UC-NRLF *B 3D2 b31 VI J y Li * »j OUTLINES OF ANCIENT EGYPTIAN HISTORY MARIETTE (I® a « 11 r-H VI &i THG UNIY6RS1TY Of CALIFORNIA LIBRARY ^LtvOcvb Of O©* &&* WV$0<& ftftf* cScTLibris ANCIENT EGYPTIAN HISTORY OUTLINES OF ANCIENT EGYPTIAN HISTORY BY AUGUSTE MARIETTE TRANSLATED AND EDITED, WITH NOTES, BY MARY BRODRICK With, an Introductory Note by William C. Winslow, D.D., D.C.L. LL.D., Vice-Piesident of the Egypt Exploration Fund for the United States NEW YORK CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 1892 u> <&> ^ Copyright, 1892, by CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS TROW DIRKCTORY PRINTING AND BOOKBINDING COMPANY NEW YORK TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE For some time past I have been asked, both in England and abroad, to recommend a short history of Ancient Egypt, to which my reply has invariably been — Mariette's ' Apercu.' There is no history so concise or so comprehensive ; though, as its name says, it is but an outline. To bring it within the reach of those who cannot, or who do not care to read it in the original, and so to make it better known to both the English and American public, has been my object in translating it. In doing so, I have en- deavoured to give the entire sense of Mariette's words in readable English, rather than in an elabo- rate word-for-word translation. The book having been written in lecture form for the use of the Egyptian schools in Cairo, it will be found that here and there sentences, having particular reference to that fact, have been omitted or adapted : also that 395942 vi Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History dates have been given according to our era, and not only as before or after the Hegira, which is, of course, the modern Egyptian mode of reckoning; while statements which are now proved to be false or doubtful have been omitted. In some places, where the progress of events or fresh discoveries have made them necessary, notes have been added ; and special notice of the finding of the royal mummies at Der-el-Bahari is also given. I wish most gratefully to acknowledge the kind- ness of Mr. Le Page Renouf, Keeper of Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities in the British Museum, who has read this work both in manuscript and proof, and has given me much help and many valuable suggestions. It must not, however, be supposed that this makes him in any way respon- sible for the opinions of the learned author. M. Brodrick. INTRODUCTORY NOTE [From William C. Winslow, D.D., D.C.L., LL.D., Honorary Secre- tary of the Egypt Exploration Fund for the United States.] I HEARTILY welcome an American edition of this opportune and very useful little book. For it meets a special need that no primer or rdsumt of the History of Ancient Egypt has as yet met. Its matter is uniquely combined and presented. For it affords not only a summary of the great epochs and a clear account of the successive dynasties, but a definite conception of the turning-points of Egypt's advancement or decline and a vivid idea of the value of her most important records by the chisel and pen. Its style, too, thanks largely to the trans- lator, is perspicuous and pleasing. As said of the English edition in the magazine Biblia? it is in a word, " an all round little manual." These " Outlines " will be sought after by all * Initial article in Biblia [Meriden, Conn.], November, 1891. viii Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History who seek to know the history of Egypt in as con- cise a form as possible ; all interested in the explo- rations of that fascinating and instructive land should buy the book ; there is hardly a subscriber to the Egypt Exploration Fjnd volumes who will not, I am sure, wish to add it to his or her selection of works on the history and monuments of the em- pire of the Pharaohs. Wm. Copley Winslow. Boston, September, 1892. CONTENTS PAGE Translator's Prefaces v Contents ix Sketch Map of Dynasties xii Table of Cartouches ....... xiii Introduction xxix CHAPTER I Heathen Period i CHAPTER II Heathen Period — The Ancient Empire — Dynasties I.— XL 5 CHAPTER III Heathen Period — The Middle Empire — Dynasties XL— XVIII. . . 12 CHAPTER IV Heathen Period — The New Empire — Dynasties XVIII.— XXXI 30 x Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History CHAPTER V PAGE Heathen Period — The Greek Epoch — Dynasties XXXII. and XXXIII 62 CHAPTER VI Heathen Period— Roman Epoch — Dynasty XXXIV. 66 CHAPTER VII The Christian Period 71 PART II APPENDIX CHAPTER VIII Manetho 76 Table of the Egyptian Dynasties, according to Manetho 78 CHAPTER IX The Monuments 87 First, Second, and Third Dynasties .... 93 Fourth and Fifth Dynasties 94 Sixth Dynasty 97 Seventh, Eighth, Ninth, and Tenth Dynasties . 100 Eleventh Dynasty 101 Contents xi PAGK Twelfth Dynasty 104 Thirteenth and Fourteenth Dynasties . . .105 Fifteenth and Sixteenth Dynasties . . . .107 Seventeenth Dynasty 107 Eighteenth Dynasty in Nineteenth Dynasty 120 Twentieth Dynasty 122 The Royal Mummies 125 Twenty-first Dynasty 128 Twenty-second Dynasty 128 Twenty-third Dynasty 129 Twenty-fourth Dynasty 130 Twenty-fifth Dynasty 130 Twenty-sixth Dynasty 131 Twenty-seventh Dynasty 134 Twenty-eighth, Twenty-ninth, and Thirtieth Dy- nasties 135 Thirty-first Dynasty 135 Thirty-second Dynasty 136 Thirty-third Dynasty 136 Thirty-fourth Dynasty . 140 Chief Kings of Ancient Egypt 142 Books of Reference . . . . . .145 Table of the Ancient Egyptian Calendar in its Normal Form, compared with the Egyptian Year . . 146 Index 149 DYN?I. ll.THINliio^S^v-. .^ rKENEH OYNfXH.XU..ABYDoV^^^ DYN?XI-XIIL) r £ T/ 4|£fejB E S, Gyh?xviii-xx.J -* SKETCH MAP OF DYNASTIES DYN. VI. EL£PHANTINE>,AS8UAN izraxsr Walktr&BautaUt* TABLE OF THE PRINCIPAL KINGS OF ANCIENT EGYPT, WITH THEIR CAR- TOUCHES Dynasty L— THINITE (D Mena Teta Atet Ata 4400 4366 4333 4300 5 I m I Hesep-ti Qebh 4266 6 I # I Mer-ba-pen . . 4233 Semen-Ptah . . 4200 . 4166 xiv Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History Dynasty II.— THINITE B.C 9 Vm I Neter-baiu . 4133 10 UJ Ka-kau . . 4100 11 y%P\ Ba-en-neter 4066 T2 JLJ Uat'-nes . 4033 tT\ 13 pi Senta . 4000 Dynasty III.— MEMPHITE 14 I O I T'at'ai . . 1966 il x 5 M Neb-ka . . 3933 16 r I Ser 3900 9 17 Teta . . 3866 18 W) Setes * • 3833 19 LjJ U^J 2 Huni 20 |<=>| Sneferu 1>J • 3766 Principal Kings of Ancient Egypt xv Dynasty IV.— MEMPHITE 21 I*"*-! Khufu 3733 22 1^1 Tat-f-Ra • • 37°° 2 3 Lj Khaf-Ra. . 3666 24 y*»h\ Men-kau-Ra . 3633 25 I P P I Shepses-ka-f . 3600 Dynasty V.— ELEPHANTINE % 26 HP User-ka-f. . 3566 27 WtA Sahu-Ra . . 3533 28 U\ Kakaa 3500 f*\ fc£l 1 Nefer-f-Ral 2 9 V I I I Oni 2 Shepses- [ 3466 ItLJ IWJ ka-Ra 30 31 f©\ [j] 1 User-en- ) Hf W r 3433 l/vwl 2 A n 5 32 If 33 Men-kau-Hor . 3400 I3Y 1 Tat-ka-Ra 2 Assa Unas 33 66 3333 xvi Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History Dynasty VI.— MEMPHITE B.C. 3300 Ra \ 3266 1 Meri-Ra ? il. $ 3233 i/gN /T\ 2 1 Mer-en- -^ 37 Kjjjjl [J*] 2 Hor-em- 32CX) 38 It] Nefe ( ^i^.) I 3.66 fOj Mer.en.se(?)-em- I 39 5s£ sa-f X 3*33 40 I "1 I Neter-ka-Ra . 3100 41 u JJJJ\2 I Men-ka- ) .,( Ra 1 3066 ^1 2 Nit-aqert J wmj *^> ( ()#*m Nitocris) Dynasties VII.-XI. 42 I J I Nefer-ka-Ra . 3033 43 ItbJI Nefer-ka-Ra-nebi 3000 44 |4-W Tat-ka-Ra-Maat 2966 45 Q| Nefe kt^1. *933 BE 46 Mer-en-Hor . 2900 47 tfil Se-nefer-ka-Ra 2866 Principal Kings of Ancient Egypt xvii 48 Rpjl Ka-en-Ra . 2833 SO 49 Nefer-ka-Ra-terer 2800 50 I t I Nefer-ka-Hor . 2766 Uljj -| Nefer-ari-ka-Ra 2566 I Neb-kher- 56 |w||t=> I 2 Ra 2 Mentu- hotep (V.) ^533 57 [njol Se-ankh-ka-Ra 2500 IvJ Dynasty XII.— THEBAN 58 fuJ ItJ 1 Se-hotep-ab-Ra 2 Amen-em-hat a I (i.) I 2466 59 1? 1 Kheper-ka 2 Usert en a-Ra) (I.) J 2433 60 1 Nub-kau-Ra ) 2 Amen-em-hat (II.) ) 2400 xviii Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History 6l 62 V tiir ill. 1 Kha-kheper-Ra 2 Usertsen (II •Ra) •) I B.C. 2366 1P 63 to 64 VWkl T V 3 1 Kha-kau-Ra ) 2 Usertsen (III.) ) 2333 >■ 2300 [ 2266 1 Maat-en-Ra 2 Amen-em-hat (III.) Maat-kheru-Ra 2 Amen-em-hat (IV A gap which comprises more than 500 years, and during which the time of the Hyksos falls. In all Dynasties XIII.-XVIL, B.C. 2233-1733, circa. (>s 66 Dynasty XVIII.— THEBAN 1 Neb-peh-tet-Ra 2 Aahmes (I.) (Amosis or A masts ,,} • f^^j I Ser-ka-Ra r*Z\ 2 Amen-hotep 1* is 1 Aa-kheper-ka-Ra 2 Tehuti-mes ;a-Ra | (I.) i 1700 1666 ^33 Principal Kings of Ancient Egypt xix 68 6 9 <2£\ 1 sz\ 70 u IS 1 Aa-kheper-en-Ra } 2 Tehuti-mes (II.) ) 1 Maat-ka-Ra 2 Hat-shepset-khnem-Amen. {Queen Hatshepsu) 1 Men-kheper-Ra 2 Tehuti-mes (III.), . 1600 71 (1 ^^j 1 Aa-kheperu-Ra n?| I 2 Amen-hotep-neter-haq-Annu (II, .,!• 1566 72 i 73 1 Men-kheperu-Ra 2 Tehuti-mes (IV.) I Maat-neb-Ra 2 Amen-hotep-haq-Uast. {Amen-hotep III.) 1533 1500 2 3 74 o Hi H^ 7V^/ s? £w*fl I Nefer-kheperu-Ra-ua-en-Ra *> 2 Amen-hotep-haq-Uast . 1466 3 Khu-n-Aten. {Amen-hotep IV.) 74a 1 Ser-kheperu-Ra-sotep-en-Ra 2 Amen-meri-en-Hor-em-heb. {Horus) One generation of heretic kings. I- 1433 xx Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History {S3 ffix\ x Men-Maat-Ra ^Lh ^f 111 2 Amen-meri-en-Seti 3 Meri-en-Ptah. (Seti I. Meneptah I.) Dynasty XIX.— THEBAN If ^\l 2 Ra-messu. {Ramses 3 1 User-Maat-Ra-sotep-en-Ra 2 Ra-messu-meri-Amen. (Ramses II. ,[ tfiil I Ba-en-Ra-meri-en-Amen I 2 Ptah-meri-en-hotep-her-Maat. {Meneptah II.) I Khu-en-Ra-sotep-en-Ra £^JUiJ 2 Ptah-meri-en-se-Ptah. (Meneptah III .,!• 8o f *l5 jH I User-khau-Ra-meri-Amen fig ?*2 2 Ra-meri-Amen-merer-Set-nekht. flffl (Setnekht) B.C. 1400 1366 J 333 1300 1266 "33 81 13 if it Dynasty XX.— THEBAN 1 User-Maat-Ra-meri-Amen 2 Ra-meses-haq Annu. (Ramses III.) 1200 Principal Kings of Ancient Egypt xxi 82 1 £2L 1 User-Ra-sotep-en-Amen 2 Ra-meses-meri-Amen-Ra-haq-Maat. (Ramses IV.) 1 166 •1 1 1 User-Maat-Ra-sotep-en-kheper-Ra 2 Ra-mes-meri-Amen-Amen suten (Ramses V.) ':.}. 84 1 Ra-Amen-Maat-meri-neb liyi| 2 Ra-Amen-meses-neter Annu. (Ramses VI. ,[- 85 s .4174 1 Ra-user-Amen-meri-sotep-en-Ra 2 Ra-Amen-meses-ta-neter-haq-Annu (Ramses VII.) ! 86 v3j 1 Ra-user-Maat-khu-en-Amen M±\ 2 Ra-Amen-meses-meri-Amen. (Ramses VIII. ,\- 8 7 H ' n-Ra Meri-Amen ) 5-se-Ptah. (Ramses IX.) ) 1 Se-kha-en-Ra Meri-Amen 2 Ra-meses- 1 Nefer-kau-Ra-sotep-en-Ra 2 Ra-meses-merer-Amen-kha-Uast. (?) (Ramses X.) *C9\ 89 in*! 