchlun vy hun yndi
Enwawc drafferthawe a dreit iddi
Anwar don lavar levawr wrthi
Dewisle lywy loyw gydteithi.
4 Gwrhydri Ogyrvan (Myv. Arch. i. 298).
5 Madoc ab Meredydd of Powys is compared to Ogyrvan by Cyndderw (Myv.
Arch. i. 210).
BARDS AND BARDISM. Ill
Glorious her rising from the verge of the torrent,
And the fair one shines upon the now progressing year,
In the wilds of Arvon, among the Snowdonian hills.
The tent does not attract, the glossy silk is not looked on
By her I love, with passing tenderness;
If her conquest could be wrought with the muse's aid,
Ere the coming night, I should next to her be found. 1
There is certainly nothing' mystical in this ; and instead
of there being any propriety in supposing " the proud wrought
Caer of the Gyvylchi " to have been a Druidic sanctuary, we find
in the very spot indicated in the poem — in the wilds of Arvon,
among the Snowdonian hills, and on the sea-shore, a fortifica-
tion of great extent, of which a warrior like Howel might have
felt proud, and which proved of immense service to his country-
men after his death. 2 His other proof was drawn from a single
word, in the last of HowePs poems : 3
I love the time of summer, when the steed
Of the exulting chief, prances in the presence of a gallant lord,
When the nimbly moving wave is covered with foam,
When the apple tree wears another aspect,
And when the white shield is borne on my shoulder to the conflict.
' Glaer gloew y dwyre o du gweilgi
Ar wreic a lewyrch ar eleni
Vlwyddyn yn ynyal Arvon yn Eryri
Ni dirper pebyll ni syll pali
Nep a rwy garwy yn vwy noti
Pei ehwaerei y but yr barddoni
ítebawd nossweith y byddwn nessaf iddi.
2 Dwygyvylchi is the name of a parish in the upper part of Carnarvonshire. It
is also the name of a place near which, on a hill called Braich y Dinas, rising out of
Penmaen Mawr, are the ruins of a castle, the fortifications of 'which were capable of
containing 20,000 men. The remains of walls are still standing, and a well that
supplied the garrison is full of constant water, furnished by the condensed vapour of
the mountain. (Gibson's Camden, vol. ii. p. 804.) This was considered the strongest
post possessed by the Welsh in the district of Snowdon ; it was of great magnitude,
and so strong by its natural position, that a hundred men might have defended them-
selves against an army ; in that age it was deemed impregnable, and here it was that
the remains of the Welsh army were posted, pending the negotiation between Edward
and Llewelyn. — Evans's 7'"»/' in North Wales, p. 244.
3 Carafy amser hat' amsathr gorwyt
Gorawenus glvw rac glew Arglwvt
Gorewynawg tonn tynhegy] ebrwyt
Gorwisgwys avail arall arwyl.
Gorwenn vy ysgwyd ar vy ysgwyl y ilreis
112 BAUDS AND BARD18M.
I have loved ardently, but unsuccessfully,
A tall and white-necked fair, of slowly languid gait ;
Her complexion vies with the mild light of the evening hour,
Bright, slightly formed, feebly bending, white- hued, knowing one.
In stepping over a rush she would nearly fall,
The small and delicate one of feeble step ;
But though small, she is older than a ten-year old man,
And though child- like in appearance, is full of propriety ;
From her childhood she has learned to give freely,
And the virgin would rather impede her own prosperity,
Than utter one sentence of unseemly import.
I will be a pilgrim worshipper at the place of meeting ;
How long shall I worship thee? Stop, and think of thine office ;
If I am unskilful through the dotage of love,
Jesus, the well-informed, will not rebuke me.
The Druidism in this poem is said to be in the seventh line.
In the original, it will be observed, that the line begins with the
word "Kecidwen," white-necked. But our mythologist reads
" Keridwen," the Druidical mother of all created things, whose
mysteries were the supposed objects of Howel's love. We have
already shown that if the word had been " Keridwen," his hy-
pothesis would not have been much benefited thereby ; but it is
of importance to ascertain the proper reading of the passage.
I do not know whether our author has MSS. authority for his
reading; but as that name frequently occurs in the poems
of this period, and as Mr. T. L. Jones in Ceinion Awen y
Cymry, Dr. Pughe in his translation of this line, and Mr.
Davies, who is generally scrupulously accurate in his quotations,
Kereis ny gefeis gefeiawyt
Kecidwen hirwen hwyrwann ogwyt
Kyfeiliw gwenn wawr yn awr echwyt
Klaer wanllun wenlletyf wynlliw kyvvyt
Wrth gamu brwynen breit na dygwyt
Bechannigen wenn warm y gogwyt
Bychan y mae hyn no dyn degmlwyt
Mabineit lunyeit lawn gweteitruyt
Mabdyse oet iti roti yn ruyt
JMabwreic mwy yd feic fennedic rwyt ar wen
No pharabl oe phenn anghymhenrwyt
Petestric iolyt am byt y eilwyt
Pa hyd yth iolaf saf rac dy swyt
Adwyfy yn anvedret o ynvydrwyt earn
Nj'm ceryl yessu y cyfarwyt.
BARDS AND BARDIS V. 113
have all written the word " Keridwen," it is but fair to assume
that there is such authority. Yet, as the editors of the A rcliai-
ologij saw nearly every "Welsh manuscript in existence, and
therefore this particular one, if such existed, the adoption by
them of a different reading is conclusive of the question.
Besides, " Kecidwen " is much more in unison with the tenor of
the poem, and therefore deserves the preference.
Having gone thus minutely over this ground, we have now
no other alternative than to believe, that the Druidism of the
twelfth century was simply a name, and not a reality. The bards
undoubtedly did call themselves Druid-bards, have done so from
that time to this, and do at the present day ; the late Mr.
Edward Williams used to say, that he was the only living per-
sonage of genuine Druidic descent ; his son claimed the same
privilege after his death; and if I may judge from a Welsh
placard which lately came under my notice, in which he is
termed " Y diweddar Dderwyddfardd dysgedig Ab Iolo," the
late learned Druid-bard Âb Iolo, the claim was allowed ; but in
neither the twelfth century, nor in this, did they pretend to re-
store Druidism as a form of religious worship. There are societies
of men who call themselves Druids in our large towns ; but they
are Druids in nothing but the name. It was something similar
that prevailed among the early bards, who might have been, as
Kynddelw asserts they were, very good Christians, notwith-
standing this politic profession.
Kynddelw, if not the originator of this distinctive charac-
teristic of the chief bard, had certainly much to do with its
propagation. We find him seeking the countenance of Prince
TChys in the preceding lines, and the enmity of the monks of
Ystrad Marchell has been with much plausibility attributed to
the prominent part he took in supporting and extending this
cause. That theological objections had been urged against
renovated Druidism, clearly appears from Kynddelw's defence.
At a subsequent period, the bards introduced another species
of exclusiveness, as appears from the following regulation :
Whoever, says he, is an heraldic poet should know the genealogies of
kings and princes, and have received instructions from the three chief
hards of the Isle of Britain, viz. Myrddin ab Morvryn, Myrddin Emrys,
and Taliesin, Chief of Bards. 1
1 rwy bynag a ddywetto ei fod yn arwyddfardd gwybyddcd achoedd Rrenhinedd
I
114 BARDS AND BABDISM.
This very idle and foolish regulation, must soon have been
seen to be practically inoperative ; but it is useful as serving to
show the exclusive spirit, by which the leading bards were ac-
tuated.
With the regulations of the bardic chair of Glamorgan I
shall not have much to do ; but it would be improper for me
to close this sketch of the bards, without entering a protest
against the pacific character claimed for them by Iolo Mor-
ganwg and Dr. Pughe. Such an assumption is at variance with
the ordained functions of the bards, with the tenor of their con-
duct, and with their own works and declarations.
In the social constitution of Wales, the bard was an im-
portant and a necessary element. The bards were the deposi-
taries of the knowledge of the country ; and as each family of
any note had a domestic bard, whose business it was to keep
the family records, praise his patron, and instruct the children,
they must have formed a very useful and almost indispensable
class of persons. Many of them were for their age learned
men. Whatever was known they knew; their theology was
evidently in advance of that of the Church ; and though their
speculations about " the four elements," and upon matters
pertaining to the natural sciences, were crude, undigested, and of
but little value, yet were they as far advanced in knowledge as
any contemporaneous class of persons. They were exceedingly
anxious to acquire knowledge ; and when acquired, they pos-
sessed much skill in the art of imparting it to others. One of
them has given a graphic description of the manner in which
he picked up his knowledge :
Lewis Glyn Cothi to David ab Rhys of Tre'r Delyn, Radnorshire.
Reading both of us, the bard and a learned chieftain,
Carefully through the books, we spent the time ;
Suppressing all noise, we had sensible conversation,
And where there was a verse that I did not understand,
Davydd with the poem of Gwion (Taliesin)
Would explain to me its proper signification.
Works, p. 235.
a thywysogion, a chyfarwyddyd oddiwrth y tri Phrifardd Ynys Prydain, nid amgen,
Myrddin ap Morvryn, a Myrddin Emrys, a Thaliesin hen Beirdd.
IJAIiDS AND BAUD ISM. 11'.
There is also a strong probability that the Welsh bards,
were many of them classical scholars. G wily in Ddu mentions one
bar das being reputed for writing Latin verses, and takes upon
himself to pass a critical opinion upon their merits, pronouncing
them to be correct in prosody, and compact in sense ; and
Davydd ab Gwilym inviting the Nun to
the knotted birchen tree
To learn cuckoo and woodland piety ;
There in the green bush will thy mind
A path to heaven, O lady, find ;
There Ovid's volume shalt thou read,
And there a spotless life we'll lead
(Works, p. 19.)
appears to imply, that Ovid's being in Latin was no obstacle to
its perusal. Many of the poems attributed to Taliesin are
thickly sprinkled with Latin words ; and as that was the
language of the age, there seems to be no difficulty in the way
of assuming, that some of the bards had added a knowledge of
Latin to that of their native tongue. In the use of their parent
language, the bards of the twelfth and succeeding centuries,
exhibit a proficiency which is quite extraordinary ; for at a
time when all the languages now spoken in Europe, were be-
ginning to be formed, the people of Wales had not only a
copious language fully developed, but also a class of men enrich-
ing its literature with poetical compositions, exhibiting a clas-
sical severity of style, and developing in the diction the wonder-
ful etymological richness of the Cambrian speech. These poets
prided themselves upon the smoothness of their lines, the
correctness of their syntax, and the strength of their language.
A pretended standard of perfection was raised in the names of
the early bards ; and though their own verses were much
superior, the later bards feigned to tread in the footsteps of their
predecessors. Howel ab Owain pretends to follow Merddin ;
Elidir Sais in a line already cpioted does the same ; Kynddelw
says :
I particularly, shall be called the powerful — the quick,
Of blithsome course in the joy-inciting dispute,
In the ways of songs of the plaintive muse,
A poet, a primary bard of learning.
And again, addressing Madoc ab Meredydd, Priiice of
Powys, he says :
i 2
116 BARDS AND BARDISM.
My bardic voice 'neath heaven has not been faltering ;
My bardic word on thy behalf is neither feeble nor dishonourable.
Llywarch ab Llywelyn very frequently boasts of his versi-
fication, and not without cause. In addressing Davydd ab
Owain Gwynedd, he says :
I am engaged upon a -wise and precious song ;
and again :
Base men will not consider the polish of my song.
The same feeling peeps out in their disputations, and doubt-
less prevailed to a considerable extent in their day ; and there-
fore, as pride in literary composition is of necessity an evidence
of refinement, we must award to these Cambrian poets a
respectable position among civilised communities.
The influence of the earlier bards among their contempo-
raries must have been very great. Their poems were nearly
always incentives to war ; frequently they uttered their exhor-
tations at the instigation of the Welsh princes ; but there is no
reason to doubt their readiness at all times to hurl defiance at
the Saxons. We have abundant evidences of their hatred of
the English ; but though the chieftains frequently betrayed
their country, and allowed the kings of England to direct their
enmities against each other to the advantage of the common
enemy, there is not a single instance of a bard having betrayed
his native land. On all occasions they fanned the flame of
national hatred, and considered no man a hero who was not
" a killer of Lloegrians," llofrudd Lloegrwys. A better spirit
now prevails ; and at the present day, the inhabitants of the
Principality, yield in loyalty to no people owning the supremacy
of our gracious Queen. Then the case was different. England
was then inferior in intelligence, in literature, and in refinement,
— superior in numbers alone. Patriotism was then the highest
wisdom ; and while the superiority in comfort, personal freedom,
and literary recreations was on their side, the Welsh would have
been culpable not to have resisted the aggressions of the English.
Of this patriotic spirit, the bards were the chief supporters ; by
the directions of their chieftains they prophesied, in the name
of Taliesin and Merddin, the coming 'again of Arthur, Cadwa-
ladr, and Tvynan ; and as it is difficult to conceive of a people
at once intellectual and enslaved, they found if an easy task to
BARDS AND BAMDISM. 117
inoculate their countrymen with tlieir own fervent love of home
and hatred of the stranger. In this respect they were of ines-
timable service to their countrymen, during their arduous
struggle for independence. During the revolt of Owain Glen-
dower, and the wars of the Eoses, the bards played a very con-
spicuous part; and Lewis Glyn Cothi, who was in the pay of
the Lancastrian party, with his brethren are known to have
been of signal service to their friends, and to have done much
to influence the result. . We therefore owe an immense obliga-
tion to the bardic order, both for having defended their country
while is was possible, and for having, when resistance was no
longer advisable, been instrumental in forming so high and
honourable a national character, as to have earned the privilege
of being united on terms of perfect equality, to the English
crown. The Welsh have a proverb :
Cas gwr na cliaro y wlad a'i inaco.
Hateful is the man who loves not the land of his birth.
The late poet laureate, in the Doctor, said he never knew a good
man who had not a taproot in the love of his native land ; and
in conclusion, I will add, that he who does not feel and promptly
acknowledge a debt of gratitude to the bards of Wales, is un-
worthy of the name of Kymro. I have freely pointed out their
faults, and attempted to portray tlieir virtues; but notwithstand-
ing all their demerits, I can, after communing with the finer
and greater minds of England and the Continent in modern
days, and of Greece and Rome in the past, still feel a pleasure
in running over their labours, and be proud as ever of these
" old men eloquent." And when it shall have been shown that
before Gower sung, Chaucer wrote, or England had a literature
of her own, there were poets in Wales, who left behind them in
the course of two hundred years, upwards of four hundred poems,
many of which are more than three hundred and fifty lines in
length, it is hoped that some little will have been done towards
obtaining for the early literature of the Principality the respect
and sympathy of a larger circle of admirers.
This sketch of the bards will form an appropriate introduc-
tion to a critical review of the poetry of the reign of Llewelyn
ab Iorwerth.
\ c
118 WELSH POETRY
SECTION II.
WELSH POETRY FEOM A.D. 1194 TO A.D. 1240.
Many bards of note flourished during the agitated period
embraced by this chapter : and among the literary remains, we
have twelve poems by Davydd Benvras, one poem by Einion the
son of Gwgan, five odes by Einion the son of Gwalchmai, six by
Einion Wan, two by Gwilym Ryvel, two by Gruffydd the son
of Gwrgeneu, two by Gwynvardd Brycheiniog, seven pieces by
Llywelyn Vardd, three by Seisyll, and six by Phylip Brydydd.
Llywarch ab Llywelyn, commonly called " Prydydd y Moch,"
has left thirty-two poems; and Kynddelw Brydydd Mawr, or
the Great Poet, has enriched our mediaeval literature with nearly
fifty meritorious productions. Each of these would merit a
separate notice ; but as the plan of the essay admits such only
as reveal traits of national character, many of them must be left
without further remarks. No practical purpose can be served
by an indiscriminate collection ; we shall therefore confine our
attention to such as, on the grounds of literary merit, and his-
toric truthfulness, appear most worthy of perusal.
The frequent mention of Kynddelw in the preceding sketch
of bards and bardism, must have created a desire to know more
of him; and truly he is the bard whose merit claims precedence.
He was a man of note and influence in his own day, and was
possessed of great and varied powers. His compositions as well
as his conduct are distinguished by a vigour of thought, inde-
pendence of mind, and profundity of reasoning, which reflect
much credit upon himself, and upon the order of which he was
an influential and illustrious member. Indeed, this seems to be
characteristic of the bards ; for we not unfrequently find very
original ideas in their poems ; and their theological notions
soar far above the dark and bigoted age in which they lived.
All else had been enslaved by the Eomish priesthood; but these
choice spirits would have no such instructors. The bard and
the priest were sworn enemies ; and the productions of the
former teem with sneers at the monks, while the latter not un-
frequently show their petty malignity against their rivals in
popular estimation. One instance of this is mentioned by Kyn-
FROM A.D. 1104 TO A.I). 1240. 110
ddelw. The monks of the abbey of Ystrad March ell had sent to
tell him, that his bod}- should not be buried in their abbey; and
in reply the bard sent the following Englyn :
If he had not promised to come against me,
And the blessed God knew it ;
It were more becoming in a monk
To demand, than to refuse my body. 1
We have here a consciousness of intellectual worth, and a
dignified self-reliance which rises into heroism, and transcends
all feelings of dislike, and hatred; and some lines, wrongly at-
tributed to Merddin, in strength of moral indignation, and
elevated theological conception, reach absolute sublimity :
I will not receive the Sacrament
From excommunicated monks
With their togas on their knees ; —
/ will commune with God Himself! 2
Kynddelw has a poem addressed to the Deity, which I here
quote, as a specimen of the prevalent theology of the bards :
To God.3
One God prosperous, and righteous, — a Sovereign,
Who rules without fear ;
One Son of Mary, a dauntless Being,
One eternal, and merciful Deity,
One King, Ruler of heaven and earth.
1 Cen ni bai ammod dyfod — i'm herbyn
A Duw gwyn yn gwybod ;
Oedd iawnach i fynach fod,
I'm gwrtlifyn nac i'm gwrthod.
2 Ni chymeraf gymmun,
G-an ysgymmun fyneich
A'u twygau ar eu clun,
A'm cymmuno Duw ei hun.
8 I Dduw.
Un Duw cyfrwydd cyfreithgar, — wledig
A wledych heb afar ;
Un mab Mair, meidrawl diarchar,
Un Dofydd tragywydd trugar
Un Eieu rwyf nef a daear.
120 WELSH POETRY
Before weakness, the condition of happy age, overtakes me,
I will be God's servant, in a banqueting-house without complaint,
Before I become needy, with a mild necessity,
And life, age, and complexion, give place to inanimation,
Before the necessity of a merciful death,
And the mention of the azure hue of dissolution,
Before the time for the great covering of the sky,
Before I am brought to the last prison,
Before the cold closing up, and the frigid funeral,
And the confinement in a dress of oak and gore,
I will devote my tongue to wise conversation,
And to unlimited and unceasing praise ;
I am the praiser of vigour in the garb of sadness ;
I will praise God, the impartial in judgment ;
The joy of the heavenly angels will enliven me,
In Thy blessed state, and Thy blessed habitation.
Several of the preceding lines have in them much beauty ;
the metaphors " frigid funeral," and " oaken dress " are very
striking ; the description of death as a state in which he will
have no warmer covering than " the great sky above," is exceed-
ingly happy; and the epithets, "prosperous, righteous, fearless,"
and " impartial," applied to the Deity, bespeak an enlightened
theology.
The language of this bard is exceedingly intricate, and
difficult to be understood ; and though he wrote on a variety of
topics, to unravel his meaning, in the very involved diction of
his poems, is not an easy task. It is therefore difficult
Cyn bwyf gwan esgus gwyn esg.ir
Bwyf gwas Duw, gwesti dialar
Cyn bwyf angenawg angenwar,
Hoedl hoedran hoen eban abar
Cyn angen angeu athrugar,
Arglywed gloes glaswedd glar,
Cyn dirfawr gyfwawr gyfysgar,
Cyn no'm dwyn i'm diwedd garchar,
Cyn oergawdd angladd anghlaear,
Yn ngwasg yn ngwisg derw a gwyar :
lawn o'rn dawn, doeth arlafar,
Iawl heb dawl, heb doli arwar,
Iolydd wyf o nwyf yn afar,
Iolafi Dduw y difwyn ei far,
Llawenydd llu nef Uawena fy mryd
Yth wynfyd yth wynfa.
Myv. Jjrh. i. p. 249.
FROM A.D. 1194 TO A.D. 1240. 121
to form a right estimate of Lis abilities ; certain it is, how-
ever, that this very complicated verbiage has prevented him
from succeeding in all he undertook ; and we dismiss such
lighter portions of his poetry, as his address " I Verch," as
harsh, clumsy, and pedantic. He succeeds better on weightier
subjects, as may be seen by his elegy on Owain Gwjnedd, a
portion of which here follows. It would be well, perhaps, to
premise, that when the bards wished to compare their princes J
to well-known heroes, they called their rulers by the names of
those heroes. Here our bard calls Owain Gwynedd by the
name of Gvvalchmai, and by the names of several other cele-
brated warriors : *
The lion made numbers perish in the encampment of thick hosts,
Like an intrepid warrior Gwalchmai 2 withstood the shock,
The numerous host of Gwrvan 3 triumphed.
He was impatient for the signal of battle,
Which like the shout of Erov 4 would collect warriors together;
It was a glorious victory, and the golden treasures lay exposed.
There was wasteful work ; the warriors were energetic, and their arms
glittering .
The impetuosity of the attack broke the foremost ranks,
And the rushing swords, making fresh carnage,
Hewed down whatever they met.
The green flood of Teivi 5 was thickened,
The river was filled with the blood of men,
The blood-stained waterfowl called aloud for a glut of gore,
1 Gwersyll torfoedd tew Hew lladdai,
Gorsaf tarf, taerfalch fal Gwalchmai,
Gorfaran Gwrfan gorfyddai,
Gwr yn aer yn aros gwaeddfai,
Bryd Erof gryd, arf greu a ddodai,
Brwydr eurgrwydr, eurgrawn ni guddiai
Bradog waith gvvynniaith gwynnygai,
Brys briwgad, brig bragad briwiai,
Brwys lafneu ynghreu ynghrai celanedd
Cymmined cyrnmynai.
Gwyrdd heli Teifi tewychai
Gwaeddlan gwyr, a llyr ai llanwai
Gwyach rudd gorfudd goralwai,
2 Gwalchmai ab Gwyar, one of Arthur's knights.
3 Gwrvan Wallt Avwyn, one of the agents of Arthur in the ancient Welsh
romances.
4 Erov is mentioned, My v. Arch. i. p. 69, as "Erov the Fierce."
5 A river in Cardiganshire.
122 WELSH POETRY
And swam with toil on leaves of blood.
The wooden horses of the wave were overthrown,
By him who is as fierce as Gwythur. 1
The English, men weak as woodbines, will have many funerals ;
He who used to feed the wild wood-dogs, is no more ;
He who lies in a wooden bed had won my sympathies,
And might have had my possessions.
I lost a wise lord, who ever regarded me ;
Attired in gold, he used to give gold to me.
I am troubled by the memory of the battle's rage. He who loved me,
Friend of the songster, songs have greeted him.
The shout of dispersion and the gleaming of arms sheltered me,
The obstructing strength of Dillus 2 ab Evrai,
At donniar gwyar gonofiai
Gwyddfeirch tonn torrynt yn ertrai,
Gwythur naws fal traws ai treisiai,
Gwyddfid Eingl ynghladd au trychai,
Gwyddgwn coed colled au porthai,
Gwyddwal dyfneual dyfnasai fy modd,
Fy meddiant a gaffaei.
Colleis Arglwydd call ni'm collai,
Corf eurdorf, eurdal am rhoddai,
Cof cadflawdd am cawdd, am carai
Car Cerddawr, cerddai ai cyrchai,
Gryd wasgar, llaehar, a'm llochai,
Grym dilludd Dillus fab Efrai
1 " Gwythyr ab Greidiol, a warrior who served under Arthur, and the father of
one of his three wives called Gwenhwyvar. His grave is noticed in the Englynion
y Beddau, Myv. Arch. i. p. 81. He is also a distinguished character in Welsh romance.
See the Mabinogi of Kilhwch and Olwen, ii. 305." Extracted by permission from the
Biographical Dictionary by R. Williams, M.A., Llangadwaladr, a most valuable work.
2 Dillus ab Evrai, called also Dillus Varchawc, and Dillus Varvawc. He is men-
tioned in the Mabinogi of Kilhwch and Olwen ; and as that is the only notice I
have seen of him, I will quote it here. Before Kilhwch could marry Olwen, it was
necessary to obtain the comb, the scissors, and razor, which were between the ears of
the Boar Trwyth ; this boar could only be successfully hunted with Drudwyn, the cub
of Greid the son of Eri ; this cub could only be held by a leash made of the beard of
Dillus the bearded ; and this beard must have been plucked with wooden tweezers,
while the owner was still living. Kai and Bedwyr, two of Arthur's knights, one day
espy Dillus, " the greatest robber that ever fled before Arthur," asleep in a wood, dig
" a pit under his feet, the largest in the world," and having struck him a violent blow,
squeeze him into it. " There they twitched out his beard completely with the wooden
tweezers, and after that they slew him altogether. And from thence they both went
to Gelliwic, in Cornwall, and took the leash made of Dillus Varvawc's beard with
them, and they gave it into Arthur's hand. Then Arthur composed this Englyn :
Kai made a leash
Of Dillus son of Evrei's beard ;
Were he alive, thy death he'd be.
FROM A.B. 1194 TO A.D. 1240. L28
And the friendly disposiüun of Greidwyr, 1 lÝywyr, 2 and Kai. 3
It was the worthy practice of the leader of those who delight in broken
shields,
To resort to the pleasant, and enthusiastic banquets.
Happy was he who enjoyed them.
The fierce fort beyond the sea, beyond Menai,
Is in a wild region from which I have profited,
While lived Owain the Great who owned it ;
Mead, and wine, and liquor were there, in
Gwynedd the white, with its intelligent inhabitants.
After the hero, who fought a great battle in its defence,
What patriot — hero of the houses of excessive whiteness,
What sovereign will rule over it?
This poem regarded as an elegiac composition is a sad fail-
ure, and is utterly destitute of pathos. It displays a perfect
mastery over words and skill in versification ; but the perpetual
straining to make each line terminate alike, has led to the
introduction of many words which serve no useful purpose,
though they confuse the meaning. Indeed, the whole of the
poetic merit of this extract, is comprised in the four lines
descriptive of the battle of Aberteivi, fought on the banks of
And thereupon Kai was wroth, so that the warriors of the Island could scarce make
peace between Kai and Arthur. And thenceforth, neither in Arthur's troubles, nor
for the slaying of his men, would Kai come forward to his aid for ever after." (Mabi-
nogion, ii. p. 305.) From this collective mention of so many romantic names found in
the tale, I should infer that the Mabinogi of Kilhwch and Olwen was familiarly
known in a.d. 1169 — the date of Owain Gwynedd's death.
Greddf Greidwyr, a Chywyr, a Chai,
Glew ddefawd glyw oesdrawd aesdrai
Ystre hynt, wastad, westei gwynfydig
Gwyn ei fyd bieufei.
Gwyth ysgor tra mor, tra Menai,
Gwlydd elfydd elwais o honai
Tra fu Owain mawr ai meddai
Medd a gwin, a gwirawd fyddai
Gwynedd wen Gwyndyd len ledpar,
Gwedi gwawr, cadfawr ai cadwai,
Pa wladwr, arwr arwyndai,
Pa wledig a wledych arnai ?
Myv. Arch. i. p. 208.
1 Greidwyr probably means Greidiol, one of Arthur's warriors, or Gwrhir Gwal-
stawd Ieitboedd, another of those chiefs.
2 Most likely this is Kynyr Keinvarvawc mentioned in Kilhwch and Olwen.
3 One of the " coroneted chiefs of battle," and chief of Arthur's cooks.
124 WELSH rOETRY
the river Teivi, near Cardigan ; but it must be confessed that
tehse four lines beginning, " The green flood of Teivi," &c., set
forth a very vivid picture. Here the bard is perpetually aiming
at effect, and evidently staggers under the weight of his
subject; but his verses to Rhys ab Gruffÿdd, Lord of South
Wales, flow with more ease, and are much more readable. A
few of these are here subjoined : l
I invoke the protection of God ! undoubted are thy talents,
And I am thy talented bard,
On thy men — the eagles of battle,
On thy land — discreet ruler.
I invoke, and make great supplication to the Cause
Who caused heaven and earth,
Protection from thy anger, friend of the songster,
On thy halls, and on thy porters.
I invoke, and supplicate, for I am called The Asker,
Sincere and permanent protection,
On thy gold-adorned portals,
And on thy door-keeper ; thou in whom the beauty of the land
is reflected.
I invoke your protection, that your favour may not be denied,
As it is not becoming to withhold.
Officers of the palace ! procure silence ;
Bards ! be silent : it is a bard you hear.
1 Asswynaf nawdd Duw diamlieu dy ddawn
Ath ddoniawg wyf finnau
Ar dy wyr eryr aerau
Ar dy wlad wledig deheu.
Asswynaf archaf arch fawr i beryf
A beris nef a llawr
Nawdd rac dy var car cerddawr
Ar dy byrth ar dy borthawr.
Asswynaf archaf eirchiad ym gelwir
Nawdd cywir cyngwastad
Ar dy ddryseu aur drwsiad.
Ar dy ddrysawr gwawr gwenwlad
Asswynaf awch nawdd na chelwch awch porth
Can perthyn attregwch
Gostegwyr llys gostegwch
Gosteg beirdd bardd a glywch.
FROM A.D. 1104 TO A.I). 1240. 125
I invoke the ready protection of the southern chieftains,
For thee, judicious patron of bards,
And for thy troops of shield-bearers,
And thy hosts, and thy royal sons.
I invoke ready protection, liberal justiciary,
Whom kings will not withstand,
On thy army, thou impersonated contention !
On thy family, who are worthy of possessions.
Clear mead is their drink, mead-horns they circulate ;
They will be golden rulers.
Thou wilt be illustrious in government, —
A valiant leader, and a bold ruler.
Royal scions of Britain, I will compose your eulogy.
And will celebrate your virtues;
I will be your bard and counsellor.
And will merit your patronage.
These Englynion, though possessing but little poetical merit,
are favourable specimens of smooth versification, and flowing
language ; as well as being plain evidences of the manners of
the people, the state of the country, and the relative positions of
bard and chieftain. One other poem shall conclude our selec-
tion from this poet. It is addressed to Owain Kyveiliog, refers
to his banquets, and is a companion sketch to Owain's own
Hirlas. Like the preceding it consists of a series of Englynion ;
Asswynaf nawdd hawdd haelion Deheubarth
Diheuborth cerddorion
Ath dwrf oth dariannogion
Ath dorf ath deyrnfeibion
Asswynaf nawdd hawdd haeloned worsaf
Nith orseif teyrnedd
Ar dy dorf corf cywrysedd
Ar dy deidu teilwng medd.
Meddgyrn eu gwirawd meddgyrn an gw
Au gwarcheidw yn eurdyrn
A gloyw y fed yn edyrn
A glyw dewr a glew deyrn.
Teyrnweileh Prydain prydaf awch prif gcrdd
Awch prifglod a Ädygaf
Awch bardd awch beirniad fyddaf
Awch porth pertliyn yw attaf.
Mi/". Arch. i. p. 234.
126 WELSH POETRY
the lines read smoothly, the language is unusually simple for
this bard, and the description is both animated and striking : '
The liquor of Owain, yonder beyond mount Digoll, 2
How frequently it cheers us ;
Of clear sparkling wine without lacking,
Of mead, all from the buffalo's horn.
The liquor to me shall be appropriated ; it shall come from a patron,
Who gives it me out of his white hand ;
The chief of battle distributing treasures,
He is the head of the circle : I am chief bard to him.
Liquor will be brought to us plenteously,
Wine out of the goblet, a gracious gift ;
In the court of the lord of Lleision, 3 the benefactor of chieftains,
In the hand of the lion of conflict, are the overflowing horns of liberality.
The liquor of Owain the mild is joyfully distributed
In the land by the side of the Severn, —
With a truly amiable profusion ;
And yonder are they bringing it.
1 Gwirawd Owain, draw dra Digoll vynyt,
Mor vynych i harvoll:
win cyvrgain, nid cyvyrgoil,
O vet : o vuelin oil.
Gwirawd am daerawd, a'm daw gan rebut,
Am rybuch o'i wenllaw ;
Peniadur câd, ced wallaw,
Pen côr ; pencerd wyv idaw.
Gwirawd a dygyr a digawn atan ;
Gwin o ban, ran radlawn ;
Yn llys, lies glyw, llyw Lleisiawn,
Yn Haw Hew cad cyrn Had llawn.
Gwirawd Ywain llary, llawen yd rotir
Yn y tir tu Havren,
A thraul hygar yw liagen
A thraw y daw a dygen
2 Mynydd Digoll is not far from the town of Montgomery. " On this mountain
may be said to have expired the liberties of Wales ; for here was the last contest
against the power of the Conqueror." — Pennant's North Wales, vol. iii. p. 208.
3 " The palace of the Princes of Powys in the county of Montgomery, now called
Llysin Park, the patrimony of Lord Powys." — Dissertatio de Bardis, p. 20.
FROM A.D. 1194 TO A.D. 1240. 127
The liquor of Owain the mild, whose tumult
Is a gleaming llame on the borders of his foe ;
Proudly it comes in the wrath -dealing hand,
Whose host is exhilarated, and whose circling wave is mead.
Liquor is pressed upon us by the light of moon and stars,
By the ruler of the impetuous red chieftains ;
About Hirvryn 1 the eagle is great and stately,
About Severn happy is the smile of men.
In the hand of Owain the generous, who manfully asserts his claims,
Is the golden flagon ;
Splendid is the honour of bearing wine,
A sovereign's prime and precious gift.
Behold my prince this day mounted on his cars,
Not a lion beneath the moon will dare to assail him ;
With couched lance in the day of trial will he lead the assault
Of the impetuous thrust, in his golden mail. 2
Llywarch ab Lltweltn was a bard of a very superior
order. His compositions are neither so numerous nor so vari-
ous as the writings of Kynddelw, but in depth of feeling, power
Gwirawd Ywain llary, llachar i dervysgc
Ai dervyn i esgar
Balch y daw yn Haw lluehvar,
filetw i thoryv, naet a thoniar.
Gwirawd am gwrthvyn, gwrth syr a lleuad,
Gan rwyf rad rut vyhyr ;
Am Hirvryn hirvraise eryr ;
Am Havren hyATyd gwen gwyr.
Ar Haw Ywain hael, hawl dilin gwrvalch
Y mae gorvlwch eurin ;
Anrydet gwymp arwet gwin ;
Anrec brivdec breyenin.
Ut yssim etiw ar geir,
Nis arvait Hew o dan Uoer
Gwaew crwm yn dyt trwm, trwy fwyr
Gwan fysc, yn eurwysc yn aer.
My v. Arch. i. p. 234.
1 Another name for Mynydd Digoll.
2 In this, as in preceding translations, I have availed myself of those inserted in
the Cambrian Register, making only such alterations as seemed to be necessary; thus
in the second lines of verses the first and sixth, I have been compelled to differ widely
from Dr. Pughe, whose translations are generaUy very faithful.
128 WELSH POETRY
of delineation, and beauty of conception, they are much superior.
His address to Llewelyn ab Iorwerth, Prince of North Wales,
is too long- to copy entire ; but the reader will be presented
with an extract. The invocation contains sentiments, which,
familiar then, strike us now as being very strange r 1
May Christ, the Creator and Governor of the hosts of heaven and earth,
Defend me from all disasters ;
May I through His assistance be prudent and discreet,
Ere I come to my narrow habitation.
Christ, the Son of God, will give me the gift of song,
To extol my prince, who giveth the warlike shout with joy ;
Christ, who hath formed me of the four elements, 2
And hath endowed me with the deep and wonderful gift of poetry :
Llewelyn is the ruler of Britain and her armour.
The bard then proceeds to give his hero's pedigree, and
afterwards gives the following vivid description of the battle
of Porth Aethwy : 3
Llewelyn was our prince ere the furious contest happened,
And the spoils were eagerly amassed,
Purple gore ran over the snow-white breast of the warriors,
And after the shout the havoc and carnage was general ;
The particoloured waves flowed over the broken spear,
' Crist G-reawdr, llywiawdr llu daear a nef,
Am noddwy rhag afar,
Crist celi bwyf celfydd a gwar,
Cyn diwedd gyfyngwedd gyfar
Crist fab Duw am rhydd arllafar.
I foli fy rhwyf rhwysg o ddyar
Crist fab Mair am pair o'r pedwar defnydd,
Dofn awen ddiarchar,
Llywelyn llyw Prydain ai phâr.
2 Man was made of a soul, and the four elemeuts — fire, air, earth, and water ; but
late materialists have excluded the soul, contrary to the opinion of the old bards. The
body only was composed of the four elements.
Rodri hael ei hafal ni wnaid,
ddwfr, ac awyr, ac eneid a phrid
A ffrawddus dan ni phaid.
Prydydd y Mock, i Rodri.
8 Ef yn llyw cyn llid gyfysgar,
Ysglyfion ysglyfiynt llwrw bar,
Oedd rynn rudd ebyr or gwyr gwar,
Oedd ran feirw fwyaf o'r drydar,
Oedd amliw tonnau, twnn amhar eu neid,
FROM A.J'. 1194 TO A.D. L240. 129
And the warriors were silent;
The briny wave came with force,
And met on its way one mixr.il with blood.
When we went to Porthaethwy 1 on the steeds of the main,
Over the great roaring of the floods ;
The Bpear raged with relentless fury,
And the tide of blood rushed with force.
Our attack was sudden and fierce ;
Death displayed itself in all its terrors,
So that ice doubted whether any of us would die of old age.
An enumeration of the battles which Llewelyn fought
follows, and the poem concludes with these sentiments: 2
Happy was the mother w r ho bore thee,
Who art wise and noble,
And freely distributest rich suits of garments.
With gold and silver.
And the bards celebrate thee
For presenting thy bred steeds, when they sit at thy tables ;
And I myself am rewarded for my gift of poetry,
With gold and distinguished respect ;
And should I desire of my prince the moon as a present,
He would certainly bestow it on me.
Nend oeddynt dilafar,
Ton heli ehelaeth i bar,
Ton arall guall, goch gwyar,
Porth aethwy pan aetham ni ar feirch mordwy,
Teh mawrdwrf tonni.ir,
Oedd ongyr, oedd engir ei bar,
Ocdd angndd godrudd gwaedryar.
Oedd enghyrth ein hynt, oedd angar,
Oedd ing, oedd angau anghymar
Oedd ammau ir byd bod abar o hoDam,
henaint lleithiar.
1 Porthaethwy is in Anglesey.
- Mad yth ymddug dy fam, wyd doeth,
Wyd dinam, wyd didawl o bob ehwant,
O borffor o bryffwn fliant,
O bali ag anr ag arvant,
emys gochwys gochanant dy feirdd,
Yn fyrddoedd i caiFant.
Minnau om rhadau rhymfuant,
Yw rhuddaur yn rhwydd ardduniant :
O bob rhif im Ehwyf im doniant,
t) bob rhyw im rhodded yn gant
R
l:iO WELSH rOETIìY
Thy praise reacheth to Lliwelydd, 1
And Lly warch is the man who celebrates thee in songs ;
My praises are not extravagant,
To thee the prodigy of the age :
Thou art firm in battle like the elephant ;
When thou arrivest at the period of thy glory,
When thy praises no longer employ the bard and the harp,
My brave prince, ere thou contest,
When the last hour approaches to confess thy sins,
After thou hast vanquished thy enemies,
Mayest thou at last become a glorious saint !
Of his address to Davydd ab Owaiii, whom he praised as
highly while tyrannising over his nephew, the above-mentioned
Llewelyn, as he afterwards praised the nephew for displacing
his uncle, we shall treat when the " Avallenau " come under
consideration.
In a poem addressed to Rhodri the son of Owain Gwynedd,
there is a passage said to refer to the departure of Madoc ab
Owain Gwynedd for America. It runs thus:
Two princes of strong passion broke off in wrath ;
The multitude of the earth did love them ;
One on land in Arvon allaying ambition ;
And another, a placid one, on the bosom of the vast ocean
In trouble great and immeasurable,
Earning a possession easy to be retained,
The enemy of all who contemn me (the bard).
Cyd archwyf im llyw y lloergant yn rhodd,
Ef am rhydd yn geugant.
Lliwelydd dy foliant
Llywelyn, a Llywarch ae cant.
Munerawd ym marw fy nvwyniant fal yn 1>y\v
Lleissiawn ryw Kun blant
Nyd gormod fy ngair it gormant !
Teyrn wyd tebyg Eliphant,
Can orfod pob rhod yn rhamant,
Can folawd a tbavawd a tbant,
Cein deyru, cyn bych yngreifiant,
Can difwyn o ysgwn esgarant,
Can duw ren yw ran westifiant,
Can ddiwedd pob buchedd, bych sant.
Myv. Arch. i. p. 297.
' See note to " Howel ab Owain's Delight," p. 44.
FROM A.D. 1104 TO A.D. 1240. 131
These two princes most probably were Howel and Madoc.
I have not paid sufficient attention to the evidence, to form any
opinion as to the credibility of the popular story of Madoc's
emigration ; but Mr. Catlin, in the second volume of his Ame-
rican Indians, has imparted renewed interest to the subject.
He believes the tradition, and is firmly convinced that the Man-
dans, whose manners differ so widely from those of the other
tribes of Indians, are the remnants of Madoc's emigrants. The
late Lieut. Ruxton, author of the spirited sketches of " Life in
the far West," which lately appeared in Blackwood's Magazine, is
said to have fallen a victim to this seductive theory, and to
have firmly believed that he would be able to prove the Mow-
qua Indians to be the descendants of those who accompanied
the Cambrian prince. How much of truth there may be in
this, I am unable to determine ; but that Madoc disappeared
from his native country is proved beyond a doubt, by some
allusions in another poem by this bard. It is addressed to
" The Hot Iron," and exhibits an extraordinary alternation of
belief and scepticism, which seems to imply the recent intro-
duction into Wales of that ordeal. 1 In some places he seems
to consider the hot iron as a manifestation of Christ ; and yet,
no sooner has he said that, than doubts again recur to his
mind, which, in thus wavering, shows us in an interesting
manner, how the ordeal was looked upon in the twelfth cen-
tury, by a shrewd and sensible man :
To the Hot Iron. 2
Creator of Heaven ! Thy servant is a believer ;
Shall we balieve in this, as we believe in Jonas ?
Steel magistrate ! of cheap ordinances, blessed by the God of Heaven,
Subdued I am before the transfixed One.
Consecrated truth, glowing hot !
My song delights in Thy blessedness.
1 See an account of an ordeal in " Brut y Saeson " {Myv. Arch. ii. .~>\'2 1 •'; |.
2 Creawdyr nef crededun y was
Credwn y hwn val y credwn yonas
Dur ynad detyf rad ry sw^nas douyt
Dof wyf yt yn wanas.
I >ywynnyc dy wir . ll'.M TO A.D. L240. 133
states the fondness of Madoc for the sen, and leaves the question
of his discovery of America jtist where it was before. That
Madoc left the country is qnite clear from the concurrent testi-
mony of the bards, and the following triad :
" The three missing- ones of the Isle of Britain : . . . Third,
Madoc ab Owain Gwynedd who went to sea with three hundred
men in ten vessels, and it is not known whither they went ; " for
the annals of the country leave his landing-place unknown.
We must therefore look elsewhere for proofs of his discovery of
the American continent. There are abundant evidences that
the Welsh had numerous ships, and frequently went back and
fore to Ireland ; as the passage from America to this country has
been made in a boat, there is no insuperable difficulty interposed
by the distance between the two continents ; and as late re-
searches tend to show, that the American continent was dis-
covered by the Northmen, three or four hundred years before
the voyage of Columbus, the tale is not improbable. The
arguments in favour of the Cambrian story are forcibly
and ingeniously urged by an old traveller, who shall speak in
his own quaint language. The passage, though principally
devoted to Madoc, also illustrates the political history of Wales
during this period with tolerable accuracy ; but Sir Thomas Her-
bert is slightly in error in making Howel ab Owain fall in
contending for the succession. Howel succeeded in obtaining
the crown, and kept it for two years ; and the cause of his
death has been already (p. 39) more fully related.
He first quotes Seneca's predictions, as given in the Medea
of that j)hilosopher :
Venient annis
Secula seris, quibus Oceanus
Vincula rerum laxet et ingens
Pateat Tellus, Typhisque Novas
Detegat Orbes. Nee sit Terris
Ultima Thule.
Wli ieh he thus translates :
The time shall one day be,
Guided by Providence, when man shall see
The liquid ocean to enlarge her bounds,
And pay the earth a tribute of more grounds
in ample measure. For the sua Gods then,
"Will show new worlds and rarities to men.
134 WELSH FOETRY
Yea, by His leave who everything commands,
See Thule far less north than other lands.
And then lie proceeds to say, that these words are —
" Dim lights to show the way to the western world. So that
upon the whole it may be granted, the discovery of that vast
continent was reserved for a succeeding generation. The first
we meet with is Madoc son of Prince Owen Gwynedd, who for
thirty years ruled Wales after his father, Griffith ab Cynan, had
at St. David's done homage to William the Conqueror, for lands
he held on the other side of the Severn. The annals of those
times acquaint us, that Owen was no sooner dead, but that the
custom of gavelkind induced the numerous sons of that prince
to claim a division of his dominions among them. Iowerth
Drwyndwn, or Edward the Brokennosed, the eldest son of
Owen, was set aside, and denied the right of succeeding to his
father's throne on account of that blemish and other imper-
fections, when Howel claimed the throne, but was objected to
on account of his illegitimacy, being the son of Owen by an
Irish concubine. David opposed the pretensions of Howel,
and in the war that followed between them, the latter was
killed. David having married Emma Plantagenet, the sister
of Henry II., was supported in his usurpation by the arms
of England, in addition to those of his own adherents. How-
ever, as soon as Llewelyn the son of the unfortunate Iorwerth
arrived at the age of manhood, he dethroned his uncle David,
and became, with the general consent of the country, Sovereign
Prince of Wales. These intestine broils were no way pleasing
to Madoc, another of the sons of Owain, who seems to have
foreseen that the ruin of their country would be the conse-
quence of their discord and fraternal rage. Therefore, to avoid
the storm and provide for himself, he resolves upon a sea ad-
venture, hoping to find some place abroad, where he might fix
himself securely, and not be liable to invasion. Thus says
tradition. It is not unlikely but that Madoc was acquainted
with the prophecy or ' dim lights ' which led to the discovery of
the western world. Madoc having provided ships, men, and
provision, put to sea from Abergwilley, in the year 1170.
Wind and sea favouring his design, after some weeks' sailing
due west he descried land, probably Newfoundland ; but what-
ever it was it overjoyed him. Madoc then ranging the coast, so
FROM A.D. 1194 TO A.D. 1240. 186
soon as lie found a convenient place sat down to plant, mean-
ing, fixed on a spot to form his intended settlement. After he
had stayed there awhile to recruit the health of his men, he
fortified his settlement and left 120 men there to protect it.
And by providence (the best compass) he returned in safety to
his own country. Having recounted his voyage, the fruit ful-
ness of the soil, the simplicity of the savages, the wealth
abounding there, and facility of enlargement, after some
months' refreshment, in ten barques laden with necessary pro-
visions they put to sea again, and happily recovered their
settlement. They found but few of those whom they had left
remaining, their death, it is conjectured, being by an incautious
indulgence in the produce of a novel climate and country, or
the treachery of the natives. Madoc, with the assistance of
his brothers Eineon and Edwal, put things once more in com-
parative good order, and remained there some time, expecting
the arrival of more of their countrymen from "Wales, for which
they had made arrangements previous to their departure ; but
they never came, and caused grievous disappointment. The
cause of this failure is said to have been the wars which ensued,
and which called for the service of every man for the defence of
his country, but which ended in the subjugation of Wales by
the English.
" But though Madoc and his Cambrian crew be dead, and
their memory moth-eaten, yet are their footsteps plainly trace-
able, which the language they left, the religion they taught,
and the reliques they found do clearly evidence. Otherwise
how are we to account for the British words, not much altered
from the dialect used at this day, among the Mexicans?
Whence had they the use of beads, crucifixes, &c. ? All which
the Spaniards, as we read in Lopez de Gomeza and others,
found amongst those, Acusano and Calhuaean at their first
landing in America. Yea, whence comes that tradition amongst
the Mexicans, that a strange people came thither in corraugles
who taught them the knowledge of God, and by whose instruc-
tion they became civilised, as is related by Columbus, Postellus,
Francus, Lopez, Cortes, and other Castilians ?
' ; That of Herniando Cortes, who a.d. 1519 was am-
bassador and general for Ferdinand and Isabella, is most
remarkable. In some discourse between him and Montezuma,
the second son of Antzol. and father of Quabutimoc, the last
1U6 WELSH POETRY
King of Mexico, Cortes, observing the Indians to have many
ceremonies which the Spaniards used, demanded who instructed
them. The answer was, that many years before, a strange na-
tion landed there, who were such a people as induced his an-
cestors to afford them a civil reception. But how they were
called, or whence they came, he could not satisfy. Another
time, in a panegyric which Montezuma returned them, he had
this expression : ' One chief cause of my affection to your
nation is, I have heard my father say, how that he had heard
his grandfather affirm, that some generations before, his pro-
genitors came thither as strangers in company of a nobleman
who abode there awhile, and then departed, but left many of
his people behind. That upon his return, most of those he left
there died ; and that from him or some of them they supposed
themselves to be descended.' By which narrative it may be
presumed, the people he meant were Welsh rather than
Spaniards. And the records of that voyager writ by many
bards and genealogists confirm as much, as may appear by the
learned poems of Cynwric ab Grono, Gutty n Owain, who lived
in Edward IV. 's time; and Sir Meredith ab Eees, who lived
in 1477, of Madoc had this eulogy.
Madoc ab Owen called was I ;
Strong, comely, brave, of stature high ;
No home-bred pleasures proved my aim ;
By land and sea I won high fame. 1
By their language also, Welsh names being given to birds and
beasts, rivers and nooks, &c. &c, as pengwyn, a bird that has
a white head; craigwen, a white rock ; gwynddwr, white water;
nev, heaven ; llwynog, a fox ; wy, an egg ; calaf, a quill ; bara,
bread; trwyn, a nose; mam, a mother; tad, father; dwr, water;
pryd, time, and many others. There are islands called Corrhoeso,
and a cape Britain. Buwch, a cow ; and clugar, a heathcock,
&c. Nor is it a phansie of yesterday, since learned men both
of late and former times have taken notice. Such are Cynwric
ab Grono, Meredith ab Eees, Guttyn Owain, Lloyd, Howell,
Prys, Hackluit, Broughton, Purchas, Davy, and others, whose
Madoc wif mwydic wedd
lawn genau Owain Ghvyiield
Ni fiinnwn dyr fy enaid oedd
Na da mawr ond y moroedd.
FROM A.I). I I'.M TO A. I). L240. 137
learning and integrity have credit, and abundantly convince the
ingenious, so as no doubt bad it been known and inherited, then
had not Columbus, Ainericus Vespusius, Magellan, nor others
carried away the honour of so great a discovery. Nor had
Madoc been defrauded of his memory, nor our kings of their
just title to a portion of the West Indies." '
T have already pointed out the looseness of logic, in the
supposition that the words of Meredydd ab Rhys prove any-
thing more than Madoc's departure ; and now it only remains
to correct the quotation made from that poem. In Theophilus
Evans's Drych y Prif Oesoedd, the lines are said to have been
found upon Madoc's tombstone. The assertion was too flagrantly
untrue to receive credit ; and therefore Herbert rejected the
statement, but copied the lines. Originally, they formed jmrt
of a poem composed in acknowledgement of a fishing-net,
which the bard received as a gift, and stood thus :
Let Evan of generous growth,
Hunt upon the fair land, like his father;
With kind consent, at proper hours,
I will be a hunter upon the waters.
Madoc the brave of the weather-beaten countenance,
The rightful issue of Owain Gwynedd,
Would have no land (he was my own soul !)
Nor great wealth, except the seas. 2
When the bards were out on their circuits, they used to
stay for a month or two at a time in the same house, their stay
being in proportion to the hospitality shown them ; and when
they took their leave, they generally left behind them an ode,
or some verses, in praise of their host. Our bard has left us a
favourable specimen of this class of poems, which is here trans-
»
1 From Travels into Africa end Asia the Great, especially describing the famous
empires of Persia and Industan, as also divers other kingdoms in the Oriental Indies,
and the isles adjacent. The 3rd edit'on, further enlarged by Sir Thomas Herbert,
Bart. London, printed in the year 1677. Pawb yn y arver.
- Helied Ifan, hael dyfiad
Ar y tir teg, wedi'i tad ;
Mewo awT dda minnau ar ddwr,
( I fodd hael a fydd heliwr
Madog wych, mwyedig wedd,
lawn genau Owain Owynedd
\i fynnai dir f enaid oedd
Na da niavr. oncl v moroedd.
138 WELSH POETRY
lated. Llywarch was a North wallian ; and the lines are
a Idressed — '
To Rhys Gryg, Prince of South Wales.
Christ Creator, Emperor, who owns us,
Christ the mysterious, pillar of peace,
Christ son of Mary, who causest our pure nobility,
Sensible in the detection of untruth,
Crowned Jesus, watch over me !
From Keirionydd 2 I have bent my steps,
And first I will go to the palace of the South,
To the skilful ruler of kingdoms,
Rhys the son of Rhys of violent course;
The assaulter of battle, of the race of Cadell. 3
The travelling bards resort to his assembly,
Which is as gentle, as it is a frequent resort.
Thou wentest to the barren covert of Rhos, 4
And to Pembroke in the height of triumph ;
Thou brokest Carmarthen, and its hosts Irom France, 5
And many a Frenchman was slain on the return.
And Swansea, a tranquil town,
Was broken in heaps, and then we made peace with the people ;
And Saint Clears 6 with its bright white lands,
1 Crist creawdyr ymerawdyr an met
Crist keli kolofyn tangnevet
Crist mab meir am peir pur vonhet
Synwyr — kyn synhwyaw enwiret
Caranhawc yessu car ym wet
Keirionnyt kyrcheis vym buehet
Kyrchaf yn gyntaf kyntet deheubarth
Diheubenn teyrnet
Kyrchaf Kys vab Rhys om rysset
Kyrchyad cad Cadell edivet
Kyrchynveirt kyrchant wy orset
Kyrchvawr llawr ys kyrchu llaryet
Kyreheist ros ditos divaet
A phenvro a phen gorvolet.
Torreist gaer vyrtin torvoet ar freinc
Llawer franc an adwet
Ac abertawy tref dyhet
Tyryoet briw a hetiw neud het
A seint Cler ar claer wyndiret
2 In the upper part of Carnarvonshire.
3 Cadell, the son of Roderick the Great, was the father of Howel the Good.
4 Rhos is in Pembrokeshire.
5 P>y French the bards mean Normans.
6 St. Clears is in Carmarthenshire.
FROM A.D. 1104 TO A.D. 1240. 139
It is not Saxons who possess it.
In Swansea, the strong key of Lloegria,
We made widows of all the wives.
The Eagle of men loves not to lie, nor sleep,
Nor an idle retinue.
There was a raising and shaking of swords,
At the fortified breastplate of royalty.
We accustomed the spear of valorous enthusiasm,
To pierce through them in a twinkling.
His hand taught the bloody-stained blades,
To make the Germans move to exile ;
His army slew till they were satiated, —
The grey whelps had circumspection.
The dreaded Eagle is accustomed to lay bodies in rows,
And to feast with the leader of wolves,
And with hovering ravens glutted with flesh, —
Butchers with keen bodings for carcases ;
Three days he feasted, with bards
At his board at his residence,
With his prey, delicious wine, and his feast,
This greatly beloved ravager,
His red gold, his good fortune, and his wealth,
And his sleek stallions of well trained restlessness ;
Nyd Saeson y maon ae met
Yn Abertawy terwyn allwet Lloegyr
Neud llwyr wetw y gwraget
Ny char eryr gwyr gorwet na chysgu
Na chosgort heb wnet
Gnawd ysgyn ac ysgwyd ar glet
Yn ysgor brondor brenhinet
Gnawd gwaewawr gwryawr gẅytalonet
Gwan trwywan trwydun gythrymct
Gnawd oe law y lavur cochwet
Y gychwyu allmyn i alltudet
Gnawd y lu y lat en tacliwet
Y lwydyon canaon callet
Gnawd eryr ebyr abar gwet bangnaw
Y bencnnd wy gyvet
A chicvrein fcyvwjrein kicwlet
Kirytyon coelyon kalanet
Trydyt gnawd cannvrawd Kynrawet o veirt
Am y vwrt kyvannhet
Ae breitin ae wlytwyn ae wlet
Ae breityawr gorvawr gorhoffet
Ae eur rut ae vat ae veuet
Ae emys hywetvrys hywet
140 WELSH VOETliY
And I ül' my talents had no peace,
But was obliged to sing an infinity of songs.
This is a fair region for a bard to meet with splendid gifts;
Prince-like, he will not let me experience one want;
Chief of elegance, I will tell when I return to Gwynedd,
How in a court name, and wonderful grandeur,
I go with the chief.
Chief of rulers, thou excellest in daring
The bold riders of thy proud saddles ;
On a rising course free from obstruction,
When once determinedly started, thou art not easily interrupted.
Princes who are thy opponents,
Fall before thee like the stars of creation.
Rhos was destroyed and Pembroke, — the people,
A baptised people fond of meat, 1 were pardoned.
The court of Haverford 2 of the surge, and its houses,
Were also burned to the ground.
The whole of what the inhabitants had was taken,
And divided among the followers.
A minheu om donyeu dym het
Gnawd ym daw anaw anvedret
Or deheu yrdanc haelonet
Ardal hart y vart am vertket
Por eissor un eissyeu r>ym gwet
Penn elyf pan elwyf wynet
Un llysenw a run nyd ryvet vy mod
Yn mudaw am reuet
Reuet teyrnet ti bieu y dreis
Ar draws valch gyfrieu
Rysva dygyn dugost wy goteu
Rusgletk gwrt nyd ymhwrt amheu
Riuet syr syrthiasant yg creu
Oth gynnygyn oth gynnevodeu
Eos divro Penvro penn Tateu pybyl
Pobyl vedyt rwy kigleu
Llys hawrfort y berw fyrt neud tea
Lhvyr llosged y thudwet hitheu
Llutwyd kymynwyd kwbyl yn en pobed
Pob kenveint yn ychreu
1 This expression might amuse a stranger; and yet it affords an interesting insight
into the manners of the Welsh. Their diet was of rather a pastoral character, being
bread and milk, without meat ; the want of the latter article prevented the Earl of
Leicester from keeping an army of Englishmen in Wales, when Llewelyn ab Gruffydd
and himself were confederates. Warrington is wrong when he says (vol. ii. p. 179}
it was want of bread ; for of that, as Giraldus shows, they had plenty.
- Haverfordwest in Pembrokeshire.
FROM A.J). 11D4 TO A.J). 1240. Ill
The Castle of Gwys 1 thou didst quickly humble,
And Arberth 2 of the light gossamer.
Death is the natural consequence of thy enmity,
And of that of thy retinue — best of rulers.
Rhys the Little 3 art thou called, but falsely,
For thou art Rhys the proudly great, towering in arms in the battle.
Rhys the Hoarse 4 they call him — pillar of state,
Not Rhys the harsh attempting oppressions.
Rhys that not ten thousand nor double will drive back,
A warrior that does not give his Avarriors
A destiny of idleness.
A hero before whose bloody wide-spreading sword,
Chieftains fall like shooting stars.
Hero of Dinevor, 5 with the hand unused to except,
By seeing thee am I not become
The first chief of the faith,
Of a Cambrian from a Cambrian multitude ?
From every kingdom tribute comes to our sovereign,
And he protects those who give it.
His favours are scattered among suitors,
Kastell gwis kystyngeist yn gleu
Ac Arberth gosymerth goleu
Anghen yn aghen yn anghen oth gas
Ath osgort rwy goreu
Rys Vychan y galwant ys geu
Rys vawr valch yg calch yg cadeu
Rys Gryg y galwant golofyn pen
Nyd Rhys Gryg yn kynnyc kamen
Rys nys kil na deng mil na deu
Pan el Rys yn rwysc arveu
Arvawc kymynawg kymened osswyt
Oes vdut nyd tynghed
Aerwr s} T r syrthyws eu riued
Ar y law ae lafyn wyarlled
Arwr dinevwr dinamhed adaf
Neud athwyf ath weled
Yn bennaf yn bennaeth or gred
O gymro o gymry giwed
boli teyrnas teyrnged yn rwyf
Nwy rotwy gogeled
' Id Pembrokeshire.
2 Xarberth in Pembrokeshire.
3 When father and son were of the same name, the son was nailed the " Little,"
Vychan.
4 This is a pun. as in the preceding case, upon the word "Gryg," which tna\
signify either hoarse or harsh.
5 The royal seat of the Princes of South Wales. It is in Carmarthenshire.
Ì42 WELSH POETRY
His red gold, his bounty, and his society.
I being anxious to return home,-
The liberal prince was so pressing,
That to stay he offered me gold and silver in abundance,
And stallions of headlong haste pampered with corn,
Men and land, and an extensive township,
And frequent admission to his society,
With a lordship well known and fruitful ;
Without limit and enough for the wisest
Were given to me by the potent ruler ;
A golden mirror, and three hundred garments.
He is the best prince ever born,
Since the meek Arthur, the leader of the nation;
He pours his gold into the lap of the agitated bard,
As ripe fruit falls from the trees.
Llewelyn, ruler of baptism and belief,
Son of Iorwerth, my strength and protection,
Thou, too, shouldst come to the South ;
The renowned meek one would give thee permission :
Thou wouldst meet with abundant honour,
And live on terms of equality, an age of generosity.
Thou'art like Mordav 1 and Nudd, givers of red gold,
Y eirchion y eirchyeid ar lied
Ae eur rut ae vut ae vynwed
A minhen ked mynhwyf vyned
Am radeu ryeu ry daenred
Yssym eur ac aryant nyd fled
Ac emys grawhurys grawnvyged
Yssym wyr a thir a threfred ohang
Ac ehofyn ystlyned
Yssym ut digut digaled
Digryno digawn y doethed
Am rotes ryodres riued
A drych eur ar drychant tuted
Ef goreu rieu ry aned
Er Arthur llary modur lliwed
Ef dihytyl y eur yn arfed frawt feirt
Val frwyth coed llawn adved
Llywelyn llyw bedyt a chred
Vab Iorwerth vy nerth vy noted
Y titheu ut deheu dyred
Clod wr llary om llwry yth drwyted
Ny bytud wrthut vut vyged
Yth eissor yth oes o haelhed
Wrth vordaf a nut pan roted ruteur
1 Mordav, Nudd, and Ehydderch were the three generous princes of the Isle of
FItOM A.D. 1194 TO A.I). 1240. 143
And Rhydderch of equal fame.
And thy stature and powerful frame,
Is like Ercwlf 1 the dreaded
And Samson, wood dogs of the most glorious cause,
And Hector when the trial came;
And from the time thou hast proved thy courage,
Jesus has not left thee to want.
In the communion of the three, in a band so fair,
Have I not left thy support ?
Grand consociate of the respected Kymry,
Terrible opposing leader — give me thy hand.
Rhys the son of Rhys, to whom Britain is certainly indebted,
Is the favourite of the poets ;
Rhys of Derllys, 2 I should deserve his reward,
Rhys the Protector deserves Dy ved ; 3
Ruler of Dyved ! thy ravages, thy praise, thy enemies,
Thy progress is wonderful ;
A ryterch afneved
Yth wrthyd yth wrt gadarrihed
Mai gwrhyd Ercwlff ergrynhed
A Samswn gwytgwn gogonet aehaws
Ac eclidor pan broved
A c or pryd y provaf nad fled
Nath adws Yessu eissywed
Yn hygant y tri yn tecced adaf
Neud adwyf yth ganred
Euu gymrawt gymry ovyged
Eynn wrthyd Uyẁ ryd Haw roted
Eys vab rys dilye dylyed prydein
Prydytyon ei tuned
Rys derllys dyrllytwn y ged
Rys rebyt ef dyrllyt dyved
Dyved rwyf dy glwyf dy glod dy gynygyn
Dy gynnif ys hynod
Dy gletyf ry glywssam arvod
Ath waew rut yn rynn ym wossod
Dy arwyt ech awyt uchod
Ys ar grad y gad y gauvod
Britain. Their courteous dispositions were such, that they did not fail to grant any-
thing whatever to any person who solicited it of them, if they had it in possession, or
could obtain it by gift, loan, or present, whether the applicants were friends or foes,
relatives or strangers. — Triad 30.
1 Hercules.
2 There is a farmhouse of this name about five miles from the town of Carmarthen.
3 The district of Dyved latterly comprised all South Wales except Glamorgan-
shire.
144 WELSH POETRY
Thy sword of which we have heard so much,
And thy red spear always ready for conflict;
Thy crest, the pervading spirit above,
Is easily seen on the field of battle ;
The protector of the orderly pleasant places,
Is thoroughly known to the men of England ;
Three hundred times has thy shield been fractured,
In three hundred hostile encounters.
Thy red gold lying uncounted in thy palace,
And thy prancing stallions,
And thy flocks playfully skipping along,
And thy herds, and thy wide domains :
Thus wert thou when I found thee,
And I am voluntarily impelled to sing thy praise.
How energetic the man who overcomes
All the unruly people ;
May God protect thee,
And assist thee to prepare for thy end,
Since there is no promise to tarry here.
Dragon of Britain, look before thee ;
And when thou shalt have run thy life of fair converse,
Of which I would not have concern without thee,
In heaven may thy permanent mansion be, and thy summer dwelling, -
A prince of the kingdom of God above.
Canhorthwy gordwy gordirod
Can wyr lloegyr ys lhvyr adnabod
Dy ysgwyd rwygwyd ragod tryehanweith
Trychangwyth gyvarvod
Ath eur rut dilut divyth od yth lys
Atli emys amgyrvod
Ath breityawr yn dyrawr dyvod
Ath preitin ath braf dy ofod
Mai yt wytt yt wyf yth ganvod
Yth ganmawl ay gannwf gorvod
Mor huysgwr gwr yn gorvod ar baẅb
Or bobloet anghydvod
Cynnhyad Duw ys diheu y vod
Yth gannerth cyn darmerth darvod
Canyd oes yma aminod y drygiaw
Dreic prydein syll ragod
Pan vyttych oth vyd hart gydvod
Or bythwn ny hebwn hebod
Boed yn nef ath bendref ath havod teyrn
Teyrnas daw uchod.
Myv. Arch. i. p. 204.
FltOM A.D. 1194 TO A.D. 1240. ]45
Einion ab Gwgan does not seem to have gained much
renown in his own age ; but he has contributed one fine poem
to the store of Cambrian literature. This is a long heroic ad-
dress to Llewelyn ab Iorwerth, the commencement and con-
clusion of which are really fine specimens of poetry : l
I invoke the assistance of my Lord, the God of Heaven,
Christ, the mysterious love-promoter, whom to neglect is impious
(The gift is true which descendcth from above,
The gifts that are given me are immortal),
According to the words of Paul,
To prove all things,
And to celebrate my prince, the ardent ruler,
Who avoids not the battle, nor its danger ; —
Llewelyn the generous, the maintainor of bards.
He is the dispenser of happiness to his subjects ;
His noble deeds cannot be sufficiently extolled ;
His spear flashes in a hand accustomed to martial deeds.
His numerous battles are then related, and the poem
concludes with the following summary of the hero's cha-
racter : 2
Protector of our country, may God protect thee !
Britain, fearless of her enemies, glories in being ruled by
A chief who has numerous troops to defend her,
By Llewelyn, who defies his enemies from shore to shore ;
He is the joy of armies, and, like a lion in danger,
He is the emperor and sovereign of sea and land.
1 Cyfarchaf om naf, am nefawl Arglwydd,
Crist celi culwydd, cwl i ddidawl,
Celfydd leferydd o le gweddawl,
Celfyddydau mau ni fo marwawl
I brofi pob peth o bregeth Bawl,
I foli fy rhi, rhwyf angerddawl
Ehyfel ddiochel, ddiochwyth hawl,
Llywelyn beilyn hwylfeirdd waddawl
Llawenydd y dydd, deddyf ai mawl,
Llewychedig Uafn yn Haw reddfawl.
2 Ehy chyngein Prydein yn ddibryder,
I Briodawr llawr yn llawn nifer,
Llywelyn gelyn yn i galwcr
I gelwir am dir am dud tymer.
Llawenydd lluocdd Hew yn bryder,
Llywiawdyr ymmerawdr mor a Ueufer,
L
14G WELSH POETRY
He is a warrior that may be compared to a deluge,
To the surge on the beach which covereth the wild salmon.
The sound of his approach is like that of the roaring leave that
rusheth to the shore,
That can neither be stopped nor appeased ;
He puts numerous t?*oops of his enemies to fight,
Like a mighty wind.
Warriors crowded about him, zealous to defend his cause ;
Their shields shone bright on their arms ;
His bards make the vales resound with his praises;
The justice of his cause, and his bravery in maintaining it,
Are deservedly celebrated;
His valour is the theme of every tongue ;
The glory of his victories is heard in distant climes ;
His men exult about their eagle, —
To yield or die is the fate of his enemies.
They have experienced his force by the shivering of his lance ;
In the day of battle, when no danger can change his purpose,
He is conspicuous above the rest,
With a large, stroag, crimson lance.
He is the honour of his country ; great is his generosity,
And he is never sued in vain.
Llewelyn is a tender-hearted prince ;
He is wise, witty, and ingenious,
I ddylif cynnif cynhebyecer
I ddylan am Linn, am leissiaid ffer.
Terfysc tonn dilysc dyleinw aber ;
Dylad anwasdad ny osteecer,
Terwynt twrwf rhywynt yn rhyw amser,
A rhialluoedd lluoedd llawer.
Torfoedd ynghyhoedd ynghyflawnder
Tariannau golau Aval i gwelei- :
Ey folant anant, anaw cymer,
Ey molir i \vir i orober
I wryd yn rhyd yn rheid nifer,
I orofn gwraf yn ydd eler,
I orfod gorfod glod a glywer,
I wyr am eryr ni amharer
I warae orau pan waraer
I wayw a orau yn ddau hanner,
Dinidr yn nydd brwydr ynyd brofer,
Dinodyng perging, pargoeli hydrfer,
Dinas dreig urddas, eurddawn haelder
Dinac efynag pan ofynner.
Dyn yw Llywelyn llywiawdr tyner,
FROM A.D. 1194 TO A.I). 1240. 147
And diffuses happiness as he circulates his wine.
May He that bestowed on us a share of His heavenly revelation
Grant him the blessed habitation of the saints above the stars.
Next in point of literary merit is Davtdd Benvkas, who
has also composed a fine poem in honour of this prince. In
the preceding- portions, I have contented myself with presenting*
literal prose versions ; but, in order to afford a little variety, I
will give Davydd Benvras's ode, in a very faithful metrical ver-
sion b} r Mr. Maurice Roberts of Llwynrhudol : '
Creator of that glorious light,
Which sheds arGund his vivid rays,
And the pale moon, which rules the night,
Oh, deign to animate my lays !
Oh, may my verse like Merddin's flow,
And with poetic visions glow !
Great Aneurin, string my lyre,
Grant a portion of thy fire !
That fire which made thy verse record
Those chiefs who fell beneath the sword
On Cattraeth's 2 bloody field :
Oh ! may the muse her vigour bring
While I Llewelyn's praises sing,
His country's strongest shield !
Ne'er was such a warrior seen,
With heart so brave and gallant mien ;
From a regal race descended,
Bravely he the land defended ;
Doeth coeth cywrennin, gwin a gwener
Ar gwr ai rhoddes in ran or pader,
Ai rhoddo ef gwenfro gwynfryn uch scr.
1 Gwr a wnaeth llewych o'r gorllewin,
Haul a lloer addoer, addef iessin
Am gwnel radd uchel rwyf cyfychwyin
Cyfiawn A wen, awydd fyrddin
I gann moliant mal Aneirin gynt
Dydd y cant Ododin
I foli gwyndawd gwyndyd weriu
Gwynedd bendefig ffynnedig ffin
Gwanas deyrnas deg cywrennin
Gwreidd teyrneidd taer ymrwydin
Gwrawl ei fflarado am fro freiddin
Er pan oreu Duw dyn gyssefin
Ni wnaeth ei gystal traws arial trin
Gorug Llywelyn orllin — teyrnedd
■ See chap. i. p. 3.
i. 2
148 WELSH POETRY
Kings have learnt his pow'r to dread,
Kings have felt his arm and fled.
Loegria's king, with conquest flush'd,
Boldly to the battle rush'd;
Then was heard the warlike shout
(Signal of the approaching rout) ;
Great Llewelyn raged around,
Bravest chieftains press'd the ground ;
None his valour could withstand,
None could stem his furious hand ;
Like a whirlwind on the deep,
See him through their squadrons sweep.
Then was seen the crimson flood,
Then was Offa 1 bathed in blood,
Then the Saxons fled with fright,
Then they felt the monarch's might.
Far is heard Llewelyn's name,
Resounded by the trump of fame ;
Oft the hero chased his foes,
Where Sabrina 2 smoothly flows.
Could I poetic heights attain,
Yet still unequal were my strain
Thy wondrous deeds to grace.
E'en Taliesin, bardic king,
Unequal were thy praise to sing,
Ar y brenhinhedd braw a gorddin
Pan fu yn ymbrofi a brenin Lloegyr
Yn llygru swydd erbin
Oedd breisc weisc ei fyddin.
Oedd brwys rwysc rkag y godorin
Oedd balcb gwalch, golchiad ei lain,
Oedd beilch gweilch, gweled ei werin,
Oedd clywed cleddyfaii finfin
Oedd clybod clwyf ym mliob elin
Oedd briw rhiw yn nhrabludd odriu
Oedd braw saw saeson clawdd y Cnwccin
Oedd bwlch llafn yn Haw gynnefin,
Oedd gwaedljd pennau, gwedi gwaedlin rhyw
Yn rhedeg am ddeulin.
Llywelyn, ein llyw cyffredin
Llywiawdr berth hyd borth ysgewin
Ni ryfu g} r stal Gwstennin ag ef
I gyfaill pob gorllin
1 Offa's Dyke.
2 The river Severn.
FROM A.D. 1194 TO A.B. 1240. 140
Thy glories to retrace.
Long and happy may he live,
And his hours to pleasure give !
Ere his earthly course is sped,
And he lies number'd with the dead ;
And ere upon his honoured tomb
Herbs shall rise, and flowers shall bloom.
May the Redeemer intercede,
And unto God for mercy plead !
And when the Judgment Day shall come,
When all attending to their doom,
Then may Llewelyn, warrior brave,
In glory live beyond the grave ;
Oh, may the hero's sins be then forgiven,
And may he gain a seat with blessed saints in heaven !
The diction here is dignified, well-sustained, and appro-
priate ; but in the original of this, as in many compositions of
the same, and later ages, the versification is elaborated at the
expense of sentiment, and a jingling of similar sounds is made
to conceal a poverty of ideas ; yet Davydd Benvras is more
coherent and concise than most of his contemporaries. What
he has to say, he puts into a few nervous words ; and if his
thoughts fall short of sublimity, they must be admitted to be
less trite and commonplace than those which pervade many
of the bardic remains. Twelve of his poems have been pre-
served ; most of them are addressed to Llewelyn the Great, but
there are a few moral verses, which, if they have no other merit,
are smooth, flowing, and suited to the subject.
i\Ii i'm byw be byddwn ddewin
Ym marddair ym marddawn gyssefin
Adrawdd ei ddaed aerdrin ni alhvn,
Ni allai Daliesin.
Cyn adaw y byd gyd gyfrin
Gan hoedyl hir ar dir daierin
Cyn dyfynfedd escyrnwedd yscrin
Cyn daer dyfnlas arlessin
Gwr a wnaeth or dwfr y gwin
Gan fodd Duw a diwedd gwirin
Nog a wnaetlibwyd treis anwyd trin
Ymhresent ymbzysur orllin
Ni warthaer hael am werthefin nos,
A ua.wilil saint boed eyfrin.
150 WELSH POETRY
Moral Verses. 1
All will come to the earthen ship ;
Poor little people will perish :
Who owns great wealth will cease to be,
And in one hour be swallowed up.
The hosts of earth will have an end,
And all we loved or followed ;
Do we not pass to a cold tenement ?
There is no life to man.
Every man will have a cold habitation,
With death for his companion,
And though he owns the land above, .
He'll end his days in that beneath.
Elidie Sais has left eleven poems, of which many are on
religious subjects. Of those which relate to temporal matters,
we will take the first on the list in the Archaiology.
An Atonement to Llewelyn ab Iorwerth. 2
Natural is the quaffing of the clear bright wine
From the horn of the buffalo,
From the fold of the bugle,
Natural is the singing of the cuckoo in the beginning of summer,
1 Pawb a ddaw yr ddaear long
Pobyl vychein druhein a dreing
A vacco treul gywro trang
Yn unawr y llawr ae llwng.
Llyngvawr daearawr dervyn a garaf
A gereis ych hanlyn
Neut eddwyf yn oer dyddyn
Nid oes dim enioes y ddyn.
Pob dyn oer dyddyn neud eiddaw aiigheu
Anghyveillwr iddaw
Y A-eddu dayar arnaw
Y vedd or diwedd y daw.
: Dadolwch i Llywelyn ab Iokwkrth.
< rwnawd yr yfawdd glyw gloyw win o fnal
fuarth buelin.
Gnawd cathleu cogeu cyntefin
FROM A.D. 1194 TO A.I). 1240. 151
Natural is the increasing growth of the springing blade,
Natural to the wise is his intellectual wealth,
But not natural, not tranquil is it to be sorrowful.
Kegret has done me great injury,
For the brothers of dignity, the best men of the west ;
Brothers separated in lamentable terror by foes,
God, and Mary, and the sisters ! can I smile ?
Can I rejoice Avith a mind full of anxiety ?
He came as a lion with lightning impelling,
The excelling hawk, the victorious hawk of enterprise,
Llewelyn, the gentle sovereign,
Of courteous manners ; the director of the banquet (or the filling of the
circulating glass),
1 am not accustomed to the habit of soaring (or whirling round) ;
I have not been roaming,
To view the paths of the songs of Taliesin ;
Lo ! I am not so sprightly
As prior to the end of the frail conflict of Breiddin, 1
To express myself in the bardic strains of Merddin.
I will give thee counsel, who art most excellent in disposition,
Whose dread spreads beyond the sea !
Consider, when you oppress beyond the borders,
To make everyone extend his head to his knees ;
Gnawd y tyf tywys o egin
Gnawd y doeth cyfoeth cyfyewin
Ni nawd nid llonydd a llwyfin
Hiraeth am ry wnaeth rewin
Braint brodyr gwellwyr gollewin
Eroder de braw aele elin
Duw a mair a chwair yn chwerthin
Chwerthid bryd o bryder chweuriu
Dothyw Hew a lluchig gorddin
Detholwaleh buddugfalcli byddin
Llywelyn llyerw freyenhin
Llary ddefawd llyw gwyrddrawd gwydrhi
Nid wyf gynnefawd gynnefin amehwyf
Ni rj'bum gerddennin
Edrych cyrdd cerddau Taliesin
Edryeh ni mor wyf eddein
Ky ddarfod brau gyfnod Breiddin
By ddywawd oi farddwawd Ferddin
Cyssil a th roddaf oth rin wyd goreu
Gorofn tra nierin
Ystyrych pan dreisyeh dros ffin
Ystwng pawb hyd ben ei ddenlin
1 The same place as the Breiddin mentioned by Gwalehmai in chap. i. sect. 2.
152 WELSH POETRY
Be to the weak an equal distributor of the spoil ;
Be trnli/ mild to the songs of the right line ;
Be of ardent courage in the slaughter, adhere to thy labour;
Destroy England, and plunder its multitudes ;
Mercy be to thee in thy stony fortress
For loving the prophetic Deity !
The Same Subject in a Different Metre.
Llewelyn the affable, permit me to remain in the country
Of the obstructors of the great Ca-esar, 1
And honour me, thou whose course is like the fiery flame,
With thy gift, and thy favour, but not thy anger;
Thy anger, Llewelyn, has been heavy,
And nearly annihilated me.
Thou, whose golden tributes are wrung from every land,
Hast nearly exterminated a youth in his manhood.
Manliest of men, supporter of the tents of Avarwy, 3
His anger is dreadful ;
ByiM wrth wann gyfran gywreniu
Bydd iawn 11a ry wrth gerddau iownllin
Bydd wrddrud aer ddylud ddilin
Dilein Lloegr a llwgr oi gwerin
Trugaredd ath fo otli foinin gaerweikl
gam Duw Ddewin
Ktngogion or Dadot.wch.
Llywelyn hyddyn haedd am par cywla I
Cyfluddion Udd Kessar
Om rhoddud rwysg nfeliar
Da rodd dy fodd heb dy far
Dy far Llywelyn a fa fawr i drwm
Ei drymed am diddawr
Eurdreth o drymyn pob llawr
Aerdrangc gwr ieuangc gwriawr.
Grwr gwraf gorsaf gwersyll Afai-wy
Ei fareu om erchyll
1 Welsh Literature furnishes additional proofs of the propriety of sounding the
C hard in Latin words. The bards, who usually adhered strictly to sounds, always
say Kesar. It sounds strange to say Kikero, and yet that seems to be the proper
pronunciation.
2 In the Biographical Dictionary of the Rev. Robert "Williams, Avarwy, upon the
authority of the Triads, is represented to have been the same person as the Androgens
of tho Chronicles ; but though doubtful of the soundness of that view, I cannot stay
to inquire into its correctness. It is, however, certain that the Avarwy to whom
FROM A.D. 1194 TO A.D. 1240. 103
Nimble slaughterer of the hosts of Loegria, 1
Though the red-armed chief accuses he will not lose me.
Than to be sent away by him who pays me from his riches,
It is more likely far,
That he will leave me to want nothing,
But make me, like Gwgan, 2 live an age of prosperous generosity.
Llewelyn is compared, was not Androgens, but Arviragus ; for a Welsh bard would
scarcely think it a compliment to compare Llewelyn ab Iorwerth to one of "three
arrant traitors of the Isle of Britain." He was the son of Kynvelyn (Kymbelinus — the
Cymbeline of Shakespeare), King of Britain. Arviragus is placed by Geoffrey in the reign
of the Emperor Claudius. His brother Gwiderius (Gwydyr) and Arviragus (Avarwy)
having refused to pay tribute to the Romans, Claudius camo against him with a large
army. In the battle that ensued, Gwiderius was slain treacherously by Hamo, a
Roman general ; but Arviragus, having put on his brother's armour, continued the
conflict, and defeated the Romans. He subsequently married the daughter of Claudius,
and gave his assistance to the Emperor in reducing the Orkneys. He afterwards
rebelled against the Romans, and acquired great fame as a warrior; but after fighting
an indecisive battle against Vespasian, who had been sent to oppose him, he, through
the good offices of his wife, made peace with that general. Afterwards, when he grew
old, he began to show much respect to the Senate, and to govern his kingdom in peace
and tranquillity. He confirmed the old laws of his ancestors, and enacted some new
ones, and made very ample presents to all persons of merit. So that his fame spread
over all Europe, and he was both loved and feared by the Romans, and became the
oliject of their discourse more than any king in his time. Hence Juvenal relates how
a certain blind man, speaking of a turbot that was taken, said :
" Omen habes, inquit, magni clarique triumphi,
Regem aliquem capies, aut de temone Britanno
Excidet Arviragus."
Thou hast here an omen of a victory great and glorious ;
Arviragus shall from his British chariot fall,
Or thee his lord some captive king shall call.
In war none was more fierce than he, in peace none more mild, none more pleasing, or
in his presents more magnificent. When he had finished his course of life, he was
buried at Gloucester, in a certain temple which he had built and dedicated to the
honour of Claudius. Such is Geoffrey's story, which, though some of it may be
imaginary, is evidently that to which the bard refers.
Aerflawdd Lloegr Uuoedd erfyll
Arfrudd er cyhudd nim cyll.
No cholled alaf elw freuner om tal
Tebygach ym lawer
Heb eisieu neb neuom ner
Oes Wogawn hwyhlawn haelder
1 Lloegria (Lloegr) is the Welsh name for England.
2 " Gwgan Gwron, the son of Peredur vab Eliver, distinguished with Llywarch
Hen and Manawyddan, as the three unambitious princes of Britain ; who having
devoted themselves to bardism, refused to accept of regal power when offered them.
He was also one of the three heralds who regulated the laws of war ; the other two
154 WELSH POETRY
Most generous were Mordav l and thy honoured father ;
They wouJd not bid me seek another land.
Impeller of armies, hero of slaughterers,
Eagle of warriors, send me not away.
Let me not be exiled, without having deserved thy hatred,
From thy large and wide domain,
Brave leader of the great tribe of Mervyn,
Llewelyn, hero of Lliwelydd.
We shall speak of the religious poems of this bard here-
after. Of the cause of this anger on the part of Llewelyn
there seems to be no information ; but it is possible that the
prince was suspicious of his integrity, for, as the name Elidir
Sais (Heliodorus the Englishman) indicates, the bard either was
not of Welsh parentage, though he had acquired a pretty
complete knowledge of the language, or he had spent much of
his life in England.
Gwynvardd Brycheiniog, another bard of this age, has left
us two long poems ; one addressed to the Lord Rhys of Dinevor,
and the other to the memory of St. David. The latter is a
curiosity, and a good specimen of an historical poem. In the
following lines the poet shows much skill in his enumeration of
the churches dedicated to this saint in his day :
Dewi (or David) the great of Menevia, the wise sage,
And Dewi of Brevi 2 near the plains,
And Dewi is the owner of the superb church of Kyvelach, 3
Where there is joy and great piety.
were Greidiol and Trystan. He flourished about the close of the sixth century." —
Owen's Cambrian Biography, p. 161.