1 Ra-kheper-Maat-sotep-en-Ra Mill 2 Ra-mes-suten Amen. (Ramses XI.) xxii Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History 90 ^&«] 1 User-Maat-Ra-sotep-nu-Ra 2 Amen-mer-Ra-meses. {Ramses XII.) 91 */Atj I Men-Maat-Ra-sotep-en-Ra 2 Ra-meses-merer-Amen-kha Uast neter f • XI 33 haq Annu. (Ramses XIII.) Dynasty XXL— THEBAN 92 1re| MSSl 1 Neter-hen-hotep-en-Amen 2 Her-Hor-se-Amen. (Her-Hor) 1 100 93 Pai-net'em L C&\ 94 S^| 1 Kheper-kha-Ra-sotep-en-Amen ) 2 Amen-meri-Pai-net'em (II.) ) Dynasty XXII.— BUBASTITE 95 1 fo\ ^2 ftTtT TtTtT t-Ra-sotep-en-Ra | lashanq (I.) J 1 Kheper-sekhet-Ra-sotep-en-Ra 2 Amen-meri-Shashanq 966 Principal Kings of Ancient Egypt xxiii 96 97 98 fil*. IgJ I Kherp-kheper-Ra-Sotep-en-Ra 2 Amen-meri-Uasarken. (Osorkon « I • - i r 14 IE 1 Het'-kheper-Ra-sotep-en-Ra 2 Amen-Meri-Auset-meri-thakeleth. (Take let h I.) 1 User-Maat-Ra-sotep-en-Amen 2 Amen-meri-Uasarken. (Osorkon II. ,! 99 ■ II RSi x Kheper-sekhem-Ra-Sotep-en-Amen fip^J [tjtltj 2 Amen-meri-Shash[anq] (II.) loo Takeleth II. 101 102 103 SLfca£ £2 1 User-Maat-Ra-sotep-en-Amen 2 Amen-meri-se-Bast-Shashanq (III ,1 "*£ I User-Maat-Ra-sotep-en-Amen /f» 2 Amen-meri-Pa-mai SiS i to\ C^ Lm 1 Aa-kheper-Ra Til ZZ^i 2 Shash[an]q IV. xxiv Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History 104 Dynasty XXIIL— TANITE Amen-meri-Peta-se-Bast B.C. 766 IfSmi 1 Aa-kheper-Ra-sotep-en-Amen ) I0 5 I Wl\ oSl 2 Ra-Amen-meri-Uasarkena. (Osorkon > III.) ) Dynasty XXIV.— SAlTE 106 Bakenranf. (Bocchoris) 733 I0 7 ft Dynasty XXV.— ETHIOPIAN Pa-ankhi. (Piankhi) 108 109 III 1 Nefer-ka-Ra 2 Shabaka. (SIbA 1 Tat-kau-Ra 2 Shabataka Under the first four dynasties, Thinis and Memphis were in turn selected as the capitals of Egypt ; but when the Fifth came in, the government was removed to Elephantine. The kings of this dynasty did not distin- guish themselves by any historically remarkable deeds, though they built several monuments worthy of record ; Nitocris a?id Apappus amongst them are the Mastabat-el-Farun 3 and several tombs in the necropolis of Sakkarah. At the death of the last king of the Fifth Dynasty, 4 a new family suc- ceeded to the throne : and according to Manetho, they came from Memphis. Among their most celebrated members were Queen Nitocris and Apappus. 5 The former, ' the beauty with rosy cheeks,' as Manetho describes her, was the most remarkable woman of her time. Feeling called upon to avenge the death of her brother, who had been assassinated, she inveigled the murderers into a subterranean gallery, into which, during a feast which she had prepared for them, she secretly caused the waters of the Nile to flow and drown them all. Apappus, like Khufu, was a warrior. In his days the cataracts did not offer the same obstructions as they do now, and the southern frontier of Egypt was conse- quently exposed to the incursions of the Ua-ua, a rest- less negro population whom the king reduced to sub- mission. A hitherto unknown tribe of Bedawin, called the Herusha, was also subdued by the Egyptian forces ; while to the north, a hostile people who had made raids upon the copper-miners in the Sinaitic Peninsula received severe chastisement. At Assuan, at El-Kab, at Kasr-es- Syad, at Shekh Said, at Zawit-el-Mytin, at Sakkarah, and at San, 6 the name of Apappus frequently appears : 3 The Mastabat-el-Farun was 6 Pepi II. opened in 1882, and proved to be 6 Tanis, the Zoan of the the pyramid of Unas. (Dyn. V.). Bible (Ps. Ixxviii. 12). 4 Unas. io Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. ii and it may also be seen sculptured on the rocks at Wady Magharah, and at Hammamat, a station on the road between Keneh and Kosser. The name Apappus signi- fies, in Egyptian, a giant, and this may be the basis of a tradition which describes him as being nine cubits high ; and also says that he reigned a hundred years. From the end of the Sixth to the beginning of the Eleventh Dynasty, a period of nearly 436 years, the monuments are almost silent. The country was during this time overrun by a people as yet unknown to history, and of whom Manetho takes no account, as he mentions only the legitimate kings then shut up within their capitals. From a military point of view the invasion of Egypt presents no difficulty, as by its geographical position as well as from the richness of its internal resources it has ever been a point of attraction, and it is both its misfortune and its glory to have always been coveted of other nations. It would be too daring to assert without proof that the complete silence of the monuments is due to one of those crises which come in the history of nations as well as in the lives of men. May it not be that we are ignorant of the whereabouts of the monuments of those dynasties ? This is, however, a problem that can only be solved by means of excava- tions. And so, after lasting nineteen centuries, the Ancient Empire closes. At this point the condition of Egypt is well worth attention. While as yet the world in genera l le nations ch. ii Close of the Ancient Empire n that later on were _to__play so_i mportant a jaart in_,the world's history were still sava ges, the banks of the Nile were nurturi ng a people both cultivated and civili zed ; and a pow erful monarchy, aided by a complete organiza - tion of court fu nc ti o n p^g gnd-g wil gpr vants, w ?_i,? 1 r' a arly ruling the fate of thej iation. However far into the dim past we gaze, we are everywhere met by a fully developed civilization to which the succeeding centuries, numerou s a s they are, have added nothing . On the contrary, Egypt lost rather than _ gained ; for at no later period could she have raised such monuments as the Pyramids. CHAPTER III HEATHEN PERIOD THE MIDDLE EMPIRE DYNASTIES XI. XVIII. With the Eleventh Dynasty, B.C. 3064, b eganjhe Miri- dJe_Enifiire, and after lasting for 1,361 yea rs, it came to an end with the Eig hteenth. After the reigns of Apappus and Nitocris, which closed the Sixth Dynasty, a sudden and unforeseen check was given to the progress of civilization ; and during 436 years — from the Sixth to the Eleventh Dynasty — Egypt seems to have disappeared from the list of nations. When she awoke from her long sleep, on the accession of the Entefs and Mentuhoteps, 1 it was to find that her ancient traditions were quite forgotten. The old family names, the titles of the functionaries, the writing and even the religion itself, seemed new. No longer were Thinis, Elephantine, and Memphis the capitals; but Thebes was for the first time chosen as the seat of sovereign power. Besides this, Egypt had been shorn of a considerable portion of her territory, and the authority of her kings was limited to the Theba'id. The monu- 1 Dynasty XI. ch. in The Cus kites 13 ment s, which are barbaric, primi tiv e, sometime s even coarse, confirm^all this ; and on looking at them, we might easily believe that Egyj)t under the Eleventh Dynasty had revert ed to that period of infancy th rough whi c h she had already passed u nder the Third . Following upon the obscure kings of this royal family come the Usertsens, and Amen-em-hats, the powerful monarchs of the Twelfth Dynasty, and with them comes in one of the most brilliant epochs of Egyptian history. Injhejimeof Usertsen T , Egypt had JbrJ^ northern boundaries the Medite rranean — &*a^_ar>H the SinaitiV. P eninsula — her natural_j rontiejs, On the south she was already struggling for tha t_. large dominion which after- wards became hers for thirty centuries,.; and the posses- sion of which urged her to claim as her patrimony all countries watered by the Nile. At this period the la nd nJ^ngli^pjr_RiJTTr^ lay between the First Cataract and the south of Abyssi ma, and w as Jo^Arxcient E gypt w hat th e Sudan is t o modern. _ With varying boundaries, and without unity of organization, Ethiopia was the home _of anenoTjrimisjgOjQu^^ origin and xace^but thebulk^ ofjgyh om were Cu shites , a p eople, of Hqmitir. descent t who 7 at some unknown period of history, had crossed the Straits_of_ Bab-el -Mangleb»_an d_ seized up on Upper - Egypt. Under the Twelfth Dynasty, these Cushites were Egypt's bitterest foes, so that it was against the Sudan that the forces of the nation were spent. It was as a barrier against them that the fo rtresses of KumnehlmoriSelrihl^ 14 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. hi were raised. They are beyond the Second Cataract, and markecTthe southern limit of the then Empire of the Pharaohs. With the politics of the outside world the kings of the Twelfth Dynasty did not trouble themselves : they were content to remain at home within reach of their sacred river. During those struggles abroad which have made the names of the Usertsens and Amen-em-hats for ever famous, Egypt strengthened herself at home by a vigor- ous advance which made itself felt in all branches of civ- ilization. A few isolated pyramids and the obelis k _of Matariyeh, 2 near Cairo, j ire_a]ljtha t is left to us whereb y to judge of the buildings of thj g^period ; Cor a foreig n f orce which later on invaded th e_japd entity swpt awa y all the magnific ent^ edi fices raised by theJ Uatelftk D ynasty . But failing temples and palaces, we shall find in the unique hypogea of Beni-Hasan the proof of what has just been stated ; and the thousand-and-one details reproduced on these tomb walls prove that under the rule of this dynas ty Egypt enjoyed a period of_greater prosperity than ev en under the Four th. To take one of 2 This obelisk stands on the rapidly defaced by the wild site of the ancient city of An — bees, who have made their nests the On of Genesis, the Aven of in them. It was erected by Ezekiel, the Beth-Shemesh of Kheper - ka - Ra (Usertsen I.), Jeremiah. It is made of red and must have been standing granite, brought from the quarries when Abram was first driven of Syene (Asstian), and is carved by famine to seek 'corn in on all four sides with bold, clean- Egypt.' cut hieroglyphs, now becoming ch. in The Tomb of Ameni 15 these tombs in particular, that of Amen i, sometime general and mudir of the province in which Beni-Hasan is situated. 3 There the every day life of Twelfth Dynasty Egypt is vividly portrayed. O n one side we see de pict- ed the fattening of cattle ; the ploughing up QJ LthgJanpl with im plemeiitsjrf_the_same kind as those used in Egypt to-day ; the r eaping of corn, and the thrashing of it by animals who are treading out the sh e aves with their fe et. O n the other s ide_may be seen the n avigation of the river ; the b uilding and lading of large boats ; th ejnaking of beauti ful furniture from valuable w ood ; the manu- facture of clothing . In a corner of the tomb Ameni recounts the story of his life : as general, he was sent into the Sudan on a campaign, where he commanded a caravan of four hundred soldiers, charged with bringing gold from the mines of Gebgl- Atoki to Copt os : as mudir, he was commended by his sovereign for his wise ad- ministration of the province. ' All the lands from north to south,' he says, ' were, ploughe d and sow n. Nothing was stolen from the magazines ; no child was grieved through me, nor any widow oppressed. I gave alike to the widow and the married woman, and never in any of my judgments did I prefer the great before the humble.' A further example and one of great importance will serve to show the strength of Egypt's internal resources under the Amen-em-hats and Usertsens. I mean Lake Mceris. We know what the Nile is to Egypt. If the periodica l rise of its waters b e_ msufficient, then part of t he land is 3 Minieh. 1 6 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. hi jiot Jnundated^ _and must remai n barre n. On the othe r handj, j hould the rise of its waters be excessive, the dikes are swept away, ancj ^whole-jyillages a rg su bmerged ^ so t hat the land that should be fertilized is destro yed, Eg ypt is therefore perpetually threatened w ith two equal- ly formidable misfortu nes. In the face of such possible catastrophes, Amen-em-hat III., a king of the Twelfth Dynast y, conceived and put i"to execution a, truly gigan tic project. Buried in the desert on the weste rn side jof Egypt , there lies an oasis of cultivat ed land, 4 which is connecte d by a sort of isth mus with jhf rnnntry w atered by the Nile . T owards the cen tre^ of this_ Qasis stretc hes a large plateau whose_general le vel is that o f the , Egyptian plains ; on th e west lies a na tural l ake mor e than_ Jhirty m iles_long. 5 It was in the centre of this plateau ^ that A men-**™-^ under took to exc a vate an a rtificial lake that should cover jisurfacej af ten mill ] on s^arejnetres^ 6 Should the-Qve rflow of the Nile be. in- sufficient, the water was brought into this lake and stored u p, so to speak, for the i rrigation not onjyjjf jjigj^yiua Cu t of the who le left bank of th e rjyer_asjar asjhe^ sea^ DjiJLtQQ^h^g n an inundation threaten_-llie_d [kes, then the g reat resej rojbS-^oLjJlg--gIli^ij L ^ ^ a ^ e werejtobej jpene d , and when its waters in their turnorefflowed, the overflow was let-o ut by^ ajflooolzgate-^into > the Birket-el-Kurun. The two names which the EgyptianS^gave to this won- derful work of Amen-em-hat III. have both become * Fayfim. • The Birket-el-Kurun. * Nearly four square miles. Lake Mceris i'7 historical. From one Mert, that is to say, the lake par excellence, the Greeks drew their tradition of a king bearing that name ; while the other, P-ium — an old word meaning the sea — has become in the mouths of modern Arabs the appellation of a whole district owing its fertility to the endowment of a Twelfth Dynasty king. 7 7 The Fayum. It is possible Osiris ; but from these it is evi- for the traveller to visit the site of Lake Moeris, the very exist- ence of which it has been the fashion of late years to deny. So early as the days of Diodorus the lock gates, near the modern El - Lahun, had fallen into de- cay, and the lake, going from bad to worse, had been so far lost as to cause doubts as to the reality of Herodotus' descrip- tion of it. Professor Heinrich Brugsch, who spent some time this year in prosecuting scientific researches in the Fayum, ex- presses a most emphatic opinion that there was abundant monu- mental evidence to show that at a very early period of Egyptian history there existed near the plateau of Hawara an immense basin of water, which gave its name to a whole province, the Fayum or 'lake district.' In ancient times there were forty- two divisions or nomes of Egypt, each having its own capital, local government, and cultus, and all more or less worshipping dent the Fayum was excluded. It formed an isolated part of the kingdom, was divided like the parent country into nomes with their governors, and, save in the necropolis at Hawara, was given over to the worship of Sebek, the crocodile god. It was known in the hieroglyphs as Ta She, the lake district, which in Cop- tic became P-ium, the maritime district, and survives to-day in the Arabic Fayum. It is evi- dent from the celebrated Fayum papyrus, of which there are two copies, that the term Mer-uer, the great water, or lake, was also applied to it ; and perhaps herein lies the origin of the name ' Mceris.' The waters of this lake must have reached to the plateau of Hawara, the ne- cropolis of the inhabitants of a town called Shed, on the site of which stands the modern city of Medinet-el-Fayum. It was in ancient times a royal resi- dence, and contained a magnifi- cent temple, dedicated to Sebek, 1 3 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. m This alone gives an interest to the Usertsen family which may be said to be one of the most illustrious that ever occupied the throne of Mena : their reigns are to the Middle Empire what those of Khufu and Khafra were to the Ancient. Information respecting the Thirteenth Dynasty , in which the Nefer-hoteps and Sebek-hoteps were pre-emi- nent, is furnished by the monuments only. Manetho gives no names, although he allows the dynasty a com- plement of^ixty kings, \flfcse successive reigns amount to 463 years. No building of this period has survive d, though from the statues and stel a e found at San 8 and at Abydos, it^mayb e gat tigr& d *ha , t E gyp lj^d lost nothing of her form er prosperit y. The monuments being silent, whose dimensions far exceeded called in the hieroglyphs La those of the temples at Thebes. Hune, * the opening of the Tradition gives Amen-em-hat canal,' a name which survives III. of the Twelfth Dynasty as in the modern ' El - Lahfln.' the constructor of Lake Mceris, There is an interesting allusion and his burial place is the crude- to this ' opening of the canal ' brick pyramid at Hawara ; but in the celebrated Stela of Pi- fragments bearing the cartouches ankhi, written about the eighth of Ai^i^in-liat I. and Usert- century B.C. Professor Brugsch sen II., found near Medinet, has also most ingeniously sug- would prove it of more ancient gested that Ra - pa - ro - hunet, date. Moreover, it was hardly ' the temple of the mouth of the possible that a town of such canal,' might give us the deri- dimensions as Shed would be vation of the word ' labyrinth.* built at any distance from water. It must be remembered that in A canal named Hune, or Hunet, the hieroglyphs / and r are inter- cut from the Nile, fed the lake changeable letters, and provided for the needs of 8 In the Delta, the city ; the mouth of it was ch. in Ancient Height of the^Nile 19 we can only conjecture about the wars undertaken by these kings. From the excavations at San, and the finding of a Thirteenth Dynasty colossus on an island near to Dongola, 9 it may be concluded that they extended the frontiers laid down by the Twelfth Dyna sty. There are, above Wady Halfah, near the village of Semneh, some rocks rising perpendicularly from the river, and upon them, twenty-two feet above the present high-water mark, are engraved some hieroglyphic inscriptions re- cording that in the TwelflJ^and Thirtee^h Dynasties, the Nile at its highest reached the spot where these lines were traced. So that, forty centuries ago, the river at th e cataract was nearly twenty ^two. feet higher-lha n it is to- day. The reason for this is one of those problems which as yet science has been unable to elucidate. Was the alteration of the river bed at the Second Cataract due to one of those great hydrographical enterprises undertaken by the Middle Empire kings, and if so, was it done with the idea of regulating the impetuous rush of the inunda- tion ? Or may it have been that by rendering the cat- aract impassable to vessels coming from the S^te., they hoped to raised a natural barrier against Egypt's dead- liest foes ? No one can say. Of the Fourteenth Dynasty we^ Jmow^^absolutely nothing. According to modern authorities, it ruled in Lower Egypt while the Thirteenth held sway in Upper. But with this assertion some statues of the Thirteenth Dynasty kings found at San, and now in the Gizeh Palace, 9 Argo. 20 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. hi do not agree : and it is not likely that if the kings of the Thirteenth Dynasty had been relegated to Upper Egypt, they would have beautified the temples placed under the protection of their rivals with their own portraits. Eusebius, who abridged Manetho, says that the two following dynasties (XVth and XVIth) came from Thebes, and while these royalties made the city of the Entefs 1 the capital of their empire, Northern Egypt became the scene of one of the most terrible misfortunes ever chronicled in the national history. Under the last kings of the Fourteenth Dynasty, the wo rk of civilizat ion c ontinued, ^nd-the—country-w^as. .presumabl y walking -in th e paths o f progress ; when__siiddenl y, the Asiat ic fr ontier of the Delta was invade^, by a barbarous peopl e to w hom Manetho gives the appellation of ITyVsngj nr S hepherds . Th ey massacred the people, pillaged the te mples, and imposed their author ity ppnn the northern pro vinces of Egypt by fire and sw ord. During four centuries the kings, banished into the Thebaid, had for their neighbours, and probably for their masters, these barbarous hordes. To _say what was the x andition of Egypt duringjhat time is imp ossible ; for there is not one monument of that miserable period left to tell us what became of the country's ancient glory under Hyksos rule. The vigorous impulse given to civilization by Usertsen was suddenly brought to a standstill, and the true sequence of the monuments interrupted, and we gather from th is very silence how bit terly the country was s uffering. 1 Thebes. The Hyksos 21 The Seventeenth Dynasty can only be thoroughly studied by means of the monuments at the Gizeh Palace, and from them we learn that the kin gdom then, as under t he two preceding dynasties, was still divided betwee n rival sovereign s. However, better days were at hand. The excavations in Upper Egypt, which have proved so barren of all information concerning the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Dynasties, have brought to light much con- cerning the Seventeenth. I n the tombs at Gurnah hav e b een found the remains of a whole array of court functionary c ivilized state . dynasty of the Hyksos. 