1 One of the three generous princes of the Isle of Britain.
Haelaf oedd Fordaf ath fawrdad am ged
Nym gedynt aralrwlad
Eryf llu arwr lleiddiad
Eryr ar gedwyr nam gad
Nam gad i wybraw eb obryn dy far
Oth fawr ehang derfyn
Grlew llawr cenedl fawr Ferfyn
Glyw Lliwelydd Llywelyn.
Dewi mawr Mynyw, syw sywedydd,
A Dewi Brefi, gar ei broydd
A Dewi bieu balch Ian Gyfelach,
Lie mae morach a mawr grefydd.
2 In Cardiganshire. 3 Glamorganshire, near Swansea,
FROM A.D. 1194 TO A.D. 1240. 155
And Dewi owns the choir that is
At Meidrjni, 1 a place affording sepulture to multitudes;
And Bangor Esgor ; and the choir of Uenllan,
Which is a place of fame lor sheltering yews ;
And Maenor Dcivi, 2 void of steep declivities;
And Abergwili, 1 containing mildness and modesty;
And fair Henvyny w, 3 by the side of the Glen of Aeron,
Fields prolific in trefoil, and oaks productive of acorns ;
Llanarth, 3 Llanarthney, 1 churches of the patron saint;
Llangadog, 1 a privileged place, enriched by chiefs ;
Llanvaes, 4 a loity place, shall not suifer by war ;
Nor the church in Lly wel 4 from any hostile band,
Garthbrengi, 4 the hill of Dewi, void of disgrace,
And Trail wng Cynvyn 4 by the dales;
And Llanddewi 5 of the Cross, with a new chancel ;
And Glasgwm, 5 and its church by Glas Vynydd (the green mountain),
A lofty sylvan retreat, where sanctuary làils not ;
Craig Vuruna 5 fair is hei-e, and fair its hilly prospects;
And Ystrad Vynydd, 5 and its uncontrolled liberty. 6
Next on the list stands the name of Phtlip Brtdydd, or
Philip the Poet. We have six poems by him on various topics,
none possessing any great degree of poetical merit, and yet each
A Dewi bieu Bangeibyr y sydd
Meidrym, le a'i mynwent i luossydd,
A Bangor Esgor ; a Bangeibyr Henllan,
Y sydd i'r clodfan y clyd ywydd
Maenawr Deifi di orfynydd ;
Abergwyli bieu gwylwlydd ;
Henfynyw deg o du glennydd Aeron,
Hyfaes ei mellion, hyfes goedydd ;
Llanarth, Llanadneu. llanau llywydd ;
Llangadawg. lie breiniawg rannawg rihydd;
Nis ar^eidd rhyfel Llanfaes, He uchel ;
Na'r Han yn Lly wel, gan neb lluydd ;
G-arthbrengi, bryn Dewi, digywilydd ;
A Thrallwng Cynfyn ger y dolydd,
A Llandewi y Crwys, Llogawd newydd,
A Glascwm ai eglwys ger glas fynydd
Gwyddelfod aruchel, nawdd ni achwydd,
Craig Furuna deg yma, teg ym mynydd,
Ac Ystrad Fynydd, ai ryddid rydd.
Myv. Arch. vol. i. p. 127.
1 Carmarthenshire. - Pembrokeshire. 3 Cardiganshire.
4 Brecknockshire. 5 Kadnorshire.
6 The translation is taken from Williams's Dissertation on the Pelagian Heresy.
156 WELSH POETRY
possessing some feature of sufficient interest to deserve notice.
He seems to have been considered in his own day to possess
considerable talent ; and though he will not now bear compari-
son with the great luminaries of the world, yet has he in him
something more than the run of common men. He was the
family bard of that turbulent chieftain Ehys Gryg, Lord of
South Wales, and seems to have given offence to his patron by
his leaving the court of Ehys to travel the regular bardic cir-
cuit, the chieftain objecting to the celebration of any praise but
his own ; the following poem contains a species of remonstrance
on the part of the bard :
Atonement to Rhys Gryg. 1
Why seekest thou, bloodstained rallying-point of the
Blood-soiled spear, that I should leave thee ?
Why, patron of bards, Avolf of the Lord,
What fault foundest thou in me ?
I will take upon me, eloquent Ehys, to answer ;
It is rendering to him in his own court
Eeady and certain services,
And singing the great praises of the Lord Rhys.
Rhys, the honoured of England, and gentle host of the banqueting
house of numbers,
The shield of Ystrad Towy ;
From thy fury, loving patron of song,
May God protect me as if I were helpless.
I have been thy supporter, thou maintainer of armies
Kynghoeion Dadolwch a gant Phylip Prydyt y Ehys Gryg gwedi sorri
wrthaw am brydu y neb namyn 1taw ef.
Pa gessidy vi vodrydaf kreugar
Kroewgoch gwaew oth adaf
Pa ham veirt adlam vleit naf
Pa gam a gefeisty arnaf.
Arnaf kymeraf kymhennrys attel i
Hyd ettaw yny lys
Myned dylyed dilys
A mawrglod ym arglwyt rys.
Evs vyg Loegyr westyng lary westi torvoet
Taryan ystrad Tywi
Rac dy var kar kert loehi
Mai gwiryon gwarcd dduw vi
Mi ath fum borthwr borthyad riallu
Ni ellir y ddiwad
FROM A.D. 1194 TO A.D. 1240. 157
(It cannot be denied),
When, well-known ruler, lion of battle,
Thou wert involved in all sorts of wars.
For thy fame, great hero, dishonour me not,
Nor treat me with contempt ;
Radiant eagle, sheltering hand,
Let me not feel thy ire.
I cannot continue to eat the bread of Rhys,
The crimson-spotted one of battles :
For pleasureless to me is all good,
While disliked by him luho used to love me.
Hate me not ; be patient, passionless one ; refrain.
Rhys of Rhos and Eppynt. 1
I have been thy bard, and many know it,
And a hundred times thy companion formerly.
First I will save my important privileges from the rage
Of the descendant of Casnar 2 of the dreaded thrust;
The protection of the great God of the ten shades of midnight
Be given me, and that of nine thousand saints !
And beware, heroic ruler, blood-furious Rhys,
Who ragest like the great sea monster,
Pan oed lyw kyhoet lew cad
Ym pob riw ryvel arnad.
Ar dy vawlvar par pymllyg nam gwartha
Nam gwrthod yn ddurvyg
Eryr llewyr Haw bergyng
Erreityeisty ehang o yng
Ys yng yn ystwng ystic vara rys
Rutvoawc cadurva
Ys amlys im ddim da
Os am carwys am cassa.
Nam cassa pwylla pyllyawd edvynt rys
Y rwng ros ac eppynt
Bart vum itt trimud tremynt
A chedymddeith kanweith kynt
Kyntaf achubaf echel vreint rac bar
Hil casnar cas wytheint
Nawt duw mawr dengwawr deweint
Gyda nawt naw mil o seint.
Synnya di roti rwyf gwawr carannawc
Kerennhyt yth gerdclawr
Eysva kyrt kalan yonawr
1 Carmarthenshire.
2 Casnar is in the Mabinogion called Prince Kasnar, and in other places Kasnar
AVledig. He is mentioned in a poem attributed to the pseudo-Taliesin, called
" Marwnad Uthr Pendragon," with Gorlaix and other romantic heroes ; and was the
father of Llary, one of Arthur's warriors.
158 WELSH POETRY
That thou givest coronal greeting to thy minstrel,
When, in the course of song, he comes on the eve of January }
More than the relics of the. faith, I believe thee,
Supporter and the pillar of battle ;
He is one who will keep my chair for me ;
I know he will not break his word.
If in a vain mood I heedlessly said a word, to cause
Offence to the golden pillar of the Kymry,
I can easily alter that ;
God above will take the unkind.
This bard in his own day was a distinguished champion of
the privileges and pretensions of the chief bards. A portion of
one of his invectives against the inferior grade, or poetasters,
has been already given ; and it is hoped that the interest of the
next poem will atone for its insertion. The object of the poem
is to state, that he would, at Christmas, meet the poetasters at
the court of Llewelyn, when he engages to expose their incapa-
cities, and bring them into utter discredit. It would appear
that he had been twitted with the statement, that the bard
Golyddan had given a blow with the hand to Cadwaladr the
Blessed. The fact is stated in this Triad : 2
The three accursed battle-axe strokes of the Isle of Britain : the stroke
of Eiddyn ab Enygan on the head of Aneurin Gwawdrydd ; the stroke of
Cadavael the Wild on the head of Iago ab Beli ; and the stroke on the
head of Golyddan the Bard, for the palmstroke he had given to Cadwaladr
the Blessed.
Eys rut bar rwyse morvar mawr
Mawr fwy y credaf nc chreir ked
Nerthyad echel kad ked adneir
Gwr yssy yni kadw ym kadeir
Gwn itaw goreuraw geir
dywedeisy eir ar wekrei heb porth
Parth eurgolofn Kymry
Diwygaf honnaf hynny
Difwyn a gynier duw vry.
1 On the first day of every new year, each prince held a feast, after which, on the
departure of the guests, there was a general distribution of presents. On these occa-
sions the bards and other officials received presents of new garments, harps, and
money; and accordingly the first day of January was anxiously expected. Children
still run about "Wales for new year's gifts.
2 Tair Anfad Fwyellawd Ynys Prydain : Bwyellawd Eiddyn ab Enygan ym
mhen Aneurin Gwawdrydd ; a bwyellawd a roddes Cadafael Wyllt ym mhen Iago ab
Beli ; ar Fwyellawd ym mhen Golyddan Fardd achaws y balfiiwd a roddes efe ar
Gadwaladr Fendigaid.— Triad 78.
FROM A.D. 1104 TO A.D. 1240. '169
We find the same fact stated in another Triad at greater
length. It appears from the Triads that this palmstroke was
fatal : »
The three mischievous palmstrokes of the Isle of Britain : the palm-
stroke of Mat hoi wch the Irishman on Bronwen the daughter of Llyr ;
the palmstroke which Gwenhwyvach gave Gwenhwyvar, and which
caused the battle of Camlan ; and the palmstroke which Golyddan the
Bard gave Cadwaladr the Blessed.
The passage in the poem is a reply to an accusation of this
want of respect, shown by a bard for that monarch : 2
Lord of heaven and earth, great and wonderful
Like the Ca-esars, the causes of all mischief;
Hear, red-speared lord of sovereignty,
The disputing of the bards and the poetasters.
Since the time that Elphin was in the contention of Maelgwn,
Babbling has not produced such extensive woe ;
Many a wise and simple story should have trickled in the speech
Of the snow-white women of Gwynedd,
Before this should have come from the carols
Of lying bards, ignorant of the Creator and His honours.
If Golyddan did the mischievous act,
Strike Cadwaladr, the pillar of war —
One who was capable of making similes, —
And already suffering anguish, —
On his soul be the iniquity.
To disqualify the talents given by God is not in man ;
' Probert's Ancient Laws of Cambria, p. 393.
2 Arglwydd nef a llawr mam a ryved
Val y Keissyr cam pob camwedd.
Andawt ud gwaywrnd gwawr teyrned
Y goveird ar beird yn kywryssed
Yr pan vu Elffin ynghywryssed Maelgwn
Neiis portb.es pepprwn pell dyfryded
Llavar merinnyeu gwynnyeu gwraged
Llawer chwedel annoeth a doeth Wyned,
Kyny deley hwn o achened
Geuveird anghyfrwys y bery ae henryded
gwnaeth Golyddan gyflavan diryeit
Bit ar ei eneit yr enwired
Taraw Kachvaladyr colofn elyflxi
Gwr oed yn gallu y dyvalied
Ac eissoes eissoes yny dygned
Divreiniaw dawn dinv nyd dyn ae med
1G0 WELSH POETRY
Yet how severely is discord experienced,
Since the presidency of the Cambrian song is fallen to false superfluity.
The lord of truth, Prince of Gwynedd,
And descendant of Madoc, 1 of abundant riches;
Llewelyn, the glorious long-sworded lion of war,
Whose fame is known in distant parts,
Will not give false judgment; he will speak firmly ;
He is one whose fame will be popularly known,
One who owns the taxes of the port of London, —
The worthless land of Britain and its residences,
One who knows the sense of the Senate of saints,
One who uses the privilege of sovereignty ;
I love best of all things to recline in the halls
Of the lion of the tribe of Tewdwr 2 the Great — the heroic protector.
I am competent to sing!
A song for support and rich patronage,
The old song of Taliesin, the elementary sovereign.
It was new nine times seven years,
And if death does not consign me to the fated earthy mansion,
Before the ungentle meeting of parleying,
Mor dygawn y raae digymroded
Wedi penkeyrdetk kymry ynghamryssed
byd arglwyd gwir gwyned dywyssawc
Eissyllyd Madawc rywyawc reuved
Llywelyn llew gwawr clodvawr cleddyfin
Pell yd etmyger y atchwedled.
Gwr ny vara kamvarn kadarn yt ved
Gwr a vyd y enw yn edryssed
Gwr biheu tretkeu tratlioed Llundein
Diffeitkdir prydein ae chyvanhed
Gwr yn llwyr a wyr synnwyr sened Seint
Gwr a wys y vreint o vreninhed
Goreu yw gennyfy gorwed neuadawr
Llyw llwyth Tewdwr mawr gwawr gwaradret
Kynnedyf yw gennyf y k — derganed
Kanu kerd am borth am byrth neued
Hengerd Talyessin y teyraed elvyd
Hi a vu newyd naw seith mlyned
Ac onym agheu y angkenved daear
1 Madoc Brwyn, a chieftain who lived in the middle of the sixth century.
(Cambrian Biography, p. 220.) For further information see note on Ehuvawn Bevyr,
p. 42. Madoc ab Meredydd of Powys was the maternal grandfather of Llewelyn ab
Iorwerth.
2 Tewdwr was father to Ehys ab Tewdwr, and grandson to Howel the Good. He
was slain when fighting under his uncle Meredydd, Prince of South Wales, against
Idwal, King of North "Wales, in the year 997.
VliOM A.D. llí)4 TO A.IK 1240. 101
The muse shall not cease from lavishly flowing,
]\'hile sun and moon keep their places in the circle ;
And if lies do not overpower truth,
Or a cessation of the talents of God before the end,
I will bring disgrace in the contest
Upon the raw and false bards and their vain affectations.
This bard has left among his poems an elegy on Khys leu an c,
in which there occurs a striking thought. On seeing the body
he exclaims, " Can this be real "
Is it not an image in a mirror that I see ?
Was it not to-day that I saw him at the head of his army ?
(Life is but grass) ; now 1 support the body of a lifeless king !
Einion Wan, described by one of his contemporaries as
" Einion of unexceptionable talents," is the author of several
small poems of a pleasing character. They are principally
addresses to, and elegies on, warriors ; and among them oc-
curs an elegy on Madoc ab Gruffydd Maelor, 1 of Powys, which is
here translated : 2
Will not the tribes weep for the loss of Madoc,
Hawk of battles, bold and powerful chieftain ?
Have not my heart's tears ebbed completely away,
And is not my heart bursting through his loss ?
The loss of Madoc, sorrowful recollection,
Makes the heart ivither from regret.
Hero of the earth, prosperous chieftain;
Miserable is his valley, and his foster brother ;
Kyn anwar kyfar kyflavared
Ny dervyd awen ty ar darwed trcul
Tra vo lloer a heul ar y rod wed
Ac onyt trech kelwyd na gwiryoued
Neu darvot dawn duw yn y diwed
Ys my a veflawr or gyngheused
Gweryt yr gwagveird y gwaghoffed
1 Grufiydd Maelor, lord of Bromfield, is called (LI. C. MS.) "yr haelaf o'r Kyrary."
His corpse was carried to Meivod, and honourably interred there, being attended by
most of the persons of quality in the country. — Powell, p. 209.
5 Neud rhaid am Fadawg trengi ciwdodoodd
Gwalch cadoedd cadrfalch ri
Neud trai calou donn dug fi
Ac neud trwydoli o'i golli.
O golli Madawg edgyllaeth cofion
:ychosis 9 and not an exposition of the doctrine itself. This
must be evident from the fact that the changes are not forced
on the person by some superior power, but are quite voluntary,
ns was seen in the case of Gwion and Keridwen; and we also
tind from frequent instances in the Mabinogion, that the as-
sumption of shapes was a matter of choice, and not a compul-
sory act. Menw ab y Teirgwaedd and Gwrhyr Gwalstawd
Ieithoedd voluntarily assume the forms of birds in order to get
close to the boar Twrch Trwyth ; and the latter gets into
conversation with the young boars ! We therefore miss the
solemnity which accompanies theological belief.
The poet then states the object of his journey :'
Puny hard?, I am trying
To secure the prize, if I can ;
By a gentle prophetic strain
I am endeavouring to retrieve
The loss I may have suffered ;
Complete the attempt, I hope ;
Since Elphin endures trouble
In the fortress of Teganwy ; 2
His confinement may not be over much.
Strengthened by my muse I am powerful ;
Mighty on my part is what I seek ;
For three hundred songs and more
Are combined in the spell I sing.
1 Culveirdd, ceisiaw yr wyv
Cadw y gamp neus gallwyv ;
Darogan dawelwyv
Ei rygeisiaw yr wyv
Y golled a gafwyv ;
Cwbl geisydd rhygoelwyv,
Neud Elfin yn nghystwy
Sydd o gner Teganwy,
Arno na ddoded rwy,
Cadr vy ngorawen wyv.
Cadarn ym a geiswyv ;
Sev tri chant eeriìd a mwy
Yw y gerdd wawd a ganwyv
2 The ruins of the fort of Teganwy ; there are still some remains of it on the
northern side of the estuary of the Conwy river.
MYTHOLOGICAL POEMS. 181
There ought to stand where I am
Neither stone and neither ring;
There ought not to be about me
Any bard who may not know
That Elphin, son of Gwyddno,
Is in the land of Artro, 1
Secured by thirteen locks,
For praising his instructor :
And then I, Taliesin,
Chief of the bards of the West,
Shall loosen Elphin
Out of a golden fetter.
And lie eventually obtains his patron's release.
It was this occasion that gave rise to the following very fine
apostrophe to the Deity : 2
The Mead Song.
To Him who rules supreme; our Sovereign Lord,
Creation's Chief — by all that lives adored,
"Who made the waters, and sustains the skies,
Who gives and prospers all that's good and wise, —
To Him I'll pray that Maelgwn 3 ne'er may need
Exhaustless stores of sparkling, nec'trous mead,
Xis dyl s:iv lie ydd wyv
Na maen ac na modrwy ;
Na bydd i vy nghylehwy
Nebun bardd aas gwypo
Mae Elphin ab Gwyddno
Sydd yn naiar Artro,
Tan dri ar ddeg elo,
Am ganmawl ci athro ;
A minnau Taliesin,
Pen beirdd y gorllewin,
A ollynga v Elfin
O hual goreurin.
1 A small estuary, two miles south uf Harlech, in Meirion.
2 Cantj y Medd.
Gwolycliaf wledig pendefig pob fa,
Gwr gynnail y nef, Arglwydd pob tra;
Gwr a wnaeth y dwfr i bawb yn dda,
Gwr a wnaeth pob Had ae ai llwydda ;
Meddwer Maelgwn Mon, ac an meddwa
3 Maelgwn Gwynedd, the son of Caswallon Law Uir, a celebrated king of tie
182 MYTHOLOGICAL POEMS.
Such as with mirth our hours has often crown'd,
When from his horns the foaming draught went round.
The bee, whose toils produce it, never sips
lite juice ordained by Heaven for human lips.
Delicious mead ! Man's solace, and his pride,
Who finds in thee his every want supplied.
The wants of every creature God supplies,
And earth's vast progeny His goodness praise ;
Both the grave and the gay, the wild and tame,
To choral strains attune His mighty Name ;
And man, for life and raiment, meat and drink,
Will of his gracious Maker ever think.
O Power Supreme ! Prince of the realms of peace,
Let Elphin's bondage, I beseech Thee, cease ;
Who to the beauteous steeds given heretofore,
And wine and ale, would also give me more ;
He in the paths of fame, if Heaven so will,
Myriads of feasts shall give with honour still.
Elphinian knight of mead ! thou'lt yet be free,
And Heaven will grant thee life and liberty.
The original of this poem is here and there adulterated with
Latin words ; but generally the language is pure, and so smooth,
lucid, and copious, as to make it a matter of surprise that an
acute critic could believe it to be an ancient poem. Of the
Ai feddgorn, ewyn gwirlyw gwymha.
Ai gynnull gwenyn ac nis mwynha
Medd bidlaidd, molaid molud i bob tra,
Lleaws creadur a fag terra ;
A wuaeth Duw i ddyn er ei ddonba ;
Ehai drud, rliai mud, ef ai mwynha,
Rhai gwyllt, rbai dof, Dofydd ai gwna,
Yn dillig iddynt yn ddillad ydd a,
Yn fwyd yn ddiod hyd frawd barha.
Golychaf i wledig pendefig gwlad hedd,
I ddillẁng Eìphiii o alltudedd
Y gwr am rhoddes y gwin, a'r cwrwf, a'r medd,
A'r meirch niawr modur mirain eu gwedd ;
Am rhothwy etwa mal diwedd,
Trwy focld Duw, rhydd trwy enrhydedd,
Pum penhunt calan ynghaman hedd,
Elphinawg farchawg medd, hwyr dy ogledd !
Britons, who reigned over North Wales from a.d. 517 till about 546; and as sove-
reign over the Britons from the last-mentioned date to the year 580, when he died of
the Mad Velen, or Yellow Plague. — Owen's Cambrian Biography, p. 235. "
MYTHOLOGICAL POEMS. 183
sentiments, I need scarcely say that they reflect the highest
credit upon their age, their author, and his country.
In a poem called " Angar Kyvyndawd ° the bard enumerates
twenty-one of his transmutations. Mr. Davies looks upon this
as the circle of transmigration, or the stages of initiation. To
me they seem to indicate an imaginative mind revelling in the
marvellous. Men invent fictions in the present day ; why may
they not have done so in the past ? At the time when romances
were in demand, we can conceive that such tales would have
been produced ; but if they were such recondite matters as he
supposes them to be, for what purpose were they written ?
The Druids were not allowed to reveal their mysteries to the
world; among themselves there was no need of revelation.
They would not have been intended to teach Druidism in-
directly ; for the lessons could not have been understood. There
were chieftains to reward the bards for their heroic odes ; but
if we reject the notion that these are Mabinogion embodj'ing
superstition, and gratifying credulity, there remains no con-
ceivable motive for the composition of these poems.
One of the least intelligible of the mythological poems is the
one called " Preiddeu Annwn," or the Victims of Annwn. 1
• i
1 Praise to the Lord, Supreme Ruler of the high region : Amui*
When the chief went beyond the shore of the world,
Complete was the prison of Gwair in Caer Sidi. 2
Through the permission of Pwyll and Pryderi
No one before him went to it ;
A heavy blue chain firmly held the youth,
And for the spoils of Annwn 3 gloomily he sings,
And till doom shall he continue his lay.
1 1 Golychaf wledig, pendefig, gwlad ri
Pe ledas y pennaeth, tros draeth Mundi
Eu cywair earchar Gwair ynghaer Sidi
Trwy ebostol Pwyll a Phryderi
Neb cyu nog ef nid aeth iddi
Y gadwyn drom las cywirwas ai cedwi
A rhag Preiddeu Annwn tost yd geni
Ac yd frawd, parhawd yn barddweddi,
2 Caer Sidi must be on the Cardigan coast. Sedia, a man's name. — Cambro -British
Saints, p. 55#. ; '- <> a "* ■■''' '" SÄŵé- fuìoj wof/s*/
3 Compare " Freiddicu Annwn" with the Argonautic expedition, and that of
Ulysses to Tartarus.
184 MYTHOLOGICAL POEMS.
Thrice the fulness of Prydwen l we went into it ;
Except seven, none returned from Caer Sidi.
2 Am I not a candidate for fame, to be heard in the song,
la Caer Pedryvan 2 four times revolving!
It will be my first word from the cauldron when it expresses :
By the breath of nine damsels it is gently warmed.
Is it not the cauldron of the chief of Annwn in its fashion ?
With a ridge round its edge of pearls !
3 It will not boil the food of a coward not sworn ; 3
A sword bright flashing to him will be brought,
And left in the hand of Llemynawg, 4
And before the portals of hell the horns of light shall be burning.
And when we went with Arthur in his splendid labours,
Except seven, none returned from Caer Vediwid (or the inclosure
of the perfect ones).
Tri lloneid Prydwen ydd aetham ni iddi
Namyn saith, ni dyrraith o Gaer Sidi.
Neud wyf glod geymyn cerdd, o chlywid,
Ynghaer Pedryfan pedyr y chwelid,
Ynghynueir or pair pan leferid
O anadl naw morwyn gochynesid,
Neu pair pen annwfn pwy y vynud ?
*\ Gwrym am ei oror a mererid,
3 Ni beirw bwyd llwfr, ni rydyngid,
Cleddyf lluch, lleawc, iddaw ryddycliid
Ac yn Haw Llemynawg ydd edewid
A rhag drws porth Uffern llugyrn llnscid
A phan aethom ni gan Arthur trafferth llethrid
Namyn saith, ni ddyrraith o Gaer Vendiuid
1 Messur Prydwen, a place. — Lib. Land. 461.
4 "Pedryal bid" and " tros traeth Mundi " must be tho Pembroke and Cardigan
coast :
Bed Owain ab Urien ym Pedryal bid
Dan guerid Llan Morvael
Yn Abererch Rhyddcreh Hael.
Morvael is in Pembrokeshire, east of Fishguard; Abererch, two miles east of Pwl'hcli,
Carnarvonshire.
3 See " Thirteen Royal Treasures." Mabiiiogion, ii. 353.
* This was one of Arthur's knights.
MYTHOLOGICAL POEMS. 185
4 Am I not a candidate for fame, to be heard in the song,
In the quadrangular inclosure, in the island of the strong door, 1
Where the twilight and the jet of night moved together?
Blight wine was the beverage of the host;
Three times the fulness of Prydwen we went on sea;
Except seven, none returned from Caer Rigor (or the inclosure of
the royal party).
5 1 will not have merit with the multitude in relating 'the hero's deeds ;
Beyond Caer Wydr 2 they beheld not the prowess of Arthur.
Three times twenty hundred inen stood on the wall ;
It was difficult to converse with their sentinel.
Three times the fulness of Prydwen we went with Arthur ;
Except seven, none returned from Caer Colur 2 (or the gloomy in-
closure).
6 I will not have merit from the multitude with trailing shields ;
They know not on what clay, or who caused it,
4 Neud wyf glod geimyn cerdd glywanawr
Ynghaer Pedryfan, ynys Pybyrddor
Ecbwydd a muchedd cymysgettor,
Gwin gloyw eu gwirawd rhag ou gosgor
Tri lloneid Prydwen ydd aetham ni ar for
Namyn saith, ni ddyrraith o Gaer Rigor.
5 Ni obrynaf lawyr Hen lly wiadur
Tra chaer wydr, ni welsynt wrhyd Arthur
Tri ugeint canhwr a sen ar niur ;
Oedd anawdd ymadrawd ai gwiliadur
Tri lloneid Prydwen ydd aeth gan Arthur,
Namyn saith, ni ddyrraith o Gaer Golur^,
6 Ni obrynaf i lawyr llacs eu cylchwy
Ni wyddant hwy yy ddydd peridydd pwy,
1 Ynys Tyhyrddor, Manorbeer, or Penbrus Head, Pembrokeshire. See Gwynvardd
Brycheiniog (My v. Arch. i. 269):
Pebyrdor pedrydant pobror.
(To Arglwydd Rhys.)
2 Caer Wydr must have been one of those vitrified forts so often named in Adam-
nan's Life of Columba. Myrddin's Tŷ Gwydryn was the holy house in Bardsey ;
Ynys Wydryn, Glastonbury. Craig Gwydyr is mentioned in the My v. Arch. i. 194.
Cynddelw (Myv. Arch. i. 21.5) says that Tyssilio made " Llan Trallyr ha lliant
uydrlenn " (wyrddlen, LI. E. D.) ; and there is a Tý Wrdyn near Holyhead.
3 Llandegwyn was formerly called Caer Grodolawr or Caer Godolaur. Ceindrych
verch Brychan was buried at the latter place (Bonedd y Saint, Myv. Arch. ii. 32);
and it is said she lived at Llandegwyn. — Rees, Welsh Saints, p. 150.
186 MYTHOLOGICAL POEMS.
Nor what hour in the splendid day Cwy x was born,
Nor who prevented him from going to the meanders of Devwy.
They know not the brindled ox, with his thick head-band,
And seven score knobs on his collar. , . y ->
And when we went with Arthur, of mournful memory,
Except seven, none returned from Caer Vandwy 2 (or the inclosure
resting on the height).
7 I will not have merit from men of drooping courage ;
They knew not what day the chief was caused,
Nor what hour in the splendid day the owner was born ;
What animal they keep of silver head.
When we went with Arthur, of mournful contention,
Except seven, none returned from Caer Ochren (or the inclosure of
the shelving side).
8 Monks pack together like dogs in the choir
From their meetings with their witches ;
Is there but one course to the wind, one to the water of the sea,
Is there but one spark to the fire of unbounded tumult?
Py awr, yn meinddydd, y ganed Cwy,
Pwy gwnaeth ar nid aeth dolau Devwy
Ni wddant hwy yr ych brych, bras ei benrhwy
Seith ugein cygwn yn ei aerwy
A phan aetham ni gan Arthur afrddwl gofwy
Namyn saith, ni ddyrraith o Gaer Vandwy.
7 Ni obrynaf i llawer llaes eu gehen,
Ni wddant py ddydd peridydd pen
Py awr ym meinddydd y ganed perchen
Py fil a gadwant ariant y pen
Pan aetham ni gan Arthur, afrddwl gynhen
Namyn saith, ni ddyrraith o Gaer Ochren
8 Mynaich dychnud, fal cunin cor
gyfranc uddud ai gwyddanhor
Ai un hynt gwynt, ai un dwfr mor,
Ai un ufel tan, twrwf diachor !
' Cwy, a river, Lib. Land. 149, 401 ; a man's name, ibid. 429. Gwi/, the river
Wye ; or Gtuy of Warwick ?
2 Porth Meudwy, or, as it is commonly called, Porth Neudwy, way the creek or
harbour from whence they usually took boat for Bardsey in former times, as the bard
Thomas Celli informs us :
Mudais i Borth y Meudwy,
Aber mawr, heb arhoi mwy.
(To Porth y Meudwy I then in haste repair,
And soon I reached its harbour great and fair.)
" Hell's Mouth " is still the name of the place. [The Welsh name of Hell's Month is
Porth Neigwl. — En.]
MYTHOLOGICAL POEMS. 187
Monks pack together like wolves,
From their meetings with their witches ;
They know not when the twilight and the dawn divide,
Nor what the course of the wind, nor who agitates it,
In what place it dies, on what region it roars.
The grave of the saint is vanishing from the foot of the altar.
I will pray to the Lord, the Great Supreme,
That I be not wretched ; may Christ be my portion.
Mr. Davies does not believe the lust line to be genuine ; but
though it differs in final rhyme from the others, it is connected
by the sense with the two lines which precede it.
This poem has hitherto remained without any satisfactory
explanation of its contents, or its object. Mr. Turner abandons
it in despair with the question, " Could Lycophron, or the
Sibyls, or any ancient oracle be more elaborately incompre-
hensible ? " ' and the author of the Mythology, with more
courage,' has attempted an explanation, which exhibits much
of the ingenuity with which his laborious work abounds, yet
leaves the object of the poem in as much obscurity as before.
He states that " the subject of the poem is the mythology of
the Deluge, and the mysteries which were celebrated in com-
memoration of it." 2
In the course of his criticisms he endeavours to show that
the Arthur mentioned is another name for Noah, and that the
adventure of Arthur and his men is the entrance of Noah and
his children into the Ark. But we need go no further than the
first verse to explode the whole theory. The entrance to the
place to which Arthur and his men were going was in the keep-
ing of Pwyll and Pryderi. 3 Now Pwyll was Prince of Dyved,
and Pryderi was his son ; and as neither the Garden of Eden
Myneich dychnud fab bleiddawr
ou/tfiiit-M . -} Na bwyf trist Crist am gwaddawl.
gyfranc uddud ai gwyddyanhawr
Ni wddant pan ysgar deweint a gvawr
Neu wynt p-wy hynt, pwy ei rynnawr
Py va ddifa, py dir y plawr
Bed Sant yn ddifant o bet allawr
Golychaf i wledig penderig niawr.
1 Vindication, p. 213. 2 Mythology of the Druids, p. 514.
3 See Arthur's raids in the Lives of the Cambro-British Saints, 312; and his
voyage to Ireland in "Prydwen," Mabiiwgion, ii. 307.
188 MYTHOLOGICAL POEMS.
nor Mount Ararat is in Pembrokeshire, this prince and his son
must have been guardians of something nearer here than the
Ark.
It seems more reasonable to conclude that the Arthur here
mentioned is the hero of romance, and that the expedition
which he and his men had undertaken in this large ship had for
its object the exploration of the infernal regions. Among the
Greeks and Romans, it seems to have been a necessary portion
of a hero's character that he should have braved the dangers
of a journey to the lower world; and as we know the bards
were acquainted, by name at least, with the Odyssey and the
iEneid, and with the expeditions of Ulysses and iEneas, there is
an à priori probability in favour of the above assumption. And
there are other features in the literature of this period which
go far to confirm it ; Davydd Benvras dwells delighting] y on
the supposed sufferings of Christ in those regions, and Grufiydd
ab yr Ynad Coch gives a minute description of the scene pre-
sented to the Saviour's sight on His descent into hell. The
theological opinions of that day had in them nothing that would
discountenance the belief of the possibility of Arthur's success-
fully attempting this feat, as must be abundantly evident to the
reader of the Divina Commedia of Dante, and of the religious
poetry of the bards. There are therefore no reasons of any
moment against this supposition, while the arguments in its
favour are numerous and cogent ; as we find from the romance
of St. Brandan, and other poems of the same age, that heroes
were required to visit the Stygian shores. Pwyll, Prince of
Dy ved, was King of Annwn, the world unknown, or hell ; and
we learn from the Mabinogion 1 that he was at his death suc-
ceeded in this office by his son Pryderi. We discern this in the
romance of Pwyll, in which there is an account of that prince's
visit to the lower regions. The larger portion of the romance
has long been before the public in the translation of Dr. Owen
Pughe ; 2 on this occasion therefore we shall quote the description
of the place, in the later and more elegant translation of Lady
Charlotte Guest. Pwyll being out hunting in the vale of Cuch,
between Pembroke and Carmarthenshires, met Arawn, King of
Annwn, or Hell. A conversation ensues, and Arawn proposes
that they should change places for twelve months, Pwyll taking
1 ' Mabinogion, vol. iii. p. 70./ " Cambrian Register, vol. ii. p. 177.
MYTHOLOGICAL POEMS. 189
his place in Annwn, Arawn ruling in Dyved instead of Pwyll,
and each of the kings exchanging his own for the other's form.
Pwyll, having accepted the proposal, is led from the vale of Cuch
without any delay into Annwn :
" So he [Arawn] conducted him [Pwyll] until he came in
sight of the palace and its dwellings. * Behold,' said he, ' the
Court and the kingdom in thy power. Enter the Court ; there
is no one there who will know thee ; and when thou seest
what service is done there, thou wilt know the customs of the
Court.'
" So he went forward to the Court, and when he came there,
he beheld sleeping rooms, and halls, and chambers, and the
most beautiful buildings ever seen. And he went into the hall
to disarray, and there came youths and pages and disarrayed
him, and all as they entered saluted him. And two knights
came and drew his hunting dress from about him and clothed
him in a vesture of silk and gold. And the hall was prepared,
and behold he saw the household and the host enter in, and the
host was the most comely and the best equipped that he had
ever seen. And with them came in likewise the Queen, who was
the fairest woman that he had ever yet beheld ; and she had on a
yellow robe of shining satin ; and they washed and went to the
table, and they sat, the Queen upon one side of him, and one
who seemed to be an earl on the other side.
" And he began to speak with the Queen, and he thought
from her speech that she was the seemliest and most noble
lady of converse and of cheer that ever was. And they partook
of meat, and drink, with songs, and with feasting ; and of all
the courts upon the earth, behold this was the best supplied
with food and drink, and vessels of gold and royal jewels.
" And the year he spent in hunting, and minstrelsy, and
feasting, and diversions, and discourse with his companions." ' 'Jyjr^JrL
We thus perceive that the journey to the lower regions was
not considered impossible. The story goes on to state that onẃj/^ŵ
returning home "Pwyll was ever after called Chief of Annwn."" 7 :'
Being chief of Annwn, it was the entrance thither that was in
the keeping of Pwyll and Pryderi ; and therefore the permis-
sion which they had previously given to no one but the prisoner
Gwair was a permission to enter into Annwn. Arthur and his
1 Mahinn^ion, vol. iii. p. 41.
.
190 MYTHOLOGICAL POEMS.
men sought admission to the same place. Gwair ab Geirion
had attempted the journey, and failed to make his escape ; and
of the number who accompanied Arthur, only seven succeeded
in returning home. The body of the poem is taken up in de-
scribing the objects which the adventurers saw on their way ;
and it must be confessed that the two pictures of the inferior
world given in the Mabinogi of Pwyll and in the poem differ
materially, though this difference need not affect the explan-
ation. There appears to have been a story in circulation that
Arthur did attempt such feat, as we may learn from the follow-
ing Triad :
" The three supreme prisoners of the Island of Britain : Llyr
Llediaith, in the prison of Euros wydd Wledig (probably Os-
torius) ; and Madoc or Mabon, son of Medron ; and Geyr, the
son of Geyrybed or Geiryoed ; [and one more exalted than the
three, and that was Arthur, who was for three nights in the
Castle_û£__Qeth_ ancLAnoeih, and three nights in the prison of
Wen Pendragon, and three nights in the da rk pr ison under the
stone^^oJLEchejneintj and one youth released him from these
three prisons ; that_y outh w as G oreu, t he so n of Constantine,
his cousin.] "
That portion which is inclosed in brackets, if not the whole
of the Triad, may be pronounced to be not genuine ; it has
evidently been composed from the following :
" Three royal families were taken prisoners from great-
grandfathers to great-grandsons, and not one of them escaped :
First, the family of Llyr Llediaith, who were taken prisoners to
Rome by the Caesars. Second, the family of Madawg ab
Medron, who were in the custody of the Picts in Scotland.
Third, the family of Gair the son of Geirion, Lord of Geirionydd,
by the verdict of the country and the nation, confined in the
prison of Oeth and Anoeth ; 2 and of these neither the one nor
the other escaped ; and the closest imprisonment that ever was
known was the imprisonment of these families." {Triad 61. 3 )
1 Tri goruchel garcharawr Y. P. Llyr Lledieitli yng Carchar Oeuroswydd Wledig,
ar eil Madog mab Medron, ar trydydd Geyr mab Geyrybet, ac un oedd oruchelach
nar tri sof oedd hwnnw Arthur a fu deirnos yng Caer Oeth ac Annoeth. A theirnos
y gen Wen Bendragon, a theirnos ygcarchar kudd dan y llech achymmreint ag un
gwas ae dillyngwys or tri charehar hynny, sef oedd y gwas Goreu vav Cystenin, y
gofnderw. — TriocdJ, 50.
2 See My v. Arch. 80, verse 30.
3 Tri Theulu Teyrnedd a ddyged yng ngharchar o'r gorhendaid i'r gorwyron, heb
MYTHOLOGICAL POEMS. 191
The composer of the first triad either condensed this triad
himself, or wrote at a period when such a condensation had
taken place in the popular tradition, and added to it the portion
relating to Arthur, which, as is apparent, makes the prisoners
four instead of three ; but though the triad is clumsily framed,
it indicates that in the tradition of the country the fortunes of
Arthur and Gwair were, as in the poem, connected together. It
now only remains for us to inquire what the prison of Oeth and
Anoeth was, to conclude the proofs in favour of the above in-
terpretation of the poem. This is comparatively easy, as we
find it described in the Iolo Manuscripts as having been made
of the bones of the numerous Romans slain by Caractacus and
his men, which were collected by Manawyddan ab Llyr. " It
was of a circular form and wonderful magnitude, and the larger \
bones were on the outer face of the walls, and within the circle
many prisons of lesser bones, and other cells under the ground,
as places for traitors to their country ; this was called the pri-
son of Oeth and Anoeth (open or concealed), in memorial of
what the Kymry and Caradoc, their king, had done for their
country and race in defeating the Romans as easily when the
trees from the shores of the Severn to the banks of the Towy
were so completely burnt down, that there was not a sprig left
standing large enough for a gnat to stand upon, as when the
Britons were protected by their woods. And in that prison
were confined those who were taken in war as enemies to the
race of the Kymry, until the judgment of a court should be ob-
tained upon them ; and if it should be found that anyone of
those foreigners was practising treachery, he would be burned ;
if he was taken in open battle, and it should be found true by
the judgment of the court, he would be returned to his country
in exchange for a Briton ; and after that they imprisoned there
everyone who should be found a traitor to his country, and
were not burned by judgment of the court. They were kept
there during their lives ; and that prison was demolished seve-
ral times by the Csesarians, and the Kymry would afterwards
adu yn nianc un o honynt; Cyntaf, Teulu Llyr Llediaith a ddyged yng ngharchar hyd
yn Ehufain y gan y Caisariaid ; Ail, Teulu Madawg ab Medron, a fuant yngharehar
y gan y Gwyddyl Ffichti yn yr Alban ; Trydydd Teulu Gair ap Geirion arglwydd
Geirionydd y gan Raith Gwlad a Chenedl yng ngharchar Oeth ac Anoeth ; ac o'r rhai
hynny nag un nag arrall y honynt yn nianc ; a llwyraf carcharu a wybuwyd erioed a
fu ar y Teuluoedd hynny. — Trioedd, 61.
192 MYTHOLOGICAL rOEMS.
reconstruct it stronger than before. And in the course of a
long time the bones became decayed, so that there was no
strength in them, and they were reduced to dust. Then they
carried the remains and put it on the surface of the ploughed
land ; and from that time they had astonishing crops of wheat
and barley, and of every other grain, for many years. Thus it
ends." 1
This was evidently the Oeth ac Anoeth in which Gwair was
imprisoned; but the romantic spirit soon overstepped the
literal accuracy of the Triadic story, and instead of being a pri-
son easy of access, and used lor the retention of criminals, made
it nearly, if not wholly, synonymous with Annwn. It would be
glaringly improper to make the hero Arthur a traitor to his
country, nor could there be any glory in forcing a passage into
that prison, since ordinary mortals such as the Romans, two of
whom in the words of the above story were not equal to one
Welshman, several times destroyed it. Therefore the Oeth ac
Anoeth of the romances was something very different ; and to
have been there was the highest heroism, for we find Glewlwyd
Gavaelawr boasting of it at Arthur's table. 2 From these facts,
coupled with the names and offices of Pwyll and Pryderi, and
the description of hell in the poem itself, we cannot well draw
any other conclusion than that the poem is a romance de-
V scriptive of Arthur's descent into Annwn, or the unknown world.
The title of the poem, had not mistaken learning covered it
with obscurit3 r , would have been sufficient to indicate its object ;
for Preiddeu Annwn means not "Spoils of the Deep," but " the
Prey or Victims of Annwn."
The vessel in which he and his party went does not appear to
have been " Prydwen," Arthur's favourite ship, for the poem ex-
pressly states that this vessel contained three times as many
men as " Prydwen" would hold ; we must therefore conclude that
the vessel was one of glass, constructed for the occasion, for the
poet says, he " will not have merit with the multitude in relat-
ing the hero's deeds, because they could not see his prowess
after he had entered Caer Wydr, or the vessel of glass." Glass
1 Here is an interesting fact for agricultural chemists ; the ancient "Welshman
who -wrote the tale, I feel assured, had never heard of LieLig ; yet the experience of
the Kymry justifies the hypotheses of the German philosopher. This story in the
Iolo MSS. pp. 597-600, is admirably told, and is a fine specimen of national bravado.
2 Kilhwch and Olwen, p. 256.
Ml TIIOLOGICAL rOEMs. 193
vessels, with romance writers, were things very easily con-
structed. Merddin went to sea with nine bards in a vessel of
glass ; and Juan Lorenzo, Segura de Astorga, in the Spanish Ro-
mance of Alexander, which, as we learn from Sismondi, was
written in the thirteenth century, 1 has a long passage, the
import of which is that —
" Alexander being desirous of seeing how the fish lived, and
in what manner the great fish behaved to the little ones,
ordered a vessel of glass to be made, and fastened with long
chains to his ships, that it might not sink too deep. He
entered it with two chosen servants, leaving orders that the
ships should continue their course, and draw him up at the end
of fifteen days." 2
Tins romance seems to have been known to the bards, for
among the poems attributed to Taliesin is one referring to this
very event : 3
The Very Wonderful Things of Alexander.
I wonder that there is no acknowledgment,
From Heaven to Earth,
Of the coming of the ruler of conflict,
Alexander the Great ! 4
Alexander the Nourisher,
Passionate and iron-talented,
Celebrated for sword-strokes,
Went beneath the sea.
Under the sea he went,
In searching for science ;
1 History of the Literature of the South of Europe, vol. ii. p. 126.
2 Souther's Modoc, vol. i. p. 276.
3 Anrhyfeddodau Alexander.
Rhyfeddaf na chiawi
AxLdef nef i lawr
A i 1> I yf »1 ri i wyf gawr
Alexander Mawr.
Alexander Magidawr,
ITewys haiarnddawn
Cleddyfal enwogawn
Aeth dan eigiawn
Dan eigiawn eithyd I r* '
I geisiaw celfydciyd *
4 The romance of Alexander is supposed to i 'ersian elements.
O
194 MYTHOLOGICAL POEMS.
In the pursuit of knowledge
His mind was greatly disturbed;
He went, with the wind above him,
On an adventure among the spawns of frogs,
To look for sights !
(That which was) present did not satisfy him,
Yet no sights did he see.
He saw, wonderful to say,
Classes among fish !
What his mind desired
He obtained from the world,
And at his death
Mercy from God.
It seems to have been intended for a satire.
There does not appear to he any other part of the poem
requiring explanation, except perhaps the proper names at the
close of each verse. Lady Charlotte Guest 1 considers that
Arthur made separate expeditions to several distinct places ;
but the greatness of the undertaking, the uniformity of the
result, and the fact that the words are but various descriptions
of the same place, 2 render more than one journey improbable.
Caer Sidi, sometimes meaning the zodiac, seems to have occa-
sionally borne other significations ; the pseudo-Taliesin says he
has a bardic chair in Caer Sidi, which is perfect, with the
currents of the sea flowing round its borders ; 3 and the com-
poser of Preiddeu Annwn evidently considers Caer Sidi, in
which the prison of Gwair was also perfect, to have been in
geisio celfyddyd
Bid o iewin ei fryd
Eithyd odduch gwynt
Rwng deu grifft ar hynt
1 weled dremynt
Dremynt ni weles
Present ni chymhes
G-weles ryfeddawd
G-orllin gan bysgawd
I eiddunwys yn ei fryd
A gafas or byd
A hefyd oi ddiwedd
Gan Dduw drugaredd.
' Mdbinogion, vol. ii. p. 321. 2 Davies's Mythology, p. 516.
3 "Yscyweir fy nghadeir ynghaer Sidi.
Ac am ei bannau ffrydiau gweileri."
MYTHOLOGICAL rOEMS. 105
Annwii, if it was not the same place as Annwn. In giving it
this signification, the poet wrested it from its general meaning ;
but this is not the only liberty he has taken with, the facts, for
Gwair, who in the triad is punished for treason, and " by the
verdict of the country and the nation," is in the poem repre-
sented to have been a just man. In thus violating the tradition,
the poet has fallen into grievous error, for he commits the ab-
surdity of representing a just man to be unjustly imprisoned by
just powers ; yet the error may have arisen from a misconstruc-
tion. In Davies's translation, the word " cywir," just, perfect,
or correct, is predicated of " gwas," the youth ; but if we
translate the line thus :
Y gadwyn dromlas cywir was ai cedwi.
The heavy blue chain (firmly or perfectly) held fast the youth,
making the word "cywir" to be predicated of the imprisonment;,
we reconcile the poem with the triad, and save the consistency
of the poet.
Having thus shown some reasons for believing this chosen
specimen of mythology to be a romance, it will not be necessary
to dwell at much length upon others of a similar character.
The so-called "mythological poems" are, exclusive of the twenty-
five which form the Mabinogi of Taliesin, twenty-eight in
number. Many of them contain allusions which are now unin-
telligible, though a large portion of them, and the intentions of
the whole, may be understood. They were written when the
language was in an advanced stage of development, as most of
the words are in use at the present day ; and, as will be seen,
they cannot be supposed to have been prior to the twelfth and
succeeding centuries. " A song concerning the sons of Llyr "
has the following lines :
Gwyddyl, a Brython, a Romani
A walian dyhedd a dyvysgi.
The Gwyddelians, the Britons, and Romans
Disturb our tranquillity with their tumults ;
and the same lines occur in the Hoianau, falsely attributed to
Merddin, in a connexion which shows that they refer to the
ecclesiasŴb dispute between Giraldus and King John respecting
the see of St. David's. If that fact were not enough to show
o 2
19rt MYTHOLOGICAL rOEMS.
its comparatively modern date, there is another proof afforded
in the lines :
Bum i gan Vran yn Iwerddon,
Gweleis pan laddwyd Morddwyd Tyllon.
I was with Bran in Ireland ;
I saw when Morddwyd Tyllon was slain.
This refers to the Mabinogi of Bronwen, the daughter of Llyr ;
and the allusion to the tale as a thing well known fixes the date
of the poem within the romance era. The poem called Myg
Dinbych (the Prospect of Tenby) must also be modern, as the
form of the verse, the sentiments, and the smoothness of the
language, indicate a more recent author than Taliesin.
In Cadair Teym On, the repeated mention of " the blessed
Arthur," and the allusion to the loosening of Elphin, show it to
have been written after those tales had come into circulation.
The mention in Canu y Meirch of " the horse of Gwythur," " the
horse of Gwarddur," and "the horse of Arthur," renders minuter
examination unnecessary. The writer of Marwnad TJthr Pen-
dragon speaks of being a piper, and of Casnar, Gorlais, and
other romantic characters, and must therefore have been writ-
ten after the reign of Gruffydd ab Kynan; and the sneer at
" the loquacious bards " in Buarth Beirdd points unerringly to
the quarrels which prevailed in the thirteenth century. In Cad
Goddeu we meet again with the name of the national hero, and
Druids are exhorted to "predict to Arthur." In Marwnad
Aeddon o Von there prevails the same mixture of Welsh and
monkish Latin, which has been already seen in the verses of the
pseudo-Taliesin. The Gwawd Lludd Mawr repeats the prophe-
cy of the coming again of Cadwaladr and Kynan, with which
the predictions attributed to Merddin, the Mabinogi of Taliesin,
and the poems of Gwalchmai are studded ; and Angar Kyvyn-
dawd is only a repetition of the transmigrations already noticed,
prefaced by a string of questions, such as we find asked by the
pseudo-Taliesin, to the bards of Maelgwn.
These questions form one of the singular features of these
metrical Mabinogion, and indicate much more clearly than any
other portion of the ancient literature of Wales the nature of
the speculations of the bards upon philosophical subjects.
In these the bard may adroitly manage, where he has that
desire, to bring others to the discredit of being ignorant, with-
MYTHOLOGICAL POEMS. 107
out exposing the smallness of his own knowledge. He puts the
questions very pompously, insinuating" at the same time his own
competency to solve the questions proposed ; and if his audience
fail to answer, he acquires a reputation for learning. The phi-
losophy of the bards, being of this interrogative character, is not
very satisfactory, and at this day we can only learn that they
were not idle, since the important problems which inductive
science solved centuries after occupied their thoughts. And
the reader who recollects the anxiety with which Virgil sought
to discern the laws of natural phenomena, l or has smiled
good-naturedly at the eagerness of the inquiring spirits of the
middle ages, will find no difficulty in believing that the zeal of
the bards for a knowledge of natural philosophy was very
great. The questions they proposed to themselves were these : 2
O skilful son of harmony,
Why wilt thou not answer me ?
Knowest thou where the night awaits
The passing of the day?
Knowest thou the token (mark or character)
Of every leaf which grows ? 3
What is it which heaves up the mountain,
Before the concussion of elements ?
Or what supports the fabric
Of the habitable earth?
Who is the illuminator of the soul ?
Who has seen — who knows him ?
What is the extent of the earth ?
What is heaven, its thickness?
1 Georg. ii.
2 Eilywydd celvydd
Py'r nam dywedd?
Awyddosti cwddrydd
Nos yn aros dydd ?
Awyddosti arwydJ
Pet deilen y sydd?
Py drychevis mynydd
Cyn rhewiniaw elvydd ?
Py gynneil magwyr
Daear yn breswyl.
Enaid pwy gwynawr
Pwy gwelas ev — pwy gwyr ?
3 Daear pwy ei lied,
Neil pwy ei l lie wed?
198 MYTHOLOGICAL POEMS.
Who is the regulator between heaven and earth?
Where do the cuckoos which visit us in the summer
Retire during the winter ?
Who carried the measuring -line of the Lord of Causes ?
What ladder was used when the heavens ivere reared aloft ?
And ivho supported the curtain from the earth to the shies ?
These old poems merit a more minute discussion than the
number of other topics demanding attention permitted me to
give ; but the key to their signification has been supplied.
They stand to mythology and philosophy in the same relation
as romance stands to history ; and if regarded in that light,
more meaning may be extracted out of them than they have
hitherto furnished. They are conversant with the same sub-
jects as the romances, and it is to the romantic ideas of these
ages that we are to look for explanations. In both the mystic
and the military romance the animus is the same, the difference
being merely external, and arising from the operation of the
same mental tendency upon varying materials.
SECTION IV.
POEMS FICTITIOUSLY ATTRIBUTED TO MERDDIN, TALIESIN, ANEURIN,
LLYWARCH, MEUGANT, AND GOLYDDAN.
Reader, be attentive to what I am about to write, and
keep a watchful eye upon the sentences as they rise before you ;
for the daring spirit of modern criticism is about to lay violent
hands upon the old household furniture of venerable tradition.
Among Welshmen there is a very prevalent misconception
respecting Merddin ; and I perceive that a French writer ! on
G-agawr attrevnawr
Rhwng nev a llawr?
Goguv gogau haf,
A fyddant y gauaf ?
Pwy dydchvg rwynnon
Baran achwysson ?
Pa ysgawl oddev
Pan ddyrchavwyd nev ?
Pwy fu fforch hwyl
O ddaear hyd awyr ?
1 Tho Conitc do Villemarque, Barzaz Brciz, Introduction, p. xii. vol. i.
POEMS FICTITIOUSLY ATTRIBUTED, ETC. 199
Welsh traditions lias been misled by it. It is commonly as-
serted that the Merddin the son of Morvryn, or Merddin the
Wild of the Welsh bards, is a different person from the Merddin
Einrys, or Merlin Ambrosins of Nennius, Geoffrey, and the
romances ; but there are many reasons for rejecting this
assumption. Both Merddin ab Morvryn and Merddin Emrys
lived about the same time ; both lived in the same locality, the
north of England ; both were conversant with the same facts —
the doings of the Strathclyde Britons and their subsequent for-
tunes ; both were diviners ; both had more than ordinary attri-
butes ; both predicted the same events, in nearly the same order ;
and most probably both names represent but one person. In
the predictions of Merddin Emrys there is no allusion to
Merddin ab Morvryn, nor, on the other hand, does the latter
seem to have been aware of the existence of any such person as
the former. The arguments in favour of this conclusion are
numerous.
I. Merddin Emrys appears as a hoy before Vortigern about
the year 480 ; 1 and Merddin ab Morvryn at the court of Rhydd-
erch Hael in 570 2 is an old man, whose " hair is white as
winter hoar," 3 and who is on the point of death. 4 It is therefore
much more probable that both names belong to the same person
than that there should be two persons endowed with super-
natural powers, living in the same locality, at the same time.
And there is nothing improbable in the supposition that he
might have lived to be ninety years old, when the average age
in the vale of Glamorgan was a hundred and twenty years. 5
II. Merddin ab Morvryn is apparently the person whose
character formed the nucleus from which the other was de-
veloped. In the appellation " ab Morvryn," we evidently have a
fact ; but he soon loses his reality. At the court of Ehydderch
Hael he was called Laloiken, or The Twin ; and that appellation,
1 Llwyd, p. 263. 2 Ibid. p. 263. 3 Kyvoesi, v. 13. * Ibid. v. 138.
5 Morgan the Great was 129 at death; Howcl ab Rhys, 124; another son of Rhys,
120; Howel ab Morgan, 130; Iestin ab Gwrgnnt, 129; Ivan Yorath, 180; John
Sherry, 104; Thomas 'Watkin, 100; Elizabeth Yorath, 177; Cicill Llewelyn, 107;
Peter Meare, 103; Anna Richman, 120; Kate Butler, 106; Thomas French, 100;
John Roberts. 118; Matthew Voss, 129; William Edwards, 168; Vaughan Edwards,
Gent., 83; Thomas ab Jevan Prys, the prophet, 141; Elizabeth Davies, 111; Rev.
Edward Davies, 108; and Henry Jenkins, 169. — Malkin's South Wales, vol. i. p. 55,
and vol. ii. pp. 545-551.
200 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
though at the present day the Welsh predicate nothing of twin
births but good fortune, evidently had considerable significance ;
for in the dialogue between Merddin and his sister, Gwenddydd
perpetually calls him my world-famed twin-brother. Castor and
Pollux, Romulus and Reinus, Esau and Jacob, all famous, are
cases in point. In that poem Merddin ab Morvryn is invested
with all the attributes which were afterwards centred in the
person of Merlin the enchanter ; but as the ancient Welsh
would scarcely invest two men of the same name with super-
natural power, we are compelled to conclude that the Merddin
who has a parent is the only real personage. This is clearly
the germ of the latter creation ; and as the bards of the twelfth
and succeeding centuries put the predictions which Merddin
Emrys utters in Geoffrey's book into the mouth of Merddin ab
Morvryn, and this more than a century after that history had
been given to the world, they would appear to have con-
sidered them to be identical. Further, the " white lady " who
is mentioned as the companion of Merddin Emrys, in both the
verses of the graves l and in the later romance, is the same
person as Gwenddydd, the lady of the day, the sister of the son
of Morvryn.
III. Merddin Emrys is evidently a mythic personage, the
substratum of fact being the name Merddin and the surname
Emiws, derived from his patron Ambrosius Aurelianus. Nen-
nius's account of him contains several very gross blunders. A
boy without a father is brought before Vortigern, and on being
asked, " What is your origin ?" replies, "My father was a Roman
consul ; " and again, the boy being asked his name, said it was
Embresguletic (Emrys Wledig). In both these cases the
chronicler has fallen into the error of confounding Merddin
Ambrosius with Ambrosius the King ; for Emrys Wledig means
Emrys or Ambrose the Ruler, and Ambrosius was of Roman
descent. His narrative is also slightly at variance with that of
Geoffrey. It was a popular belief among the Jews, propagated,
say writers more candid than polite, to cover the indulgences of
the priesthood, that children born of virgins, or rather without
acknowledged fathers, were destined to be illustrious. Sub-
sequently this opinion prevailed in these islauds; Sir Walter
Scott gives two instances of such occurrences in Scotland,
attended with superstitious associations ; and it is with an evi-
dent reference to these examples that Merddin was brought to
1 Myv. Arch. vol. i, p. 78.
ATTRIBUTED TO MERDDIN, ETC. 201
the world without a father. The fiction is certainly ecclesias-
tical, as for many centuries after Nennius had slept with his
fathers Welsh tradition clung to a less marvellous version of
Merddin's birth ; but it appears in Nennius in a ruder form
than it afterwards assumed in Geoffrey. In the earlier writer
the lady does not know how she became pregnant ; this accords
nearly with the account given by the mother of Bryan the Her-
mit in the " Lady of the Lake ; " but Geoffrey adorns the story,
introduces a vision of " a beautiful young man," and confirms
the whole narrative by causing the bard Meugant to state that
" in the books of our philosophers, and in a great many his-
tories, I have found that several men have had a like original."
The account given of St. Samson, Bishop of Llandaff, in the
Liber Landavensis, is a similar instance of scriptural plagiarism
among Welsh monks ; his mother had long been barren ; but
an angel visits her, and promises a son ; and that son then
turns out to be a prodigy of talent and piety ! Merddin's end
corresponds to his birth, as he went to sea in a glass vessel,
and was never afterwards heard of. Merddin Emrys therefore
is only a mythological character engrafted on, or rather pre-
fixed to, Merddin ab Morvryn, who in his youth might perhaps
have been in attendance on Ambrosius.
IV. The only obstacle that remains to be removed, is the
mention in the Triads of two Merddins, and of the voyage of
Merddin Emrys and his nine bards in the vessel of glass ; but
as these Triads were not composed until a late period, and are
simply echoes of the romances, they are of no weight. None of
the middle-age bards give any countenance to the assertion ;
and therefore we may safely conclude that Merddin ab Morvryn,
Merddin Wyllt, Merddin Sylvester, or the Wild, Merddin Emrys,
and Merlin the Enchanter, are but various names for one person.
It is somewhat strange that Nennius should make no mention
of Merddin among the bards of the sixth century. His words
are : " At that time, Talhaiarn Cataguen was famed for poetry,
and Neirin, and Taliesin, and Bluchbard, and Kian, who is
called Guenith Guaut, were all famous at the same time in
British poetry." Talhaiarn (Tad Tangwn) was the bard of
Coel Godebog, and also of Urien Rheged, and the three next
are Aneurin, Taliesin, and Llywarch; but Kian, in other MSS.
called Gweinchgwant, was not otherwise known than by this
notice, an allusion in Aneurin, and some lines in the Angar
Kyvyndawd of the pseudo-Taliesin. No mention at all is made
202 rOEMS FICTITIOUSLY
of Merddin as a bard, and perhaps that was a character subse-
quently added. It is not improbable that Merddin and Kian
may have gone to Brittany, since we have no authentic remains
of either ; Merddin reappears in Breton poetry, and, thanks
to the intelligence and industry of De Yillemarque, what our own
literature had failed to furnish is now supplied from thence ;
for the Gwenchlan of the Bretons is evidently the same person
as the Gweinchgwant of Nennius.
It is generally believed by Welsh critics that we have several
poems really composed by Merlin, the great magician, so well
known to the readers of romances ; and there are in the
Myvyrian Archaiology six poems attributed to this important
personage, viz. a Dialogue between Merddin and Ysgolan ; l
Predictions delivered when in his grave ; a Dialogue between
Merddin and Gwenddydd, his Sister ; the Apple Trees ; the
Songs of the Pigs ; and the Burrowings. In addition to these,
Llwyd, in his account of the MS. called " T Kwtta Kyvarwydd o
Vorganwg," says it contained a prediction uttered by Merddin
before Arthur ; but this does not seem to have been published.
We shall have occasion to quote the first of these in the third
chapter, and therefore will here only state that its spuriousness
is admitted. Several of the others, and particularly the fourth
and fifth, are supposed to be genuine ; but as their antiquity
admits of doubt, we shall enter minutely into the question, and
discuss it at some length. First in the order of time is the
dialogue between Merddin and his sister. It evidently contains
all that tradition had preserved respecting Merddin, though the
details are much less full than they subsequently became. It
commences with a diatribe against Ehydderch Hael, the reasons
for which will be presently unfolded ; and the poem then pro-
ceeds thus : 2
GWENDDYDD.
I will ask my fame-proclaimed twin-brother,
The fierce in battle ;
After Rhydderch who will be ?
1 The titles in Welsh are, I Yscolan, Gwasgargerdd Vyrdin yn y Ved, Hoianau
neu Borchellanau Myrddin ap Morfryn, Kyvoesi Myrdin a Gwcudyd y Chuaer, Avall-
enau Myrddin, Gorddodau Myrddin.
GWENDDYDD.
2 Cyvarchaf ym Klotleu Uallauc
Anuynauc yn lluyd
Neu wedi Ryderch puy vyd
ATTRIBUTED TO MERDD1N, ETC. 203
As Gwericlcloleu was slain in the battle of Arderydd,
And I have come from among furze, —
Morgan the (ireat, son of Sadurnin,
Will come from Edinburgh.
GWENDDYDD.
I will ask my famous twin-brother,
Bardic president about the waters of the Clyde,
Who will rule after Morgant?
MERDDIN.
As Gwenddoleu was slain in the bloodfray of Arderydd,
The voice of the country
Will dispose of the power to Urien.
GWENDDYDD.
Thy head is of the colour of winter hoar ;
May God relieve thy necessities, —
Who will rule after Urien?
O leas Gwendoleu y guaetffreu Arderyd
Handuf o eithin
Morgant vaur vab Sadurnin
GWENDDYDD.
Li
Kyvarchaf ym. Klotleu llalluc
Kerdglyt Klyt lliant
Puy wledych uedy Morgant
MYKDDIN.
.
< » Leas Gwendoleu y guaetffreu Arderyd
A synnu paham ym ken gualadyr
( rwaet gwlat y Uryen.
GWENDDYDD.
Kyvliu dy Lcn ac aryen gaeaf
Gwares Dyv dy anghen
Puy wledych wedi Uryen
204 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
Heaven has pressed heavily upon me,
And I am ill at last, —
Maelgwn Hir will rule over Gwynedd.
This is a pleasant enough plan of teaching history, and in
this manner the poem proceeds, until Merddin has named, in
their historical order, Rhun, Beli, Iago, Cadvan, Cadwallon,
and Cadwaladr, Kings of Britain ; and also, Idwal, Howel ab
Cadwal, Rhodri, Kynan, Mervryn Vrych, Rhodri the Great,
Anarawd, and Howel the Good, Princes of Wales. So far the
list is in unison with history ; but from Howel the Good down-
wards the account becomes obscure, if not confused ; and the
rulers are no longer mentioned by their proper names. After
Howel comes Bargodyein (literally, a man from the borders),
Brehyryeit (of baronial descent), Kynan of the Dogs, Brenin o
Yreyr (a king from among barons), Serven Wynn, White-
shouldered Beli, Gruffydd, Gwyn Gwarther l (the blessed cheva-
lier), Two Iddases, Gylmin, Two-halved Macwy, a lord of eight
chief fortresses, Owain from Manaw (Isle of Man), a ruler of
good qualities, Beli Hir, and Cadwaladr. The last mentioned
was to appear in Carmarthenshire. 2
GWENDDYDD.
Do not separate from me abruptly,
Without speaking about the conference ;
In what part will Cadwaladr alight ?
MERDDIN.
When Cadwaladr shall alight
In the vale of the Towy,
MYRDDIN.
Digones Dofyd dicned arnaf
Klaf wyf o'r diued
Maelgwn Hir ar dir Gwyned
1 Gwyn Gwarther is alluded to by Cynddelw, Myv. Arch, i. 223. T.il.
GWENDDYDD.
2 Nac ysgar yn antruyadyl
A mi o anguarth yn gynnadyl
Pa du i disgyn Cadwaladyr
MYRDDIN.
Pan ddescynno Cadwaladyr
Yn nyffryn Tywi
ATTRIBUTED TO MERDDIN, ETC. 205
Fords will be heavily burdened,
And he will scatter with his tumult the striped Britons.
It also appears that he was making a pretty long stay : x
GWENDDYDD.
Do not separate abruptly from me,
Without speaking about the conference ;
How long will Cadwaladr rule ?
Three months, and three years,
And three hundred years complete, —
And light will be his rule.
After Cadwaladr were to come Kyndav and Catrav ; and then
the heavens would fall to the earth, there would be no more
kings, and the end of the world would be at hand.
The learned Llwyd, believing the latter names to be purely
imaginary, concludes that the poem was written by an unknown
author, living about 948, 2 or during the reign of Howel the
Good ; but as those names clearly refer to historical persons,
his opinion is not quite satisfactory. The Bargodyein were
Ievan and Iago, the sons of Edwal Voel, King of North Wales ;
the rightful heir was their brother Meyrick, and their claim
to the throne which they usurped only bordered on a rightful
title. The Brehyrieit were Howel and Cadwallon, the sons of
the above-named Ievav; and as their father's right was dis-
allowed, they were only barons. Macwy the Two-halved was a
king of the Danes of Anglesey ; he is called Maccus by Matthew
of Westminster, and Macht ab Harallt in the Welsh Chronicles.
Biawt tra thrwm ebyr
Gwascarawdd ai brythawd Brython brithwyr.
GWENDDYDD.
1 Nac ysgar yn antruyadl a mi
O anguarth i'r gynnadyl
Pa hyt y guledych Kadawladyr.
MYRDD1N.
Tri mis teir blyned teithyon
A thrichant mlynedd kyflawn
Kadeu gweitheu guledychant.
- Arch, Brit, i, 257.
206 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
S erven Wynn must be the Sivnerth King of Dyved, who lived
about the same time ; and Gilmyn was probably " Glumayn, son
of Abloic," a small potentate mentioned in Hemes Cymru (p. 423.)
Kynan of the Dogs was probably Kynan ab Iago, who made two
attempts on North Wales in 1042 and 1050 ; and the celebrated
Gruffydd was that famous prince Gruffydd ab Llywelyn ab
Seisyllt. Gwyn Gwarther means probably Bleddyn ab Kyn-
vyn, 1 and Beli Hir was perhaps his nephew Trahaearn, for they
claimed a descent from Beli the Great ; Owain of Manaw was
Owain the son of Edwin, a descendant from Howel the Good.
Thus most of the names are traced to real persons ; and I doubt
not, if time permitted, the remainder could be as completely
and satisfactorily ascertained. We must therefore place the
author of these verses a hundred and thirty years later, or
about a.d. 1077. The celebrated antiquarian, Vaughan of
Hengwrt, 2 has fixed a still later date for this poem ; but in
asserting that the author lived in the reign of Henry II., his
reasoning was based upon, and he was probably misled by, the
fourteen verses preceding verse 85, which seem to be interpo-
lations. The Owain of those verses is certainly Owain Gwynedd
ab Gruffydd ab Kynan, ; but the Owain of the subsequent verses,
85 and 86, was evidently Owain ab Edwin, a prince who had
lived seventy years before. We must therefore reject his con-
clusion, and place the poem earlier by more than half a century.
There is a little confusion in the order in which the names are
placed, which bespeaks that the writer was not living in Wales
at the time of writing. This is very evident in one of the later
notices ; Owain, it is said, will bring an army from the Isle of
Man ; but though Owain fled to the Isle of Man, he seems to
have died there, for it was Rhys, his son, who brought an army
from thence in 1172; and therefore from this fact, and from
1 Brut y Tywysogion (Myv. Arch. ii. 423) calls hirn Bleddyn ab Kynvyn Ghvyn.
2 " The prophecies attributed to Merddin Sylvester, alluded to in this argument
as foretelling the accession of Anarawd, are evidently the production of some person
in the reign of Henry II. The succession of the Princes of North Wales are detailed
by name in the form of a dialogue, in the precise manner in which they reigned, down
to Owen Gwynedd ; from which time the narrative is too mysterious to admit of
exemplification, for the plain reason that the compiler's powers of penetrating futurity
were not more acute than those of other people." {British Antiquities Bevived, p. 79.)
The assertion in the first part of the second sentence is incorrect ; for, as will be seen
in the list given in the text, the proper names are only clearly distinguishable as far
as Howel the Good ; but most of the 'mysterious names have now been identified.
ATTRIBUTED TO MERDDIX, ETC. 207
the erroneous statement that Kynan, who made the unsuccess-
ful attempts on North Wales, became king, it seems as if he
knew more of what was doing- externally than internally. He
must, however, have been situated at a considerable distance
from Wales, where he was dependent upon rumour for intelli-
gence ; he could scarcely have been in Ireland without knowing
more about Kynan ; in the Isle of Man he would have been
more accurately informed respecting the movements of Owain ab
Edwin and his sons ; and therefore must we conclude that he
was in the distant province of Brittany.
In Brittany, just at this time, there was a man who watched
most intently the motions of factions in Wales, and soon after-
wards made his appearance among his countrymen. He was line-
ally descended from Howel the Good; he had fled to Brittany in
993, at the death of his father ; and in 1077, after an absence of
eighty-four years, he returned to the land of his ancestors, to
claim the throne of South Wales. He brought with him an
immense reputation for wisdom and learning ; he brought more
than that, for he brought with him the marvellous history of
Arthur and the Round Table. I do not mean to assert that
that prince was the author of this dialogue, but I will assert
that it was written to further his interests, and that the people
of Wales first heard predictions of the speedy reappearance of
Cadwaladr in the vale of Towy, when a rightful and popular
claimant to the throne of Deheubarth was announced in the
person of Ehtsab Tewdwe. It will be observed that the dialogue
has a special reference to him ; for Cadwaladr was to come, at
the very time that he came, to the very place where he landed,
and for the very purpose which he had in view.
The germs of most of the predictions contained in " The
Apple Trees," and " The Songs of the Pigs," are to be found
here; the prediction at the close of the twenty-third verse of
the latter occurs in the sixty-fourth verse of this dialogue;
the mention of the Sibyl occurs in the sixty-third ; and the
allusions to the falling of the sky, the son of Henry, and the
bridges on the Taff and Towy, in the Hoianau, are borrowed
from the seventy-fourth, and the hundred and nineteenth
verses of this poem. It will also be observed, that the pre-
diction respecting Cadwaladr appears here in a much simpler
form than it afterwards assumed ; here the last King of Britain
is to come alone, but soon afterwards Kynan was given to him
208 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
as a companion. This is the form in which it is seen in
Geoffrey's History, 1157, and subsequently in the Avallenau and
Hoianau. We also learn from this dialogue how the idea of
the conference originated : !
GWENDDYDD.
On seeing thy cheek so care-worn,
If I were not concerned I would not ask,
Who will rule after Cadwallon ?
MERDDIN.
A tall man holding a conference,
And Britain under one ruler, —
The best of a Cambrian's son, Cadvvaladr.
There is a tradition that he held a bardic congress ; but if
this verse represents history correctly, the meeting was a politi-
cal conference ; and Cadwaladr the first having held a conference
in the seventh century, the second Cadwaladr would, it was
thought advisable to state, do likewise. In this poem the place
of meeting is not named, neither is it in Geoffrey; and the
fixing of it at Rhyd Eheon was an afterthought of the North
Welsh bards. 2
For the student this dialogue is the most valuable poem of
the series ; as it undoubtedly is the earliest existing record of the
Welsh tradition respecting Merddin. Merddin is here termed
Supreme Judge of the North, Syw, or diviner of every region, Bardic
President about the waters of the Clyde, and Interpreter of the
Army of the God of Victory. Throughout the poem there is a
GWENDDYDD.
ueled dy rud mor grenhuin
Y dan ym bryt neut annogaun
Puy wlcdych uedy Katwallnun
Gwr hir yn cadu Kynnadyl
A Phrydain yn un Paladyr
Goren mab Kymro Katwalatyr.
2 The Morien and Morgeneu named towards the end of the poem appear to have
been living a little before the time of Bleddyn ab Kynvyn, who gave a handsome bridal
present to Gwernwy ab Morien ab Morgeneu. See Prichard, Heroines of Welsh
History, p. 323.
ATTRIBUTED TO MERDBIN, ETC. 209
constant reference to some speedy separation which was to take
place ; and towards the close we learn what this was : l
GWENDDTDD.
Alas ! dearest, the cold separation,
When comes the day of tumult. ;
Thy imprisonment beneath (he earth,
By a monarch valiant and fearless, (v. 12G.)
Here it would appear that he was shortly to be confined ;
but the legend subsequently assumed another form. According
to the latter, as it appears in Spenser, at a place —
That is by chance of name
Cavr Merdin called.
There the wise Merlin whylome wont, they say,
To make his wonne, low underneath the ground,
By a deep delve, far from the view of day,
That of no living wight he mote be found,
"When so he counsell'd with his sprights encompast round.
He had a mistress, the Lady of the Lake, whom he was
accustomed to call the White Serpent, and who treacherously
converted this cave into his tomb, after he had imparted to
her some of his secrets. Sir Thomas Maelor and Ariosto have
also repeated this story, which in this dialogue is much simpler.
It is not, however, always consistent with itself; for after having
regretted the imprisonment by a powerful monarch, she bids
him — 2
Arise from thy prison, and unfold the books
Of the Awen without fear ;
And the speech of Bun, and the visions of sleep, (v. 129.)
And yet after this she says : 3
GWENDDTDD.
1 Och anwyl or oer escar
Guedi dyvot yn trydar
Gari unben dewr diarchar
Dy olo di y dan dayar
2 O olochuyt kyvot a tkravot Uyvreu
Awen heb arsuyt
A chuedyl Bun a hun breuduyt
3 Ym byu nyth diovrydaf
A hyt want yth goffaaf
Dy ffosaut trallaut trymmaf.
r
210 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
While I live I will not be unmindful of thee,
And to the Day of Judgment will bear in mind
Thy intrenchment, — heavy misfortune, (v. 136.)
The germ of the latter legend appears here ; but the im-
prisonment is not brought about by the lady's agency. Gwen-
ddydd, in another place called
Gwenddydd Wen adlam cerddeu (v. 133.)
White Lady of Day, the refuge of songs,
is evidently to be here understood as his sister, for she, in the
dialogue, calls him her Llallogan (Laloiken), or twin-brother.
I do not know whether the assertion in the life of St. Kenti-
gern, written about 1180, by Jocelyn, of Furness Abbey, that at
the court of Ehydderch Hael there was a maniac named Laloi-
ken, is, or is not, founded on this dialogue ; if not, we have
another proof that the dialogue contains a few facts of authen-
tic biography ; for since the Scotochronichon's identification of
this Laloiken with Merddin the Wild, and Mr. Price's ingenious
proof, 1 that Laloiken is another form of the Welsh word Llallog-
an, there can be no doubt that we are here on safe ground. At
the close of this poem there seems to be an interpolation of
several verses, or an attempt to reconcile two different traditions ;
and in the Avallenau and Hoianau we find several facts, not
mentioned here, and different attributes are given to the sister.
In the Avallenau we are told that " Gwenddydd does not love
him," since " her son was slain by his accursed hand ; " but in
the dialogue there is not the slightest hint of this want of love
on the part of the sister, nor any mention of her having a son.
There is either death, or imprisonment, alluded to in the dia-
logue ; but in the others his motions are free ; and yet the story
of the White Serpent is shadowed forth in the Hoianau, for the
word pierce, in the line—
(A) grey (wolf?) is my protection ; Gwenddydd will not pierce me —
implies other than feminine attributes. Throughout the whole,
although there is much of fact, there is also much of fiction.
Next in chronological order should come " The Predictions
1 Hanes Cymrn. \\ 200.
ATTRIBUTED TO MERDDIN, ETC. 211
uttered by Merddin out of his Grave." ' This poem either origi-
nated in the hundred and twenty-ninth verse of the preceding,
which has just been quoted, or that verse is an interpolation, as
they both appear to be closely connected ; and perhaps we ought,
by the grave, to understand the above-named prison. It is
clearty posterior in date, for it refers to Coch o Normandi, mean-
ing William II., the red king from Normandy ; there is also an
allusion to Henry I., but the poem contains no striking features.
A few of the predictions may not, however, be uninteresting : 2
The world shall come towards the end,
When from adversity men shall die young,
And cuckoos die of cold in the month of May.
The world shall be when men shall delight in hounds,
And build cottages in the wilderness ;
And shirts without great cost cannot be obtained.
Truth shall disappear, and error spread ;
Men shall be weak of faith, and disputing on alternate clays, —
And they shall delight in fine garments.
Lords shall be litigious, and agents vagabonds,
Bards empty-handed, and priests gay ;
Truth shall vanish, and denials be frequent.
The world will be, without too many storms;
Much ploughing will not be required, nor railings on the sea-shore;
And an acre shall be land enough for nine.
1 In the Cambrian Register, iii. 190, it is said that he was buried at the Isle of
Bardsey, for an account of which see the same paper. See also Cambrian Register,
i. 330.
2 Byd a vyd a gorphen byd
Pallant ieuaine rac advyt
Mei marw cogeu rhac annuyt
Byt a vyd byt wrth erchuys
Y adeilaur yu dyrys
Heb werth maur ni chaffaur crys
Eu divanuaut gwir lledaut geu
Guann ffyd bob eildyd datleu
Byt a vyd bryt wrth dillad
K yghaus argluyd Maer chuiviat
Gunclau Bard hard offeiriat
Difannawr e wir lledawr gwad
Byt a vyd heb wynt heblau
Heb ormod eredic heb drathreulyau
Tir digaun vifl un cvw y nau
v 2
212 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
When men grow, they shall grow up without virility,
And cornfields take the place of trees;
Feasts will be prevalent in peaceful districts.
When the cubit shall be held in estimation,
The man who has it will not regret
That corn springs up on the sides of mountains.
As printed in the Archaiology, this poem consists of forty-
four verses ; but the twelve last refer to the injuries done by the
Danes to the monastery of Llandudoch in 987, and were not in
the MSS. of Mr. Lewis Morris or Mr. Edward Llwyd. They
therefore seem to be subsequent additions ; as the fourteen verses,
from the seventy-first to the eighty-fifth of the Kyvoesi, un-
doubtedly are ; for they refer to the reign of Owain Gwynedd
and to the son of Henry, and are not in the MS. of Mr. D. Jones,
of Llanvair.
The Av allen au.
On reading these verses some years ago, T was much pleased
with their quaint simplicity, with the fine vein of sentiment
which runs through them, and with the diction, which is much
superior to that of poets who have written at a later period, and
obtained great repute. But repeated perusals led me to doubt
their antiquity ; the allusions to historical characters in the
shape of prophecies could not have been Merddin's ; and the
composition, so clear, intelligible, and elegant, as compared with
the genuine poems of Aneurin, Taliesin, and Llywarch, wore an
air by no means ancient. With the view of enabling the reader
to estimate the value of my criticism, I will first quote the
verses.
The Apple Trees. 1
1 Was there such a gift given to anyone as at the dawn of day
Was given to Merddin ere age had overtaken him ?
Pan dyvo yr gwyr heb wryt
Ac yn lie coet cael yr yt
Ymhob hedd guled a gyvyt
Pan fo cj'felin gymyrredd
Y gwr ai gAveryd ni ommedd
Gwrthfyd yd yra mynyddedd
My v. Arch. vol. i. p. 133.
1 A rodded i neb yn un plygeint
A roid i Ferddin cyn no henaint
ATTRIBUTED TO MERDDIN, ETC. 213
Seven score and seven sweet apple trees,
Of equal height, age, and magnitude,
They are a mark of a sovereign's benevolence,
And are overshadowed by lovely foliage.
A maid with beauteous ringlets watches over them,
Gloewedd by name, with teeth of pearly whiteness.
Sweet and excellent apple tree !
Thou wilt be heavy when laden with fruit,
And I am full of care and trouble for thy safety,
Lest the woodmen
Should destroy thy root, and injure thy seed,
And prevent any more apples from growing on thee;
And I tear myself wildly with anxiety ;
Anguish pains me, and no clothes protect my body ;
These were the gift of Gwenddoleu, the free giver,
Who is now as he was not.
Sweet apple tree, of delicate growth,
Thy shade is celebrated, profitable, and comely ;
Princes will combine upon false pretences,
With false, luxurious, and gluttonous monks,
And idle talkative youths, to get thy fruit ;
They all prophesy warlike exploits to the Prince.
Saith afallen beren a saith ngaint
Yn gyfoed gyfuch gyhyd gymmaint
Trwy fron teyrnedd y tyfeddaint
Un ddoled uched ai gorthoaint
Un forwyn bengrech ai gorchedwaint
Gloywedd ei henw gloyw wyn ei daint
2 Afallen beren, bren y sydd fad
Nid byehan dylwyth sydd ffrwyth arnad
A minnau wyf ofnawg am gelawg am danad
Khag dyfod y coedwyr goed gymmynnad
I gladdu dy wraidd a llygru dy had,
Fal na thyfo byth afal arnad
A minnau wyf gwyllt gwrthrychiad
I'm cathrudd cythrudd nim eudd dillad.
Neum rhoddes Gwenddolau gortldysau yn rhad
Ac yntau heddyw fal na buad.
3 Afallen beren bren addfeinus
Gwasgadfod glodfawr budtifawr brydus
Cyd wnant benaethau gan gyf esgus
A myneich geuawg Invydiawg gwydus
A gweisionain ffraeth bid arfaethus
Yd fyddant wyr rhamant rhidd rhwyfauus.
214 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
Sweet apple tree, of vigorous growth and verdant foliage,
Large are thy branches, and beautiful thy form ;
It was beautiful to see thee in a robe of vivid green,
Ere war had caused my heart to grieve ;
But my wrongs shall yet be avenged,
And the legions of Fengwern shall revel on mead.
Sweet apple tree, growing in the lonely glade,
Valour shall still secure thee from the lords of Rhydderch.
Bare is the ground around thee, trodden by mighty warriors ;
Their heroic forms strike their foes with terror.
Alas ! Gwenddydd loves me not, greets me not ;
I am hated by the chiefs of Rhydderch;
I have ruined his son and his daughter.
Death relieves all; why does he not visit me?
For after Gwenddoleau no princes honour me.
I am not soothed with diversion,
I am no longer visited by the fair ;
Yet in the battle of Arderydd I wore golden torques,
Though I am now despised by her who is fair as snowy swan.
Sweet apple tree, covered with delicate bloom,
Growing unseen in the sequestered wood,
At break of day the tale was told me,
That the high-commissioned chief of Menwydd is offended with me ;
4 Afallen beren bren hydwf glas
Purfawr ei changeu iw chain wanas
Canpid cain arwel yn mhrid gorlas
Cyn berw bryd cymmrwyn ffwyr alanas
A mi ddysgoganaf cad am dias
Pengwern cyfedd grudd medd ei haddas.