2 an ofT-shnnr of the K hetas who i nhabited the plains near the Taurus Mountains, and were w o£s^ipper^of _Sutekji. ^ But they were not the iconoclasts that Manetho depicted ; on the contrary, the monuments prove that these conquerors of Egypt were themselves conquered by the civilization of the nation they had vanquished : and that Egypt by her art, her religion, and her inherent greatness, re-acted, so to speak, upon her oppressors. To such an extent was this the case that while adorn- ing the temple at San with their own portraits, they em- bodied them in Egyptian Sphinxes : they also adopted the writing of the country ; and little by little became Egyptians — real Pharaohs — calling themselves, as did her monarchs, ' Sons of the Sun. ' It is true that these Hyksos honoured San as the abode of their god Sutekh, 8 Having San (Tanis) for one of their strongholds. 22 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. m thus making him their tutelary deity, but they never dis- turbed or proscribed the worship of the Egyptian gods, whom they equally with Sutekh adored, showing that, although they nominally had become Egyptians, they yet remained faithful to the god of their forefathers. A better state of things was ushered in by these new Hyksos, whose names both Manetho and the monuments have handed down to posterity as being far from hateful. Four centuries later we even find Ramses II. , one of the great warrior kings, concluding a treaty of peace with the Khetas by celebrating at San the fourth secular anni- versary of the accession of the Seventeenth Dynasty : and he on that occasion spoke, by courtesy, of Sa'ites, its first king, as the ancestor of his race. I n the south , as well as north, alike under the native kin gs and the Asiatic co nquerors, Egypt seemed recovering from the long stupor in to which she had fallen, and along t he banks of the Nile arose a serie s jjf jnonuments, which , thoug h bearing evident indication s o f the subjug ation oT jhe country, vet showed that the times we re, less troubled. Although Ramses II. , 400 years after the Hyksos rule, rebuilt San, 3 the city of Sutekh, and there paid homage 8 San, or Tanis, the T'ftn, there. It is mentioned in the or Zoan of the Bible, is situated Old Testament as having been about twenty miles north of Tell- founded seven years later than el - Kebir. It is of extremely Hebron. It was used by the ancient date, the cartouche of Hyksos as their capital, and was Pepi I., a king of the Sixth probably the residence of Joseph. Dynasty, having been discovered In the reign of Ramses II. it Revolt against the Hyksos 23 to the Shepherd king who first brought the worship of that deity into Egypt, it must not be thought that the native princes exiled into the Theba'id treated their rivals with the same consideration. A short but despera te war broke out, followed by the complete overthrow of th e fo reigners . 4 Driven into their capital, and there besieged into the Delta, sent an imperious was celebrated for its beauty, for the fertility of its fields, and for the abundance of both wild birds and fish. ' He rejoices who has settled there.' Later on the priests of Zoan-Tanis sided with Her-Hor, the priestly usurper of the throne of Ramses. Under the Twenty-third Dynasty it was again the seat of govern- ment. In the stela of Piankhi on Gebel-Barkal we find an un- named satrap ruling in Tanis. Finally, Assurbanipal subdued the city and took the governor prisoner. For more complete descrip- tions of Tanis, see vols. ii. and v. of Egypt Exploration Fund Memoirs, and also the ' Letter of Panbesa ' from the Anastasi Papyrus, in ' Records of the Past,' vol. vi. p. n et seq. 4 The first to rise against the Hyksos was Sekenen-Ra, then only a ' haq,' or prince, ' in the city of the South.' It seems that Apepi, who had introduced the worship of Set or Sutekh message to Sekenen-Ra, desiring him to give up the worship of Amen-Ra, and pay homage to the new divinity alone. This the latter stoutly refused to do, and prepared for war. Sekenen- Ra fell fighting, in the endeavour to oust the Hyksos from San. His mummy was found amongst the collection at Der-el-Bahari, and, in consequence of the bad condition it was in, was opened in 1886 by M. Maspero, then Director-General of the Bulaq Museum. It is the body of a man about six feet in height and well developed. There is a dagger wound across the right temple just above the eye, while a blow, probably from a hatchet or mace, or some such blunt instrument, has split the left cheek bone and broken the lower jaw. Beneath the hair is a long cleft caused by a splinter of the skull having been fractured off with a downward stroke from an axe. The Egyptians were 24 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. hi by the illust rious Aahmes or Amosjs, jthe_ Asiatics w ere a Ufl s * ranter^, and the majorit y of them, crossing the Is thmus, fled into Asia. T he rest were permitted b v Amosi s to remain and cultivate the ground thatLJ their anc estors had seizecL So closed this most disastrous page of Egyptian history, and by the victories of Amosis the old sceptre of Mena returned into the hands of its rightful owners. Once well out of the country they had usurped, the Hvksosnever reappear ed_there. and when Egypt again met them, it was on the battle-field where they were mingled with the Khetas. As for those whom the policy of Amosis retained on Egyptian soil, they formed in the eastern part of the Delta a little colony of foreigners tolerated there on the same grounds as were the Israelites — only that they had no Exodus — and by a curious fate we, to-day, meet these foreigners with their strong limbs and long severe faces, in the people living on the banks of Lake Menzaleh. Nor must it be forgotten that there is the strongest pre- sumption for believing that the patriarch Joseph came into Egypt under the Shepherds, and that the scene of the touching story related in Genesis was laid at the court of one of these foreign kings. It must have been a Semite — like himself — whom Joseph served ; and the elevation of a Hebrew to the dignity of prime minister is probably victorious, though the not have rescued the body, and loss of their brave soldier-king taken it to Thebes to be em- made it a dearly bought success ; balmed and buried, had they not been, they could ch. in Who were the Hyksos? 25 the more easily explained if it occurred under a sovereign of kindred race. 5 [Of the Hyksos, their nationality and their history in Egypt, we know very little, but owing to the recent researches of scholars we are able now to gather a few facts concerning them. The tradition of the classic authors was that the general name of the invaders was Hyksos (' hyk ' signified a king, and ' sos ' a shepherd, thus ' shepherd kings ') ; while Josephus states that ' it is mentioned in another work ' that ' hyk ' means prisoner. They apparently took possession of the land suddenly and with ease ; treated the inhabitants with great cruel- ty, forbad the worship of the gods, and destroyed the temples. From among themselves they chose out one Salatis to be their king, who fortified the eastern frontier, repaired Avaris, and made it a stronghold with a garrison of 240,000 soldiers. He established himself at Memphis, and, after reigning nineteen years, died. Beon succeeded him, then followed Apachnas, Apophis, Ianias, and Assis as the founders of the line. To the foreign dominion is given a duration of about 500 years. From the Monuments we gather that during the o b- scu re period immediately following upon th e Thirte enth Dynasty th e country was invaded by barbarians. They are never mentioned as Hyksos, but_are _called the Shasu * shepherds or nomads ; ' the ' Aamu,' who ' were in the midst of Egypt of the north, and in t he city of j iauar ' (Avaris) ; the ' A siatic nomads ^ jEepherds^ th e l A amu 5 Trobably Apepi. 26 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. hi o f the E ast,' the ' plague' and the ' pestilence.' The s pecific g auntry, from whirh they, came isjieyer recorde d . It is thus qui te ^Var that th^y wprf> vagrants — a wander - i ng horde probably of mixed nati onalit y f wh o_took possessi on of the Delta and ov erran F,gypt a.^ar_as_the_ Fayum. It is not unlikely that they were a race, partly Semitic partf yTuranian, who were pushed out r as it were^ j nto Egypt from Western Asia. If we look at the history of Chaldaea, we shall find that country to have been the meeting-place of many races, their battle-ground, and in some cases their ultimate home. Is it possible that in one of the great uprisings such as we know took place these wanderers may have been forcibly ejected from the land they temporarily occupied ? Syria, then divided up amongst wild tribes, and also intersected with Kheta fortified towns and liable as well to famines, was not likely to form a permanent halting - place, while the fertile Nile Valley offered every inducement as a settle- ment. It is also evident from the Monuments that these nomads were strongly infkieocexLJby the ci vilization ^of tEe Egyptians. Doubtless their arrival was signalised by many acts of brutality, but they appear when settled to have a dopted the ways and even the dress oM he_£on- quered peo ple, at^the sarng time stri c tly mafoto irujigjfce wor^ j Lp^pi^uXg^ ^ ye^ pWnZjfoicular clivinity. The Oilier papyrus, whether hlstoricaTor legendary, clearly shows this. ch. in The Hyksos possibly Turanian 27 The discoveries of Mariette at Tanis, a Hyksos town, brought to light two statues of an Egyptian king bearing a cartouche on the arm, which M. Naville reads as follows : 1 The good god Ra-aa-Kenen, the son of Ra-Apepi. ' This is a clear case of a statue of a native predecessor being appropriated by a Hyksos ruler, who, though a worshipper of Sutekh, yet called himself a son of Ra. From the mathematical papyrus in the British Museum we learn the name of another of these princes, Ra-aa-User, with the coronation name of Apepi ; and a broken statue found by M. Naville at Bubastis bearing the name User en Ra Ian-Ra is, both from the workmanship and the inscrip- tion, judged to be that of a Hyksos ruler. The pose and detail of this and two