5 Afallen beren bren a dyf yn Llannerch
Angerdd ei hargel rhag rhieu Ehydderch
Amsather yn ei bon maon yn ei chylch
Aedd aeleu iddudd dulloed dihefeirch
Mi nim car Gwenddydd ac nim hennyreh
Wyf gas gan wasawg gwaesaf Rhydderch
Ry rewiniais ei fab ef ai ferch
Angeu a ddwg pawb pa rag nam cyfeirch
A gwedy Gwenddolau neb rhiau nim peirch
Nim gogawn gwarwy nim gofwy gorddyrch
Ac yngwaith Arderj'dd oed aur fy ngorddyrch
Cyd bwyf aeleu heddyw gan eiliw eleirch.
6 Afallen beren blodau esplydd
A dyf yn argel yn argoedydd
Chwedleu a gigleu yn nechreuddydd
Rysori gwasawg gwaesaf Menwydd
ATTRIBUTED TO MERDDIN, ETC. 215
Twice, thrice, yea, four times, in one day,
It rung in my ears ere the sun had marked the hour of noon.
Jesus .' why had I not been destroyed
Before I had the misfortune to slay tlie son of Gwenddydd .'
7 Sweet apple tree, which formest a stately grove,
The wild dogs of the wood seek shelter about thy roots,
Yet shall my prophetic song announce the re- coming
Of Medrawd and Arthur. 1 leader of hosts;
Again shall they rush to the battle of Camlan,
And only seven escape from the two days' conllict.
Let Gwenhwyvar remember her crimes,
When Cadwaladr resumes possession of his throne,
And the religious hero leads his armies.
Alas, my lamentable destiny! hope affords no refuge ;
Gwenddydd 1 s son is slain, and by my accursed hand.
8 Sweet apple tree, of richest fruit,
Growing in the lonely woods of Celyddon,
All seek thee 2 for the sake of thy fruit,
But in vain until Cadwaladr conies to the conference of Rhyd Eheon,
Dwywaith a theirgwaith pedeirgwaith yn undydd
Amglyw o'm dargau cyn haul nawnnydd
Och Iesu ! na ddyfu fy nihenydd
Cyn dyfod ar fy Haw llaith mab Gwenddydd.
7 Afallen beren bren ailwyddfa
Cwn coed cylch ei gwraidd dywasgodfa
A mi ddysgoganaf dyddaw etwa
Medrawd ac Arthur inodur tyrfa
Camlan darwerthin difiau yna
Namyn saith ni ddyrraith o'r gymmanfa
Edryched Gwenhwyfar wedi ei thraha
Ban at fedd Cadwaladyr
Eglwysig bendeng ai tywysa
(ìwaitli imi a dderfydd heb esgorfa
Lleas mab Gwenddydd, fy Haw ai gwna.
8 Afallen beren beraf ei haeron
A dyf yn argel yn Argoed Celyddon
Cyt ceisier ofor fydd herwydd ei hafon
Yn y ddel Kadwaladr i gynadl Ehyd Eheon
1 The Arthur here mentioned is the hero of romance. Modred was his nephew ;
he conspired against his uncle, and at the battle of Camlan gave the wound of which
Arthur afterwards died, not, however, before he himself had been slain. The crime of
Gwenhwyvar was unfaithfulness to Arthur's bod. she having deserted her husband
and fled with Modred. Cadwaladr and Kynan will be noticed hereafter.
2 Either Gruffydd ab Rhys or Gruffydd ab Kynan.
216 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
And Kynan advances to oppose the Saxons ;
Then shall Britons be again victorious,
Led by their graceful and majestic chief;
Then shall be restored to everyone his own,
And the sounder of the horn of gladness proclaim
The song of peace, the days of happiness. 1
9 Delicious apple tree, with blossoms purely white,
To those who eat them sweet are the apples
That have always grown on trees
Which grow apart, with wide-spreading branches.
The nymph who appears and disappears, prophesies explicitly
In signs of troublesome times which will surely come ;
A fleet with anchors will come on the sea,
Seven ships, with seven hundred sailing over the waves ;
They will descend on the shore under flights of arrows,
And of those who come there shall not return
More than seven to their former home. 2
10 Delicious apple tree, of splendid growth !
Its root has fed both it and me
When, with shield on my shoulder and sword on my thigh,
I slept all alone in the woods of Celyddon.
Kynan yn erbyn cychwyn ar Saeson
Kymry a orvydd kain vydd e dragon
Kaffant pawb ei deitlii llawen fi brython
Kaintor cyrn elwch kathl heddwch a hinoii
9 Afallen beren burwen o flodeu
Ir ai hys molys ei hafalau
A dyfant eirioed a choed
A dyf ar wahau yn llydan ei changau
Dysgogan Chwibleian cyfan chwedlau
Dyddiau arwyddion brithfyd diau
A llynges dros for ag augorau
Seithlong a ddenant a seithgant dros donatt
Descynnant ar draeth y dan saethau
Ar sawl a ddeuant ni atter yn noil
Namyn saith eilwaith og eu hen a dreu.
10 -Afallen beren a dyf dra run
Cymeythuleis yn ei bon yr bodd y wun
Ac yscwyd ar fy yscwydd am cledd ar fy nghlnn
Ac ynghoed Celyddon i cysgais i fy hun
1 The first eight verses were translated by the late Mr. Edward "Williams (Mo
Morganwg).
2 The allusion here is to the battle of Tal y Moelvre in 1157, which has been
already noticed.
ATTRIBUTED TO ME1WDIN, ETC. 217
Hoar, little pig ! rouse from thy sleep,
And list to the diverting birds expressing their mutual wishes :
A sovereign across the sea l will come on Monday ;
Blessed will Wales be from that design. 2
11 Apple tree, of pure white sprigs growing cleverly to a moderate
height,
I am more accustomed to the saddle and ashen spear of royalty
Than to see rustics of raven hue on the branches,
And a prayer from the lady of commanding aspect,
For I am not destitute of either talent or emulation.
12 Apple tree, growing by a brook-side,
With greatly desired leaves and yellow apples,
I have been beloved by Gwnem 3 and Kutum,
But my complexion is faded from long weeping ;
Am I not deserted by my former friends,
"Wandering among spectres, who know me not ?
13 Delicious apj)le tree, that avoidest attack,
Growing at the junction of streams, without being protected by
vegetation,
Hoian Borchellau pwyllud dy hun
Andaw di adar difyrr yn ei hymeutun
Teyrnedd dros for a ddaw dduwllun
Gwyn eu byd Cymru or arofun
1 1 Afallen burwen ei brig a dyf ygymes yn fessig
Gnodach ira onnwy gyfrwy gwledig
No gwyr bro bran lliw ar riw ei trig
A gweddi gan riain ran parhedig
Nid wyf diddawn a dieiddig.
12 Afallen a dyf ynglan nant
Ei kafalau melyn ai deil yn chwant
Am gwnem am kutum am carassant
Ni ethyw fy hoen o hir lifiant
Neut wyf ddigariat gan fy ngharant
A miuneu gan wyllyon nim adwaenant.
13 Afallen beren bren diletcyn
A dyf yn Haber heb ardyfu cylcliyn
1 Gruffydd ab Kynan.
2 The address to the little pig seems to be out of place here. The blessed king is
Cadwaladr ; and the event alluded to is a prediction in Geoffrey of Monmouth's
History of Britain.
3 I know not what Gvmem and Kniuhi mean,
218 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
I will prophesy a battle between the Britons
Defending their boundaries and the men of Dublin.
Seven ships will come across the wide lake,
And seven hundred over the sea to subdue ;
Of those who come, they shall take with them
But seven empty vessels after the contest. 1
14 Delicious apple tree, teeming with buds ;
Yellow its fruit, not to be chewed by the multitude ;
I was nourished at its base with choice men;
xind when Devon shall be called " the stony city,"
The minstrel will be paid his new year's gifts.
15 Delicious apple tree, 2 that will not wither :
Four hundred years it will be in peace,
Growing apart, and widely outspreading; 3
Its root is oftener surrounded by the wolf 4 which violates
Than by the youth who can enjoy its fruit.
And I will prophesy that a youth shall come
From the flowers of Cadvan, who, when he grows up,
A mi disgoganaf cad ym Mhrydyn
Yn ainwyn ei terfyn a gwyr Dulyn
Seithlong i deuant dros lydan lyn
A seithgant dros for i orescyn
Or sawl a ddeuant nid ant y genhyn
Namyn seith letwag wedi lletcynn.
14 Afallen beren biborig
Melyn ei kaeron irid maon ei messig.
Cymathyleis yn ei bon a dynion dewissig
Aphan alwer Dyfnaint dinas çerrig
I talawr gerddawr ei galennig.
15 Afallen beren bren ni grino
Pedwarcant mlynedd yn hedd i bo
A dyf ar wahan ys llydan ei gortho
Gnodoch yn ei gwraidd y blaidd ai treissio
Na maban mynych a mwynhao
A mi a ddysgoganaf maban a fo
flodaii Cadvan pan gynyddo
Gruffydd ei euw o hil Iago
Ni wna annoes pan pseudo.
1 See note to verse 9.
2 This " Afallen " was Gruffydd ab Kynan.
3 Wide- spreading trees are part of the stock in trade of romance writers.
4 Hugh, Earl of Chester.
ATTRIBUTED TO MERDDIN, ETC. 21!)
Will be known as Gruffydd of the line of Iago : l
There will be no tyranny when he comes.
1G Delicious apple tree, that will be known
Until water impregnates the duck's fluttering feather, 2
1 will prophesy that the time is near,
And that I am in fear of it,
"When God the Supreme will take me from trouble,
To become the confidant of Ilis Son.
17 Delicious apple tree, of luxuriant green growth,
Large are thy branches, and beautiful thy form ;
And I will prophesy that in a clamorous battle
Pengwern, 3 celebrated for mead and carousals, will be despoiled,
And in the conflict many will be slain,
By the Chief of Eryri, hated challenger.
18 Delicious apple tree, growing on a river's bank,
The provost of an army would not thrive on the splendid fruit
Which I enjoyed from its trunk while my reason was entire,
In company with an elegantly pleasing, delicate, and beautiful maid ;
Ten years and forty, with my treasures,
Have I been sojourning among ghosts and sprites
16 Afallen beren bren a honneit
Neus gorwlych dwfyr rynn pluyn hwyeit
A mi a ddysgoganaf ei bod yn nessaf
Ac i mae arnaf ei harynneig,
Pan fo Dirw Dewin yin diffryt i rhag trin
Hyd na bwyf gyfrin ag eissifloit.
1 7 Afallen beren hydwf glas
Plu fawr ei changeu ai chain wanas
A mi ddysgoganaf cad am dias
Pengwern cyfeddgrad medd en hadlas
Ac amgylch cyinminawd cymyn leas
Gan pendefig Eryri eri atgas
18 Afallen beren a dyf ar Ian afon
Yn llwry ny llnydd maer ar ei chlaer aeron
Tra fo om pwyll waetat am bwyat yn ei bon
A bun wenwarwys feinwys fanon
Deg mlynedd a deugein my gein anetwon
Ydd wyf yn ymdeith gan wylleith a gwillon
Gwedi da ddigawn a diddan cerddorion
1 Gruffydd ab Kynan, the grandson of Owain Gwyuedd, I should presume, is the
person here described.
2 That is, the water would not drown Gruffydd ab Kynan.
3 Pengwern was a royal palace in Powys.
220 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
After having enjoyed abundant riches and the pleasant society of
the tuneful tribe.
I have been here so long that sprites do not shock me,
And I tremble not at the dragon sprites
Of the princes Gwenddoleu and his brethren, 1
Who have bred a pestilence in the woods of Celyddon ;
May I become a blessed servant of the sovereign of splendid retinues.
19 Delicious apple tree, of delicate blossoms,
Which grows on the sward amid the trees,
The Sibyl prophesies — words which will come to pass —
" Mental design shall cover the green assemblies,
From the princes in the beginning of the tempestuous hour ;
The Darter of Rays shall vanquish the profane man ;
Before the Child of the Sun, bold in his courses,
Saxons shall be eradicated and bards shall flourish."
20 Delicious apple tree, of crimson hue,
Growing concealed in the woods of Celyddon,
The attempts to discover it, by its seed, will be all in vain,
Till Cadwaladr, the supreme ruler of battle,
Comes to the conference of Cadvaon,
Mi feum nam gwiw gwall gan wyllion
A gwyllieit rwyfeu na chrynaf y dragon
Fy arglwydd Gwenddoleu am browy frodorion
Gwecli porthi heint a hoet amgylch Celyddon
Bwyf was gwynfydig gan wledig orchorddion.
1 9 Afallen beren blodau ysplydd
A dyf y gweryd a hyt y gwit
Dysgogeu Clvwimleian chwedleu o ddyfyd
Yd cychennawr gan fryd gwyrdd erfit
Rhag rhieiu ar ddechreu origien tewydd
Gorwyt grat wehyn dyn digrefydd
Rhag maban huan heolydd arfeidd
Saeson ar ddiwreidd beirdd ar gynnydd.
20 Afallen beren a prenn ffion
A dyf dan gel ynghoed Celyddon
Cyt ceissier ofer fydd herwydd y haton
Yny ddel Cadwaladyr y gynnadyl cadvaon
1 This story also occurs in Geoffrey's History of Arthur. A party of Saxons
flying before him halted at the wcod of Celidon, and made a brave defence under the
protection of the trees ; but Arthur seeing this, ordered the trees to be cut down, and
surrounding them with a rampart of timber, caused them when nearly dying ef hunger
to sue for release on condition of leaving the island.
ATTRIBUTED TO MERDDIN, ETC. 221
With the eagle of Towy and Teivi rivers, 1
Till ranks be formed of the long- shanked ones,
And the wearers of long hair he divided into gentle and fierce.
21 Delicious apple tree, of pure white (lowers,
Thy sweet fruits are the prisoners of words.
The ass will arise to remove men out of office; 2
And this I know from the best authority,
That an eagle from the sky will play with his men,
And bitter will be the sound of Owain's arms;
Numerous are his men, but he cannot converse
With those who are coming across the seas.
22 A veil covers the tree with green branches ;
There will be treason in sovereignty, and mead in cities,
When Burgundy 3 comes with the men of Arras;
And I will fortell the harvest when the green corn shall be cropped ;
When the he eagle and she eagle shall arrive from France,
They will scarcely return without having done good.
23 Delicious apple tree, of delightful branches,
Budding luxuriantly, and shooting forth renowned scions,
Eryr Tywi a Theifi afon
A dyfod grande o aranwynion
A gwneuthur gwar a gwyllt a gwallhirion.
21 Afellen beren burwen o flodeu
Melus ei haeron carcharorion geireu
Yr assen a gyfyd i symmud swyddeu
Y fineu au gwyr ny synnwyr goreu
Eryr or wybyr au wyr whareu
Wherw bydd sein Ywein arveu
Amyl i wyr ni wyr ddadleu
Cynnedloedd dros foroedd a fordwyeu
22 Afallen beren lien ar bren briglas
Bradawg teyrnedd medd yn ninas
Pyn ddaw Byrgwyn a gwyr Aras
A mi ddysgoganaf cynhaeaf eneifir yr yd glas
Pan ddel yr Eryr ar Eryres
Ffreinc odyt a dieinc yn ddiles.
23 Afallen beren per ei changeu
Puwawr mawr weiriawg enwawg inven
1 Gruffydd ab Kynan and Rhys ab Tewdwr, or their sons.
2 This is a reference to the Prediction of Merddin, as reported in Geoffrey.
3 It may appear strange that I should translate Byrgwyn into Burgundy, and yet
it seems quite correct. Arras is an important town in France, situated within the
province of Artois ; and the Dukes of Burgundy being also counts of Artois, would be
the natural leaders of the men of Arras.
222 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
I will predict that the owner of Machreu 1
Will in Machawy on Wednesday create
Joy to Lloegria with blood-red blades.
Hear, little pig ! There shall come on Thursday
Joy to Kymru of great suffering;
There will be swords swiftly plying in the conflict,
And in the battle Saxons will be slain in such numbers
That their heads will be used as balls to play with.
I prophesy truth without guile,
The elevation of the son of the eminently beneficial South. 2
It will be observed that verses 4 and 1 7, with verses 8 and 20,
bear a considerable resemblance to each other.
These verses give us an insight into the political movement
of the time, and exhibit a surprising amount of skill, capacity,
and daring on the part of the Welsh princes ; for not only was
Owain Gwynedd not content with withstanding the attacks of
England, but he must needs entertain a grand scheme of policy,
place himself in diplomatic relations with France, and with the
assistance of the French king strike a mortal blow at the English
crown. The project failed ; but the attempt was worthy of suc-
cess, and must exalt that prince in public estimation. Mr.
Davies supposes that " Merddin in these verses is foreboding the
restoration of his lord Gwenddoleu's cannibal eagles ; " 3 but
a different, and perhaps more instructive, explanation may be
found in the following extract :
After the rupture of the peace of Montmirail (a.d. 1165-1170),
Louis VII. received from a country with which, until then, he had had no
sort of relations, and of which he was hardly aware of the existence, a
(Latin) despatch conceived in these terms : " To the most excellent the
A mi ddysgoganaf rhag perclien Machreu
Yn nyffryn Machawy Mereherddydd creu
Gorfoledd i Loegyr gorgoch lafneu
Oian a pharchellan dyddaw dywieu
Gorfoledd i Gymru gorfawr godeu
Yn amwyn Cymminawd cleddyfawd cleu
Aer o Saeson ar onn fereu
A gwaryawr pelre ar eu peneu *
A mi ddisgoganaf gwir heb geu
Pyrchafawd Maban madfan y Deheu.
1 Query Mathri, between St. David's and Fishguard? 2 Rli3 T s ab Gruffydd.
3 Mythology of the Druids, p. 489.
ATTRIBUTED TO MERDDIN, ETC.
King of the French, Owen, Prince of "Wales, his liege-man and faithful
friend, sends greeting, obedience, and devotion.
" The war which the King of England had long meditated against me
broke out this last summer without any provocation on my part; but,
thanks to God and to yon, who then occupied his forces abroad, there
perished on the fields of battle more of his people than of mine. In his
spite he has wickedly mutilated the hostages he held from me; and retir-
ing without concluding either peace or truce, has ordered his soldiers to
be ready to march against me next Easter. I therefore beg of you, through
your royal clemency, to announce to me by the bearer of'these presents if
it be your intention to make war upon him at that time ; in order that I,
on my side, may serve you by doing all the mischief that you shall wish.
Let me know what you advise me to do, and also what succours you will
furnish me ; for without aid and counsel from you, I doubt that I shall be
sufficiently strong against our common enemy."
This letter was brought by a Welsh priest, who presented it to the
King of France in solemn audience. But the King, having scarcely ever
heard of Wales, suspected that the messenger was some impostor, and
would recognise neither him nor the despatches of Owen. The Welsh
prince was therefore obliged to send a second missive, to confirm the con-
tents of the first. " You thought " he said, " that my letter was not really
mine. However, I assure you it was truly so, and I call God to witness
thereof! " The Cambrian chief persisted in calling himself the faithful
servant and vassal of the King of France. This trait is worthy of citation,
principally because it may serve to teach us not to interpret literally, with-
out serious examination, the formulas and mode of speech of the middle
ages. The words vassal and lord often really denoted a relative condition
of subordination and dependence ; but often, too, they are merely a polite
form of expression, especially when the feeble claimed the alliance of the
more powerful. 1
The passages inverses 21, 22, and 23 have an evident refer-
ence to this embassy ; but if M. Thierry had not supplied the
above account, we should not have so easily understood their
real signification.
What are the subject and object of these sonnets ? I coin-
cide with Mr. Davies in believing them to be to some extent
mythological, or more properly speaking allegorical ; but I
cannot believe that the Avallenau are the work of Merddin ; and
totally dissent from his assertion that Mr. Turner had proved
their authenticity.
1 Thierry's History of th Norman ( onquest, book vii.
224 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
It appears to me that the Avallenau are as late as even the
latter part of the reign of Owain Gwynedd. The verses state
the trees to be one hundred and forty seven in number; and
their antiquity is rationally questioned when we find this to be
one of the mystic numbers. We have The Seven Sleepers, The
Seven Wise Men, The Seven Champions, and, not to wander
into Revelations, The Seven Stars. Again we find mention of
"the seven score knobs in the collar of the brindled ox, the
seven score and seven poems to Morvydd by D. ab Gwilym, the
seven score stones at Stonehenge, the seven score languages
alluded to by Gwalchmai, and the seven score mystical person-
ages " of the pseudo-Taliesin in " Angar Ky vyndawd." We
must therefore be pardoned for our scepticism as to the histori-
cal value of the statements ; and if, contrary to Carnhuanawc's l
plan of proving facts by the evidence of the poem, we use facts
to test the poem itself, every vestige of antiquity will disappear.
There is much reason to believe that the bard, whoever he was,
has made use of an old tradition, which he has modified and
extended ; and if this conjecture be correct, as I think it is,
Merddin will have but little claim to the poem. This tradition
is found in one of the dialogues — the one between Merddin and
Taliesin, wherein Merddin says :
Seven score chiefs
Were changed to sprites ;
In the wood of Celyddon
Were they transformed. 2
We have here one of the elements from which the poem was
composed ; and as Prydydd y Moch alludes to the tradition in
this form at his day :
The next conquest where noble feats were achieved
Was on the hill of Bryn yr Erw, where they saw thee,
Like a lion, foremost in piercing thy enemies,
Like a strong eagle, a safeguard to thy people ;
Upon this account they will not dispute with thee ;
They vanish before thee like the ghosts of Celyddon —
1 This -word has been used once before. It would perhaps be well to inform the
English reader that it is the bardie name of the late Rev. T. Price of Crickhowel.
1 Seith ugein haelon,
A aethau ygwyllion ;
Ynghoed Celyddon,
Y darfuon.
ATTRIBUTED TO MERDDIN, ETC. 22£
these lines of authentic poetry go far to settle the question ; and
when, in addition to the words of the dialogue, we find such ex-
pressions as
Can wyllon ' Celyddon cerddant
in a bard of the twelfth century, we become convinced of two
things :
1. That the tradition, whatever it originally was, had at
that time assumed no other form, and
2. That therefore the Avallenau must be as recent as the
time of Llywarch ab Llywelyn. It should also be noticed, as a
fact illustrative of traditional growth, that in the Avallenau
the seven score and seven (whatever they might be) are conse-
quents of the battle of Arderydd, while in the earlier dialogue
(see Hud a Lledrith, 1st chapter) they are shown to have existed
previously. 2
Having gone thus far it becomes necessary, to fix its date as
nearly as possible. This can only be ascertained from internal
evidence, which teaches that the orchard consisted of
Saith avallen beren, a saith ugaint,
Yn gyvoed, gyvuwch, gyhyd, gymmaint
Seven score and seven apple trees,
Of equal age, height, and magnitude.
These lines — and many more might be quoted from the same
poem — are fine specimens of mastery over words, and of fertility
in language ; and lead to the conclusion, from the connected
train of thought here and in other places, that they could not
have been written until prose literature became known. In the
poems of even Gwalchmai there is an abruptness, not of ideas,
but of words, arising from the imperfect formation of the lan-
guage ; in the historical pieces of Aneurin, Taliesin, and Lly-
warch, the want of conjunctions is painfully evident ; but we
have nothing in the language more smooth, flowing, and com-
plete than the Avallenau. I would, however, direct attention to
the line :
Yn gyvoed, gyvuwch, gyhyd, gymmaint,
1 Robbers wore afterwards thus called ; see Camhro-Briton, i. pp. 184, 2GG, fur
• Gwylliai 1 Coohion Mawldwy."
2 See also, note, p. 22o.
Q
1>2G POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
with a view to show that if a taste for such rhythm at any time
coincided with such command of language as is here indicated,
and was characteristic of any period of our literary history, we
should refer the composition of the Avallenau to that period.
To be still more precise, let us endeavour to find a date beyond
which we cannot go in the direction of modern days ; and fortu-
nately this is not difficult.
Our literary history, from the death of Llewelyn to the time
"of Davydd ab Gwilym, shows, in the department of j>oetry, a
most striking feature. A complete revolution had taken place ;
and a period usually considered to be barren was one of earnest
cogitation, zealous reforms, and diligent cultivation. In this
interval was born the incubus of Welsh poetry ; those days of
silent gloom, and impenetrable darkness, were pregnant with
cynghanedd (alliteration) . This portion of the literary history of
Wales does not come within the scope of the essay; and we
must therefore content ourselves with stating that the introduc-
tion of cynghanedd forms the boundary line, beyond which we
need not go. The Avallenau have no cynghanedd; we must
therefore fix their production somewhere between the years 1240
and 1350.
Between these periods there is a bard whose poems are full
of such lines. Llywarch ab Llywelyn, whom we have already
quoted, flourished during the reigns of Owain Gwynedd and the
first Llewelyn, and has in his poems many such lines as the
following :
Gogyv&i'ch teyrn, gogwyr teyimvardd,
Gogyvwrdd torment, gogyvrawx torvoedd,
Gogav/n teyniveirdd, gogawn teyrnvro.
Again, we have the word " teyrn" frequently repeated :
Tcyrnllu, teymedd, teyrnllavr, teynûlm,
TeyrnWyw teyrnas, tervysg torment.
In Davydd Benvras's ode to Llewelyn ab Iorwerth there is
a long passage of a similar structure, beginning with —
Oedd breisg vreisg ei vyddin.
And just prior to this time we find in Howel ab Owain this
line :
Claer ivcinWwn, ivenWytyv, wynMm Kywyt.
ATTRIBUTED TO MEEDDIN, ETC. 227
We may therefore conclude that these lines in the Avallen-
au must have been written when the public laste required such
rhythms ; and, in addition to the above extracts, we have the
authority of Giraldus for the statement that the bards of the
age " took pride in repeating the first syllable of words, and thought
not/ting perfect ivithout."
The resources of criticism are not yet exhausted; and not
only does the language betray the poem, but the ideas expressed
are also such as were prevalent during the romance era. In
the notion of the beautiful entertained among the Welsh of
those days, trees of equal growth were essential elements. This
appears from Iarlles y Ffynnawn (p. 40), where Kynon, relating
his adventures, says :
And it chanced at length that I came to the fairest valley in the
world, wherein were trees of equal growth.
Again, in another tale by Gruffydd ab Adda, a bard who was
killed at Dolgellau about 1370, we are told :
In the furthermost end of this forest he saw a level green valley,
and trees of equal growth.
Chaucer has similar sentiments. He describes a bower,
as, —
Wrethen in fere so well and cunningly,
That every branch and leafe grew by measure,
Plain as a bord, of an height by-and-by.
And speaking of an avenue of " okes " he says,
And an eight foot or nine
Every tree well fro his fellow grew.
We have thus located the diction ; and now fix the ideas in
their appropriate age. It only remains for us to treat of the
historical incidents mentioned.
In the seventh verse we are told that Medrawd and Arthur
would reappear, and fight over again the battle of Camlan.
Cadwaladr, too, was to revisit Britain, and Gwenhwyvar to re-
pent of her sins. In no contemporary writer do we read of
Gwenhwyvar and Medrawd ; and even the mention of Amherawd-
wyr, in one of Llywarch Hen's Englynion, is suspicious. Here
we see very clearly that Arthur had been the hero of romance
Q 2
228 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
long before this was written. The names of Geraint, Urien,
and Owen authenticate the poems of the early bards ; their ab-
sence from the Avallenau throws discredit on that poem. Every
one of Mr. Turner's arguments in favour of Aneurin, Taliesin,
and Llywarch are against the claim of these verses to anti-
quity.
The mention of Cadwaladr and Kynan invites a closer ex-
amination. We have three distinct accounts of Cadwaladr's
death, each differing from, and opposed to, the other. Nennius
states that " during his (i.e. Oswy's) reign there was a dreadful
mortality among his subjects, when Cadwaladr was king among
the Britons, succeeding his father, and he himself died among
the rest."
I give this in Dr. Giles's translation, and though the pas-
sage is so obscure as to make it a matter of doubt whether the
person who died was Cadwaladr or Oswy, the balance of evi-
dence seems to show that it was the former. In speaking of
Phylip Brydydd, I quoted two Triads in which Cadwaladr's death
was distinctly attributed to the blow given to him by Golyddan
the bard, with the palm of his hand. Generally it may be as-
sumed that the Triads are fair exponents of pure Cambrian
tradition ; and in this case we find from the language of
Phylip (p. 159) that among his countrymen this was the
received account of Cadwaladr's death. There is no inconsis-
tency between the version in the Triads and that of Nennius ;
indeed, they may be said to confirm each other. The Triads
speak positively of the King's death ; and Nennius, though he
says Cadwaladr died " among the rest," does not necessarily im-
ply that the plague was the cause of his death. But in the
twelfth century we meet with another tradition, varying most
widely from both the preceding. This occurs in Geoffrey of
Monmouth's History of the British Kings, where it is said :
Cadwaladr fled to Brittany out of the way of the plague, which
having subsided, he applied to Alan, King of the Bretons, for aid to re-
cover his kingdom from the Saxons, Avho had taken possession of it during
his absence. While he was preparing a fleet for this purpose an angel
deterred him from his enterprise, ordered him to go to Borne to Pope
Sergius, and said that when he should have died and been enrolled among
the saints, his bones, with those of other saints, would be brought from
Borne to Britain, and the Welsh would recover their lost supremacy in
that country. Cadwaladr accordingly went to Borne, and having been
ATTRIBUTED TO MEBDD1X, ETC. 229
confirmed by Sergius, died on the twelfth before the Kalends of May, in
the year 688.
The latter part of this story is ably shown by Professor
Bees l to be a blunder, arising from the mistaking- or misstating
by Geoffrey of the history of Ceadwalla, King of Wessex, for
that of Cadwaladr. The Saxon king did go to Eome, and
actually did die on the twelfth of the Kalends of May, 688 ; but
the flight to Armorica and promised return of Cadwaladr's bones
has yet to be accounted for. This probably arose from the same
confusion of narratives, and may have prevailed as a popular
sentiment among the Kymry who emigrated to Brittany ; but
whence the extended prophecy of Merlin sprang, except it be
attributed to the exaggeration of similar traditions by Geoffrey,
I know not. It is, however, evident that the prophecy of the re-
turn of Cadwaladr, and recovery of their supremacy by the
Kymry, must have come from Brittany ; for we perceive from
the Triads that the Cambrians had accepted Calwaladr's death
as an actual fact, from which no such expectations could have
been formed ; and this argument becomes particularly forcible
when it is considered that he had proved himself to have been a
very sorry ruler. The conclusion, therefore, that the hope was
generated and encouraged by the descendants of persons who
had left this country when the Britons were an united people,
and who, neglecting subsequent events, had only retained a
lively recollection of the glory of that period, becomes highly
probable. In Brittany refugees might have dreamt of British
supremacy, but in Wales the stern reality of their condition
was too apparent.
Geoffrey's book, joining Conant II. of Brittany to Cadwa-
ladr, and flattering these ambitious expectations of the exiled
Kymry, produced a very powerful influence upon the public mind;
and having given a classic form to the popular expectations of
the country, impregnated even the genuine bardic literature
with visions of recovered greatness. In the prophecy of Mer-
lin, as it is there given, it is said (in Dr. Giles's translation) :
Cadwaladr shall call upon Conan, and take Albania into alliance ;
then there shall be a slaughter of foreigners ; then shall the rivers run with
blood. There shall break forth the foundations of Armorica, and they
Wtlsh Saints, p. 300.
230 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
hIkiII be crowned with the diadem of Brutus. Cambria shall be filled with
joy, and the oaks of Cornwall shall flourish. The island shall be called
by the name of Brutus, and the name given it by foreigners shall be
abolished. From Conan shall proceed a warlike boar that shall exercise
the sharpness of his tusks upon the Gallic woods. For he shall cut down
all the larger oaks, and shall be a defence to the smaller. The Arabians
and Africans shall dread him ; for he shall pursue his furious course to
the farther part of Spain. There shall succeed the goat of the venereal
castle, having golden horns and a silver beard, who shall breathe such a
cloud out of his nostrils as shall darken the whole surface of the island.
There shall be peace in his time, and corn shall abound by reason of the
fruitful ness of the soil.
Now, this prediction of the coming of Cadwaladr and Kynan
finds place in the Avallenan ; and in the Hoianan we meet it
afterwards, as well as in the poems of the pseudo-Taliesin.
Whence arises this coincidence ? Did Geoffrey borrow the
prediction from Merlin ? Or did the writer or writers of the
Avallenan take it from the Kyvoesi and Geoffrey ? Mr. Turner
has entertained the first question, and answered in the affirma-
tive. Let us therefore lay aside the suspicions of their modern-
ity excited by the smoothness of the verses, and various other
reasons for scepticism, and see wdiat it is that he assumes in
that reply. The prediction states that " Cadwaladr and Kynan
shall come to the conference of Rhyd Eheon." Now, it is im-
plied that Cadwaladr had gone to Brittany, about a.d. 668 ;
from thence he would come again ; therefore the prophecy im-
plies a knowledge of that event. But if we inquire a little mi-
nutely, we shall find a small inconsistency in the matter of dates.
The Avallenau, assuming their genuineness, must have been
written long after the battle of Arderydd, which occurred in 577,
as Merddin is made to say that he had been in the woods of
Celyddon fifty years in consequence ; that would make the date
of the poem to be 627 ; but such was not the fact. Everywhere
throughout both the Avallenau and Hoianau the poet speaks of
Rhydderch Hael as being still living, and it is therefore a
warrantable supposition that the bard died before him ; that
prince died in G01, and therefore the prophecy must have been
uttered previously. It will therefore now appear that a pre-
diction uttered in a.d. 600 to persons then living, assumed their
possession at that time of a knowledge which could not have
been acquired for at least sixty- eight years afterwards. Here
ATTRIBUTED TO ' MERDDIX, ETC. 231
I make the supporters of the genuineness of these verses a gift
of the assumption that Merddin could predict events at all,
though, in common with most of my contemporaries, I am a
little sceptical. There are in Wales men who believe in the " wise
man " of Cwrt y Cadno, and there are people in England who
have faith in " Raphael ; " but in neither country are these the
intelligent classes. It is possible that some persons may still
attribute these predictions to Merddin, and continue to assert
the antiquity of the Avallenau and Hoianau ; I must with all
respect hold a different opinion.
But if they are not to be attributed to the age of Merddin,
may they not have been written soon after the death of Cadwa-
ladr? No, it would not have been said then that he would come
from Brittany ; for the men of that age knew he had not gone
there. And it would not have been said that he would assist the
Britons to recover their supremacy, for they knew that he was a
coward, and that Golyddan had killed him. To what age, then,
are they to be attributed ?
The publication of Geoffrey's book produced an extraordi-
nary sensation throughout the civilised world. We behold
traces of its influence in the literature of every country in
Europe ; but unless the sanction given to these prophecies by
their adoption in his book was the chief cause which inspired
the production of the Avallenau and Hoianau, we shall have to
recognise as a fact what would be ten times more strange than
any difficulty involved in this hypothesis, that a book which put
every other country into a ferment produced no effect at home.
Prior to the appearance of Geoffrey's history the more intelli-
gent portion of his countrymen had no notion of calling Cad-
waladr from the dead, that expectation existing only among the
vulgar ; but soon after we find Prydydd y Moch saying that the
Druids were prophesying the coming of a great king to the
Kymry, and pointing to Llewelyn ab Iorwerth. We also find
Gwalchmai (11G0) saying of Madoc ab Meredydd that there
shall be no one like him :
Hyd pan ddel Cynan cain addfwyndawd
A Chadwaladr mawr mur pob ciwdawd.
Until Kynan, the kindly courteous, shall come,
And Cadwaladr the great, the pillar of all armies.
This expectation was general in Wales soon after the appear-
232 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
ance of the Historia Britonum ; and, unless we believe the Kym-
ry had two Cadwaladr fevers, there seems no other alternative
than to refer these verses to this period.
Another argument in support of the same conclusion, may
be drawn from a source which, had I time to investigate it care-
fully, would most probably throw much light upon this part of
our literary history. I refer to the traditions of Brittany. It
will have been observed that most of the facts mentioned in the
Avallenau are to be found in Cambrian history. The battle of
Arderydd, the seven score chiefs who perished in the Caledonian
woods, Gwenddoleu, Ehydderch Hael, Cadwaladr, Kynan, and
Arthur, are mentioned elsewhere; but neither in the other
pieces attributed to Merddin, such as the Kyvoesi and the
Gwasgargerdd, nor in the historical documents, is there any
allusion to the apple trees given to him. But in the Brut of
Geoffrey we find Merlin prophesying that —
The renowned city shall be rebuilt by Eric, loaden with apples, to
the smell whereof the birds of several woods shall flock together. Eric
shall hide his apples within it, and shall make subterraneous passages.
And among the Breton popular songs lately given to the world
by the Comte de Villeniarque I find two poems connected
with the name of Merddin, in one of which occurs this
passage : *
MERLIN loq.
Silence my son, lest your steps frighten him ;
He is fast asleep in the dormitory.
He has swallowed three of my apples,
Which with him who bakes them turn to ashes.
And those who eat my aj)ples,
Behold ! follow me everywhere.
In both these cases the name of Merddin is connected with
apples ; and it is therefore probable that the author of the
1 The original in the Cornisli dialect :
" Tevet ma mab, na spontud ket
Gand aim mourgousk e' ma dalc'het ;
Lonket en deuz tri aval ru.
Meuz pohaet dean touez al ludu ;
Lonket eu deuz ma avalou
Chetu hen d'hon heul e'peb-Lrou."
Comte de Vixlejiarque, Barzas Brviz, torn i. p. 80.
ATTRIBUTED TO MEBDDIN, ETC. 288
Avallenau added this portion of the Arniorican tradition to
such other traits of Merddin's history as he found among his
own countrymen. The date of the Breton lay, furnished to De
Villeniarque by a lady living in the environs of Morlaix, 1 is un-
certain ; hut the date of Geoffrey's work would show that this
amalgamation was not likely to have occurred prior to the
twelfth century.
Another, and the last, argument is derived from the structure
of the verses, each of which, it will have been observed, commen-
ces with " Avallen beren." This of itself does not prove their
recent origin ; for Aneurin in the sixth century begins many of
his verses with " Men went to Cattraeth," and " Men went to
Gododin ; " Llywarch Hen does this so frequently as to have
j>rovoked our critical censure ; and such anonymous verses as
the series commencing "Eiry Mynydd," with the "A glyweisti
a gânt," &c, of the Verses of the Hearing, have the same
peculiarity. The simple fact of the repetition of the initial line
is not, therefore, a sufficient proof of their late composition ; for,
on the contrary, all other things overlooked, the presumption
would rather be in favour of the antiquity of those verses. But
the same practice prevailed in the twelfth century, with an addi-
tional peculiarity. Gwalchmai begins several verses with
" Llachar vy nghleddyv," &c. ; Kynddelw has the line, " Gor-
vynawd dry thy 11," &c 3 at the commencement of each verse in the
address to Eva, the daughter of Madoc ab Meredydd; Owain
Ky veiliog begins each verse of the Hirlas Horn with " Diwallaw
di venestr," or Diwallaw di'r corn ; " and Howel ab Owain
frequently repeats the line " Tonn wenn orewyn." In the anony-
mous poems we find the same rule prevailing ; each verse of the
Hoianau begins with " Oian a parchellan ; " in the poem called
" Myg Dinbych " the verses begin with " Addvwyn gaer ; " and
in " Preiddeu Annwn " several begin with " Neud wyv glod gey-
myn cerdd." Now the distinction between the poems of the
two periods is this : in the bards of the sixth century the line
is connected with, and forms necessarity a part of, what follows ;
but by the twelfth century the practice had become so hackneyed
that the initial line had no connexion with what came after.
This is seen very clearly in Howel ab Owain's "Delight," where
1 '• Nous avons été mis sur la trace de ce chant et du morceau precedent par une
dame des environs de Morlaix.'' — Boreas Brcis, torn. i. p. 92.
234 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
the " fair foam-crowned wave " lias no relation whatever to
the succeeding lines ; and if the initial lines in the Avallenau
were struck out, the sense would suffer but little thereby.
These verses also resemble the mythological poems. In verse 7
we meet the line " Namyn saith ni ddyraith o'r gymmanva ; "
and this identical line ends each verse of " Preiddeu Annwn,"
the last words being varied. Another resemblance between the
Avallenau and the poems called mythological is found in the
prediction of universal peace. In the last line of the eighth
stanza it is said that, after Kynan should come to the conference
of Ehyd Rheon,
The sounder of the horn of gladness should sing of happiness and peace ;
and the poems called " Cadair Taliesin " and " Cadair Keridwen "
have similar closing sentiments. They also resemble each other
in another respect ; in both the " Preiddeu Annwn " and the
Avallenau " the monks are the objects of bitter and especial
hostility. A reason why apple trees were chosen as the subjects
for celebration may also be inferred from the fact that Fairy-
land went among the bards, since the appearance of Geoffrey's
history, by the name of " Ynys yr Avallon " ( the Island of the
Apple Trees), which English romancists, not knowing the mean-
ing of Avallon, call " the woody isle of Avalon ; " and this fur-
nishes another link in the chain of evidence which proves to my
complete satisfaction that the Avallenau belong to the age of
romances, or, in other words, to the latter part of the reign of
Owain Gwynedd. Orchards exist in great abundance and luxu-
riance between Lanark and Glasgow ; and it was probably the
recollection of these among the Kymry, who had been compel-
led to abandon that country, " distance lending enchantment to
the view," that led to the invention, of " the woody isle of Ava-
lon." If this reasoning should be thought to be conclusive, the
speculations of Davies as to the object of the verses will not re-
quire a lengthened discussion. He supposes the apple trees to
have been used by Merddin to signify the principles of Druidism,
which are, according to his view, celebrated under the name of
apples ; but as the chief force of his arguments depends upon
the assumption that the verses were written soon after the sub-
version of Druidism by the introduction of Christianity, his
reasonings become nearly pointless when this supposition is
shown to be erroneous. But, independent of the arguments
ATTRIBUTED TO MERDDIN, ETC. 235
furnished by the lateness of the composition against his hypo-
thesis, there is another argument which ought to be conclusive.
It will be admitted that a bard of considerable repute in the thir-
teenth century must be a much better expositor of the meaning
of these verses than persons living in the nineteenth can be
supposed to be ; and therefore the evidence of Madawg Dwygraig
must carry with it much weight. He has a satire upon some
"Mallt, the daughter of David, "who had robbed his orchard of
apples, and thereby excited the ire of the poet ; and this poem is
exceedingly curious as being a parody upon the very verses now
under consideration. In this he says : J
Three delicious apple trees were eaten of against the will, —
They would not be given freely, nor would they be given at all ;
One was born among the trees in Paradise,
To the injury of old and young ;
The second bearing green leaves was given to Merddin,
To he protected from the common populace ;
The third handsome one was in my own garden.
We learn from these lines that the Avallenau were under-
stood and interpreted literally in the thirteenth century ; there-
fore, the mystical and far-fetched explanation of a later date
must be abandoned. It may also be inferred, from the fact that
the verses were parodied, that the bard did not consider them
to be the sacred writings of Merddin ; for, on the contrary, he
seems to have looked upon them as forming a Mabinogi. He
begins each verse with " Avallen beren ; " and having described
Mallt to be a lady of easy virtue, he furnishes us with a counter-
part to the seven score apple trees, by charging her with having
bestowed her favours upon seven score lovers. Such liberties
would not have been taken with the Avallenau, had they been
considered to ha*ve been the works of Merddin, by the intelli-
gent men of that age. They knew better; and the name of
Merddin was only used to influence the multitude.
1 Tcir afallen per pored o anfodd
Ni roddid o fodd ai ni roddid
Un ym Mharadwys a mud yngwydd
Klnvng lien a newydd yn eniwed
Ail yn dwyn rhyddail rhodded i Fyrddin
Buchedd gyffredin werin wared
Trydedd hardd i'm gardd, &e.
230 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
What, then, is the object of the verses ? It is probably an
address to the tree of liberty, 1 to which as many biographical
details have been added as would make it appear to be a ro-
mance of Merddin, and obtain the sanction of his name for the
predictions of universal peace and happiness, with the speedy
triumph of the Welsh arms and restoration of British
supremacy.
The Hoianau.
These resemble the Avallenau in style, structure, and object,
and differ from them only in variation of the initial line. We
have already stated that the line " Avallen beren " forms no
essential part of the verse, the sense being complete without
it; and this is proved to be the case by the occurrence of
other verses, with different initial lines, though similar in age,
language, and ideas. They are a little later than the preceding;
those refer to events in the reign of Owain Gwynedd, and these
were composed in that of his grandson, Llewelyn ab Iorwerth.
In the Archaiology they are called " Hoianau, neu Borchell-
anau Myrddin ; " i.e. The Listenings, or the Piglings of
Merddin; but popularly they were called "The Songs of the
Pigs." All the arguments in the preceding dissertation as to
the date of the Avallenau apply with equal force to these ; it
will not, therefore, be necessary to go again over the same ground,
and I will only offer such special remarks as seem to be recmired.
The Songs of the Pigs. 2
1 Listen, O little pig ! O happy little pig !
Burrow not in sight on the mountain tops,
Burrow in secret in the woods,
Lest Rhydderch Hael, the Christian prince, should see thee.
And I will predict, and it shall be true,
1 This view is fully supported by verses 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 19, and others.
2 1 Oian a phorchcllan a pharchell dodwydd *
Na ehladd dy redkyr ym mhen mynydd
Cladd yn lie argel yn argoedydd
Nac erwys Rydderch Hael rwyfadur ffydd
Ami ddysgoganaf fi a gwyr fydd
Hyd yn Abertaradr rhag traws en Prydeiu
Oymru oil yn eu cyfiwydd
Llywelyn ei enw o eissillydd
Gwynedd gwr dygorbydd.
ATTRIBUTED TO MERDDTN, ETC 237
In Britain a daring prince shall ride as iar as Abertaradr; '
And Cambrians sliail be prosperous;
His name is Llewelyn of the line of Gwynedd,
One who shall not be overcome.
Rhydderch Hael, as we have already seen, was one of the
three generous princes of the Isle of Britain. He was king of
the Strathclyde Kymry, and having been converted b}- St.
Colmnba from Druidism to Christianity, became the ardent ad-
vocate of the latter; and in its defence fought the battle of
Arderydd against Gwenddoleu ab Keidiaw, an upholder of the
ancient faith, who was assisted by Aeddan ab Gavran, King of
the Scots. This battle was fought in a.d. 577, and Gwenddoleu,
with seven score chiefs, perished, it is said, in the woods of
Caledonia. In consequence of Rhydderch's success, Merddin,
according to the tradition, was compelled to hide himself in the
forests, where he was accompanied by a little pig. Mr. Davies
is of opinion that the pig in these verses is a symbol of Druid-
ism, but it appears to me that the pig in these verses allegori-
cally represents the Kymry who inhabited the Principality.
The popular opinion of all countries has assigned to magicians
and sages familiar spirits, and Merddin has been no less fortu-
nate than others ; but he has different companions in different
places. In Wales he has his mother (the nun 2 ) for an associate,
a grey wolf, his sister Gwenddydd, and a little pig ; and in
Brittany his companions are his " poor grandmother," 3 his
" poor little boy," 4 his daughter, 5 his harp, 6 and his black clog.
1 Ahertaradr is in Herefordshire; see Liber Landavensis, 376, 396, 439. In one of
the fictitious poems, the " Cywrysedd Gwynedd a Dehenbarth," these lines occur :
" ryd ar Teradyr
Hyd ym mhorth Wygyr ym Mon."
2 Bed an ap llian ymnewais The grave of the son of the nun,
Vynydd lluagor llew Erareis The companion of the lion of Emrys,
Prif ddewin Merddin Emreis The chief diviner, Merddin Emrys, is in
Myv. Arch. vol. i. p. 78. Newys mountain.
Breton original (Cornish dialect.)
3 My poor grandmother,— do you Na mann gouz paour m'ar em c'heret,
love me,
Or my poor heart will break. Eag ma c'halonik zo rannet.
4 My poor little boy, do not weep, Ma mabik paour na welet ket,
Because your harp is unstrung. Ann de'len a vo distaget.
3 If thou wilt give the ring to me, Mar gasoz he' vijou d'ime'
I to thee will give my daughter. Te po ma merc'h diganime.
e If thou wilt bring Merlin's harp Mar gasez d'in, te'len Merlin
Which is held by four chains of fine Dalc'het gant pider sugaour fin.
gold. Barzas Breiz, torn. i. p. 70.
238 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
The poem in which, this last occurs is very interesting ; and as
we shall again have reason to refer to it, it is here translated.
De Villeinarque supposes it to be intended for a dialogue
between St. Columba and the Sage ; there is such a dialogue in
the Welsh, which shall be given hereafter :
Merlin the Diviner.
Merlin ! Merlin ! where art thou going
So early in the day, with thy black dog ?
Oi ! oi ! oi ! oi ! oi ! oi ! oi ! oi ! oi ! oi !
Ioi ! oi ! oi ! ioi ! oi !
I have come here to search for the way
To find the red egg, 1
The red egg of the marine serpent,
By the seaside in the hollow of the stone.
I am going to seek in the valley
The green water-cress and the golden grass,
And the top branch of the oak
In the wood by the side of the fountain.
Merlin ! Merlin ! retrace your steps ;
Leave the branch on the oak,
And the green water-cress in the valley,
As well as the golden grass ;
And leave the red egg of the marine serpent '
In the foam by the hollow of the stone.
Merlin ! Merlin ! retrace thy steps';
There is no diviner but God. 2
1 The rod egg is probably the anguincus said by Pliny, lib. xxix., to have been in
so much favour with the Druids.
2 The Broton original, in the Cornish dialect :
Merlin-Diwinouk.
(Jas Kerne.)
Merlin, Merlin, pélec'h et-hu,
Ken beure'-ze, gand hô ki du ?
Ou ! ou ! ou ! ou ! ou ! ou ! ou ! ou ! ou ! on !
Iou ! ou ! ou ! iou ! ou !
Bed onn bet kas kahout ann tu,
Da gahont treiman ann wi ru,
Ann wi ru ann aer vorek,
War lez ann od toull aun garrok.
ATTRIBUTED TO MEHDDÌN, ETC. 2^9
This last line is found in Llywarch Hen ; ] and as that
coincidence, coupled with the character of the sentiment, indi-
cates considerable antiquity, we may presume that this alliance
of the magician with a black dog represents correctly an old
tradition, perhaps an actual occurrence. We shall presently see
that in the Druidic mythology the pig occupies a prominent
position ; but whatever constituted the link of connexion
between Druidism and the swinish tribe, it must be evident
that the pig in the text typifies the Welsh people. In the first
part of the verse the author connects with Merc! din that which
was attributed to him in the popular tradition, and was well
understood among the Welsh ; but as the mythology of Mer-
ddin was only used as a medium for the introduction of some-
thing more important, he developes his purpose in the prediction
of the greatness of Llewelyn ab Iorwerth, who became King of
North Wales a.d. 1194.
2 Hear, little pig ! it is necessary to flee
From the hunters of Mordai, lest we should,
If our presence be suspected, be pursued and discovered ;
And if Ave escape we shall not complain of fatigue.
And I will predict in the presence of the ninth wave,
In the presence of the single white beard of exhausted Dyved ;
There shall be exalted an apartment, not in the lodging-house of faith,
Mont a ran da glask d'ar flouren,
Ar béler glaz ha 'nn'aour géoten,
Hag ar war-huel ami derwen,
E'kreiz ar c'hoad lez ar feunten.
Merlin ! Merlin ! distroet eun drou ;
Losket ar war gaud ann de'rou,
Hag ar Le'ler gand ar floren,
Kerkoulz hag ann aour-geoten,
Hag ann wi ru ann aer-vorek,
Touez ann oen toull ar garrek.
Merlin ! Merlin ! distroet enn-drou,
Né deuz diwinour némed Dou.
VillemarquE, Barzas Breiz, torn. i. p. 60.
1 Namyn Duw nid oes dewin.' — My v. Arch. vol. i. p. 124.
2 Oian a phorehellan oedd raid myned
Rhag cynyddion Mordai pei llafased
Rhag dyfod erlid arnani ni an gweled
Ac or diagwn i ni chwynwn i ein lludded
A ini ddysgoganafi. rhag ton nawfed
Rhag unig barifrwyn gwehyn hyfed
Dyrchafwyd llogawd nid ir lleticred
240 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
In a house long a desert upland frequented by wild animals.
But until Kynan comes to it, to see it,
There will never be a restoration of its townships.
In the introductory lines the bard, assuming the truth of
the story about Merddin's flight from the persecution of
Rlrydderch, elicits from the magician some very natural expres-
sions. Does Mordai signify sea houses, or does it refer to
Mordav Hael ? At this distance of time it is difficult to ascertain
■what ideas the men of the twelfth century connected with the
ninth, wave ; but at the present day it is a frequent custom to
watch the waves, and it is said that the ninth wave is larger
and stronger than the others, and comes further ashore. The
bards frequently mention it with respect ; Rhys Goch ab
Rhiccert calls the gull
Queen of the ocean,
Whose throne is on the ninth wave of the sea ;
and in one of the anonymous poems, belonging to the era now
under consideration, it is said :
Addfwyn gaer y sydd ar don nawfed.
A holy city there is above the ninth wave.
The number nine, the square of three, was held in consider-
able estimation by the Kymry ; the ninth descendant of a
foreigner became a free man ; the legal fines were extended
through nine degrees of relationship ; Bedo Brwynllys promises
to fast for nine days ; and Lewis Glyn Cothi, as a mark of great
honour, describes a patron as "ninth Lord of Dinevor."
What " the single white beard of Dyved " means I know
not, unless its meaning can be found in Geoffrey, who says :
A hoary old man, sitting upon a snow-white horse, shall turn the
course of the river Perion, and shall measure out a mill upon it with a
white rod.
And again :
(After Cynon) there shall succeed the goat of the venereal castle,
having golden horns and a silver beard.
The latter part may be understood by a reference to the last
Yn ty yn hir gwrthdir a gwystfiled
Yn y dol Cynan iti oo chyn gweled
Ni bydd atcor byth ar ei threired.
ATTRIBUTED TO ME HDD IX, ETC. 241
lines of the 18th verse, where it is said that " Kynan shall create
dolorous music in Dyved ; " and the words "exhausted Dyved"
may be considered to be anticipatory. The other allusions may
possibly refer to what is prominently noticed in Merlin's pre-
dictions — the removal of the see from Caerleon to St. David's.
3 Hear, little pig ! I cannot easily sleep,
On account of the tumult of grief which is on mc :
Ten years and forty have I endured pain ;
Therefore the joy I now have is an evil.
Life will be given to me by Jesus, the most trustworthy
Of the kings of heaven, of highest lineage.
It will not be well with the female descendants of Adam
If they believe not in God in the latter day.
I have seen Gwenddoleu, with the precious gifts of princes,
Gathering prey from every extremity of the land ;
Beneath the red turf is he now resting,
The most gentle of northern sovereigns.
Here it will only be necessary to point out the anachronism
which the poet has committed by making the Druid a devout
Christian. Gwenddoleu was Merddin's patron ; and it was in
consequence of this chieftain's defeat in the battle of Arderydd
that the story makes the sage a wanderer.
4 Hear, O little pig ! it was necessary to pray,
For fear of five chiefs from Normandy ;
And the fifth going across the salt sea,
To conquer Ireland, of gentle towns,
3 Oian a pharchollan ni hawdd cysgaf
Rhag godwrdd y galar yssydd arnaf
Deng mlynedd a deugaia yd borthais i boen
Ys drwg o arhoon yssydd arnaf
Oes imi gan Iesu gaffu gwaesaf
Brenhinoedd nefoedd achoedd uchaf
Ni mad rhianedd o blant Addaf
Ar ni chredo i ddofydd y dydd diweddaf
Yd weleis Wenddoleu ym merthic rbiau
Yn cynnull preiddiau o bob eitbaf
Y dan fy ngweryd rhudd nu neud araf
Pen teyrnedd Gogledd llaredd inuybaf.
4 Oian a pharcbellan oedd raid gweddi
Rhag ofn pump pennaeth o Normandi
Ar pumed yn myned dros for hoi i
I oresgyn Iwerddon dirion drefi
R
242 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
There to create war and confusion,
And a fighting of son against father. The country knows it.
(They will) also be going to the Lloegrians of falling cities,
And they will never go back to Normandy.
This verse alludes to the conquest of Ireland by the Normans;
and the singular accuracy of the historical detail must afford
the reader much pleasure, as it shows the verse to have been
written at that very time. Our poet, it will be seen, only makes
the fifth Norman chieftain go to conquer Ireland; and this ac-
cords with the actual facts. When Dermot MacMorrogh
quarrelled with Roderic, King of Leinster, he came over to Pem-
broke, and invoked the assistance of the Normans, who had
recently settled in that district. They agreed with him for the
rate of pay and time of service, and embarked to the number of
four hundred, knights, esquires, and archers, under the command
of Robert Fitzstephens, Maurice Fitzgerald, Herve de Montma-
rais, and David Barry. 1 These four went over, a.d. 1169, to
assist Dermot in subjugating Leinster. In gratitude for their
services he gave them allotments of land larger than they had
elsewhere ; but having been thus induced to stay, they sent for
Richard Strongbow, Earl of Pembroke, to become their leader.
Richard, the fifth Norman chief, went to Ireland, a.d. 1170, and
commenced the work of conquest. 2
5 Hear, little pig ! sleep not too long ;
There comes to us a lamentable report
Of little chieftains full of perjury.
And husbandmen that are close-fisted of the penny.
When there shall come across the seas men encased in armour,
With war-horses under them having two faces,
Ef gnawhawdd rhyfel a dyrysgi
ymladd mab a thad gwlad ai gwybi
A myned i Loegrwys difrwys drefi
Ac na bo gwared I>yth i Norddmandi.
1 Thierry's Norman Conquest, book x. Hume, History of England, chap. ix.. gives
different names of the two last adventurers, and also a version of the whole affair,
sliürhtly differing from the above.
2 Thierry, book x.
5 Oian a pharchellan na vyt hunawe ryd
Dybyt attam ny clrvredyl dyvrydauc
Pennaetheu bychein anudonauc
Meiri mangaled am pen keiniauc
ATTRIBUTED TO MERDDIN, ETC. 243
And two points to their spears, of unsparing havoc,
Gardens are reaped in an unpacific world, 1
And the grave will be better than the life of him who sighs,
When the horn* call men to the squares of conflict ;
And when the sons of Eidog shall be travellers on the seas,
There will be a severe morning in Caer Sallawc.
In this very interesting verse there are several striking fea-
tures ; the allusion to the close-fistedness of the husband men
reveals the feeling of disappointed bards ; the succeeding lines
show the actual impression produced upon the popular mind by
the coats of mail, great Flemish horses, and, lances eight cnbits
long of the Norman knights ; and the latter portion describes
in language powerful and poetical the miseries of war. What
the two last lines refer to I have not been able to ascertain.
6 Hear, O little pig ! thou tranquil pig,
A Sibyl has told me a story, of what is very wonderful,
And I will predict an angry summer,
Between brothers treachery in Gwynedd.
When the Gwyndodians shall long have withheld tribute,
There shall come seven hundred ships with a northern wind,
And at Milford they shall assemble.
The first part is a just rebuke of the petty quarrels so preva-
lent among Welsh chieftains, and at this time so frequent in
North Wales between the sons of Owain Gwynedd; and the
latter refers to the invasion of Menai, a.d. 1157.
Pan dyffon dros for gvryv eneirchiawc
Cad veirch y danunt deu wynebawc
Deu vlaen ar eu gwaew anothleithyawc
Erddi heb vedi ymyd diheddawe
Gwell bedd no buchet pob ochenauc
Kyrn ar y gwr a got pedrifannau,
A phan von gorforyon meibion Eidawc
Y byt bore taer rac Caer Sallawc.
1 Extract in Price's Literary Remains, ii. 412.
6 Oian a pharchellan a parchell dyhed
Ryin dyweid chwimbleian chwedyl anrhyfed
A mi ddysgogauaf haf gwythloned
Kyfrwng brodoryou brad o Wyned
Ban diholer tagwystyl yn bir o tir Gwynedd
Dj'byt seith ganllong o hynt gan wynt gogledd
Ac yn Aber deugleddeu eu Kynadlet.
e 2
24* POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
7 Hear, O little pig! thou blessed little pig,
A Sibyl has told a tale which frightens me ;
When Lloegria shall encamp in the land of Ethlyn,
And the city of Dyganwy shall be made to wake,
By the conflict of Lloegr and Llewelyn,
There shall be a moving of sons, sisters, and wives;
When Deiniol, the son of Dunawd Deinwyn, becomes enraged,
Franks shall fly the Avay they do not seek ;
In Aberdulais there shall be spearing to exhaustion,
And a reddening of the appearance of their white garments.
These verses were composed at different times ; the fourth
and fifth verses were most probably written in or about the year
1 1 70 ; but the above could not have been written prior to the
year 12 I ], as it refers to the following' event. Numerous com-
plaints having been made to King John of the depredations of
Llewelyn ab Iorwerth, who attacked the English subjects in the
Marches, and carried fire and destruction wherever he went,
that monarch determined to punish him for his audacity. For
this purpose he collected all the forces of England, and with
them brought Gwenwynwyn, the exiled Prince of Pow}^, Howel
ab Gruffydd, a grandson to Owain Gwynedd, Madawc ab Gruff-
ydd Maelawr, Meredydd ab Ehotpert of Kedewain, and Maelgwn
and Rhys Gryg, the sons of the Lord Rhys of South Wales.
With this army he marched to Chester, with the full intention
of exterminating all the people of Wales. Unable to resist a
force composed both of a foreign enemy and of his own vassals
who had basely deserted their late engagements, Llewelyn pru-
dently retreated, after having ordered the inhabitants of what
are now called Denbigh and Flintshires to remove with then-
goods and cattle to the vicinities of Snowdon. The English
army inarched without any obstruction as far as Rhuddlan
Castle, and from thence to the Castle of Dyganwy, opposite to
7 Oian a pharchellan a parehcll gwynn
Kyrn dywot chwimbleian chwedyl am dechryn
Pan belyllo Lloegr yn tir Ethlyn
A gwneutlmr Dyganwy Dinas dehyn
gyfranc Lloegr a Llywelyn
Advyd mab ar war a char a chychwyn
Pan sorro Deinoel mab Dunawd Deinwyn
Ad vyd franc ar fo fort ny ovyn
Yn ALerdulas gwanas gwehyn
Cochwet yn en cylchwet yn eu eylchwyn.
ATTRIBUTED TO MEliDDIN, ETC. 245
the country of Snowdon, where they remained for some time.
But while the English forces lay there, the policy of Llewelyn
began to be felt. The Welsh prince cut off their communica-
tion with England ; and infesting the road with his light parties,
reduced John and his forces to the greatest difficulties. If the
soldiers stirred from the camp, they were liable to be cut to
pieces ; the Welsh being posted on the eminences, saw their
every movement ; and from the suddenness of their attacks, and
their better knowledge of the country, Llewelyn's men had the
advantage in nearly every skirmish. John's situation thus
became day by day more intolerable ; eggs in the camp sold for
three halfpence each, in a year when four hens could be had
for two pence, and a sheep for six ; and so scarce had provisions
become that the flesh of horses was deemed a luxury. Cooped
up in this way, and reduced to a miserable plight, the King had
no alternative but to retreat ; and accordingly he returned to
England, stung to the heart by the disgrace, and vowing most
bitterly that he would be revenged. 1 The verse refers to this
expedition, the defeat of which was of course hailed as a national
triumph. According to the concurrent testimony of all the au-
thorities, the celebrated military tactician was Dunawd the
father; and not Deiniol the son, who was Bishop of Bangor.
Llywarch Hen mentions his prowess and courage :
Fiercely was it said, in the passage of Lech,
Dunawd the son of Pabo never flies ;
(Eleijy on Urien.)
and therefore the poet has either made a mistake or used a
poetic license in comparing Llewelyn to Deiniol ab Dunawd ;
but if he intended the father, the comparison is exceedingly
happy, as that personage was renowned for his bravery and
famed for his knowledge of military tactics.
8 Attend, little pig ! listen to the Oi ! oi !
For the crime of the necessitous God would make remissions.
(The two other lines are imperfect.)
1 Warrington's History of Wales, vol. ii. p. 22; and Price's Hemes Cymru, p. 026.
8 Oian a phareliellan hoian hoiau
Bei ychenawg Duw gwnai ymclnvclau
Y . . . llyssy tvyf byddawd mau
In hwii yss\ . . . ceissed yntau.
246 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
As this verse calls for no other remark, this will be the best
place to consider a question which demands an answer. Mr.
Davies asserts that " Oian " is an Irish word ; but, in a discus-
sion which took place many years ago between him and the
late Mr. Price, Dr. Pughe denies that; and there certainly
seems no great reason to go out of the Welsh language to look
for it. The cries Hey, Hoi, Hai, Ha, seem to pertain to many
languages ; and as the Welsh termination " an " corresponds to
the English participle " ing," it may be very easily understood
how the woids "Hoian" and "Oian" would be naturally
formed. There seems, however, to be some propriety in the
application of this call of Oi ! oi ! here ; but whether it was a
general cry to bring swine together is not clear. 1 We have seen
in the Breton lay, given in a preceding page, that the cry of
Ou ! ou ! cm ! on ! ou ! ou ! ou ! on ! ou ! on !
Iou ! ou ! ou ! ion ! ou ! ou !
is applied to Merddin himself; but De Villemarque says he can
give no explanation of it ; 2 and, as I am no wiser than himself,
it must be left an open question whether it was the cry used by
the Druids to call their congregations- together, or simply a
common cry having no definite signification. In Wales at this
time it does not appear to have borne any peculiar meaning ;
but though Davydd ab Gwilym uses it thus :
Gyr y gwartheg o'r egin,
Oi ! oi ! tro y lloi o'r llin.
Drive the cattle out of the corn,
Oi ! oi ! drive the calves out of the flax,
there must have been some signification attached to it origi-
nally. In the verse under consideration it seems only to refer
to the pig ; and there is reason to believe that some such cry
was used to call swine together; for Welsh pig-drovers even
now say Ow ! ow ! Many persons have been captivated by the
pretty chant called " Hob y deri dando," which was an especial
favourite with Mr. Braham; but, until Parry threw out the
1 Og in North Wales is still used to designate a little pig (hog).
2 " Nous ne eaurions expliquer le refrain Ou ! ou ! ou! ou! ou ! ou! ou ! C'est
aujourd'hui un eri dejoie. Les Latins criaient Io ! io ! ou! evohe!" — Barzas Breiz,
torn. i. p. 63.
ATTRIBUTED TO MERDDIN, ETC. 247
suggestion, no one thought of inquiring the meaning of these
words. "Hob" now only survives in hcmner-ob, a flitch of
bacon; is a word which is quite obsolete; and we learn from
the Mabinogi of Kilhwch that it was out of use even in the
twelfth century, for it is there said :
Hobau y gclwid hwynt, ac weithian mocb eu gelwir.
Formerly pigs were called hobau, but now tbey are called moch.
There are therefore reasons for believing that the words " Hob
ir deri dando " are as old as the Druidic-era. 1 The words trans-
lated mean, "Pig (go or come), to the oaks under cover," and
may possibly be a portion of a species of song used in calling the
herds together at night, to which the cry of Oi, oi, was probably
attached. Some idea of the air which is attached to those
words may be formed from the following :
Duett. 2
She — Men are false, and oft ungrateful ;
Derry derry dando.
He — Maids are coy, and oft deceitful ;
Derry derry dando.
She — Few there are who love sincerely ;
Down a derry derry down.
He — Say not so — I love thee dearly ;
Derry derry down, &c.
The popular English ditty of " Derry Down " is supposed
by Mr. Parry to have been derived from this quaint and early
chant.
9 List, little pig (it is broad daylight),
To the song of the birds, of diverting voices ;
They say that for many years
1 See an illustrative passage in Williams's Ecclesiastical Antiquities of the Oymry,
300.
- Parry's Welsh Melodies, p. -Í0.
9 Oian a parchellan neu dyt goleu
A inlaw di lleis adar deivyr leisseu
An byl ny blwynydel a hir dieu
248 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
Hoar frost will surely destroy the fruit ;
Bishops will encourage dastard thieves in churches,
And monks will compensate for loads of sins.
There is a peculiar propriety in this exhortation, which the stu-
dent of natural history will not be slow to appreciate. Swine
have a singular propensity to listen. They will stand still for a
considerable length of time, listening most intently to every
passing sound ; and the observation of this habit by the Kymry
has given rise to a proverb, " Y mae yn gwrandaw fel mochyn
mewn son," i.e. he listens like a pig in stubble. In Carmarthen-
shire the proverb is differently worded, and they say, " Y mae
mor sifil a hwch mewn son," i.e. she is as civil as a sow in
stubble. Our bard was therefore evidently a close observer of
the habits of these animals. Another feature in this verse calls
for a word of comment ; the sage not only listens to the " birds
of diverting voices," but he also understands their language.
In former times this was a frequent accomplishment, and we re-
peatedly find persons mentioned in the Mabinogion who were
invested with this knowledge ; Gwrhyr Gwalstawd Ieithoedd and
Menw ab y Teirgwaedd could both understand the language of
birds, and speak it ; and when Gwrhyr took the form of a bird
to converse with the boar Trwyth, the genius of romance, to
which all things were possible, enables the young boars to un-
derstand the language and carry on the conversation. This
knowledge, according to a most interesting note which I met
with in the French annotations, on the Breton lay already
quoted, was thus acquired:
This (the herbe cl'or, golden grass) is a medicinal plant, which the
peasant Bretons hold in great estimation. They pretend that at a distance
it shines like gold ; and it is for this they give it the name. If one should
happen to tread upon it, he will fall asleep, and come to understand the
languages of birds, 1 dogs, and wolves. It is but rarely to be met with,
<
Arien enwir edwir ffrwytheu
Ac eseyp llawch lladron diffaeth llanneu
A myneich a obrum beich o pechodau.
1 The language of birds was Latin, i.e. the language or song of birds.
E cantino gli angelli
Ciascuno in suo Latino.
Dante, Canzone i.
This fair kinges daughter, Conace,
That on hire finger bare the queinte ring,
Thurgh which she understood wel every thing
ATTRIBUTED TO MERDDIN, ETC. 249
and then only early in the morning; to gather it, it is necessary to go bare-
footed and in a shirt ; and it should not be cut, but plucked out from the
root. It is said that holy men only will be able to find it. It is no other
than the selage. 1 Also, in going to gather it barefooted, and in a white
robe, and fasting, no iron should be employed, the right hand should be
passed under the left arm, and the linen could only be used once. 2
Strictly speaking-, this superstition is only shown to apply to
Brittany ; but it may, I think, be taken as a fair exposition of
the belief of the Cambrians as well.
10 Hear, O little pig ! go sharply to Gwynedd,
Have a bed-fellow when thou goest to rest.
It is but little that Rhydderch Hael, now at his nocturnal feast,
Knows that last night I lay sleepless
Among thistles, and knee-deep in snow,
With icicles dropping from my garments ; sad is my fate !
Shortly will come Tuesday — the day of angry contention
That any foule may in his leden sain,
And coulde answere him in his leden again,
Hath understonden what this faucon seyd.
Chaucer, The Squire's Tale, 107-10.
Chaucer, it will be observed, uses the Anglo-Saxon form of the word. Leden was
employed by the Anglo-Saxons in the sense of language generally, as well as 'to
express the Latin tongue. In the G-erman version of Sir Tristram, Latin is also used
for the song of birds, and is so explained by Ziemann : " Latin, Latein ; fur jede
fremdeeigenthiimliche Sprache, selbst fur den Vogelgesang. Tristranund Isolt, 17365."
Ziemann, Mittelhochdeutsche Wörterbuch. See Notes and Queries, No 191, June 25,
1853; Fairfax, Tasso, book xvi. stanza 13 ; Scott, Tristram.
1 The word " selage " is not in the Dictionary of the Academy ; and if it be not the
name of a plant, I am not French schlolar enough to know what it is. (See Selago.)
- " L'herbe d'or est une plante médicinale. Les paysans bretons en font grand cas ;
ils prétendent quelle brille de loin comme de for ; de là, le nom qu'ils lui donnent.
Si quelqu'un, par hasard, la foule aux pieds, il s'endort aussitôt, et enter.d la langue
des chiens, des loups et des oiseaux. On ne rencontre ce simple que rarement, et an
petit point du jour : pour le cueillir, il faut étre nu-pieds et en chemise ; il s'arrache et
ne se coupe pas. II n'y a, dit-on, que les saintes gens qui le trouvent. II n'est autre
que le selage. On le cueillait aussi, nu-pieds, en robe blanche, à jcun, sans employer
lo fer, en glissant la main droite sous le bras gauche, et dans un linge qui ne servait
qu'une fois." — Barzas Breis, torn. i. p. 62.
10 Oian a parchellan llym i Wynedd
Cywely a fynnut pan elutti i orwedd
Bychan a wyr Rydderch haul heno y ar ei wledd
A bortheisi neithwyr o anhunedd
Eiry hyd ym lien clun gan ran caledd
Pibonwv yn niblau Min fy rhys •
Rhy ddybi 1 I dydd mawrth dydd gwythlonedd
250 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
Between the ruler of Powys and the region of Gwynedd, 1
When the meteor will rise from his long lying
And defend from its enemy the boundaries of Gwynedd.
If the Lord does not in mercy protect men,
Woe to me towards the latter day.
The reference here is to one of those feuds between the
Princes of Powys and Gwynedd which, about this time, forced
Gwenwynwyn, the son of Owain Kyveiliog, to seek a refuge at
the English court from the power of Llewelyn ab Iorwerth.
(See also the fourth and seventeenth verses of the Avallenau.)
11 Hear, O little pig ! be not open-mouthed
When thou hearest my voice from Carmarthen
(Where I shall be) skilfully training two youths,
Of the line of Rhys, the fierce stay of the army.
When Saxons are slain in the conflict of Kymmer, 2
Blessed will be the lot of the people of Cambria.
These youths were probably Meredydd and Rhys Gryg, the
sons of the Lord Rhys, of South Wales.
12 Hear, little pig ! blessed little pig of the country,
Sleep not late in the mornings,
Nor burrow in the roads,
Lest Rhydderch Hael and his sagacious dogs
Should cause thee to sweat,
And get between thee and the wood.
' Llewetyn and Gwenwynwyn, or Owain Gwy r nedd and Madoc ab Meredydd
Cyfrwng glyw Powys a chlas Gwynedd
A chyfod hiriell oi hir orwedd.
I amwyn ei Elyn derfyn Gwynedd
Ac oni'm cudd gan fy rhi rhan trugaredd
Gsvae fi ban ym Lwy tra fy niwedd.
1 1 Oian a parcbellan ni byt eyvin
Ban glyw yn Uavar o Gaerfyrddin
Y ardwyaw deu geneu yn cywrhenin
A bil Rys aerllut aerllit byddin
Pan later y Saeson yn ynghymer trin
Gwyn eu hy^d hwy gymryw werin.
2 Is not this tho conflict at Kymmer Abbey in the reign of Llewelyn ab Iorwerth ?
12 Oian a pbarchellan a pharchell gwyn gwys
Na chysgn hun fore
Na chladd ym mrysg rhag dyfod
Rhydderch Hael ai gwn cyfrwys
Gan gaffael o lionatti y coed
Khedawdd dy chwys.
ATTRIBUTED TO MERDDIX, ETC. 251
This sage exhortation, exhibiting a prettiness of fancy on the
part of the poet, should teach us not to interpret the poem too
literally.
13 Hear, O little pig ! blessed pig,
Hadst thou seen as much treachery as I have,
Thou wouldst not burrow on the mountain, nor deep long in the
morning;
Thou wouldst not forsake the precipitous lake for the moor.
When Saxons cease from their serpent cunning,
And the Castle of Collwyn 1 comes from a distance,
Clothes will be nimble and the black pool clear. 2
14 Hear, O little pig ! listen thou to me now ;
"When the men of Gwynedd lay down their work,
There will be a sharp conflict — horns will be sounded,
Armour will be broken by sharp missiles ;
"When Normans come over the broad lake,
There will be an opposing of armies,
Britain will be subjected to gentle squires,
And there will be an atonement for the faults of London.
I will prophesy that two rightful princes 3
Will produce tranquillity from heaven to earth,
Kynan and the especial Cadwaladr of Cambria ;
13 Oian a parchellan a pharchell gwyn
Bei gwelud a welais o dreis dengyn
Ni chysgutti hun fore ni chladdut ar fryn
Ni chyrchud ddiffaith o ddiffwys lyna
Ban eisteddo Saeson yn eu sarffren
A chyrchu o bell gastell gollwyn
Atfydd dillad hoyw a gloyw dulliu.
1 Collwyn Castle is in Radnorshire ; but I am not acquainted with the story, the
existence of which is here implied. The reference may be to Rhys at Gruffydd, 1196.
2 Can the black pool refer to any lake in Radnorshire ?
14 Oian a parchellan andaw de yn awr
Pan dodynt wyr gwynet eu gweith yn awr
Llafneu y verd drin kyrn a ganawr
Briwawd Llurugeu rac llym waewawr
Ban dyffo Nortmyn y ar lydan lyn vad
Advydd ym wrthryn yna gan vid dinawr
A goresgyn Prydein i wyron yswein
Ar wall o Lundein a diatawr
Ann disgoganaf deu priodawr
A luniont tangnefedd o nef hyd lawr
. Kynan Kadwaladr Kymry benbaladr
1 Gwalehmai embodies this prediction in his ode to Madoe ab Meredydd.
252 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
Whole worlds will watch their counsels,
Reforming the land, checking the flow of blood,
And abolishing armies and theft ;
And froni that time forth we shall be freed from all our ills,
And from the prevalence of generosity none shall want.
Here again we meet the prediction of the coming of Cad-
waladr to the conference of Rhyd Rheon, to expel the Saxons
from the island, and to bring peace among men ; and perhaps
it would be well here to offer a few remarks on the origin of
these predictions. The bards, as we have shown, were an import-
ant class of men, high in favour with the Cambrian princes,
possessed of their confidence, and frequently their willing instru-
ments. In the hands of the princes, the knowledge they pos-
sessed, and the influence they exerted over the multitude, was
turned to account, and the bards became their political agents.
The hint having been once given of the reappearance of Cad-
waladr and the coming again of Arthur, the idea was immedi-
ately put in practice of coining predictions of national restora-
tion. Bolder than Geoffrey, they made Merddin predict special
events, such as we have seen ; and though the idea of universal
peace is found among the predictions in his book, the expansion
and filling up of his outline, in the above verse, belongs to the
poet. These predictions were about this time frequent, and
their fulfilment had been promised in the persons of both Owain
Gwynedd and Llewelyn ab Iorwerth ; in this verse the allusion
is to the latter, and in the Avallenau to the former ; but those
princes having died without realising the expectations thus cre-
ated, the predictions were applied to their successor, in whom
we are positively informed by Llygad Gwr they would surely be
accomplished. This assertion occurs in the following lines of a
long ode, which we shall hereafter quote :
Parawd fydd meddiant medd Beird im rhi
Pob cymvnan darogan derfi.
The bards prophesy that the sovereignty is prepared for my king,
And every prediction will be completely fulfilled.
Bydawd eu cynnadyl a edmycawr
A chyweiriaw gwlad a chustudyaw gwad
A llu a lledrad a ddewalawr
An bi ny ynaeth. gwared gwedi gwaeth
Neb o haelonaeth ni di dolawr.
ATTRIBUTED TO MEUDDIX, ETC. 253
This was a master- stroke of policy on the part of the Welsh
princes, as must be apparent to anyone who knows us inti-
mately. The Cambrian is brave, jealous of his liberty, and not
averse to war ; but he is a creature of impulses, and acts spas-
modically. What was said of the Britons by Tacitus, 1 that
" they rushed with impetuosity into danger, but were timid in
its presence," holds true of us at the present day ; and therefore
we niay conceive the difficulty which their rulers had in mana-
ging the Kymry during prolonged contests. At the beginning
of a war all were ready and full of fire, but they wanted perse-
verance; and therefore was there much wisdom shown in direct-
ing the bards to circulate predictions among the people of
speedy national triumphs, the expulsion of the Saxon race, and
the establishment of perpetual peace. These predictions, we
may conclude without much doubt, were the verses now under con-
sideration. They were made brief, so as to adapt them for cir-
culation and repetition from mouth to mouth ; and that the
English chroniclers asserted the truth when they said that
these prophetic sayings of Merddin made a profound impression
on the public mind, and set on fire the souls of the Kymry, may
easily be believed, when we know that some of the lower order
still wait impatiently for their accomplishment. Mr. Evan Evans
tells us that this practice continued until the accession of Henry
VII. to the English throne. 2 That monarch possessed the con-
fidence and received the assistance of the Welsh, and therefore
there was no motive for further predictions.
15 Hear, O little pig ! is not the mountain green ?
My cloak is thin, and I am uneasy.
Grey is my plaid ; Gwenddydd will not pierce me;
And when the men of Bryneich come to bring disgrace upon us,
Cambrians will conquer. Bright be their day.
It will have been noticed that in the Avallenau he charges
1 " In deposeendis periculis eadem audacia, et ubi advencre in detrectandis eadem
formido." — Be Vita Ágrio.
2 Dissertatio de Bardis, p. 40.
15 Oian a parcliellan neud glas mynydd
Teneu fy lien i mi nid llonydd
Llwyd iw fy mlaidd nim traidd Gwenddydd
Ban ddyffont gwyr Bryneich in gwarth luydd
Cymry a orfycld cain bydd eu dydd.
254 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
himself with having slain the son of his sister Gwenddydd, and
it is on this account that he dreads her enmity. The " men of
Bryneich " ' were the inhabitants of Bernicia, a British kingdom
in the sixth century — now Northumberland. When the tribe
of Kymry, prior to their immigration into Wales, resided in the
north of England, they were frequently at war with the Berni-
cians ; and having carried a traditional hatred with them, they
applied the term Bryneich to the Princes of Powys and such of
their own kindred as allied themselves to the enemies of their
country, the inhabitants of Deira and Bernicia, who joined
themselves to the Saxons, being Britons. The word is thus used
by Llygad Gwr, when he says of Llewelyn ab Gruffydd :
Thou madest the crows rejoice, in vomiting the blood
Of the Bernicians, on whose bodies they feasted.
Coelfein brain Bryneich gyfogi,
Celennig branes, berthles borthi.
16 Attend, little pig ! rude little pig,
Bury not thy snout, but if thou wilt refuse,
Love no pledge, love no play ;
Govet not what I give to Gwenabwy ;
Be not playful, cheerful, haughty, or delighting ;
And I will prophesy the battle of Machadvvy,
When there shall be seen red biers in broad day ;
From the contention of spear-points, and swelling breasts on
saddles,
There will befall a crimson morn ; and, oh ! woeful visitation,
A bear from the south (of Wales) shall be exalted ;
His men shall encamp in the lands of Monmouth ; 2
1 The appellative Brynsich is a strong evidence of a current acquaintance for the
Gododin ; and this intense hatred most probably springs from the strong language of
Aneurin in verse 8.
16 Oian a parchellan a pharchell garwy
Na chladd dy ret kyr nag iste fynwy,
Nac a char waes na char warwy
Na chussyl a roddafi i Wenabwy
Na fid ieuangc serchawg syberw wawrwy
A mi ddisgoganaf gwaith Machadwy
Adfydd gelorawr rhudd yn rhiw dydmwy
gyfranc y Kynfrain bronrheino cyfrwy
Adfydd bore coch ac och ofwy
Arth o ddeheubarth a dderchafwy
Ey llettawdd ei wir ef tra thir Mynwy
' 2 Mynwy, Menevia, most probably in the which direction Rhys ab Gruffydd was
ATTRIBUTED TO MERDDIN, ETC
Happy will be the lot of the sprightly G-wenddydd,
When the Prince of Dyved comes to rule. 1
There is a chieftain named Gwenabwy the son of Gwen, who
is said by Aneurin deeply to deplore the battle of Cattraeth ; 2
and there is a Gwenavwy mentioned as one of the daughters of
Caw, 3 a saint who lived in the middle of the sixth century ; but
the allusion here is to Gwenddydd, the White Lady of Day,
noticed in the Avallenau and in the Kyvoesi. What the latter
part of the verse refers to is not clear, nor who is the Prince of
Dyved here mentioned ; but in the prophecj* of the Eagle at the
building of Winchester 4 times of prosperity are promised
during the advent of a bear. 5
17 Attend, little pig ! are not the buds of thorns
Excessively green, and the mountains exquisitely bright?
I will predict the battle of Llwyvain Wood, 6
With ruddy biers from the rush of Owain,
When there shall be short disputing among stewards,
False swearing and treachery among the children of the land ;
And when Cadwaladr comes to the subjugation of Mona,
The Saxons shall be destroyed from gentle Britain.
The battle of Llwyvain Wood was fought by Urien Rheged and
his son Owain against Ida, King of the Northumbrians. It is
celebrated by Taliesin in one of the few poems which I consi-
then extending his conquest of the land from the Nomans and Flemings. Ionas
Mynyw is often called Ionas Mynwy.
1 Rhysab Gruffydd, 1196.
Gwyn ei byd hi Gwenddydd a arhowy
Pan fo pendefig Dyfcd ar gwledy chwy.
2 Myvi/rian Arch. i. p. 14. s Owen's Cambrian Biography, p. 156.
4 Geoffrey in his history rejected this prediction.
5 Price's Hones Cymru, p. 318.
This refers to a battle of Owain Gwynedd's :
Gwelais aer uch Caer uch coed Llwyfain.
Cynddelw, Myv. Arch. i. 204.
17 Oian a parchellan neud blodau drain
Gorlas can fynydd elfydd neud cain
A mi ddisgoganaf Cad Coed Llwyfain
A gelorawr rhuddion rhac rhuthr Owain
Pan gwnclont mciriau dadleu bychain
Anudon a brad gwlad feibionain
A plian ddel Cadwaladr i oresgyn Mon
Dileawr Saeson dirion Brydain.
256 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
der to be properly attributed to him ; and as it is probable
that the reader, having seen his name mentioned so often,
would be glad to see some of this bard's real works, I have
quoted this poem.
On the Battle of Argoed Llwyvain. 1
On the morning of Saturday ensued a great battle,
Which lasted from the rising to the setting of the sun.
Flamddwyn hastened in four divisions
To fight the forces of Goddeu 2 and Rheged ; 3
They reached from Argoed 4 to Arvynydd,
But they lived only one day.
Flamddwyn 5 boastfully called aloud,
" Will you give pledges? are you ready? "
Owen, 6 brandishing his spear, replied,
" We have not been, toe are not, we will not be ready ! "
And Kynan 7 the son of Coel would be a raging lion
Before he would give hostages to anyone.
Then shouted Urien, 8 lord of the plain,
1 Y bore Dduw Sadwrn cad fawr a fu
Or pan ddwyre Haul hyd pan gynnu
Dygrysowys fflamddwyn yn bedwarllu
Goddeu a Kbeged i ymddullu
Dyfwy o Argoed byd Arvynydd
Ni cbeffynt eiryoes byd yr undydd
Attorelwys fflamddwyn fawr drybcstawd
A ddodynfc yngwystlou a ynt parawd
Yr attebwys Owain ddwyrain ffossawd
Nid dodynt nid ydynt nid ynt parawd
A Chenau mab Coel fyddai cymwyawg lew
Cyn attalai o wystl nebawd
Attorelwis Urien udd yr ecbwydd
s Goddeu was the name of a country in North Britain, and the scene of the battle
of Goddeu mentioned in the Triads. — Mr. Lewis Morris's Note.
s Rheged is supposed to be Cumbria, dow Cumberland. — L. M. Rheged must be
the Roman Eigodunum in Lancashire.
4 Argoed and Arvynydd are places somewhere in that neighbourhood. — L. M.
5 Flamddwyn is supposed to be Ida, King of Northumberland. The word means
flame-bearer. — L. M.
Owain was the son Urien, King of Rheged. This is the Ywaine of Romance.—
L, M.
7 Kynan ab Coel was, probably, the general of the Goddeu men. — L. M.
8 Urien was King of Rheged or Cumbria, a district which reached as far as the
Clyde, 1o the northward of which were the men of Goddeu, whom I take to be the
Godini of Ptolemy. — L.M. Rheged is also a district in Gower.
ATTRIBUTED TO MERDDIX, ETC. 257
" We relations will unite our forces,
And will erect our banner on the hills,
And will assist, and turn our faces to the opposing ranks,
And will raise our shafts above men's heads,
And will oppose Flamddwyn and his army,
And kill (fight) with him and his auxiliaries."
And because of the battle of Argoed l Llwy vain
There happened many a dead corpse,
And the ravens were reddened with the war of men,
And the common people ran about hastily tuith the news.
I will remember this year to the end of my days ; 2
And till I grow old, and meet inevitable death,
May I never smile if I praise not Urien.
The allusion to the conquest of Mon is the consequence of its
conquest by the Normans under the Earl of Chester. 3
18 Attend, little pig ! great wonders
Shall be in Britain, and I shall be unconcerned ;
When the inhabitants of the lands about Mon
Come to question the Britons, there will be troublesome times ;
bydd ynghyfarfod am garennydd
Dyrchafwn eidoed odduch mynydd
Ac ymporthwn wyneb odduch emyl
A dyrchafwn beleidr odduch Len gwyr
A chyrehwn fflamddwyn yn ei luydd
A lladdwn ag ef ai gyweithydd
A rhag gwaith Argoed Llwyfain
Bu llawer celain
Rhuddei frain rhag rhyfel gwyr
A gwerjbn a grysswys gan ei newydd
A rinaf y blwyddyn nad wyf kynnydd
Ac yn y fallwyf lien
Ym dygn angeu angen
Ni byddif ym dyrwen
No molwyf Urien.
1 Argoed Llwyvain -was the country of Llywarch Hen before he was driven out of
it by the Saxons ; and from another passage in Taliesin we learn it was a district of
considerable magnitude. — L. M. There is an Argoed in Powys.
2 I have adopted Mr. Price's reading in this line (Hancs Cymru, p. 280) instead of
that of Mr. Morris (Myv. Arch. i. p. ÓÍ), which has been followed in the translation
of the other lines.
3 Hanes Cymru, p. 415.
18 Oian a parchellan mawr eryssi
A fydd ym mhrydain ac nim dorbî
Ban ddyffon Brodorion o amdiredd Mon
1 holi Brython britlifyd dybi
S
258 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
A radiant dragon shall appear, causing prosperity;
Stout Kynan, from the banks of Teivi,
Will cause confusion in Dyved,
And create within it dolorous music.
Here the poet evidently means that portion of Dyved which was
inhabited by the Flemings and Normans. The verses were ap-
parently composed by the bards of North Wales, who called the
South, " exhausted Dyved," in consequence of the settlement of
those foreigners on its borders.
19 Attend, little pig ! how wonderful it is
That the world is never long in the same condition !
How far the Saxons proclaim the cause of strife
With the generous Britons, the sons of trouble !
And I will prophesy before my end
That the Britons will be over the Saxons, the speckled ones will
possess (the supremacy) ;
And that then we shall hear the sound of joyfulness,
After having been for a long time depressed.
The singular question put to the pig sounds strange to those
who may not be acquainted with the almost eastern boldness of
personification frequent among the Welsh bards, but among
them it is quite usual to hold converse with various animals.
With the Kymry the pig had a reputation for wisdom, as may
be inferred from the sayings attributed to that animal.
Hast thou heard the saying of the pig,
Recoiling from dirty actions ?
, There is none so abominable as the drunkard.
Dyrehafawd draig ffawd ífaw u peri
Gwrdd Cynan fáran o la a Teifi
G-wnahawd am Dilyfed dygyvysgi
Bid iddaw yn aelau eilon ynddi.
19 Oian a parchellan raor enrhyfedd
Na liydd un ennyd y Byd yn unwedd
Pelled son Saeson sail cywrysedd
Ar Lrlthwn (al. Brython) haelon hil cymwyedd
A mi ddisgoganaf cyn fy nhvedd
Brython dros Saeson brithwyr ai medd
Ac yna in dawni ddawn gorfoledd
Gwedi bod yn hip yn hwyr frydedd.
ATTRIBUTED TO MEliDDIX, ETC. 259
Also in reference to this saying :
Happy is the man who is as wise as the pig. 1
20 Listen, little pig ! hearest thou the melody
Which the feathered tribes 2 are making by Caer Rheon ?
One I have that I would place on the hill of the multitude,
To view the sprightly forms of the loving ones.
I will predict a battle on the sea,
And the battle of Machawy, and a battle on the river,
And the battle of Cors Vochno, and a battle in Anglesea,
And a battle of mutual thrusting, and the battle of Caerlleon,
And the battle of Abergwaith, and the battle of Iaethon, 3
And when at the land's end there shall be an end of roebucks
An endearing child shall be exalted among the Britons.
We have already seen in the Avallenau that the conference
between Cadwaladr and Kynan was to be held at the Ford of
1 Iolo Manuscripts, p. 667.
2 During the romance era we find very frequent notices of spreading trees covered
with birds. Geoffrey mentions a wide-spreading treo ; and St. Brandan, in his voyage
in search of Paradise, saw a wide-spreading treo, with leaves speckled red, and covered
with beautiful birds —
" So purely white
No man ere saw a fairer sight."
In the middle ages the superstition of endeavouring to pry into futurity was very
prevalent, and much dependence was placed on lots and omens. Bernard de Ventadour,
the celebrated Provencal poet, says:
" 1 shall never trust again
To an omen or lot ; "
and among Welsh bards the author of the line —
" The ravens bespeak a coming plague " —
in the Gorddodau, shows that among his countrymen birds were used for the purpose
of divination.
20 Oian a parchellan andaw di yr eilon
A gread adar gyr Caer Rheon
Uh yssym a rown mynydd Maon
I edrych drychynnawg drych serchogion
A mi ddisgoganaf fi cad ar y don
A chad Machawy a chad afon
A chad Cors Fochno a chad ym mon
A chad cyminawd a chad Caerlleon
A chad Abergwaith a chad Iaethon
A phan fo diwedd tir terfyn i eilon
Maban dyrchafawd mad i Frython
3 Battle of Iaethon, won by Rhys ab Gruffydd 1190, or Machawy? Two years
after Gweawynwyn was defeated at or near the same place.
s 2
260 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
Rheon. It is referred to again, but I can offer no explanation
of the selection of this spot, unless it was made on account of
its being the burying-place of Kynan, and therefore the place
where he was most likely to reappear. This notice is found
among the " Englynion Beddau " (Verses of the Graves) :
Bet Kinon in Reon Rid.
The grave of Kynon is in the Ford of Rheon. 1
And we learn from Gwilym Ddu :
Neud gweigion Arfon is Reon Ryd.
Are not all the people of Arvon become insignificant below
the Ford of Rheon ?
that this place was in Carnarvonshire ; but Mr. Evan Evans,
who ought to have known that country well, said he knew of no
river so called in his day. 2 Of the battles here predicted I can-
not give much account ; the reference to Caerlleon is intelligible,
Llewelyn ab Iorwerth having taken that town in one of his
expeditions 3 ; the battle of Machawy is most probably the same
as that of Machadwy, mentioned in a previous verse, and it is
referred to in one of Llywarch ab Llywelyn's odes to that
prince :
Priffwn y digreit praíf y ddirwy
Ger elvyt Mechydd a Machawy ;
Cors Vochno is in Cardiganshire, 4 but I can find no other notice
of this battle than another prediction. This occurs in one
of the poems wrongly attributed to Taliesin, called Anrheg
Urien (Urien's Gift) :
From the battle of Cors Vochno 5
Whoever escapes
1 Hones Cymru, p. 725, note.
2 Dissertatio de Bardis, p. 50.
s One battle of Machawy is placed in 1046 {Cambro-Briton, ii. 229; Brut y Saeson,
1053 ; LJyfr Aberpcrgwm, 1050). Machawy is in Kadnorshire, in the lower part
thereof. See Pughe's map.
4 Iolo Manuscripts, p. 602.
5 See Arch'cologia Cambrensis, N.S. ii. 204; "Poems of Taliesin," No. II. The
battle of Cors Vochno was no other than the battle of Aberteivi, "tra Chors Vochno
(beyond Cors Vochno), when Owain (xwynedd slew 3,000 Flemings ; and this must be
the " Cad Ceredigion " of Meilir, who alludes to the scarcity of husbands. The scenes
ATTRIBUTED TO MEIiDBIX, ETC. 26]
Will be fortunatu ;
Twelve wives —
And it will not be wonderful —
Shall cling to one husband.
The age of youth, —
Ungentle in coming time
Shall be its nursing ;
Spear-thrusts .shall cause bereavement,
And in a hundred persons
There will scarce be one bearded warrior ! 1
Of the others I have no information, though it is probable that
all occurred during the reign of the great Llewelyn. The last
line, like that in the last of the Avallenau, contains a prediction
of the advent of a crowned babe, which was frequently repeated
in succeeding years :
21 Listen, O little pig ! a period will come —
O that it should come ! yet come it will —
Wives shall be wantons and fair maids bald ;
Eelations will not love their kindred,
Freemen will not be friendly to each other,
And bishops toill be ivorthless, faithless, and of a different language.
The first part embodies a prediction which appears in Geoffrey;
and the latter, in common with the verse which follows, refers
of conflict in 1135, which ranged from the Dyvi to the Teivi, begun at Cors Vochno
and ended at Cardigan.
1 Gwaith Cors Vochno
diango
Bydaud deduyd
Deudeng gwraged
Ac nyt ryved
Am un gwr vyd
Oes Ienenctid
Anghyryrdelit
Y vaeth dybyd
Beru ymdivant
Barvawc or cant
Nys ryuelyd. — My v. Arch. i. 51.
21 Oian a parchellan bydan a fydd
Mor druan ei ddyfod ac ef a ddyfydd
Morwynion moelion gwragedd rhewydd
Carant ni pharchant eu carennydd
Rhwydd ni bydd digyfrwydd wrth i gilydd
Esgyb anghyfiaith diffaith diffydd.
262 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
to the dispute, which about this time made a profound impres-
sion upon the Welsh mind, respecting the appointment of
Giraldus, a man born in Wales, to the see of St. David. King
John strongly opposed this, well knowing that that personage
would not be as pliant a tool in his hands as English bishops
had been, and would be, in making the solemnities of religion
subservient to political intrigues. After a long and determined
struggle the King succeeded in his object, and left our bard no
other consolation than the expression of his hatred of English
bishops. We will again recur to this topic when we come to
speak of the religious poetry of the bards.
22 List, little pig ! little speckled one,
Listen to the voice of the birds of great intellectual energy ;
Minstrels shall be out and meet no encouragement,
And though they stand in the doors shall have no rewards ;
I was told by a sea-mew, that had come from afar,
That strange sovereignties will make their appearance :
Gwyddelians, Britons, and Romans
Will dispel peace and create confusion,
And in the names of gods will come
And perseveringly contend on both banks of the Towy.
The river Towy is in Carmarthenshire, and the allusion is to the
ecclesiastical dispute mentioned in the note on the preceding
verse.
23 Listen, little pig ! stout-armed little pig,
Listen to the voices of birds clamorous as a great sea ;
Minstrels will be going about unrewarded,
Deformity will prevail, and boys will be presumptuous,
22 Oian a parchellan bychan brychni
Andaw di lais adar myr mawr eu hynni
Cerddorion allan heb ran teithi
Cyn safont yn y drws tlws nis deupi
Rym dywod wylan o bell ynni
Teyrnedd enrhyfedd eu cynyfeddi
Grwyddyl a Brython a Eliomani
A wnahont dyhedd a dyvysgi
Ac ynghyfenw dhviau dyfod iddi
Ac ymladd yn daer am dd wylan tywi.
23 Oian a parchellan bychnn breichfras
Andaw di lais adar mor mawr en dias
Kerddorion allan heb ran urddas
Grwrthunawd esspyd a bryd gan was
ATTRIBUTED TO MERDD1N, ETC. 263
Without raising the face and without being elected ;
Then two brothers, two Iddasea in the land,
Shall by their sincerity nourish a lasting feud.
The spleen of the older bards against the younger aspirants for
poetic honours peeps out at the commencement ; and the allu-
sion at the close is to Iddawc Cordd Prydain. Many persons may
not know what is meant thereby, and therefore will we take the
story from Iddawc's own mouth :
" I was one of the messengers between Arthur and Medrawd,
his nephew, at the battle of Camlan ; and I was then a reckless
youth, and through my desire for battle I kindled strife between
them, and stirred up wrath, when I was sent by Arthur the
Emperor to reason with Medrawd, and to show him that he was
his foster-father and his uncle, and to seek for peace, lest the
sons of the kings of the island of Britain and of the nobles
should be slain. And whereas Arthur charged me with the
fairest sayings he could think of, I uttered to Medrawd the
harshest I could devise. And therefore am I called Iddawc
Cordd Prydain, for from this did the battle of Camlan ensue.
And three nights before the end of the battle of Camlan I left
them, and went to the Llech Las in North Britain to do pe-
nance. And there I remained doing penance seven years, and
after that I gained pardon." l
The reference is probably to the quarrels of the sons of Owain
Gwynedd.
24 Listen, little pig ! I shall not be afflicted,
By hearing the voice of birds, so void of trembling,
Thin is the hair of my head, my covering is not warm,
My barn in the dales does not abound with corn,
My summer collection has not been plentiful,
Before parting from God of the unbounded knowledge ;
Heb godwyd wyneb heb ran urddas
Pan vo dau froder dan Iddas am dir
Megittor oi gwir hwy hir alanas.
The Dream of Rhonabwy, Mdbinogion, vol. ii. p. 398.
2t Oian a parchellan nim daw y cyngyd
glybod llais adar mor ddiergryd
Teneu gwallt fy mhen fy lien nid clyd
Dolydd fy esgubawr nid mawr ci hyd
Fyngrawn haf a mi nyd \ m
a Duw clidawl cywyd
2(34 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
And I will prophesy, before the end of the world,
Women without modesty and men without manliness.
These last lines, like the first lines of the twenty-first verse, are
repetitions of the following- prediction in Geoffrey :
"Women shall become serpents in their gait, and all their
motions shall be full of pride. The camp of Venus shall be re-
stored; nor shall the arrows of Cupid cease to wound. Luxury
shall overspread the whole ground, and fornication not cease to
debauch mankind." 1
In the original the antithesis of the last line is very forcibly
expressed.
25 Listen, little pig ! O trembling little pig,
Thin is my covering, for me there is no quietness ;
For the battle of Arderydd I shall not be concerned,
Nor when the sky falls down, and channels are flooded ;
And I will prophesy that after Henry
A supreme king shall rule in troublesome times ;
When there shall be a bridge on Taff and another on Tcwy,
There will be an end of all war.
Of the battle of Arderydd we have already spoken ; the
proverb about the falling of the sky may, it would seem, boast
a very respectable antiquity ; but war has not ceased, though
there are many bridges on the Taff in Glamorgan and the Towy
in Carmarthenshire. The Henry mentioned I should presume
to be Henry III. of England ; and, as he ascended the throne
in 1216, we may assume that to be the date of this verse.
Having thus passed these verses minutely in review, it will
not be necessary to make any special remarks here further than
to point out their value as being what may be termed the lite-
A mi ddisgoganaf cyn diwedd byd
(Jwragedd heb wyledd a gwyr heb wrhyd.
1 Giles's translation, p. 199.
25 Oian a pharchellan a phorchell ryni
Teneu yw fy lien nyd llonydd imi
Er gwaith Arderydd mi nyxn dorbi
Cyn syrthiai awyr i lawr a llyr yn Hi
A mi ddisgoganaf wedi Henri
Breenhin na frenhin brith fy.l dybi
Pan fo pont ar Paf ac arall ar Dyvri
y daw diwedd rhyfel iddi.
ATTRIBUTED TO MEXDDIX, ETC. 265
rature of the common people of Wales. The odes were addressed
to the chieftains, and recited on the occasion of regular feasts
and other special gatherings ; but these were evidently intended
to circulate among the peasantry, in order to be repeated and
discussed at their firesides. As remnants of popular prejudices
and superstition they cannot fail to prove interesting; and
though many of them possess but little literary merit, there are
a few very excellent verses.
We now come to treat of a question which has very probably
long since forced itself upon the reader's attention ; as Merddin
is not the author, who is ? There can now be but little doubt
that the Avallenau and Hoianau have been here located in their
appropriate age ; and therefore we must seek their author among
the bards of the reigns of Owain Gwynedd and Llewelyn ab
Iorwerth. The Hoianau were, as we learn from a contemporary
poem, called Ceiniaclon Moch ' (Songs of Swine) ; and as one of
the first bards of this era was called in his own day Pry dy del
y Moch (the Poet of the Pigs), the authorship of those verses,
unless there should be strong counter testimony, must be attri-
buted to Llywarch ab Llywelyn. A wit, alluding to this fact,
said that " the swine of Wales in the twelfth century had better
poets than the English princes of the eighteenth." 2 There
must have been some reason for the application of this epithet
to that bard, but hitherto there has been no satisfactory ex-
planation of the reason of his being so called. Several Welsh
critics have attempted this, and unwilling to admit the literal
application, have endeavoured to show that the words ought
to be differently translated. The word "Moch" has three
different meanings. It may, in addition to the popular accep-
tation, be translated quick, or brilliant; or it may be understood
to mean the men of Mochnemt, in Montgomeryshire ; and the
epithet " Prydydd y Moch " is most frequently rendered in one
of these two last senses. But this bard cannot without impro-
priety be called " the poet of the Mochnantians," because, with
one single exception, the address to Ehys Gryg of South Wales,
all his poems are addressed to the royal family of Gwynedd.
He was the family bard of Llewelyn ab Iorwerth ; and there is
not one poem addressed to the Princes of Powys or their sub-
1 " Cywrysedd Gwynedd a Deheubarth," one of the poems of the pseudo-Taliesin.
- Rev. Walter Davies's Essay on the Welsh Metres, p. 23.
2G0 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
jects, the men of Moclmant. Nor can we suppose that he was
known among his contemporaries as the "brilliant poet; " for
it was quite unusual with the Welsh to convert judgments upon
the literary merit of the bards into descriptive epithets; besides,
if this view were correct, he would have been called y Prydydd
Modi and not Prydydd y Koch. The words must therefore be
taken in their more popular but less agreeable acceptation.
The Hoianau were written during the reign of Llewelyn the
Great ; they were called at that time by the bards, who knew
that they were not the productions of Merddin, the " Songs of
the Swine," and therefore we may safely conclude that the
" Poet of the Pigs," Llywarch ab Llywelyn, one of the leading
bards of the day, was their author. They were intended to pass
among the vulgar as the real predictions of Merddin ; and,
strange to say, have up to the present time been so considered;
but henceforth they should be attributed to the real author.
I was at one time inclined to attribute tke Avallenau to tke
same bard on account of tke occurrence of tke line " Oian a
pkarckellan " in tke tenth and twenty-tkird verses ; but on re-
consideration it seemed more consistent with other facts to
conclude that those verses are out of their appropriate place.
Tke latter were undoubtedly ranked among tke Hoianau in
tke twelfth and tkirteentk centuries ; for the poem in which
the Hoianau are called the " Songs of the Pigs " contains a
repetition of the interpolated part of the twenty-third verse of
the Avallenau : and these were probably the productions of
Llywarch. The Avallenau were composed at an earlier date ;
the words "the Sibyl" in the Hoianau presuppose an acquaint-
ance with the description of that personage in the first verse
of the Avallenau ; and some of the latest of these, alluding to
events which took place during the lifetime of Owain Gwynedd,
must have been composed prior to a.d. 1169 — the date of his
death. Llywarch wrote after the death of that prince, and
therefore the author of the Avallenau was most probably the
bard Gwalchmai.
Having thus fixed upon the authors, it remains for us to
decide how far the verses are original. Mr. Davie s and Mr.
Price suppose some portions, such as the commencements, to
be the real productions of Merddin ; but as these are not dis-
tinguishable in language or metre from the other portions,
there seems to be no good reason for the belief. My own
ATTRIBUTED TO MERDDIN, ETC. 207
opinion is that not a syllable of either the Avallenau or Hoianau
can be attributed to any other persons than Gwalchniai and
Llywarch ab Llywelyn ; nor of the Gorddodau to any other
than G rutty dd ab yr Ynad Coch. But for the predictions
the verses would never have been written; for without these
the initial lines could have been called forth by no con-
ceivable situation in the sixth century, and would have had no
meaning.
The Gokddodau.
We now come to the Gorddodau. Like the preceding, these
are attributed to Merddin ab Morvryn, but with as little pro-
priet} r . They consist of nine verses. It will not be necessary
to offer any comment upon them, as they are so clearly modern
that nothing but the name of Merddin at the close would for
one moment lead one to suppose they were the productions of
the sixth century. The first verse runs thus : '
The restraint is nearly over ; I cannot easily sleep ;
"When comes the Babe of British race, he will make a troubled world.
A hero who in that hour
Will be no regarder of Lloegrians,
Whom we will completely destroy.
A Briton will arise,
Large and powerful,
Active, and without haughtiness.
The Bryneich, the greatness of the island,
Will promise to aid the Saxons ;
Multitudes will cover every hill,
Seeking no good ;
Tiny shall have their wish.
1 Gorddod bron gorvod uid hawdd gysgaf
Pan ddel maban o liil Bryton brithvyd a wna
Gwr o fewn awr
Loegrwys nim dawr
A llwyr ddiva
Kyvyd Bryton
Braise gowyddon
Brys di draha
Kyfyd Bryneich mawredd ynys
Y fo addaw y S.ioson
Lliaws pob bron
Lees ni wedda
Kaman i boodd
268 POEMS FIC TITIO USL Y
The land cries out ;
The borders will have the worst.
Britain will arise, even the oldest priests,
And nimbly brandish reddened blades ;
From our fortresses I sing no songs,
For the flight of ravens bespeaks a coming plague.
Hasten to destroy them,
Thou concealed Babe,
Who wilt be a counsellor
To the lower ranks,
A free donor to those who are active,
A fair divider of crops,
One who will not warp
The profound and perfect law,
And will not learn pomposity ;
A son of man
Whom, though blamed, men admire.
I love him greatly ;
The pride of the nobility
Of the whole land of Gwynedd
Will he draw from their exile.
Strangers will hate him, and refuse to join in his praise ;
They will not co-operate nor assist ;
Y tir a waeddodd
Y terfyn gwaethaf
Kyfyd Prydyn y menych henaf
A rhuddion lafneu yn rhywyllt
O'n Caerau gan nis traethaf
Ac ar ervin brain pla a welir
Brysia iw diva
Y maban o gudd
Kyffreddiwr y budd
Fr blaid iissa
Yn rhwydd y rhydd ef y rliai esgud
Mewn cnaif cymwys
G"wr ni wna ymwys
Yn y gyfraith ddwys
Ni ddysg dr. ilia
Maban o dad
Er a veiont wy ai mad
Mawr yr hoffaf
Glendid Bonedd
Gwlad boll Wynedd
A dynn cf oil ou halltudedd
Aillt ai casa ef ni chyd ganan
Ni chyd ai'chan gorchwil nis gwnan
ATTRIBUTED TO 31ERDDIN, ETC. 20
Concord with Saxons,
That unlovely work,
Will cease.
I will give thanks, I will sincerely pray
To the most generous protector,
Of the chiefest lineage.
Blessed are the Britons,
Large is the crown,
heavenly God,
Beneficent Preserver !
It is pleasing to praise him,
Lion of the red-handed work ;
His occupation is war ;
1 will loudly laud him.
In poetic merit these excel every other composition attri-
buted to Merddin. They are, in fact, verses of a very superior
order, and such as would do no discredit to some of the dis-
tinguished poets of the day ; and I am only deterred by their
extreme length from R'ivino- them entire. We have seen these
predictions successively applied to Rhys ab Tewdwr, to Owain
Gwynedd, and to Llewelyn the Great ; and now we find them
referred to Llewelyn ab Gruffydd, the last Prince of Wales.
Throughout this essay I have rather courted than shunned
such passages as revealed the intense hatred entertained by the
ancient Welsh against the Saxons; but in so doing I had no
wish to revive those traditionary enmities. I am the historian
of the past ; these feelings were prevalent and sincere ; and as
more than any other they reveal the breadth and depth of the
national character, I should have been wanting in both duty
Cydfod Saeson
Gwaith anhyron
A derfyna
Diolchaf archaf arch ddi drahaf
Cadwr haelaf
O'r hil ponna
Gwyu cu byd Rryton
Eraisc yw'r goron
Dduw nefol
Cadwr cedol
Mwyn ei ganmol
Llew Haw rhuddwaith
Milwr ei waith
Maith y molaf. — Myv. Arch. vol. i. p. 527.
270 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
and sound judgment were not the past, with all its faults and
its virtues, faithfully reproduced. This sentiment stands forth
very boldly in the course of this verse ; and, in describing con-
cord with Saxons as " unlovely work," the bard refers to a
part of our last prince's career which gave rise to much dis-
satisfaction at home. Eleanor de Montford, daughter of Simon
de Montford, Earl of Leicester, having been betrothed to Lle-
welyn, was intercepted by order of Edward on her passage from
France to Wales, and taken to the English Court ; from thence
she would not be permitted to depart except on conditions
somewhat dishonourable to the Welsh prince ; and he, thus
compelled to decide between love and patriotism, after much
reluctance and a fierce war chose the former alternative. He
was blamed for this ; but, as our bard shows, the fidelity of the
lover formed an apology for the weakness of the man. The
marriage took place on the 13th of October, 1278 ; the bride
being given away, and the expenses of the feast defrayed, by
the English monarch. We have in these facts a clue to the
date of the verses, which must have been written about the end
of 1278; and, as metre, taste, and poetic fire testify, by the only
bard of that age who could have written them — Gruffydd ab yr
Ynad Coch.
In speaking of the Hoianau I ventured to suggest that the
pig typified the Kymric race, and the fact that in each of the
Gorddodau the epithet "burrowing" is applied to the condition
of that people, coupled with the prediction that the burrowing
would soon be triumphant, strikingly confirms the correctness
of that opinion.
This completes our survey of the poems attributed to
Merddin, from which it results that none of them can be with
propriety, after this examination, considered to be his. The
succeeding portion of this section must be more meagre, but
not, it is hoped, less satisfactory.
It has long been suspected that many of the poems attri-
buted to Taliesin could not have been produced in the sixth
century. These conjectures, as we have already shown in the
preceding section, were undoubtedly correct ; but as many of
the poems may upon most substantial grounds be shown to be
genuine, it becomes of importance to distinguish between those
which are and those which may not be of his production. I
ATTRIBUTED TO TALIESIN.
271
have carefully read them ; but as a minute examination of
seventy-seven poems would require a volume for itself, I shall
here only present the result. The classification, in the absence
of the data on which it is based, can have no strong claims to
attention apart from the weight attached to the opinion of the
critic; my conclusions with respect to the poems of Taliesin
are as satisfactory to myself as are those embodied in the
analysis of the verses attributed to Merddin ; but the actual
value of that opinion, in either case, must be determined by the
reader. I have, as the result of my examination, classed those
poems thus :
Historical, and as old as the Sixth Century.
Gwaith Gwenystrad
Gwaith Argoed Llwyvain
Gwaith Dyffryn Gwaraut
I Urien
I Urien
Cami i Urien
Yspail Taliesin
Cann i Urien Rheged
Dadohvch Urien Rheged
I WaUawg
Dadohvch i Urien
Marwnad Owain ab Urien
The Battle of Gwenystrad
The Battle of Argoed Llwyvain
The Battle Dyffryn Gwarant
To Urien
To Urien
A Song to Urien
The Spoils of Taliesin
A Song to Urien Rheged
Reconciliation to Urien
To Gwallawg (the Galgacus of Ta-
citus)
Reconciliation to Urien
The Elegy of Owain ab Urien
Doubtful.
Cerdd i WaUawg ab Lleenawg (old)
Marwnad Cunedda (old)
Gwarchan Tutvwlch
Gwarchan Adebon
Gwarchan Kynvelyn
Gwarchan Maelderw
Kerdd Daronwy
Trawsganu Cynan Garwyn (old)
A Song to Gwallawg ab Lleenawg
The Elegy of Cunedda
The Incantation of Tutvwlch
The Incantation of Adebon
The Incantation of Kynvelyn 1
The Incantation of Maelderw
The Song to Daronwy
The Satire on Kynan Garwyn
1 The three incantations, Gorchau Kynvelyn, Grorchan Tutvwlch, and Gorchan
Adebon, arc attributed, on stronger evidence, to Ancurin. See Rev. T. Price's Address,
delivered at the Brecon Eisteddvod, 1822. /.< . ii. 106. —
272
POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
Romances belonging to the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries.
Canu Kyntaf Taliesin
Dihuddiant Elphin
Ilanes Taliesin
Canu y Medd
Canu y Gwynt
Canu y Byd Mawr
Canu y Byd Bach
Bustl y Beirdd
Buarth Beirdd
Cad Goddeu
Cadeir Taliesin
Cadeir Teyrn On 2 (Tintern)
Canu y Cwrwv
Canu y Meirch
Addvwyneu Taliesin
Angar Kyvyndawd
Priv Gyvarcli
Taliesin's First Song
The Consolation of Elphin 1
The History of Taliesin
The Mead Song
The Song to the Wind
The Song of the Great World
The Song of the Little World
The Gall of the Bards
The Circle of the Bards
The Battle of the Trees
The Chair of Taliesin
The Chair of Tintern
The Song of the Ale 3
The Song of the War-Horses
The Beautiful Things (liked by)
Taliesin
The inimical Confederacy
The Primary Gratulation
1 The poem printed in the My v. Arch. i. p. 21, under this name, contains also the
Gorchan Tutvwlch attributed to Aneurin. It is the former part only that is referred
to Taliesin.
2 See the end of Mabinogi Pwyll {Mab. iii. 63-69) for Teirnyon, King of Gwent.
He gave his name to Nant Teyrnon (ii. 106), Tintern Brook. — Brut y Sae son, about
1160.
3 The first part only of the poem thus called in the Myvyrian Archaiology, i. p. 39,
forms the Canu y Cwrwv ; the rest, beginning with " Teithi edmygant," and ending
^i the finely descriptive lines :
I saw mighty men
fho thronged together at the shout ;
|aw blood on the ground,
From the assault of swords ;
When they poured forth their radiating lances,
They tinged with blue the wings of the morniug ;
In three hundred festivals will be sung the high fame
Of Ynyr, whose feet are seen on the crimson-tinted earth.
Gweleis wyr gorlawr
A ddygyrchynt awr
Gweleis waed ar llawr
Rhag rhuthr cleddyfawr
Glesynt esgyll gwawr
Esgorynt yn waewawr
Trichant calan cjmian clodfawr
Ynyr ar dir yn wir cochwawr —
constitute the " Battle of Byffryn Gwarant."
A T Tli HIT TED TO TA LI ESI K.
273
Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries — continued.
Dihuddiant Elphin
Arymes Dydd Brawd
Awdl Vraith
Glaswawd Taliesin
Divregawd Taliesin
Mabgyvreu Taliesin
Awdl etto Taliesin
Kyffes Taliesin
These seem to form
which was composed by
Cadair Keridwen
Marwnad Uthr Bendragon
Preiddeu Annwn
Marwnad Ercwlf
Marwnad Madawg Ddrud,
greulawn
Marwnad Aeddon o Von
Anrhyveddodau Alecsander
Y Gofeisws Byd
Lluryg Alecsander.
Elphin'a Consolation
The Day of Judgment
The Ode of Varieties l
The Encomiums of Taliesin
Past and Future Ages
Taliesin's Juvenile Accomplish-
ments
Another Ode by Taliesin
The Confession of Taliesin
portions of the Mabinogi of Taliesin,
Thomas ab Einion Offeiriad. 2
The Chair of Keridwen 3
The Elegy of Uther Pendragon
The Victims of Annwn (Hell)
The Elegy of Hercules
ac Erov The Elegy of Madoc the Bold, and
Erov the Fierce
The Elegy of Aeddon of Mon
The very Wonderful Things of
Alexander
A Sketch of the World
The Lorica of Alexander 4
Predictive Poems, Twelftií and Succeeding Centuries.
Yinarwar Lludd Mawr
Ymarwar Lludd Bychan
Gwawd Lludd Mawr
Kerdd am Veib Llyr
Marwnad Corroi ab Dairy (old)
Mic or Myg Dinbych
Arymes Brydain
The Appeasing of the Great Lludd
The Appeasing of Lludd the Little
The Praise of Lludd the Great
Song to the Sons of Llyr 5 ab Broch-
wel
Elegy on Corroi the Son of Dairy
The Prospect of Tenby
The Destiny of Britain 6
1 See Walter Davies on Awdl Vraith (fourteenth century), Difregawd Taliesin, &c.
Works, ii. 292.
2 See the Iolo Manuscripts, p. 4Ó9.
3 This is the Mabinogi of " Math the Son of Mathonwy," versified and epitomised.
4 Alludes to the romance of Alexander.
5 Llyr is the King Lear of Shakspeare ; the subjects of these seem to be taker from
Geoffrey's History.
6 Mentions the coming of Kynan and Cadwaladr.
T
274
PO EMS FIC TITIO USL T
Twelfth and Succeeding Centuries— continued.
Arymes
Arymes
Kywrysedd Gwynedd a Deheubarth
Awdl
Marwnad y Milveib
Y Maen Gwyrth
Cân y Gwynt
Anrliec Urien 4
The Oracle '
The Oracle 2
The Contention of North and South
Wales 3
A Moral Ode
Elegy on the Thousand Saints
The Miraculous Stone
The Song of the Wind ; subject,
Owain Gwynedd
The Gift of Urien, 5
Theological. Same Date.
Plaeu yr Aipht
Llath Moesen
Llath Voesen
Gwawd Gwŷr Israel
The Plagues of Egypt
The Rod of Moses
The Rod of Moses
Eulogy of the Men of Israel.
Some of the reasons for this classification will have been
seen in the preceding section, and others are here given in the
remarks appended to the several poems. The Eev. Thomas
Price was the only writer who had previously attempted to dis-
tinguish between the poems which are really genuine and those
which are not ; it is to be regretted that he had not done more
in this direction than he has ; but, as far as they extend, the
few hints afforded in the earlier portions of Banes Gymru are
in perfect accordance with my own conclusions. The predic-
tions attributed to Taliesin were, among the bards, held in
higher estimation than those of Merddin. Of the latter, that
on which they placed the most value was the rude though
earlier Kyvoesi; it was to this that the bards of these centuries
referred. Howel ab Owain speaks of the early or " primitive
song of Merddin : " Ehiserdyn, of his " memorials ; " Sevnyn, of
"his cave;" Iorwerih Llwyd, of his "questions;" and Iorwerth
Vychan alludes to verse 133, where Merddin speaks of the
" great knowledge of Gwenddvdd " — all referring to the dia-
1 Similar sentiments. 2 Speaks of Normans. s See Avallenau, 23.
4 May not Marwnad Iago ab Beli be mixed up with this ? See the account of the
BengwrfcMSS. in the Cambrian Register, iii. 281.
5 See Hoianau, '20.
ATTRIBUTED TO TALIESIN. 275
logue. Elidir Sais speaks of " the bardic strains of Merddin,"
and of his "polished style;" Davydd Benvras, of his "glowing
music;" and Gwilym Ddu, strengthening our argument respect-
ing Merddin, simply terms him one "of the line of Meirchion;"
but Kynddelw and Llywarch, the supposed authors of the
Avallenau and Hoianau, and Gwynvardd Brycheiniog only
allude to the contents of those poems, or attach any value to
the predictions of Merddin. These soon fell into disrepute, and
the predictions of the pseudo-Taliesin alone enjoyed the bardic
favour. This aj^pears from the lines of Meredydd ab Rhys,
who, addressing an old book of predictions, says : 1
I would not give a rotten straw
For thousands of the words of Merddin, —
In thee there is a springing sermon,
Some of the mystery of little Gwion (Taliesin).
But if the bards treated him contemptuously, he has been
amply avenged; for the popular mind of Wales now knows
no diviner but Merddin.
Of the predictive poems, that which next to the Gorddod-
au excels in poetic fire, descriptive power^ and elegance of
diction, is ArymeS Prydain Vawr (the Destiny of Great
Britain). It is a poem of considerable length, treating (with
considerable knowledge of the subject) of the wars between
the Saxons and the Kymry, and predicting the final expul-
sion of the former from these islands. At this day the
subject has no novelty, and therefore I will only give as a
specimen a few of the concluding lines : 2
Cadwaladr and Kynan, mighty men in battle,
Whom prosperity attend, will be famed until the judgment day ;
Two tenacious sovereigns, profound men in council,
Two who under Providence will conquer Saxons,
1 Cred vi ua rown welltyn erin,
Er myrdd o eiriau Myrddin, —
Mae ynod, bragawd bregeth,
O gyvrinach Gwiawn Bach beth.
2 Cynan a Chadwaladr cadr yn lluydd
Edmyccawr hyd frawd ffawd ai deubydd
Deu unbeii dengyn chvys eu cussyl
Davi oresgyn ^aeson o plaid Dofydd
r 2
270 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
Two generous men, two treasures of the merchants 1 country,
Two fearless and ready men, of one faith and one object,
Two overwhelming protectors of Britain's comely armies,
Two bears whose perpetual barking will not displease.
Druids predict the greatness of what will come to pass ;
In their hands will be all the land from Brittany to the Isle of Man ;
From South Wales to the Isle of Thanet will they possess ;
And their word shall extend from the celestial radiance to the
surface of the earth.
Their chief will partly pay for the land,
Kynon will denude them, Saxons will cease to be ;
The Gwyddelians (Irish) will return to their original stock,
And the Kymry will raise up a powerful supporter.
Armies will be disciplined, and warriors clamorous ;
To the kingdom of God, which kept its faith,
The fleets of all countries shall be invited ; tribulation shall cease,
And Kynon will induce people to live in friendship.
Kynon will not call in as combatants
Any but the Kechmyn of Cadwaladr and his merchants ;
And every Kymro will be cheerful in his discourse ;
In the troubled island swarms will cease to be
When their bodies shall perish in their native place ;
It will be rumoured as far as Aber Santwic
That the Germans are moving out of the land
Deu hael dau gedawl gwlad warthegydd
Deu diarchar barawd un ffawd un ffydd
Deu orchwy nawd Prydain mirain luydd
Deu arth nis gwna gwarth cyfarth beunydd
Dysgogan Derwyddon maint a dderfydd
O Fynaw hyd Lydaw yn ei Haw a fydd
Ddyfed hyd Ddanet hwy bieufydd
O wawl hyd weryd hyd eu hebyr
Llettalawt eu pennaeth tros yr echwydd
Attor ar Gynon Saeson ni bydd
Atehwelwynt Wyddyl at eu hennydd
Kyddyrchwynt Cymry cadr gyweithydd
Byddinoedd am gwrf orthrwyf mihvyr
A theyrnedd Dews ry gedwys eu ffydd
A wis i bob llynges tres a dderfydd
A ehymmod Cynhon gan ei gilydd
Ni alwawr Gynhon yn gynnifwyr
Namyn Kechmyn Cadwaladr ai gyfnewidwyr.
Eil Cymro llawen llafar a fydd
Am ynys gymwyeid heid a dderfydd
Pan syrthwynt galanedd wrth eu hennydd
Hyt yn Aber Santwic swynedig fydd
ATTRIBUTED TO GOLYDDAX. 277
Back again to the place of their birth ;
And Saxons with anchors will be perpetually seen.
The venerable Kymry will prevail until the day of doom ;
They will not want books, nor the songs of bards,
For their destiny will be none other than this.
We will praise Him who created heaven and the elements ;
May St. David be the prince of the warriors.
In the day of trouble God will be with Gelligaer :
He will not die, nor run away, nor be exhausted ;
He will not fade, nor fail, nor bend, nor tremble. 1
This poem is now commonly attributed to Golyddan, a
bard who is said to have lived towards the close of the seventh
century ; formerly it was ascribed to Taliesin. E. Llwyd at-
tributes it to the latter, as does Dr. Pughe in the earlier part
of his Dictionary ; but as that bard had gone " to the tomb
of all the Capulets " long before Cadwaladr reigned, the poem,
on the authority of the Rev. E. Davies, is now ascribed to Go-
lyddan, that monarch's bard. That author's opinion appears
to be erroneous. The poem was thought to be historical ;
but as all its main features relate to the future, and not either
to the past or the present, it is not so. Cadwaladr here
is not the last monarch of Britain, but the mythological hero,
and future deliverer of the Kymry ; and if our reasoning at
the commencement of this section be valid, it must be classed
among the predictive poems of the middle ages. Style and
internal evidence support this assumption ; and so conclu-
sive do I deem the proof of its late origin, that Mr. Tur-
ner's ingenious defence of its antiquity alone induces me to
dwell at greater length upon the subject. I regret being
compelled to differ in opinion, respecting this and the poems
Allmyn ar gychwyn i alltudydd
01 wrthol attor ar eu heiiirpld
Saesson wrth angor ar fordd bennydd
Cymry Gwenerawl hyd frawd gorfydd
Na cheisswynt lyfrawr nag angawr brydydd
Arymes yr Ynys honn namyn hyd ni bydd
Iolwn ni a grewys nef ac elfydd
Poed Tywyssawg Dewi i'r cynnifwyr
Yn yr ing Gelli Kaer am Duw y Bydd
Ni ihreinc ni ddieinc ni arddispydd
Ni wiw ny wellyg ny phlyg ni ehryd.
1 There is a translation of the first pari in the Cambrian Register, ii
278 IOEMS FICTITIOUSLY
of Merddin, from the eminent historian and critic, to whose
learning, intelligence, and candour the literature of my
native land is so greatly indebted ; but it is a source of sin-
2ere gratification to reflect that, in nearly every other essen-
tial point, my own researches have tended to ratify his
conclusions as to the genuineness of most of the poems at-
tributed to the early bards, Aneurin and Llywarch, and
many of those of Taliesin. This poem, which is evidently
the production of an able and learned man, calls the Saxons,
or more correctly speaking the German tribes who invaded
Britain, by the name of Allmyn. At the present day the
Kymry call Germany Yr Almaen; Germans, singular All-
myn, plural JSlhnyn; and the German language, Yr Ell-
w.ynaexot were Kelts, not Saxons; Kemble the contrary.
282 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
We have not yet discovered the author of the poem. If the
assumptions in the preceding paragraphs be true, the poem
was composed in the Glamorgan dialect, and seen by Llywarch
ab Llywelyn during his visit to South Wales in 1214. Several
passages in the poem countenance this view ; the names of
places all refer to the South ; the poet bids both Dyved and
Glewysig (Monmouthshire) not to fear ; and ends by imploring
the blessing of God on Gelligaer, a district between Caerffili
and Rhymney, in Glamorganshire. Madoc ab Iddon, king of
the district indicated by Gwent, Glewysig, and Gelligaer, was
" a man who knew many arts and sciences, and there was not
found his equal in his time," and died in 1184; "he was the
best poet and wit of any in Wales;" and as this poem indicates
much more than ordinary ability, and was evidently composed
in his district towards the close of the twelfth century, may he
not be its author ?
It has been remarked that the bards of North Wales, daring
the centuries embraced by this essay, had produced more poems
than those of South Wales ; and Mr. Price reproaches the South
Welsh with having been less careful of their manuscripts than
their brethren of the North ; but this reproach is not altogether
deserved. There was unquestionably less poetry produced in
the South, and that too of an inferior character; and this arose,
perhaps, partly because the more turbulent character of the
petty chieftains of that district was less favourable to the de-
velopment of literary talent than the dignified sway of the
brilliant series of North Welsh kings, Gruffydd ab Kynan, Owain
Gwynedd, Howel ab Owain, Llewelyn the Great, and Llewelyn
ab Gruffydd, who ruled during that period. But though the
North bore away the palm in poetry, the South was most dis-
tinguished in bardic congresses and historians ; it produced
the Brut Tyssilio, the Chronicles of Caradoc, and the British
History of Geoffrey ; the book of the Cwtta Kyvarwydd of
Glamorgan, the Book of Llandaff, and the Black Book of Car-
marthen, may also be cited to the same purport. Many of the
poems attributed to Taliesin are written in the dialect of Gwent, 1
and several appear to have been written in Pembroke and the
western portions of Glamorganshires ; the poem called Mic or
1 lolo Manuscripts, y. 166.
ATTlilliUTEh TO OOLYDDAX. 283
Myg Dinbych (the Prospect of Tenby) belongs to the former;
and the lines —
Chwaryeis yn Llychwr,
Cysgais ym mhorphor.
I have played at Loughor
And slept in purple —
in " Kad Goddeu," indicate a place within six miles of Swan-
sea. The " Aryines," or Oracle, given at p. 71 of the Archwi-
ology, belongs to that district ; and the first four lines are
exactly the same as those at the commencement of " Arymes
Prydein Vawr." The Oracle of Britain must be referred to the
same parentage, as will be seen in these lines :
Spears shall be launched forth,
And an armed band
Around Cogawn Penarth —
An army collected from afar,
Led by the cross of Christ,
And a flame from Bethlehem
And Jerusalem. 1
The allusion here is to the persons collected together at
the instigation of Archbishop Baldwyn (a.d. 1188), who was
eminently successful at Llandaff 2 in enlisting soldiei's for the
Crusades ; and probably these embarked for Palestine from the
Penarth Roads, near Cardiff. Penarth is a locality well known ;
and there is a place called Cogan Penarth in that vicinity.
Glamorgan seems to have been the hotbed of predictions, and
Geoffrey probably adorned his narrative with many of the
traditional stories of the men of Morganwg.
There are two poems attributed to Meugant, a bard who
lived about the commencement of the seventh century. One of
them, mourning the death of Prince Kynddylan, has the marks
1 A phelydr yn rhydd
A gosgordd
Am cogawn pennardd
A lhi digyfor o bell
A chroes Crist yn cymhell
A fflam o Feddlem
A chatTsaleni.- Myv. Arch. i. 19.
- /h/,<>< Cymru, p. 60] .
284 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
of genuineness ; but the other forms a connecting link between
the Kyvoesi of Merddin and the Avallenau with the latter pre-
dictive poems ; and this was probably composed in the early
part of the reign of Owain Gwynedd, for the language is modern,
and that monarch is mentioned by name. The poem is valuable
as supplying the link of connection between Cadwaladr and
Kynan ; Cadwaladr was the hero of the South, and Kynan that
of the North, as is shown by the promises here given of tri-
umphs for Kynan in Arvon, and by the express words " Cynan
yng wyned " (Kynan in North Wales) of the Oracle of Britain
above cited. There is a Kynan honourably mentioned in the
Gododin ; and it is clear that the Kynan of the later bards is
the person buried at Rhyd Rheon ; but the original " Conan "
of these predictions was a different person. The author of the
Hoianau in the line (verse 114) —
Kynan and the especial Cadwaladr of Cambria —
implies that the first was not a native of Wales ; and
Gwalchmai distinguishes " Kynan the kindly courteous "
from " Cadwaladr the pillar of armies." An immense im-
pulse was given to these ambitious hopes of the Kymry, and
the predictions of their realisation, by the preparations
made in Normandy for the conquest of England; this
event took place in the reign of Conant II. of Brit-
tany ; and " Normans, Bretons, French, Flemings, Poite-
vins, Burgundians, and other Cisalpine people flocked to
the transmarine war." ' The King of the Bretons was the
original Kynan. The author of the Vita Merlini 2 distinctly
says so : 3
The Britons their noble kingdom
Shall for a long time lose through weakness,
Until from Armorica Conan shall come in his car,
And Cadwaladr, the honoured leader of the Kymry.
1 W. Gemetensis, 286 ; and Oderic Vitalis, 494 ; quoted in Schulz's Essay, p. 36.
2 The author of Vita Merlini is said to have been Geoffrey of Monmouth ; but Dr.
Giles says that internal evidence (not specified) contradicts that view.
3 Eritones at nobile regnum
Temporibus multis amittant debilitate
Donee ab Armorico, veniet temone Conanus
Et Cadwadrus Cambrorum dux venerandus.
Vita Merlini, p. 129, MS. in the Cotton Library, Vespasian E. 4. Turners Vindi-
cation, i'. 120.
AIT11IBUTED TO ANEURIN. 28/5
And the prediction in Geoffrey's history —
Cadwaladr (coming from Rome) shall call upon Conan (in Brittany)
and take Albania into alliance —
both receives light from this fact and proves the correctness
of the positions here laid down. Conant reigned about
a.d. 1060 ; the poem attributed to Meugant is therefore
not older than the Norman conquest. The Kyvoesi men-
tions Cadwaladr without Kynan ; and this names Kynan
without Cadwaladr; but in later poems the two names
are always mentioned together. In the Archaiology there are
two copies of this poem, the concluding part being exactly the
same as the fragment from the Book of Gogerthan.
When numerous poems were wrongly attributed to Merddin
and Taliesin, it would have been strange if none had been
allotted to Aneurhst, " the king of bards and poet of the
flowing muse." In the Iolo Manuscripts, lately published,
there is a predictive poem, attributed by its monkish author to
the author of the Gododin. The late Mr. Edward Williams
pleads warmly for its antiquity ; but, with all becoming defer-
ence for so renowned an authority, I must be permitted to
assert that the metre, diction, and sentiments belong less to
the sixth century than to the sixteenth. The Verses of the
Months (Englynion y Misoedd) have clung with remarkable
tenacity to the name of Aneurin ; his fame must nevertheless
rest wholly and solely upon the earliest of modern heroic
poems — the Gododin — for these verses are not his. I do not
know when they were first attributed to him, for they are not
included in the earliest collections of his poems. Llwyd, sub
voce " Aneurin Gwawdrydd," does not mention them ; in
enumerating the contents of the MS. known as the Book of
Aneurin 1 to be the Gododin, the Incantation of Adebon,
the Incantation of Kynvelyn, and the Incantation of
Maelderw, 2 he states that it is written in a hand remarkably
1 The description of the MS. is, verbatim et literatim, as follows :— " Llyvyr
Aneyryn ; ne Lyvyr y G-ododhynne a'r (iuarxane. Vaugh. Membr. 8vo. modv. o dritx-
Hiin a gynwys, 1. Y Gododyn. (An legendum gydodhyn ?) o yaith Aneyryn uandydh
Myxderyn Beirdh. 2. Kaniad a eluir Guarxan Adhebon. 3. Guarxan Kynvelyn. 4.
Guarxan Maeldery guedi i gaeady yn Llynden gan E. V. Lhiu hèn dros ben. W. M."
— Llwtd's Arch. Brit. p. 261.
2 In the ancient MS. of the poems of Aneurin belonging to the late Rev. T. Price,
286 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
old, but in neither case is there any allusion to these verses.
Yet, if the following- statement be founded in fact, they were
attributed to him as early as the fifteenth century. The
editors of the Myvyrian Archaiolocjy say, but on what
authority does not appear, that " Aneurin Gwawdrydd was the
first who sang the Verses of the Months ; and being- good, they
became so common that no one thought of writing them,
until they could scarcely be distinguished, so that the twelve
verses could not be had complete in Gwynedd and Powys,
four of them being lost. Gutyn Owain composed the four last
instead of those wanting; but after that the missing verses
Were found in South Wales^ so that they are here all from the
Green Book." 1 The verses seem calculated to have obtained
popularity from their adaptation to fireside circles, and the
moralising tone which conversation assumed when, at the
close of the evening, men assembled in small parties around
fire-places, and crowded the spacious hobs, for which the
chimney-places in Welsh country houses are distinguished. In
cities men have numerous objects attracting attention, and,
from the variety of the causes which excite them, the talk
becomes free and easy, sometimes frivolous and insipid ; but
among a people so shrewd and intelligent as the Kymry of
country districts are and have been, when domiciles were
scattered, and men collected together from distant places, their
conversation must have been of a moral cast and of a graver
character than sage reflections upon the frost of yesterday and
snow of to-day. Science was unknown, but human life, to the
observant mind, furnished ample food for reflection ; and there-
fore, when this was the prevailing topic, moral apothegms,
adorned with the poetry of the seasons, in compact verses,
were likely to have given satisfaction.
and which was once in the possession of Gwilyni Tew and Davydd Nanmor, who
flourished from 1430 to 1470, Gwarchan Tydvwlch, Gwarehan Adebon, and Gwarchan
Kynvelyn, are given immediately following the Gododin. Mr. Price was of opinion
that Gwarchan Maelderw was written by Taliesin.
1 " Aneurin Gwawdrydd a gant Englynion y Misoedd gyntaf ac rhag daed oedynt
hwy aethant mor gyffredin, ag na cheisiodd neb eu hysgrifennu, oni bu agos idynt a
cholli haiachen fel na fedrid cael y deudeg Englyn yn gwbl ym Mhywys a Gwynedd
heb fod pedwar argoll : a Guttyn Owain a wnaeth y pedwar olaf yn lie y Uaill ; ac
wedi hynny y caed yn Neheubarth y pedwar oed ar goll fel y maent i gyd yma rhaa;
Haw. Allan or Llyfr Gwyrdd." — Myv. Arch, vol. i. p. 14.
ATTRIBUTED TO ANEUK1X. 287
Though not Aneurin's, these verses have considerable
merit :
1 January ! The vale is smoky,
The butler weary, and the bard (cler) abroad ;
The crow is thin, and seldom is heard the hum of the bee ;
The cow is lean, and the kiln is cold ;
The horse is slender, and the bird silent ;
The morning is long, and short the afternoon :
Truly was it said by Kynvelyn,
" The best candle for man is prudence."
The Kymric princes and chieftains held their feasts on the
first day of January, when the bards of the district were sure
to be in attendance ; and as there were open houses for all
comers, butlers, under the circumstances, might well be weary.
Among my countrymen the candle is the favourite figure for
mental guidance ; and the most popular of all Cambrian
authors, the Vicar of Llandovery, entitled his book, the Candle
of the Kymry.
2 February ! Dainties are scarce,
And busy are the tpade and the wheel ;
Reproach is the usual result of too frequent intercourse ;
The hired ox is unable to complain ;
Three things produce injurious venom,
A woman's counsel, murder, and treason ;
Best is the dog in the morning, when the lambs are weak,
And miserable is he who slayed his servant-maid.
1 Mis Ionawr myglyd Dyffryn,
Blin Trulliad, treiglad Clerddyn;
Cul Bran, anaml llais gwenyn ;
Gwag Buches, diwres Odyn ;
Cynnwy march, distaw aderyn ;
Hir i blygain, byr brydnhawn ;
Gwira ddywaid Cynfelyn ;
Goraii cauwyll Pwyll i ddyn.
- Mis Chwefror anaml Ancwyn ;
Llafurus Pal ac Olwyn ;
Gnawd gwarth o fynych gysswyn,
Yr ych Hog ni fedr achwyn,
Tri phetb. a dry drwg wemvyn
Cyngor Gwraig, Murn, a Ch. nllwyn,
Pen ci ar fore gwanwyn
1 rwae a Laddodd ei i'orwyn.
288 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
The seventh line has been variously translated, but without
the least success in eliciting any sense out of the words.
Mr. Prober t renders it :
Best is the dog's head on a spring morning ;
and if Gwanivyn had no other signification than spring, though
these words are meaningless, the line would have been cor-
lvctly translated ; but as it may also mean gwan, weak, and
wyn\ lambs, some poetry and much truthfulness may be
evoked out of the sentence. It is a fact well known to shep-
herds, and to persons acquainted with farming life, that the
lambs thrown in February are, as the poet says, really much
weaker than those thrown in the succeeding month. In the
morning, when snow covers the ground, the shepherd, whose
first duty it is to collect the sheep together, frequently hears
the bleating of lambs, which, they being unable to walk,
he cannot find. On such occasions I have heard it said that
a sagacious sheep-dog is worth a dozen men. Another argu-
ment in favour of the same reading may be deduced from the
fact that among the bards the first day of spring was the 10th
of March ; l the poet could not therefore have alluded to spring,
as pertaining to the month of February. The poet was true
to nature, and alluded to one of the most pleasing features in
rural life. The somewhat flippant mention of murder is due
to the facts that, according to the Cambrian laws, murder
might be compensated for by heavy fees, and also that when
villanage prevailed in Britain the servants were taken from
among the slaves.
2 March ! Birds are full of audacity,
Bitter blows the cold blast o'er the furrows,
The fair weather will outlive the foul,
Anger lasts longer than grief,
But every terror will disappear,
Every bird knows its mate,
1 Mo MSS. p. 434.
2 Mis Mawrth, mawr ryfyg adar
Chwersv oerwynt, ar dalar ;
Hwy fydd ilinon na Heiniar
Hwy peru Llid na Grálai
Pob rhyw Arynnaig a ysgar
Pol) edn a edwyu ei gymiuar
ATTRIBUTED TO ANEUIilN. 280
And all things will come through the earth,
Save the dead — long is his imprisonment.
1 April ! Mist covers the high grounds;
The oxen are fatigued, and the land naked ;
Feasts are common, but not invitations ;
Lean is the playful and long-eared stag ;
Numerous faults are found where there is no love ;
Happy is he who is righteous;
Destruction is the lot of the children of untruth ;
After extravagance follows lasting destitution.
May ! The caller of the oxen is relieved from care,
And the hedge affords comfort to the friendless ;
The old are cheerful though their garments be torn,
The cuckoo sings, and loud bays the hound ;
Girls are proud from having numerous lovers,
Lovers are happy, and the trees covered with leaves ;
And the skin of the lamb comes to market
As often as that of the sheep.
Cattle are turned out to grass in May ; the allusion in the
first line of the above will thence be intelligible.
2 June ! The fields are beautiful,
The sea smooth, and the fish sportive ;
Fob beth a ddaw trwy'r ddaear,
Ond y marw, rnawr ei Garchar.
' Mis Ebrill, wybraidd gorthir,
Lluddedig ychen, llwm tir,
Gnawd osb, er nas gwahoddir ;
Gwael hydd chwareus clusthir
Ami bai lie nis cerir
Gwyn ei fyd a fo cywir
Gnawd dit'rod ar blant enwir
Gnawd gwedi traha, tranc hip.
Mis Mai difrodus geilwad,
Clyd elawdd i bob di gariad
Llawen hen di Archenad
Llafar cog, a Bytheiad
Balch mereh o ami gariad
Hyddail coed, hyfryd anllad
Nid hwyràch daw ir Farchnad
Groen yn Oen, na chroen y ddafad.
2 Mis Mehefin liardd tiredd ;
Llvf'ii mor, llawen maranedd,
U
290 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
The genial day is long, and women full of activity ;
The lawns are dewy, and the bogs passable ;
God ever loves tranquillity,
But the Devil is the cause of all the mischief;
All men desire to be honoured,
But every potentate will be powerless at last.
July ! Perspiration is becoming,
The hay is scattered, and all are bustling ;
Ants rush about, and strawberries are red ;
Greyhounds lie inactive in every court ;
Thin is the cheek of the spiteful,
But blessed is he who is courteous,
Though none shall be free from care.
August ! Foam whitens the seashore,
Bees are merry, and the hives are full ;
More useful is the reaping-hook than the (warrior's) bow,
And ricks are more numerous than play -grounds ;
Whoever this month is idle
Will suffer poverty in the depth of winter ;
For it was truth that St. Breda (Brenda, in the Llyfr Hir) declared,
11 Evil comes not less frequently than good."
Hirgain ddydd, heini gwragedd ;
Gwlithog llwybrau hyffordd mignedd ;
Duw a gar bob Tangnefedd ;
Diawl a bar bob Cynddrygedd ;
Pawb a chwennych anrhydedd ;
Pob cadarn gw-an ei ddiwedd.
Mis Gorphenaf teilwng clrwys ;
Gweiriau ar dan, pawb mewn brys ;
Ckwimwth morgrug, rliuddion mefus
Segur milgwn ymhob llys ;
Llwm yw grudd dyn eiddigus ;
Gwyn ei fyd o fo cariadus ;
Ni bydd byth ddihelbulus,
Mis Awst molwynog morfa ;
Lion Gwenyn Uawn modryda ;
Gwell gwaith crymman na bwa ;
Amlach das na cliwareufa ;
A fo diog y mis ymn,
A ddwg eisiau drymder gauaf ;
Gwir a ddywaid Saint Breda.
Nid llai eyrchir drwg na da.
ATT&IBÜTED TO ANEURIN. 291
September ! The planets are wayward,
And enjoyment pervades both sea and township ;
Men and horses know fatigue ;
Every species of fruit becomes ripe ;
A royal daughter was born,
Who will deliver us from our grievous captivity ;
Truly did St. Bernard say
" God sleeps not when He relieves."
As this verse affords cogent reasons for rejecting the assertion
of the antiquity of the poem, it may be well here to attempt
assigning to it its true date. Mr. Humphreys Parry was the
first to question its parentage. He said, " This poem obviously
wants those innate evidences of genuineness which belong to
the Gododin. The popular voice, however, has for centuries
ascribed both productions to the same author, and it is now too
late to dispute the decree." l The language, which is modern,
and the allusions to historical facts scattered throughout,
abundantly prove the correctness of his conclusion ; and there-
fore we have here to do what he declined to undertake. In
the first verse the poet terms the class of bards, described in
the first section of this chapter, Clerwyr, or wanderers ; but as
this distinction was not known to the Laws of Howel, and first
appears in the time of Gruffydd ab Kynan (1080 to 1137), we
may doubt its being known in the sixth century. The customs
incidentally alluded to were principally prevalent during the
middle and subsequent ages ; and the mention of Saints Breda
and Bernard must set the question at rest. There is no saint
of the name of Breda ; this must therefore be either Brenda
or Beda ; the first was three generations removed from Gwgan
ab Caradog Vreichvras, a man who was at the battle of Bangor
Iscoed in 607, being Brenda ab Helig Voel ab Glanog ab
Gwgan Gleddyv Rhudd ; 2 and the second died, according to
Mis Medi mynawe planed
Mwynieithus mor a threufred
Gnawd gwyr a meirch yn lludded
Gnawd pob ffnvy th yn addved
Mereh frenhinawl a aned
An due o'n dygn gaethi"wed
Gwir a ddywed Saint Berncd
Ni chwsg Duw pan ro wared.
Cambrian Plutarch, p. 39. 2 Kees's Welsh Saints, \>. 208
r 2
202 TOEMS FICTITIOUSLY
the best authorities, a.d. 735 ; but whichever it was, neither of
them was sainted in the time of Aneurin. St. Bernard was
born in 1091, died in 1153, and was canonised by Pope Alex-
ander III. in 1174. This brings us down to the twelfth
century, and the internal evidence of the verses takes us still
lower. It will be observed that the poem, unlike those which
we have recently perused, not only does not breathe the spirit
of war, but condemns it. We shall presently see that this
was a characteristic of nearly all the Welsh poetry, from the
fall of Llewelyn to the revolt of Owain Glyndwr ; and there-
fore must we refer this poem to the beginning of the fourteenth
century. The above verse speaks of grievous captivity ; but
as the Welsh experienced no captivity, except the submission
to Edward I. and his successors, the poem could not have
been written much prior to 1300. The " royal daughter " was
probably Gwenllian, J the offspring of Llewelyn and Eleanor cle
Montford. The last lines of the next verse would scarcely be
written by one of the bardic order; and the author of all
these verses was probably a monk.
1 October ! Men seek sheltering places,
The birch leaves turn yellow and the summer seat is widowed,
Birds and fish are plump and fat,
The milk of cow and goat becomes less and less ;
Woe be to him who lays in sin the root of discreditable eruptions,
For death is better than frequent disgrace ;
Three things will melt every sin —
Fast, prayer, and alms.
November ! Swine become greatly fat,
Shepherds po and minstrels come,
1 Hanes Ci/mru, p. 707.
Mis Hydref hydraid hydod
Melyn blaen bedw, gwedw Havod
Llawnvras adar a physgod
Lleilai laeth buwch a gafrod
Gwae a haed mefl er pechod
G-well marw na mynyeh difrod
Tri pheth a dawdd pob pechod
Ynipryd, a gwedi, a chardod.
3Iis Tachwedd moch meliinfawr.
Aed bugail, delid cerdawr
ATTRIBUTED TO ANEURIX. 293
Butchers' blades are bloody, and the barns full ;
The sea is joyous, and marrowy the contents of every cauldron ;
Long are the nights to prisoners of lively dispositions ;
All who have treasures are respected ;
Three men who are not often satisfied
Are the sorrowful, the angi-y, and the miserly.
December 1 Garments get soiled,
The land is heavy, and the sun drowsy ;
The vicious is poor, and the muscle quiet ;
The cock is happy, and the feathered owl ;
For twelve days we may rejoice,
Because of the birth of the Destroyer of Satan ;
It was truth that Ysgolan said,
1 God is better than wicked predictions."
The last line is probably a sneer at the partiality shown by
the people for the predictions of Merddin and Taliesin.
We have already seen it stated that Gutyn Owain, a bard
who lived about 1450, composed four verses instead of the last
four of the preceding-. The structure of Gutyn's sentences is
superior to that of these, but in all other respects the merit
of both is a.bout equal. However, as some persons may wish
to institute a comparison, and judge for themselves, we will
quote the last :
1 December ! Days are short, and nights are long ;
Crows seek the germinating corn and rushes are on the moors,
Gwaedlyd llafn llawn escubawr
Lion mor merllyd pob callawr
Hirnos heirms carcharawr,
Parch us pawb a fed drysawr
Tri dun nid ami au didawr
Trist, blwng, a chybyd angawr.
Mis Rhagfyr tomlyd archan,
Trwm tir tiymluoc huan
Llwm gwyd llonyd llywethan
Lion cciliog a thwyllhuan,
Au deudeng-nyd yn hoean,
Am eni yspeiliwr Satan,
(Iwir a ddywed Yseolan
Gwell Duw na drwg darogan.
1 Mis Rljagfyr byrddvdd, hirr.os,
Brain yn cgin, brwyn ar ros.
204 POEMS FICTITIOUSLY
Silent are the bees and the nightingale,
There is bustling at feasts at the close of night,
The house of the prudent is comfortable,
The reckless is unfortunate through his own fault,
And life, though it be long,
Will end in day and night.
There is another set of a dozen verses attributed to Aneu-
rin in the MS. of Mr. Davies of Bangor, and also in another
old MS., though Mr. Rhys Jones, the collector of the specimens
of British bards, called Gorchestion y Beircld, ascribes them to
Llywarch the Aged, without, however, giving his authority ; but
it is probable, judging from the smoothness of the language
and the nature of the sentiments, that they were composed by
neither, and that they were the products of the same age as
that which gave birth to the Verses of the Months. In poetic
merit the last set is decidedly superior ; the sentences are more
compact, the language more fluent, and the aphorisms seem to
spring more naturally from the subject. Some lines in the
last verse are finely descriptive of many a youthful career :
The youth Avho heeds not counsel
Is like a ship on a swelling sea,
Without rope, sail, or anchor. 1
I have already expressed a doubt as to the antiquity of the
( rorchanau attributed to Aneurin. Some verses in the Myvyr-
ian Archaiology, i. p. 541, taken from the MS. of Mr. William
Maurice, are also ascribed to him, as appears from a note to the
Lyric Poems of Mr. Edward Williams ; but a moment's consider-
ation would have suggested that Aneurin could not have written
in the language of the fifteenth century, or known much about
divisions of the country made several centuries after his death.
A dialogue between Saints David and Kybi is also erroneously
attributed to " the King of the Bards."
Tawel gwenyn, ac eos
Trin ynghyfedd dhveddnos
Adail dedwydd yn ddiddos,
Adwyth diriad heb achos
Yr hoedl er hyd ei haros
A dderfydd yn nydd a nos.
Unfodd a Hong ar gefnfor
Heb raff heb hwyl heb angor
YdyVr ieuange digyngor.
ATTRIBUTED TO LLTWARCH HEN. 295
Another set of triplets, ascribed by the collector of the Gor-
chestion to Llywarch Hen, belongs probably to the same era ;
as also do two sets of moral verses attributed by the editors of
the Myvyrian Archaiology to the Mab Clav, or the Maer Glas,
the son of that aged bard. 1
This unique manner of inculcating precepts is very agree-
able ; and had Dr. Johnson lived among the Kymry of those
centuries, his desire for an aphoristic literature could have been
easily gratified. Under these circumstances conversational
talents must have had a fine field for development; and perhaps
we ought to attribute partly to these fireside gatherings the
fluency of speech noticed as remarkable among the common
people, and the wit, which struck Giraldus so forcibly, of the
Cambrian princes Rhys ab Gruffydd and Owain Kyveiliog.
The Kymry generally, though they have no knowledge of
rhetoric, are exceedingly metaphorical in their conversation,
and use figures of speech with quite as much propriety, and
much more naturally, than many very distinguished orators ;
their irony is perfect, and their sarcasm terrible ; but they are
more impulsive than persevering, and their mental qualities
are more brilliant than profound. The didactic verses of the
bards are smooth, graceful, and mellifluous; and in their hands,
as in those of the Hebrews, moral science was perfectly recon- I
ciled to popular poetry.
I must now bring this section to a close; the results arrived
at will probably startle many of my countrymen, but the reasons
in each case have been fully stated, and a candid perusal will
most probably show that my conclusions are uniformly correct.
Our attention in the next place will be occupied by the chro-
niclers and historians of the centuries here considered.
SECTION V.
PROSE LITERATURE THE CHRONICLES'.
We must not suppose that poetry was the only form in which
the national mind made itself manifest ; for there were the
prose romances, which shall be noticed hereafter, and the
1 Myv. Arch. vol. i. p. 545.
296 PROSE LITERATURE.
Triads. In addition to these there were chronicles and
genealogical records, of which Giraldus makes mention. Of
the former, Gild as, Nennius, Geoffrey, and Caradoc may be
cited as examples ; but as Gildas and Nennius had lived pre-
vious to the time included in this essay, our notice will be de-
voted to Geoffrey and Caradoc. Asser may justly be claimed for
the literature of Wales, though he wrote in Latin ; and there
are several other historical records now slumbering in MSS.
Of a work so well known as Geoffrey's Chronicle it is un-
necessary to give examples ; and our principal efforts will be
devoted to solve the questio vexata, is it a translation or an
original work? The critics of Wales, England, and France
have come to the decided conviction that it is full of fables; but
it is still a matter of doubt who was the inventor of these fables.
His own account is as follows : That while studying the his-
tory of the Kings of Britain, and wondering why Gildas and
Bede had not made mention of the kings who lived in Britain
prior to the Christian era, nor of Arthur and many others, he
was agreeably surprised by a request from Walter, Archdeacon
of Oxford, a man of great eloquence, and learned in foreign
histories, to translate a book in the British tongue, which
Walter had brought from Brittany, and which related the
actions of all the Kings of Britain from Brutus, the first king,
down to Cadwaladr the son of Cadwallo. Now, is the story
about the book being brought from Brittany true or not ? On
the negative side we have Dr. Giles, who thus states his objec-
tions :
There are lamentable defects of a grave character attending upon this
British volume :
I. It was first made known six hundred years after the events which it
relates.
II. No MS. copy is now in existence, nor any record of its ever having
been multiplied by transcription.
III. It relates stories utterly at variance with acknowledged history.
IV. It abounds in miraculous stories, which, like leaven, ferment and
corrupt the whole mass.
V. It labours under great suspicion from the mendacious character of
the people, whose credit it was written to support. 1
On the affirmative side we have the names of Ellis, Turner,
and the older names of Archbishop Usher, Leland, and several
EohVs edition, 1848, p. 292.
THE CniiOXICLES. 207
Kymric writers of note. Professor Rees, a most careful and
acute critic, speaks positively upon the subject, and states that
" a Welsh version of the original is preserved, which shows
that (Geoffrey) merely made a free translation, inserting oc-
casionally intepolations of his own." A foreigner of note, the
Abbe de la Rue, in a work containing the results of forty years
of study, called a Historical Essay on the Bards, Jongleurs, and
Ti'inreres, Norman and Anglo-Norman, takes the same view of
this matter. Living in Brittany, the Abbé had the means of
forming an opinion upon the subject, and much importance
should be attached to the conclusion at which he has arrived
— that the British history of Geoffrey is in reality a translation
cf a collection of the ancient tradition of Bretagne. To prove
the truth of this opinion, the author shows that Geoffrey's most
bitter contemporary opponents charge him with collecting fables,
not with inventing them. William of Newburgh expressly
allows this ; and Malmsbury merely says that Arthur was a
monarch whose fame deserved rather to be set forth by the
historian than by the fabulist. It must be borne in mind too, as
the Abbé says —
That Geffry was a learned man, and his Latin poems prove him to
have been well acquainted with the classical authors then in use. Now, if
this writer, having learning and talent, had actually fabricated the works
attributed to him, is it believable that he would not have endeavoured to
give them an air of probability which they do not possess ? Would he,
as Mr. Ellis has well remarked, represent Italy as menaced with her Breton
knights, at a period when the splendid and authentic exploits of Belisarius
had filled the whole empire with his glory ? Would he above all, Welsh
as he was, have made Hoel, an Armorican prince, act the chief part in the
Continental wars of Arthur, and represent him as but auxiliary to the
first ? Besides, how can it be said that GefFry invented these tales, when
many of them may be read in the works of Nenniusand the pseudo-Gildas,
who wrote three hundred years earlier ? It appears to me further, that
if GefFry of Monmouth had wished to impose upon his readers, and to
give his marvels the appearance of truth, he might have supported
himself upon an authority which at this period would have given the
greatest weight to his statements — I mean the lives of the saints. In
truth, we find in the middle-age legends many tales relating to Arthur and
his knights. Thus the exploits of Arthur are incorporated with the Life of
St. Dubritius, and were sung in the cathedral of Llandaff centuries
before Geffry translated his British history. In the Life of St. Gildas
the seduction of Arthur's wife, by Melvas, Earl of Somerset, and
the peace subsequently made through the mediation of the Saint, is to
298 PROSE LITERATURE.
be found. The Life of St. Pair, Bishop of Vannes, bears testimony to
Arthur's deeds on the Continent, and the ravages committed in Armorica
by Karadoc. In the Life of St. Paid of Leon the conversion of King
Mark, husband of Yseult la Blonde, is met with ; and in the Life of St.
Kentigern we find how the jongleurs altered the names of the heroes of
the Round Table. None of these are once altered by Geffry ; and to the
victorious argument of Mr. Ellis T will add a last which is unanswerable.
We have seen how Gainian stood in need of books and how his patroness
sent to Walter l'Espec to obtain from the Earl of Gloucester the history
which he had caused to be translated from the Welsh. This proves that a
history of the British kings existed in Wales in the twelfth century ; and
the same Trouvere attests that he had also to aid him in his work the
Brût brought from Bretagne, by Walter, Archdeacon of Oxford, and that
this second book had suggested several advantageous corrections of the
first. This testimony suffices to repel the charge of imposture which is
attempted to be cast upon Geffry of Monmouth. 1
We do not often, find English writers favourable to the pre-
tensions of Kymric literature ; it is therefore pleasing to see
so profound a critical authority as the Athenwum leaning to the
same side :
We have always thought that the circumstance of a Welshman being
called upon to translate Breton history is another corroboration of
Geffrey's statement. Archdeacon Walter Calenius might have sought in
vain among the English and Norman learned men for one who would con-
descend to learn a mere dialect of a French province ; but to the scholar,
who was a Welshman, the Breton was almost as familiar as his native
tongue. And it is reported that, even during the late war, those prisoners
confined at Brest who understood Welsh had no difficulty in making
themselves intelligible to the people around them. 2
Again, we have the authority of the Rev. T. Price, in an
excellent digest of the authentic history of Arthur, in support
of the same conclusion. This accumulated testimony makes
out a very strong case ; and an opinion so firmly founded upon
a variety of cogent arguments cannot be devoid of truth.
According to the ignoratio elenchi contained in Dr. Giles's
more candid than courteous fifth proposition, I ought to take
the affirmative side ; but my views on this long agitated ques-
tion differ from all that I have yet seen. Geoffrey's statement
appears to be partially, but not wholly true. In the earlier
1 Quoted from a translation in the Atken&um, No. 425.
2 Athnceum, No. 425, p. 039.
THE CHRONICLES. 299
portions he has probably extended, and perhaps invented, sonic
of the narratives; but still there appears sufficient reason to
believe that the greater part cannot be purely imaginary. It
would be well to inquire, in the first place, whether there are
any statements in the book which may not have been obtained
at home. From the words of Nennius it is abundantly evident
that there were historical records among the Kymry as early
as a.d. 796, that being the earliest date assigned to his history.
His words, as translated by Dr. Giles, are : " I have presumed
to deliver these things in the Latin tongue, not trusting to
my own learning, which is little or none at all, but partly from
writings and monuments of the ancient inhabitants of Britain."
Afterwards he says that he "had derived information from
our ancient traditions ;" and in a subsecpient place writes, " I
have learned another account of this Brutus, from the ancient
books of our ancestors." There are many internal evidences
that Nennius was indebted to Kymric documents, and it is
clearly apparent that there were histories extant of the actions
of the British kings. The Kyvoesi of Merddin, noticed in the
preceding section, gives a list of British kings and princes,
from Rhydderch Hael, a.d. 570 (the Rhydderthan of Nennius)
to Rhys ab Tewdwr, a.d. 1077; this must have been compiled
from some existing history ; and as the list accords exactly
with the authentic history given in the genealogical records of
the British kings, written by the bards, whose duty it was to
keep such records, there is no necessity for any further proof
that the poem was drawn up from trustworthy documents.
Coming down later, we find, on the authority of Geoffrey him-
self, that, prior to being shown the Breton chronicle, his mind
had been fixed upon " the histories of the kings of the Isle of
Britain," whose " achievements were deserving of praise, and
were preserved in writing by a great many people, who found
it a pleasure to speak of them and to bear them in remem-
brance." ' Another fact of considerable significance is the
date at which Caradoc begins his chronicle ; for if there were
not in existence a satisfactory history of the kings preceding
Cadwaladr, it is strange that he should have contented himself
with beginning his chronicle at the time of that monarch's
death. We may therefore set at rest the charge brought
against Geoffrey of having invented the stories which he
1 Translated from the copy given in the first volume of the Cambrian '< gt •
nro those literature.
relates; for the quantity of material in existence rendered
much exercise of the inventive faculties unnecessary. The
story of the Trojan descent was ready ; it is so full in Nennius
that but little else is added to Geoffrey ; and it must have been
fuller in the former's day than he has represented it ; for as it
is absolutely incredible that public curiosity would have been
content with such a skeleton of a recital, his version is more
likely to be an epitome than a story at full length. Much of
the history of Britain under the Romans is written by Nen-
nius, and might have been easily expanded to the length we
find it without Geoffrey's assistance, for the germs of all the
facts stated may be found elsewhere ; but the florid colouring
and scholastic illustrations are undoubtedly his.
Geoffrey might have written a history of the British kings
from native sources of information, and it therefore becomes of
importance to determine whether he did or did not avail him-
self of these. The hypothesis of his being a historian, and not
simply a translator, is opposed to the affirmative supposition,
but Geoffrey's own work supports it. At the beginning of the
seventh book he says : " I had not got thus far in my history,
when the subject of public discourse happening to be concern-
ing Merlin, I was obliged to publish his prophesies ' at the
request of my acquaintance, but especially of Alexander,
Bishop of Lincoln, a prelate of the greatest piety and wisdom."
Here our author is not a translator, but an original historian.
The letter to Alexander brings out this fact still more clearly. In
that he writes : " The regard which I owe to your great worth,
most noble prelate, has obliged me to undertake the translation
of Merlin's prophesies out of British into Latin before I had
made an end of the history winch I had begun concerning the
acts of the British kings. For my design was to have finished
that first, and afterwards to have taken this work in hand ;
lest, by being engaged on both at once, I should be less capable
of attending with any exactness to either." Again he says, in
the eleventh book : " Of the matter now to be treated of, most
1 An interesting fact in connection with Geoffrey is, that in three out of four copies
given in the Myvyrian, what is called the " Great Prediction " of Merddin is wanting.
One only has it; and another, thus appearing to be a later copy, states that the copyist
omits it on account of its length {Myv. Arch. ii. 261). This is the one called " BrutGruff-
ydd ab Arthur," and the prediction is that made before Gwrtheyrn. The same writer
omits "prophwydoliaeth yr Eryr," because he deemed it untrue. — Myv. Area. ii. 124.
THE CIMOXICLES. 301
noble consul, Geoffrey of Monmouth shall be silent; but will
nevertheless, though in a mean style, briefly relate what he
found in the British book above mentioned, and heard from that
most learned historian Walter, Archdeacon of Oxford, con-
cerning the wars which this renowned king, upon his return to
Britain after this victory, waged against his nephew." From
these extracts we deduce several inferences, each utterly
irreconcileable with the notion of his being simply a translator :
1. He has evidently admitted having written an original
history. 2. He has done so with authorities independent of
the Breton chronicle. 3. In embodying supplementary infor-
mation from others he implies that the said book was not as
complete as in the preface it is asserted to have been. 4. And
he gives us clearly to understand that the Breton history was
only followed in the latter part, the rest being Geoffrey's own
work. There are other facts tending to the same conclusion.
In speaking of King Hudibras, he says: "At this place an eagle
spoke while the wall of the town was being built ; and, indeed,
I should have transmitted the speech to posterity had I
thought it true, as the rest of the history." This prediction
still exists ; it is published in the second volume of the Myvyr-
ian Archaiology, and a portion may be seen in Price's Hemes
Cymru (p. 318); it contains allusions to the Normans, and
could not therefore have been found in any book that was very
old in Geoffrey's day ; it is not contained in the Kymric MSS.
of his history ; and therefore it is much more probable that he
met with it in collecting materials for this work than that it
had been woven into any digested narrative. Again, in writing
of Cadwaladr, he alludes to a prediction uttered by Merddin in
the presence of Arthur ; in his account of Arthur there is no
mention made of such an occurrence ; but as, according to
Llwyd's account, a " Prediction of Myrdhyn before Arthyr "
occurs in a MS. called " Y Kwtta Kyvarwydd o Vorganwg," *
which belonged to the cathedral of LlandafF, he probably met
with this also under similar circumstances. The account of the
Flamens and Archiflamens looks like an ecclesiastical fiction ;
and the description of Caerlleon, so graphic and circumstantial,
must have been written much nearer home than Brittany.
1 This may have been the original of the prediction of Merlin to Arthur given in
the Brute named by Sir Frederick Madden in Notes and Queries, July 5, 1856.
302 PROSE LITERATURE.
Numerous other facts countenance the same conclusion ; and
not the least important is the history of the book given by Mr.
Aaron Thompson, of Queen's College, Oxford, a gentleman
who, in 1718, published an English translation of Geoffrey's
work. After stating that Geoffrey was overjoyed when he
received the Breton MS., he states that, " At first he divided it
into four books, written in a plain, simple style, and dedicated
it to Robert, Earl of Gloucester, a copy whereof is said to be
at Bennet College, in Cambridge, which was never yet pub-
lished ; but afterwards he made some alterations, and divided
it into eight books, to which he added the book of Merlin's
Prophesies, which he had also translated from British verse
into Latin prose, prefixing to it a preface and a letter to Alex-
ander, Bishop of Lincoln." The assertion of the translation of
the prophesies from British verse can scarcely be correct, for
no other prophetic verses exist among the Kymry than those
given in the preceding section; and the prediction, as it
appears in Geoffrey, exists only, in one Cambrian MS. of his
history. But passing that by, we still find that our author is
a historian ; for the making of new divisions, alterations, and
additions in the text of a work is utterly inconsistent with the
duties of a translator. These statements as to first and second
editions are strikingly confirmed by the state of the Cambrian
MSS. of this history, three of which have neither the dedica-
tory epistle nor the description of Britain now prefixed to the
later copies of Geoffrey ; one, the Bed Booh of Hergest, in
Jesus College, Oxford, has only the descriptive chapter ; and
one alone, a copy known to have been written in 1613, ha,s
both. We also find the historian continually interrupting the
narrative with his own reflections. In the account of Arthur's
Continental wars, he says that it was a prevailing fault of the
Britons to be eager to assault, but not persevering in following
up the attack ; and at the death of King Careticus he intro-
duces a bitter invective against them. In the English transla-
tion this chapter is marked, " the author upbraids the
Britons," but in the older Kymric MSS. the remarks are very
short; in another they are expanded, and in the latest they
assume their present form ; but in none of these is there any
mark to denote an intended interruption of the narrative.