other kindred statues are entirely Egyptian, while the character of the faces is Turanian. Professor Virchow, the great German ethnologist, seeing the celebrated Hyksos head from Bubastis in the British Museum, at once pointed out its foreign features, and, while saying how difficult it would be to strictly define the nationality, thought that it might be that ' the models of these heads were Turanians, but I should not be able to say which.' Professor Flower inclines to the view of the Mongoloid origin of the Hyksos. M. Naville has very clearly shown that both these opinions are not incompatible with the history of the foreign invasion. He says : ( The presence of a Turanian race in M esopotamia at a remote epoch is no more questioned by mos t Assyriologists. It doe s not mean that the whole bu lk of the invaders, the entire population that settled in Egypt, 28 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. hi was of Tur anian orig in. I t would be contrary to wel l- establish ed historical facts. It is certain that all that re mained in Egypt of the Hyksos, in the language, in th e worship, in the na me of Aamu by which they were _c alled , eve rythin g p oints to a decidedly Semitic influenc e. But the kings may very well not have been Semites. How o ften do we see in Eastern monarchies and even in Eu - ropean states a difference of origin between the ru ling class, to which the royal family belongs, and the mass of th e peo ple ! We need not leave Western Asia and Egypt ; we find there Turks ruling over nations to the race of which they do not belong, although they have adopted their religion. In the same way as the Turks of Bagdad, who are Finns, now reign over Semites, Turanian kin gs ma y have led into Egypt and governed a population o f mixed origin where the Semitic element was prevalen t. If we consider the mixing up of races which took place in Mesopotamia in remote ages, the invasions which the country had to suffer, the repeated conflicts of which it was the theatre, there is nothing extraordinary that popu- lations coming out of this land should have presented a variety of races and origins. Therefore, I believe that though we cannot derive evidence from ethnological con- siderations, they do not oppose the opinion stated above that the starting point of the invasion of the Hyksos must be looked for in Mesopotamia, and that the conquest of Egypt by the shepherds was the consequence of the inroads of the Elamites into the valley of the Tigris and Euphrates.' ch. in Close of the Middle Empire 29 It must be clearly remembered that Manetho is the author of the name Hyksos as applied to these strangers. Nowhere on the Egyptian monuments does it occur. Probably the interpretation of the term is that it is a cor- ruption of hiq or haq, meaning in the hieroglyphs a prince or chieftain, and Shasu, nomads, or wanderers. — Ed.] This brings us to the close of the Middle Empir e. During the 1,361 ye ars that it lasted, many events crossed theTortunes of the kingdom. Ushered in with the ^Eleventh Dynasty, the Middle Empire at its commencement found the country hesitat- ing and divided as if recovering from an invasion ; and at its close an invasion was only too imminent : yet the Lake Mceris, the hypogea of Beni-Hasan and of Siut, the colossi of San and of Abydos, the obelisks of Matariyeh and Begig fi show that between these two troubled periods Egypt saw some days of real glory. 6 In the Fayfim. This emblem. This monument, origi- obelisk is a variation on the nally monolithic, was 43 feet general type. Instead of being high, two of its sides are 6 ft. a square, it is a rectangular 9 in. wide, the other two 4 ft. oblong, and instead of being It is now broken in two. From surmounted as usual by a pyra- the inscriptions upon it, we find midion, the top is rounded off, that it was erected by Usertsen forming a ridge, in the centre L, and is consequently contem- of which is a groove, probably poraneous with the obelisk of used for the insertion of some Matariyeh. CHAPTER IV HEATHEN PERIOD THE NEW EMPIRE DYNASTIES XVIII. XXXI. Hardly were the Shepherds expelled than with the Eighteenth Dyna sty * Eg ypt arose more vigorous t han ever : a nd a marvellous vitality is one of the distinguish - ing f eatures of this remarkable period of histo ry. In a few years the country had regained all that the five centu- ries of Hyksos rule had caused her to lose. From the Mediterrajiean-t o GebeL Barka l both banks ofjhe Nile be came decorated with temples, new roads for commerc e were opened up, and agriculture, ind u stry, and art j ail sprang into fresh life. The pqlitical_rg^_ of the cou ntry now bec ame immfl ^ She sent her viceroys into the Sudan as governors-general, and northwards her garrisons were stationed in Mesopotamia and along the banks of the Tigris and Euphrates. The first king of this illustrious dynasty was Amosis, and the rapid impulse which carried Egypt to the zenith of her fame may be dated from the reign of this prince. Not content with clearing the country of the Hyksos, he 1 b.c. 1703. ch. iv Enlargement of the Kingdom 3 1 conducted an army into Palestine ; and afterwards, turn- ing southwards, forced his way into Nubia. At the same time he reb uilt the temples which ha d been thrown down , andshowedjns dev otion to Jthe -g ods by the erect ion_of new 'sanctuarie s: while tlie marvellous jewellery which he caused to be made for the decoration of his mother's mummy shows how completely the country must have recovered its resources. Among the treasures at the Gizeh Palace there is nothing which shows such artistic workmanship as the regalia of Queen Aah-hotep ; and, looking at the long gold chain, the open work pectoral, the diadem with two sphinxes and the poignard with raised ornaments of damascened gold, it is difficult to believe that these objects came from Theban workshops, which must yet have been feeling the strain of a long and harassing invasion. To Amosis succeeded Amenophis I., the tendency of whose policy was to enlarge the frontiers of Egypt, both north and south ; for from the monuments it is clear that he went armed into both Syria and the Sudan. Thothmes I. followed him, and once more Egypt turned her eyes to much-coveted Ethiopia, where, in spite of the dreaded cataracts, the king ventured an army which returned victorious from the campaign. In the north a yet more daring undertaking has made the name of Thothmes famous. Beyond Palestine and the land of Canaan, in the heart of the plains watered by the Tigris and Euphrates, dwelt a people called in the hieroglyphs the Rutennu. What was before said of the Cushites will N 32 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. iv equally hold good with regard to these new people. The "Rntennn prasresprj neither unity °f raf>p nr>r «■ definite te rritory . The y already owne d important towns Jjke Nineveh and Babylon, though several of their tribes we re still wand erers on the deba teable b orderland of the con- fe deration " Their country even had no very distinct name, and although Mesopotamia, Babylon, and Assyria all formed part of it, it seems usually to have gone by the name of this last kingdom. What can have been the inducement to Thothmes I. to cross the desert which separated Assyria from Egypt will never be known. This much is certain, that Assyria as well as the Sudan felt the weight of the Egyptian yoke, and the victories of Thothmes were recorded on stelae erected upon the banks of the Euphrates and the Upper Nile. The reign of Thothmes marks an advance in the path of progress: from the time of his accession, Egypt strained every nerve, and from being the conquered she became sudden- ly the conqueror. Thothmes I. reigned twenty-one years; and, dying, left the crown to his son, Thothmes II. In his days the SCidan was finally subjugated, and on the rocks at Assuan may be read for the first time, < Royal Governor of the South Country,' this title being given to those function- aries who represented the authority of the crown on the further side of the cataracts. From no other source does it appear that Thothmes II. was a warrior king. He was succeeded by his brother Thothmes III., then probably a child. At his accession Hatshei)su, his sister — who ch. iv Queen Hatshepsu 33 had played an important part in public affairs under the late king — constituted herself his guardian. 2 But her regency was in reality usurpation, and during the seventeen years of her government she assumed every prerogative of royalty. Her reign was most brilliant ; there is no monarch in all the annals of Egyptian history who, already so great in war, and having so strong a political influence, has left besides so many proofs of a true artistic taste. Amongst the chief works due to the initiative of this queen are the two great obelisks at Kar- nak, one of which yet stands among the ruins of the temple. From the inscriptions on them, we gather that they were dedicated to her father's memory. On the base of the obelisk, still upright, are inscribed some de- tails worth mentioning. For instance, it is there stated that the upper part of both were once capped with pyra- midions of pure gold, which had been taken as booty from conquered foes ; also that the ej^ctionj of one of these monuments from the time that it^was quarriedjn t he hill-side of Assuan took but seven m onths. From this statement it is possible to estimate what efforts were necessary in order to transport, and then place upright, a mass weighing nearly 366 tons, and standing ninety-seven feet six inches high. The temple of Der-el-Bahari is yet 2 From an inscription on the brother and husband, was the temple of Karnak we find that son of Maut Nefer, a lady of in- Queen Hatshepsu was the ferior rank, while Thothmes III. daughter of Thothmes I. and was the son of Ast, who was a his queen Aahmes Nefertari ; royal mother but not a royal Thothmes II., her eldest half- wife. 34 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. rv another example of Queen Hatshepsu's magnificence. On its walls the military exploits of the queen are told in full ; and bas-reliefs, sculptured with marvellous boldness and vigour, describe all the incidents of a campaign under- taken against the land of Punt — a region in the southern part of the Arabian peninsula. 3 The terrible mutilations to which this temple has been subjected prevent us from learning in what particular combats the Egyptian sol- diers distinguished themselves, though from the walls of two of the chambers we know that victory remained with the queen. There may be seen the Egyptian general re- ceiving as a suppliant the enemy's chieftain, whose skin is of a deep brown colour, while his hair falls in long thin locks over his shoulders. He is unarmed. Behind him follow his wife and daughter, the repulsive features of both of whom are portrayed by the Egyptian artist with inimitable skill. Their flesh hangs loosely and their legs are swelled, while large excrescences in various parts of their bodies seem to betoken some terrible malady. El sewhere the vanquished are seen embarking the s poil ta ken after the ^ battle. TTpre_ are giraffes, monke ys, leopards, ar ms, ingots of copper, and rings ojjj[old ; there m ay be seen whole j trees, probably of some rare speci es, ^J wit h their roots enclosed in great boxes, full of earth . T rie y ess pls are J nr fre and strongly built, and may b e pro pelled either by sails or oars . A goodly crew cove rs rhe^rW-T^_gnd rhanfa tn the extreme rare wi^h which 8 Later researches show that shepsu's day was the modern the land of Punt in Queen Hat- coast of Somali ch. iv Expedition to Punt 35 the artist has shown the arrangement of the masts and sails, and even of the knots of the complicated ropes which unite the different parts of the vessel, we are able to form a clear idea of a ship belonging to the Egyptian fleet 4,000 years ago. In another chamber of this same temple are some equally interesting scenes. With measured step the Egyptian regiments enter Thebes triumphantly. Every soldier carries a palm branch in his left hand, while in his right is a pike or axe. The trumpeters go first, sound- ing fanfares, while officers carry shoulder-high the stand- ard bearing the name of the victorious regent. Hatshepsu was indeed worthy to be the sister of the Thothmes, and in the series of those illustrious sovereigns who made the Eighteenth Dynasty famous, and left their footsteps so deeply imprinted upon Egyptian history, she holds no insignificant place. The accession of Thothmes III. constituted no reason why she should abdicate the attributes of royalty which for seventeen years she had arrogated to herself; and as in the reign of Thothmes II., so now did she take part in public affairs. At her death, he, whose power she had usurped, found himself com- pletely master of the country. Of all the Pharaohs who in turn guided the destinies of the kingdom, none so truly deserves the title of Great as Thothmes III., in whose reign Egypt reached the zenith of her glory. At home a careful organization of the country's resources seemed everywhere order and progress ; and many splen- 36 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. iv did edifices were raised at Wady-Magharah, Heliopolis, 4 Memphis, Thebes, Ombos, 5 Elephantine, and in Nubia. Abroad Egypt became in consequence of her victories mistress of the world. She added yet again to her con- quests in the Sudan, and there still exists a list of sev- eral viceroys who in the name of Thothmes III. exer- cised sovereign power over this distant province. The Egyptian fleet at this time seized upon Cyprus; and, after eighteen years of perpetual fighting, all eastern Asia was conquered. Under this great king, Egypt, to use the poetic expression of the time, 'placed her frontiers where she would.' 1 Her empire consisted of the whole of Abyssinia, the Sudan, Nubia, Egypt Proper, Syria, Meso- potamia, Irak-Arabia, Kurdistan, and Armenia. Reckon- ing from the death of his brother, Thothmes III. reigned forty-seven years, and at his death left the kingdom more powerful, more influential, and more dreaded than it had ever been before. His son, Amenophis II., succeeded him, and in ten years' time was followed by Thothmes IV., who reigned thirty-one years. The policy of both these princes was to preserve what their great ancestor had conquered for them, and to their praise be it said that they succeeded. The accession of Amenophis III. was the signal for fresh struggles. The self-praise of the king may be read to-day upon the architraves of the temple at Luxor, and posterity allows that it is not exaggerated. ■ He is the Horus, the powerful bull ; he who rules by fire and sword 4 On. 6 Kom-Ombo. Amenophis III 37 and destroys the barbarians — the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, absolute master, Son of the Sun. He smites the heads over all countries, none can stand be- fore his face. He marches like the conquering Horus, the son of Isis ; as the sun in the heavens ; he overthrows fortresses. By his valour he causes all nations to pay tribute to Egypt ; he — the lord of both worlds — the Son of the Sun.' Amenophis III. was as great in peace as in war. In his reign Egypt lost none of her military prestige, and from some large scarabsei — one of which is in the Gizeh Palace — we learn that under his rule Egypt stretched from Mesopotamia to the country of Karo in Abyssinia. At the same time that he consolidated the empire left him by preceding monarchs, Amenophis raised along the banks of the Nile monuments, which, for their grandeur and the perfection of their workmanship, are unsurpassed. The temple at Gebel-Barkal, in the Sudan, was erected by this king ; so also was that at So- leb, near the Third Cataract — and souvenirs of him may be found at Assuan, Elephantine, Gebel-Silsileh, El-Kab, Turah, the Serapeum at Memphis, and Serbut-el-Hadim. 6 He added considerably to Karnak, and built that portion of the temple at Luxor that bears his name. He also erected on the left bank of the Nile — opposite to Luxor — a sacred edifice which once must have been one of the most important in Egypt. Destroyed completely by causes unknown to us, all that is now left of it are the two enormous colossi — called by the Arabs Sanamat — 6 In the Sinaitic Peninsula. 38 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. iv which originally stood at the entrance. Until the year B.C. 27 these colossal portraits of the king attracted no more attention than did any other statues ; but an earth- quake in that year caused the greater part of one of them to fall down. It was then discovered that from the base, still left in its original position, was emitted at sunrise a prolonged sound caused by the warming of the dew that had fallen during the night. To the Greeks and Romans, who then travelled a great deal in Egypt, this phenome- non formed an immense attraction, and soon the statue of Amenophis was transformed into the image of King Memnon, who at sunrise saluted his divine mother — The Dawn. This poetic legend has been the cause of those numberless Greek and Latin inscriptions that have been engraved on the legs of the colossus. Amenophis III. was succeeded by Amenophis IV., who followed the warlik e example of his predecessors, inasmuch as in the bas-reliefs of the Tell-el-Amarna tombs the king, in his chariot, accompanied by his seven daughters, is seen treading under foot the conquered Asiatics. But Nature did not endow this monarch with wisdom equal to his valour. He seems to have been the victim of religious fanaticism, and was the first of the long line of Egyptian kings who dared to bring about a refor- mation. Amen, the supreme deity, was proscribed, and in the place of this god, so long venerated at Thebes, Amenophis substituted the worship of Aten (the solar disc), who not unreasonably has been compared to the Adonai of the Semites. The king even changed his own Queen Thi 39 name, which literal ly means ' Peace of Ame n / to that of Khu-en-Ate n, i.e. ' The s plendour of the Sun's disc.' Th e h]ow thus levelled at the , ancient dogmas had most disastrous consequences for Egypt. The temples dedi- cated to Amen were spoiled, while the erection of Tell- e l-Amarna as the new , capital caused Thebes to lose much of it s ancient glo ry. The hypogea of Tell-el- Amarna clearly show that Khu-en-Aten' s mother (Thi), who all along had sympathized with her son's religious opinions, felt herself quite at home in the sudden change of tenets which took place in the country. That she was not an Egyptian is clearly shown in the representations of her at Thebes (Abu Hamed), where she is depicted with the fair skin of the Northern women. On a scarab in the Gizeh Palace she is described as the daughter of parents who were not only not of the blood royal, but must have been of foreign race, as their names even are not Egyptian. 7 In raising altars to a god hitherto un- known to the Egyptians, Amenophis IV. was only reverting to his national type ; he was doing the very same thing for Aten which the Hyksos had before done for 7 Jua and Thua. We now and eventually made her his know that Thi was a daughter queen, and that he took her of Tushratta, king of Mitanni away to her new home, accom- — probably the Maten of the panied by 317 of her ladies, hieroglyphs, the Aram Naha- Doubtless it was from his raim of the Old Testament — Semitic mother that Khu-en- that Amenophis III., while on Aten learnt the worship of the a hunting expedition in that solar disc, country, fell in love with her, 40 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. iv Sutekh. At court the foreign element predominated ; at least that is the only explanation that can be given of the Tell-el-Amarna bas-reliefs, which depict the king with features absolutely non-Egyptian, surrounded by func- tionaries to whom the artist has given a physiognomy as curious as their master's. 8 After several insignificant kings 9 came Horus (Hor-em-heb), and with him the series of legitimate princes begins again; but with him there also set in a violent reaction against the fanatical reforms of Amenophis IV. The names of the dethroned kings were everywhere chiselled out : their buildings were razed to the ground, and the capital at Tell-el-Amarna was so carefully and patiently demolished that not one stone is left standing. Horus appears to have been a wise king, who knew how to maintain the superiority of Egypt, and to keep possession of those distant fron- tiers conquered by Thothmes III., which, according to 8 For some time past it had gold and bears the royal car- been an ascertained fact that the touche supported on a sacred tombs of Khu-en-Aten and his boat. M. Grebaut has now an- family were known at any rate nounced the ' find ' of the tomb to the Arabs. In 1889 the of Khu en-Aten, but of course jewellery of Queen Neferti-iti it has been completely rifled, was bought in Luxor ; in the and is terribly knocked about, following year the funerary sea- while the despoiled mummy was rab of Khu-en-Aten, a beautiful in all probability long ago de- bloodstone set in gold, was pur- stroyed. chased, and this year I was 9 Amenophis IV. 