These facts, revealing more of the original author than of
the translator, tend to throw discredit upon the relation
THE CHRONICLES. 308
respecting the Breton book ; and there are other facts which
strongly confirm our suspicions as to its truth. It is highly
improbable that a book so complete in all respects could have
been written by an author without a name. The force of this
objection has hitherto been evaded by the assertion that the
author was Tyssilio ; but Tyssilio is not known to have written
any such work, and if he had written a British history, we
should not have had to go to Brittany for it. And this argu-
ment becomes still more forcible when the prediction of the
eagle, omitted in translating the Breton work, but which was
said to be delivered long before the advent of Christ, antici-
pated, and was therefore really consequent to, the Norman
conquest. Another argument against accepting the story as
being literally true is rather analogical than direct. In
Geoffrey's day, and for many centuries afterwards — indeed, as
late as the time of the Wizard of the North with Jedediah
Cleisbotham — it was a very usual practice for writers to give
extraordinary accounts of their originals, thus not only blunt-
ing the edge of criticism, but also creating a fictitious interest.
Romance writers did this very frequently ; one Trouvere speak-
ing of his book says :
Much was altered, much was lost, a long, long time ago ;
But blessings on a learned clerk, who sought it out with care,
And wrote it out — ay, verse by verse — until this story rare
"Was saved complete ; and then in book 'twas straightway written fair.
And ken ye where I found it ? 'Twas in an abbey stored ;
So well I wot no lie is here, nor foolish deed or word. 1
Hugh de Rotelande thus begins his " Ypemedon :"
Marvel strange it is, I trow,
That learned clerks, who mickle know
Of divers tongues, should ne'er have sought
This goodly history out and brought
It forth to light, for soothly we
Have almost lost its memory ;
And therefore, ye that are unlearned,
Know that from Latin I have turned
This goodly story, that ye well
May understand it.
1 I am indebted for this and the succeeding extract to the number of the Athciueum
already quoted.
304 PROSE LITERATURE.
And when this was so common a practice that a book was
scarcely considered to be properly ushered to the reading world
without it, it is not going beyond the limits of fair deduction
to say that Geoffrey would probably be influenced thereby. In
.support of this opinion there are several facts of considerable
significance. We have seen that three out of five Cambrian
MSS. have neither preface nor descriptive chapter at the com-
mencement ; one has only the account of Britain ; and as that
is distinctly termed " Y Ragarawd," the prefatory discourse,
we may clearly infer that at the date of what appears to be one
of the earlier of these MSS. no other preface was known to
exist. The Breton story was not therefore as yet in existence.
At the end of the earliest of our manuscript copies of Geoffrey's
work is this entry : " I, Walter, Archdeacon of Oxford, turned
this book from Kymraeg to Latin, and in my old age retrans-
lated it from Latin to Kymraeg ;" l at the end of one that
appears to be later the first translation from Kymraeg to
Latin is omitted, and it is only said that " Walter, Archdeacon
of Oxford, translated it from Latin to Kymraeg, and I (Geoffrey)
turned it back again into Latin ;" 2 and in its latest form the
story is that Walter, Archdeacon of Oxford, brought a book
from Brittany written in the British language, which could
only be translated by one who knew Kymraeg and Latin. 3
Hitherto antiquarians have only had to deal with the last and
moi'e perfect form of the story ; but now that we have its
infancy, youth, and manhood, we may hope for greater results.
The first story is clumsy indeed, and, it will be observed, clashes
in two important points with the last ; in the first Walter
Mapes is endowed with such a knowledge of Kymraeg that, for
want of something else to do, he translates a book into Kym-
raeg, when such a work, according to the story, already existed,
while in the second he knows no Kymraeg at all ; and in the
1 Myfi Gwallter Archiagon Eydychen, a droes y llyfr hwnn o Gymraeg yr Lladin.
Ac yn vy henaint y troes i ef yr ailwaith o ladin ynghymraec. — My v. Arch. vol. ii.
p. 390.
2 Y llyvyr Kymraec hwnw yr hwn a emchweles Gwallter Archdiaon Ryt Ychein
o Ladin eg Kymraee, ac ef ae traethws yn wir ac yn gwbl o istoria e rac dywedigion
Gymry, a henny oil a datemchweleis inlieu o Gymraec en Lladin, ac evelly y terryna
istoria Brut.— Myv. Arch. p. 389-90.
3 Cambrian Register, vol. i. p. 27, and Giles's translation of Geoffrey in Bohn's
edition of Sir Old English Chronicles, p. 292.
THE CHRONICLES. 305
second point the first story gives the book a Cambrian original,
having no reference made to Brittany, while the latter brings
the book from Armorica, and implies that it could not have
been produced at home. We might also make a remark on the
-word "old age." Walter outlived Geoffrey. The second
story clashes with the last in the latter respect as well as in
the former, but differs in giving less prominence to the
Kymric acquirements of the Oxford archdeacon. These facts,
coupled with the fact above noted respecting the preface, show
that various origins had been assigned to the book previously ;
and these gradated assertions, ending in the assignment of an
Armorican source, must show very clearly that Geoffrey was
not unskilled in the art of advertising, and that no dependence
can be placed upon the last version he had been pleased to give
the world as to the antecedents of his history.
Yet does there appear to be something more than the
artifice of the Trouvere in the allusion to this Breton volume,
for several weighty considerations yet require to be satisfied.
These are the following. The narrative of Geoffrey, particu-
larly when it treats of Arthur, his immediate predecessors and
successors, differs most materially in its facts and names from
Nennius and the more authentic Kymric chronicles by being
both more diffuse in some parts, palpably defective in others,
and less minute in all. A portion of these discrepancies has
been ably exhibited by Professor Rees. In the preface to his
most careful and valuable work he says, " It is remarkable
that in all the records of the Britons, both in Welsh and Latin,
before the twelfth century, historical allusions abound, which
are at variance with the narrative of the Armorican chronicle ;
even the most extravagant tales of Nennius are more limited
than those of the late fabulist ; and the various ways in which
the same tales are related by the former prove that in his time
they had not reached the consistency of history, whereas in the
latter there is no hesitation, but every story is told as posi-
tively as if the writer were an eye-witness." 1 So far the dis-
crepancies may be explained by Dr. Dunham's ingenious prin-
ciple for the interpretation of fables: 2 Fables being in their
Roes's Welsh Saints, Preface, viii.
Dunham's Europe in the Middle Ages, vol. iv. p. 61
X
306 PROSE LITERATURE.
character progressive from a short and simple to an expanded
and complex form, acquire additional particulars whenever
related. This fact will explain many historical phenomena,
and demonstrate clearly that many of the legends in Geoffrey
are extensions of those of Nennius, and those of Nennius only
amplifications of the older Gildas; hut in Geoffrey's work
there are difficulties which cannot be thus explained. Some of
these are also well stated by Professor Eees, in a passage full
of pointed reasoning and admirable criticism. His words are :
" Localities are very powerful auxiliaries in forming a construc-
tive history. In this respect the Armorican chronicle is
exceedingly deficient ; for the few localities mentioned in it are
certain towns and places which were well known and flourished
at a late period, proving not only that the record was recent,
but also that it was compiled in a distant country. The scene
of the fable is laid down in Britain, but the places introduced
are such as were of sufficient celebrity to be known abroad.
The events of history do not always occur at distinguished
towns, and it might be expected that places which were cele-
brated in past ages had afterwards become obscure." 1 These
remarks apply with peculiar force to the prominence given to
Caerlleon in the Arthurian romance in Geoffrey ; such an
assertion could not have originated at home, and the fact that
long after Arthur became the hero of Cambrian romance his
palace was fixed in Cornwall shows most clearly that it did not.
Many of the Kymric romances or Mabinogion make no men-
tion of Arthur, and it is evident that some of those in which
his name appears are much earlier than the age of this chro-
nicler ; the earlier and shorter romances, the Dream of Phona-
bwy, St. Greal, and Kilhwch and Olwen, fix the seat of Arthur
at Gelliwig in Cornwall ; in the dialogue between Arthur and
the Eagle, Arthur describes the eagle as one who traverses the
vales of Cornwall, and the eagle terms Arthur leader of the
battles of Cornwall ; in the dialogue between Arthur and
Gwenhwyvar the lady says she had seen him at the long table
of Gelliwig ; and in the longest and latest only, such as Owain,
Peredur, and Geraint, do we find Arthur seated at Caerlleon.
These are not referred to by any bard prior to the appearance
1 Eees's Welsh Saint*. Preface, xi.
THE CHRONICLES. 307
of Geoffrey's work, and were, I believe, written subsequently.
We may therefore infer, from a comparison of the earlier
romances with Geoffrey's chronicle, that the Arthurian portion
of the latter was composed in Brittany. Arthur's history is
much fuller in some respects in Geoffrey than elsewhere, and
singularly deficient in others. The Roman wars of that hero,
so full iii his work, are altogether unknown to the native
legends ; and describing Paris, Burgundy, the Alps, Italy, and
other places unknown to the Kymry, must have been composed
by some person or persons abroad. The same conclusion is
supported by the ignorance shown by the author of Arthur's
Kymric history. In the days of Nennius, or more probably of
Mark the Hermit, his editor, in the tenth century, Arthur was
reported to have fought twelve important battles against the
Saxons ; but only^ve of these are mentioned by Geoffrey, and
only seven if we include two skirmishes in which Arthur was
not present. This will appear more forcible from a comparison
of the two lists of the battles :
Nennius.
Geoffrey.
1 River Glendi or Glem
1 Camlan (Camelford)
2 Duglas region of Linuia
2 Duglas
3 do.
3 Skirmish (Cador, Duke of Corn-
wall, in command)
4 do.
4 Province of Lindisior (Lincoln)
5 do.
G River Bassa
7 Celydon
5 The Wood of Caledon
8 Gurnion Castle
9 Caerlleon
10 Traeth Trevroit
G Skirmish (Cador in command)
11 Breguin (Berwyn)
12 Badan
7 Battle of Bath
Eespecting the battle of Badon Nennius — or we should, I
think, say his editor — states that Arthur bore on his shield the
image of the Virgin, and that he slew with his own .hand nine
hundred and forty men. Geoffrey states the same respecting
the shield, but reduces the number of Arthur's victims to
exactly one-half, or four hundred and seventy. We have seen
that, in relating the story of Arthur and Medrod in Britain, he
has recourse to other authorities than that which had sufficed
x 2
308 PIOSE LITERATURE.
for the account of the hero's Continental wars. In most
Kymric copies there is no remark to this effect ; in the last the
authority is said to be Walter, the archdeacon ; hut in the
earliest Cambrian MS. the truth seems to peep out in the
words, " Here ends the story of Arthur and Medrod," thus, by
the admission of an extra story, implying that some other
authority had been used previously. This ignorance of true
Kymric history again appears still more distinctly as we pro-
ceed. In the following table, where the list of kings given by
Geoffrey is compared with the much more perfect one given in
the poem called the Kyvoesi of Merddin, the discrepancy is
most surprising. Of the three first in Geoffrey's list Kymric
writers know nothing, while our traditions, triads, and historical
documents are shown to be more authentic by the fact that
Nennius names the same persons as the native authorities :
Geoffrey.
The Kyvoesi of Merddin.
Constantine
Rhydderch Hael
Aurelius Conan
Morgan ab Sadurnin
Wortiphorius
Urien Rheged
Malgo
Maelgwn
Careticus ab Gwallog
Rhun, son of Maelgwn
ab Lleenog
Beli, son of Rhun
Iago, son of Beli
Cadvan
Cadvan, son of Iago
Cadwallo
Cadwallon, son of Cadvan
Cadwaladr
Cadwaladr, son of Cadwallon
There is no Careticus known to Kymric history except
Caredig the son of Cunedda Wledig, who gave his name to
Ceredigion (Cardiganshire), and who lived a hundred and fifty
years before Maelgwn's death ; there is therefore a hiatus
of three reigns, of which Geoffrey's authority gives only a most
confused account; and as Nennius had given a better history
of that era, we have no alternative but to admit that our
author was here led astray by some Breton document. Another
trait of foreign origin is the legend of Cadwaladr's death and
canonisation ; Nennius had given an account of his death, and
the Triads relate, with considerable distinctness and minute
fidelity, bis death and its cause ; and therefore, as the story
could not have originated at home, it must have sprung up
among the Kymric fugitives in Armor : ca.
THE CHRONICLES. 300
The explanation of all these facts seems to be a Breton
book. In all the varied stories as to the origin of the history
one fact continually appears — the name of Walter, Archdeacon
of Oxford ; he was a student of antiquities ; it is probable he
may have been in Brittany, and there collected the story of
Arthur's Continental exploits, for he was among the first to
introduce the Kymric romances in a Norman French dress. It
is strange that his name should have been selected, if there
were not some truth in the story ; and it would have been still
more strange if he had permitted his name to be so freely used
without making any remonstrance, unless the assertion was to
some extent correct. We may, therefore, I think, safely conclude
that Geoffrey was less a translator than original author, that
the ecclesiastical and scholastic flourishes are his own, that a
great part of the work was derived from Kymric sources, and
that in the wars of Arthur and the concluding portions he has
borrowed from Armorican traditions, or probably translated
some Breton manuscript.
At this distance of time, when the facts on which opinions
should be based are so very few, we cannot hope to establish
anything further than a considerable degree of probability ; but
if the views advanced above be correct, there could have been
no complete Kymric original of Geoffrey. The earliest of our
MSS., one of which was translated into English in 1811 by the
Rev. Peter Eoberts, are, I should imagine, translations of the
first Latin copy of the history of the British kings.
The proper name of Geoffrey was Geufptdd ab Arthue.
He is supposed to have received his education at the Benedic-
tine monastery near Monmouth, where tradition still points out
a small apartment as his study. He received the designation
Geoffrey of Monmouth from being archdeacon of that place.
After the above lengthened discussion of his history it were
needless to say that he was distinguished for literary attain-
ments. The first of his compositions in point of time is said
to have been a Latin translation of the Prophesies of Merlin,
which he undertook at the request of Alexander, Bishop of
Lincoln ; yet this must be an error, for he expressly states that
he was previously engaged upon his history; but though it was
not the first written, it may have been the first published. It
is possible that it was this which obtained for him the regard
of Walter Mapes. The Historia Britonum came next, a work,
810 PROSE LITERATURE,
says Dr. Giles, "from wlricli nearly all our great vernacular
poets have drawn the materials for some of their noblest works
of fiction and characters of romance." It was dedicated to
Robert, Earl of Gloucester ; and as he died in 1147, must have
been written before that year. A third composition has also
been ascribed to him, the Vita Merlini in Latin hexameter
verse; but the same author asserts that "internal evidence
plainly proves it to be the work of a different author." Geof-
frey's fame therefore rests upon the British history. It is
commonly asserted by English authors that he was consecrated
Bishop of St. Asaph, Feb. 24, 1152 ; but that is an error, the
detection of which is due to the author of the Biographical
Dictionary of Eminent Welshmen. The correct account is given
by the old chronicler Caradoc, who speaks of him in these
terms: "In the year 1152, 1 Galffrai ab Arthur, the domestic
chaplain of William ab Robert (Earl of Gloucester), was made
Bishop (of Llandaff), but before he entered on his office he died
at his house at Llandaff, and was buried in the church there.
He was a man whose equal was not to be found for learning
and science and every godly quality. He was the foster son of
Uchtryd, Archbishop of Llandaff, and his nephew, being his
brother's son; and on account of his learning and science an
archdeaconry was bestowed upon him in the church of Teilo,
at Llandaff, where he was the instructor of many learned men
and nobles." 2
The frequent occurrence of the name of Walter Mapes in
the preceding pages may possibly have created a desire to know
more of him. He was the son of Blondil de Mapes, who came
with Robert Eitzhamon to Glamorgan, and obtained the lands
of Gweirydd ab Seisyllt, lord of Llancarvan ; but he had the
generosity to marry Eflur, the only living child of Gweirydd.
By her Blondil had two sons, Herbert and Walter. Herbert
dying without heirs, Walter inherited after his brother, and
built the village of Tre waiter, with a mansion for himself. He
restored most of the lands of which he became possessed to the
original proprietors ; and he built the church of Llancarvan as
it now stands. He is said to have translated a British chronicle
1 Brut y Saeson and Brut y Tywysogion pi-opcr place his death in 1151. Soo
Myv. Arch. ii. 5G6.
2 My®. Arch. vol. ii. p. 566.
THE CJIJROyiCLES. an
into Latin ; but the truth of the story is doubtful. Dr. Pughe
also asserts that he wrote a treatise on agriculture in Welsh,
"which is extant in several manuscripts. 1 He is known to have
written, about 1170, his Roman des diverses Quotes du saint Graal,
in which the chief heroes of romance, Lancelot, Ywain, Gawain,
Ca i adoc, Galaad, Bort, and Percival, that most worthy of knights
w T ho alone was honoured with success in the search, appear.
This romance was also written in prose ; a singular circum-
stance, for Walter Mapes wrote verse, and it was put into metre
by Chretien de Troyes. Plantagenet, to whom this work was
dedicated, was so pleased with it that he requested a continu-
ation ; and then Walter Mapes wrote La Mort a" Arthur, as a
conclusion of the history of the Round Table. Another favour-
ite romance is also attributed to the prolific pen of this writer,
the Lancelot du Lac. 2 Mr. Leigh Hunt has prettily versified
some lines composed by him.
Caeadoc of Llancarvan is the chronicler most in repute.
He belonged to this age, 3 as we learn from the conclusion of
Geoffrey's history, where he is styled "my contemporary." His
chronicle commences where the other leaves off, at the abdica-
tion of Cadwaladr ; and both writers seem to have been on in-
timate terms. " Of this work," as Mr. Malkin remarks, "there
were several copies preserved in the abbeys of Conway and
Ystrad Fflur, which generally agreed in matter, but differed in
their phraseology and the period of their terminations. This
apparent variance may be reconciled by supposing that such
copies were so many different editions written by him, and dis-
tributed in the course of his life, which terminated, according
to some accounts, in the year 1156 ; 4 but probably the time of
his death is taken for granted, because he ended his collections
with that year. One of his works, printed in the Welsh Archai-
olocjy, comes down to the year 1196; but David Powel, who
1 Cambrian Biography, p. 341.
2 I am indebted for these particulars to the Athcnwum, No. 426.
3 Caradoc, if the hermit and the historian are the same man, died in 1124. See
Giraldus.
4 This is said in the My v. Arch. ii. 389 : " Oed Crist pan fu farw Caradoc 1156.
Mae er hynny hyd heddyw 457 o ilwyddau." G-eiriau ar ymyl Ysgrif A o Vrut Sieffrey.
This copy must have been written in 1613 ; but it is singular that no notice of his
death occurs in any of the Welsh chronicles. The above date, however, cannot be
right ; for if the Brut be any authority, he died before Geoffrey, who speaks of him
in the past tense, "he was my contemporary." Geoffrey died 1152 or 1154.
312 PROSE LITERATURE.
corrected, augmented, and continued Humphrey Lloyd's trans-
lation, accounts for this circumstance by informing us that these
successions and acts of the British princes were afterwards aug-
mented yearly, and compared together every third year by the
bards in their progress from one abbey to the other at the time
of their triennial visitation. This species of register was con-
tinued in those abbeys till the year 1 280, two years before the
death of the last Llewelyn. There is another copy extant which
contains the whole down to this latest period, but still without
distinction of Caradoc from his continuator. In David Powel's
time, which was that of Queen Elizabeth, there were at least
one hundred copies dispersed over Wales ; and when we con-
sider that all these agreed in everything, but in form and literal
phrase, and that Humphrey Lloyd inserted what was defective
and corrected what was discordant from the authorities of
Matthew Paris and Nicholas Trivet, we may reasonably believe
that the present translation, improved as it is from records and
authors consulted by David Powel, forms a sufficiently authentic
compendium of Welsh antiquities." l
After Caradoc's chronicles the most important document
pertaining to this era is the Liber Landavensis, or Book of
Teilo. The able historical sketch prefixed to it by the learned
editor renders it unnecessary for me to do more than offer a
few general remarks on its contents. It gives a minute account
of the lives and fortunes of the Bishops of Llandaff for nearly
five hundred years, ending about 1132. As might have been
anticipated, it is full of monastic legends, many of them
puerile, but all instructive when rightly considered. The
document is evidently authentic, as the writer narrates some
singular facts, strikingly illustrative of the age, but reflecting
no great credit on the honesty and disinterestedness of the
order, without the least consciousness that they would be cen-
sured by less reverent readers. It portrays in graphic sentences
the manners of the times, the abject superstition of the people,
the complete subjugation of princes and chieftains to clerical
despotism, and the extraordinary ascendency which the Papal
clergy had obtained over the minds of men. It is a book
which the student of history should read ; his opinion of the
dignity of the human nature may perhaps be lowered by
1 South Wales, vol. i. p. 194, and Owen's Cambrian Biography, p, 40.
PROSE LITERATURE. 318
observing how abject it Lad become ; but his aspirations for
human perfectibility will be encouraged by seeing that men
emerged out of even that chaos ; and in any case he cannot
rise from its perusal without being a wiser, and mayhap a
better, man. This volume has lately been published by the
Welsh MSS. Society, and is graced by the beautiful typography
which has earned a deserved celebrity for the Llandovery
Press.
Pertaining to the same period is the chronicle called Brut y
Saeson, which, say the editors of the Myvyrian Archaiolog ;/ ,
was so termed " not because that it was peculiarly a history of
the Saxons, but from its connecting with the affairs of Wales
a general review of the transactions of all Britain." 1 Llwyd
mentions a MS. giving an account of " the wonderful times
from the reign of Vortigern to that of Llewelyn ab Gruffydd ;"
and another " chronicle from the beginning of the world to
the year 1200."
Edetrn Davod Auk, or Edeyrn the Golden-tongued, lived
during the thirteenth century, and wrote a work on British
prosody. This ancient Cambrian grammar was written at the
injunction and desire of Llewelyn ab Gruffydd (Prince of Wales
from 1254 to 1282), Rhys Vychan, lord of Dynevor and
Ystrad Towy, and Morgan Vychan, lord paramount of Glamor-
gan. Among the contents of the MS. called " Y Kwtta
Kyvarwydd " is or was an old treatise on geometry. Ivan ab
y Diwlith is said 2 to have written a treatise on the Kymric
metres. Besides these, the Welsh MSS. Society has been
recommended to publish the following :
Llyfr Coch Llanelwy, or the Eed Book of St. Asaph.
Chronicles of Wales, in the Lambeth Library.
Chuonicles of Wales in the thirteenth century, compiled in the
Abbey of Strata Florida; in the Record Office.
The inedited matter of the Llyfr Coch o Hergest, in the Library of
Jesus College, Oxford.
ReGISTEUM PeIORATUS DE BRECKNOCK.
Ancient Records from the time of Edward III., belonging to the
Manor Court of Ruthin.
Meddygon Myddfai, or a compendium of the Medical practice of the
celebrated Rhnvallon and his sons, Cadwgan, Gruffydd, and Einion, of
1 M//'-. Arch. vol. ii. p. 7. - Iolo Manuscripts, p. 88.
3] 4 PROSE LITERATURE.
Myddvai, Carmarthenshire, Physicians to Khys Gryg, lord of Dynevor and
Ystrad Towy, son of Rhys ab Gruffydd, a.d. 1230. 1
The last volume promises to be a treat ; for if the whole be
as full of good seuse as the last sentence, quoted by Llwyd, the
work of these Cambrian Esculapii embodies much shrewd
observation. Besides these, there is now in the press, edited
by the Rev. W. J. Rees, compiled from ancient manuscripts,
The Lives of the Welsh Saints. 2
The preceding pages will have exhibited great mental
activity among the Kymry. In the poetical department the
remains are numerous ; but the scarcity of prose literature
leaves room for doubt that in a period of so much intellectual
labour there must have been other prose compositions than
have come down to us. The proofs of this are by no means
scanty ; and it is clear from Llvvyd's catalogue of Cambrian
MSS. that many valuable relics have either been lost or have
not yet seen the light. Through the instrumentality of the
Welsh MSS. Society we trust that many of the documents
known to exist may be made public.
Having now shown the existence, nature, and extent of the
prose literature of Wales, our attention will next be profitably
given to the influence it exerted over that of other countries.
It is not here intended to treat at length of the influence of
Kymric tradition, the full consideration of that being left
until we come to speak of the Mabinogion, but only of the
immediate influence of Geoffrey's work upon his contemporaries.
It is pretty generally known that the Brut cVAnglelerre of
Maister Wace is a translation of Geoffrey's history; but it
has not until recently been surmised that many English
authors drew largely from Cambrian sources. Now, it is con-
ceded that Layamon in his Brut, a work of great power, has
drawn liberally from Geoffrey, and also from other sources.
The admission has recently been made by an English author,
whom it would be but fair to quote in his own words. After
stating that Layamon had borrowed from Geoffrey, he goes on
to say —
That Layamon was indebted for some of these legends to Welsh
1 Published by the Welsh MSS. Society in 1851. The Grammar of Edeym Davod
Aur was issued under tho auspices of the same society in 1856. — Er>.
2 This work appeared in 1853. — Ed.
PIÌOSÜ LITERATURE. 315
sources not recorded in Geoffrey of Monmouth, or Wace, is scarcely to be
questioned; and they supply an additional argument in support of the
opinion that the former was not a mere inventor. Many circumstances
incidentally mentioned by Layamon are to be traced to British origin — as
for instance, the notice of Queen Judon's death, the mention of Taliesin
ami his conference with Kimbelin, the traditionary legends relative to
Arthur, the allusions to several prophesies of Merlin, and the names of
various personages who do not appear in the Latin or French. References
are occasionally made to works extant in the time of Layamon, but which
are not now to be recognised. 1
From this fact we are of course justified in concluding that
the Kyniric literature of this period was much more copious
and valuable than our scanty remarks would have led us to
anticipate. But Sir Frederick Madden is not the only English
critic who has recently shown a disposition to do justice to the
early literature of the Kymry, for I lately had the pleasure of
reading the following paragraph in the pages of the profound
and erudite Quarterly. I make no apology for quoting the
opinions of these eminent critics ; for, circulating" only among
the higher ranks and literary circles, they can only be ren-
dered accessible to the general reader by quotation. In the
article on " Antiquarian Club Books " the writer 2 states :
"We cannot conclude our remarks without a few words on the obliga-
tions of our literature and that of all "Western Europe to a writer whom it
has been greatly the fashion to abuse — Geoffrey of Monmouth. We leave
entirely out of question the truth or falsehood of his narrative. Scarcely
a Welshman of the old school could now be found to vouch for Brutus's
colonisation of Britain ; though we dare say it is to the full as true as the
settlement of Italy by iEneas, and many other things gravely recorded by
Livy and Dionysius of Halicarnassus. The merit of Geoffrey consists in
having collected a body of legends highly susceptible of poetic embellish-
ment, which, without his intervention, might have utterly perished, and
interwoven them in a narrative calculated to exercise a wonderful influence
on national feelings and national literature. The popularity of the work
is proved by the successive adaptation of Wace, Layamon, Robert of
Gloucester, Mannyng, and others, and its influence on the literature of
Europe is too notorious to be dwelt upon. It became, as Mr. Ellis well ob-
serves, one of the corner-stones of romance ; and there is scarcely a tale of
chivalry down to the sixteenth century which has not directly or in-
1 Sir Frederick Maddon's edition of Layamon, Preface, vol. i. p. xii.
2 The late Rev. Richard Garnett.
816 PROSE LITERATURE.
directly received from it much of its colouring. Some matter of fact
people, who would have mercilessly committed the whole of Don Quixote's
library to the flames, Palmerin of England included, may perhaps think
this particular effect of its influence rather mischievous than beneficial.
We are far from sympathising with such a feeling. Whatever might be the
blemishes of this species of literature, it was suited to the taste and ac-
quirements of the age, and tended to keep up a high and honourable tone
of feeling that often manifested itself in corresponding actions. Above all,
we must not forget that it is to the previous existence of this class of com-
positions that we are indebted for some of the noblest productions of
human intellect. If it were to be conceded that Wace, Layamon, and the
whole cycle of romances of the Round Table, might have been consigned
to oblivion without any serious injury to the cause of literature, we may be
reminded that Don Quixote certainly, and Ariosto's Orlando most probably,
arose out of them. Perhaps Gorboduc and Ferrex and Porrex might not
be much missed from the dramatic literature of Europe ; but what should
we think of the loss of Lear and Cymbeline ? Let us, then, thankfully re-
member Geoffrey of Monmouth, to whom Shakespeare was indebted for
the groundwork of those marvellous productions, and without whose
Ilistoria Britonimi we should probably never have had them. A spark
is but a small matter in itself, but it may serve to kindle a " light for all
nations." l
Leaving Geoffrey, now that justice has been done to him,
to rest in peace, I shall conclude this section with a short
sketch of the intellectual characteristics and habits of the
Kymry, as drawn by the graphic and not unfriendly hand of
Giraldus. Pictures of national manners are always interesting,
and become much more so wheu the manners are those of a
remote age portrayed by the hand of a contemporary, inti-
mately acquainted with the people and with opportunities in
abundance to form just estimates. The description is lengthy,
graphic, and complete, but, on account of having already quoted
so freely, I shall confine the extracts to what has reference to
the intellectual condition of the Kymry at the end of the
twelfth and beginning of the thirteenth century. The descrip-
tion is to the following purport :
They were a people of acute and subtle genius. In civil causes and
actions they exerted all the powers of rhetoric ; and in the conduct of these
their talents for insinuation, invention, and refutation were conspicuous.
In rhythmical songs, and in extemporary effusions, they are said to be ex-
1 Quarterly Review for March 1848, p. 230.
PROSE LITERATURE. 317
cellent, both in respect to invention and elegance of style ; and for these
purposes bards were appointed ; but beyond all other rhetorical ornatl
they preferred the useof alliteration, and that kind more especially which
repeats the first letters or syllables of words. They made so much use of
this ornament in every finished discourse that they thought nothing ele-
gantly spoken without it.
In private company, or in seasons of public festivity, they were
very facetious in their conversation, with a view of entertaining the
company and displaying their own wit. And persons of lively parts,
sometimes in wild and sometimes in sarcastic terms, under the
cover of a double meaning, by a peculiar turn of voice, or by the
transposition of words, Avere continually uttering humorous or satirical
expressions.
The lowest of the people, as well as the chieftains, were indebted
to natiire for a certain boldness of speech, and an honest confidence in
giving answers to great men on matters of business or in the presence of
princes. 1
These facts, coupled with the literature which we have
already passed in review, give us an elevated conception of the
Kymric character of the time of Llewelyn ab Iorwerth, and
fully justify the conclusion arrived at by M. Augustin Thierry, 2
that the Welsh were the most civilised and intellectual people
of that age.
1 Warrington's Translation, History of Wales, pp. 166-7, vol. i.
2 History of the Norman Conquest, Whittaker'a edition, p. 159.
318 HISTORY OF LITERATURE
CIIAPTEE III.
SECTION I.
HISTORY OF LITERATURE FROM A.D. 1080 TO A.D. 13 22.
Upon casting a cursory glance over what we have written, the
reader is invited to consider two facts : — First, the number of
compositions produced within the time included between the
arrival of Gruffydd ab Kynan and the death of Sir Gruffydd
Llwyd, as compared with preceding periods ; and secondly,
their marked superiority. The sixth century formed one strik-
ing era in our literary history; but from the abdication of
Cadwaladr, towards the middle of the seventh century, to the
recovery of his patrimony by Gruffydd ab Kynan in the year
1080, we have only a few poems to show, and those of no great
merit ; nor have we much reason to believe that there were
many poems produced during that period. Bat towards the
commencement of the twelfth century a host of bards make
their appearance, the compositions are of a superior character,
literature becomes an honourable calling, and princes enter the
arena of poetic contests. Such are the facts ; what are their
causes ?
Not the least perplexing problem which offers itself, and
demands solution at the hands of the historian, is the very
striking change sometimes observable in the characters of
nations ; and the reader of Kymric history in the eleventh cen-
tury, without having examined the tendencies of the agents
then at work, will be but ill prepared for the phenomena exhi-
bited in the succeeding century. The discord of centuries had
been healed, the lassitude of ages had been replaced by ac-
tivity and energy, petty animosities had been quelled, rulers of
FROM A.D. 1080 TO A.B. 1822. 810
ability overawed the turbulence of their subjects, and all
seemed eager to forget personal enmities to further the national
good. Great occasions develope great actors; and never was
the influence of commanding talent and individual magnani-
mity more wonderfully exemplified, or more generally benefi-
cial, than in the destinies of Wales during the two hundred
and fifty years which we here pass in review. Never had
Wales been placed in more imminent peril, never had the
power of England been so united and so overwhelming, never
had it been directed by so much ability ; but with the danger
rose the capacities of the Kymry, and the successive and suc-
cessful repulses of the vast armaments of England afford unde-
niable proofs of skill and valonr. An insignificant nation, an
obscure people, and a scorned race in a few years carved out
for itself an honourable position among the nations of Europe.
It rose above itself, and rivalled the cherished glories of ancient
Greece ; — alas that it should have been the transient glare of
the setting sun ! Laws were cheerfully obeyed, the call to
arms was readily responded to, industry was promoted, and
order reigned over the whole Principality. Progress in one
department generally betokens improvement mothers; and the
same age which witnessed the military prowess of the Kymry
formed what has been termed, without regard to strict pro-
priety, the second Augustan era of their literature.
The causes of these changes may be divided into two
classes — general causes affecting the civilised world generally,
and special causes in the personal characters of the Kymric
princes.
When Gruffydd ab Kynan returned from Ireland, the old
world was beginning to awake from what Heeren pithily terms
the sleep which threatened to be its last ; and Europe was
about to assume another aspect. Such periods are not un-
frequent in human history ; for we find there periods of rest
and periods of activity. For some time the world will be full
of vitality ; then comes the night at the close of day, the hour
of rest, which again in its turn gives place to the renewed toil
of the morrow. Our essay opens with one of these morrows.
Europe had long been asleep ; there were no evidences of
energy and greatness, but on all sides there lay laziness and
littleness. Parvanimity had set its mark on everything. Men
were idle, books were unknown, and the wars of no account ;
320 HISTORY OF LITERATURE
but the morrow morn appears, and Gregory VII. announces
the coming of a new era. Hildebrand infused his own
energy into the great minds of Europe ; and contemporary
with him we find the names of Scotus, Roscelin, and Abelard
standing up for the liberty of thought and speech. At the same
time there was a movement on foot to establish boroughs and
diffuse public political power.
In all things we find movement. The arts flourished,
sciences were studied, knowledge became more diffused, and a
spirit was evoked whose beneficial labours have come down to
the present day, and pervade the whole of our social constitu-
tion.
When once the potent spirit of revolution is set at work, it
is impossible to define the limits of its operations ; it seizes
hold of everything that comes within its reach, and employs
all things to accomplish new ends. Our knowledge is multi-
plied, new facts come to light, and the vast capacities of human
nature are developed to their fullest extent. The enlightened
reader is aware that at this period Europe was studded with
numerous nations of different origin, whose presence became
more and more known as the decline of the Roman Empire
became more and more apparent. At this period the Latin
language was the medium of communication between the
learned men of various countries ; but we now perceive the
languages of the common people forcing themselves into the
literature of the day. " Another epoch," says Ranke, " soon
proclaimed itself in the national tongues, almost everywhere
rising into importance at the same period. The idiom of the
church gradually gave place to them, as they slowly but
steadily forced their way into the manifold departments of in-
tellectual activity. The common ties that bound nations toge-
ther began to be dissolved, and there followed a separation in a
higher sense than before. Up to this time the ecclesiastical
element had overpowered the nationalities ; it had altered their
character and position ; but now that they again assumed each
its own distinct place, they entered upon a new career." l And
the necessary consequence of the protrusion of new languages
was the formation of a new literature more consonant with the
spirit of the age than that of the Church. The literary his-
tory of England, France, Italy, Spain, and Portugal date from
this period; the Romance Provencal and the Romance Wallon,
1 Eanke's History of the Pojcs, vol. i. p. 34.
FROM .1.7). 1080 TO A.D. 1322. 321
as M. de Sismondi terms the languages of the South and North
of France, originated in these centuries ; and, if we except
Spain, no other European nation had previous to the twelfth
century anything deserving the name of literature.
The Kymry were better prepared than most other European
nations for the impulse which was now being given to every
species of intellectual effort. They had among them an order
of bards already numerous and well disciplined, and a language
which was in use in all its fulness and richness among all
classes of the people; and as a necessary consequence their
literature became superior, more copious, and richer than that
of any contemporaneous nation. In England and on the Con-
tinent the chief literature is composed of chronicles and
romances, while in Wales the fabulous literature so prized by
others was in no great repute, but gave way to the public pre-
ference for the more laboured and artistic productions of the
bards. But besides chronicles, romances, poems of various
characters, and Mabinogion, they had a large collection of
moral and historical triads, and were in the habit of holding
periodical Eisteddvods, where the bards and musicians dis-
played their skill to admiring critics. The Kymric princes
busied themselves to reform the laws, improve the popular
manners, patronise literary meetings, build castles, and disci-
pline their armies, and were in no respect, with regard to
knowledge or necessary art, inferior to their neighbours. Not
only were they equal to other princes in these acquirements,
but they have also claims to superiority, which are forcibly
stated by the Rev. Thomas Price :
But while the Kymry were as far advanced in these respects as their
neighbours, they excelled them in other things — particularly in the com-
position of their poetry and in the cultivation of their language. For
while other nations were nearly destitute of regular languages, and strug-
gling to form new tongues under excessive difficulties, the Kymry were
possessed of a copious and expressive language, which had been polished
by the intelligence of many centuries, and was now the treasury of a rich
bardic literature, which had taken root among them from time immemorial.
Consequently when this stimulus came, instead of having to frame a new
language, they had one ready formed ; and that now found embodiment in
the polished diction of a classic literature. 1
1 Hanes Cymru, p. 536
F
322 HISTORY OF LITERATURE
The age was one of general activity ; and not the least in-
teresting feature manifested among the Kymry was the fre-
quent occurrence of feasts, fetes, and congresses. We have
already noticed the Eisteddvodau said to have been held by
Cadwaladr, Asserius Menevensis, and Bleddyn ab Kynvyn. 1
These occurred prior to the time treated of here ; but subse-
quently a considerable impetus had been given to such meetings
by Rhys ab Tewdwr, who assumed the sovereignty of South
Wales in 1077. On his return to Wales from Brittany, "he
brought with him the system of the Round Table, which at
home had become quite forgotten, and he restored it as it is
with regard to minstrels and bards, as it had been at Caerlleon
upon Usk, under the Emperor Arthur, in the time of the
sovereignty of the race of the Kymry over the Island of Bri-
tain and its adjacent islands ; and it was placed under the
protection of the church of Cattwg in the Yale of Neath, in
Glamorgan, which was from the time of St. Teilo possessed of
the privilege, ecclesiastically confirmed, that neither war nor
weapons of slaughter could be brought into the parish of
Cattwg*, neither by the people of the adjacent country or any
other whatever, under bond and pledged hand throughout all
districts of the Isle of Britain. And then, after placing the
system under the protection of the Church, an honourable
Eisteddvod was held by proclamation of a year and a day, to
which an invitation was given, under the protection of the
State, to all bards to assemble in the hall of the church, where,
according to the royal institution of the Round Table, degrees
were conferred on the chiefs of song, and gifts and presents
made them, as in the time of the Emperor Arthur. And after
being there forty days, all returned to their houses." 2
The splendid Eisteddvod held in 1100 at Caerwys (North
Wales), under the auspices of King Gruffydd ab Kynan, has
been already described (p. 57).
Soon after, in 1107, we find it stated that " Cadwgan ab
Bleddyn, Prince of South Wales, had a great feast in Cardigan
Castle during the Christmas holidays, to which he invited the
1 See the History of Eisteddvods, Cambro-Briton, iii. 112; also Cyfrinach y
Brirdd, Preface, pp. 3-10, and pp. 213, 218, 221, 223, 228, 238-40 of the same work;
Híiìics Cymru, and Mo MSS.
2 Iolo Manuscripts, p. 630.
llìOM A.D. L08Ö TO A.D. 1322. 323
princes and chieftains of all parts of Wales, and by way of
showing every respect to his guests, he invited the best bards,
singers, and musicians in all Wales, and set chairs for them,
and instituted contests between them, as was the practice at the
feasts of King Arthur. Aud having given them laws and pri-
vileges, and honourable gifts, they all departed for their respec-
tive homes. And each one who had been there returned laden
with honours." 1 Not long after that, we find another Eistedd-
vod in South Wales ; and indeed it would seem that there was
more respect paid to the bards in the South than in the North,
since most of these congresses were held under the auspices
of the South Wallian princes. The next statement runs
thus :
After recovering his lands (in. 1135), Gruffydd ab Rhys had a lar^e
feast ] repared in Ystrad Tywi, whither he invited all to come in peace from
North Wales, Powys, South . Wales, Glamorgan, and the Marches. And
he prepared everything that was good in meat and drink, wise conversa-
tions, songs, and music; and welcomed all poets and musicians; and in-
stituted various plays, illusions and appearances, and manly exercises. And
to that feast there came Gruffydd ab Kynan and his sons, and many chief-
tains of various parts of Wales; and the least was kept up for forty days,
when all were allowed to depart, and the bards, musicians, learned men,
and performers of every sort were honourably rewarded. 2
This, however, is not the only admirable trait that we find
mentioned of these times ; for the old chronicler goes on to
mention another fact, strongly illustrative of the prevalent in-
telligence, and creditable to both the Welsh princes, Gruffydd
ab Kyman and Gruffydd ab Rhys :
After the feast, Gruffydd ab Ehys invited the wise men and scholars,
and consulting them instituted rule and law on every person within his
dominions; and fixed a court in every cantrev, and au inferior court in
every commot. Gruffydd ab Kynan did the same thing in North Wales;
and the Normans and Saxons, sorry to see this, made complaint against
these princes to King Stephen, who, stating that he knew not where the
blame lay, declined to interfere.
In connexion with the Roll of Rhys ab Tewdwr there is a
somewhat singular story told in the Iolo Manuscripts; and as
it is countenanced by Iorwerth Vynglwyd's elegy on the cele-
1 Caradoc, Myv. Arch. vol. ii. p. 537.
2 Caradoc's Chronicle, Myv. Arch. vol. ü. p. /ì/ìs.
v 2
324 HISTORY OF LITERATURE
brated bard Llawdden, it probably contains some truth : "And
Iestyn, the son of Gwrgan, Prince of Glamorgan, took the Roll
of the Round Table with him to his new castle in Cardiff,
under a claim that he was prince of the territory — namely, that
of the church and parish of Cattwg, in his dominion — and that
the custody of the Roll belonged to him. And because the
court of Caerlleon upon Usk, which was the court of Arthur,
was within his dominions, he asserted that his court was that
of Arthur continued down to his time ; and so he took the Roll
by fraud and by force to Cardiff Castle ; and he suffered for
that ; for Rhys made a hostile expedition against Iestyn, the
son of Gwrgan, and defeated him in the battle of Cadlas.
Upon which Iestyn, the son of Gwrgan, sent to Robert Fitzha-
mon and the Normans for assistance against Rhys, and slew
him in the battle of Cynllwyn Du (the black treachery). But
the foreigners having heard what Iestyn had done of violence
and devastation, took from him his castle and his territory, and
expelled him. After that Robert, Earl of Gloucester, the son
of Henry, the son of the Red King (William Rufus), married
Mabli, the daughter of Robert Fitzhamon, and received the
lordship of Glamorgan in right of his wife. He gave presents
to the bards in Tir I aril ; and in a hall of his there he placed
the Roll of the Round Table, in the custody of the bards of the
Island of Britain ; and from that the two systems were united —
namely, that of the White Stones and that of the Round Table —
as they exist there at present ; so that with the bards of the
chair of Tir Iarll, more especially than any of the poets of
Wales, are the principal systems preserved in their complete-
ness to this day." l
Forty years afterwards we find mention of another great
feast which took place in South Wales ; and it is scarcely
necessary to inform the reader of the preceding pages that the
interval is by no means destitute of intellectual wealth. This
was held in 1177, under the auspices of the Lord Rhys, the
son of the Gruffydd abRhys ab Tewdwr already mentioned, and
who died 1136. It is described as follows : 2
And the Lord Rhys made a great feast at the Castle of Cardigan, when
he instituted two species of contests — one between the bards and poets,
1 lulv MSS. p. 631. " Caratloe's Chronicle, Myv. Arch. ii. p. 574.
FROM A.D. 1080 TO A.I). 1322. 325
and another between the harpers, pipers, and those who played upon the
Crwth. There were also vocal contests. And he placed two chairs for
the successful competitors, whom he enriched with honourable gifts. And
it appeared that in this contest the bards of North Wales got the prize
for poetry, while a young man belonging to Khys's own household was ad-
judged to have excelled in the powers of harmony. The others were
liberally rewarded, so that no one went away with any cause of complaint.
And this feast was announced a full year before it took place, in Wales,
England, Scotland, and Ireland, and many other countries.
Much of the excellence of the native literature is undoubtedly
due to this enlightened patronage on the part of the Cambrian
princes ; and this will be still more apparent when we reflect on
the intimacy which subsisted between the princes and some of
the abler bards. We find this frequently in the poems of
Kynddelw, in his address to Howel ab Owain, and in the poem
addressed to the Lord Ehys, and particularly in the poem
where Meilir describes his interviews with Gruffydd ab
Kynan :
Yfais gan deyrn o gym eurawc.
I drank in golden horns from the hands of the king.
Another portion of this poem leads to the belief that the
bards were numerous at that period, and that the king was
popular among, them :
Gan gerddau cyhoedd oedd ardderchawc
Ü ysgewin barth hyd borth Efrawc.
In public songs he was honoured
From Portskewitt to the gate of York.
They were, it would seem, numerous, and somewhat disorderly,
for we find that Gruffydd took in hand the work of prescribing
rules for their observance. He formed a code of rewards and
punishments, and he divided the bards into three classes —
poets, family bards, and migratory bards. He also fixed the
scale of remuneration for their labours, which was as follows :
three shillings and fourpence to every disciple for a poem, and
six shillings and ninepence to every master of song for a poem.
He also was the first to order the formation of chairs for the
victors in bardic contests, who were ever afterwards honour-
ably distinguished as chair bards. These regulations were
made at the Eisteddvod held at Caerwys, a.d. 1100, for the
purpose of making rules and regulations for the govern-
326 HISTORY OF LITERATURE
ment of Welsh minstrelsy. Carnhuanawc disputes the pro-
priety of this date, yet gives no more probable one himself;
but however the date may be fixed, it is pretty certain that
such an Eisteddvod did take place, and that the bards and
musicians were thenceforth placed under more efficient con-
trol.
At the period we treat of Wales possessed a series of great
men in Gruffydd ab Kynan, Owain Gwynedd, Owain Kyveiliog,
Gruffydd ab Rhys, Rhys ab Gruffydd, Llewelyn ab Iorwerth, and
Llewelyn ab Gruffydd. Indeed, the world at this time seems to
have been unusually favoured with distinguished chai-acters ;
for the Henries and Edward I., Kings of England, were also
men of much more than average ability. Of the Cambrian
princes Llewelyn ab Iorwerth deserves especial mention, as the
stability of the country during his reign (from 1194 to 1240)
was essentially conducive to its literary eminence. The reins
of government were no longer in the hands of incapable rulers ;
turbulent vassals learned their true position with respect to a
sovereign of commanding talent, and the power of Llewelyn
was acknowledged even by the refractory Princes of Powys.
When rebellion reigned throughout the land, and when the
throne was the prize of daring, the social ties which bind com-
munities together were loosened ; men had not the conscious-
ness of security essential to literary exertions ; and the moral
influence of superior minds was unfelt, because it did not exist.
But now that a succession of great men had restored stability
and order, strengthened the regal authority, and established a
prestige of power, the elements of convulsion subsided, anarchy
ceased, and men conscious of personal security could listen with
pleasure to the songs of the bards, who flourished, increased,
and improved under the genial influence of regal dominion and
public intelligence.
Llewelyn ab Gruffydd, his successor, and the last Prince of
Wales, though apparently less energetic, was a man of great
intelligence and ability. He ascended the throne in 1 246, and
is said to have composed some Englynion himself; his corre-
spondence with the Archbishop of Canterbury and Edward I.
must give all who read it an exalted conception of his mental
capacity. The bards who flourished during his reign are not
numerous, though we do not in him find any lack of ad-
ministrative talent. The standing army of Llewelyn ab
FROM A.D. 1080 TO A.D. 1822. 327
Iorwerth, described by Kynddehv, was an indication of power
and stability ; and the following statement of the character of
the Cambrian army, by Matthew of Westminster, is no less
illustrative of ability in Llewelyn ab Gruffydd :
The Welsh army consisted of twelve thousand armed cavalry, and a
far greater number of infantry, al] confederated, and having sworn upon
the Gospel to fight courageously and faithfully, even unto death, for the
liberty of their country and the preservation of their own laws, and
that an honourable death was preferable to an uuhappy and dishonourable
existence.
This chivalrous feeling- prevailed among* the people, and has
found an embodiment in both their lighter and more elaborate
literature.
In addition to the special influence of the Kymric rulers,
there came in at this period the religious sentiment, which pre-
cipitated so many thousands of men into the Crusades. This
sentiment is not very apparent in the more classic poetry of
Wales, though we find from Elidir Sais that it had taken deep
root in the public mind :
Respecting the grave of Christ, there is sorrow;
The infidels have taken possession of it,
And ravage the land —
The Saracen oppressors under Saladin ;
and it is inconsistent with the knowledge of the influence of
these wars upon the literature of other countries to suppose
that the poetry of the Kymry was not affected thereby.
The death of Llewelyn damped the ardour of the Cambrian
poets, who had no longer the exalted theme of national inde-
pendence to give them inspiration. Two poets only have left
elegies on his death ; and the bards are equally silent upon
other topics, so that the period which will be embraced by this
chapter is somewhat barren of literary fruit. This fact has
been explained in two ways — First, by supposing that many of
the bards were hanged by order of Edward I. ; and second, by
the supposition that many Welsh MSS. were sent to the Tower
of London for the use of the Cambrian princes there imprisoned,
and there destroyed by one Ysgolan. We shall briefly examine
both of these statements.
T. The belief that Edward massacred the bards, on account
of the great influence they possessed among their countrymen,
HISTORY OF LITERATURE
is founded on a statement by Sir John Wynn, of Gwedir, which
runs as follows :
This is the most ancient song (i.e. one of Rhys Goch of Eryri's, a
bard who flourished A.D. 1400) I can find extant of my ancestors since
Edward I., Avho caused all our bards to be hanged by martial law, as
stirrers of the people to sedition, whose example, being followed by the
governors of Wales until Henry IV.'s time, was the utter destruction
of that sort of men ; and sithence that kind of people were at some further
liberty to sing, and to keep pedigrees, as in ancient times they were
wont ; since which time we have light of antiquity by their songs and
writings. 1
This paragraph is full of mistakes. The poem of Ehys
Goch is stated to be the most ancient after the time of Llewel-
yn ; and yet I shall presently introduce the reader to several of
the following : Gruffydd ab yr Ynad Coch, Bleddyn Yardd,
Madawg Dwygraig, Casnodyn, Hywel ab Einion Lygliw,
Davydd ab Gwilym, Iolo Goch, Gruffydd Llwyd, Gruffydd
Gryg, and particularly Gwilym Ddu ; this order of men could
not therefore have been destroyed. The statement that Edward
caused all the bards to be hanged does not appear to be sup-
ported by a single contemporary historian ; and it is probable
that the worthy baronet was led to form this conclusion from
knowing that Edward had issued an edict against the bards.
Aware of this fact, and not having met with many poems be-
longing to that period, he ranged the two facts as cause and
effect, or rather as the major and minor premisses of a syllogism,
and inferred that all the bards had been hanged. The facts
that all the poets were not hanged, that the poems are not so
scarce as he fancied, and that the law issued by Edward ordains
no such punishment, go very far to invalidate this conclusion.
In the introduction to the second chapter I have enumerated
the various laws passed by Edward I., Henry IV., Henry
VIII., and Elizabeth, all of which were passed not to injure
the orderly bards, but to protect them from the excesses of the
wandering vagabonds who plundered the people by their de-
mands for " Cymmortha." All these edicts are discriminative ;
the bardd teulu and the prydydd, the men from whom we have
received all our specimens of orthodox bardism, are not cen-
1 BiUTingtuu's edition of Sir John Wynn's History of the Gwedir Family, p. 386.
FROM A.I). 1060 TO A.D. ' 1322. 329
sured at all, and the whole weight falls upon the idle and wan-
dering portion. The laws were indulgent even to these, us
witness Tegid's edition of Lewis Grlyn Cothi. Mr. Price has
an acnte discussion of this matter 1 in his history, and concludes
that if any were hanged, they must have been the " Cl&ruoyr."
I am not convinced that any were executed ; on the contrary,
as the sole authority bases his conclusion upon a premiss known
to be false, we may safely conclude that there were none.
There are other misstatements in this paragraph. The
government of Edward was not as oppressive as is assumed ;
and instead of being " followed in cruelty by the governors of
Wales," those very governors were objects of regard. Oppres-
sions there probably were, but Edward II. and Edward III.
were not disliked by the Kymric chieftains ; and in the interval
of eighty years between Sir Gruffydd Llwyd and Owain Glyn-
dwr we find no popular revolts among them. We all know
that Davydd ab Gwilym wandered through the country when-
ever it pleased him, from North to South ; neither his poems
nor those of any bard after Gwilym Ddu contain any com-
plaints, and the bards whom he names as having met and
contended against could have had no dread of this law. Be-
sides, the proclamation itself soon got to be a dead letter; the
surviving bards make no allusion to it ; and the fact that on
Owain Glyndwr's revolting Henry IV. issued two new
edicts 2 against the bards proves that Edward's proclamation
had long been forgotten. I cannot therefore trust either the
logic or the history of the patriotic baronet as regards this
statement, which Carte has repeated, upon which Warrington
has moralised, and which has inspired one of Gray's finest
odes. The language of Gwilym Ddu ought to set this question
at rest for ever ; for in a poem written during the time of
the alleged massacre he has this line :
Are not the bards prohibited their usual entertainments?
The fact of prohibition we are prepared to anticipate ; but
Gwilym Ddu has not a word about executions.
II. The statement respecting Ysgolan and the MSS. is thus
condensed in Warring-ton :
Hams 0y7B.ru, pp. 753-1. - Printed in Wbtton's Leges Wallica.
330 HISTORY OF LITERATURE
a The most eminent of the "Welsh nobility were confined in different
castles of England, where they remained some years, during the wars of
Edward in Scotland, that prince no doubt regarding their confinement
as the only sure pledge of their fidelity . b The greater number of these
chieftains were imprisoned in the Tower of London. To soothe their
minds during their solitary confinement, banished from their country and
their friends, the Welsh chieftains solicited the favour that their manu-
scripts might be sent to them out of Wales. d They were indulged in this
reasonable request, and as it is natural to conclude that they made a free
use of this indulgence, in process of time the Tower of London became the
principal repository of Welsh literature." 5 This valuable collection is said
to have been committed to the flames by one Scolan, a person who is only
known to the world by having perpetrated so infamous an action, and who
might have been instigated to do it by the same motive which impelled
Herostratus to set on fire the Temple of Diana. 1
I have marked the sentences contained in this extract by
the letters a, b, c, d, and e ; and the reader will perhaps be
surprised to learn that there is not the slightest historical
authority for any one of them, except the first.
Mr. Price states that the story has been impugned as in-
credible, on account of its having no historical foundation, but
adds his belief that it contains some truth with much exagge-
ration. 2
The story as given by Warrington is quoted from Jones's
Relics, who borrowed it from a statement made by William
Salesbury that the belief was current in his day 3 (a.d. 1560) ;
and the whole are based upon the following lines, written by
Guto'r Grlyn, a.d. 1450 :
Llyfrau Cymru a'u llofrudd
I'r Twr Gwyn aethant ar gudd ;
Ysgeler oedd i Ysgolan
Fwrw'r twr llyfrau i'r tân.
Now what do we learn from this? And first of all, who
was Ysgolan ? In the reign of Edward I. there is no account
of any such person ; but there is such a person mentioned in
the early literature of Wales, and that in such a connexion as
will explain these lines.
Instead of being, as is asserted, unknown, there was to the
1 Warrington's History of Wales, vol. ii. p. 341.
Hemes Cymru, p. 756. 3 Bissertatio de Bardis, p. 60.
FROM A.D. 1080 TO A.I). 1322. 331
Kymry of the middle ages no person better known than Ysgol-
an. He is frequently mentioned by the bards; in the last of
the Verses of the Months the author quotes one of the
aphorisms of Ys, or St., Colan ; and among the poems attri-
buted to Merddin is a dialogue said to have taken place
between him and this personage. To have conversed with that
diviner, Ys Colan must have lived in the sixth century ; and,
upon looking over the distinguished characters of that age, we
find no difficulty in recognising the object of our search in the
celebrated Irish priest St. Columba. He was one of the most
zealous of the Christian missionaries, and greatly exerted him-
self to dispel paganism and Druidism from the islands, and
substitute in their place the Gospel of Jesus. It is possible
that Merddin and himself might have met; but the following
dialogue, which is of the utmost importance to the elucidation
of this tale of incendiarism, cannot be anj^thing like so old.
Merddin speaks : 1
Black is thy horse, and black thy cap,
Black thy head, and black thyself;
Black-headed man, art thou Ysgolan ?
And Ysgolan answers : 2
I am Ysgolan the scholar ;
Light is my Scottish knowledge ;
My grief is incurable for making the ruler take offence at thee.
For having burnt a church, hindered school instruction,
And caused a book to be drowned,
I feel my penance to be heavy.
1 Du dy farch, du dy gappan,
Du dy benn, du dy hunan,
lad du, ai ti Yscolan ?
2 Mi Yscolan Ysgolheic
Ysgafn ei bwyll ysgodic
Gwae ai bawt a gawt gwledic.
losci Eglwys a lludd buch yscol
A llyfr rod i foddi
Fy mhenyd ys trwm genni.
332 HISTORY OF LITERATURE
Creator of all creatures,
And greatest of all supporters,
Forgive me my fault.
A full year I have been
At Bangor on the pole of a weir ;
Consider thou my sufferings from sea-worms.
If I had known as well as I now do
How clearly the wind blows upon the sprigs of the waving wood,
I should not have done what I did.
Here the Christian priest expresses his regret that he had
burnt a church and drowned a book ; and as in the last verse
he says that, had he known of certain proofs of Druidic excel-
lence, he would not have done so, we can easily account for the
fact that the bards had a tradition that this missionary had
destroyed a heap of British or Druidic books. 1 There was
also a belief that Merddin was persecuted by Rhydderch Hael
at the instance of Ysgolan ; it is to this that the second verse
alludes; and I think it will be found that this dialogue will
throw light upon the reported burning of the books in the
Tower.
We have here all that is essential to understand the origin
of the story. This dialogue, which is evidently older than the
time of Edward, shows the existence at an early date of the
tradition that St. Columba had, in his zeal for the propagation
of Christianity, destroyed some Druidic books. It had grown
considerably ere it reached Guto'r Glyn's time, and been
changed in its character; or, what is not improbable, G-uto
himself sought to gloss over the enmity which it indicated
between the bardic and ecclesiastic character by connecting
Creadir y Creadurcu
Porthidon mwyaf
Maddeu di imi fy ngheu.
Blwyddyn llawn ym rhyddoded
Ym Mangor ar bawl cored
Edrych di poen imi gan inorbryfed.
Bei ysgwypwn ar y wnn
Mor amluc gwynt y flaen brig gwydd ffahvn
Ar y wnaethum nis gwnawn.
1 Davies's Mythology of the Druids, p. 472.
FIÌOM A.I). 1080 TO A.T). 1322. 333
•with it the name and story of the Tivr Gwipi (the White
Tower). In its original form the tradition of the bards evi-
dently sought to enlist in its behalf a feeling inimical to
monachism ; and it is therefore reasonable to assume that, to
keep out of sight the appearance of persecution on the part of
the Church, some ecclesiastic thought proper to fix a different
time, motive, and place for the deed. Guto, who was a monk's
domestic bard, "was not an unlikely person to do this ; but who-
ever did it, the fact is certain that the statement, as insinuated
by this poet, differs essentially from the original tradition.
The old tradition was superseded, and is no more heard of.
By the time it reached William Salesbury the tradition had
grown again ; and it is amusing to see the process of still fur-
ther development under the hands of Warrington. In sentences
a and b he confines himself to what had been previously said ;
but in c he assumes the iirobability of the collection of many
MSS. in the Tower; and in d the hypothetical library — that
which " it was natural to conclude " had been formed — loses
all uncertainty, and becomes an ascertained fact ; it becomes
" This valuable collection, &c."
It is also worthy of remark that there is a striking differ-
ence between the tradition, or rather assertion, in Guto's poem
and the form afterwards assumed by the stoiy. In a.d. 1450
the tale, as commonly understood, was —
The books of Cambria and their destroyer
To the White Tower went concealed ;
It was cruel in Ysgolan
To throw the heap of books into the fire.
But in 1567 we find William Salesbury stating that the books
were taken to the Tower at the request of the Cambrian princes
and with the consent of Edward. ' Guto's story is artfully
constructed. It states a fact, and then weaves with it a tradition.
He does not, as has been generally supposed, charge Ysgolan
with, destroying the books taken to the Tower, for here two
facts are distinctly stated ; but he insinuates it. He well knew
it would never do to assert that Ysgolan, who lived in the sixth
century, had destroyed books in the thirteenth ; but he skil-
fully placed the name of Ysgolan and the fact of books taken
1 Eishop Davies i:i Lis Epistle published in 1,567 has the same statement.
334 ' HISTORY OF LITERATURE
to the Tower together, and implied rather than stated that they
were connected. Another proof of skill is shown in the idea of
concealment here introduced ; and in this his story differs essen-
tially from that of his copyists. They never understood the
whole of this passage ; their versions are sad blunders, and
impute no motive for the deed ; but if they had studied Guto's
lines more closely, they would have seen that by stating that
the books were stealthily introduced into the Tower by the
princes he makes the discovery of this concealed transaction the
motive for the destruction of the books.
There is another and still more probable explanation ; and
if it were satisfactorily ascertained how the books went to the
Tower, this would admit of no doubt. Sir John Wynn states
that the Kymric documents were taken, probably by Edward
I., from the Exchequer at Carnarvon to the Tower ; but he
does not say a word about the story of the Cambrian princes,
or seem to be aware of a belief that any of the MSS. had
been destroyed. Assuming, therefore, that Edward took with
him some documents that he found at Carnarvon, the two first
lines are intelligible :
The books of Cambria, and their destroyer,
To the White Tower went concealed.
These show, however, very clearly that, in the. opinion of the
bard, the destroyer of the books was the person who took them
— Edward himself — and therefore we must not interpret the
two last lines too literally. The bard has told his story in the
two first ; the books had been taken away, and either the bard
feared that Edward had destroyed them, or he chose, with
more of patriotism than of integrity, to blacken the character
of the monarch in the eyes of his countrymen by saying so.
When afterwards, in moralising on the supposed act, he men-
tions the name of Ysgolan, he does not mean that the books
were actually burnt by a man named Ysgolan, but that the
deed was Ysgolan-like. This metaphorical personation is very
frequent in the writings of the bards ; when they wished to
compare one man to some other, they called him by the other's
name, the comparison being understood, though not expressed ;
aird therefore we should read the lines :
It was cruel, Ys Colan-like,
To throw the heap of hooks into the fire.
FPOM A.D. 1080 TO A.D. 1822, r,:V>
It must now be evident that there is no ground for connect-
ing the name of Ysgolan with any books taken from Wales to
the White Tower; the burden, unless it should appear that
Edward has been unjustly execrated, must therefore fall upon
the shoulders of the English monarch ; but, before we proceed
further, it would be well to ascertain whether these books be
not still in existence.
Upon this subject we have the following information in the
History of the Gwedir Family :
From the reigne of Edward the First to Henry the Fourth, there is there-
fore no certainty, or very little, of things done, other than what is to be
found in the Princes records, which now by tossinge the same from the
Exchequer at Carnarvon to the Tower, and to the offices in the Exchequer
at London, as also by ill keeping and ordering of the late dayes, are be-
come a chaos and confusion from a total neglect of method and order, as
would be needful, for him who would be ascertained of the truth of things
done from time to time. I have to my chardge done what I could, but for
my travell have reaped little, or nothing, as you see. 1
From this interesting extract we learn that there were some
Cambrian manuscripts taken to the Tower and to the Exche-
quer office ; and we learn further that in the time of Sir John
Wynn, a.d. 1626, one hundred and seventy years after Guto'r
Glyn insinuated that they were destroyed, these records were
in existence in the Tower, and some of them were, as he states,
copied for him by J. Broughton, Esq., then Justice of North
Wales. About the same time, or probably a little later,
Vaughan of Hengwrt, who died in 1666, also copied some of
these Tower MSS. ; and Mr. Torke, who relates this fact, ex-
presses his disbelief of their reported destruction. 2 Edward I.
has also been charged with, having destroyed the ancient
records and writings of Scotland, after his conquest of
that kingdom. Sir David Dalrymple has ably refuted the
latter accusation ; and I think that this examination ought for
ever to set aside the other : let St. Colan henceforth rest in
peace.
It must now be apparent that the "unknown Scolan"is
the well-known St. Columba; that the books destroyed, or
1 Sir John Wynn's History of (he GHoedir Family, in the Hon. Daines B;trrington's
Mic llanies, p. 387.
- Yorke's Royal Tribes of Wales, p. 127.
336 HISTORY OF LITERATURE
reported to have been destroyed by him, were originally under-
stood to be Druidic ; that the tradition respecting him is older
than the time of Edward I. ; that Guto'r Glyn has taken a
poetic license with the story ; that the legend, though not
apprehended in the light Guto intended it to have been, has
been subsequently modified, altered, and enlarged ; and that
though Kymric MSS. might, under the circumstances stated,
have been taken to the Tower, we have no evidence to sustain
the belief that any were there destroyed, the evidence being
the other way.
In William Salesbury's letter there is an assertion of other
ravages made among Cambrian MSS. It is to the following
purport : l
And that in the common answer to the "Welshe Bardes (for so they call
their country poets) when a man shall object or cast in their teeth the
foolysh uncertainty and thephantasticall vanities of their prophecies (which
they call Bruts) or the doubtful race and kinde of their uncanonised
Saynctes; whom that notwithstanding they both invocate and worship
wyth the most hyghe honoure and lowliest reverence. Adding and
allegyng in excuse thereof, that the reliques and residue of the books and
monuments, as well as the Saynctes lyves, as of their Brutysh prophecies
and other sciences, (which perished not in the Tower, for there, they say,
certain were burned,) at the commotion of Owain Glyndwr, were in like
manner destroyed, and utterly devastat, or at the least wyse that there
escaped not one, that was not uncurablye maymed, and irrecuperably torn
and mangled.
Mr. Edward Llwyd had collected together one hundred and
eighty volumes of MSS., and at his death bequeathed them to
Sir John Seabright. They were afterwards transferred to the
Havod library, but I have no means of knowing how far they
were affected by the great fire, by which that fine library was
j>artially destroyed. The Rev. Moses Williams's collection
came into the hands of the Earl of Macclesfield, and still
remains in that family. The MSS. collected by Mr. Lewis
Morris, consisting of eighty volumes, are now deposited in the
library of the Welsh School, London. Mr. Evan Evans's MSS.
subsequently became the property of Paul Panton, Esq., of
Anglesey ; and the Rev. Richard Davies, of Bangor, was said
to own many valuable documents. These facts are taken from
1 Evans's Dissertatio de BrmHs, p. 60.
FROM A.D. 1080 TO A.l). 1322. 337
the preface to the first volume of the Myvyrian Archaiology,
■written by the late Iolo Morganwg, who furnishes the reader
with the following list of places where valuable MSS. are
deposited :
North Wales. — The collection of
Sir W. W. Wynn, at Wynnstay ; Sir Thomas Mostyn, at Gloddaith ;
G. H. Vaughan, Esq., Hengwrt ; Paul Panton, Esq., Plas Gwyn ; — Leo,
Esq., at Llanerch ; Griffith Roberts, M.D., at Dolgellau ; Mr. Puce Jones,
at Blaenau, near Dolgellau; Rev. Richard Davies, Bangor; Davy dd Thomas,
Y Bardd ; Thomas Edwards, Y Bardd.
South Wales. — The collection of
Thomas Johnes, Esq., at Havod; Herbert Hurst, Esq., Ceubalva, near
Llandaff; David Thomas, Esq., at Trev Groes, Cowbridge ; — Turberville,
Esq., Llanharan ; Mrs. Bevan, Tre'r Bryn, Cowbridge ; Rev. Josiah Rees,
Gelli Gron ; Henry Williams, Esq., Crickhowel ; Mr. Edward Williams,
Flimston, afterwards in the possession of the late Ab Iolo, and now with
his widow.
Oxford. — The collection of
Jesus College ; the Rev. Mr. Price, Bodleian Library ; the Earl of
Macclesfield, in Oxfordshire.
London. — The collection of
The British Museum ; the Welsh School ; the late Mr. Owen Jones ;
the late Mr. Edward Jones.
The above list was published in 1801, since which period
many of the MSS. have been lost by fire or otherwise, particu-
larly a large portion of the Wynnstay collection, which had
been sent to London to be bound. The state of the North
Wales MSS. has since been more accurately ascertained from
catalogues prepared by Miss Angharad Llwyd, and Aneurin
Owen, Esq., which were published in 1828 and 1843, in the
Cymmrodorion Transactions, Parts III. and IV. Some of the col-
lections consist of only a few volumes, whilst others comprise
several hundreds. They were, when the catalogues were made,
preserved at the following places :
Actyn Bach, Bangor Iscoed, Bodrhyddan, Bodysgallen, Cacrwys, Ceri,
Chester, Chirk Castle, Coed Coch, Coed Llai, Denbigh, Downing, Gallt-
faenan, Glan y Wern, Gloddaith, Gwasanau, Gwerclas, Halston, Hengwrt,
Llanasa, Llanerch, Llanrhaiadr ym Mochnant, Llansilin, Mostyn, Nant-
z
338 HISTORY OF LITERATURE
clwyd, Pale, Pant Avon, Penbedvv, Pengwern, lluthyn, Wrexham, and
Wynnstay.
It is much to be regretted that similar catalogues have not
been made of the MSS. in South Wales, as there are many
valuable documents scattered throughout the country, and
suffered to remain in oblivion and obscurity, not being preserved
in any large collection. Those once belonging to the author of
the Celtic Researches are, however, preserved at Casgob, Rad-
norshire ; others are known to exist at Aberdare, Crickhowel,
Cowbridge, Coedriglan, Llandovery, Llanharan, Stackpole
Court, Merthyr Tydvil, and some other places in Glamorgan-
shire, the possessors of which would do well to send catalogues
of their contents to the Secretary of the Welsh MSS. Society,
at Abergavenny. The late Iolo Morganwg's large collection
was bequeathed by the will of his son, the late Ab Iolo, to be
sold to the British Museum, but the managers having declined
the purchase, it remains with his widow at Merthyr Tydvil ;
and, unless some measures are adopted towards its rescue and
preservation, it is not improbable that the public may have ere
long to lament its dispersion, if not its destruction. Such a
collection ought most certainly to be preserved in some public
repository, as was wisely done to the Myvyrian collection of the
late Mr. Owen Jones, which has been transferred by the Cym-
mrodorion Society to the British Museum. Sir Thomas Philipps,
Bart., of Middle Hill, deserves honourable mention as a col-
lector and preserver of ancient Kymric MSS., and has in his
possession many of those once belonging to the late Mr.
Edward Jones, of London.
From this examination we learn that neither of the sug-
gestions already offered will account for the scarcity of poetry
during the reign of the last Llewelyn ; we have therefore no
other alternative than to conclude that the less energetic cha-
racter of our last prince was not so favourable to its develop-
ment ; and that his age did not, in reality, produce a much
greater amount of written literature than we now possess.
After his death matters became worse ; the fountain of inspira-
tion was stopped on the cessation of their national existence,
and the bards could frequently find no loftier topics than the
praise of petty chieftains.
But I cannot help thinking that the poems which have
come down to us form but an imperfect reflection of the intel-
FROM A.T). 10S0 TO A.D. 1322. 339
lectual activity of tliis period. Everywhere we find mention
of " Cerddorion," " Cerddau cylioedd," and "Cerdd Davawd ;"
but of these songs — a species of literature, which must have
been, from its nature, more intensely national than the bardic
remains — we have no remnants. The Kymry carried the art
of singing to perfection, as appears from Giraldns :
They do not sing in unison like the inhabitants o£ other countries, but
in different parts ; so that in a company of singers which one frequently
meets with in Wales as many different parts are heard as there are
performers, who at length unite with organic melody in one consonance
and the soft sweetness of B. In the northern parts of Britain beyond the
Plumber, and on the borders of York, the inhabitants use in singing the
same kind of symphonious harmony, but with less variety, singing only in
two parts, one murmuring in the base, the other warbling in the treble
or acute. Neither of the two nations has acquired this peculiar property
by art, but by long habit, which has rendered it familiar and natural ; and
the practice is now so firmly rooted in them that it is unusual to hear a
simple and single melody well sung. Their children from their infancy
sing in the same manner.
Now it is evident that these troops of singers " whom one
frequently meets with in Wales" — the "clerwyr" of tradi-
tion, and " rymours, minstrels, and vagabondes " of the pro-
clamations — must have had words set to music ; and it is
ecmally evident that these songs, which must then have existed
in numbers, are not the poems which have come down to us.
They were a distinct, and must have been a more popular, lite-
rature than the more finished productions of the bards. How,
then, comes it that they are not preserved? Methinks the
answer will be found in the cost of parchment, the scarcity of
men able to write, and the cost of copying — circumstances
which we know to have existed, which restricted the historians
to one line for the events of every year, and which may there-
fore be reasonably supposed to have prevented the perpetuation
of a literature which was most probably looked upon as
evanescent, and of little permanent value. The fact I allude
to is mentioned by M. de Sismondi.
The price of parchment compelled our ancestors to observe a singular
economy of words ; and in the archives of the Tower of London we see,
in the Rolls of Fines, that each contract for sale of lands is always com-
prised in a single line; and from the eighth to the tenth century all
annals of the Franks, written in the convents, followed the same rule*
z 2
340 HISTORY OF LITERATURE
whatever the number or importance of events, the same annalist
was bound not to exceed the line for each year. It is easy to be con-
ceived that men so chary of their parchment could find little room for
poetry. 1
This was, I apprehend, equally true in the twelfth century,
when parchment, if not so scarce, was yet so much so as to be
used only for such purposes as were deemed greatly important.
Popular songs were seldom looked upon in that light ; and
wanting a knowledge of the art of printing and of paper-
making, most of the light productions of Wales have been lost
for ever ; but the candid reader will see in the fact of their
non-existence no very cogent proof that none such were ever
known. I am quite convinced that there were many among a
people so fond of songs as the Kymry are and have ever been.
The only compositions of this character which have come
under my notice are two songs said to have been written by
Ehys Goch, of Tir Iarll, Glamorganshire, and are published
in the Iolo Manuscripts. They are peculiar compositions, and
are here translated as nearly as possible in the metre and
structure of the originals : 2
Song to the Summer.
Summer I sing and its sway o'er the poet,
Sing to its beauty where best we may view it ;
View the sweet blossoms where love's feet would wander,
Down in the woodlands of green growth so tender ;
Tender's the sight where its verdure extendeth
To every wide branch that over it bendeth ;
Bendeth for loved ones to form in their bowers,
And hide with wild elves from the sun-gleams and showers.
History of the Literature of the South of Europe, vol. i. p. 37.
1.
2 Canaf yd haf wyd hoywfeirdd Bennaeth
Canhewydd llwyn drain gain ganiadaeth,
Caniadau adar gwâr gwydd irion
Cynnadl cerddoriaeth cain dderw coedfron,
Coedfron blagurhvwn dawn dadeni
Caeadfrig addien gwyrdd lien llwyni
Llwyni llawn gwiail gwelir beunydd
Llennyrch lie i dygyrch Degau elfydd.
FROM A.D. 1080 TO A.Jl 1822. 341
Strike the brook-note- strings of nine hill-brows sheeny ;
Til de rum, tal de rum, now sings Tom Teeny.
2.
Bowers that the elves, the more love the more laden,
And love with their gambols at moonlight to gladden ;
Glad is the bard when 'tis hardest to reckon
Beauties that aye for his frenzied glance beckon,
Beckon from hillock and green mead so seemly,
All hailing the season that reigneth supremely ;
Supreme in its richness, its love, and its ardour,
And of each disciple of song the re warder.
Strike the brook-note-strings of nine hill-brows sheeny ;
Til de rum, tal de rum, now sings Tom Teeny.
3.
Come all the charms for which poesy sigheth,
Out in the green walk these nature supplieth ;
Supplit'th from branches the kindly heat quickens,
The hazels on which the full-nut-cruster thickens ;
Thick is the foliage which song-birds make vocal,
And warm is the wish which there would be local ;
Local as man's, and free from commotion,
The green church where feathered tribes practise devotion.
Tnro tant alaw nant ael y naw twyni,
Til dy rwm tal dy rwm canu twm teini.
2.
Elfyddem geimiad eeidwad coedydd,
Elfyw dail meillion lion llawenydd.
Llawen Bardd awen ewybr enau,
Llywy maes arlwy ar lawr bryniau,
Bryn a pliant tyfant tewfawr waneg
Brenin hin lioenns bynaws adeg,
Adeg serchogion dynion dawngar,
Ydwyd haf irlas ar lwyn adar.
Taro tant alaw nant ael y naw twyni,
Til dy rwm tal dy rwm canu Twm Teini.
3.
Adar bydafau heidiau hedant,
A daw cain gogau dolau deilbant,
Dail bawrlwyth garddlwyth amgylch gwyrddlwybr.
Deiliad gsvlad gaead gywen loyw-wybr,
Gloywj-br mandes cynnes ceiniad anterth,
Glas barlas berwlith blitli blawd glynberth,
(ilyn, bryn, brwyn llwyn llawn llewych gwenhaul,
342 HISTORY OF LITERATURE
Strike the brook-note- strings of nine hill-brows sheeny ;
Til de rum, tal de rum, now sings Tom Teeny. 1
There are eight verses in the original song ; but these will
be sufficient to indicate its character, as the remainder afford
no peculiarities not exhibited here. Many of the verses are,
however, exceedingly beautiful ; the description of " the birch
tree, with its green-blue hair," is very fine ; and where the
bard says :
Beautiful are thy notes, thou fair proud nightingale ;
Come, the woods are pining at tluj long delay,
he needs no praise of mine. The chorus is both original and
unique ; and it will be observed that in the translation, which
in that respect is a close copy of the Kymric original, each
couplet begins with the last word of the preceding. This
artistic structure of the verses renders translation difficult ;
and in the next song it becomes more so, for the verses are
triplets, the first word of each being the last of the chorus,
and the last word of each choral strain corresponding to the
triple rhyme of the antecedent verse. It is entitled —
A Song to Her for whom I am Dying. 2
Flora's hues at spring's renewal,
Maid in dalliance never cruel,
Brightness hers that blurs the jewel ;
Alas the jewels
Alas the jewels !
( Han bryd yn diffryd dyffryn araul.
Taro tant alaw nant ael y naw twyni
Til dy rwm tal dy rwm cauu Twm Teini.
1 I am indebted for the translation of this and the next song to my friend Mr.
John Thomas (Ieuan Ddu). the author of a work well known and highly appreciated,
the Cambrian Minstrel, which is a collection of national airs, with spirited and appro-
priate songs in English and Welsh. The above versions are not strictly literal, but
they well reflect the spirit of the originals.
2 Deuliw blodau meinion aelau
Mwyn ei champau wrth gydchwarau
Serw yng ngolau dan aur dlysau,
Gwae tí tlysau
Grwae ti tlysau,
FROM A.D. 1080 TO A.D. 1322. 348
Jewels she'd have despite expenses,
Where saw the flocks no village fences,
Her charms well-nigh have stolen my senses;
Alas my senses,
Alas my senses !
Of sense bereft in greenwood meeting,
And, oh ! my life she makes more fleeting,
My heart quite full is of her greeting ;
Alas the greeting,
Alas the greeting !
Greeting Gwenddydd where I left her
In lays still milder, sweeter, softer,
And repulsing the first day after ;
Alas day after,
Alas day after !
After seek, but as I knew it,
See her not, and dying rue it,
Shall I yet be summer's poet ?
Alas the poet,
Alas the poet !
Poet now I'll be of satire,
I who lov'd would be a hater,
But of love I'm still narrator ;
Tlysau oedd rhaid im dyn gannaid
Peutre nis caid wrth droi'r defaid,
A gwenn ni phaid a dwyn fenaid,
Gwae fi fenaid
Gwae fi fonaid.
Fenaid yw'r ferch ar gwr llannerch
Ac am wen ferch marw o draserch
A mi'n llawn serch yn ei hannerch
Gwae fi annerch
Gwae fi annerch.
Annerch Wenddydd gan ei phrydydd
Annerch beunydd ar don newydd
A niwy ni bydd lie ddaf trennydd
Gwae fi trennydd
Gwae fi trennydd.
Trennydd ydd af gwenddydd ni chat'
tiwuu fi'dd wy'n glaf a marw fyddaf
Ai ehlod liw'r liaf niwy ni chanaf,
Gwae fi canaf
Gwae fi canaf.
Canaf ogan im Buneirian
draws amcan lie bum druan
Mwyn fy nghwynfan wrth ymddiddan,
3J 4 WELSH POETRY
Alas narrator,
Alas narrator !
And thus the poet proceeds through as many more verses,
all of which, a musical friend informs me, may be sung to the
Kymric air of " Yr hen wr o'r coed."
The vale of Glamorgan has long been celebrated for song-
writers, and the songs of William Hopkin, David Llewelyn, and
James Turberville are frequently sung about the country, being
orally transmitted from one to another ; but as yet they have
never been collected. In our own days the popular songs are
treated with the same neglect ; a few have been saved from
oblivion b}' the late Mr. J. Howell, of Llandovery; by Miss
Williams, of Aberpergwm ; Mr. J. Davies (Brychan) ; and Mrs.
Llewelyn, of Llangynwyd; but if these last now give over
their most laudable exertions, many songs at present sung by
the young men and maidens of Morganwg will be lost for ever.
We derive from these facts cogent arguments in favour of the
opinion above advanced ; for if such gems as Yr Aderyn Pur,
the Maid of Cevn Ydva, the Maid of Sker, and other songs of
recent origin have only found a place in our written literature
through the industry and good taste of the ladies and gentlemen
here named, we may safely conclude that many have been lost ;
as it is much more probable that numbers of popular songs
were allowed to be forgotten, when the public taste was less
refined and more pedantic, and when facilities for publication
existed to a much smaller extent, than that the Kymry should
have ceased to be true to their national character.
SECTION II.
WELSH POETRY PROM A.D. 1240 TO A.D. 1281.
We here take up the history of our bardic literature from the
date at which we left off in the preceding chapter. At the
death of Llewelyn ab Iorwerth the sovereignty was given to
Gwac fi 'mddiddan,
(iwac fi 'mddiddan.
Iólo. MSS. p. 250.
FI?0.\í A.I). 1240 TO A.D. 1284. 846
David, his second son, by his second wife, Joan, the daughter of
King- John. David ingratiated himself in the favour of the
nobles, and caused his elder brother Gruffydd to be imprisoned.
We have seen a similar fact occurring in the previous reign.
The rightful heir of Owain Gwynedd was his eldest son, Ior-
werfch ; but having a personal defect, and wanting the warlike
qualities indispensable to a prince of that age, he was super-
seded by a younger brother. In the present case we see the
father deliberately setting aside his eldest son, on account pro-
bably of his unruly temper, and preferring the second, who
promised to show more prudence ; but though the Kymry were
reluctant to accept princes who wanted the capacity to rule,
and the personal qualities which kings should have, the prefer-
ence was uniformly given to such of the lineal heirs as had the
vigour to vindicate their title ; thus Llewelyn the Great as-
cended the throne which had been withheld from Edward the
Broken-nosed, his father ; and after David the son of Llewelyn
had reigned for several years, Llewelyn, the son of the deposed
Gruffydd, vindicated the claim of his father, and for nearly
thirty years reigned sole King of North Wales.
The number of the poets who lived during his reign was
not great, nor are the poems which we shall here have to pass
in review generally distinguished for merit. In the early part
of this period, they with difficulty attain to mediocrity ; but
towards the close of this monarch's reign, when the curtain
fell upon the independent existence of the Kymry, we meet
with several very fine compositions. This scarcity of good
poems in the earlier part arose partly from the false taste which
was creeping in among the bards, and which led them to give
words for thoughts, and sonorous sentences for brilliant ideas,
passion, and poetic fire ; and partly from our being compelled
to pass over the works of several bards, who lived during this
reign as well as the last, on account of their having been
already noticed. Among these were Davydd Benvras, Elidir
Sais, Einion Wan, and Llywelyn Vardd.
The poems peculiarly belonging to this era are fifty in
number, of which the Prydydd Bychan wrote twenty-one ;
Hywel the Bald, son of Griffri, two ; Llygad Gwr left five
poems ; Gruffydd ab yr Ynad Coch is the author of eight
extant productions, seven of which are on religious subjects ;
Bleddyn Vardd is the author of thirteen short poems ; and the
340 WELSH POETRY
moral verses of Gwerneg ab Clydno, misplaced in the last
chapter, should have been placed here.
Of these, among the earliest in point of time, is Lltgad
Gwr, whose ode to Llewelyn ab Gruffydd is dated, by the Rev.