's three fortunate enough to get his sons-in-law and his master of signet ring. It is of massive the horse. ch. iv The Khetas 41 the obelisk at Constantinople, stretched to the furthest borders of Mesopotamia. Horus was the last Pharaoh of that Eighteenth Dynasty, which during the 241 years that it lasted brought so much glory to Egypt. y/ With the N ineteenth D ynasty opens one of the m ost brilliant jperiods of Egyptian Jiistory, but notwithstanding the splendour which surrounds the story of some of these great warrior kings, there are signs which betoken coming t rouble, an^ jggy pt, formerly _sql menacing,, was herself soon to become perpetually menaced. The first of this new series of kings was Ramses I., and of his reign there are but few monuments. It is known that he conducted a campaign into that large tract of country lying to the north of Syria and between the left bank of the Euphrates, the Taurus Mountains, and the sea. Here we again meet with the god Sutekh and his worship- pers, and here also dwelt the Khetas ] a most powerful na- tion, who, like the neighbouring Rutennu, appear to have been at the head of a whole confederation of tribes. If an inscription at Karnak may be believed, Ramses was the first king who went as far as the Orontes to encounter the Khetas. No other military achievement marked his reign. He was succeeded by Seti I., the Sethos of Greek tradition. I have already said what were the limits of the kingdom of Egypt in the time of Thothmes III. ; but if the battles of Seti I., as depicted upon the walls of Karnak, be studied, it will be found that this prince had 1 A Semitic people, and pos- the descendants of Heth (Gen. sibly identical with the Hittites, xxiii. 3). 42 Outlines of Ancient Egyptiari History ch. iv to undertake the very same campaigns as had his illustrious ancestor before him. Again were the Shasu and the people of Punt made to submit, and again had Egyptian garrisons to be sent into Syria, and the Khetas and Rutennu reconquered. Nineveh and Babylon were also attacked, and even into Armenia did the king carry his victorious arms. So early as the second reign of the Nineteenth Dynasty, Western Asia, by repeated revolts, protested against the sovereignty of Egypt, and it is quite possible that, little as they were able to strengthen themselves against her, these people that had hitherto been treated as unsubmissive vassals, proved themselves not only formidable enemies, but well-nigh masters of the situation. The foreign wars to which Seti I. went do not appear to have prevented him from turning his attention to the arts of peace, and the internal prosperity of the country may be gauged by those magnificent buildings which are still the wonder and delight of travellers. There is the great hypostyle hall at Karnak, one of the masterpieces of Egyptian architecture, and the grand temple of Abydos with its incomparable bas-reliefs; while the boldness of the architect who excavated the subterranean tomb of the king at Bab-el-MolQk 2 fills us with astonishment and admiration. Nor must it be for- gotten that Seti was the first king who joined the Red Sea and the Nile by a canal, and who, by sinking an artesian well in the mountain, opened up the caravan 8 At Thebes. ch. iv Important Architectural Works 43 road leading from Radasieh to the gold mines of Gebel- Atoki. 3 Ramses II. , his successor, reigned sixty-seven years, and had 170 children, fifty -nine of whom were princes. 4 He was indeed the builder king par excellence, and, go where you will in Egypt, there is never a ruin nor an ancient Tell whereon his name may not be found. The two temples of Abu-Simbel, the Ramesseum at Thebes, the small temple at Abydos are all his, and at Memphis, in the Fayum, and at San he erected many large buildings. It is partly owing to his long reign that Ramses II. was able to carry out so many important works ; and also due to his wars which provided him with an immense number of prisoners who, according to Egyptian custom, were employed in the erection of public edifices. These causes may also account for the presence of numerous foreign tribes whom the fertility of the soil, and the poli- cy of the government, drew from the Asiatic plains to the Nile side, and who in return for the hospitality which Egypt gave them furnished workmen for the cutting of canals and the building of temples and towns. It was for this same Ramses that the Israelites in the Eastern Delta built the town bearing his name. 5 The wars of Ramses II. show that the anxiety betrayed at the commencement of the Nineteenth 3 Here also was built a small gives 119 children ; 60 sons and temple ' to the name of King 59 daughters. Seti,' the ruins of which are still 6 See Egypt Exploration visible. Fund Memoirs, No. IV. 4 The Temple of Abydos 44 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. iv Dynasty was not without foundation, and the time was now not far off when Egypt would cease to be the arbiter of the world's destinies. The reaction necessary for this was just beginning. In the north, south, and west, the peoples conquered by the Thothmes and Amenophises were beginning to revolt against their old masters. The Stidan waxed restless, and the temple walls are covered with representations of the victories gained by the princes of Ethiopia over their turbulent vassals. At the same time the northern provinces were threatened by, and with diffic^y; defended L jrom x jmjncursion, of fair -hm'^iybh^- eyed nomads who, coming originally from the islands in the Mediterranean, took possession of the desert on the western side of the delta. In Asia the same reactionary spirit, against Egypt j^as abroad. There, joining with twenty other tribes, the chari- ot-fighting Khetas formed an alliance against Ramses ; and after a struggle which lasted eighteen years, the king was only so far successful as to conclude a treaty of peace, at once as favourable to them as to himself, with the very people whom not long before he had spoken of as ' the vile race of the Khetas. ' It was during this long campaign that Ramses II. displayed before his whole army so great a proof of personal courage that it became the subject of the great historical poem of Pentaur, which was engraven on the northern face of the pylon of the temple at Luxor, and on one of the outside walls of Karnak. It was in the fifth year of his reign, on the ninth day of the month Epiphi, that Ramses was advancing with his army ch. iv War against the Khetas 45 upon the town of Kadesh. Deceived by the Bedawin scouts employed by the Kheta king, Ramses fell into an ambuscade, and was immediately surrounded by the enemy's troops. The Egyptians, taken by surprise, immediately fled, and Ramses found himself alone. ' Then,' says the poet, singing his master's praises, ' the king — life, health, and strength be to him — arose like his father, Mentu, 6 and grasped his weapons . . . and rushed in his chariot into the midst of the army of the vile Khetas. He was quite alone : no one was with him. He found himself surrounded by 2,500 chariots, and beset by the bravest heroes of the miserable Khetas and their allies — from Arathu, Masu, Pidasa, Kishkish, Malunna, Quazauadana, Khilibu, Akirith, Kadesh, and Leka. Each chariot had three men, but the king had neither his princes, nor generals, nor captains of archers, nor chariots with him.' In this perilous condition Ramses called upon the supreme deity of Egypt : — 1 My archers and horsemen have forsaken me, there is no one left to fight with me. What does my Father Amen mean ? Is he a father that will forsake his son ? . . . Have I not done according to thy command- ments, O my Father ? Did not thy mouth guide my ex- peditions, and thy counsels have they not directed me? Have I not made many great feasts in thine honour, and filled thy temples with the spoils of war? The whole world has consecrated its offerings to thee ; I have sacri- ficed 30,000 bullocks to thee with sweet-smelling herbs 6 The Egyptian war god. 46 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. iv and perfumes. I have builded thee temples of stone, and raised masts 7 in thine honour for all time. For thee I have brought obelisks from Elephantine and everlast- ing stones. I caused ships to go for thee across the sea to bring to thee the tribute of all nations. . . . From the midst of unknown peoples I call to thee, O my Father. I am alone — none is with me to help : my archers and charioteers have deserted me ; when I called they would not hear. But Amen is more to me than thousands of archers, thousands of charioteers, and myriads of young heroes all united together.' After this touching lament the poet puts this reply into the mouth of the god : ' Thy words have found an echo in Hermonthis, 8 O Ramses. I, thy father, am near to thee. My hand is with thee, and I am more to thee than millions of men. ... By my aid shall the 2,500 chariots be dashed in pieces before thy horses. The hearts of thine enemies shall fail, and their limbs faint ; they shall neither hurl their arrows nor find courage to thrust with the spear. I will cause them to throw them- selves into the waters as do the crocodiles, they shall fall one upon another and shall slay one another. Not one shall look behind him, and every one that falls shall never rise up again.' During this time the charioteer of Ramses, standing by his master's side, sees the enemy's hosts closing round them, and he addresses the king thus : * O my good lord, brave king, the sole protector of 1 An allusion to the festival 8 In the neighbourhood of masts placed in front of the Thebes, and dedicated to Men- pylons of an Egyptian temple. tu. ch. iv Poem of Pentaur 47 Egypt in the day of combat ; we are alone in the midst of the foe ; stay and let us save the breath of our lives. What can we do, my good lord Ramses ? ' The king replied : ' Courage, O my charioteer, and strengthen thine heart. I will dash into the midst of them like the divine hawk 9 himself. I will overthrow them, and slay them, and they shall bite the dust.' . . . Ramses then charged the enemy six times, and each time struck down their chief warriors. After this he called together his own generals and horsemen, who had taken no part in the combat, and said : ' You are of no good to me nor to the country. If I, your master, had not stood firm, you would have all perished. You stayed in your dwellings and in your fortresses, and were of no help to the army. I sent word to each in his own place to watch for the day and the hour of the battle, and you have all acted badly. A worse deed than I can tell has been done by my soldiers and my horsemen. I have shown my valour alone, for neither archers nor horsemen were with me. The whole world is witness of the strength of my arm ; I was alone : no one was with me. ' After these words the poem carries us on to the evening when the army of Ramses arrived. ' They found all the region through which they marched covered. with corpses bathed in blood ; there was hardly place to stand, so numerous were the bodies.' Then the generals ad- dress the king : ' Great warrior of dauntless courage, thou hast been the saviour of thine archers and horsemen. 