Evan Evans, at a.d. 1270. It is a long poem, but, as we shall
not have many poems to discuss in this section, we shall quote
it entire in Ieuan Brydydd Hir's translation.
An Ode,
In five parts, to Llewelyn the son of Gruffydd, last Prince of
Wales of the British line, composed hy Llygad Gwr about the
year 1273 : l
I.
I address myself to God, the source of joy,
The fountain of all good gifts, of transcendent majesty :
Let the song proceed to pay its tribute of praise,
To extol my hero the Prince of Arllechwedd, 2
Who is stained with blood, a prince descended from renowned
kings.
Like the great Cassar, renowned for warlike deeds,
Is the rapid progress of the arms of Gruffydd's heir ;
His valour and bravery are matchless,
His crimson lance is stained with gore.
It is natural and customary with him to invade the lands of his
enemies.
He is generous, the pillar of princes ;
I never return empty-handed from the North.
1 Awdlatj Llygad Gwe i Lywelyn ab GrRUFFYDI).
l.
Cyfarehaf i Dduw ddawn orfoledd,
Cynnechreu doniau, dinam fawredd,
Cynyddu canu, can nid rhyfedd droth,
draethawd gyfannedd,
I foli fy rhi Ehwyf Arllechwedd,
Rhuddfáawg freiniawg o frenhinedd,
Rhyfyg udd Caissar, treisfar trosedd,
Rhythrlym, grym Gruffydd etifedd,
Blrwysg, frwysg, freisg, o freint a dewredd,
Rhudd Laran o beri cochwedd,
Rhyw iddaw diriaw oraill diredd,
Rhwydd galon, golofn teyrnedd.
Arllechwedd, a part of Carnarvonshire.
FROM A.D. 1240 TO A.T). 1284. 347
My successful and glorious prince, I would not exchange on any
conditions.
I have a renowned prince, who ravages England ;
He is descended from noble ancestors — Llewelyn, the destroyer of his
foes,
The mild and prosperous governor of GAvynedd,
Britain's honour in the field,
With his sceptred hand extended on the throne
And a golden sword by his side,
The lion of Cemais, 1 fierce in the onset
When the army rusheth to be bathed in red,
Our defence, who slighteth alliance with strangers.
He impetuously rages through his enemies' country ;
His just cause will be prosperous at last.
About Tyganwy 2 he has extended his dominions,
And his enemies fly from him witlf maimed limbs ;
And the blood flows over the soles of men's feet.
Thou dragon of Arvon, 3 of resistless fury,
Nid wyf wr gwaglaw wrth y G-ogledd,
O Arglwydd gwladlwydd, glod edryssedd,
Nid nowidiaf naf un awrvedd a neb,
Anebrwydd dangnefedd.
Llyw y sy ym ys ami anrhydedd,
Lloegr ddifa o ddifefl fonedd,
Llywelyn gelyn, galon dachwedd
Llary wledig gwynfydig Gwynedd,
Llofrudd brwydr, Brydein gywrysedd,
Llawhir falch, gwreiddfalch gorsedd,
Llary hylgwydd, bael Arglwydd eurgledd,
Llew Cemmais, llym dreis drachywedd,
Lie bo cad fragad, friwgocb ryssedd,
Lhvyr orborth hyborth beb gymwedd,
Gnaws rnawrdraws am ardal dyhedd,
Gnawd iddaw dreiddiaw drwyddi berfe dd
Am i wir bydd dir o'r diwedd,
Amgylchwy Dyganwy mwyfwy i medd,
A cbiliaw rbagddaw a chalanedd creu,
Ag odducb gwadneu gwaed ar ddarwedd.
Dreig Arfon orfod wythlonedd
1 Cemais, the name of several places in Wales. The bard here means a cautred
of that name in Anglesey.
2 Tyganwy, tbe name of an old castle near the mouth of tho river Conway, to the
east; it was formerly one of the royal palaces of Maelgwn Gwynedd, King of Britain,
and was, as our old annals relate, burnt by lightning a.d. 811, but was afterwards
rebuilt, and won by the Earl of Chester, who held it for a considerable time, but was
at last retaken by the Princes of North Wales.
3 Arvon, the county now called Carnarvonshire.
348 WELSH TOETRY
With thy beautiful, skilfully trained, and well-made steeds,
No Englishman will get one foot of thy country.
There is no Kymro thy equal.
II.
There is none equal to my prince,
With his numerous troops, in the conflict of war.
lie is a generous Kymro descended from Beli Hir, 1
If you inquire about his lineage.
He generously distributed gold and riches,
The heroic war-wolf from Eryri. 2
An eagle among his nobles of matchless prowess,
It is our duty to extol him,
Clad in golden vesture.
With his army he setteth castles on fire ;
He is the bulwark of the battle Avith Greidiawl's 3 courage
He is a hero that with fury break eth whole ranks,
And fighteth manfully,
His war march is rapid,
His generosity overflowing.
He is the strength of armies arrayed in gold.
Dragon diheufeireh heirddfeirch harddedd,
Ni chaiff sais i drais y drotdfedd o'i fro
Nid oes o Gyniro i Gymrodedd.
ii.
Cymrodedd fy llyw Uuoedd beri,
Nid oes rwyf eirioes, aer dyfysgi,
Cymro yw haelryw o nil Beli Hir,
Yn herwydd i brofi.
Eurfudd oi oludd, olud roddi.
Aerfleidd arwreidd o Eryri,
Eryr ar geinwyr gamwri dinam,
Neud einym i foli.
Eurgorf torf tyroedd olosci,
Argae gryd, Greidiawl wrhydri,
Arwr bar, taerfar, yn torri cadau,
Cadarnfrwydr ystofi.
Aer dalmithyr, hylithr haelioni,
Arf lluoedd eurwisgoedd wisgi
Arwymp Ner, hyder, hyd Teifi feddiant,
Ni faidd neb i gospi.
1 Beli. This was probably Beli Mawr, to whom our bards generally traced the
pedigrees of their great men.
2 Eryri, Snowdon, which some suppose derived from Mynydd Eryrod, the Hill of
Eagles ; but more probably from Mynydd yr Eiry, the Hill of Snow — Snow-down.
s Greidiawl is the name of a hero mentioned in Aneurin's Gododiü.
FROM A.D. 1240 TO A.I). 1284. 849
He is a brave prince whose territories extend to the Teivi, 1
Whom no one dares to punish.
Llewelyn, the vanquisher of England,
Is a noble lion descended from a race of kings.
Thou art the king of the mighty,
The entertainer and encourager of bards.
Omen to the crows that they shall feast on the bodies of the Bry-
neich. 2
He never avoids danger in the storm of battle ;
He is undaunted in the midst of hardships.
The bards 3 prophesy that he shall have the government and sovereign
power ;
Every prediction is at last to be fulfilled.
Llywelyn Lloegrwys feistrioli,
Llyw broiniawl, brenhinedd teithi,
Llary deyrn cedyrn, yn cadw gwesti cyrdd,
Cerddorion gyflochi.
Coelfein brein Bryneich gyfogi,
Celennig branes, berthless borthi.
Ciliaw ni orug er caledi gawr,
Gwr eofn ynghyni.
Parawd fydd meddiant medd Beirdd im Rhi,
Pob cymman darogan derfi,
Bwlffordd osgordd ysgwyd gochi hydr,
Hyd eithaf Cydweli.
1 Teivi, a river in Cardiganshire.
2 Bryneich, the men of Bernicia, a province of the old Saxons in the North of
England. The inhabitants of Deira and Bernicia are called by our ancient historians
Gwyr Deifyr a Bryneich.
3 "It was the policy of the British princes to make the bards foretell their success
in war, in order to spirit up their people to brave action. Upon which account the
vulgar supposed them to be real prophets. Hence their great veneration for the pro-
phetical bard Taliesin, and the two Merddins. This accounts for what the English
writers say of the Welsh relying so much upon the prophecies of Merddin. There
are many of these pretended prophecies still extant. The custom of prophesying did
not cease till Henry VII. 's time, and the reason is obvious." — Rev. E. Evans's Disser-
tatio cle JBardis, p. 40. Some remarks have been already made (p. 252) upon this
subject, and the following may be with propriety added thereto. Important successes
having been gained over the English, " the hopes of the Kymry," says Warrington,
"began to revive, and their views to extend, which were heightened still more by a
prophecy of Merlin, long cherished among the Welsh, that Llewelyn (ab Gruffydd)
should one day wield the sceptre of Brutus, the supposed founder of their empire.
It is possible, too, that the Welsh prince himself might indulge the same hopes, from
a like delusive source, the prediction of a soothsayer. When he first began the revolt
he consulted an aged woman, who was a reputed prophetess, respecting the issue of
the war, who advised him to pursue the enterprise with spirit, and assured him also
that in the event he would ride through Cheapside in London with a crown upon his
head."— Wabrington's History of Wales, vol. ii. p. 258.
'550 WELSH POETRY
The shields of his men were stained with red in brave actions,
From Pulford 1 to the furthest bounds of Kidwelly. 2
May he find endless joys, and be reconciled to the Son of God,
And enjoy heaven by His side.
III.
We have a prince possessed of great intelligence ;
His lance is crimson, his shield is shivered to pieces ;
A prince furious in action, his palace is open to his friends,
But woe is the lot of his enemies.
Llewelyn, the vanquisher of his adversaries,
Is furious in battle like an outrageous dragon.
To be guarded against him availeth not,
When he cometh hand to hand to dispute the hardy contest.
May He that made him the happy governor of Gwynedd,
And its town of excessive whiteness,
Strengthen him for length of years,
To defend his country from hostile invasion.
It is our joy and happiness
That we have a brave warrior with prancing steeds,
That we have a noble Kymro descended from Cambrian ancestors,
Can gaffael yn ckla dra heb drengi,
Gan fab Daw didwyll gymmodi,
Ys bó i ddiwedd ddawn berchi ar nef,
Ar neillaw Crist Geli.
Llyw y sy'n syuhwyrfawr riydd,
Lliwgoch i lafnawr, acsawr uswydd,
Lliw deifhiawg, llidiawg, lledled fydd ei bias,
Llwyr waetli yw ei gas noi gorennydil.
Llywelyn gelyn, galofydd.
Llwyrgyrch ddarogau cymman celfydd,
Ni thyceia rbybudd liael rebydd rhagddaw,
Llaw drallaw drin wychydd,
Y gwr a'i rhoddes yn rhwyf dedwydd,
Ar Wynedd arwynawl drefydd,
A'i cadarnbao, ced hylwydd yn bir,
I amddeffyn tir rbag torf os'wydd.
Nid anwiw, nid anhoff gynnydd,
Neud enwawg farchawg, feirch gorewydd,
I fod yn hynod bynefydd G-ymro,
1 Pwlffordd is tbe name of a place in Shropshire. There is a bridge of the name
still in that county.
2 Cydwoli, the name of a town and a commot in Cafmarthenshir?.
FIíOM A.D. 1240 TO A.D. 1284. 351
To rule our country and its borders.
He is the best prince that the Almighty made of the four elements.
He is the best of governors, and the most generous ;
The eagle of Snowdon, and the bulwark of battle.
He pitched a battle where there was a furious contest,
To obtain his patrimony on Cevn Gelorwydd ; l
Such a battle never happened since the celebrated action of Ar-
derydd. 2
He is the brave lion of Mona, the kind-hearted Venedotian,
The valiant supporter of his troops in Bryn Derwyn.
He did not repent of the day in which he assaulted his adversaries.
Like a hero descended from undaunted warriors.
I saw a hero disputing with hosts of men,
Like a man of honour in avoiding disgrace.
He that saw Llewelyn like an ardent dragon,
In the conflict of Arvon and Eiddionydd, 3
"Would have observed that it was a difficult task
To withstand his furious attack by Drws Dauvynydd. 4
A'r Gyniry a'u helfydd.
' Ef difeiaf Naf rhy wnaeth Dofydd,
Yn y byd o bedwar defnydd,
Ef goreu riau reg ofydd a wnn,
Eryr Snawtwn aer gyfludwydd.
Cad a wnaeth, cadarn ymgerydd,
Am gyfoeth, am Gefn Gelorwydd,
Ni bu gad, hwyliad hefelydd gyfred,
Er pan fu weithred waith Arderydd.
Breisclew Mon, mwynfawr Wyndodydd,
Bryn Derwyn clo byddin elodrydd,
Ni bu edifar y dydd i cyrehawdd,
Cyrch ehofn essill} T dd.
Gwelais wawr ar wyr lhiosydd,
Fal gwr yn gwrthladd cywilydd,
A welei Lywelyn, lawenydd dragon
Ynghymysc Arfon ac Eiddionydd,
Nid hawdd oedd llew aerflawdd llüydd,
I dreissiaw gar Drws Daufynydd,
1 Cevn Gelorwydd, the name of a mountain ; but where it is situated I know not.
2 Arderydd, Airdree near Glasgow, or Atterith, about six miles from Solway Frith,
Scotland. This battle is mentioned in tho Triads, and was fought by Gwenddoleu ab
Ceidiaw, and Aeddan Eradawg, petty princes of the North, against Ehydderch Had,
King of Cumbria, who got the battle. Myrddin "Wyllt, or Merddin the Caledonian,
was severely handled by Ehydderch Hael for siding with Gwenddoleu, his patron, of
which he complains in his Avallenau.
3 Eiddionydd, the name of a comot or district in Carnarvonshire.
4 Drws Dauvynydd signifies a pass between two mountains, as Drws Ardudwy
Drws v Coed, Bwlch Oerddrws, &c. ; but where it lies is unknown.
352 WELSH POETRY
No man has ever compelled him to submit :
May the Son of God never put him to confusion.
IV.
Like the roaring of a lion in search of prey is thy thirst of praise,
Like the sound of a mighty hurricane over the desert main,
Thou profoundly learned and accomplished prince of Aberffraw. 1
Thy ravage is furious, thy impetuosity irresistible.
Thy troops are enterprising in brave actions,
They are fierce and furious like a conflagration.
Thou art the warlike and slaughtering prince of Dinevwr, 2
The defence of the people, the divider of spoils.
Thy forces are comely, neat, and of one language.
Thy proud Toledo sword is gilt with gold,
Thou prince of Mathraval ; 3 extensive are thy boundaries,
Lord Llewelyn, ruler of people of four languages.
He fought undauntedly against a foreign nation of strange language.
May the great King of Heaven defend the just cause
Of the warlike prince of the three provinces.
Nis plygodd Mab dyn bu doniawg ffydd,
Nis plycco Mab Duw yu dragywydd.
Terfysc taerllew glew, glod gynhymdaith,
Twrf torredwynt mawr uch mor diffaith,
Taleithawg deifniawg dyfniaith Aberffraw,
Terwyn anrheithiaw, rhuthar anolaith.
Tylwyth, ffrwyth, ffraetblym eu mawrwaith,
Teilwng blwng, blaengar fal goddaith,
Taleithawg arfawg aerbeith Dinefwr,
Teulu hysgwr, ysgwfl anrhaitb.
Telediw gad gywiw gyfiaith,
Toledo balch a bylchlafn eurwaith,
Taleithawg Mathrafal, maith yw dy derfyii,
Arglwydd Lywelyn, lyw pedeiriaith,
Sefis yn rhyfel, dymgel daith,
Rhag estrawn genedl, gwyn angliyfiaith,
Sefid Brenin nef, breiniawl gyfraith,
G-an eurwawr aerbeir y teir taleith.
1 Aberffraw, the name of the prince's chief palace in Anglesey.
2 Dinevwr, the name of the Prince of South Wales's palace, pleasantly situated upon
a hill above the river Towy, in Carmarthenshire, now in the possession of George
Rice, of Newton, Esq., member of Parliament for that county. (At present it is in
the hands of Lord Dynevor.)
3 Mathraval, the seat of the Prince of Powys, not far from Pool, in Montgomery-
shire, now in the possession of the Earl of Powys.
FROM A.D. 1240 TO A.D. 1284.
I make my address to God in commencing an eulogy,
In the best manner I am able,
That I may extol with truth, in suitable words,
My lord, the chief of men,
Who rageth like fire from the flashes of lightning,
Who exchangeth thrusts with burnished steel.
I am armed, like my prince, with the red spear of conflict.
He is a brave fighter, and the foremost in action.
Llewelyn, thy qualities are noble and energetic,
Making broad thy path with the edge of the sword.
The hoof-prints of my prince's steeds extend to Cornwall.
Numbers congratulate him upon his success, who is a sure friend,
The lion of Gwynedd and its extensive white territories,
The governor of the men of Powys and the South,
Who has a general assembly of his armed troops at Chester,
Who ravages Lloegria to amass spoils.
In battle his success is certain
In killing, burning, and in overthrowing castles.
In Rhos 1 and Penvro, and in contests with the Normans,
His impetuosity uniformly prevails.
Çyfarchaf i Dduw o ddechrau moliant,
Mai i gallwyf orau,
Clodfori o'r gwyr a geiriau
I'm pen, y pennaf a giglau,
Cynnwrf tan, lluch faran lleehau,
Cyfnewid newydd las ferau,
Cyfarf wyf a rhwyf, rhudd lafnau yngnif,
Cyfoefchawg'gynnif cynflaen cadau.
Llywelyn nid llesg ddefodau,
Llwybr ehang, ehofn fydd mau,
Llyw yw hyd Gernyw aed garnedd i feireh,
Lliaws ai cyfeireh, cyfaill nid gau,
Llew Gwynedd gwynfeith ardalau,
Llywiawdr pobl, Powys ar Delia u,
Llwyrwys caer, yn acr, yn arfan.
Lloegr breiddiaw am brudd anrheithiail,
Yn rhyfel, ffrwythlawn, dawn diammau,
Yu lladd yn llosci yn torri tyrau,
Yn Rhos a Phenfro, yn rhysfàau Ffrainc,
Lhvyddedig i aine yn lliiyddau,
Iiil Gruflydd, grymmus gynneddfeu,
' Rhos and Penvro, the names of two cantreVB in Pembrokeshire».
A A
354 WELSH POETRY
The offspring of Gruffydd, of worth)' qualities,
Is generous in distributing rewards for songs ;
His shield shines, and the strong lances
Quickly meet the streams of rushing gore.
He extorteth taxes from his enemies,
And claimeth another country, as a sovereign prince.
Adorned by noble birth, he besieged fortified towns,
And his furious attacks, like those of Fflamddwyn, 1 reach far.
He is a prosperous chief with princely qualities ;
His bards are comely about his tables.
I have seen him generously distributing his wealth,
And his mead-horns filled with generous liquors.
Long may he live with his sharp sword,
To defend his borders, like Arthur with the lance of steel.
May he who is lawful King of Cambria, endued with princely qualities,
Have his share of happiness at the right hand of God.
This poem, full of gossip and flattery, is of no great poetic
value. It is useful as a historical document ; and the names
of places, persons, and battles will greatly facilitate the busi-
ness of the historian. But it has no imagery, no strong link of
connexion, nor much descriptive power ; and wanting these, it
is only a long string of unconnected sentences, which, though
they occasionally give us glimpses of contemporaneous manners,
evince no great capacity in the artist. The allusion to the
" four elements " shows us something of the bardic philosophy,
and of their speculations upon the composition of the universe ;
and the statement that Llewelyn ruled over a people of four
Hael gyngor, gyngyd wrth gerddau,
Hylathr i ysgwyd, escud barau gwrdd,
Hylym yn cyhwrdd cyhoedd waedffrau.
Hylwrw fwrw far, gymmell trethau,
Hawlwr gwlad arall gwledig riau,
Harddedd o fonedd, faen gaerau dreisddwyn,
Hirbell fal Fflamddwyn i fflamgyrchau.
Hwylfawr ddreig, ddragon cyfeddau,
Heirdd i feirdd ynghylch ei fyrddau,
Hylithr i gwelais ddydd golau i fudd,
Ai feddgyrn wirodati.
Iddaw i gynnal cleddyfal clau,
Mai Arthur wayw dur i derfynau,
G"w ir frenin Cymru cymmreisc ddoniau,
Gwrawl bawl boed hwyl o ddehau.
1 Fflamddwyn, the name of a Saxon prince against whom Urien, King of Cumbria,
and his son Owain, fought the battle of Argoed Llwyvain.
FROM A.B. 1240 TO A.D. 1284.
languages refers most probably to the Kymry, the English, the
Normans or French, and the Flemish settlers on the borders of
Wales.
Einion ab Madawg ab Ehahawd, a poet who lived between
1230 and 1270, and the author of some verses addressed to
Prince Gruffydd, the eldest son of Llewelyn the Great, ought in
strict propriety to have taken precedence of Llygad Gwr, as the
latter addresses the son, while the former sang when the father
was a youth. His poem has merit, and will bear perusal : '
I will extol a generous prince, increasing in fame,
The honoured of multitudes, the favourite of the army ;
The season is suitable to circulate the goblet,
The arms are piled, and the three colours of three armies wave aloft.
The eagle of the men of Gwynedd, I know he is not near ;
Though he may be appeased, he will not take an affront ;
Though a youth, my ruler made an impression
On the strangers by his bold horsemanship.
Lord of wide Crugkaeth, dignified and steady,
Monarch of Britain worthy of the muse,
Gruffydd is the chief prince between the two seas,
Chief golden breastplate of privilege and sociability ;
Foes will shrink from a hero so sternly fierce
When there shall arrive a day of battle and depredation.
Leader of all mirth ; the crows will /lock
Around the warrior who is so easily served,
And who is accustomed to drive his foes before him
As flames of fire rush through dry reeds.
Arddwyreafy hael hwylglod ellwng
Arddunyant torvoedd tyrva eitwng
Arvod ysgymmod gorvod gorflwng
Arveu briw trilliw trillu gyhwng
Eryr gwyr Gwynet gwn nad echwng
Ked ef ddigoner ni chymmer vhvng
Yr yn vab ym rwyfy ry gwnaeth ystwng
Ar y estronyon ys drud echwng
Pendevic Crukyeith meith mygyr ddivwg
Pennyadnr prydein prydest doilwng
Pennaf yw Gruffyt pennaeth rvvng — den vor
Pen eurddor bronddor breint a hebrwng
Panmi a vyt dir rae dewr gorvlwng
Pan vo dyt gorwlad a chad yn wng
Pennyal pob aryal crev allwng — branes
Aingylch lliw didres dwydreul gyfrwng
Gnawd yd gyrch cynnygyn oe gynnif pwng
Mai pan gyrch fflamdan fflam
a a 2
856 WELSH POETRY
He is accustomed to redden his bold sword and his horse's mane,
To strew his war-path with blood, and enforce silence by his voice ;
He is accustomed to triumph over all treachery;
But his district is not accustomed to taxes and oaths of submission.
Through his bravery he made dreadful havoc among the Franks,
Whom he filled with fear, terror, and dismay.
lie caused torrents of blood to flow at Trallwng Elvael, 1
Where there was a fierce and confused conflict.
May God enable him to live without reproach,
And when he dies, end his days in honour ;
And when — invincible dragon — he is forty or sixty years old,
Receive the protection of bounteous Heaven.
This short poem very strikingly portrays the prevalent sen-
timents among the Kymry at a time when the armies of
England, scouring over the plains, frequently compelled them
to fall back upon those palladia of Cambrian liberty their
mountain fastnesses. Our early literature breathes not a word
of despair, not a hint at compromise, not a thought of submis-
sion ; on the contrary, the national spirit, gaining strength from
adversity, kept pace with the occasion, and mounted highest
when the danger was greatest ; and, true to the Spartan cha-
racter, which made them think it " a disgrace to die in their
beds, but an honour to fall in the field," preferred dying as
freemen to living as slaves. In none of the poems which have
Gnawd yd gock a glew gleif gad vwng — gorwydd
Gnawd goches rodwyt mat ostwng
Gnawd taw treissiaw tros bob ethwng
Nyd gnawd oe ardal na thai na thwng
Gwnaeth drwy einc ar freinc frawt anheilwng
Ac ergryd a cliryd a chreu dillwng
Gwnaeth drallif gwyar uwch trallwng — Elvael
Pan fu ymdravael drud ac erdrwng
Gwnaed dduw y ddiwet ef ddifefyl hebrwng
Yny vo y orffen ar ffort deilwng
Yn dygant trigyant dreic diystwng
Yn tec adef nef nawt orddillwng.
Myv. Arch. vol. i. p. 301.
1 Elvael is on the borders of ^Radnorshire ; an old bard says :
Gnawd yn Elvael haelioni
A march a merch a mynych roddi.
Elvael is distinguished for generosity,
For horses, and maids, and frequent gifts.
But it has not retained this character.
FROM A.I). 1240 TO A.I). 1284. 3Ô7
been perused for the purposes of the essay have there appeared
the least traces of despondency ; but the same fierce defiance of
Saxons, and Normans, or "French," as they are called, and
the same exultation in successes, whether great or small, are
as evident in those which remain as in those selected. In the
Kymric camps there were too frequently treachery and intrigue,
but fear and cowardice were alike unknown.
Y Peydtdd Bychan, or the Little Poet, has contributed
twenty-one short poems to the literature of his country. He
lived between the years 1210 and 1260. His verses are nearly all
addressed to the Princes of South Wales ; and it thence seems
that he lived in Deheubarth; but the subject of the following-,
and longest of his poems, is the brother of Prince Llewelyn :
Engltnion
Sung by the Prydydd Bychan, of South Wales, to Owen the
Red, son of Gruifydd ab Llywelyn : '
Gwynedd, famed for kind princes and abundant songs,
Thou wilt suffer no injury from the beautiful son of Gruffydd;
The hawk, stern in armour in the battle,
Is the glory of the Perveddwlad. 2
A resolute ruler, and a bold inhabitant, is Owen,
'Whose sword attracts the ravens, the eulogised of numbers ;
lie is a valiant governor, bold in the conflict,
And descended from a line of kings.
In the tumult daring, in the trial unperplexed,
The son of Gruffydd is the strength of his valley ;
1 Gwynet kein reuet cann rad — nyth arilut
Mab Gruffyt mawrvut mad
Gorvlwng watch yg calch yg cad
Goruolet y beruetwlad.
Gwledic gwycbyr hydric gwychnaws — yw Ywsui
CI tt litb brein clod liawa
lyw glyw glewdJrud gynghaws
() lin breyennin trin traws.
Trawsvar yn trydar yn tro — dygythrut
Mab Gruffut breifecut bro
- The Perveddwlad means the central land; and the district so named comprised
the present counties of Flint and Denbigh.
WELSH POETIÌY
Kymric hawk, ardent, strong, and persevering,
They will bring thee all that is thine.
The hawk of the valley shall have the privilege of the sovereignty
Through the grace of the ruler, who dislikes not war —
Fearless, and bold lord of a spacious palace,
Which his golden sword has won.
You have seen the surpassing and destructive heroism
Of the impetuous sons of Beli ; '
Courteous hawks, proud frequenters of the feasts
Of Mon ; eagles of Snowdon.
Eagle of golden tribute, spreader of carnage, is Owen,
The omen of hawks, the hawk of conflict ;
Fond of arms from his youth,
The dragon of the court of Ffraw 2 does no good to the Frank.
The Frank dares not approach the camp of the crafty warrior,
Whose tents are bound up in five pieces ;
Nimble slaughterer, furious in battle as a raging sea,
Strong and active against the enemy.
Caer daer terwynwalch Gymro
Bygant yth vetyant ath vo.
Bo gwalch bro breint teyrnas
Brwy rad y rwyf cad nyd cas
Yn ddiofyn ehofyn ehangblas arglwyt
eurglet ry cafas.
Kawssawch gorvuaweh gwrhydri angut
Angert veibyon Beli
Mwynvawr weilch beilch balch westi
Mon eryron eryri.
Eryr eurdreth myr aerdranc — yw Ywein
Gweilch goelvein gwalch gyfranc
Drad yn arveu yn yeuanc
Breic llys fraw drwc ar lies franc.
Franc nyth veit kyfranc kyfrwysgar — gwersyll
Rwym pebyll bnmddryll bar
Cad aervlawt morgymlawt var
Cadarn ddilesc wrth esgar.
1 Beli the Great, son of Manogan, the sixty-fourth King of Britain. In the books
of pedigrees Beli is the stock from which the descents of the subsequent sovereigns of
the Britons are traced out. He is distinguished for having exterminated one of the
three molestations of the island, which was a civil war that broke out in his time ;
and also for being the father of the celebrated Caswallon.— Be. W. Owen Pughe's
Cambrian Biography, p. 21.
- The royal palace of Aberfíraw in Anglesey.
FROM A.I). 1240 TO A.D. 1284. 360
Well known to the enemy is the quick-witted Owen,
Hero of London, 1 having a lion's war-shont ;
The hawk, bold from childhood, is greatly popular,
The supporter of weakness, the hope of Gwyneddians.
The life of this Ovvain affords striking- illustrations of the
character of the times, and tempts me to relate a few of its
particulars. David, the son of Llewelyn ab Iorwcrth, having
the will of his father, the friendship of his uncle, Henry III.,
King of England, and the sanction of his nobles, ascended
the throne of North Wales and imprisoned his elder brother.
The Bishop of Bangor, through whose agency Gruffydd and his
son Owain were imprisoned, after the lapse of sometime desired
that he should be released ; but David refusing to comply, he
excommunicated him, and then went to England, where he
desired the King to obtain the release of that prince, lest the fact
being mentioned at Rome might bring the King into discredit.
Henry sent to David to demand his brother's liberty ; and the
Cambrian prince replied that if he were to set Gruffydd at
liberty, the country would soon be embroiled in civil Avar. The
prisoner being apprised of this, sent to inform the King that if
he would release him, he would consent to hold his land under
him, pay him two hundred marks annually, and assist that
monarch to subjugate the refractory portions of the country.
In the meantime the Bishop of Bangor had gone to Rome, and
prevailed on the Pope also to excommunicate the Cambrian
prince; and Gruffydd Maelawr, the subject of the ode of Einion
Wan, and a man renowned for bravery and wisdom, had also sent
to desire the King to release Gruffydd. Seduced by these repre-
sentations, the King came to Shrewsbury, and was there joined
by the lords of the Marches and many Cambrian chieftains ;
and David standing alone, and doubtful of the fidelity of his
vassals, made peace with the King and consented to set free
his brother. The King had previously entered into a contract
with Gruffydd, in which the latter stipulated through his wife,
Senena, that, on the release of himself and his son Owain, he
Hyddyso y csgar eseudvryd — Ywcin
Gwawr Llundein Hew yg gryl
Hydoryf walch hydyr or mebyd
Hyder gwendud aer gwendyd.
1 Owen had long been a resident ai the English court.
300 WELm POF THY
would pay the King six hundred marks for his land, and an
annual rent of three hundred more ; but David having made
his uncle acquainted with his brother's restless disposition,
Henry took Gruffydd with him to London, and kept him, his wife,
and his son honourable captives in the Tower. Despairing of
release, Gruffydd projected an escape. He tore up his bed-
clothes, and made them, with what other materials he could
obtain, into a rope, with which one dark night he let himself
down through a window, but being a stout and heavy man, his
weight broke the rope, and he was killed by the fall. His son
was in consequence watched more closely ; but on the death of
David in 1246, Owain, thinking there was a chance to push his
fortune, succeeded in making his way to his own country. He
had received respectful treatment from the English monarch,
and had acquired some knowledge of the art of war. Accord-
ingly on his arrival he found partisans, and the kingdom of
North Wales was divided between him and his brother Llewelyn,
the latter retaining the cantrevs of B,hos, Rhuvonioc, the Yale
of Clwyd, and Tegeingl, being all the land between Chester and
Conway, and Owain having what forms the present counties
of Anglesey and Carnarvon, as appears from the allusions to
Aberffraw in the preceding poem. The reason must also be
now apparent why Owain is termed the "hero of London."
For about eight years the two princes ruled their respective
districts in peace ; and it was probably during this period
(1246-1254) that the above Englynion were composed. The
restless spirit of his father survived, it would seem, in the son ;
for about this latter date he plotted with their younger brother
David to rob Llewelyn of his possessions. For this purpose
they collected their forces together ; and Llewelyn prepared to
oppose them. A bloody conflict ensued at a place called Bryn
Derwyn ; within an hour Owain was taken prisoner ; on hear-
ing which the allied forces fled, and were slain in great num-
bers. Owain was thrown into prison, where he was kept for
twenty-three years, while Llewelyn reigned sole King of Gwy-
nedd. It was during this confinement in the Castle of Dolba-
darn, near Llanberis, that the bard Hywel Voel ab Griffri wrote
the two poems to Owain Goch, which bear his name. Owain
was released in 1277, in consequence of a covenant between
Llewelyn and Edward I., and received back a portion of his
land, the canlrev of Lleyn. His subsequent fortunes are un-
FHOM A.I). 1240 TO A.T). 1284. 301
known, also the date of his death. Bled dpi Vardd has an
elegy to his memory, from which it would appear that he lived
and died a warrior. He is twice mentioned by Bleddyn as
lord of Mervyniawn.
The Prydydd Bychan is known to bardic critics for having
made frequent use of the metre called Proest Kyvnewidiog, and
on account of his being the only bard of these centuries who
has used the Proest Cadwynawdl. Meilir and Elidir Sais had
used the first of these, and the Proest Kyvnewidioa (combined
vowel alternity) was a favourite ; but no one made such frequent
use of it as the Little Poet. I am not acquainted with any
English verse in this metre, and must therefore use a Kymric
example :
Hart llys rys ros geithiwed
Rwyf llu tra vu y vywyd
Balchgryc barabyl bolchglet drud
Bar dwys aghynnwys yg god.
The peculiarity, it will be observed, is that the vowel in the
last syllable of the lines is different in each. It is said that
the following- verse is the only specimen of the combined alter-
nate rhyme belonging to this era:
Raeadyr gwaed am draed am drwyn
Ryw rac vy llyw Hew arye/n
Rwym bryneich branhes terriuyn
Rwyf gawr awytvawr Ywe/n. 1
The next instance occurs two centuries later, in one of the
poems of Gutyn Owain. At first this appears to be the alternate
rhyme, so frequently used by English poets ; but on examination
it will be found to differ in this, that the alternation is not in
the rhymes of the final feet, or syllables, for all end with the
same letter, but in the vowels composing them.
Hywel Voel, the author of the poem which we shall next
notice, was a man of Irish extraction. The Kymry were per-
fectly aristocratic in their laws and usages, particularly with
regard to persons of foreign origin, the slightest flaw in whose
title to nobility or citizenship was instantly detected ; and thus,
in speaking of Hywel Voel, they took care to indicate his posi-
Rev. "Walter Davies's Essay on flic Twenty-four Metres, p. 38.
,302 WELSH TOETRY
tion in the scale of naturalisation by describing- him as " the
son of Griffri, the son of Pwyll the Gwyddeliau." This scale is
an interesting" feature in the manners of the people and the
time. It was as follows :
The ninth degree in ascent will stand in the same privileged position
as the ninth degree in genealogical descent, but upon a principle different
from that of lineal pedigree ; its regulating law being as follows :
The first degree of the nine ascents is the son of an alien — that is, the
son of a foreigner — but a person of sworn allegiance to the British nation
and its lords. * A person of this degree is called an alien by descent.
The second degree in ascent is attained by the marriage of an alien's
son with a Welsh lady of genuine descent.
The third degree in ascent is a son born from that marriage.
The fourth degree in ascent is a marriage of that son with a Welsh
lady of genuine descent.
The fifth degree in ascent is a son born from that marriage.
The sixth is the marriage of that son with a Welsh lady.
The seventh is a son born of that marriage.
The eighth is the marriage of that son to a Welsh lady.
The ninth is a son born of that marriage. He has established his
claim to the rights of a Welshman. 1
But if there was a flaw in HywePs title to be called a Cam-
brian bard, he had more talent than many of the fraternity.
The following has throughout many indications of ability ; the
first part displays the affectation which prevailed at this time
among the bards, but the conclusion is both fine and forcible.
It is also remarkable as being a bold remonstrance against the
imprisonment of Owain ab Gruffydd by his brother the King
Llewelyn ab Gruffydd : 2
3 The man in the tower has long been imprisoned,
Manly sovereign, princely hawk of royalty,
( hie whose loss from among them the active regret,
One who was a bold leader and ruler worthy to be praised,
One who was a protector of families,
1 Mo MSS. p. 462.
- There is a metrical translation in Wright's Scenes in North Wales, p. 56.
3 Gwr yssyt yn twr yn hir westi
Gwreit teyrncit teyrnwaleh ri
Gwr am dotyw gwall oo golli o vyw
Gwreitlyw a glyw y glodvori
Gwr teleid tuiluocdd lochi
FROM A.I). 1240 TO A.D. 1284. 363
One whom families think deserving of eulogy,
One who shone in war like Roderick the Great.
One who wore golden armour is wanting,
One there is bound by the rule of Snowdon,
Who if free, like Khun the son of Beli, 1
Would not let Lloegria burn his borders.
A man of the race of Mervyn 2 and the magnanimous 13enlli, ;i
One who led multitudes, one active in arms,
Gwr teilu teilwng y voli
Gwr y gryd yn ryd gwr val rodri mawr
Gwr eurglawr aessawr ysswyt holi
Gwr yn rwym gan rwyf Eryri
Gwr pei ryt val Run vab Beli
Gwr ny adei loegyr y losgi ei dervyn
Gwr o Ml Mervyn mawrvryd Benlli
Gwr torvoet gwr gwisgoedd gwisgi
1 The bard seems to have been mistaken. Beli was the son of Bhun, and Bliun
the son of Maelgwn Gwynedd.
2 Mervyn was one of the sons of Bhodri the Great.
• 3 Benlli Gawr, or the Giant, was the lord of an extensive district, forming portions
of the present counties of Flint and Denbigh. He lived about the middle of the fifth
century. In connexion with him the following circumstance is deserving of record.
An ancient lorica, or British corslet of gold, was lately discovered near Mold, in Flint-
shire, under a mound of stones, called Bryn yr Ellyllon ; when the workmen were
removing the mound they came upon a skeleton, the skull of which was of gigantic
proportion, and the thigh bones those of a man of a great stature. Lying on the chest
•was found the corslet, studded over with two or three hundred beautiful amber beads,
and crossed with a kind of filigree work of fine gold, giving somewhat the appearance
of the angels found on the old Saxon arch, the whole based on pure gold. Its extreme
length is three feet seven inches, being made apparently to pass under the arms and
to meet in the centre of the back ; and its width in front, where it is hollowed out to
receive the neck, eight inches. The weight of this most interesting relic is seventeen
ounces, and its intrinsic value about QOl. It is now preserved in the British Museum,
Dr. Owen Pughe has made the following ingenious remarks on the subject, and every
circumstance seems to corroborate the idea of Benlli Gawr having been interred in
that identical spot : " It is probable that this being must have existed since the
Bomans left our country, otherwise it is likely that the body would have been burnt ;
and if he had lived about the year 600, or after, he would have been deposited in one
of our churches. Under these circumstances we cannot be far away in attributing the
period of the existence of this extraordinary being to the year 500 : but then, who
would ho be ? Who was tho high personage, that at his funeral his retainers should
throw such a mass of earth and stones upon his grave, and for whose memory there
should be such a remarkable tribute of respect ? No other, we believe, than Benlli
Gawr himself, who had his friends about him at his din, on the summit called after
him Moel Benlli, and in sight of his residence called Wyddgrug, now called Mold, as
well as in view of Dyffryn Clwyd on the other side. The grave of this powerful man's
son, Beli, is about eight miles off, for the Englynion Milwyr (Warriors' Triplets) say
that Beli lies in Llanarmon yn Iâl." — Williams's Biographical Dictionary of Eminent
Welshmen, pp. 38-9.
364 WELSH TOETRY
One who supported the people and was fond of war,
One who knew well how to regulate battles,
One who distributed his gold without stint,
One who was distinguished for generosity,
One impartial according to the primary precepts of Pryderi, 1
Owain the generous would not question bails,
Owain was not less active than Elivri. 2
Thou who bidst the moon give us light,
Thou who bidst the sun halt not in his course,
The true God, of Thee I ask —
Heaven knows the sincerity of my prayer —
That I may shortly die if he is cut off young,
By the will of Llewelyn, lord of Kidwelly : 3
Since there has long been an agreement Avithout fault in him,
Since there is a disposition to treat without deception,
Since God forgave being placed on the Cross,
Since Keli went to the grave ;
Since thou believest that the Lord of hosts arose again,
And fully redeemed the world by His five wounds,
Why will not a brother forgive another ?
A man of understanding will punish kindly.
Prudent Llewelyn, a lion raging like the sea,
Gwr gwasgawd kiwdawd kan weini
Gwr cadarn cadoedd reoli
Gwr cadwent kedwis haelyoni
Gwr eurfut dibit kel> doli
Gwr dilctyf prifddeddf Pryderi
Gwr oet ewein hael ni wnei holi mach
Gwr nyd oct lyfrach noc elifri
Gwr a beris lloer llwry goleuni
Gwr a beris heul nyd treul tregi
Y gwir Dduw yt wyf yn erchi
Yr gwyr nef orn nevawl weti
Ar oed byrr os tyrr torri glas ewyn
Gan vot Llywelyn llyw Kedwli
Gan vod hir gymmod heb gam ynni
Gan ddiddwyll gymwyll gymodi
Gan vadeu o Dduw y dodi yg crocwet
Gan vynet yr bet bu bot keli
Gan gredu penn llu llwry kyvodi
Gan boll ddifryd byd oe bym weli
Pan na vadeu brawd y brovi arall
A vyt wrth ddeall guall gospi
Ny vet namyn duw digyvoethi dyn
1 The allusion is not intelligible.
'-' Wo frequently find Elivri mentioned, but his history is lost.
3 If I have translated Kedwli rightly, this is Kidwelly in Carmarthenshire
FJÌOM A.D. 1240 TO A.D. 1284. 865
Valiant dragon, the supporter of chiefs,
Armed dragon of the satin tents (do this),
None but God can dispossess man.
Bleddyn Vardd, or Bleddyn the Poet, also flourished about
this time. He is the author of thirteen short poems, among
which are an elegy on Llewelyn ab Gruffydd, two eulogies of
his younger brother, and an elegy on the three brothers Owain,
Llewelyn, and David. All possess considerable merit, though
it is not wholly of a poetical character. "We shall here quote
the first of these as a fair specimen of the whole. It is
inferior in imagery and passion to the fine composition of Ab
yr Ynad Coch, though it may be said to be much more truthful ;
and as it seems to portray Llewelyn not as an ideal hero, but
as he actually was, it is well worthy of attention. This forms
its distinctive merit, which is certainly great. The description
is very elaborate, careful, and apparently correct; much pains
have therefore been taken to render the literal meaning of each
epithet : l
Great Cambria has lost her manliest hero ;
His bold and nimble sword was the bravest of the bright raging blades.
The manly-complexioned is not living ; what shall I do for his loss ?
The bold and bounteous lion, most ready with rewards.
A hero who slew for us, one who was most daring,
One who devoted himself to his country, confidently I name him,
The manly Llewelyn, manliest of Kymry,
Who loved not to fly by the nearest road.
Ardent hero, leader of a numerous host,
Of green-coloured tents and fixed encampments,
Digart Llywelyn lew tra gwoilgi
Dewr dragon borywon borthi
Dreic arveu pebylleu pali.
My v. Arch. vol. i. p. 393.
1 Colles Gymru fawr, gwawr gwreiddiaf,
Gwreiddllafn esgud gloywddrud glewaf,
Gwreiddlyw nid byw, ba wnaf o'i golled ?
Gwreiddllew hyged, roddgod rwyddaf ;
Gwr a las drosom, gwr oedd drosaf
Gwr oedd dros Gymru, liyf yr hunwaf,
Gwrawl Lywelyn, gwraf o Gymro ;
Gwr ni charai fib i'r ffordd nesaf ;
Gwr gwrdd yn cyrchu llu Ucdeitkaf ;
Gwr gwyrddliw bebyll, gwcrsyll gorsaf
ÎOG WELSH rOETRY
Gruífydd's manly son ; the most reckless of givers,
After the transcendent maxims of Nudd and Mordav. 1
Hero of a red spear, he was a serious man like Priam,
A good man, king of a joyous army,
Fortunate in obtaining praise, the freest in giving
That the sun sees in his longest course.
Man whose anger was destructive, most courteous prince,
A man sincere in grief, true in loving,
Perfect in knowledge, wise, and the choicest of men,
From Mon to that fairest of places, Caerlleon.
Llewelyn was on the hanks of the impetuous TafF 2
Celebrated as a hero, freest distributor of garments ;
He was confessedly the first of warriors,
Ardent eagle, as far as Port Wegyr. 3
May He who took upon Himself the sins of the world,
And suffered the severest of punishment,
Take my ruler, the most virtuous of princes,
And make him partaker of the great joys of heaven.
This portraiture makes the last Prince of Wales appear to
have been an estimable man, in addition to having the neces-
Gwreiddfab Gruffydd, digraffaf, am reg,
Yn neddfau mawr deg Nudd a Mordaf.
Gwr gwayw rudd, gwr prudd megys Priaf,
Gwr gwiw yn frenin fyddin falchaf
Gwr hyrwydd y glod, gwr haelaf, am draul,
Hyd y cerdda haul ei hwyl bellaf.
Gwr dig ei ddistryw, llyw llyseiddiaf,
Gwr dygn ei alar, car cy wiraf ;
Gwr cywirgoeth, doeth, detholedig, o Fori
Hyd yn Nghaerlleon, y lie teccaf.
Gwr vu lywelyn ger terfjm taf
Gwawr kyhoet wisgoet wasgaroccaf
Gwr oed arbennic bennaf o vilwyr
Hyd ym porth Wegyr eryr araf.
Y gwr a gymyrth enghyrth ynghaf
Anghen dros bymhoes drymloes drymaf
A gymero vy rwyf rywoccaf vonliet
Yn rann trugaret vawret vwyhaf.
Myv. Arch. vol. i. p. 368.
1 See note top. 142. 2 The river Taffis in Glamorganshire.
3 Gwalchmai alludes to Porth Wegyr in Anglesey. See Pughe, s.y. Swysawg,
FROM J. P. 1240 TO A.I). 1284. 867
sary qualifications, in being warlike, valiant, and daring ; and
the poem very clearly proves one of two things ; for we must
either believe that Llewelyn actually possessed these fine attri-
butes, or that the bard had refinement enough to perceive that
they were qualities which greatly became a prince. In either
case it indicates the prevalence of good taste and right feeling ;
and as such the poem is a valuable remnant. Two other por-
traits of this prince have been drawn by different authors ; and
as they reflect some of the spirit of the age, we shall here
quote them as in the edition of the Polychronicion printed by
Caxton in 1460, with the English translation annexed :
Of this Lewelin two men of relygyon wrote verses in metre ; of the
Walshmen in this maner.
Hie jacet Anglorum tortor, tutor Venedorum ;
Princeps Wallorum Lewelinns regula inonim ;
Gemma coaivorum, flos regnni practeritoram ;
Forma futurorum ; dux, laus, lex, lux populorum.
Here lyeth the tormentour of Englyshemen wardeyn and tutor of
Walshemen ; Prince of Welshemen. Lewelyn, ruler of good thewes.
Cheyf precyous stone of them that were in his tyme. Floure of kynges
that were before. Ensample of them that shall be after this time. Leder
praysynge ; law and lyght of people.
But the Englisheman said in this manere,
Hie jacet error princeps, prasdo virorum ;
Proditor Anglorum, fax livida, secta reorum ;
Numen Wallorum, trux dux, homicida piorum ;
Fa?x Trojanorum, stirps mendax, causa malorum.
That is ; here lyeth the Prynce of errours, Theyf and robber of men.
Traytour of Englyshemen. A dymme bronde ; and set of euyll doers,
God of Walshemen ; a cruell duke ; a sleer of good men. Drastes of
Troyanes; a false rote cause of euyll dedes.
The allusions to Priam, to Ul Kaissar, and other Latin
names, show that the taste for classic literature, which so
eminently distinguished this and the succeeding centuries, was
beginning to make itself apparent in the works of the bards ;
it becomes more apparent as we advance, and in the fifteenth
century we find that the revival of Roman literature by Petrarch
and Boccaccio exercised a very powerful influence upon the
more learned of the bardic writers.
368 WELSH POETRY
This bard has three short verses on the death of Davydd
Benvras, which form an interesting sketch of that bard : '
The good men of Gwynedd — the more is the pity
For us indigent men — are perishing ;
Two at a time worthy people die ;
Every hour, painful tale, there die three.
Death has been officious with our friends : a new recollection
Causes me profound and lasting regret ;
There was mourning for the taking of the reproachless Davitl ;
He was a witty man, and in his day wise.
While lived David, his course was blameless ;
He was powerful in the conflict of battle,
He was liberal, and stout-hearted in distress,
He was witty without pedantry, wise and humorous.
The bard named Sevnyn also appears to have been living at
this time. Two of his poems have no cynghanedd ; the third
has. We might thence infer that he flourished between 1280
and 1370. One of these poems describes the exploits of Prince
Llewelyn.
We have now passed in review several poems of various
degrees of merit ; but the best and greatest which challenges
our critical attention during this stage is the Elegy of Gruff-
ydd ab yb, Ynad Coch upon Prince Llewelyn, which is really a
very fine composition. The occasion is one to which no Kymro
can be indifferent ; and I trust it has sufficient interest to jus-
tify a brief recapitulation of the circumstances attending Lle-
welyn's death. He had marched to South Wales to meet some
Cambrian partisans and English lords, who had entered into a
1 Mao gwyrda gwynet gwae ni yr eissywed
Yssywaeth yn trenghi
Pob deu polyl dygyn eu colli
Pob awr poen dramawr pob dri.
Oet tringar an car cof newyt am peir
Porygyl hiraeth peunyt
Oet cwyn dwyn difefyl davyt
Oet coeth gwr a doeth y dyd.
Tra vu ddyt davyt difefyl ddylif cad
Oet cadarn y gynnif
Oet kedawl oet cadyr yg gnif
Oet kooth digrawn doeth digrif.
FROM A.D. 1240 TO A. IK 126
confederacy against Edward I. The place of meeting was
near Builth, in Breconshire. He posted his army on a moun-
tain in the neighbourhood, and went alone and unarmed to
the appointed spot ; but the design having been betrayed,
apparently by the persons implicated in the plot, instead of
meeting with his confederates, the outposts were attacked by
hostile forces. These made no impression, until a ford was
shown where the river might be crossed, when a party of
English horse surrounded the place where the Prince stood.
He, in endeavouring to get back to his own army, was followed
by an English knight named Adam de Francton, who, knowing
only that he was a Welshman, ran his spear through his body,
which he left where it lay, and then joined the English troops
under Sir Edmund Mortimer in the attack on the Cambrian
army. The battle, which occurred on the 10th of December,
1282, lasted three hours, and after a severe conflict the Kymry
were compelled to give way. All this time Llewelyn had lain
upon the ground, faint and expiring. He had just life enough
remaining to ask for a priest ; and a white friar, who chanced
to be present, administered to the dying prince the last sacred
duties of his office. 1 After the battle De Francton returned
into the valley to strip the person he had wounded. On viewing
the body, which was still breathing, it was found, to the great
joy of the English army, that the dying person was no other
than the Prince of Wales. As soon as Llewelyn was dead De
Francton cut off the head, which, as a gift of high value, he
presented to the King at Conway. The body lay unburied for
some time, though the Prince's friends were solicitous that he
might be interred in consecrated ground. The Lady Matilda
Longespec also, among others, interested herself for a decent
interment ; but this indulgence, small as it was, was not allowed.
As soon as the head was brought to him, the English King sent
it to London ; and, in order to feast the eyes of his subjects
with a novel and savage spectacle, it was ornamented with a
silver circle, and placed in the pillory in Cheapside, in ridicule
of the prophecy of Merlin that Llewelyn would one day wear
the crown of Brutus. In contempt also of the late prediction
of the soothsayer, that this prince would ride through Cheap-
side crowned with a silver diadem, his head was encircled with
1 Warrington, vol. ii. p. 269.
Ji I!
370 WELSH POETRY
a wreath of ivy, and being fixed on the point of a spear, was
carried through the streets by a horseman ; it was then placed
upon the highest turret in the Tower of London, where it
remained for a long time. 1
These facts will render the allusions in the poem intelligible,
and fully justify the observations of Warrington 2 that " to
insult the remains of a fallen enemy, and a sovereign prince,
by devices which were mean and vindictive, was more suited to
the leader of a tribe of Arabs than a great monarch."
3 Cold is my heart beneath a breast stricken with sorrow
For the royal cliviner of the court of Aberffraw.
Gold that was not smooth was paid from his hand ;
He was worthy of a golden diadem.
Golden horns of a golden monarch, I shall have no joy,
Llewelyn is not living, gracefully to enrobe me ;
Woe is me for a lordly hawk free from reproach !
Woe is me of the misfortune which has befallen him !
Woe is me of losing him, woe is me of his destiny!
Woe is me of hearing that he was wounded !
Woe, ye tents of Cadwaladr, that the obstructor of the flood is pierced !
Golden handed prince, hero of the red-stained spear,
Every winter he distributed rich apparel,
And clothed me with garments from his own person.
Lord of plenteous flocks, our right hand has not prospered,
But he shall enjoy life eternal.
It is my lot to complain of Saxon treachery,
1 Warrington, vol. ii. p. 277. 2 Ibid. vol. ii. p. 278.
3 Oer galon dan fron o fraw — allwynin
Am frenin dewin dor Aberffraw
Aur dilyfn a del id oi law
Aur dalaetb oedd deilwng iddaw.
Eurgyrn aur deyrn nim daw — llawenydd
Llywelyn nid rhydd i'm rhwydd wisgaw
Gwae fi am Arglwydd gwalch diwradwydd
Gwae fi o'r aflwydd ei dramgwyddaw.
Gwae fi or golled gwae fi or dynged
Gwae fi or clywed fod clwyf arnaw
Gwersyll Cadwaladr gwae saf llif daradr
Gwas rhudd ei baladr balawg eurllaw
Gwasgaroedd alaf gwisgoedd bob ganaf
Gwisgoedd am danaf oddi am danaw
Bncheslawn arglwydd min llwydd yn Haw
Bucbedd dragywydd a drig iddaw
Vs man bid wrth Sais am fy nhreisiaw
FROM A.l). 1240 TO A.J). 1284. 371
It is mine to complain of the necessity of dying,
It is mine to despise myself because God
Has left me without him,
It is mine to praise him without interruption or silence,
It is mine henceforth to meditate on him,
It is mine while life lasts for him to mourn,
It is mine to grieve, mine to weep.
A lord I have lost — well may I mourn —
A lord of a royal palace, slain by a human hand,
A lord righteous and truthful : listen to me !
I soar to complain. Oh that I should have cause !
A lord, victorious until the eighteen 1 were slain,
A lord who was gentle, whose possession is" now the silent earth,
A lord who was like a lion, ruling the elements,
A lord whose disfigurement makes us most uneasy,
A lord who was praised in songs, as Enarys predicted ;
No Saxon would dare to touch him.
A lord, the admired of the Kymry ; is he not held in sepulchre,
Who ought rightly to hold (the sceptre of) Aberffraw ?
Lord Christ, how seriously I grieve for him ;
Lord of truth, grant him salvation.
Oh, the heavy sword-stroke which slew him !
Ys man rhag angau angen gwynaw
Ys man gan ddefnydd ymddifanw a Duw
Am edewis hebddaw
Ys mau eu ganmawl heb dawl heb claw
Ys mau fyth bellach ei faith bwyllaw
Ys mau im dyn hoedl am danavv afar
Canys mau alar ys mau wylaw
Arglwydd a gollais gallaf hirfraw
Arglwydd teyrnblas a las o law
Arglwydd cywir gwir gwarandaw arnaf
Uched y ewynaf och or ewynaw
Arglwydd llwydd eyn lladd y deunaw
Arglwydd llary neud llawr ei ystaw eiddaw
Arglwydd glew fal Hew yn llywiaw elfydd
Arglwydd aflonydd eu afluniaw
Arglwydd eannadhvydd eyn adaw Emrais
Ni lyfasai Sais ei ogleisiaw
Arglwydd neud maendo ymanrlaw Cymry
Or llin a ddyly ddal AberfFraw
Arglwydd Crist mnr wyf drist drostaw
Arglwydd gwir gwared y gantbaw
o gleddyfawd trwm tramgwydd arnaw
1 Here apparently we have an historical fart not hitherto noticed ; the number of
the persons he took with him appears to have been eighteen.
Jî b '2
872 WELSH POETRY
Oh, the long-swords which caused his ruin !
Oh, the wound inflicted by the loss of our ruling prince !
Oh that we should have heard that his army was obstructed !
The heroic chief was slain by the hand of a stranger,
And the privilege of his age was not respected.
Candle of sovereignty, powerful lion of Gwynedd,
Whom the chair of honour so greatly became !
Alas his death ! Wide Britain mourns the fall of her supporter.
Oh that the lion was slain, who was our talisman and armour !
Many a slippery tear sails down the cheek,
Many a Avounded side is red with gore,
Many a foot is bathed in blood,
Many a widow mourns her partner lost,
Many a mind is heavily troubled,
Many a son grieves over a father slain,
Many an old grey town is deserted,
Many will be ruined by yonder deed.
A portion of this elegy which succeeds these lines has been
already rendered into English verse. The translation occurs in
Jones's Relics of the Welsh Bards ; and as they very faithfully
represent in a pleasing form the sublimity of the original, the
lines are here inserted : '
Frequent is heard the voice of woe,
Frequent the tears of sorrow flow ;
gleddyfau hir yn ei ddiriaw
glwyf am fy rhwyf y sy'm rhwyfaw
glywed lludded llu bod faeaw
Cwbl o -was alas o law ysgeraint
Cwbl braint ei henaint oedd o honaw
Canwyll teymedd cadarn Hew Gwynedd
Cadair anrhydedd rhaid oedd wrthaw
laith Prydain faith cwynllaith canllaw
ladd Hew o an coel lluryg na'ncaw
Llawer deigr hylithr yn hwylaw ar rudd
Llawer ystlys rudd a rhwyg arnaw
Llawer gwaed am draed wedi ymdreiddiaw
Llawer gweddw a gwaedd y amdanaw
Llawer meddwl trwm yn tomrwyaw
Llawer mab heb dad gwedi ei adaw
Llawer hendref fraith gwedi llwybr godaitn
Llawer diffaith drwy anrhaith draw.
1 Llawer lief druan fal ban fur Gamlan
Llawer deigr dros ran wedi'r greiniaw
FROM A.D. 1240 TO A.D. 1284. 373
Such sounds as erst in Camlan heard
Kous'd to wrath old Arthur's bard,
Cambria's warrior we deplore ;
Our Llewelyn is no more.
Who like Llewelyn now remains
To shield from wrong his native plains ?
My soul with piercing grief is fill'd,
My vital blood with horror chill'd :
Nature herself is changed, and lo !
Now all things sympathise below !
Hark ! how the howling wind and rain
In loudest symphony complain !
Hark 1 how the consecrated oaks,
Unconscious of the woodman's strokes,
With thundering crash proclaim he's gone ;
Fall in each other's arms and groan !
Hark ! how the sullen tempests roar !
See ! how the white waves lash the shore !
See ! how eclipsed the sun appears !
See ! how the stars fall from their spheres !
Each awful Heaven-sent prodigy,
Ye sons of infidelity,
Believe and tremble. Guilty land,
Lo ! thy destruction is at hand !
Thou great Creator of the world,
Why are not Thy red lightnings hurl'd ?
Will not the sea at Thy command
Swallow up this guilty land ?
Why are we left to mourn in vain
The guardian of our country slain ?
O leas gwanas gwanar eurilaw
O laith Llywelyn cof dyn ni'm daw
Oerfelawg calon dan iron o fraw
Rewydd fal crinwydd y sy'n crinaw
Poni -werwclnvi hvnt y gTvyDt ar glaw
Poni welwehwi'r deri yn ymdaraw
Poni wehvchwi'r mor yn merwinaw'r tir
Poni welwchwi'r gwynt yn ymgyweiriaw
Poni welwclnvi'r haul yn lnvylaw'r awyr
Poni welwchwi'r syr vredi syrthiaw
Poni chmhvchwi Dduw dyniadon ynfyd
Poni "welwehwi'r byd wedi bydiaw
Och hyd attad Dduw na ddaw— mor dros dir
Pa betli in gcdir i ohiriaw
eyrcher rhag caarchar l>r:iw
374 WELSH POETRY
No place, no refuge, for us left,
Of homes, of liberty, bereft ;
Where shall we flee ? to whom complain,
Since our dear Llewelyn's slain ?
The verse translation ending here, it becomes necessary to
resume our literal version : *
Every member of his worthy family,
Every tenant who lived under him,
Every chieftain, every land that was his,
Every cantrev, and every town — all are pierced with grief.
Every family, every tribe, are sorrowing ;
Every weak and every powerful maintained by his hand,
Every son in the land, groans in anguish.
It was small gain to deceive me
By leaving my head and taking his ; 2
A head which, when severed, was not avenged by Kymry,
A head which, when slain, had better have been preserved ;
The head of a warrior, a ruler of highest celebrity ;
The head was that of a dragon, and on his crest a dragon's head. 3
Head of Llewelyn the fair, profoundly feared,
Oh that there should be an iron spear through it !
Nid oes le y triger och o'r trigaw
Nid oes 11 a clvynghor na chlo nac egor
Unffordd i esgor brwyngyngor braw.
1 Pob teulu teilwng oedd iddaw
Pob cedwyr cedwynt y danaw
Pob dengyn a dyngynt o'i law
Pob gwlodig pob gwlad oedd iddaw
Pob cantref pob tref ynt yn treiddiaw
Pob tylwytli pob llwyth y sy'n llithraw
Pob gwan pob cadarn cadwedd o'i law
Pob mab yn ei gryd y sy'n udaw
Bychan lies oedd ym am fy nhwyllaw
Gadael pen arnaf lieb ben arnaw
Pen pan las ni bu gas gymraw
Pen pan las oedd lesach peidiaw
Pen milwr pen moliant rhagllaw
Pen dragon pen draig oedd arnaw
Pen Llywelyn deg dygn o fraw — i'r byd
Bod pawl liaiarn drwyddaw
2 The finest pathos of this poem is taken from the monody on St. David. Sec his?
Life in the Cambro-British Saints, p. 115.
s Pendragon is chief leader.
FROM A.J). 1240 TO A.D. 1284. 875
Head of a lord after whom we severely grieve,
Head that was owner of nine hundred lands,
Having nine hundred feasts ;
Head of sovereigns, from whose hand the spear swiftly ilew,
Head of proud princes, of the blunted sword,
Head of wolf-like rulers loving the battle's front,
Head of Christian sovereigns — may heaven be his lot !
Blessed sovereign, leader of a splendid army,
A blessed host conquering as far as Brittany,
True and rightful King of Aberffraw,
May he inherit the blessed land of heaven !
This bard was the ablest of bis day, and this elegy is a fine
specimen of bis ability. He was strongly inspired with the
true spirit of poetry, and seems to have been greatly affected by
the fate of his beloved prince. The figures are beautiful and
unusually bold; and were they not justified by the bard's
Hebrew models, and by the subsequent examples of the greatest
names in modern pGetry, an ample defence would be furnished
in their own intrinsic force and sublimity. I wish such flights
of fancy were more frequent among other bards ; their poems
would then have taken a firmer hold than they have upon the
public mind. This poem is worthy the occasion which called it
forth, and forms a fittiug wail on a hero's fall.
Pen Arglwydd poen dygngwydd amdaw
Pen fenaid heb fanag arnaw
Pen a fu berchen ar barch Law Canwlad
A naw canwledd iddo
Pen teyrn heyrn heid o'i law
Penteyrnwaleh balch bwlch ei ddeifniaw
Penteyrnaidd flaidd flaengar ganthaw
Penteyrnef nef ei nawdd arnaw
Gwyndeyru ortheyrn wrthaw
Gwendorf gorf gorfynt hynt hyd Lydaw
Gwir freiniol frenhin Aberffraw
Gwenwlad nef boed addef iddaw.
Myv. Arch. vol. i. p. ;J97.
376 RELIGIOUS POETRY
SECTION III.
THE RELIGIOUS POETRY OF THE BARDS.
It is a fact now satisfactorily established by the concurrent
researches of Blount, Hughes, Kees, and Stebbing, that there
was a British Church in these islands prior to the arrival of
Augustine. The Church then had, and continued among the
Kymry for many centuries to have, a separate and independent
existence. Wide differences of opinion on matters pertaining
to doctrine and Church government existed between the two
Churches, and until members of the Church of Borne, in the
course of time, insinuated themselves into the British churches,
these differences continued. And even then the fusion was not
complete ; for the Kymry ever looked with a jealous eye upon
foreign ecclesiastics.
This fact will go far to account for the appearance during
the middle ages of a mass of religious poetry in the Cambrian
language. I was not a little surprised, in perusing these, to
find the bards, almost to a man, exercising their talents in the
composition of a species of literature which seemed so incon-
sistent with their practices and professions ; but on examination
it soon appeared that they had been judged both harshly and
unfairly. The Kymry have ever been a religious people ; and
the profession of Christianity seems now to be a necessary part
of their constitution. It will have been observed that scarcely
one of their poems begins without an invocation to the Deity,
and none end without aspirations for eternal joy hereafter ; and
jt is both interesting and instructive to mark the effect of the
principles of Christianity upon men who were by no means
favourably disposed towards its teachers. The bards had the
discrimination to distinguish between the truth of religion and
the mixture of truth and error then usually presented under
that name. In the bardic poems we frequently meet with
wholesale denunciations of the clergy ; but in the whole range
of Kymric poetry there is not, I confidently venture to assert,
a, line of impiety. The professors of a religion, whose precepts
they did not practise, were satirised, and justly too; but that
HELIGIOUS POETJiV. -'nl
censure was never indiscriminate, and co-existed with sincere
and unaffected belief. In the lapse of centuries, the indepen-
dence of the Kymry became greatly compromised ; but the
people kept to themselves the right of private judgment, and a
disposition to put that right in practice. We have already
quoted Meilir's ode upon his death-bed. Kynddelw has a long
poem in ten parts, addressed to the Deity, a part of which has
been already given ; and he has another, supposed to have been
his last literary effort, of much greater merit, in which he en-
deavours, with much success, to show that the bardic profession
was not inconsistent with piety. Prydtdd y Moch has an
address to the Deity, as has Davtdd Benvras ; Meilir ab
Gwalchmai has eight small poems on devotional subjects, with-
out much merit ; and EiNiON,his brother, is not more fortunate
in the three long addresses to God which bear his name.
Elidir Sais has several religious poems of much more than
ordinary merit. One of them has excellence enough to justify
quotation : 1
A Divine Oik.
Consider thy errors, for it is written,
" With God there will be no contention,
But truth, and mild tranquillity,
And true mercy," as He has said.
Examine thy conduct ere thou goest to the grave !
If thou hast done wrong, be not surprised
Should there be extreme payment before Jesus.
Where the three hosts see the evils he has done,
Woe to the believer who has sinned ;
The deception will not be mercifully passed away,
And though he thinks not of it, there will be prepared
1 Y/styr di enuir heruyd a treithir
Gan dduu ny eheffir dim cynirha
Eithr gwiryoned a gwar tangneved
A gwir drugared val y gueda
Edrych rly vuched kyn myn'd i'th ved
gunaethost gamued na ryveda
Bot yii dir talu ger bron Icsu
Lie y guelo trillu y trallaut a wna
Yr tuyll nyt truan a divlannu
Ac ny meddylio a rwy dir] i
Y ruyf a gaffo nyt ymgoffha
378 RELIGIOUS POETRY.
To meet the sinner the record of his sins.
Who have done well will be esteemed,
And honoured at the least of the blessed.
I have seen Llewelyn with armies numerous as Mervyn's,
And the Kymry of the land thronging around him ;
I have seen the chiefs of North and South Cambria,
Pillars of battle, sitting on their thrones ;
1 have seen men in battle upon prancing war-steeds ;
I have seen wine flowing, hosts of men, and play-places j
I have seen numbers perpetually drinking,
And the world increasing in good men :
All these passed away like contracting shadows,
And yet men dream of never-ending days !
The rich shall not have longer life
Than the disturbed or the contentious.
Let man consider, ere he is overtaken by death and the grave,
What he will ask, what he will hate ;
Let him ask every virtue, and the feast will never end, —
And the joyfulness and peace of faith will be perpetual ;
But let him not ask to cheat, and falsely charge
With injustice Heaven in its beauty.
When attentively considered, penance becomes a serious duty,
On account of the triumph over Eve ;
Cyt boed gyvanued bydaul gymmyrred
Guledd guneir enrhydedd lined a wna
Gweleis Lywelyn luoed eil Mervyn
A cbymry tervyn yn y tyrva
Guelais bennaetkeu guyned a.deheu
Colofynnau cadeu cyd orsedfa
Guelais uyr yn trin a meirch mysterin
A guin a guerin a gwaruyva
Guelais liossyd a chyved beunyd
A byd ar gynnyd gynnif gwyrda
Hynny aeth heibiaw mal ymehoel dylau
Mae pawb yn adaw oed dibarha
Ni cheiff cyvoethauc vot yn liir hoedlauc
Vuy no ckymvinauc na chynhenna
Ystyryeit pan vo rac poeneu a gro
Ba beth a geisso beth a gassa
Keisset pob detuyd y vied ny dervyd
Lleuenyd llonyd iFyd a ffynna
Xa cheisset hocket tray gam gyhudet
Nef yn y thecket kan ny thycka
Pan luyr veddylier penyt pryt pryder
Pan gain edyllder over Eva
Nat ue gammoed ef yd aeth Arglwyd nef
RELIGIOUS POETRY. 379
It was not for sins of His own that the Lord of heaven,
Symmetrical sacrifice ! suffered on the tree.
"U oe be to him whose original sin is unforgiven ;
Sad will it be to see him, when with downcast look,
Showing the gashes and all His wounds,
The nail-marks, the blood, and the cross,
Christ the mysterious, King of kings, shall say,
" This did I ; what hast thou done ? "
For the good holiness is prepared in the presence of the Deity.
For the sinful there will be total destruction.
Woe to the miserly and the cheat,
And those who from false notions do not worship ;
They will be seen atoning for their sins,
And repenting, in the pains of hell ;
And there will be seen in the glory of heaven
Those who walked in the paths of righteousness :
The excess of joy will not end,
And the free and open feast will last for ever.
Lltweltn Vaedd Las also several poems of considerable
merit, addressed to the Cambrian princes, and particularly one
to Owain Gwynedd ; but considering that the repetition of the
same topics and ideas was likely to weary the reader, I thought
it imprudent to give another of the same class as those already
quoted, and therefore selected a poem in which the bard has
attempted to realise the preparatory stages of the last awful
judgment. The merit of the poem is not very great ; but as
Y pren diodef edyl traha
Gwae nyt mat anet bechodaul ueithret
Tosted vyd guelut goluc lyvrdra
Dangos ffrowylleu ae boll archolleu
Ae gethreu ac greu ae groc a una
Hynn a wnaethum i beth a wuaethost di
Med Crist Celi rhi rheid oed yna
Bod gleindyt puraud yn erbyn Duydaut
Rac trallaut pechaut devaut diva
Gwae wynt y kebydyon ar hoeket dynion
Ac camvedylyon ynt adola
Gweled en madeu dros eu camwedeu
Yd uffern boeneu benyt gudva
A guelet mynet i nef ogonet
Y saul a gaffet ar gyffurf da
Y gan leuenyd y aled ni dervyt
Yn dragywyd ryd rat gymanva,
380 RELIGIOUS POETRY.
the sublimity of the subject would be enough to keep it free
from commonplaces, it may be readable : l
The Signs before the Day of Judgment.
Friend ! listen thou to the sense
Which the books so fully express ;
Miracles will be evident to the observer,
And the sea will be raised to the sky !
The British channel is not measureless,
For God has unfolded
The magnitude of the signs which will be
On the fifteenth day before judgment ;
The fourteenth day,
The course of the great sea will be stopped,
And in the depth of the earth such a spectacle,
That the wind cannot reach the billows ;
Thirteenth day, men of science
Will be greatly astonished to see the ocean,
Which, when it comes to be noticed,
Will be seen to be not where it was.
Twelfth day, God is enough ;
The animals of the sea, of great qualities,
And every kind of fish, from its incontinence,
Will be thrown on the surface of the deep.
1 Gwyn gwarandaw di ar synhwyr
A draetha y llyfrau irtor ilwyr
Gwyrthau golau gwelhator
Dyrclmvael mor hyd awyr
Morudcl meidrawl ei ddefawd
Oblegid Duw a'i dywawd
Maint yr arwyddion a fydd
Pumthegfed dydd cyn dydd brawd
Y pedwerydd dydd ar ddeg
Ydgyrch mor mam' attreg
Yn uyfuder daiar dremynt
Fal nas cyrraedd gwynt gwaneg
Trydydd ar ddeg trwy deithi
Mawr uthredd gweled gweilgi
Pryd pan eler i'w sylli
Nad ym men yd fu yd n*
Deuddogfed dydd Duw digawn
Anifeiliaid mor mawr ddawn
Y daw pob pysg oi odeb
Hyd ar wyneb yr eigiawn
RELIGIOUS rOETRY. «81
Eleventh clay, the circle of danger is closing up;
Created beings tremble
From fear of an unrestrained flood, —
The birds of the earth abstain (from singing ?)
Tenth day, in consequence of the elements
Men cannot converse ;
And the sea will cease its motions
From the action of the streams of fire.
After the tenth will come the ninth,
God Himself planning the events ;
Showers of fire will fall from the stars.
Eighth day, there will be heard
Edicts certain and uncontrollable,
Sternly showing what would shortly come,
So that man and earth shall tremble.
Seventh day, the day of prophecy,
The greatest rocks will be split asunder,
For they break from the terror of judgment.
Sixth day, bitter will be the signs ;
Blood will come from straw and wood,
And the Lord, our Protector,
"Will give us belief and baptism.
Fifth day, the elements will wage unsuccessful war ;
Undegfed dydd cerdd eeugant
Creaduriau yd grynant
Ehac ofn diliw diarchar
Adar daiar dirwestant
Degfed dydd herwydd anian
Ni aill dyniadon diddan
Mor diffaith nis ryddifawdd
Rhag maint ffrawdd ffrydiau tân
Nawfed wedi degfed daw
Duw ei hun yn ei luniaw
Ufeliar tân drwy ysgyr ergyr
Or syr yn syrthiaw
Wythfed dydd dybydd dyar
Deddfau diau diarchar
Dygn ddangos aros erfyn
Fal yd gryn dyn a daear
Seithfed dydd dydd darogan
Main mwyaf oil a holldan
Gwyrthiau Duw a ddangosan
Rhag arynaig brawd briwan
Arwyddon chwerw chweched dydd
Y daw gwaed or gwellt ar gwydd
An Arglwydd ein Argledrydd
382 RELIGIOUS POETRY
The Lord will not be hidden
When there shall be breaking of rushes,
And when churches shall be falling down.
Fourth day, it will be serious
For the animals of the world ;
They wildly rush about in view,
Knowing that they will not all go.
Third and pitiful day ;
Of the terror of judgment there is fear,
And men part from all they love on earth.
Second day, before the day of the deluge,
The serious people of Christ know Him ;
Palpable ghosts they walk about,
Knowing that they shall not live.
One day God will bring all
The children of Adam from a distance ;
And the dumb, the insane, and the passionate
Will be in full possession of their faculties.
The pseudo-Taliesin has a poem on the same subject.
It was at the beginning of the thirteenth century that that
quarrel, so important to the interests of the Kymry, took place
between the English monarch and Giraldus Cambrensis. The
Kings of England had, for a long period, aided and countenanced
the attempts of the Archbishop of Canterbury to break down
An rhoddes ni cred a bedydd
Pumhed dydd elfydd aflwydd
Iihyfel uid argel Arglwydd
Pan fo briwa brwynan
Eglwysau diau digwydd
Pedwerydd dydd trwy dristyd
Arnaid anifeiliaid byd
Yngwylltoedd eyhoedd i cerddant
Can gwyddant nad ant y gyd
Trydydd dydd drueni
Khag arynaig brawd braw fi
A rygollo pawb o gar
Ar wyneb da ear Dyfi
Eildydd cyn no dydd dilyw
Pobloedd drist Crist a'i cennyw
Yngwylloedd eyhoedd cerddant
Can gwddant na byddant byw
Undydd Dofydd dybydd oil'
Pobloedd plant Addaf o bell
A mud a drud a drythyll
Yn llwyr yn en llawn ddeall.
Myv. Arch. vol. i. p. 363.
JíELIfílOUS POETRY. 383
the independence of the Cambrian Church ; and for this purpose
they assisted him in forcing English bishops into Kj-mric sees.
The position of the Cambrian Church at this time was somewhat
anomalous; the bishops appointed by the Kings of England,
with the sanction of the archbishops, were received, and allowed
to continue unless they made themselves obnoxious by tyranni-
cal conduct ; in which case they were unceremoniously ex-
pelled, and others elected in their place ; and these elected
bishops, in many cases, were allowed to remain undisturbed.
Giraldus was less fortunate ; he had been elected to the see of
St. David ; but King Henry, and afterwards King John, were
determined that the see of St. David should not have a bishop
from among the Kymry. The contest was continued with
doubtful success for many years ; the Archbishop of Canterbury
named another person to that see, and the Pope, after much
equivocation, when he had extracted from both the Kings of
England and the Cambrian princes all the money that he was
likely to have, annulled both appointments, and left them to
settle their own quarrel. Giraldus was ultimately superseded.
We make these remarks in oi-der to introduce a few extracts as
specimens of prose composition, from the very powerfully
written petition of the Kymric princes in favour of Giraldus.
Addressing the Pope they say :
The Archbishops of Canterbury, as if it were a matter of course, send
. among us English bishops, ignorant alike of both our customs and
language, and who can neither preach the word of God to the people
nor receive their confessions except through the mediation of inter-
preters.
These bishops, arriving from England in this manner, love neither
ourselves nor cur country, but, on the contrary, vex and persecute us with
a hatred rooted and national ; they seek not the good of our souls, but
only aspire to rule over and not to benefit us. For which reason they do
not often labour among us in discharge of their ministerial functions, but
whatever they can lay hold of, or obtain from us, whether justly or un-
justly, they take away to England, and there live luxuriantly and waste-
fully upon wealth derived from the monasteries and lands given to them
by the Kings of England. From thence, like the Partbians, who discharge
their arrows while flying and at a distance, they excommunicate us as often
as they are desired so to do.
Whenever an expedition is preparing against us in England, the
Primate of Canterbury suddenly lays under an interdict that part of the
country which it is proposed to invade. Our bishops, who are his
.is I RELIGIOUS POETRY
creatures, hurl their anathemas against the people collectively, and by
name against the chiefs who take up arms to lead them to combat. So
that whenever we tahe up arms to defend our native land against a
foreign enemy, such of us as fall in battle die under the ban of excom-
munication.
I cite these only as specimens of vigorous composition ; and
they will be generally admitted to be so, though much of their
force is of course due to the cases of glaring injustice they
expose.
There are pertaining to this period several series of docu-
ments which possess considerable literary merit, and are credit-
able to their authors. These are the letters from and to the
Kymric princes, and the Archbishops of Canterbury as the
agents of the English monarchs. I would call attention to the
letters which passed between Archbishop Peckham and the
Princes Llewelyn and David ab Gruffydd and the men of Snow-
don. Had they not been already published in English by War-
rington, and in Welsh by the Rev. T. Price, they would have
been inserted here, as I think highly of their merit ; but if the
reader will take the trouble to peruse them in either the His-
tory of Wales or Hanes Oymru, he cannot fail to coincide with
me in the belief that in manly reasoning, eloquent indignation,
and combined wit and logic, the letters of Prince Llewelyn,
the men of Snowdon, and Prince David far excel those of the
Archbishop. It ought, however, to be conceded that the latter
had the worst side ; but neither the wit nor the reasoning of
the Kymry was of any avail ; war was predetermined, and
negotiations were but a pretence to veil the preparations which
were being made and lull the Cambrian princes into a false
sense of security.
We do not find many religious poems in the early part of
the reign of Llewelyn ab Gruffydd. Lltgad Gwr's poems are
all heroic, and among those of the Petdydd Bychan and
Bleddtn Vaedd there is not one on a devotional topic. To-
wards the close of the thirteenth century poems of this class
become more numerous, and religious poems assume import-
ance. But while upon this subject I do not think I can do it
greater justice than in quoting the Rev. T. Price at some
length :
But although their proud and luxurious enemies accuse the Kymry of
disrespect to Church matters, T am quite convinced that at this period
RELIGIO I W PO ETR ) . 385
they possessed religious feelings fully as warm, and knowledge quite as ex-
tensive, as the same class of men in any portion of the world. As an ex-
ample of their religious character I will take a few extracts from the
works of contemporary bards, which methinks show the religious tendencies
of Wales better than if we had numerous theological treatises to lay before
the reader.
The following is from Guuffydd ab yr Ynad Coch, of whom we
have already spoken. The bard expresses his regret that sinners will
not believe in the sufferings of Christ ; and shows an intimate acquaint-
ance with Christian doctrine and Scripture history. He begins one ode
thus: '
2 " Alas ! Thou King who rulest above,
The generous Father who lightens eye and hand !
That the sinner will not believe he has been saved
From going to a pit, to remain afar ;
Nor that Christ was pained and broken-hearted,
Nor that He went to the Cross for him.
Alas that he knows not well the slaying of the Lord,
And that He was left in mockery !
If man would but set his mind to consider
The pain He suffered
"When His flesh was pierced by nails,
He would not commit sin nor desire it,
Even if there were not a day when God shall come
And pass judgment upon us.
And the blood is as fresh
As the dav He was crucified.
1 Huaes Cymru, p. 758, &c.
2 Och hyd ar frenin freint ucheldaw
Haeldad goleuad llygad a Haw
Na chred pechadur ei ddifuriaw
Yny el i bwll i bell drigaw
Na phoeni gau galon dreuliaw
Na myned o Grist ir grog erddaw
Ac na wyr yn llwyr Uabyddiaw — 'n harglwydd
A thrwy waradwydd ei wir adaw
Bei meddyliai ddyn ai feddyliaw
A fu o ddolur ar ei ddwylaw
Gan gethri parawd yn cythruddaw — cnawl
Ef ni wnai bechawd nai rybuehau
Be na bai undydd dofydd an daw
Dyddbrami yn barawd i'n diburaw
Ar gwaed gyn ired
Ar dydd y croged
C C
386 RELIGIOUS POETRY.
And His hands were spread out
When the deed was done.
And the blood was in streams
About His breast,
And His wounds
Are unhealed.
And the crown of thorns,
And His lifeless body,
And His head encircled
"With the thorny ring.
And the mark on His side
Of the scourges
Which took away His life
And gave Him pain,
And all to purchase the son of man
From the everlasting fire,
By the enemy
In whose hands He was."
We have here an acknowledgment of the doctrine of the salvation of
man through the blood of Christ as clearly as it would be laid down by
any divine of a more enlightened age. In the following lines from another
ode by the same bard the same doctrine is contained ; but we have in
addition the doctrine of the intercession of the saints.
1 " The protection of Father and Son freely give to my heart,
The protection of the Holy Ghost, in memory of the passion,
Ai ddwylaw ar lied
Wedi'r llidiaw
Ar gwaed yn ff'rydiau
Ynghylch ei fronneu
Ai holl weliau
Heb eliaw
Ai goron yn ddrain
Ac yntau'n gelain
Ai ben yn anghrain
Wedi'r greiniaw
Ac ol ffrewyllau
Ar ei ystlysau
Er gwneuthur angau
A phoen iddaw
Er prynu mab dyn
Or tan ufelyn
Y gan ei elyn
Oedd yn aelaw.
Nawdd y tad ar mab rhad rhof am galon
Nawld y glan yspryd cywyd cc-fion
RELIGIOUS POETRJ . 387
The protection of Jesus, loving the crown of mercy,
Lover of discipline and disciples.
The protection of the Cross, of beneficial attributes,
Which Thou, God, tookest for the sake of Thy men,
Lest they should fall into the infernal pit
And among its infidel inhabitants.
The protection of Mercy, between me and my enemies,
The protection of Maria and Mary, and her maids,
And the protection of the great archangels,
Lord of heaven and earth, that we may prosper."
And then he proceeds to claim, after the usual fashion, the protection
of numerous other saints.
The next extract of the same writer displays an intimate acquaintance
with the theology of that period :
1 " Seven deadly sins are the sins of the people ;
They are enumerated in the Bible.
For the seven deadly sins — not fictitious sins —
The seven prayers of the Pater are the best remedy.
Seven kind endowments, I know their beginning,
Seven splendours, let their names be repeated,
Seven blessed verses, before the pain of the Cross,
Christ sang with His lips.
Let the five ages of the world consider that these verses pardon.
When the only Son of God, on the best of days,
Went to the portals of hell, and its captive fiends,
Nawdd y Iesu cam coron tangnefedd
Caredd disgybledd a'i ddyisgyblon.
Nawdd y grog ddehau ddoniau ddanfon
A gymmeraist Dduw er dy ddynion
Rhag uffern gethern geithaw anffyddlawn
A'i chreulawn ddigawn ddigasogion.
Nawdd y cariad rhad rhof am galon
Nawdd myr a Mair ai morwynion
A nawdd a archaf archengylion — mawr
Arglwydd nef a llawr fal y llwyddon, &c.
1 Saith brifwyd pechawd yw pecliodau'r bob]
Mae yn y Bibl eu henwau
Am saith briwyd nid gwyd gau
Saith weddi y pader arfer oreu
Seithrad mad medrwyf eu dechreu
Saith lleufer enwer eu henwau
Saith wers cymman glan cyn gloes angeu crog
A gant Crist ai enau
Ystyrieint pumoes byd eu bod ym maddeu
Pan aeth unmab Duw y dydd goreu
I ddrws porth uffern gethern gaethau
388 RELIGIOUS POETRY.
To pierce, Avith His Cross, and His blood,
The unhappy serpent in his mouth,
There were boiling —horrid the screaming ! —
Seven hundred thousand cauldrons of souls.
" And cold rain and snow,
And serpents and lions,
And all without cessation
Enduring punishment.
And the branching fiends.
And the horned Devil,
With sharp hoofs
On his heels.
And the hard-headed mice
With horned beaks,
And the blue iron tablets,
And the arrows strewed around
And the long wicked places,
And the murky furnaces,
And all crawling
With their eyes on their paws -
And wicked long spits,
And every contrivance,
I wân heb annog ai grog oi grau
Y sarph aflawen yn eu enau
Ydd oedd yn berwi wb o'r barau
Saifch canmil peiriad o eneidiau.
A glaweir ac ot
A seirph a llewod
A phawb heb ammod
Yn ei boenau
Ar cethri osglawg
Ar cythraul corniawg
Ar cyrn llym sodlawg
Ar ei sodlau
Ar llygod pengarn
Ar gylfinau earn
Ar llech las haiarn
Ar sarn saethau
Ar ffair yn hirddrwg
Ar ffwrn dywyllwg
A phawb ai olwg
Ar ei balfau
A phob rhyw hirddrwg
A phob cyfriwg
RELIGIOUS POETRY. 38ft
And all sorts of creeping things
Upon ancient doors.
And every contrivance to wound the flesh,
And every flesh-wounder with his flesh-honks;
And all howling,
And all wailing,
And all crying
For death to kill them," &c.
This poem concludes with a prayer, in which the poet asks for
" Communion and confession,
And the pleasure of books,
And what is good and necessary,
And fitting. Amen.
Communion with the Lord
As is best.
That I be not a lazy glutton,
That I be not languid and timid,
That I be not a worker
Of evil deeds ;
That I be not vituperative,
That I be not pugnacious,
That I be not unkind,
Harbouring deceit ;
That my life be not unfortunate
Through other's doing ;
And that when death arrives
I be not unwise. Amen." l
A phob eiddiorwg
Ar hen doreu
A phob rhyw ddefawd
Er doluriaw cnawd
A phob cigweinawd
Ar cigweinau
A phawb yn ubain
A phawb yn gertnain
A phawb yn llefain
Nas lladd angeu, &c.
Cymmun a chy fifes
A lies llyfrau
Olew ac angen
A chymuyll Ann n
A ehymmod am rhe
Yr hyn goren
390 RELIGIOUS POETRY,
Madawg ab Gwallter was another religious bard who wrote about
1250. He was the author of the following lines to Christ, which, though
they contain some obscure words, are pretty intelligible w T hen we con-
sider that six hundred years have elapsed since they were written. No
other nation can produce such another specimen of old literature so intel-
ligible in the present day : !
" A Son has been given us,
A kind Son is born
With great privileges;
A Son of glory,
A Son to save us ;
The best of sons ;
Son of a virgin mother, —
With a merciful religion,
Full of good precepts ;
Without an incarnate father,
This is the free Son,
The Gift of gifts;
We will wisely consider,
Ni bwyf lwth diawg
Ni bwyf lesg ofnawg
Ni bwyf weithredawg
Camweithredau
Ni bwyf gyhuddgar
Ni bwyf ymladdgar
Ni bwyf anhygar
Yn hogi gau
Ni bwyf hoedyl gy wall
O weithred arall
Ni bwyf wr angall
Erbyn angeu. Amen.
Mab an rhodded
Mab mad aned
Dan ei freiniau
Mab gogoned
Mab i'n gwared
Y mab goreu
Mab mam forwyn
Grefydd aeddfwyn
Aeddfed eiriau
Heb gnawdol Dad
Hwn yw'r mab rhad
Rhoddiad rhadau
Dooth ystyriwn
RELIGIOUS POETRY. 391
And wonder
Wonders ;
Nothing more wonderful
Will again demand
Praise from our lips ;
God growing,
Man creating,
Creatures ;
A God, a Man,
And the God a Man,
With the same faculties ;
A great little Giant,
A strong puny Potentate,
Of pale cheeks.
Richly poor,
Our Father and Brother,
Author of being ;
Jesus, He whom
We expect,
King of kings ;
Exalted, lowly,
Emmanuel,
Honey of minds;
A rhyfeddwn
Khyfeddodau
Dim rhy^eddacli
Ni bydd bellach
Ni bwyll enau
Duw in dyfu
Dyn yn creu
Creaduriau
Yn Dduw yn ddyn
Ar Duw yn ddyn
Yn un ddoniau
Cawr mawr bychan
Cryf cadarn gwan
Gwynion ruddiau
Cyfoetbawg tlawd
An tad an brawd,
Awdur brodiau
Iesu yw hirn
A erbyniwn
Yn ben rhiau
Uchel issel
Emmanuel
.Mil meddyliau
392 1( ELK HO US POETRY.
With the ox and the ass.
The Lord of life
Lies in a manger ;
And a heap of straw,
As a chair,
Clothed in tatters ;
Velvet He wants not,
Nor white ermine,
To cover Him ;
Around His couch
Rags were seen,
Instead of fine linen," &c.
He then proceeds to mention other incidents connected with the in-
fancy of our Lord, and concludes by stating that He was born
" Of a lady,
Who will do us good
Beneath our burdens ;
And will find us room
Ln the fairest place
Among the happy." '
We will take one extract more from the brother, Madawg ab Gwalltcr.
The ode to God is written in a flowing style, and shows more splendour of
imagery and language : 2
" Save me, O Lord, and protect me.
I am weak, want strength ; be Thou my Supporter.
Uch ac Assen
Arglwydd presen
Preseb pi;ui
A soppen wair
Yu lie cadair
Yn llwycadau
Pali ni rayn
Nid urael gwyn
Ei gynhiniau
Yn lie syndal
Ynghylch ei wal
Gwelid carpiau, &e.
1 arglwyddes
Awna ynu lies
An lludd penau
Ac an gwna lie
Vn nhecca bre
Yngobrwyau. A men.
s I Ddutv.
Glared arnaf Xaf, nawdd a'm rhoddych,
Gwan wyfj i'm nerthwyf; fy neirlhiad fycb
RELIGIOUS POETIiY. 80S
Thou Deliverer of many, deliver me;
Deliverer of the weak, woe to him whom Thou lovest not!
And thou, Soul ! abstain from making me sin;
Turn from the ways of error while thou mayest;
Guard the mind's feet, while thou possessest prudence,
From among the w r ebs of deceit and their dark trench.
The Perfect, fairer than the gold of the gold- worker,
Designed and created thee, as thou mayest easily believe ;
His own form He impressed upon thee,
And thou ownest His fair image.
To a hundred covenants He adds one more,
From His great love, lest thou becomest embarrassed ;
Watch the hour that thou partest from the flesh,
That thou be not unready.
The blood of Jesus, the dear blood of the Sufferer,
His story is truly good, when considered ;
He groaned, and wept, like an ox bellowing,
When in pain, — woe is his fellow ox !
Jesus, fair Jesus, show me Thy face,
Conceal it not from me :
Gwareder llawer, lie gwamlyeh raid,
Gwaredwr gweiniaid, gwae ni gerych.
Tithau yr enaid, paid ! na'm pedych :
Tro o ffyrdd didro, yd tra geffych ;
Tyn droed dy feddwl, tra feddych dy bwyll,
blith maglau twyll, tywyll eu rhych.
Gloyw deccach no'r aur yngwaitb. eurych,
A th luniawdd, creawdd, hawdd y crettych,
Ei eihin ei hun honnych ei arddelw
Ac oi deg wirddelw yr arddelwyeh.
Gwedi cant cymmod cymmydych unwaith,
Herwydd cariad maith hyd na mt thlych ;
Disgwyliaw yr awr elych o'r cnawd,
Xa fydd ammharawd pan ammherych.
Gwaed Iesu a fu, gwaed cu cwynych
G"wirdda ystoria pan ystyrych;
Griddfana, ocha, fal ych yn beichiaw
Pan fo yn cwynaw gwae eich gydych.
Tpsu! deg Iesu! ini darigosych —
Dy wyneb, ni heb o ohebych :
304 RELIGIOUS POETRY.
Veil not Thy features ; look down
Upon Thy servant, and hate him not.
While I live, mysterious Ruler, encourage me.
To Thee I turn ; turn not from me ;
Do not let me slip into evil courses,
Nor end my days in the pursuit of vanity.
Emperor, Creator, strengthen me ;
My faith, my religion, strengthen !
Take my hand in Thine, and guide me rightly ;
Lead me along the paths of rectitude.
I will praise Thee, kind Ruler of the heavens.
Who will not praise who know Thee ?
Bells and books shall sound Thy praise,
And harp melodies from sharp and twanging strings.
When Thou judgest Heaven, Earth, and Hell,
Give me a mark by which I may be known ;
Thou wouldst not wish to place me among the damned,
Therefore let me be by the side of the Lamb.
Na chudd dy ddeurudd, diddorych o'th was,
Gwae neb a gas a gasych.
Tro fi Rhwyf Celi ! a'm calonych ;
At tad y troaf, attaf troych !
Nad fi i wrthyd i wrthrych maswedd,
Gwagedd breuoledd a ddiweddych.
Amerhawdr ! Creawdr ! cryf i'm gwnelych,
Y'm ffydd, y'm crefydd, i'm cryfheych,
Daly fy Haw i'th law a lywych yn iawn,
Ar hyd ffyrdd uniawn i'm harweddych,
A'th folaf Duw, Naf nefoedd lewych :
Pwy nith fawl or sawl a ry seilych,
I'th foliant soniant son clych a llyfrau
Cerddau telynau, eras dannau crych.
Nef, Daear, Uffern, pany bernych,
Dod nod i'm hwyneb a'm hadnoppych,
Parth clet i minnau ni mynnych fy mod,
Parth yr Oen gorfod i'm gosodych.
RELIGIOUS POETRY. 395
When the three hosts come, and the time of tribulation
To whole hosts of sinners, who will be sorely punished,
Among the happy, faultless choir, clothed in finest white,
Place me on Thy right hand."
On contemplating this and similiar remains, I think Ave can fairly con-
clude that our ancestors at this period were not behind their contemporaries
in religious knowledge ; and even at the present day we cannot look back
upon them without their producing a feeling of respect. Much as there
might Lave been of chaff, there was some wheat. 1
To these extracts I will only add that these poems give us
an exalted opinion of " Brother Madawg ab Gwallter," and
strengthen the favourable estimate already expressed of Gruffydd
ab yr Ynad Coch. He was the best poet of his day, and de-
serves to be ranked with Gwalchmai and Hywel ab Owain as
the best poets of this era. These were not, perhaps, as deeply
versed in bardic lore as others, but they possessed infinitely
more of the true spirit of poetry ; they felt a passion, and
clothed it in words ; they were something much nobler than
skilful versifiers.
Casnodyn, Gruffydd Gryg, and Davydd Ddu also wrote
poems on religious topics.
SECTION IV.
THE MABINOGION.
We should, however, form but an imperfect estimate of the
literature of Wales if we confined our notice to the bards alone.
The Kyinry had in the middle ages two literatures, essentially
distinct from each other, which, though springing from the
soil, had different features. The bardic literature, taken singly,
forms but a faint reflection of the national character, as it is
described by contemporaneous writers and observers of Cambrian
Pau ddel y trillu trallawd berych
I leaws yn draws a drais bocnych,
I'tli lu di difri, difrych, gwynolcu
\r y Haw ddeheu i*m lleheych.
1 Hancs < 'ymru, p. "r.i ,
396 THE MABINOGION.
manners. The bards, properly so called, were a despotic and
exclusive order, and had created an artificial taste, from which
standard no one was allowed to depart. This had, therefore, the
defect of narrowness ; the poetry was the literature of the few,
and found no great favour among the body of the people.
Giraldus tells us the Kymry were a free, merry, and witty
people, and passionately fond of music ; but the latter charac-
teristic only is found in their poetry. It was, therefore, in the
nature of events that the bulk of the people should have found
some intellectual recreation more consonant with their charac-
ter. There had been for hundreds of years traditions floating
among them ; and therefore, when the general awakening, of
which we have already spoken, took place, it was a natural
desire that these should be connected, arranged, and written.
This was the origin of the Mabinogion — tales written to while
away the time of young chieftains, to be repeated at the fire-
side, and ultimately to react very powerfully upon the national
literature and character.
It is utterly inconsistent with our knowledge of human his-
tory to suppose that the national mind of Wales could have
been for any lengthened period inactive ; we may therefore
conclude that the long and barren period which intervenes be-
tween the death of Cadwaladr and the arrival of Gruffydd ab
Kynan could not have been wholly unproductive. The bards
were engaged in recording the actions of their countrymen,
which, becoming more and more known, became more and more
glorious. Plain facts were embellished into glorious fictions ;
brave warriors became great heroes ; and Arthur, an insignifi-
cant chieftain in the sixth century, grew into a valorous war-
rior in the eighth, and by the twelfth had become emperor of
the whole civilised world. This growth of traditions is plainly
evident in the works of Nennius, Geoffrey, and Alanus de In-
sulis ; and, as has been well remarked, there is as much diffe-
rence between Gildas and Nennius as there is between Nennius
and Geoffrey. Fable had grown in the intervals. There is an
evident growth of fable among the Kymry themselves between
the ages of Gildas and Nennius; and this becomes more apparent
if we admit Mr. Price's happy conjecture that Nennius translated
iris work, or at least a part of it, from Cambrian originals. We
have in his work many of the elements of the greater romance.
His work mentions Arthur as a " magnanimous hero ;" and,
THE MABIK0G10X. 3W
unless the passage be interpolated, he alludes to a visit paid by
that " emperor " to Jerusalem. In the Mabinogi of Kilhwch
and Olwen the combing of another's hair implies relationship.
Arthur combed the hair of Kilhwch with " a golden comb,"
and a scissors the loops whereof were of silver ; " and the boar
Trwyth is hunted for nothing else than the comb, scissors, and
razor which were between its ears. Now we find this state-
ment in the history of Nennius, where St. Germanus being
charged, with the paternity of a boy, takes the child, and says,
" I will be a father to you, my son ; nor will I dismiss you till a
razor, scissors, and comb are given to me, and. it is allowed you
to give them to your carnal father." A very large portion of
the romantic incidents in Geoffrey were most probably found
in the home traditions; and the Dream of Ehonabwy, the
Mabinogi of Kilhwch and Olwen, and the tale of Gwgan the
poet show that the Kymry were in the habit of writing tales,
and. that they knew well how to do so ; for the second of these
is very ingeniously constructed. We may therefore safely con-
clude that the Mabinogion could have been produced here ; and
there is sufficient evidence to show that the Kymry did so pro-
duce them. Lady Charlotte Guest, in her preface, speaking of
the Eed Book of Hergest, says :
It comprises, among other things, a collection of Mabinogion ; some,
like the present story (the Lady of the Fountain), having the character of
chivalric romances, and others bearing the impress of far higher antiquity,
both as regards the manners they depict, and the style of language in which
they are composed. So greatly do these Mabinogion differ in character, that
they may be considered as forming two distinct classes, one of which
generally celebrates heroes of the Arthurian cyclus, while the other refers
to personages and events of an earlier period.
Those of the second class appear to be the earliest in point
of time ; they make no mention of Arthur at all, and treat of
personages who lived much earlier ; these are the Mabinogion
of Pwyll Prince of Dyved, Branwen the daughter of Llyr,
Manawyddan the son of Llyr, Math the son of Mathonwy, the
Dream of Maxen Wledig, the Tale of Lludd and Llevelis, and
the Mabinogi of Taliesin. The second class, Kilhwch and
Olwen, the Dream of Ehonabwy, Owain and the Lion, Geraint
ab Erbin, Peredur ab Efrawc, and the Story of St. Greal, are
Arthurian romances of a later date.
In the Arthurian group there are, however, marked distinc-
?,W THE MABINOGION.
tions. The Hengwrt romance of St. Greal fixes the palace of
that hero at Camelot, Cornwall. The Dream of Rhonabwy,
with Kilhwch and 01 wen, agree in placing it at Gelliwig in
Cornwall ; and the stories of Oẁain, Geraint, and Peredur men-
tion Caerlleon. The second two also differ from the latter three
in several other respects. Arthur in the former is surrounded
by an immense number of knights, while in the latter the
number of his attendants is not so great, the prominence being
given to individual and not collective achievements ; and the
confusion of the first gives place to order and regularity in the
latter. In Kilhwch and Rhonabwy Arthur hunts the Twrch
Trwyth with his knights, and is preparing to fight personally
against Ossa Gyllellvawr ; but in Owain and the others he is
the emperor reposing on his laurels. In the former the knights
act collectively, but in the latter the knight-errantry of the
riper romance is fully developed. These facts warrant us in
concluding that Kilhwch and Rhonabwy are the earliest of the
Arthurian group. They seem to have emanated from sources
purely Kymric, and bear out Geoffrey's assertion that, prior to
the appearance of his history, the exploits of Arthur were very
commonly related in a pleasing manner ; the others appear to be
later. This conclusion is also supported by the bardic writings ;
the earlier bards attach no importance to Caerlleon, but the
latter do ; and Bleddyn Vardd, towards the close of the thir-
teenth century, calls it " that best of places Caerlleon."
It is not easy to fix a date for these tales ; perhaps they are
nnt in their present form older than the twelfth century ; but
they were evidently in circulation years, if not centuries, before.
In the Ystori of Peredur it is said, " And Peredur was enter-
tained by the empress fourteen years, as the story relates."
And again, "The story relates nothing further of Gwalchmai
respecting this adventure." At the end of the Dream of
Rhonabwy it is said, " And this is the reason that no one
knows the dream without a book, neither bard nor gifted seer,
because of the various colours that were upon the horses, and
the many wondrous colours of the arms, and of the panoply,
and of the precious scarfs, and of the virtue-bearing stones."
In that remark we have a sufficient proof that these stories
were being frequently related without reference to written
memorials ; and Lewis Glyn Cothi's designation of a class of
bards as story-tellers (ystoriawyr) makes the probability certain.
THE MABINOGION. 899
While so related, they, in accordance with the known laws of
the development of fable, ascended from a brief to an expanded,
from a simple to a complex and artistic forcn. A case of this
nature occurs in connexion with Owain ab Urien. At the end
of the thirteenth century it existed, as it appears in Rhonabwy,
for Bleddyn Vardd alludes to nothing more romantic than
" Owen and his ravens ;" but at the commencement of the
fifteenth century, in Gruffydd Llwyd's ode to Owain Glyndwr,
we find Owain described as the knight errant of the " Lady of
the Fountain." But though these stories grew with time, there
were limits to their development imposed by the character of
the national mind, and though the operation may be delicate, it
is still possible to define what is of foreign and what of native
addition. In the earlier tales of Kymric origin, the machinery
is invariably supernatural. The Mabinogion of Pwyll, Bran wen,
Math, and Manawyddan are evidences of this ; the marvellous
and moving power is seldom — indeed, we may say never — personal
courage, but invariably magic ; and the same fact appears in
the verse as well as prose legends. Nothing could be more
remote from the Kymric conception than knight-errantry ; the
spirit of adventure has no place even in our national character,
and wherever that appears in our literature we shall not
greatly err in assigning to it a foreign origin. It only occurs
in the stories of Owain, Geraint, and Peredur, and is, I think,
clearly post-Norman. The existence of an earlier class of tales
of a purely Cambrian origin demonstrates satisfactorily that
tale-telling was a natural attribute of the Kymry, and is a
sufficient proof, were there not an abundance of others, to
show that our Mabinogion are of Kymric origin ; yet the
source of some of the elements of the Arthurian group is
more doubtful : the knight-erranty is clearly Norman ; but
whence came Arthur ?
Arthur is confessedly a Kymric hero ; but a question having
been raised as to whether he receives his romantic character
from the Kymry of Wales, or those of Brittany, it is our duty
to throw upon the point all the light we possess. His name is
mentioned by Nennius, but as the passage occurs at various
places in the different manuscript copies of that historian, there
is reason, if not to doubt its genuineness, to consider it an
addition by his editor, Mark the Hermit. I have thought that
the discrepancy between the dates assigned to this history
400 THE MABIXOGIOX.
might be explained in a similar way; but of that let riper
scholars judge. Yet, though the name assumes a heroic garb
in this historian, it did not take hold of the popular mind :
there is no trace of the hero in the early poeüw of Wales. It
has been so frequently shown that the earlier bards make no dis-
tinction between Arthur and the other warriors of bis day, that
it is not necessary for me to travel over ground already trod by
Turner and Schulz ; but the same fact is observable in the
writings of other bards. Arthur is very reluctantly admitted,
and even as late as the twelfth century the bards showed much
greater partiality to Cadwaladr. Indeed, strange as the asser-
tion may appear, there is reason to believe that they discoun-
tenanced the Arthurian stories. Kynddelw mentions the battle
of Badon twice, but we seldom find the name of Arthur intro-
duced in his poems with any great degree of prominence ; and,
until the force of public opinion forced them to give way, ' the
bards continued to set their faces against him. They persisted
in confining him to Cornwall long after the rest of the world
had turned their eyes to Caerlleon ; and Kynddelw, twenty-nine
years at least after Geoffrey's history had become well known,
hints at the former glories of Gelliwig. Llywarch ab Llywelyn
when from home compares Rhys Gryg to Arthur; but when at
home he does not compare a much greater man, his patron Lle-
welyn ab Iorwerth, to that hero : and although the bards were
well acquainted with the story, the name of Arthur in not freely
used for at least half a century after that time, and even then
he is simply the most renowned of warriors. There is therefore
a strong presumption that the heroic character did not origi-
nate where, being planted, it found such difficulty to grow. This
anomalous position of the K}*mry of the Principality leads in-
fallibly to one of two conclusions. Either they did really
consider the Arthurian stories to be fabulous, or deeming them
true, they were too apathetic to embrace them. The latter
inference is utterly inadmissible ; we have therefore no alterna-
tive but to fall back upon the other, and to conclude that at that
time Wales was so raised above the civilisation of the rest of
Britain and the Continent, that it presented the Mabinogion
and romances as tales for children and fabulous stories.
Professor Schulz asserts that this was not the case ; but when
we consider that he terms the age of Meilir, Gwalchmai, Kyn-
ddelw, Hywel ab Owain, Llywarch ab Llywelyn, and Davydd
THE MABINOGION.
401
Benvras, as " a period of decay in Welsh poetry," we need not
wonder that his speculations on the Mabinogion are not quite
correct. These tales were certainly so considered by the bards;
but there is a slight modification required in the Cambrian ac-
count. The term Mabinogion is applied indifferently to all the
tales ; but that is not strictly proper. Originally they appear to
have been thus classified :
Mabinogi Pwyll Pendevig Dyved
Mabinogi Branwen Verdi Llyr
Mabinogi Math ab Mathonwy
Mabinogi Manawyddan ab Llyr
MabinoQ-i Taliesin
Mabinogion, or Juvenile Tales.
Pwyll Prince of Dyved
Branwen the Daughter of Llyr
Math the Son of Mathonwy
Manawyddan the Son of Llyr
The Mabinogi of Taleisin
Breuddwydion, or Dreams.
Breuddwyd Macsen Wledig The Dream of the Emperor Maxi-
Breuddwyd Rhonabwy
Kyvranc Lludd a Llevelis
mus
The Dream of Rhonabwy
The Quarrel of Lludd and Llevelis
Ystoriau, or Stories.
Ystori Bown o Hamtwn
Ystori Dared
Ystori Saint Greal
Ystori Gwlad Ievan Vendigaid
Ystori Idrian Amherawdyr
Ystori Kilhwch ac 01 wen
Ystori Owen ab Urien, neu Chwedyl
Iarlles y Ffynnon
Ystori Peredur vab Evrog
Ystori i draethu mal yd aeth Mair
i'r nev
Ystori Geraint vab Erbin.
The Story of Bevis of Hampton
The Story of Dared
The Story of St. Greal
The Story o£ the Land of John the
Blessed
The Story of the Emperor Hadrian
The Story of Kilhwch and Olwen
The Story of Owen the Son of. Urien,
or the Tale of the Lady of the
Fountain
The Story of Peredur the Son of
Evrawc
A Story relating how Mary went to
Heaven
The Story of Geraint the Son of
Erbin.
This classification is taken from Llwyd's Archceologia Bri-
l miiiica (pp. 255-256). He there professes to give the titles of
the various MSS.; and as we know that the relaters of the
D D
402 THE MAB1NOGION.
larger tales were called story-tellers, the names are probably
strictly accurate. It hence results that Schulz is partially cor-
rect in his conjecture as to the actual facts ; but the conclusion
deduced therefrom is as unwarranted as before, for Ystor'iau
and Ystoriawr, indicate with quite as much clearness nsMabinog-
ion the limited extent of the bardic credulity. Nothing can
be more apparent to the student of Cambrian literature than
that the bards were among the last persons in Europe to admit
the credibility of the Arthurian tales. We must therefore seek
the first traces of the Arthur of romance among the Kymry of
Armorica.
The people of Armorica, and of ancient Gaul generally, are
supposed to have been the same people as the colonists of
Britain ; and this would seem to be the reason why during
times of distress the Britons fled there for refuge. Besides this
connexion there were others of which history takes note. In
the Triads we are told of "three combined expeditions that
went from the Isle of Britain :"
The first went with Ur the son of Erin, and became Greeks.
The second combined expedition was conducted by Caswallon, the son
of Beli, the son of Manogan, and Gwenwynwyn and Gwanar, the sons of
Lliaws,theson of Nwyvre, with Arianrod the daughter of Beli, their mother.
Their origin was from the border declivity of Galedin and Essyllwg
(Siluria), and of the combined tribes of the Bylwennwys ; and their number
was three score and one thousand. They went after the Kaisarians over
the sea to the land of the Geli Lydaw (Gauls of Letavia), that were de-
scended from the original stock of the Kymry. And none of them, or of
their progeny, returned to this island, but remained among the Romans
in the country of the Gwasgwynion (Gascony), where they are at
this time. And it was in revenge for this expedition that the Eomans first
came to this island.
The third combined expedition was conducted out of the island by
Elen the Armipotent, and Kynan her brother, lord of Meiriadog, into
Armorica, where they obtained land, and dominion, and royalty from
Macsen Wledig (the Emperor Maximus), for supporting him against the
Eomans. These people were originally from the land of Meiriadog, and
from the land of Seisyllwg (in Carmarthenshire) and from the land of
Gwyr (Gower) and Gorwennydd (in Glamorganshire), and none of them
returned, but they settled in Armorica and Ystre Gyvaelawg (Neustria
and Valais), 1 by forming a commonwealth there. By reason of this
combined expedition the nation of the Kymry was so weakened and
1 According to the happy conjecture of the .Rev. T. Price.
THE MAH1X0GI0X. 4 03
deficient in armed men that they fell under the oppression of the Irish
Picts; and therefore Gwrtheyru Grwrthenau (Vortigern) was compelled to
procure the Saxons to expel that oppression. And the Saxons, observing
the weakness of the Kymry, formed an oppression of treachery, by com-
bining with the Irish Picts and with traitors, and then took from the
Kymry their land, and also their privileges and their crown. 1
The truth of the third part of the Triad is proved by the oc-
currence of the same story in Gildas, Nennius, and Geoffrey ;
and these facts afford a strong presumptive proof of the correct-
ness of the others. The oppressions of the Picts led many
more to leave this island; and after the Anglo-Saxons had
entered, a.d. 513, fresh bodies fled to Armorica, and settled in
the country of Vannes and Quimper, then called Lectavia,
Littau, or Llydaw. If Geoffrey may be trusted, there was a
close connexion between the Britons and Armoricans in the
time of Arthur ; and from the Liber Landavensis, we learn that
the bishops Samson and Teilo went to and fro between the
two countries. Again, there must be some authority for
Geoffrey's assertion that at the close of the reign of Careticus
a great fleet of Britons went over to Brittany ; and there is
most probably some truth in the statement that there was a
considerable emigration at the death of Cadwaladr.
The Kymry who left their native land on these occasions
carried with them the histories of their ancestors; and as many,
perhaps, intended to return at more favourable junctures — for
the Kymro never forgets his native land — they would naturally
magnify their own actions and those of their forefathers, and
foster grand hopes of national restoration. Many of these were
the Kymry of Cornwall, which, next to Wales, formed their last
resting-point ; and these would very naturally exalt the actions
of their countryman Arthur. It is also to be observed that the
dialect of the Bretons bears a closer resemblance to that of
Cornwall than to the language of the Principality. These
seem to be the only conditions under which Arthur could have
been singled out for distinction from men whom the Cambrian
bards praise cmite as highly. How the conception was generated
will best be explained by a partisan of the Breton hypothesis,
1 Myv. Arch. vol. ii. p. 60 ; and Mr. J. II. Parry in the Ca/mbro-Briton, vol. i. p. 87.
2 Continental authorities quoted in Schulz's valuable Essay on Welsh Tra
p. 23.
D D 2
404 THE MABIKOG10N.
the writer of a very able critique on the essays of the learned
Abbé de la Rue who expresses himself thus : l
If it be allowed that a mass of floating tradition was carried by the
South British exiles, when in the sixth century they passed over to
Armorica, that these traditions were fondly cherished among them, be-
cause they told of the former glory of that land to which they could never
return, that the imagination of their descendants invested them with a halo
of poetic beauty, because these fond recollections were their only heritage,
we shall discover not merely the reason why every British tradition up to
the sixth century was preserved among them, but a reason, too, why
Arthur, merely one of the many brave warriors in the enumeration of the
Welsh bards, is the all-powerful monarch and hero of the Breton lay.
Arthur, although known in Wales as the monarch of the Silures and the
valiant opponent of Cerdic, was but one of the many kings and warriors
who fought, though in vain, against the Saxon ; but to the Breton exiles he
was their own king, who had led them to battle, and whose death was the
cause of their flight. Thus the tales of Caerlleon and Camelot gathered
splendour from each Breton bard, for they were visionary recollections
of another land ; but the Welsh bard saw Caerlleon in ruins and Camelot
in the power of the Saxons, and he left them unsung. The " woody Isle
of Avalon " too, that brightest spot in the realms of romance, was to the
Welsh bard but " one of the perpetual choirs of Britain," and he well
knew that tonsured priests alone wonned there ; but the Breton, separated
for centuries from his fatherland, showered upon this island, to which his
forefathers saw their monarch borne, every imagined beauty, and peopled
it with Morgan le Fay and her attendant damsels, watching in hushed
silence the tranced slumber of Arthur.
These remarks appear to be, in the main, just; but there is
no sufficient warrant for making Arthur the King of the Silures ;
and the location of that hero at Caerlleon appears to be clue to
Geoffrey of Monmouth. The chief argument is not, however,
greatly affected thereby ; and there are other reasons in favour
of that conclusion. Alanus de Tnsulis relates, towards the end
of the twelfth century, that the Breton people would have stoned
anyone who dared to deny the fact that Arthur lived. 2 His
words are most significant :
What place is there within the bounds of the empire of Christianity to
which he has not extended the winged praise of the Arthur of the Britons?
Who is there, I ask, who does not speak of the Britannic Arthur, who is but
little less known to the people of Asia than to the Britons, as we are in-
1 AtheruBim for 1835. p. 842. 2 Schulz's Essay, p. 32.
THE MABIXOGIOX. 40Ö
formed by our pilgrims who return from the countries of the East? Tho
Easterns speak of him, as also do the Westerns, though the breadth of the
whole earth lies between them. Egypt speaks of his name, and the
Bosphorus is not silent; Rome, the queen of cities, sings his deeds,
and his wars are not unknown to her former competitor, Carthage. His
exploits are praised in Antioch, Armenia, and Palestine. He will be cele-
brated in the mouths of the people, and his acts shall be food to those who
relate them. 1
These remarks cannot be applied to the state of opinion in
Wales ; and therefore may we derive from this extract a cogent
argument in favour of the Breton theory. Honourable mention
of the chivalry of Llydaw is made in the poem attributed to
Golyddan, Geoffrey refers the origin of portions of his history
to that country, and the romancists unanimously point out
Brittany as the source of their legends ; and therefore was there
much point in the question of M. de la Rue, How could there be
this uniformity of testimony if there were no truth in the alle-
gations ? The most striking argument in favour of the same
conclusion has, however, yet to be adduced. We have said that
Rhys ab Tewdwr (a.d. 1077) is reported to have brought from
Brittany the bardic system of the Round Table to Wales,
" where," it is naively admitted, " it had become forgotten." 2
A bard named Iorwerth Vynglwyd, living about 1450, alludes to
the bardic Roll of Rhys ab Tewdwr in these words : 3
The regulations are faultless
Of Khys the son of Tewdwr, a good man who lived formerly,
And the much respected Koll of Arthur,
Which is also good and spirited.
1 •' Quo enirn Arturi Britonis nomen fama volans non pcrtulit et vulgavit : quousque
Christianum pertingit imperium? Quis, inquam, Arturum Britonem nou loquatur,
cum peuè notior habeatur Asiaticis gentibus, quam Britannia ; sicut nobis referunt
Palmigeri nostri de orientis partibus rodountes ? Loquuntur ilium orientales, loquuntur
occidui, toto terrarum orbe divisi. Loquitur ilium JEgyptus ; Bosforus exclusa non
tacet. Cantat gesta ejus domina civitatum Roma, nee emulam quondam ejus Cartba-
ginem, Arturi prselia latent. Celebrat actus ejus Antiochia, Armenia, Palsestina.
[In ore popviorum ctlebrabitwr, et actus ejus cibus erit narrantibus.] " Quoted in Hanes
Oymru, p. 258.
2 Mo M88. p. 630.
3 Dcfodau difai ydynt
Khys vab Tewdwr, da'r gwr gynt,
A Rhol Arthur o bur barch,
Da hefyd a dihafarch.
Mo MSS. p. 391,
400 THE MABINOG10X.
Caradoc, in speaking of Rhys, says : " Great was the fame he
had obtained for wisdom and knowledge of the principles of
government," 1 though he makes no allusion to the Roll of Ar-
thur; but as we find him, in giving an account of a bardic
festival held by Cadwgan ab Bleddyn, Rhys's successor, stating
that it was conducted according to the rules observed at the
feasts of King Arthur, 2 we may conclude that the above state-
ment is historically true. From these numerous and various
facts, the conclusion is both legitimate and irresistible that the
romantic Arthur is a creation of the Armorican Kyinry.
There were several ways in which such a creation may have
been, and probably was, brought to this country, in which it
only at first found favour among the clergy. Alain II. of
Brittany reigned about 690 ; his sons Ivor and Tnyr became
Princes of Wales in 683. 3 Ivor reigned twenty-eight years
with much glory ; 4 in commemoration of successes over the
Saxons he, in 71 2, 5 built the Abbey of Glastonbury (Ynys Afall-
en), and soon after went to Roine. These princes brought
with them two powerful fleets, and recovered Cornwall, Devon,
and Somersetshire. Mathuidoc, Count of Poher, with many
nobles and Breton families, are said to have in their turn sought
refuge in Britain, at the beginning of the tenth century, from
the devastation of Rollo and the Normans. 6 There was pro-
bably an intercourse kept up between the two countries, such as
we see in the case of Ehys ab Tewdwr, who resided in Brittany
for eighty -four years ; and therefore we need experience no
difficulty in accounting for the transmission of their traditions
to this country. Yet it is strange that the Bretons should have
no romantic remains ; the tales published in French by the
Comte de Villemarque are translations from Lady Charlotte
Guest's English version of the romances of the Kymry of the
Principality.
Several of the Kymric romances seem to have been lost ;
that of Creirwy and Garwy is frequently mentioned by the bards,
yet we have it not ; Cambrian ladies are frequently compared to
Elivvri, but we know no more of her than that she was the
1 Myv. Arch. ii. p. 538. 2 Myv. Arch. ii. p. 521.
3 Caradoc, Myv. Arch. ii. p. 470. * Ibid. p. 471.
s Brut Ieuan Brechva, Myv. Arch. ii. p. 471.
* Schiilz's Essay, p. 25.
THE MABINOGION. 407
daughter of Urien Rheged ; l and Kymric warriors are re-
peatedly compared to a now unknown Elivri. The bards were
also acquainted with the most celebrated romances of other
nations ; and frequently allude to Tristan, Roland, Charle-
magne, Sir Fulke, and Alexander. 2
Of the authors of the Kymric Mabinogion and other
stories but little is known. Indeed, it may reasonably be
doubted whether the earlier portion ever had recognised au-
thors ; most probably the tales were orally transmitted for cen-
turies before they were reduced to writing ; and as they in-
creased by being repeated, it would be difficult to discover their
paternity. No date can be well assigned to the tale of Kilhwch
and Olwen; it was well known in 1169, as appears from Kyn-
ddelw's elegy to Owain Gwynedd. An allusion is made to the
hunting of the boar Trwyth in the Incantation of Kynvelyn,
attributed to Aneurin ; Lady Charlotte Guest, in her most
interesting note, 8 shows that this event is mentioned in a MS.
which Mr. Stevenson, the editor of Nennius, pronounces to be
as old as the tenth century ; and whatever may be the age of
the tale of Kilhwch and Olwen, one of its chief incidents is
impressed upon the coins of Cunobelinus. The Dream of Rho-
nabwy is of necessity posterior to the time of Madawc ab Mere-
dydd, Prince of Powys, whose name is mentioned at the com-
mencement, and who died in 1159. The tale was probably
written in Powys, as Owain, Geraint, and Peredur were the
products of Glamorgan, and the remainder of Dyved. Gruffydd
ab Adda ab Davydd, a poet who flourished about a.d. 1340 to
a.d. 1370, was the author of a chivalric tale of much interest.
Several of his pieces are preserved. He was killed at Dolgellau,
and buried at the same place. Ievan Vawr ab y Diwlith was
another writer of tales in his day. The following notice of him
occurs in the Iolo Manuscripts :
The barcls of Tir Iarll having gone to the Dewless Hillock, on one of
St. John's Midsummer festivals, to hold there a chair of vocal song, found
anew-born child, half alive, on it. Rhys the son of Khiccert ab Einion ab
1 Mo 3ISS. p. 458.
2 The romance of Alexander, composed in France in 1210, was known in Wales
soon after (Sismondi, i. 191), as it appears to be referred to in a poem attributed to
both Kynddelw and Prydydd y Moch (Myv. Arch. i. 217, 306, circa 1220). Trhstran
is mentioned in the Myv. Arch. i. 361, 424.
3 Mabinogion, vol. ii. p. 3.)9.
408 THE MABINOGION.
Collwyn took it home with him, and placed it under the care of a foster-
mother. The child lived, was put to school, and brought up to a learned
profession. He imbibed knowledge with all the avidity that a child would
suck its mother's milk ; and early in life he took the lead of all preceptors
in Wales. He wrote several books, one of which Avas called the " Pre-
servation of the Welsh Language, the Art of Vocal Song, and all that apper-
tained to them, according to the Rights and Usages of the Welsh Nation,
and Judicial Decisions of Wise Men;" others were called the " Greals,"
the " Mabinogion," the " Nine Tropes and Twenty-four Embellishments of
Diction," the " Book of Fables," and many more. He also composed a
work for the preservation of the moral maxims and laws of the Welsh
nation. He received the name of John the Son of the Dewless, because
he was found, as already mentioned, on the Dewless Hillock on St. John's
Midsummer festival ; and because he was a large man he was called Big
John the Son of the Dewless. He lived and died at Llangjmwyd, where
he was buried with the family of Llwydarth. It was currently reported
that, in all probability, he was the son of Rhys ab Rhiccert by a lady of
high rank ; and when it was so asserted in his presence, he merely held his
tongue, allowing that belief to continue. 1
Mr. Edward Williams states that levari lived between 3 160
and 1180 ; 2 this date was a necessary consequence of his being
the son of Rhys ab Rhiccert, whom the same antiquarian had
previously placed about 1140; but as we shall presently show
that Rhys lived two hundred years later, we must, assuming
the paternity to be correct, conclude that Ievan lived nearer
1380. 3 The authorship of the Mabinogi of Taliesinis attributed
to two persons. In the Iolo Manuscripts, at the close of an
epitome of the history of Taliesin and Elphin from the book of
Anthony Powel, occur these words :
It was from this account that Thomas the son of Einion Offeiriad,
descended from GrufFydd Gwyr, lòrmed his romance of Taliesin the son
Ceridwen; Elphin the son of Gwyddno; Rhun the son of Maelgwn
Gwynedd ; and the operations of the Cauldron of Ceridwen. 4
This Thomas ab Einion must have lived about 1260, as a
1 Iolo MSS. p. 479, on the authority of the memoranda of Mr. John Bradford
extracted from Anthony Power's MS., then (circ. a.d. 1760) at Goettref Hen, near
Bridgend.
2 Iolo MSS. p. 88.
3 The minute fidelity of local colouring in the description of Cardiff renders it not
improbable that the author of the Mabinogi of Geraint ab Erbin was our friend Ievan.
4 Iolo MSS. p. 450.
THE MABINOQION. 400
work on grain mar, written by his father, was copied between
12M and 1280 by Edeyrn Davod Aur ; and as, in addition to
that fact, Gwilyni Ddu, about 1820, terms Taliesin " Gwion
Bach," as if that romantic name was well known, we may
safely conclude that this Mabinogi probably belongs to the be-
ginning of the reign of Llewelyn ab Gruffydd. The second per-
son who is the supposed composer is Hopkin Thomas Phylip,
also of Glamorgan. Dr. Pughe supposes that he wrote the
connecting prose passages, but that the poetical passages were
what he professes his book to be, collected from other works.
In one place x Dr. Pughe says this person lived about 1370 ; but
if we take another and more probable date given by the same
author, and place him from 1590 to 1630, 2 the two accounts may
be reconciled, Thomas ab Einon being the author and Hojikin
Thomas Phylip the copyist. 3 These are all the facts that I have
been able to glean concerning the authors, or rather compilers,
of the Mabinogion ; and it now only remains to speak of the
noble lady who has translated and edited the English version
of these antique tales.
The Mabinogion combine dignity of expression with a fine,
eas} r flow of language, and are remarkable for their quaintness
and simplicity. They contain many passages of exquisite
beauty, and a poetical colouring, enriching the whole, prevails
throughout : such being their character, they demanded in a
translator qualities which are not of frequent occurrence. A
knowledge of two languages is far from being the only quality
required; for the spirit of the original should be as fully as
possible transferred, in addition to the literal meaning. I have
in many parts compared the translation of the Mabinogion with
the original, and have uniformly found reason to think that
our ancient tales have been exceedingly fortunate in being
translated by Lady Charlotte Guest. Her version correctly
mirrors forth the spirit of these antique stories, and is as much
distinguished for elegance as fidelity. Her Ladyship's good
taste led her fully to appreciate the charm contained in the
1 Cambrian and Caledonian Quarterly, vol. v. p. 381.
2 Cambrian Biography, p. 178.
3 They were two distinct persons : 1. Hopkin ab Thomas ab Einion, of Ynys Davy,
or Gower, lived circa 1350 (cf. My v. Arch. i. 514, &c.) 2. Hopkin ab Thomas ab
Phylip, of Gelli Fid, Glynogwr, circa 1590-1630 {Myv, Arch, iii.) Poems to the
former appear in tin Myv. Árch. (1870)-
410 THE MABINOGION.
simplicity of the original, and she has been eminently suc-
cessful in producing* a version at once simple, animated and
accurate. It is not necessary to enter into an analysis of com-
positions which, thanks to the munificence of that noble lady,
must now be well known ; and therefore it will suffice to cite one
or two extracts, in illustration of both the ability of the
translator and the character of the Mabinogion. The follow-
ing describes the heroine, 01 wen :
So a message was sent, and she came.
The maiden was clothed in a robe of flame-coloured silk, and about her
neck was a collar of ruddy gold, on which were precious emeralds and
rubies. More yellow was her head than the flower of the broom, and her
skin was whiter than the foam of the wave, and fairer were her hands and
her fingers than the blossoms of the wood anemone amidst the spray of the
meadow fountain. The eye of the trained hawk, the glance of the three-
mewed falcon, was not brighter than hers. Her bosom was more snowy
than the breast of the white swan, her cheek was redder than the reddest
roses. Whoso beheld her was filled with her love. Four white trefoils
sprang up wherever she trod. 1
We will add to this beautiful portrait the description of her
lover, Prince Kilhwch, setting forth on his journey towards the
court of Arthur :
And the youth pricked forth upon a steed with head dappled grey, of
four winters old, firm of limb, with shell-formed hoofs, having a bridle of
linked gold on his head, and upon him a saddle of costly gold. And in
the youth's hand were two spears of silver, sharp, well tempered, headed
with steel, three ells in length, of an edge to wound the wind and cause
blood to flow, and swifter than the fall of the dewdrop from the blade of
reed grass upon the earth when the dew of June is at the heaviest. A
gold-hilted sword was upon his thigh, the blade of which was of gold,
bearing a cross of inlaid gold of the hue of the lightning of heaven ; his
war-horn was of ivory. Before him were two brindled, white-breasted
greyhounds, having strong collars of rubies about their necks, reaching
from the shoulder to the ear. And the one that was on the left side
bounded across to the right side, and the one on the right to the left, and
like two sea swallows sported around him. And his courser cast up four
sods with his four hoofs, like four swallows in the air, about his head, now
above, now below. About him was a four-cornered cloth of purple, and
an apple of gold was at each corner, and every one of the apples was of
the value of a hundred kine. And there was precious gold of the value
1 Mabinoffion, vol. ii. p. 276.
THE MABINOGION. 411
of three hundred kine upon his shoes and upon his stirrups, from the knee
to the tip of his toe. And the Made of grass bent not beneath him, so
light was his courser's tread as he journeyed towards the gate of Arthur's
palace. 1
The notes contain a mass of very interesting information,
and I have derived from them much valuable assistance. They
bring the past vividly to mind, very clearly elucidate the text,
and are only defective in being too brief.
It is now generally admitted that romance originated from
these traditions of the Armorican Kymry, which had a most
important influence upon the literature of other European na-
tions, by the publication of the Historia Britonum. All the
names of the heroes in the Arthurian cycle of romances are of
Kymric origin, so that no doubt can be entertained of their
paternity. But in Wales the romance was never developed to
the extent it assumed among other nations. Among them ro-
mances presented features which were not in the Mabinogion ;
and this arose from the following circumstances : The Normans
infused into them an adventurous spirit, and the monks, or
Catholic clergy, chastened and refined their tone. We will
offer a few remarks in elucidation of both these positions.
M. Sismondi is of opinion that the Normans were the in-
ventors of the romance literature, though he admits that the
names of the Arthurian cycle belonging to a different race
present a difficulty not easily overcome, and he bases his opinion
upon the fact that " of all the people of ancient Europe the
Normans showed themselves during the period which preceded
the rise of the romance literature to be the most adventurous
and intrepid." 2 But the learned historian has overlooked an
important fact. It is with nations as with men ; there are some
who can invent, but cannot improve ; and there are some who
can improve what they could not invent. To the first class
belong the Kymry ; to the second the Normans. The path had
been already discovered, the framework had been already formed,
and it only remained to carry out what had been previously de-
signed. The Kymry failed to do this, but it was done ; the
Mabinogi was pushed into a romance, and a brief review of their
character will show that the Norman Trouveres were the per-
1 Mabinogion, vol. ii. p. 253. 2 Sismondi's Hist, of Literature, vol. i. p. 198.
412 THE MABINOGION.
sons who carried this into effect. They were on the spot, and
happened to possess the very qualities necessary to bring about
the changes we witness. Their faculties were illustrative, not
creative. Behold their character, drawn by an able hand :
Above all men the Norman was an imitator, and therefore an im-
prover ; and it was precisely because he was the least rigid, most supple,
plastic, and accommodating of mortals that he became the civiliser and
ruler wherever he was thrown. In France he became French, in England
English, in Italy Italian, in Novgorod Russian ; in Norway only, where he
remained Norwegian, he failed to accomplish his elevated mission.
Wherever his neighbours invented or possessed anything worthy of ad-
miration, the sharp, inquisitive Norman poked his aquiline nose. Did
Sicily invent a better kind of helmet, instantly the Norman clapped it on
his head. Did the Moor or the Breton breathe sentiment into a ballad, the
Norman lay forthwith adopted the humanising music. From a Frank castle
or a Lombard church to a law by Canute or a witan under Athelstan,
the Norman was always a practical plagiarist. Wherever what we now
call the march of intellect advanced, there was the sharp, eager face of
the Norman in the van. All that he retained, in his more genial settle-
ment, of his ancestral attributes were the characters of a seaman. He
was essentially commercial ; he liked adventure and he liked gain ; he
was also a creature social and gregarious. He always intermarried with
the people among whom he settled, borrowed its language, adopted its
customs, reconciled himself to its laws ; and confirmed the ai-istocracy of
conquest by representing, while elevating, the character of the people with
whom he closely identified himself. This remarkable race exercised an
astonishing influence for good, especially in their noblest settlement,
England. No one who has not paid some attention to our Saxon poetry,
with its most artificial structure, its meretricious alliterations, its tedious,
unanimated tone, relieved, it is true, by some descriptions and an ethical
allegorical spirit (as in the songs of the Phoenix), can be aware how
thoroughly it differs from the genius of our existing muse ; and how much
immediately from the Anglo-Norman, and his kinsman the Anglo-Dane
(and the Welsh and Bretons), though perhaps remotely from the Saracen,
we derive of sentiment, vivacity, character, passion, simple construction,
easy humour, and true pathos — all, in short, that now especially distin-
guish the poetic and popular literature of England. But for the Norman
and the Dane we think it probable that we might have writers like
Thomson, Young, and Wordsworth, but we feel a strong conviction that
we should have wanted a Chaucer, a Spenser, and a Shakespeare. No one
who has not made himself familiar with the wretched decrepitude of the
Saxon Church, its prostrate superstition and gross ignorance, at the age
preceding the Conquest, can appreciate the impetus given to learning by
the Norman ecclesiastics ; and no one who has not studied the half (lis-
THE MABINOGION. 413
organised empire of disconnect til provinces and rebellious earldoms undex
the Confessor, with laws of succession both to throne and to lordship most
rregular, can comprehend all the advantages derived from the introduc-
tion of a hereditary aristocracy, singularly independent and high-
spirited, quickly infusing its 'blood and its character into the native
population, leaguing its own interests with those of the whole subject
community, and headed by a line of monarchs who, whatever their
vices and crimes, had at least the power to defend the land from all
other invaders, and the wisdom to encourage the trade and the com-
merce which have ultimately secured to England at once its fame and
its freedom. 1
Cambrian history furnishes numerous proofs of this strongly
assimilative character of the Normans. Between them and the
Kymry there were frequent intermarriages. On the one hand
we find Nest the daughter of Rhys ab Tewdwr married to Gerald
de Windsor, Nest the daughter of Trahaearn ab Caradoc to
Bernard de Newmarch, Nest the daughter of Iestyn ab Gwrgant
to Robert Fitzhamon, Marred or Margaret, daughter of Llewelyn
ab Iorwerth, to John de Breos, and another of that prince's
daughters to Reynold de Bruce. While, on the other hand,
David ab Owain Gwynedd married a sister to Henry II. ; Lle-
welyn ab Iorwerth, Joan the daughter of King John; and
Llewelyn ab Gruffydd, Eleanor de Montford. Gruffydd, the
eldest son of the Lord Rhys, took to wife Mallt, or Matilda, a
daughter of Willian de Breos; his brother Rhys Gryg married a
daughter of the Earl of Clare, and Cadwaladr ab Gruffydd ab
Kynan a daughter of Gilbert, Earl of Clare. We therefore, from a
knowledge of these facts, soon perceive that the Normans must
have exercised an extensive and very important influence upon
our literature, as well as been influenced by it in return. 2
The above finely drawn sketch of the Norman character
shows us both what they were and what they were not ; and we
thence learn that M. de Sismondi's conjecture contains a truth,
though it is not the truth. The Normans did not invent the
romance literature, but they greatly improved and extended
what they found already invented in Brittany and Wales. At
first the Norman Trouveres confined themselves to embellish-
ing the Keltic traditions, but they soon dragged in the Kings
1 The Examiner, April 1, 1848..
2 The infhience of the Normans in the erection of abbeys, cathe .Irnls, .nil castles
is well delineated in Berington, pp. 1GG, 21G, &c.
414 THE MABINOGION.
of France with Charlemagne at their head, and ultimately en-
listed in their services the classic names of ancient Greece.
The influence of the religious element is next to be deve-
loped. At and preceding the period of which this section
treats the Church had become powerful in Wales, as well as
over the rest of the civilised world. It exercised a very con-
siderable influence over the moral and intellectual order in
modern Europe, and upon public ideas, sentiments, and manners,
as is shown by the essentially theological character of the works
developed at this time. Papal theology possessed, and directed
the human understanding, and gave its impress to all opinions;
philosophical, political, and historical questions were all con-
sidered under a theological point of view. 1 In the twelfth and
thirteenth centuries the order had increased ; monks and friars
were abundant, and there was no department of intellectual
activity in which they did not bear part. We have in the
case of Geoffrey a monk embellishing old traditions, and add-
ing fabulous genealogies and imaginary agents, the products
of his own brain. And coupling this with the fact that Laya-
mon, the author of the Brut known by his name, was a priest,
we easily arrive at the conclusion that the monks had not left
romances to be exclusively produced by laymen. We have one
striking proof of this in the Awdl Vraith, which is evidently
an ecclesiastical production of the romance era. This might
have been inferred from the tone of the composition, its allusion
to the consecrated wafer, its Latinised diction, and the fable of
Trojan descent. This last fable is evidently of monkish origin.
There is also a very striking difference between the same facts
when treated of by the bards and the priests ; the poets speak of
Arthur as a warrior only, while the monks, from Nennius down-
wards, continually endeavour to clothe him in an air of sanctity.
Nennius, who states him to have borne the image of the Virgin
on his shield, appears to have drawn upon an ecclesiast's imagi-
nation rather than upon authentic history ; and knowing this,
with many similar facts, can we doubt that Arthur, the religious
hero, the greater part of whose memorials were found in con-
vents, is partly at least a being of monastic creation ? If, after
the consideration of all these facts, there should remain any
doubt upon the subject, it would be dispelled by the fact that
1 Guizot's Lectures on Civilisation — the Church.
THE MABIXOGION. 415
Edward I. prohibited the monks from being rhymers and racon-
teurs — a sufficient proof that they frequently appeared as such.
This fact would go far to explain the enmity which subsisted
between the priests and the bards. Lewis Glyn Cothi openly
assails them ; but when the writer of the Avallenau spoke of
them as " Myneich geuawg, gwydawg, gwydus," he thought it
prudent to place the words in the mouth of Merddin. This
enmity appears to have sprung from their being rival candidates
for popular suffrages; it was, in fact, jealousy, and is therefore
of itself a proof of the position here laid down. It being now
manifest that the monks cultivated romantic literature, we
shall proceed to estimate the influence they exercised upon it.
There is an erroneous opinion prevalent that religious as-
cendency is inimical to, and incompatible with, mental deve-
lopment :
Opinions formed less from a knowledge of actual facts, and ascertained
influences of religion upon civilised society, than from an infidel anti-
pathy to religion itself, would deserve but little attention, were they not
widely spread and their upholders numerous. Religion, of all principles
the most fruitful, multiform, and unconfined, does not express itself in a few
unchanging modes of writing ; it not only becomes the vehicle for know-
ledge, but it clothes it in the most attractive, noble, and dignified forms ;
it has the variety and bold contrasts of nature which at the feet of rugged
mountains scoops out the freshest, sweetest valleys, and embosoms in the
wild, troubled ocean islands whose vernal airs, loveliness, and teeming
fruitfulness almost breathe the joys of Paradise. 1
We have now to develope the influence of this principle
upon our romantic literature. The Catholic Church was now
in its glory and at the height of its power ; and now, as at all
times, was most studious to conform itself to the improvements
of society ; 2 it mingled with all things without excluding any ; 3
and in Wales, as in other European countries at the period we
now treat of, theological modes of thought, feeling, and expres-
sion were everywhere displayed. The Mabinogi of Taliesin is
replete with theological expressions ; and its conception proves
that the tendency of theology was to mental expansion. Indeed,
1 Charming' s Works, vol. i. p. 109.
2 Robertson's Scotland, book ii.
3 Guizot: "'Dans le monde moderne l'esprit ruligieux s'est mèlé !r tout, mais >ans
rien exclure."
416 THE MABINOGION.
the very word shows that romance must have found more favour
with the priests than among the poets. The bardic maxim
T Gwir yn erbyn y byd (Truth against the world) was essentially
unfavourable to fictitious literature. The bards were authors
already, and possessed of much repute ; they might therefore
be naturally expected to look with contempt and distrust upon
any literature less authentic, studied, and laboured than their
own. The very names Mabinogion (Juvenile Tales) and Ystoriau
(Stories) are indicative of their contemptuous feelings ; bard-
ism, they insinuated, was the occupation of superior minds. The
bards were the salt of the earth, the talented men of the country.
They were men themselves, and provided mental food for the
adult intellect; but the romances were Mabinogion and
Ystoriau, tales for young men and stories. Even the writers of
them were spoken of in the same derisive language, as the
reader might have seen in Lewis Glyn Cothi's classification of
the bards, as Bardd, Teuliiwr, and Ystoriawr (story-teller).
But I am not disposed to form so low an estimate of these
stories ; for if I were compelled to decide between the bards
and the Ystoriwyr, the choice would most unhesitatingly be in
favour of the Mabinogion. The bardic poems are more valuable
as contemporary records, they are more strictly accurate, and, in
one word, are more " useful ;" but the tales show most of the
thought and feeling of the times, and are at this day more read-
able and interesting. Artificial systems which impose upon
the mind, the decrees of individuals and associations which
prescribe rules for taste and criticism, and which claim for
themselves every imaginable perfection, cannot reflect the spirit
of the times, must be at variance with the dictates of nature,
and tend to sink man below, rather than to elevate him above,
mediocrity. Such was bardism, which, dissociated from and
in opposition to natural promptings, degenerated for the most
part into a tame representation of the more tangible and
transient thoughts of the day, and measured intellectual capa-
cities by rule and compass: it wanted life, elasticity, and
truthfulness. From all our bardic remains we learn but three
facts — that the Kymry loved war, mead, and music ; but- we
learn from the Mabinogi that they had great regard for chas-
tity, that women were held in high estimation among them,
that their chieftains were fond of literary associates, and devoted
their time and talents to improve, instruct, and civilise their
THE MABINOOION. 117
subjects. The Laws of Howel show how the court was con-
ducted ; Giraldus describes the more obvious popular habits ;
and the Mabinogion supply many traits of natural manners
not noticed in either. The latter are more really poetic, the
life is more life-like, and the warriors more heroic, than the
portraitures of the bards ; the bardic heroes are at the best but
exaggerations of warriors, while those of romance are really
sublime creations. Of the fine and high-toned sentiments
which breathe through the Mabinogion we have no traces in
the works of the bards, and no counterparts in the civilisation
of the period ; they must therefore have emanated from the
clergy. Abstracting a warrior from the province of history,
making him feel the impulses and speak the language of a more
civilised age, revealed in studies of the classics, and enriching
him with all that cultivated minds deemed to be good, great,
and gorgeous, was an idea which could only have found favour
among ecclesiastics. It never appears to have entered the
minds of the bards ; the tumult of conflict, the excitement of
warlike life, and the contemplation of actual everyday scenes,
were all that could interest those matter of fact personages ; and
they never attempted to analyse their own minds and feelings,
to endow a sublime creation with the ardent promptings of
their own nature, and to represent as actual existences beings
which the ambitious minds of able men had alone considered
possible to exist, and hoped themselves to be. Pictures of
immutable truth, and of the deep workings of the soul, were
things too pure and sublime ever to have subsisted in a literary
atmosphere contaminated by the arbitrary rules and conven-
tional regulations of the bards, and could only have been
developed where the vivacity of the people had been heightened
by the contemplation of Divine attributes, and their feelings
chastened by God's goodness and loving mercy. Here all the
pent-up and cherished feelings of the nation found vent ; and the
fact that Arthur was reported to have worn the image of the
Virgin Mary upon his shield affords us proof that religion
possessed great influence over men's minds, that the monks gave
a religious colouring to popular traditions, and that, setting
aside the question of the accuracy of the statement, it is obvious
that the assertion was consonant with the spirit of the time.
The influence of the Church was twofold — immediate and
mediate. Its immediate influence is shown in its positive
E E
418 THE MABINOGION.
teachings, its mediate in the movements it originated. The
Church was the great civilising element of the twelfth and thir-
teenth centuries ; it ameliorated the social condition of the
people, and was greatly instrumental in bringing about the
abolition of slavery in Europe ; it laboured for the suppression
of many barbarous practices, and framed a penal code upon
principles elevated, and enlightened, and strikingly coincident
with those enunciated by Jeremy Bentham, and his followers
Mill, Molesworth, Bowring, Grote, and others who are ac-
counted the profoundest thinkers of the present day. It looked
upon continual wars as being inconsistent with the spirit of
Christianity, and in all these various ways it rendered produc-
tive the intellectual movement which at this time prevailed
among most European nations. The system of doctrine and
precepts under which it imparted the movement was very
superior to anything that the ancient world had known, and
contained within itself tendencies to both exertion and advance-
ment. 1 As regards the romance, the clerical influence is very
apparent in the tales of the Greal, which, according to Schulz,
date their origin from Provence. 2 The romance of St. Greal,
which was written in verse by Chrestien de Troyes in the
twelfth century, is a mixture of Breton chivalry and sacred his-
tory. The cup out of which the Messiah is said to have drunk
during His crucifixion, or which contained His blood, was known
to the romance-writers under the name of St. Greal, 3 and this
fact, indicating a Christian tendency in the romancists, shows
the statement made by Tegid 4 of the Greal being connected
with Druidic and anti-Christian tenets to be altogether erro-
neous. The " Greal " of Chrestien de Troyes may be found,
according to the translator of Sismondi, in the Royal Library,
Paris, No. 7523. His account of it is as follows :
It is a very large manuscript volume, in 4to, written in double columns,
and containing nearly the whole history of the Knights of the Round
Table.
Now it is very evident from the description given by Llwyd
of " Ystori Saint Greal," and by Guto'r Glyn in these lines :
1 Guizot's Lectures on Civilisation — the Church.
- Schulz on Welsh Tradition, p. 48.
' Sismondi's History of South European Literature, vol. i. p. 197 (Bohn's Edition).
4 Lewis Glyn Cothi, p. 259, note.
THE MABINOGION. U9
Am mi llyvr y mae'n llevain,
A gâr mwy nag aur :i main ;
Y Greal teg i'r wlad hon —
Llyvr o enwog varchogion ;
Llyvr o grefft yr Imll Vord (Iron,
that the Greal, so much desired, was substantially the same as
this very MS., which, as its contents show, was a Christian
document — being, in fact, nothing more than the adventures of
the Knights of the Round Table in search of the Greal or
Blessed Cup, which, it was stated, was carried to England, and
ultimately possessed by Launcelot, Peredur, and the other
knights. There is a further account of this cup given in
the notes to Colyn Dolphyri, by the la.te lamented Ab lolo. In
1450 this Cambrian MS. was in the possession of a Glamor-
gan chieftain. 1 About 1500 we find the loan of a Greal asked
of Lewis ab Davydd, the Abbot of Neath, 2 and in 1707 Llwyd
states that there were copies in both the Mostyn and the Hen-
gwrt libraries. His description of one MS. is as follows :
Ystoria? Saint Greal : Historian Gregorian». M. & Vangh. J\iembi-.
nitid. Charact. Varias fabulas exhibet de Artkuro Rege, $• militibixs suis, &c.
Init. Megis ydoedh Arthur yn y Lhys a eluid kanialot, nos Sad urn,
Sylguyn, oedyr Arghvydh Iesu Grist, pedair blynedh ar dlieg a deugaint, a
pheduar kant. Fin. Ag velli y tervyna Hystorise St. Greal. Const, p. 560 in
áto. Consule Lexicon Davisianum sub voce Greal. 3
The Stories of Saint Greal : Gregorian Histories. M(ostyn) & Vaugh(an
of Hengwrt). Vellum, neat character. Various fabulous tales of King
Arthur and his knights, &c, beginning : " As Arthur was in his court
called Camelot, on the night of Whit Saturday, in the year of our Lord
Jesus Christ four hundred and fifty-four." Ending : " So ends the
History of Saint Greal." It contains 560 pages 4to. Consult Davies's
Lexicon under the word Greal.
The editors of Lewis Glyn Cothi's works state that the MS.
copies of the Greal are lost ; but it is gratifying to find that
such is not the case. In the catalogue of the MSS. in the
Gloddaith collection, published by Mr. Aneurin Owen, occurs
the following notice :
5. Sang Royal ae cavas, ac ae due y nev ; nyt amgen Galaath vab
Lawnselot de Lac, Peredur vab Evrauc, Iarll Bwrt vab Brenin Bwrt. Y
lot MSS. p. 704. - Ibid. p. 706.
» Llwyd's Arch. Brit. p. 265.
B E 2
420 THE MABINOGION.
copi cyntav a ysgrivenodd Mastir Philyp Davydd o unic lyvyr y urddedig
ewythyi-, Trahaearn ab Ieuan ap Meuric, ae ysgrivenodd Siancyn vab
John, vab Siencyn, vab Ieuan Vychan, vab Ieuan, vab Einion, vab Rhys,
vab Madoc, vab Llewelyn, vab Cadwgan, vab Elystan Glodrydd. Vellum,
folio. 1
Sang Royal, who had it, and who took it to heaven; being none other
than Galaad the son of Launcelot du Lac, Peredur the son of Evrawc,
Earl Bort, the son of King Bort. The first copy written by Master
Philyp David from the sole book of his knighted uncle, Trahaearn ab Ievan
ab Meiric, which was written by Siancyn the son of John, the son of
Siencyn, the son of Ievan Vychan, the son of Ievan, the son of Einion, the
son of Rhys, the son of Madoc, the son of Llewelyn, the son of Cadwgan,
the son of Athelstan Glodrydd. Vellum, folio.
The Gloddaith MS. is probably the Mostyn MS. mentioned
by E. Llwyd.
The next notice is in the catalogue of the Hengwrt library,
given in the same work :
49. Y Greal ; the Exploits of Arthur and his Warriors ; written in the
sixth year of Henry I. in a beautiful hand. Vellum, quarto, five inches
thick. 2
The latter is evidently the MS. noticed by Llwyd ; and
possibly may be the identical MS. of Trahaearn ab Ievan ab
Meuric. It is a most interesting document; and if the date
a.d. 1106 be correct, it must be the first of the Arthurian
cyclus ; and it is hoped that Lady Charlotte Guest will not
allow her work to remain incomplete while this important MS.
remains unpublished. 3 We shall then know more of the
work ; have additional light thrown upon the question of
the origin of the romances; and probably be able to place
Siancyn ab John, the descendant of Athelstan Glodrydd, at the
head of our list of the authors of Cambrian stories.
The mediate influence of the Church was manifested through
such movements as the Crusades. These form a historical
problem of much interest, and Gibbon alone of all our histo-
1 Transactions of the Cymmrodorion, iv. p. 402. 2 Unci. iv. p. 407-
3 See an interesting account of the early history of the Saint Greal in the Athenceum,
April 9, 1870, p. 481; consult also Tennj'son's poem " Holy Grail." [The Greal is
now (1875) passing through the press under the editorship of the Kev. Canon Williams,
author of Enwogian Cymru, Lexicon Cornu-Britat/nicum, &c. The MS. is of the early
part of the fifteenth century, but the work was originally written about the year
12(>o. For " Henry I." of the Catalogue we should read " Henry VI." — Ed.]
THE MAIIIXOMOX. 421
rians doubts their having had a most important influence upon
European civilisation. Since he wrote, the historians of the
Continent have studied the subject ; and we now learn from the
elaborate treatises of Heeren, and Villiers, Michaud, and
Guizot, that they created quite a revolution in the thoughts and
feelings of the time. It is impossible to believe that Europe should
have been convulsed to its centre, that millions of its best, bravest,
and most intelligent inhabitants should have poured themselves
out upon the deserts of Arabia, and that the minds of whole
nations could have been put upon the stretch, without the
acquisition of much additional knowledge, the generation of
novel sentiments, and the elaboration of grander and juster
ideas of manners, history, politics, literature, and geography.
Their effect is very concisely stated by M. Guizot in the follow-
ing words :
Here was the first and main result of the Crusades, a great step towards
the enfranchisement of the mind, and a considerable advance towards more
extended and unprejudiced ideas. Commenced in the name and under
the influence of religious principles, the Crusades took from the religious
ideas, I will not say their legitimate share of influence, but the exclusive
and despotic possession of the human mind. The same fact happened to
those travelling populations who have been called Crusaders as usually
happens to travellers ; their minds were opened and elevated by a mere
circumstance of witnessing a multitude of different things, and by becom-
ing acquainted with manners distinct from their own. Besides, they came
into relations with two civilisations, not only different, but more advanced —
namely, the Greek society on the one hand, and Mussulman on the other.
There can be no doubt but that the Greek society, although its civilisation
was emasculated, corrupted, and expiring, had on the Crusaders the opera-
tion of a society in a more advanced state, more polished and enlightened
than theirs. The Mussulman society offered to them a spectacle of the
same nature.
Now we cannot believe that these new feelings should have
left no traces in literature ; in fact, we see the effect of the
Crusades in both the chronicles and romances. In their jour-
neys towards the Holy Land the Cambrian knights mixed on
terms of intimacy and equality with those of other countries,
and effected of course an interchange of literatures, as plainly
appears from the frequent mention in Kymric literature
of Orlando, Charlemagne, Sir Fulke, and Guy of Warwick.
Petrarch and Boccaccio had meanwhile revived a taste for
classic literature ; and we see the influence of the Church in
422 THE MABINOGION.
disseminating a knowledge of the " great of old " in the
mention by the bards of Hector, Achilles, Priam, Alexander,
and Caesar.
Having thus analysed the agents at "work in the production
of the romance literature, the reader will be the better able to
appreciate the following remarks on the scope and tendency of
the Mabinogion. Here we see depth of passion breathing in
rapid transitions and fiery tones ; imagery, brilliant, glaring,
and redundant to a fault ; a sublime spirit of pure and un-
creeded devotion — enlivening not darkening, elevating not de-
pressing, and serving to show life, not as shaded by secluded
ascetics, but irradiated by celestial light, with happy and per-
haps unconscious allusions to contemporary transactions,
national customs, and everyday habits. These show that a
daring and frank, a refined and generous, and a religious though
lively people had freely, almost recklessly, poured out their
souls into their romantic literature, and had their peculiar
habits of thought, passion, and sentiment faithfully portrayed
by their Ystoriivyr. Pictures of external life, of the hidden
■workings of the passions, and of scenery, are drawn with
a glow, animation, and truth equal to the best efforts of Crabbe,
" Nature's sternest painter, but her best." The same force of
expression and unaffected yet refined morality, the same
generosity towards friends and haughty defiance of Saxon foes,
are visible in both its poetry and history ; but this sublimity of
conception is shown to the greatest advantage in the Mabinog-
ion. From its early chivalry, which furnished the first ex-
ample for similar institutions, and awoke in other nations a
similar feeling ; from the restless aspiration after ideal greatness
which became afterwards infused into the chivalry of Europe ;
from these, and the Kymry, its founders, romance derives its
orio-in. No modern people seem previously to have been able
to surmount the cold reality of fact ; nowhere does mind appear
to have so readily renounced control and ascended on daring
pinions to such lofty heights. In no other country, among no
other people, does mind appear to have been so early employed
in contemplating as actual realities things which found no
parallels in actual instances, no companions in ordinary life,
and which possess no tangibility save as the embodiment of
man's most cherished hopes and highest wishes. Here man is
raised far above himself, clothed with every attribute of power
THE MABIXOaiOX. 423
which men wish to possess, performing feats requiring super-
human strength, and slaying Saxon enemies in such numbers as
harassed Kymry alone could desire. Life is decked out in the
grandest colours ; the most extraordinary acts are performed ;
the most simple yet dignified sentiments are uttered ; the most
exquisite sensibilities are shown by the genius of romance and
its sublime creations. Its Arthurs, Tristrams, and Peredurs
revel in the most gorgeous scenes ; they live in an atmosphere
of their own ; and though these beautiful pictures of imaginary
perfection are sometimes obscured by mystic allusions, the de-
sire for happiness, the craving after ideal perfection, the irre-
pressible instinct to paint the future in the most illusory colours,
soar transcendently over all.
This undoubtedly had its origin in the sanguine tempera-
ment of the Kymry ; and other nations have derived their plots,
actors, and acts from Kymric models. The Bound Table is a
fiction, though, as we have seen, as old as a.d. 1170, the age of
Cadwgan ab Bleddyn ab Kynvyn ; but Wales had always
possessed a chivalric order, who have been praised by contempo-
rary bards, and have been themselves rhymers. The cavalry of
Bretagne introduced the romances of the Kymry into France
and German)' ; thence they spread among the civilised nations
of Europe. Great principles, wherever they flash, have in an
eminent degree this universality and diffusiveness. They find
a response in every bosom, they touch the finest chords of the
soul, and at whatever door they knock are readily admitted.
Mahometanism spread over the Eastern world with a rapidity
not astonishing only when compared with the wonderful dis-
semination of Christianity over the Western ; second only to
these was the progress of the Kymric romance. Like an elec-
tric current it made its presence known by a series of brilliant
flashes ; with every clime it claimed affinity, and from every na-
tion the brotherhood was acknowledged. Hence our English
neighbours have derived the most brilliant gems in their early
literature. Had the Kymric romance not made itself known to
them, would Spenser have given birth to the Faery Queen ?
That fine piece of imagery was produced at a time when
chivalry, as an institution, had become extinct — when the feel-
ings in which it had originated had, in a measure, subsided —
when they glowed with less intensity, and had been chastened
by improved taste — when, in fact, it could not have been pro-
424 THE MABINOGION.
duced without the previous preparation of public opinion, by
the vivid and energetic description of feats which
Kymric tradition had linked with the names of Arthur and
his companions. English history furnished no such brilliant
achievements, no such ardent feelings ; and one of England's
sweetest poets was necessitated to borrow from a people whom
his countrymen now affect to despise the conception of his
characters and the description of the scenes amid which they
existed, with the influence which such a being as Arthur was
thought to have exercised upon surrounding people in raising
up a race of warriors only less noble than himself. The Kymry
have therefore much reason to be proud of their Mabinogion.
Romances were, during these and succeeding centuries, ob-
jects of lively curiosity ; and in an age when large libraries
abound the astonishing exertions made to obtain copies through
loan or purchase will scarcely be credible. Of the stories of the
Greal it appears as if there was at that time but one copy
known to exist throughout Wales ; for the bard Guto'r Glyn
was sent all the way from Denbighshire, in North Wales, to the
extreme bounds of Glamorgan to borrow it. It was then in
the possession of Tryhaearn ab levan ab Meuric ab Howel Gam,
of Gwaenllwg, Glamorganshire ; and the bard addresses a poem
to the chieftain, in which he describes the book he wished to
borrow for David, Abbot of Valle Crucis Abbey. At that time
it was customary to send the bards on important messages ; and
whenever an important favour was asked, the request was uni-
formly couched in verse. In the fifteenth century this fashion
became very common, and we owe to the custom some scores
of very admirable compositions. The poem composed on this
occasion is very interesting, as, in addition to indicating the
prevalent practice, it describes the book, throws light on the
nature of the Greal, and shows the intense inteiest which the
stories had at last excited in even very intelligent minds, since
a dignitary of the Church was so exceedingly curious, as he is
here described, to peruse the adventures of the Arthurian
knights. It is a picture of the time, and runs thus :
The ages of three men be to thee, Tryhaearn,
Patron of the bards in giving judgment,
Son of leuan, the chief of Penrlios,
The son of Meuric, the object of my address.
The second from Howel Gam,
THE MABINOQION. 426
And the third of the race of Adam. 1
A royal race of the kingly stock,
Of Kynvyn and Bleddyn and Blaidd,
Is thy lineage, from the Usk to the vale of Neath ;
The kindred is of South and North Wales.
Noble is thy blood, Tryhaearn ;
May thy end in this world be the Day of Judgment.
Strong as the yoked ox, thy fame has
Traversed the Gwents and southern lands.
The eye of GAvaenllwg art thou entirely,
The hand and the book of others also ;
The offerings of science hast thou
Truly distributed, as Arthur did.
The hand of Nudd to Caerlleon wast thou,
And its people assemble where thou art.
The mouth of the learning of the bards of Glamorgan ;
The mouth of the literature of the land of Gwaenllwg.
The mouth of all the excellencies of Gwynedd,
From Edeyrnion to the land of Neath.
And the skilful tongue of our language ;
The lather who cherishes it art thou that knowest it.
Let us go to the court ; thi-re shall we find thee,
At Haverford, like in a high fair.
Eight hundred thousand extol thee,
From Aberfhaw to the Vale of Pembroke.
AVell art thou styled the wise countenance
Of all the sciences of Dy ved,
From the fair harbour where boils the wave
Of Daugleddau 2 to Caledonia ;
One of the heroes of Earl Herbert of Narberth
Art thou, and his lance and his might,
Possessing a name above that
In the dwelling of thy own eight territories ; 3
The name of teacher and director of every learning,
In a measure like unto the name of Moses.
The Abbot of Valle Crucis will make our land
Altogether one entire feast ;
At his own charge shall wine and meat be free
For the entertainment of you and Davydd, 4
In the same manner as thou in the Dwyallt,
Excepting his vestments and his tonsure.
1 Howel's father. 3 Gwent
2 Milford Haven. 4 The Ahbot of Vallo Crueis.
426 THE MABINOGION.
Like as all Cambrians assemble in thy house,
From all the Gwents, so shall it be with him.
He by his order is distinguished,
You by the sciences of the world.
All Gwynedd shall assemble here,
Like as the eight districts of Gwent at thy fair mansion.
The science and endowments of knowledge
Assuredly does Davydd love,
For one book he does call out,
That he loves more than gold and gems,
And implores you to send
The goodly Greal to this land.
The book of the blood ; the book of the heroes,
Where they fell in the court of Arthur ;
The book of the renowned knights,
The book of the fair order of the Round Table ;
A book still in the Briton's hand,
Which the race of Horsa cannot read.
The loan of this dues Davydd, Principal of the Choir,
Request from the bountiful Ivor,
The kingly book, which should the venerable chief obtain,
He would be content to live without other food.
The holy monks also do desire to have
The sacred Greal in yonder land of Yale.
Nevertheless it will not tarry there ;
From the land of Yale it will return again :
Your old blind Guto, he and his chattels,
Will be your surety for its return,
And gracious Providence, as from the dwelling of St. David,
Will doubtless grant thee thy reward. 1
In the Kymric lines quoted, p. 419, the book is differently
described ; for instead of " a book of the fair order of the Round
Table," it is more pointedly termed —
Llyvr o grefft yr holl vort gron,
A book of the doings of the whole Round Table.
The curiosity of the abbot is well described by the blind old
bard ; and it would appear to have been real, for Black Ievan
of the Billhook, another bard, describes the anticipated grati-
tude of a different aspirant for the perusal of " the truthful grey
Iolo Man uscripts, p. 706.
THE MABINOGION. 127
book " in terms quite as forcible. Addressing Lewis ab Davydd
Ddu, the Abbot of Glyn Neath, lie says :
Let this book therefore be courteously sent
To us from the court of Neath by the worthy Lewis,
"Who is exemplary in relinking the ungodly,
And of true propriety in prayer to God.
And if I shall obtain from Davydd's son
The book of the Greal without delay,
And readily against Lent,
Its proud leaves will be worth its weight (in gold).
We will observe the supreme law of St. Gregory,
We shall have matins in the choir,
And after vesper manifold will be
The uttering of praise to Mary. 1
Proceed we now to notice another curious species of lite-
rature pertaining to and truly characteristic of the ancient
Kyinry.
SECTION V.
THE TRIADS.
These form an exceedingly interesting collection of documents,
and have been found eminently useful in illustrating national
history, manners, and language. They bespeak a singular state
of society, and such as could have no existence in modern times.
I have been much interested in considering the allusions to the
social state found in the works of the early bards ; the poems of
Llywarch Hen and Aneurin seem to show a higher state of
civilisation than prevailed many centuries later, and clearly
show the condition of Britain at the close of the Roman domi-
nation, when the civilised practices of their conquerors had won
their admiration and elicited their sympathy. In such circum-
stances, when the alarms and excitements of war had ceased,
and when the British youth, whose mental capacities have been
favourably noticed by several Latin historians, strove to excel in
a knowledge of Eoman literature, there must of necessity have
1 Ibid. p. 708. [The work mentioned in this poem was, apparently, not the Greal
but a Gradual, or antiphonary. — Ed.]
428 THE TRIADS.
been much intellectual activity. Then must have arisen the
necessity for some medium of communication, and for the trans-
mission of thought ; and if we bear in mind the assertion of
Caesar that the Druids cultivated the art of memory, we arrive
easily at the origin of the Triads. By these remarks I do not
mean to assert that the Triad is as old as the time of the Druids,
but intend more particularly to show that at this period it was
in existence, or, had it not been previously in use, must now
have been developed. The Kymry were a communicative and
intellectual people, and wanting writing materials, must of
necessity have had recourse to a system of artificial memory.
Some of the Triads may be as old as the time of the Druids ;
there must have been a collection of them in the time of Hy wel
Dda, before he could have consulted those attributed to Dyvn-
wal Moeluiud, but the collections we have are as late as the
twelfth, thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries. 1
They may be divided into Triads of history, bardism, theology,
ethics, and jurisprudence. We have advanced one reason why
they seem, some of them, to have been collected as far bach as
the tenth century. The Triadic form is frequently seen in the
poems of Aneurin and Llywarch Hen ; and Mr. Vaughan of
Hengwrt was of opinion that some of them had been collected
as far back as the seventh century. In the time of Hywel they
were very common, as " the collective wisdom " of his day have
either framed or copied a great number of legislative Triads ;
and we have unquestionable proof in the following Englyn by
Kynddelw that one at least of the historical class is as old as
the twelfth century :
Godwryf a glywnf am glawr fagu gly vv
Glew Fadawc bieufu
Trinfa cryf a cynyddu
Trydydd Tri Diweir Deulu.
4 If Price (Hanes Cymru, pp. 134-6) be right iu his ingenious attempt to identity
Tawch with Bacia — and there is not much doubt that he is — the Triad which relates
to the earliest account of the Cambro-Britons must have been composed in or a I unit
tho twelfth century. There are some Triads in the Llyvr Du. See Archceologia Cam-
brensis, 1864, pp. 265, 269. The Triads of the sixteenth century were made by the
Glamorgan bards (Mi/v. Arch, iii.) ; the Triads that name Hu Gadarn are not later
than the fitteenth century.
THE TRIADS. 429
This alludes to a well-known Triad of the three blessed
families of Bran Vendigaid, Cunedda Wledig, and Brychan
Brycheiniog.
I had, in sketching out the plan of this essay, intended to
introduce a dissertation upon the value of the Triads as histori-
cal documents, but the shortness of the time at my disposal, and
the quantity of matter yet to be introduced, compel me to leave
it out and content myself with briefly stating the probable con-
clusions. Many of the Triads refer to events of which there
remains no other record, and many are evidently fabulous and
mythological. Again many of them relate in different words,
and from evidently distinct sources, to events commemorated by
Roman and Saxon historians and the monkish chroniclers.
The accounts are very similar, and so nearly coincident that in
other cases, where there is no corroborative evidence, and where
there is no admixture of fabulous matter apparent, the Triads
may, with a little caution, be without risk of impropriety used
as authentic historical documents. They are only traditions, it
is true, for the habit of writing, once introduced, would render
these brief memorials unnecessary and less satisfactory than
full and circumstantial reports ; but they are traditions of a
peculiar and trustworthy character. The bards are said to have
recited these Triads at their congresses, and if such was really
the case, the difficulty of introducing fictitious matter under
such circumstances would be very great ; we are therefore justi-
fied in forming a favourable estimate of their historical trust-
worthiness. 1
[See Appendix. — En.]
L I B
430 THE WELSH LANGUAGE.
CHAPTEll IV.
SECTION I.
THE WELSH LANGUAGE.
It is my business to write the history of the language as well
as of the literature of the Kymry ; and however imperfect the fol-
lowing pages may be, they will throw a little light upon the
subject, and materially assist such of my readers as wish to
study the original poems. The Kymraeg is a language which
lays claim to very remote antiquity, but at a time when almost
every scientific discovery tends to unsettle our notions of the
primary state of society, it would scarcely savour of wisdom to
speak of a primitive language. Suffice it that the language is
old ; perhaps the Keltic is the oldest class of European lan-
guages.
It is of more importance to know upon the present occasion
that the Kymraeg is an original language, corresponding to the
wants of the people, indicative of their deficiencies, and elabo-
rated with much care from original roots, upon principles really
philosophical. The language of a people must always corre-
spond to the requirements of the nation, and from its copious-
ness in some respects, and scantiness in others, will always
furnish a tolerably correct nor: j. i the place of that people in
the 'scale of civilisation. Language? bt all fcimes answer the
demand made upon them, either from their own resources or
by the admixture of words from other tongues; and therefore it
is an index of both the purity and richness of the Kymraeg,
that from its own elements it has been found capable of meeting
all the requirem its hit] o made of it, without being in the
THE WELSH LAX<;V.\ai:. 431
slightest degree indebted for foreign aid ; and the fact that in
the march of intellect many branches of knowledge have been
formed, for which the Kymry have as yet no adequate expres-
sions, is no proof whatever that its capacities have been
exhausted. Science has not hitherto domesticated itself at the
Cambrian hearth ; but when it does visit our mountaineers —
and the time for that is, I trust, approaching 1 — there is not much
room for doubt that this time-honoured language will, like the
Greek, be as well adapted for the most abstruse sciences as for
common conversation.
The originality of the language is a fact which has not been
fully recognised by most of our grammarians ; but it is less my
intention to give an outline of the principles of the language
than to trace the progress of its growth or development during
the two hundred and forty years embraced by this essay. My
observations will principally be directed to the mutation of con-
sonants ; but I would make a passing remark upon the conju-
gation of verbs. The past, present, and future terminations of
verbs are a little confused in our earlier poets. This topic
cannot be satisfactorily treated unless we had the actual words
of the sixth century poets before us in their original ortho-
graphy ; but we cannot, I fear, with any degree of certainty
refer their present orthography to as early an age as the sixth
century, though our present version is evidently early. Taliesin
says, in giving Owain ab Urien's reply to Fflamddwyn's demand
for hostages :
Ni ddodynt, nid ydynt, nid ynt parawd,
They have not been, they are not, they will not be ready.
Here we have all the three tenses with the same termi-
nation. Again, in that very beautiful description of a flight of
aiTows —
Gwelais wyr gorvawr,
A dygyrchynt awr ;
1 It is a source of sincere gratification to reflect that an attempt is being made to
render Chambers's Information for the People known to the Kymry in their own lan-
guage. The translator, Mr. Ebenezer Thomas, is fully competent- to his task ; the work
is of all others the host adapted, from its excellence and cheapness, for the purpose oi
bringing scientific knowledge within, the reach of my countrymen, and I trust that
Mr. Edwards, the publisher, will not have to regret that his spirited undertaking
meets with a cold reception.
432 THE WELSH LANGUAGE.
Gwelais waccl ar lawr
Kac ruthyr cletyvawr
Glesynt esgyll gwawr
Esgorynt yn waewawr —
we notice the same want of a discriminative mark between the
tenses ; but it is singular that this defect only pervades the
writings of Taliesin and Llywarch. Instances in abundance
may be produced from the Elegies of the latter bard. The termi-
nation " ynt " is used in the past tense in the following lines :
Yn Llongborth Has i Arthur
Gwyr dewr, cymmynynt a dur
Ammherawdwyr, lly wiawdwyr llafur ;
while it is here used in the 'present (the proper) tense :
Eglwysau Bassa ynt dirion heno,
Ys gwaedlyd eu meillion
Rhudd ynt hwy, rhwy fy nghalon.
Aneurin, who exhibits traces of Latin influence in other
respects also, uses this termination as do modern writers ; and
in the following passage the past, the present, and future termi-
nations are such as are now commonly used :
O vreithell Gattraeth pan adrotir,
Maon dycliur«??i eu hoed bu hîr,
Edym diedyrn, a mygyn dîr,
A meibion Godebawc, gwerin enwir
Dyphorthyíií gowysawr gelorawr hîr!
Bu truan dyngedven, angen gywir
A dyngud i Dudvwlch a Chyvwlch hîr
Aed y vent vet gloew wrth liw babir
Cyd vel da ei vlas, ei gâs bu hir.
At Cattraeth's deed of blood, when told by fame,
Humanity will long deplore the loss ;
A throne with nought to sway, a murky soil ;
Godeboc's progeny, a faithful band,
On biers are borne to glut the yawning grave.
Their fate was wretched, yet true the destiny
Sworn to Tudvolch, and to Cyvolch proud —
That though by blaze of torch they quaffed clear mead,
Though good its taste, its curse would long be felt.
THE WFJ.su LAS fill AGE. 133
Here we have " ent " for the past tense, " ynt " in the pre-
sent, and " ant " in the future. Whether tins arose from the
greater skill of Aneurin, or from the alterations »>!' the copyist,
I know not; but that alterations have been made is evident,
from the fact that ia other places Taliesin is made to use the
future termination ant in both the past and present tenses.
Perhaps the only safe conclusion would be that the usage at
that period was confused and unsettled, and that the use of
the terminations " ant " and " ent " has been introduced since
that of " ynt." " Ynt " is sometimes improperly used in the
past tense by the bards of the twelfth and subsequent centuries;
and even at the present day "ant" is as frequently used in the
past as in the future tense by writers careless of elegant diction.
Mr. Humphreys Parry, preceded by Dr. Pughe, has, in a
series of able articles upon the Welsh language, given expres-
sion to some sentiments respecting the mutation of consonants,
which require examination. He seems to consider that the
consonants are not changed for the sake of euphony, but only
in accordance with grammatical rules. Such an assertion is
utterly at variance with the state of the language as we find it
in the twelfth century, as is also the assumption that the muta-
tion of the initial consonants dates back from a very remote
antiquity. It is easy to trace the steps of its growth ; and the
poems of the twelfth century show that many mutations now
used were not then known. The mutation of initial consonants
is as old as our oldest poems, but all the mutations now known
were not then used. They were gradually introduced. Meilir,
in one of his poems, says :
AmJlawd vyn iavawd ar vyn iewi.
Had the whole of the mutations been then known, he would
have written thus:
Amdlawd vy rcAavawd, &c,
At that time, if the language was pronounced as it is writ-
ten, it must have sounded harsh indeed, as will be seen from
the following instances:
Digonais geryi
Yg gwyt Duw Dovyt
Vy iawn grev^
Ileb y weini. — Meilir.
v v
l.il THE WELSH LANGUAGE.
Un o Iwerion. — Gwalchmai.
Pencor, penceri wyti itaw. — Kynddelw.
Un ar dir, ar dorvoei rydres. — Prydydd Moch.
Ban dywaid o wait weíaií wovec. — Hywel ab Owain.
Diwallaw di venestr na vyn angau,
Korn can anrydei anghyveiau. — Owain Kyveiliog.
Mareduf, llofrui lloegrwys. — Prydydd Moch.
Now in each of these and hundreds of similar cases the t
would be now written dd or dh ; but this mutation was not at
that time in existence.
The dh was introduced to express this sound about the
year 1400, and in the time of Henry VIII. the h was omitted,
and the d written with a point at the top or underneath, and
Irish antiquarians still retain the d. This was the form used
by H. Llwyd and W. Salesbury at home, and by Dr. Gruffydd
Roberts and Roger Smyth in the Welsh books they printed
beyond the sea. Dr. J. D. Rhys, Dr. D. Powell, Thomas Jones
of Tregaron, and others who wrote during the reign of Queen
Elizabeth revived the old form dh ; but Dr. Davies afterwards
rejected both the preceding, and introduced the dd, which pre-
vails at this day. 1 This alteration is far from being judicious ;
it wants the sanction of analogy, and has no valid support. In
the case of tt, rr, mm, nn, &c, the single letters are doubled in
order to harden the sound, but the doubled d is intended to be
softer than the single ; it is therefore against analogy. Dr.
Owen Pughe wished to revive the d with the dot at the top,
and Lynch in his Irish Grammar (pub. 1821) recommended the
Kymry to adopt the Irish notation; but the dh, as used by
Edward Llwyd, J. D. Rhys, Powell, and Thomas Jones, appears
to be the best exponent of the aspirated sound of d.
The letter / very anciently had two pronunciations.
Llwyd gives an interesting illustration of the most unusual of
them :
On a mountain, called Gelli Gaer, in Glamorganshire, we find the
British name Divrod inscribed on a stone Tefeavti. In the notes on
Glamorganshire in Cambden I have read this inscription, supposing it
might have been Welsh, Deffeo it ti, i.e. may est thou awake ; but
having found afterwards that the names anciently inscribed on monu-
' Llwyd's Arch. Brit. p. 226.
THE WELSH LANGUAGE. 485
ments in our country are very often in the genitive case, as CoNBELiNl,
Sevebini, Amilixi, &c., and most if not all in Latin, I now con-
clude it a proper name, and the very same that is otherwise called Du-
britius. 1
Here it is sounded as r; but the same writer remarks that
generally, and in the oldest MSS., it has the sound given to it
in the English alphabet. Perhaps it would have been more
strictly accurate to have stated that in early ages the usage was
not fixed, as no rule appears to be observed by the poets, who
sometimes use the one and sometimes the other character to
express the same sound. A line from Kynddelw will show the
fact clearly :
Seiús ef seint duw genhyn.
Here we have the same sound represented by both v and
/. In the twelfth century, or perhaps sooner, another rule
was adopted by which the v was superseded by /, and the
doubled/ used to represent the English sound of that letter,
thus :
Uffern earn ffurf y henneint;
but still considerable laxity prevailed ; for in reading in the
Meddygon Myddvai, " Ef a geif," the first / would be pronounced,
soft and the second hard.
In old MSS. we find the letter c where we now use g ;
and in reading most of the specimens given in this work the c
at the end of the word should be sounded as g. Thus Aneurin
has caeawc cynhorawc, for caeawt/ cynhorawj/ ;
Guledic gwlad orvod. — Meilir.
Teithiawc Prydein. — Gwalckmai.
Twrwf ton torchawc*. — Kynddelw,
Hartliw guanec. — Ilywel ab Owain.
It should also be observed that the modern compound ng is
generally represented by a single letter, which in printing has
been displaced by the simple g ; thus :
Gwaethyh/ann yg kyman yg kymelri. — Llywarch ab Llywelyn.
would now be written, Gwaethylvann, ynghjmíoi ynghjméÌTÌ.
Llwyd's Arch. Brit. p. 226.
F F 2
436 THE WELSH LANGUAGE.
Formerly the words eog, bacdd, &c, were written ehauc,
bahecl, the h being used to prolong the sounds of the vowels.
In the oldest MSS. the letter i supplied not only its English
pronunciation in the words him, thin, &c., and the double ee,
but also both y and ỳ ; and Llwyd remarks that in an ancient
Welsh manuscript, written five hundred years before his time,
this letter was constantly omitted, and its place supplied
ky 2/-
Llwyd remarks that the letter k never occurs in our oldest
British manuscripts^ but was afterwards introduced by the
Normans, who made frequent use of it in their old French.
About the year 1200 it is constantly used in the initial sylla-
bles, and the c in the terminations ; thus :
A deckant kyman ae kilyei. — Hywel ab Owain.
Y korn yn Haw Rys, &c. — Owain Kyveiliog.
Am fedd Krist, &c. — Elidir Sais.
Y neb a liolo penkynyd keisyed, &c. — Cyfreithiau Hywel (a MS.
of tbe twelfth century.)
It continued to be used until about 1500, since which time
most Welsh writers have omitted it and used the c instead.
As at present used among the Kymry the c is always hard.
The letter I has two pronunciations ; but in the oldest
British MSS. Llwyd says that there is no distinction to denote
when it has its simple sound, and when it is to be sounded as
II or Ih. The double I "was introduced in the twelfth cen-
tury ; which Dr. Gruffydd Roberts, author of the first printed
Welsh grammar, in the reign of King Henry VIIL, not approv-
ing of, altered for an I with a point underneath, and William
Salesbury for one marked at the top. Afterwards Dr. Davies,
the physician, observing that h had been the auxiliary in the
ancient Roman orthography as ch, ph, and th, introduced Ih ;
and this practice obtained till Dr. Davies rejected it and used
11 in his grammar, printed a.d. 1621, and in his dictionary." 1
In addition to its usual sound, the m sometimes in the most
ancient manuscripts had that of v ; thus in the Liber Landa-
vensis the word Cyvraith is written Cymreith.
There are tw r o pronunciations to the r in the oldest manu-
cripts. When used in its primary form, as in the beginning
1 Lhvyd's Arch. Brit. p. 228.
THE WELSH LANGUAGE. 437
of words in dictionaries, it is always pronounced as in the
Greek, aspirated. Tims, in the words " Ivyn rudaw," &c.,
it would be pronounced as if written rh ; but in the poems of
this era, there is no mark to denote when the aspirate should
be used or omitted. About 1500 in North Wales the initial r was
doubled as in " rriallon," for Rhiwallon ; the rh was introduced
afterwards. Old bards of this era began to double the .. 1280 TO A.D. 1322. lö]
Well entwined was Einion ab Gwalchmai's single song,
Which sparkled as a bubbling spring;
Good the shame-opposing Kneppyn,' from the district of Gwerthryn-
iawn,
Who sings fluently and accurately in compact Latin.
Llygad Gwr was the tower ol" Edeyrnion land ; 2
We shall scarce find his equal in energy and correctness
On the face of the wide land, from the full sea of the Wye
To where the Gawrnwy flows over the grave of Khuvawn ; 3
And Trabaiarn in my judgment was indispensable to song ;
He was the friend of chief bards when they travelled on the road.
May the Trinity approve of the song Ave devote to thy praise !
Through the intercession of the saints, who love carols,
May his soul be put into the straight path,
And he become a free-spoken and fruitful occupant of Paradise.
Lltweltn Brydtdd Hodnant has contributed two sets of
Englynion, as also has a bard named Hillyn ; Llywelyn Ddu
has one set of verses ; and there are in pp. 418, 419, and 420 of
the Myvyrian Archaiology, several small poems pertaining to
Da gyfnun un Einion al> Gwalchmai
A ganau ffynnai fal berw ffvnnawn
Da Gneppyn warthryn o Wertkeyniawri dud
< Vdd gerdd esgud lud Ladin gyfiawn
Llygad Gwr oedd dwr Edeyrniawn artal
Odid ei gystal ynial uniawn
dudwedd fawr lied hyd for llawn yngwy
Hyd Gawrnwy fudd rhwy ar fedd Rlmvawn
Trahaiarn o'm barn em berniawn cerddraid
Oedd blaid pencerddiaid ceiniaid cammawn
Trindawd fcros folawd fal y gwnawn ith fraint
Trwy eirioled saint ceraint carawn
Tro raid i'w enaid i uniawn gymwys
Trefred Baradwys ffraethlwys ffrwythlawn
and 1490, has post-dated William Egwad, who was a celebrated poet in the locality
here mentioned.
1 Kneppyn Gwerthryniawn was one of the fictitious names assumed by Davydd
Bach ab Madog Wladaidd, who also called himself Y Crach, and Syppyn Kyveiliogi
Mr. Owen states that he flourished between 1400 and HÖ0 ; but as we find him de-
scribed (Iolo MSS. p. 681) as being famous for poetry in 1390, we must place him
further back.
2 Edeyrnion land is in Merionethshire.
3 The grave of Bhuvawn is unknown ; but if Gawrnwy be that which survives in
Llanvair yng Nghornwy, it is at the extreme end of Anglesey. There is a place called
"Bhyd y Beddau" in this neighbourhood, according to Owen Williams of Waen Vawr;
and also " Carnet's Point. - ' i.e. Carnedd's Point.
u a 2
452 POETRY
this period, by unknown authors. Iorwerth Vtchan has also
two poems treating of love, the first of a class which afterwards
became numerous. They are superior compositions, and would
have been inserted here, did we not meditate copious quotations
from the abler works of another bard.
The poetry we have hitherto perused has been of a cha-
racter uniform almost to monotony ; but we are about to enter
upon a period when the subjects become more numerous and
varied, when poetry assumes more of the aspect of spontaneity,
and when strenuous exertions were made to reconcile sound to
sense, and combine in versification poetical ideas with intricate
musical cadence. A wide interval divides the stiff amble of
Meilir's first effort from the stately strides and full, resounding
march of Ab yr Ynad Coch ; it was an interval of desperate
struggles, when many men of brilliant capacities produced much
intellectual wealth, but still one which leaves us much to desire.
War was the ruling passion of the men, and the prevailing fea-
ture in the literature of that era; the best poems of the ablest
bards are addressed to the potentates of the hour, and w r ere
hastily composed for set occasions ; and as warlike princes and
daring chieftains are the only figures which appear upon the
scene, the want of more humble and homely accessaries gives
the pageantry an unreal character, and makes us pant for less
exceptional society and more genial companionship. We can-
not refuse to those brave and patriotic men our respect and
esteem ; and did our strong national prejudices, and profound
sympathy with the glorious cause in which they were engaged,
permit us to be indifferent spectators of their arduous struggles
for liberty and independence, it were impossible to withhold our
tribute of admiration for the heroic constancy with which they
fought and bled for their rights and privileges, their mountain
homes and native land ; but when the excitement had subsided
during the calm of centuries of peace, the mere records of war
and bloodshed leave in the mind " an aching void " unsatisfied,
and we gladly hail the appearance of more quiet scenes and a
stiller atmosphere. In the period embraced by the first chap-
ters we find one devotional poem by Meilir ; ! Gwalchmai has
1 Iu treating of Meilir I neglected to state that there is reason to believe that ho
had composed more poems than have come down to us. In an ode to Owain Gwynedd,
Gwalchmai. Meilir's son, says :
FROM A.D. 1280 TO A.D. 1322. 453
one poem dedicated to the love of nature, and one to his wife ;
Hywel ab Owain divided his favour between love, war, andv
external nature ; but all the rest are occupied with the sword
and spear. During the period contained in the second we find
a few devotional poems ; but Cupid has not a single votary,
though all the bards have offered sacrifices at the blood-stained
lane of the god of wa \ Towards the close of the third era we
meet several religious poems of considerable merit ; but with
these exceptions Mars reigns supreme, and the little god of
love has fled the field.
The fall of Llewelyn paralysed for a time the intellect of
the Kymry ; but the people soon regained their buoyancy ; and
when war had given way to peace, and turbulence been kept in
abeyance by the firm hands of the English monarchs, the bards
again resumed their calling, and sang in strains which, if less
bold and animated, were superior in sweetness and polish to any
that their predecessors had produced. The latter had — what
the others had not — leisure ; and accordingly we find it bearing
rich fruit. We now find that the Kymry resembled other por-
tions of the human family; they had pruning-hooks as well as
swords, and we occasionally find that they had plough-shares
as well as spears. The clang of arms in the royal halls gave
place to the dulcet tone of woman's lips ; skipping lambs made
populous the solitudes which war had created ; and when the
pawing war-steed neighed no more, the groves were vocal with
the cuckoo's cry, ami with the evening notes of the white-faced
nightingale. We were out of our element while dwelling among
the eagles of war and the hawks of battle, for we are no ad-
mirers of the hunters of men, and therefore are glad to find
that the land had more pleasing objects of contemplation than
mail-clad warriors, dexterous spearmen, and keen-sighted
benders of the twanging bow ; for it is pleasing to find ourselves
still among the comforts of ordinary life, and to enjoy the sweet
companionship of human hearts.
" Ardwyrews fy nhad
Ei fraisg frenhindad."
My father extolled
His stout kingly father.
An "Arddwyread" appears to imply a heroic address to a living person; ami as
nono of Meilirs poen-.s are of that character, we may conclude, as is from other reasons
extremely probable, that some of his poems are lost.
454 TOETRY
The distinctive character of the poetry of the last seventy
years of the fourteenth century is love. Other subjects also
occupied the attention of the bards ; and the era is remarkable
for the variety of the topics embraced as well as for the sweet-
ness of the poems and the elegance of the versification ; for the
country being at peace, they were no longer compelled to dedi-
cate their talents to the service of war, and were consequently
allowed greater latitude in the selection of their subjects. But
the fair sex quite monopolised the favour of the poets, and there
is scarcely one of them who has not written amatory verses.
We have already stated that Iorwerth Vychan has two love
poems ; Casnodyn has one ; Gruffydd ab Meredydd, six ;
Gronwy ab Davydd, three ; Gronwy Gyriog, one ; Iorwerth
Gyriog, one ; Sevnyn, one ; Gronwy Ddu, one ; Mab y Cloch-
yddyn, one ; and the celebrated Ode to Myvanwy Vechan, of
Hywel ab Einion Lygliw. Davydd ab Gwilym, the Cambrian
Petrarch, who addressed seven score and seven poems to his
lady-love, also lived during this period ; but we shall on this
occasion confine our attention to the less known labours of
Ehys Goch.
Ehts Goch ab Rhiccert lived at Tir Iarll, in Glamorgan-
shire. Rhiccert, his father, is said by Mr. Taliesin Williams,
upon the authority apparently of John Bradford, to have been
the son of Einion ab Collwyn, a man who figures in the history
of the Norman conquest of Glamorgan, about a.d. 1090 ; l and
it was probably this consideration that led to the dating of
Rhys Goch's poems at "about 1140." 2 Whether this reasoning
be that of John Bradford, Mr. Edward Williams, or of Mr.
Taliesin Williams, I am unable to determine ; but, as it will de-
volve upon me to show that the period assigned for the life of
our poet is at least two hundred years too early, the presumed
genealogy must be called in question. Rhys Goch may have
been descended from Einion ab Collwyn, but he certainly was
not the second in descent. The data from which we arrive at
that conclusion are the following :
Rhys Brydydd, the son of Khys Goch, was famed as a poet in a.d.
1390.
In a poem written during the reign of King Richard II., 3
1 Ham Cymru., p. -183. - Mo MSS. p. 229. B Iolo MSS. p. 680.
FROM A.D. 1280 TO A.D. 1322. 455
who ascended the throne in 1377, and was deposed in 1399, we
find Ehys Brydydd recommended as a fit and proper person to
sit upon a jury :
Let Rhys Brydydd be counted ; well known his claims
To the composition of legitimate verse.
We are informed that Ievan ab Ehys was his son. 1 Rhys
Brydydd is also called Ehys Llwyd ; and if Ievan Llwyd Bryd-
ydd 2 be his son, he lived about 1480. Ievan ab Ehys had two
sons, named Thomas and Gruffydd. Of the last but little is
known; Dr. Owen Pughe says that he flourished between 1560
and 1590 ; 3 and the Eev. Eoger Williams, 4 writing- between
1600 and 1620, states that he was living at that time. The
other son was the personage so well known as Twin Ivan Prys,
a bard and reputed conjuror ; the learned Edward Llwyd,
writing in 1707, terms himpoeia recens ; 5 and Dr. Pughe says
he died in 1510, two hundred years old. 6 It is impossible to
reconcile the last statement with any of the other facts, or with
other assertions of the same author's ; but fortunately it is not
difficult to show that his account is either an error of the press
or a mistake ; for if Thomas ab Ievan was two hundred years
old in 1510, his brother, who was living about 1620, must have
been three hundred and ten. In Thomas ab Ievan's works we
meet with some lines which set forth his age with considerable
accuracy :
In one thousand six hundred exactly,
And four years complete,
The beginning of January (fair computation),
I am one hundred and thirty. 7
Therefore, if in 1604 he was 130 years old, he must have
been born in 1474. ; and as Malkin asserts that " it can be
satisfactorily proved that he was living in 1615," 8 he must have
been at least 131 years old at his death. In consonance with
these facts we find that Ievan ab Ehys was driven from Kynffig
by Sir Matthew Cradock of Swansea, and that Thomas ab
Ievan was imprisoned in Kynffig Castle for his attachment to
Mo 3ISS. p. 61 ó. 2 Llwyd's Arch. Brit. p. 257.
Cambrian Biography, p. 146. 4 Mo MSS. p. 613.
Arch. Brit. p. 264. 6 Cambrian Biography, p. 327.
Mo MSS. p. 615. B Malkin's South Wales, vol. ii. p. 549.
4ò0 TOETRY
Lollard opinions. Sir Matthew was born somewhere about
1460, was made Steward of Gower in 1491, and died between
June 6 and Aug. 16, 153 1. 1 These dates harmonise with
the preceding facts ; Ievan ab Rhys, nourishing as a poet about
1480, might have been driven from his home on account of the
Lollard taint by Sir Matthew in or after 1491 ; Thomas his son,
who, in 1531, would have been in his 57th year, might also
have suffered from his enmity ; and therefore we have here a
mass of consistent facts large enough to convince us that we
are on safe ground. Let us now retrace our steps. Thomas ab
Ievan ab Ehys 2 was born in 1474 ; his father was the son of
Ehys Brydydd, who lived in or about 1390 ; and therefore as
Llwyd has shown that Ehys Brydydd was the same person as
Ehys Llwyd, 3 and that Ehys Llwyd was the son of Ehys (Goch)
ab Ehiccert, the latter should not be placed further back than
the year 1350. The internal evidence of the poems also coun-
tenances this conclusion ; the absence of Cynghanedd, which
soon became the sine qua non of Cambrian poetry, proves
that they could not have been later than 1350 ; and the struc-
ture, language, and allusions show that they were not much
earlier.
The poems, twenty in number, have lately been given to the
world from the MSS. of his father by the late Mr. Taliesin
Williams ; they treat principally of love, and breathe the same
spirit of profound peace as most of the bardic effusions of the
fourteenth century. After the submission of the Principality to
the first Edward, an entire change came over the poetry of
the bards ; in consequence of the prohibitions they no longer
breathe defiance against the English monarch, seldom speak
of national feelings, and never hazard political allusions. But
the national spirit was not broken ; for the poets, whose atten-
tion had hitherto been divided between love and war, now gave
themselves wholly up to the former passion, and in the service
of " the rosy god " Ehys Goch and Davydd ab Gwilym display
such exuberance of fancy, elegance of taste, and fertility of in-
vention as a perusal of the works of their predecessors would
not have led us to anticipate. These qualities, characteristic
1 T'rv. J. M. Traherne's Life of Sir Matthew Cradock, p. 6.
2 See Camb. Quart. Magazine, v. 94.
a Arch. Brit. p. 231, col. 2. 4 Árch. Brit. p. 231, col. 8.
FROM A.D. 1280 TO A.I). 1322. 457
alike of botli these bards, connect Rhys Goch with the age of
the Cambrian Petrarch, " the Nightingale of Dyved ;" but the
absence of Cynghanedd from the poems of the former, while it
j^ervades those of the latter, compels us to place Rhys ab Rhiccert
in the first half of the fourteenth century. We will select
his —
Song to a Maiden's Hair. 1
On the head of Gwen there's a growth of loveliest hue,
Loose, flowing, and worthy of a countess ;
It hangs down to her heels,
As a flaxen bush, wine-coloured and willow-like ;
(How) beautiful are the long golden ringlets,
Drooping from the temples of a lovely woman !
Her forehead is smooth, clear, and as purely white
As the spray of waters dashing over rugged rocks ;
And it is encircled by a broad band of precious gold.
Beneath the tall and glistening white veil
(Peep out) two tender eyes, joyous and cheerful,
Two stars of love gladdening to the sight,
In the head of the elegantly-formed second Lunette ; 2
Her cheeks were redder than the red wine of raspberries ;
As the colour of wild roses in leafy woods
Is the coral hue of her buoyant health.
1 Can i Wallt Merch.
Mae twf ar benn Gwenn gain eiliw
Modd llaes hirllaes Iarlles odliw,
Llwyn llin lliw gwin gwiail dyfiad
Hyd ei sawdl dyw ei osodiad,
Gwiail aur arian glan glwys waneg,
Uwch dwyael feinion gloywon glandeg,
Taken gwastodloyw hoyw hardd hyfryd
Lliw ffrwd geirw garw garregryd,
Tan y tal grisial gryswyn lewych
Tirion olygon lion llawenwych,
Dwy seren sereh seirian ei gweled
Ymhen Gwenn feingan Ian ail Luned.
Gorlliw ei grudd gwin rudd rhaspi
Lledawd aur addawd wedi'i roddi
Cyflhv rhos gwylltion gelltydd deiliog
GVrel iachusder sywber serchog,
2 Lunette, or Luned, is a character -well known to readers of romances. She is
thus described in the Lady of the Fountain : " He beheld a maiden with yellow curl-
ing hair, and a frontlet of gold on her head ; and she was clad in a dress of yellow
Eatin, and on her feet were shoes of variegated leather." — Mabinogion, vol. i. p. o. r >.
458 POETRY
Between two cheeks
Of splendid tint
(Rises) a neat sharp nose
Of small proportions ;
A mouth distilling honey-
Belonged to the silent fair,
And an elegant lip of the lovely hue of coral ;
Small teeth, and an expression of shrewd vivacity,
Were evident in the mouth of the witty Gwen ;
And her small round chin appeared as wonderful
As mountain- peaks seen by day, when wrapt in gowns of snow.
Her neck as whitely shone
As the spray of the ocean wave ;
And two budding heights,
Revealed through whitest linen,
Form the beautiful bust
Of my gentle fair ;
Whose charms, second only to Enid, 1
A rhwng deurudd
Gwawr ysblennydd
Trwyn main moddus
Bychan gweddus.
A min fel mel
I'm dyn dawel
Gwefus mirain Hw cain cwrel.
A man ddannedd a gwedd hoywgoeth
Amlwg ymhenn gwenn gymhenddocth,
Gên bychan crwn a hwn mor hynod,
Ag yn nydd mynydd mewn gwn manod.
Mwnwgl claerwyn
Deuliw'r ewyn,
Hardd ei dwyfron
Fy mun dirion,
fewn meingrys
Dau berl ysbys.
Hardd ail Enid
1 Enid was one of the three fair and illustrious ladies of the court of Arthur ; she
became the wife of Geraint ab Erbin, and was mentioned with respect by Davydd ab
Gwilym and other bards. She has drawn from the noble translator of her story an
elegant tribute of admiration : " Throughout the broad and varied region of romance
it would be difficult to find a character of greater simplicity and truth than that of
Enid the daughter of Earl Ynywl. Conspicuous for her beauty and noble bearing, we
are at a loss whether most to admire the untiring patience with which she bore all
the hardships she was destined to undergo, or the unshaken constancy and devoted
affection which finally achieved the triumph she so richly deserved. The character of
Enid (in the romance of Geraint ab Erbin) is admirably sustained throughout the
whole tale ; and as it is more natural, because less overstrained, so, perhaps, it is even
FROM A.D. 1280 TO A.D. 1322. 459
"Will, if compared,
Appear in propriety, purity, and comeliness.
The maid is fair, reserved, and so light and nimble
That the smallest trefoils bend not beneath her.
Swan ! sea mew ! lovely is her pure aspect.
Slight, straight, sprightly, and handsome.
Her hands are white,
And her slender fingers
Swiftly move
While weaving silk ;
And her nails
Are ruddy-tinted.
Skilful and alert she waits at the wine feast.
My becoming charmer is slender and tall,
Having a pretty small waist, and an erect form,
Short round shanks,
And a round white leg,
With (chaste maid !) a foot of faultless outline.
If there were given to me the power to dispose
Of the world's wealth, the white maid should have it all
Pei mesurid
Gan gymwysder glwysder glendid,
Bun deg dawel-ddawn ysgawn wisgi,
Ni phlyg manfeillion ar donn dani,
Alarch, Wylan, glan ei glwysbryd,
Meindwf, iawndwf hoywdwf hyfryd.
Dwylaw gwynion
Bysedd meinion
Ymniod buan
Ar we sidan,
Ag ewinedd
Gwridog ei gwedd.
Medrus hwylus heiliaw gwinwledd
Hir ei hystlys weddus wiwddyn
A clianol main gain gymhwysddyn.
Bergron esgair
Wengron iawngrair
A throed da i hm i'm bun ddiwair
Pe cawn i'm byd ennyd annerch
Dda'r byd o'i beun fe'i cae'r wenferch,
more touching than that of Griselda, over which, however, Chaucer has thrown a
charm that leads us to forget the improbability of her story." — Mabmogion, vol. ii.
p. 165.
4G0 POETRY
For one hour, fair one of passing beauty,
On a green sward, in the arms of Gwenonwy . '
Our bard lias drawn another portrait of a beautiful woman,
in which he repeats several of the images which occurs in this ;
but by introducing new attributes, he brings the other to a
better close. After expatiating on her beauty, and minutely
detailing her many perfections, he continues :
The kindness of G-wen, and her shrewd remark,
Her wise conversation (wit-inspired Moon!),
The mildness of her notes when she sings,
And her melodious tones of nine score nightingales,
Have completely deprived me of all my senses,
Robbed me as if deceitfully of all my prudence,
And put strong madness into me.
I shall be laid in the grave — that will be my end —
If I obtain not the idol of my heart,
To become a sister to me
Before the end of the summer.
Let her hasten my heart to cure,
Or if she does not, I very well know
That love of her will be my death. 1
Er cael un awr lliw gwawr lywy,
Ym mreiehiau honn tonn Gwenhonwy.
Mo MSS. p. 230.
1 Gwenonwy was the daughter of Meiirig ah Tewdrig of Morgan wg, married to
Gwyndav Hen ab Emyr Llydaw, and mother of Meugam the bard. — Rees, Welsh
Saints, pp. 164-5, Pedigree. Davydd ab Gwilym uses the term in describing the
daughter of Ivor Hael (Works, p. 14); but whether this was a proper or applied name
is not clear, though the same authority (Works of Davydd ab Gwilym, p. 538) asserts
that it was the proper name of Ivor's daughter.
1 Ei mwynder Gwenn u'i gair cymmen,
Ai llafar doeth Lloer awengoeth
Ai goslef gwar lie can meinwar,
Ai goslef maws naw can eaws,
Am dettry'n llwyr o'm holl synwyr,
Am dwg mal twyll o'm holl ymbwyll
A ddod wallcof cadarn ynof
Am rhy mewn bedd llyna'r diwedd,
Onis caf hon claf fy nghalon,
Onis caf hi yn chwaer immi,
Cyn diwedd haf marw a fyddaf,
Meddylied honn iachau nghalon
Ag onis gwna ys gwn yn dda,
Ei serch a fydd fy nihenydd.
Mo MSS. p. 245.
FliOM A.IK 1280 TO A.D. 1822. 461
Some of the images in these sketches are very fine. The
lines —
Cerddai dyn war wynel> daiar
Yn hardd baunes drwy'r me'yndes,
Ag ni phlygai man y cerddai,
Dan wyn draed hon un o'r meillion,
remind one of Scott's description of Ellen Douglas :
A foot more light, a step more true,
Ne'er from the heath-flower dashed the dew ;
E'en the slight hare-bell raised its head,
Elastic from her airy tread ;
and the Cambrian bard loses nothing* by the comparison.
Indeed, Ehys Goch's image is the finest ; Sir Walter's heroine
does bend the harebell ; but the footstep of the Cambrian
beauty is more airy still :
As peahens stride in sun-ray heat,
See her the earth elastic tread,
And where she walks, 'neath snow-white feet,
Not e'en a trefoil bends its head.
Our next extract shall be a picture of the bard and his lady-
love just at the moment when a jealous lover interrupted their
joys :
About us streamed the rays of the summer sun,
And long green grass covered the fields ;
Trefoils in great numbers and leafy trees adorned the scene.
There lay I and Gwen in perfect bliss,
Reclining both among the flowers,
Surrounded by troops of trefoils ;
Lip to lip we spent the time;
From the lips of the maid I obtained a feast
Like that of saintly David in the choir of Hodnant,
O'n amgylch haf haul gorphenaf
Ac ar glawr maes glas dvvf hirllaes.
Meillion yn frith manddail cymmlilith,
Minnan a gvven yno'n llawen.
Gorwedd ein dan ym mysg Llodau,
Gorwedd ar donii ymlilith meillion,
Finfin a gwen om holl awen,
Gwledd a gefais ar fin meinais,
Gwledd Dcwi Sant Ynghor Hodnant,
462 POETRY
Or Taliesin at the court of Elphin,
Or the Round Table feasts at Cacrlleon,
Or angel joys in Paradise ;
And we both feasted thus,
Without a care for what had been,
Without a thought of what would be.
This height of bliss was never ending,
For we were both of one intent,
And all that day we only sang,
That we would live and love together,
Living sweetly upon kisses,
And both dying on the same. 1
A few of the Cambrian poets were enthusiastic lovers of
nature, of fields, and flowers, and of the songs of birds,
Burns, Chaucer, and Wordsworth soared to eulogise the daisy ;
but the favourite of the bards was the trefoil. This finds a
place in all their descriptions of flowers ; princes eulogise it ;
light-footed women are careful of its fragile form ; and when
the bard wishes to recline on summer noon, he surely selects a
bed of tender trefoils. This feeling appears in the following,
among many other verses : '
1 I am weary, heavy, and sad ;
I'll court no more of the girls, for 'tis winter.
Till May with verdure covers the hedges
And crowns the woods with foliage green ;
Gwledd Taliesin yu Llys Elphin,
Gwledd y fort groun yng Nghaerllion»
Gwledd angel glwys ym Mharadwys.
Ninnau ddeuddyn ar wledd fal hynn
Heb ofalu am ddira a fu
Heb fyfyriaw am ddim a ddaw,
Gwynfyd y sydd byth ni dderfydd.
Yn cyfyranawdd yn un ansawdd.
Hyn ar ein can oedd y cyfan
Felly mynni cydfoddloni
I fyw yn Ian ar wledd cusan
I farw ein dau o gusanau.
Mo MSS. p. 247-8.
1 1 Gorthrwm a thrwm a thrist fyddaf,
Ni charaf un tro tra fo gauaf,
Oni ddel mai glas ai glosydd.
A gwyrddlen ponn pob glwys irwydd
FROM A.D 1280 TO A.I). 1322. 4G3
For there is a propriety in growing trees,
Which gives the heart a joyful feeling.
2 In a bush among the paths of the green wood
I have a beautiful circular retreat ;
Men and their hateful habitations come not near,
And it is only accessible to the adventurous fair ;
It is pleasant to see, when covered with foliage,
My sky-capped palace in the woodland green.
3 The charming residence among the small wood
Is floor'd with trefoils of the loveliest verdure ;
A cheerful, attractive, and eloquent cuckoo
Is singing delightfully in a loving voice ;
And the chick-thrush (beautiful bard of summer !)
Sings most sweetly in clear and pure language.
4 The nightingale from its bush kindly joins
The harmonious concert 'mid the greenwood leaves;
And the clear-voiced lark delightfully sings
Most charming verses at the break of day ;
And we only want thy presence, Gwen,
To complete the joys of my woodland house.
Mai immi glas urddas gwyrddail,
Calon hoywfron hyfryd adail.
2 Mewn llwyn ffyrdd duwyrdd dyfiad,
Harddgrwn yw hwn hynaws gaead,
Ni ddaw ai annedd y cas ddynion,
Na neb ond medrus moddns mwynfron,
Hyfryd ei bryd clyd pan ddeilio.
Ty glas parlas purlen arno.
3 Cyntedd tirion mwynion manwydd,
Ar lawr meillion gleision glosydd
A chog serchog ddoniog ddenus
Yn canu'n lwys lais cariadus,
A chiw bronfraith buriaith beraidd
Yn canu'n hardd loyw hoywfardd hafaidd.
4 Eos o'r llwyn yn fwyn gyfannedd.
Arail mewn gwyrddail gerddi maswedd.
A chyda'r dydd ehedydd hoywdon
A gan yn drylwyn fwyn bennillion.
A phob llawenydd hirddydd hyfryd
O'th gaf wenno yno ennyd.
Mo MSS. p. 228.
4G4 POETRY
The song to the Leaf House, " Can y Deildy," is a poem
of the same class, and contains many very felicitous pas-
sages.
The bards were also powerfully attached to all the song-
birds ; and the cuckoo, nightingale, lark, and thrush were held
in especial regard. No happiness could be complete without
them ; if the poet walked forth with his lady-love, the birds
must supply the musical accompaniment to his tale of enduring
love ; and when on the Lord's Day, he wandered to the woods
alone —
The thrush in brilliant language
Prophesied without ceasing,
And read to the parish
The gospel without stammering;
and the ni^htinsfale —
Priest of the dingle !
Sang stanzas to our Lord and Creator,
With sylvan ecstasy and love.
Of all the poetry that of Rhys Goch and Davydd ab Gwilym
is the most purely pastoral I know ; it contains the real senti-
ments of intelligent countrymen, and is free from the imperti-
nent commonplaces of town-made eclogues. The partiality
for birds, which we have here noted, is seen in the " Song to
send the Birds with Messages to a Maid." He commences by
stating : 1
I placed my affection
Upon a slender- waisted maid,
One who is a second Essyllt, 2
Of the hue of the waves of the raging sea ;
The beauty which adorned her
1 Serch y rhoddais,
Ar ddyn feinais,
Hoen geirw mor gwyllt
Bun ail Essyllt
Ei thegwch hi
2 There were three ladies of this name. Of the one here alluded to, " Yseult le
Blonde," it is said that " her complexion was fairer than the purest snow, the plumage
of the swan, or the hone of the sea-horse." — Williams's Biographical Dictionary of
Eminent Welshmen, p. 1-1G.
F1Ì0M A.]). 1280 TO A.l). 1322. 166
Became to me an arrow,
For she shot me
With her glances.
Failing- to obtain an interview, he desires the birds to ac-
quaint her with his love : 1
Go, thou Blackbird,
To the proud and slender maul,
And unto her show
Hoav much for her I grieve ;
And thou, Thrush,
Singing on beautiful branches,
Take all my plaint
To the brilliant fair ;
And thou, Lark,
Bard of morning dawn,
Show to this maid
My broken heart;
And place thou, Cuckoo,
With thy affectionate tones,
The burden of my love
In the maiden's ears.
A nightly companion
Bu'n saeth i mi,
E'ra saethes honn
v i golygon.
1 Dos dir fwyalch,
At ddyn feinfalch,
Dangos iddi,
'Mhoen am dani.
Bronfraith a gan
Ar wydd eirian,
Dwg oil om cwyn
At loyw forwyn,
Tithau'r hedydd,
Bardd boreuddydd
Dangos i honn
Fy nhorr calon.
Dod tithau'r gog
A'tli don Berchog
Yng nghlust y ferch
Fy nghwyn traserch.
Cyfaill cyfnos
II ii
4G6 POETRY
Am I to the Nightingale ;
Let her quickly go
With my vocal song
To the lime-white blessed one
At the side of Dyffryn,
And there say
To my dearest maid,
That if she comes not
To comfort me
To the greenwood bushes,
Of the love, ere summer's o'er,
Of the charming fair
I'll surely die.
The pretty Spanish song- beginning with " Rio verde, rio
verde," has been much admired, and an English song com-
mencing, " Gentle river, gentle river," deserves to be so ; but
such apostrophes to natural objects are singulary frequent in the
poems of this bard and Davydd ab Gwilym. Dr. Pughe claims
the merit of the introduction of this very beautiful species of
poetry for the Cambrian Petrarch ; but there is reason to
suspend that opinion ; for Rhys Goch appears to have used it
before him. However that may be, the idea is very beautiful ;
and though Davydd has shown much greater mastery in its
application, it elicited several admirable poems from the sub-
ject of our present remarks. The plan of these poems is very
simple ; the bard fixes upon the object to which he intends
entrusting the message ; describes its attributes, and therefrom
deduces the qualities which fit it to become a messenger ; and
Wyf ir Eos.
Aed hon yn ffest
Am cerdd arwest.
At liw calch gwyim
Yn ael y Dyffryn.
Yna d'wedyd
Wrth f 'anwylyd
Os hi ni ddaw
I'm cysnraw
I goedlwyn ir
F'an-wyl feinir,
O'i serch lliw'r haf
Marw a fyddaf.
Mo MBS. p. 233.
FROM A.l). 1280 TO A.D. 1322. 4«7
then entrusts it with the important charge. To this class
belongs the following : 1
Song to the Sea Gull.
Fair Gull, on the surface of the billows
Amid the foam of the rippling wave ;
White queen of the waves of the Severn sea,
With thy kingdom on the ninth Avave of the ocean,
And living upon the bodies of fish !
Thou art a delicately fair one, swift of wing,
And it is for this I want thee ;
Take from me a song of cold complaint
To a maid of slender growth in fair greeting ;
I am sick for one of the whiteness of driven snow,
Who has placed an arrow in my bosom,
Which as I bear it about me gives me great pain.
Say, Gull, to the hue of snow-flakes,
That, amiable Gwen, I love her ;
Go to the castle of the bright-eyed maid,
And sing from my mouth the fair one's praise ;
If I made a song of the five metrical excellencies,
I should not fittingly sing her praise,
Or the hundredth part of the beauty's merit.
If I have not this one, my heart will break ;
1 Can i ybru'e Wylan yn Llattai.
Yr wylan deg ar fol gwaneg,
Ymhlith dystrych yr heli crych,
Brenhines wenn geirw mor Hafren
A'th deyrnas di nawton gweilgi.
Ymborth ydd wyd ar bysgodfwyd,
Gwisgi meinwen wyd ar aden,
Ag er mwyn hynn wyf yn d'ofyn.
Dwg erof gan o'm oer gwynfan
At feindwf ferch yn deg annerch.
Claf wyf am wenn hoen ôd gaenen
Fe ddodes hon saeth i'm dwyfron,
A'u dwyn ydd wyf gloesion irnwyf,
Dywed wylan wrth liw'r od man,
Fy mod wen gu yn ei cliarn,
Cyrch hyd oi chaer Bun oleuglaer,
A clian om pen ei mawl, meinwen,
Pei gwnawn arwest o'r pum gorchest
Ni thraethwn fawl a fai moddawl,
Na chanfed rhan clod bun eirian,
Oni chaf honn tyrr fy nghalon,
h n 2
468 POETRY
Into some brake I'll go to grieve ;
And hid in the woods, far from sight,
I'll die because of this gentle maid.
The next, a better specimen of the same class, will form the
last of our quotations from this poet. It is called
The Song of the Thrush. 1
I was on the margin of a plain,
Under a green-branch'd tree,
' - Hearing the tunes
Of the wild birds ;
Listening to the language
Of the thrush cock,
Who from the wood of the valley
Poured forth an engtyn, 2
And fi-om the wood of the steep
Exquisitely sang.
Speckled was his breast
Among the green leaves,
(Appearing) on the branches
As a thousand flowers.
On the edge of a brook,
Af i boeni dan wyddeli,
Yno'n draphell yng nghudd coedgell
Meinwar a fydd fy nihenydd.
Mo MSS. p. 239.
1 Can y Fwyalch.
Bum yn ael maes
Dan bren briglaes
Yn clywed ton
Adar gwylltion.
Yn gwrandaw iaith,
Ceiliog bronfraith,
O goed y glynn
Prydai englyn,
goed y rhiw
Canai'n gyiviw,
Brith oedd ei fronn
Mewn dail gleision
Mai ar gangau
Mil o flodau,
1 An englyn is a species of Welsh verse, requiring considerable skill in its con-
Mrr.'-tion. See next Section.
FROM A.D. 1280 TO A.I). 1322. 469
All hear him,
Singing with the dawn
As a silver bell ; 1
Performing a sacrifice
Until the hour oí' forenoon ;
Upon a green altar
Ministering Bardisni.
From the branches of the hazel
Of broad green leaves
He sings an ode
To God the Creator ;
With a carol of love
From the green glade,
To all in the hollow
Of the glen, who love him ;
Balm of the heart
To those who love.
I had from his beak
Yn yniyl mint
Pawb ai clywant :
Gan wawr y can
Mai cloch aria n,
Cynnal aberth
Hyd awr anterth
Ar allawr las
Heiliaw Barddas
gaiigau cyll
Gwyrddion defyll
Y can gywydd
1 Dduw Ddofydd
A charol serch
las lannereh,
1 bawb ar bant
Glyn ai carant,
Eli calon
I'r serchogion,
Cefais o'i ben
1 When falconry was held in estimation, as we learn from the poems of Davydd
ab Gwilym, it was at this time, in Glamorganshire, a portion of silver was introduced
into the hawk-bells to improve their tone. — Strutt's Sports and Pastimes, p. 33. The
reader of poetical taste will be reminded of a line in Dryden's paraphrase of Chaucer's
Palamon and Arcite, and of the passage in Shakespeare where Juliet says :
" How silver-sweet sound lovers' tongues by night,
Like softest music to attending ears."
The words in the text, highly descriptive, and conveying a very pretty compliment,
also allude to the sweet tones of those JMilun bells.
470 POETRY
The voice of inspiration,
A song of metres
That gratified me ;
Glad was I made
By his minstrelsy.
Then respectfully
Uttered I an address
From the stream of the valley
To the bird.
I requested urgently
His undertaking a message
To the fair one
Where dwells my affection.
Gone is the bard of the leaves
From the small twigs
To the second Lunet,
The sun of the maidens !
To the side of the vale
St. Mary prosper him,
To bring to me,
Under the green woods,
The hue of one night's snow,
Without delay. 1
Cyflais awen,
Cerdd o fitres
Am boddlones.
Llawen am gwnaeth
Ei ganiadaeth.
Yna drwy barek
Dodais gyfarch
glais y glynn
I'r aderyn,
Erchais yn ffraeth
Ei Latteiaeth
At y wenferck
Lie mae'm traserch
Aeth bardd y dail
O'r man wiail
At ail Luned
Haul y merched.
1 glais y fro
Mair ai llwyddo
Er dwyn immi
Dan ir lwyni
Hoen ôd imnos
Yn ddiaros.
Iolo MSS. p. 237.
1 This translation; for the most part, is that of the last editors of the Iolo MSS.
FROM A.D. 1280 TO A.D. 1322. 171
Thus closes our survey of the secoud important era of Cam
brian literature.
We have already stated that the latter part of the fourteen tl i
century was a period of considerable activity among the bards,
and productive of a very large number of valuable poems ; but
in the present volume we can only advert to the existence, with-
out entering into an examination of these. The rhythmical
consonancy, termed Cynghanedd, was introduced at that time,
and has ever since formed an essential feature in Kymric poetry.
Opinions are divided as to its merit, and therefore it would not
be fair to pass any judgment without a complete discussion of
the subject. Of the poems, however, it may truly be said that
several hundreds of them are of a superior character, and that
few would sink below the level of mediocrity ; there are, it is
true, but few, except those addressed to Owain Glyndwr, by
Iolo Goch and Gruffydd Llwyd, that can be compared with the
greatest efforts of Meilir, Kynddelw, and Llywarch ab Llywelyn ;
but there is a greater number of small poems, having respect-
able merit, and making up an era of considerable literary
interest. The bards who flourished during this period were
numerous and active. Casnodyn, whose poems, five in number,
are, with respect to versification, what would now be deemed
regular, is the first of this era; Gruffydd ab Meredydd has
twenty-eight long poems ; Gruffydd ab Davydd ab Tudur, five
short ones; Prydydd Breuan, one; Y Proth, one; Davydd y
Coed, six ; Trahaiarn Brydydd Mawr, two ; Goron wy Gyriog,
one ; Iorwerth Gyriog, one ; Sevnyn, three ; Llywarch y Nam,
one ; Iorwerth Lwyd, one ; Meurig ab Iorwerth, one ; Goronwy
Ddu, two ; Mab y Clochyddyn, one ; Llywelyn Goch, six ; Ior-
werth Beli, one ; Madawg Dwygraig, ten ; Hywel Ystoryn, one ;
Madawg ab Iorwerth, one ; three satires by the Mab Cryg ; two
by the Iustus Llwyd ; and some predictions attributed to
Y Bergam o Yaelor and Ieuan Trwch y Daran. Davydd Ddu
o Hiraddug, an honoured poet, also lived about this time, as
well as Gruffydd Gryg. All these lived between 1350 and 1400,
and have been already enumerated ; and at, or subsequent to,
the year 1400, during the revolt of Owain Glyndwr and the
Wars of the Eoses, in which events several of the bards took an
active part, there lived some hundreds of these gentlemen. 1
1 Sir John Wynn refers to songs written to or upon Ievan ab Robert ; by whom
were they composed ?
472 POETRY
The order flourished with such extraordinary luxuriance that
stringent laws were enacted to curb their extravagance.
The period between 1350 and 1600 is considered to form
the third important era of Kymric literature ; and the fourth,
beginning with Huw Morus, the author of three hundred poems,
and a strong royal partisan during the civil war, extends to the
present time. During the third era lived several bards of note
and ability. Davydd ab Gwilym alone has contributed to our
literature two hundred and sixty -two poems, and Lewis Glyn
Cothi one hundred and fifty-seven poems ; and these, with the
poems of Iolo Goch, Gruffydd Liwyd, Gutyn Owain, Davydd
ab Emwnt, Tudur Aled, William Lleyn, and others, make up
nearly six hundred compositions. These for the most part are
published ; many more are known to exist in MSS., and pro-
bably some may be lost. It would therefore have been exceed-
ingly imprudent of me to have introduced notices of these at the
close of this work ; they demand a volume for themselves ; and
should this attempt be favourably received, I may p° ss il)ly
bring down the history to the present time, as well as give a
full account of the poems of the sixth century — the literature
of the Kymry of the Strath Clyde. At present I can only give
place to a single specimen. It shall be Davydd ab Gwilym's
address to the summer, requesting it to visit Glamorganshire
with its choicest blessings :
Thou Summer ! father of delight,
With thy dense spray and thickets deep ;
Gemmed monarch, with thy rapt'rous light,
Rousing thy subject glens from sleep !
Proud has thy march of triumph been,
Thou prophet, prince of forest green !
Artificer of wood and tree,
Thou painter of unrivalled skill,
Who ever scattered gems like thee,
And gorgeous webs on park and hill ?
Till vale and hall with radiant dyes
Became another Paradise !
And thou hast sprinkled leaves and flowers,
And goodly chains of leafy bowers,
And bid thy youthful warblers sing
On oak and knoll the song of spring,
And blackbird's note of ecstasy
Burst loudly from the woodbine tree
KROM A.l). L280 TO A.D. L322. 17;;
Till all trie world is thronged with gladness,
Her multitudes have done with sadness !
O Summer, do I ask in vain ?
Thus iu thy glory wilt thou deign
My messenger to be?
Hence from the bowels of the land
Of wild, wild Gwyneth to the strand
Of fair Glamorgan — ocean's band —
Sweet margin of the sea !
To dear Glamorgan, when we part,
Oh, bear a thousand times my heart !
My blessing give a thousand times,
And crown with joy her glowing climes !
Take on her lovely vales thy stand,
And tread and trample round the land,
The beauteous shore whose harvest lies
All sheltered from inclement skies !
Radiant with corn and vineyards sweet,
And lakes of fish and mansions neat,
With halls of stone where kindness dwells
And where each hospitable lord
Heaps for the stranger guest his board !
And where the gen'rous winecup swells ;
With trees that bear the luscious pear,
So thickly clustering everywhere,
That the fair country of my love
Looks dense as one continuous grove !
Her lofty woods with warblers teem,
Her fields with flovv'rs that love the stream ;
Her valleys varied crops display,
Eight kinds of corn, and three of hay ;
Bright parlour, with her trefoiled floor !
Sweet garden, spread on ocean's shore !
Glamorgan's bounteous knights award
Bright mead and burnished gold to me ;
Glamorgan boasts of many a bard,
Well skilled in harp and vocal glee ;
The districts round her border spread
From her have drawn their daily bread ;
Her milk, her wheat, her varied stores,
Have been the life of distant shores !
And court and hamlet food have found
From the rich soil of Britain's southern bound.
And wilt thou, then, obey my power,
Thou Summer, in thy brightest hour?
474 POETRY FROM A.D. 1280 TO A.I). 1322.
To her thy glorious hues unfold
In one rich embassy of gold !
Her morns with bliss and splendour light,
And fondly kiss her mansions white ;
Fling wealth and verdure o'er her bowers !
And for her gather all thy flowers !
Glance o'er her castles, white with lime,
With genial glimmering sublime ;
Plant on the verdant coast thy feet,
Her lofty hills, her woodlands sweet ;
Oh ! lavish blossoms with thy hand
O'er all the forests of the land ;
And let thy gifts, like floods descending,
O'er every hill and glen be blending ;
Let orchard, garden, vine, express
Thy fulness and thy fruitfulness :
O'er all the land of beauty fling
The costly traces of thy wing !
And thus 'mid all thy radiant flowers,
Thy thick'ning leaves and glossy bowers,
The poet's task shall be to glean
Eoses and flowers that softly bloom
(The jewels of the forest's gloom !)
And trefoils wove in pavement green,
With sad humility to grace
His golden Ivor's resting-place. 1
This will afford the reader some conception of what these
poems are, though the notion derived therefrom can neither be
accurate nor complete ; for being only of one class, it can give
no very definite idea of others belonging to different classes.
It is a poem of very considerable merit ; there are, perhaps, none
that excel it ; but many may be found among the bardic com-
positions that will bear comparison without discredit. We
have now gone through the special examination of the medie-
val literature of the Kymry; and the next section wi]l terminate
the volume.
1 The translation is taken from a most interesting volume of very admirable trans-
lations from the Kymrie of Davydd ab Gwilym by A. J. Johnes, Esq. Davydd ab
Gwilym has much that is akin to Indian poetry. . Like him Kalidasa makes a cloud
his messenger, and bids flowers tell persons of their love, &c.
GENERAL CRITICISM. 4ffj3
SECTION III.
GENERAL CRITICISM.
Our special survey of the poetic literature of Wales, from the
time of Meilir in the eleventh century to that of Gwilym Ddu
in the fourteenth, is now brought to a close. Every poem could
not of course be noticed; but in the selection I have been
guided by a wish to give such as were possessed of intrinsic
merit and poetic beauty, and such as revealed, either plainly or
incidentally, any pointed illustration of national character. I
might have quoted a much greater number of poems ; but as it
did not appear that I should thereby do anything else than tire
my reader, it seemed best to adopt the course which has been
here followed. I have given special criticisms on each poem,
and now offer a few remarks as a general criticism on the
whole.
There was much truth in the statement of Mr. Sharon
Turner that the bardic poems did not possess the merit which
was sometimes claimed for them. He who approaches the
bards in the hope of finding companion spirits to the great
poets of other countries will surely be disappointed ; for, as we
have already remarked, the merits of their poems are rather
historical than poetical. The poems of the bards here passed
in review are of a peculiar character; their lyrics, except
Gwalchmai's ode, want fire and animation, and their elegies
too frequently substitute petty conceits for genuine tenderness.
The bulk of the poems of this era treat of war ; and there are
a few dedicated to the service of love. The exhortations to
warlike exploits are very frequent, and give us a more favour-
able opinion of their writers than any other portion of then
labours, though many of them are as far below the war-songs
of most other nations in poetic fire as they are above in versifi-
cation. With this deficiency of really j>oetical thought, fire,
and sentiment, the conventionality of bardism has much to do ;
and by fixing an artificial standard of versified perfection, they
concentrated attention upon the words, and neglected the spirit
of their poems. This is an inherent vice of system-making.
476 GENERAL CRITICISM.
Systems are only admeasurements of the mental capacities of
their founders, and ought not to be made binding upon men of
greater abilities. Criticism may point out the perfections of
genius, but it cannot create them. There were good reasoners
before Aristotle wrote his Logic ; and had Homer not lived,
Longinus would have wanted a subject. Colleges and univer-
sities are subject to the same defect ; Alfred and Cromwell
might have made and patronised universities, but all the colleges
in the universe could not have made either of them. Had no
collegiate institutions been in existence, we should still have had
Shakespeare, Milton, Newton, and all our great men ; such con-
ventional institutions are, however, not only depositories of great
knowledge, but are themselves evidences of intelligence. There
was intelligence shown in their establishment, and there must
be knowledge used to keep them up and discharge the duties
attached to the various offices ; but, after all, the standard of
talent must of necessity be the standard of mediocrity, for
Nature's noble minds require no cabalistic letters at their hands;
the truly great man has already received his degrees from the
hand of Omnipotence. This thought is finely expressed in the
following stanza, addressed to Tasso :
Peace to Torquato's injured shade ! 'twas his
In life and death to be the mark where Wrong
Aim'd with her poison'd arrows ; but to miss.
O victor, unsurpassed in modern song !
Each year brings forth its millions ; but how long
The tide of generations shall roll on,
And not the whole combined and countless throng
Compose a mind like thine ? Though all in one
Condensed their scattered rays, they would not form a sun. 1
In like manner bardism might have been itself an evidence of
intelligence, and numbered in its ranks many able men ; yet
upon the whole it was unfavourable to extraordinary merit and
true poetic excellence.
The historical value of their poems is, however, very great,
for. the bards seem generally to have adhered very closely to
their professed maxim " Y gwir yn erbyn y Byd;" and if their
poems contain but few beautiful thoughts, they are full of cor-
1 Byron, Childe Harold, canto iv.
f:EXETìAL CRITICISM. 477
rect statements of facts, descriptions of manners, and natural
allusions to the habits of the people and their traditions. Even
the minutise of military decorations are mentioned, as appears
from many passages in the works of the bards, and as is shown
in a very interesting note to Hanes Cymru :
The King of France aided Owain Glyndwr with an army of men, and
presented him -with handsome arms. Among other things there was a
beautiful helmet, " un beau bassinet," as it is described, says Sir Samuel
Meyrick, in an old French author ; and I have no doubt that it is this
Grufiydd Llwyd alludes to when, speaking of Owain, he says :
"Eryr digrif afrifed
Owain helm gain, hael am ged."
This confirms me in a belief, which I have long held, that the bards did
not crowd their lines with unmeaning phrases, and that those passages
which are now obscure and are read without producing any benefit, are
really apposite and instructive allusions to things of which we have no
cognisance ; for the merit of the bards consisted in skilfully weaving such
minutiae into their poetry. 1
And therefore, viewed in this light, the bardic remains deserve
to be diligently studied.
As might naturally have been expected, the regulations of
the bards have acted as dead weights upon imagination, and
the metaphors and images of many of the Kymric poets display
either a want of taste or of originality. There is a sameness
about the whole of them ; and they not unfrequently borrow
each other's images. Several instances of this occur in the
poems already noticed. Gwalchmai had described the loss of
blood at the Battle of Tal y Moelvre, that streaming seaward,
it checked the progress of the incoming tide ; and we find Kyn-
ddelw soon after making use of the very same idea in the
following forcible passage : 2
The green flood of Teivi was thickened ;
The water and the blood of men filled it ;
The blood-stained r/rebe 3 called aloud for a glut of gore,
And swam with toil on waves of blood.
1 Hemes Cymru, p. 771-
- Gwyrdd heli Teifi tewychai
Gwaedlan gwyr a llyr ai llanwai
Gwyach rud gorfud goralwai
Ar doniar gwyar gonofiai.
1 The grebe is a waterfowl (gwyach).
478 GENERAL CRITICISM.
And a similar idea is used by Llywarch ab Llywelyn.
The standing images for warriors are lions, hawks, and
eagles, which we meet with everywhere in these poems ; occa-
sionally we find these conceits varied with comparisons to
historical names. In the love songs of the earlier bards, where
one would have thought originality both easy and abundant,
we find nothing but repetitions of each other ; and a happy
idea, when once penned, is appropriated by every writer and
worn to tatters. Kynddelw, in a poem addressed to Eva, the
daughter of Madawg ab Meredydd, Prince of Powys, describes
her thus : l
Thou art as white as the spray of water scattered by the wind,
Thou white Cambrian of the court of Dyffrynt ;
Thou shinest as brightly as the rising sun,
And art as purely white as the mountain snow.
And these very images have been reproduced by Hywel ab
Einion. The " cherry bloom " and " hawthorn flowers " may
be accounted his own, as also " the waves of Caswennan ;" but
" the whiteness of the curling wave," " the flakes of driven
snow," and " the meridian sun " seem to be reproductions of
the images of Kynddelw. This image of the water spray is
also used by Hywel ab Owain, who is usually very original :
Gorewynawg ton tynhegyl ebrwydd ;
and by many others.
One of two things is very apparent from these facts ; either
these images had been authorised as appropriate to such and
such subjects, just as Bossu and his school gave recipes for
epic poems, or the minds of the bards were incapable of fram-
ing original comparisons. The last conclusion becomes quite
inadmissible when we reflect upon the appropriateness of the
images used ; and therefore, as will appear from the following
list of the figures which were considered to be legitimate by the
bardic critics, we must adopt the former alternative :
1. The three embellishing names of poetic genius: light of the under-
standing, amusement of reason, and preceptor of knowledge.
1 Cymrawd ewyn cbvfr, ai difriw gwynt;
Cymraeg laesdeg o lys dyffrynt.
Cyfleuer gwawi dydd, pan dwyre hynt
Gyfliw eira gorwyn gorwydd epynb.
GENERAL CRITICISM. 470
2. The three embellishing names of reason: candle of the soul, might
of wisdom, and transparency of knowledge.
o. The three embellishing names of wisdom : beauty of the heavens,
strength of amusement, and the word of God.
4. The three embellishing names of the understanding : eye of genius,
ear of reason, and right hand of meditation.
5. The three embellishing names of knowledge: might of the world,
joy of the wise, and grace of God.
G. The three embellishing names of God: King of the Heavens (Soul
of Worlds), Father of Animation, and Immensity of Love.
7. The three embellishing names of heaven : life, blessedness, and
heavenly tranquillity.
8. The three embellishing names of the sun : torch of the worlds, eye
of day, and sprightliness of the heavens.
9. The three embellishing names of the moon : sun of night, the
beautiful, and sun of the fairies.
10. The three embellishing names of the stars : eyes of serenity,
candles of heaven (God), and gems of the sky.
11. The three embellishing names of the sea: field of Gwenhidwy,
court of Neivion, and fountain of Venus (and glutton of the world).
12. The three embellishing names of the waves: sheep of Gwenhidwy,
dragons of the salt deep, and blossoms of ocean.
13. The three embellishing names of summer : chevalier of love,
father of vigour, and keeper of ardour.
14. The three embellishing names of the wind : hero of the world,
architect of bad weather, and assaulter of the hills.
15. The three embellishing names of flowers: gems of shrubs, beauties
of summer, and eyes of zephyrs.
16. The three embellishing names of herbs: mantle of summer, aspect
of beauty, and hall-floor of love.
17. The three embellishing names of zephyrs : countenance (smile)
of joy, salve of heaven, and smile (face) of love.
18. The three embellishing names of genius : life of knowledge, soul
of reason, and gift of God.
19. The three embellishing names of conscience : light of heaven, eye
of truth, and voice of God.
20. The three embellishing names of knowledge: paths of truth, hand
of reason, and strength of genius. 1
Bhys Goch, Davydd ab Gwilym, and subsequent writers, it
should be admitted, are favourable exceptions.
We have stated the facts as they exist ; but there are seve-
ral considerations which ought in fairness to be urged in
defence of the Cambrian bards. Their works should not be
' Tolo Mati / p. 4S0.
480 GENERAL CRITICISM.
judged by the critical principles which now prevail ; for though
it be admissible to apply that rule in order to estimate their
value as specimens of the art of composition, to criticise the
productions of dark ages by the light of the present is to apply
a test as much too severe as it is imperfect and unfair. This,
I am aware, is the rule most frequently employed ; for men
generally believe nothing good, except that with w T hich they
happen to be acquainted ; and the first impulses of all men
verify the correctness of that faithful representation of the
narrowness of human judgments — the allegorical bed of Pro-
crustes. In reviewing the bardic poems, the time at which
they were sung, and the circumstances under which they were
produced, should be taken into account. The subjects were not
the suggestions of happy moments, nor were the poems the
fruits of untrammelled meditation ; but, on the contrary, the
themes were prescribed, and the treatment of the subjects not
what welled up spontaneously in the poet's mind, but what custom
had ordained to be appropriate. Of the bardic canon of criti-
cism we must say that it has much to recommend it ; the
images sanctioned are frequently very beautiful ; and being
drawn less from books than from external objects, have a fresh-
ness which none others can supply. We do not quarrel with it
on this account ; perhaps it was well to fix a standard of excel-
lence, to which the inferior class of bards should aspire, but it
erred in cramping the talents of those who were really able
men. The mind has laws and moods of its own ; it may drink
insjDÌration from the pealing thunder, suck honeyed thoughts
from opening flowers, or see profoundest meanings in pearly
drops of dew ; but it is reluctant to obey another's command,
and bows submissively to no secondary laws. " Poets," it has
been well said, " seldom succeed on given themes." The times
were not favourable to originality ; the minds of the able men
were not allowed sufficient room to be developed still further ; so
that when bardism had prescribed the metaphors and images
appropriate to each occasion, we should rather wonder at find-
ing so many good passages in the poems of the greater bards
than at seeing the minor poets ringing the changes on a few
ideas and set phrases.
We are also liable to do the bards less than justice, from
viewing their poems in a collective form. A sense of weariness
and monotony is thus produced, which could not have been felt
GENERAL I'lill'H'lsM. M
when the poems were first composed. No severer test can be
applied to a writer addicted to mannerism than a comparison
of his collected works ; and as a peculiarity of mental constitu-
tion, though not inconsistent with greatness of certain kinds,
is an indication of narrowness, none but the choicest spirits can
pass unscathed through such an ordeal. Some of the ablest of
living writers have been weighed in this balance, and found
wanting ; when we have seen their writings on one class of sub-
jects, we may predict with considerable certainty what their
treatment of others is likely to be ; and therefore we should
not pronounce too hasty a judgment upon the Cambrian bards.
Their poems are not members of a sei'ies. Each composition
was intended to be complete in itself, and should be viewed
accordingly. If the poems be taken singly, and at intervals of
time, as they were produced, they will be found readable enough;
the thoughts are appropriate to the subject ; the imagery,
which is sometimes rich, can seldom be said to want beauty ;
and the metaphors, frequently forcible, are never far-fetched or
out of place : they only become wearisome when read in quick
succession. Much of the monotony is also to be attributed to
the paucity of subjects. The age had but one idea — war ;
and most of the bardic poems being addressed to the warlike
princes of the Kymry, were composed for set occasions. Princes,
wars, and raids were the great features of the time ; and as one
prince or one war was as like as possible to another, the wri-
ters of successive addresses to different or the same persons
must have repeated themselves very frequently. The inferior
bards could not break through this narrow circle. The poems
of Einion Wan, Prydydd Bychan, and Bleddyn are neither
good nor bad ; tried by the Horatian rule, they must be con-
demned ; but viewed in connexion with the bardic school, they
will appear less liable to censure. Clwalchmai, Kynddelw, Lly-
warch, Davydd Benvras, and Ab yr Ynad were, however,, men of
a different stamp ; they had capacity enough to soar above
that which was immediately present — to leave the beaten path
of custom, and to adorn their works with graces peculiarly
their own.
The bardic poetry is frequently sententious, and interwoven
with moral reflections. Sometimes this has a pleasing effect ;
but it is most commonly otherwise. In the poems of Gwalch-
mai we have several specimens of very pure lyric forms, free
i i
432 GENERAL CRITICISM.
from any admixture of irrelevant matter. All the poetry of the
Kymry of these centuries would come under the designation
lyric ; for though they sometimes assume an epic character, the
whole treatment is that of the lyrist. The pure forms of
Gwalchmai were, however, thought not to display a sufficient
degree of mastery ; and instead of confining themselves to the
proper limits of lyric poetry, the bards frequently interrupt
the full flow of passion to introduce commonplace and un-
necessary reflections. Parenthetical sentences impertinently
intrude themselves into some of the finest poems of Kynddelw ;
some of the others are in this respect less faulty, but in most
of the bardic poems the anxiety of the authors to remind the'
hearer or reader of their personal presence is frequently a
source of annoyance. There are, however, numerous instances
where these reflections are both strictly appropriate and pro-
ductive of very pleasing effects ; the invocations at the com-
mencement of some of the greatest poems of Meilir, Kynddelw,
Llywarch, and Davydd Benvras are really sublime, and the
religious tone of the closing lines of many give their chief
compositions a highly poetic character.
Another feature in their poems is strongly indicative of the
circumstances under which they were produced. We frequently
find the subjects of their odes spoken of in different degrees of
relationship ; the persons to whom the poems are composed are
generally addressed in the second person singular, but fre-
quently in the third ; and the explanation appears to be that
the poems were composed for, and recited in, public assemblies.
The early poetry of all nations appears to be connected with
feasts and populous gatherings ; the lyrics of the Hebrews, as
appears from the admirable lectures of Lowth, have the pecu-
liarity here noticed ; and the same observation holds good of
the epic and lyric poetry of Greece. Most of the poems of the
mediaeval bards were undoubtedly composed for such occasions ;
this appears from Lewis Glyn Cothi's account of the wedding
in Flint, and from the words of Kynddelw :
Canaf wawd yr priawd ae pryn.
I will sing an eulogy to the prince who will buy it ;
and the poet recited his composition after dinner in the presence
of the assembled guests. When the bard speaks of the host in
GENERAL CRITICISM. 483
the second person, ho probably addressed that personage
directly; and when the hero of the piece is spoken of in the
third person, the remarks are parenthetical, and were probably
addressed to the bystanders. On such occasions the introduc-
tion of matter not strictly relevant was excusable ; and it should
be observed that the poems of the bards were intended to be
listened to rather than read.
We have already shown the skill of the bards in forming
compound words ; their works exhibit a similar feature in the
compound epithets with which they abound. This has been
well described by the Rev. Thomas Price :
I have passed some time in studying the writings of the bards, and
can say of them that they are in the highest degree original in their cha-
racter. One mark of their excellence was that they could not be accurately
translated into any other tongue ; the diction was highly wrought, and
the imagery striking, and altogether the poetry of the bards is so superior
to the general run of colloquial writing that it is impossible to give it
adequate expression in any other language. If I was asked what is the
style in which the bards wrote, I would say that it was lyric; if I were to
name any classic poet of antiquity that resembled them, I would name
Pindar : there was the same originality, the same richness of expression,
and the same transient kind of imagery, so suddenly produced and so
rapidly withdrawn. I know of no other poet of antiquity to compare to
them. If I were called upon to explain by any English work the nature
of this combined expression, I should certainly fix upon the poems of
Gray, in which we find such lines as :
" The breezy call of incense-breathing morn."
Gwalchmai invokes
" The early-rising summer-sun."
And such passages are frequent in the poems of the ban Is.
On becoming more intimate with the bards, the principles
of the order become more and more manifest; and we find that,
in order to give more éclat to themselves, and make poetry a
difficult art, they raised an artificial standard of a somewhat
vicious character, and required all reputable poems to be of a
given affected form. This consisted of like commencements to
their lines, such as we saw in the Avallenau and in Davydd
Benvras. It was the prevalent taste during the last period
treated of here, and had been introduced as early as the time
of Lleweivn ab lorwerfch. This appears from Giraldus; but as
I i 2
184 GENERAL CRITICISM.
the reader might not have particularly noticed the allusion, we
here quote it a second, time :
Beyond all rhetorical ornaments they preferred the use of alliteration,
and that kind more especially which repeats the first letters or syllables of
-words. They made so much use of this ornament in every finished dis-
course that they thought nothing elegantly spoken without it.
We have given some specimens of this already, such as —
Gogyiuvdd torment gogoûaw íorfoedd,
and. —
Teynallu, teyrnedd, teyimllaw, teyrnWiw •
and these lines in the Avallenau furnish a specimen both of
the beauties and. the faults of the practice. They have been
already twice quoted, and will bear quotation again :
Saith Afallen beren a saith ugaint,
Yn gyfoed, gyfnwch, gyhjd, ^mmaint.
This, when sparingly introduced, has a pleasing effect ; but
we here observe a drawback : " gyfuwch " and " gyhyd " mean
precisely the same thing, for there can be no difference between
" as high " and " as long " when applied to trees. Davydd
Benvras was proud of this affected ornament, and has a long
passage full of repeated phrases :
Oedd breisg freisg ei fyddin,
Oedd brivysg rivysg rhag y godorin,
Oedd balch gwalch golchiad ei lain,
Oedd gweilch beilch gweled ei werin,
Oedd cly wed c/eddyfau finfin ;
Oedd clybod clivyf ym mhob elin ;
Oedd briw rhiw yn nhrabludd odrin ;
Oedd braw saw Saeson Clawdd y Cnwccin ;
Oedd bwlch llafn yn Haw gynnefin,
Oedd gwaedijd pennau gwedy gicaedlm.
Now, this has no great merit as poetry ; yet if that has but
the single merit of being alliterative, the following has the
double merit of being alliterative and good poetry as well :
Llawer deigr hylithr yn hwylaw ar rudd ;
Llawer ystlys rhudd a rhwyg arnaw ;
Llawer gwaed am draed wedi ymdreiddiaw ;
Llawer gweddw a swaedd am danaw ;
GENERAL CRITICISM. 185
Llawer meddwl trwm yn tramwyaw;
Llawer mab héb dad wedi ei adaw ;
Llawer hendref fraitli, gwedi llwybr godaith ;
Llawer diffaith trwy anrhaith draw ;
/Juicer lief druan
Fal ban fu'r Gamlan ;
Llawer deigr dros ran,
Wedir greiniaw,
las gwanas gwanar eurllaw
laith Llywelyn, cof ni'm daw. 1
Here the repetition is appropriate, and rises naturally from
the subject ; but we can only say this of a very few. Gwilym
Ddu has forty-three lines, out of the sixty-three forming his
Odlau'r Misoedd, beginning in " Neud," much of which is pure
affectation and bad taste. Casnoclyn, who lived a little later,
inclined to the same practice, as may be here seen :
Pan Avnel Duw ddangos ei faran,
Ztyddwyre dy daerad arnan ;
Dychryn twryf torfoedd yn eban,
Dygyrch hynt, d)'chre gwynt gwaeddfan ;
Dychymmriw ton amliw arnlan,
Dychymmen. ufeliar bar ban,
Dychrys gwrys gwres tandde allan.
The same taste, or rather want of taste, is shown in the
poems of Gruffydd Gryg, Iolo Goch, and Madog Benvras ; and
Davydd ab Gwilym very frequently has whole poems com-
mencing with the same letter. It should, however, be admitted
that the poets of other countries have put forth similar con-
ceits. Arnaud de Marveil, a well-known Provencal poet, or
Troubadour, in a poem addressed to his mistress, has the follow-
ing lines :
Vos saluda ; e vostra lauzor,
Vostra beautat, vostra valor,
Vostre solatz, vostre parlar,
Vostr' aculhir e vostr' onvar,
Vostre pretz, vostr' essenhawen,
Vostre saber, e vostre sen,
Vostre gen cors, vostre dos riz,
Vostra terra, vostre pays ;
1 For translation of these extracts see pp. 148 and 372, .373.
486
GENERAL CRITICISM.
and, what is still more surprising, this affectation prevailed over
the mind of Dante. We find it in the inscription over the gate
of hell :
Per me si va nella citta dolente,
Per me si va nell' eterno dolore ;
Per me si va tra la perdita gente.
Through me you pass unto the city of woe,
Through me you pass into eternal pain ;
Through me among the people lost for aye.
This was the root from which Cynghanedd subsequent!} 7 " sprang.
Again, I have another quarrel with the bards ; for not only
do they display affectations in the " beginnings " of their lines,
but they also display it in their " endings," the effect of both
practices being the depreciation of the poetry and filling up
of the lines with unmeaning words. It dates from an early
period :
Aneurin has
11 lines ending in awr, and
11 '
. 18
»
en.
Taliesin has
. 31
11
ant.
Meilir has .
. 38
11
aivd,
it
. 52
11
mvc,
n
. 64
))
yt, and
n
. 16
53
ed.
Gwalchmai has
. 21
)'
i.
Einion, his son, has
. 56
11
i.
Kynddelw has
. 60
1}
eith.
Prydydd Moch .
. 66
11
a?;
■>■>
. 36
11
an,
n
. 42
11
o, and
n
. 64
11
int.
Davydd Benvras has
. 41
U
71.
Einiawn ab Gwgawn h
is . 28
J)
awl,
n
. 44
>>
ein,
11
. 36
11
ad, and
1J
. 30
)>
er.
Llygad Gwr has .
. 36
)J
ed,
j>
. 32
11
h
>>
. 36
11
dd,
it
. 16
11
dith, and
n
. 45
11
an.
Owain Kyveiliog has
24 lines
rhyming
in en,
(in the llirlas)
. 24
n
ed,
. 20
)
:iil.
GENERAL CIHTICISM. 487
Owain Kyveiliog has . . 18 lines rhyming in an,
16 „ ant, and
(in the Hirlas) . . lb'
10
„ ... 14 „ yn.
Gwilym Ddu has . . 32 „ edd, and
,, ... 30 „ yd.
And Ab yr Ynad, in Marwnad Llywelyn, ends 104 lines in aiv.
This species of affectation seems to have belonged peculiarly to
this period ; for, to their credit be it said, it was not adopted by
the bards of the succeeding centuries.
Much, however, of this monotony arose from the simplicity
of their metres. From time to time these were greatly im-
proved ; and even during the period under consideration many
new metres were invented. Those in use prior to the time of
Meilir were the following :
1. Gorchan y Gyhydedd Fer. This requires the line to consist of no
more than four syllables, and the lines to be no more than eight in each
verse. Each of the lines must have the same rhyme ; and the poet has
the privilege of choosing the number of lines from four to eight.
2. Y Gyhydedd Gaeth. This is the same as the short metricity in all
respects, except in the length of the lines, which should consist of live
syllables.
3. Y Gyhydedd Drosgl (rugged). The same as the two preceding,
except in the length of the lines being six syllables.
4. Y Gyhydedd Lefn (smooth) has seven syllables in each line, and
is privileged to range from four to twelve lines in each verse.
5. Y Gyhydedd Wastad (regular) has octosyllabic lines, and verses
ranging from four to sixteen lines each.
6. Y Gyhydedd Draws (cross) is the same as the last, only that there
are nine syllables in each line.
7. Y Gyhydedd Wen (flowing). Ten syllables ; in other respects
the same.
8. Y Gyhydedd Lacs (heavy). Eleven syllables, &c.
9. Y Gyhydedd Ilir (long) is privileged to have as many as twenty
lines, the length of each line being twelve syllables.
These are what are termed the nine canons of metricity ;
the other metres are combinations of these : -
10. Clogyrnach (rugosity) resembles the Pindaric odes.
11. Ban Cyrcli (recurrent verse). Very pleasing rhymes.
12. Fforchawdl (furcated transition). Gwalchmai's ode is in this
488 GENERAL CRITICISM.
metre, and the Rev. Walter Davies (to whose essay I am indebted for
much information) gives the following as a specimen of one of its many
varieties :
Fountains of wine shall pour along ;
And, melting from the hollow tree,
The golden treasures of the bee,
And streams of milk shall fill my song. — Frauds' Horace.
13. Warrior's Triplet. A very old metre — old, perhaps, as the time of
the Druids — consisting of three lines, and having the privilege of ranging
from seven to ten syllables in the line.
14. lluppynt (vaulting strain ). An example :
Cysgid Lloegr
Llydan nifer
A lleufer
Yn eu llygaid.
Wordsworth's verses to the daisy are written in this metre.
They are not so simple as the preceding example, but belong to
the variety known as y ffordd hwyaf, the huppynt, the longest
way :
When smitten by the morning's ray,
I see thee rise alert and gay,
Then, cheerful Flower, my spirits play
With kindred motion.
At dusk I've seldom mark'd thee press
The ground, as if in thankfulness,
Without some feeling more or less
Of true devotion.
15. Cynghaicg (complexity). There are many varieties.
16. Toddaid (confluency). Example:
Gorvoledd gwinwledd gwenwlad — tragywydd
Lie bydd hael Llywydd haul a Ueuad. — Casnodyn.
To these were added during this era:
17. Proest Cyfneividiaivg (combined vowel alternity) :
Gwyr riv y syr yssut yn y gad
Gwrthrudd Veredydd vur gryd,
Twn y bar dreig anwar drud,
Di dwn y eir vel creir cred. — Prydydd Bychan.
18. Ynglyn. The verses of Kynddelw to Owain Kyveiliog and the
Lord Rhys are specimens of this.
GENERAL CRITICISM. 489
The Englyn is much simpler in its form in the poems of
these centuries than it afterwards became on the introduction
of Cynghanedd, or consonancy. The old form of this metre
was :
Nid oes yni Davyt dawn orvod — ar bawb
Arbennigyawl hebod
Cadyr rwyf cadarn glwyf glybod
Can llonyt byw yn dyt bod. — Gwilym liyvel.
Here the only peculiarities are that the four lines have the
same final rhyme, and that the consonants r, b in " ar bawb "
are repeated in " arbennigyawl." But in the more modern
Englyn this correspondence of consonants is required in every
line. For example, we will take the prize Englyn to the Goat,
at the Liverpool Eisteddvod of 1840 :
Bervain yw'r avr a baivog, — arivav lais,
Un hb'y/ew a chorniog ;
Naid hyd lletlvraw creigiau crog
A'i nawdd yw'r gi'aig ddannecWog. — Hob. Thomas.
The peculiarity here is indicated by the italics ; and there are
numerous other nice distinctions which we cannot stay to
notice. * .
19. Triban Cyrch (recurring triplet), better known as Triban Mor-
ganwg. Example :
Anhyfryd beth i'w methu,
A ffwyl ar ddyn yw ffaelu,
Ni wel fwynder glwysber glara,
Nag un awr gân a gwenu.
20. Cywydd (recitative). The merit of inventing this is claimed tor
Iulo Goch, Trahaiarn, and Davydd ab Gwilym. It is considered the
finest and sweetest of all the metres. Most of D. ab Gwilym's poems are
written in it.
21. Proest Gadwynodl (combined alternate rhyme). We have an
early example in Gutyn Owain :
Y vendith drwy gyviawnder
A gavas Nudd ac Ivor
Ar Ddavydd riv sydd o ser
Ac a roi'r mwy nâ gio'r môr.
22. Cadwyn Gyrch (recurrent catenation), says one critic, " crowds
the ear too much with its cuckoo-like repetitions."
2;!. Traethawdl (narrative). " Its mark of inherence is, that the
490 GENERAL CRITICISM.
rhythm be changed every couplet like a Cywydd, and its privilege is
choice of metricity from seven to twelve syllables."
24. Dyri (vocal song), a free flowing metre, and of endless varieties,
adapted to lyric songs.
These four last were invented subsequent to the time em-
braced by this essay, and some changes were made at the
Carmarthen Eisteddvod in 1451 ; but these alterations were
afterwards done away with at another Carmarthen Eisteddvod
in 1819. The miserable affectations of writing verses on all the
metres has now been abandoned, and the poet is very properly
allowed to use such of the metres as suits his taste.
The influence of such an order of men as the bards in stir-
ring up the patriotism of the Kymry, and in stimulating the
latent intellect, courage, aud daring which slumber in all
bosoms until called forth by strong excitement, is very clearly
shown by the proclamations and hostile edicts of the English
monarchs, and can scarcely be overrated. Much that was good
and great would not, but for their exhortations, have seen the
light ; and many a brilliant conception that the world now
glories in the possession of would have been evaporated in
apathy, or perished in indifference, but for the stimulus given
to the patriotic cause by these wandering minstrels.
We have already adverted to the historical value of the
bardic remains ; but there is one aspect under which their
historical worth deserves a more special notice. They throw
light not only on Kymric literature, but also on English history;
and it cannot but be interesting for candid Saxons to learn how
their countrymen were regarded at this period by their more
civilised opponents. The wars of the English kings against
the Kymry form a most important portion of English history,
though it is admitted to be imperfect ; and it must ever remain
imperfect, as it now is, until English scholars cultivate a know-
ledge of our literature, or some Cambrian supplies the deficiency
from the rich stores of Kymric poetry ; for the bardic writings
throw a flood of light upon contemporary history of a most
faithful and trustworthy character. Mr. Turner was not slow
to appreciate the value of the early poems of Taliesin, Aneurin,
and Llywarch in illustrating and completing the history of the
An