9 Mentu. 48 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. iv Very son of Tmu, thou hast by thine own sword annihi- lated the Khetas. There is no other king like unto thee, thou lord of victory, who fights for his soldiers in the day of battle. Thou, O brave one, art first in the fight. Thou art the bravest of the brave, before thine own army, and in the face of the whole world.' To which Ramses replies : ' Not one of you has done well thus to leave me alone in the midst of mine enemies. Neither princes nor captains strengthened my hands. I fought alone, and withstood thousands of peoples. My horses " Victory in Thebes," and " Maut is satisfied," they it was who helped me when I was all alone in the midst of foes. Henceforth each day when I am in my palace their corn shall be given them before the god Phra.' The next day at dawn Ramses prepared again for battle, and hurled himself into the fray like a bull among geese. ' His warriors likewise dashed into the fight like as a hawk swoops down upon its prey. The great lion who accompanied the king's horses fought for him, he was full of fury, and every one who came in his way was overthrown. The king fell upon them and killed them ; not one of them escaped. Trampled to pieces by his horses, their bodies lay stretched out and bathed in gore.' A few more lines close this narrative. 1 The Khetas were completely routed, and a peace signed by both sovereigns put an end provisionally to the 1 The passages here quoted published an English translation are from M. de Rouge's edition. in ' Records of the Past,' vol. ii. Professor E. L. Lushington has p. 65 etstq. ch. iv Ramses III 49 war. That Ramses was a great warrior the above details will have shown, while from Gebel-Barkal to Nahr-el- Kelb, near Beyrut, there are inscriptions attesting the exploits of him whom the Greeks praised by the name of Sesostris. Impartial history, aided by the monuments, shows the conquests of Ramses II. to have been exag- gerated, and it is possible that writers of ancient classic tradition may have attributed to him alone all those feats of arms which made the names of Thothmes III., Seti I., and Ramses III., celebrated. His thirteenth son and successor was Merenptah, in whose reign the Israelites under Moses fled from Egypt : he was, therefore, that Pharaoh who perished in the Red Sea. 2 His tomb may still be seen in the valley of Bab-el-Moluk. x\fter three other reigns in which nothing worthy of notice occurred, the Nineteenth Dynasty died out, having lasted 174 years. The twentieth Dynasty was ushered in brilliantly by Kamses TTT. ? who p roved himself a worthy successor to his illustrious ancestors. Medinet Habti, at Thebes, is 2 There is only one verse states that Merenptah lost a son in the Bible which implies even by a very sudden death. He that Pharaoh was drowned, appears to have been a great Ps. cxxxvi. 15, in which it is coward, and very cruel. Lenor- said that ' God shook off mant says of him : ' He was Pharaoh and his host into the neither a soldier nor an admin- Red Sea.' In every other place istrator, but a man whose whole the writer carefully evades a mind turned upon sorcery and definite statement : Exodus xiv. magic' The probability is that 23-25, 28 ; xv. 4, 19, 21, &c. Merenptah himself did not take A papyrus in the Berlin Museum X\Q held on this occasion. 50 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. iv the pantheon dedicated to the glory of this new Pharaoh. Every pylon, every door, every chamber in it tells of his exploits. Once again the land of Pun t is subjugated, and forced to pay trib ute ; Cush receives just punishment for_ its many revolts ; the Libyans, who again re-appear upon the western frontiers, are severely defeated ; and in th e north, war is r esumed this time on sea as well as la nd. The Khetas, who were conquered by Ramses II., rise against Ramses III., and are aided by the Zakkar 3 and the Philistines from the coasts of Syria ; while the Cy- priotes furnished a contingent to help the confederate armies. Close to an unknown town near the sea shore the hostile fleets met. A hand-to-hand fight ensued, and the bas-reliefs at Medinet Habu represent the Egyptians' foes being thrown head first into the waves which swallowed them. While this took place Ramses III. remained on shore to repulse the attacks of the allied armies. Like Ramses II., he had a tame lion close to his chariot, who fought for him and devoured the fallen enemies. The Twentieth Dy nasty opened brightly, and un der it the ancient glory of Egypt seemed_to_revive ; butthe jimid successors of the hero o f Medinet H abu did not know how to . kppp i nta ct the treasures bequeat hed t o them, and the brillia nt victories of Ramses IIL were in vainjo arrest Egypt from the d ownfall she was^so soon to experience. Although she sent her governors into Syria, their 3 Sayce identifies the Zakkar with the Teucrians on the east coast of Cyprus. ch. iv Decline of the Empire 51 authority was but fictitious ; and the country by her pro- longed contact with the Asiatics was losing that unity wherein lay her strength. She allowed Semitic words to creep into the national tongue, and foreign deities invad- ed her hitherto inaccessible sanctuaries. At Thebes the high priests of Amen, profiting by the inertness of the last kings of the Twentieth Dynasty, gradually undermined the royal power, and even aspired to the dethronement of the lawful monarchs. Thus had Egypt to pay for the ambition of the conquering kings of the Eighteenth Dynasty. Humiliated where before she had been so powerful, she was yet destined to see the land trodden under the feet of strangers, and, after having conquered the Cushites, the Libyans, and the Asiatics, was at last forced to receive her kings from them. It was because she was not content to remain upon territory which was really her own, i.e., the banks of the Nile as far as they stretched to the south, and because she forced herself, where the conditions both of race and climate compro- mised her authority, that the kingdom, already too large, fell to pieces. I t is the close of the finest period in Egyptia n_ jiistory . Po werless in the face of so m any dangers, the empire of Mena, after the reign of Ram- sesTlL7 moves sadly towards its ruin . Qne_byone, both in north and south, Egypt's conquests slippedfrom her grasp, and at the time when, under the last mon- arch of the Twentieth Dynasty, the high priests forci- bly appropriated the crown of the Pharaohs, she was reduced to her smallest limits and surrounded by 52 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. iv en emies from henceforth more powerful than h er- self. During the Twenty-first Dynasty the empire was literally torn inJtwo. At Thebesreigned Jhe _self-ma3 e* kijigs_ofJhe_s acerdotal caste: while at Tanis arose the d ynasty admitted by JMan etho to be legitima te. From this moment Egypt lost her hold over Asia, and indi ca- ti ons are not wanting to show that already Asi atic influence was incr ea sing along the N ile. The Theban kings chose Semitic names for their sons; while the princes of San sent an Egyptian princess to the harem of Solomon. 4 The Twenty -second Dynasty (b.c. 980) chose Bu bastis for its capital . It_doe s_ not appear to have given man y conquerors to Egyp t. Its first king, the Shishak of the Bible, the Shashanq of the monuments, took an army into Palestine and carried away the treasures of the Temple. 5 It is surprising to find how many members of this royal family bear Assyrian names, such as Nimrod, Tiglath, or Sargon ; also that the regiment whose special duty it was to guard the king's person was composed not of Egyptians but of the Mashuasha, a Libyan tribe, whom Ramses III. had so often routed from the frontiers of the Delta. This intelligence, gained from the discovery of monuments during the excavations at the Serapeum, is the key to the history of this and the following dynasties. Be- fore this Egypt's tendency was to expand, now her chief 4 1 Kings iii. 1 ; vii. 8 ; 6 1 Kings xiv. 25-26. ix. 16-24 J >"• *• ch. iv Influx of Foreigners 53 object was to concentrate herself ; and where aforetime she had imposed her laws upon the neighbouring nations, she now* had to submit to those of foreigners. Never again was there to arise a Memphite or a Theban dynasty ; and Egypt, fascinated by Asia, had her capitals from hence- forth in the Delta. From the time of the Twenty-second Dynasty, Egypt was never again her own mistress. Un- der the Theban families she could with impunity open her doors and give a portion of her territory to certain foreign tribes — as she did to the Israelites — knowing that by her prestige alone she could control them. But now all was changing. These very tribes not only rose up against her, but even aspired to become lords of that soil which was theirs by courtesy only. Once more was Egypt compelled to bow to Destiny, and the coming in of the Twe nty-second Dynasty was but the accession to_ the throne of one of those foreign families from the eastern frontiers of the Delta. Most unlooked - for events ushered in the Twenty- third Dynasty. From causes as yet unknown to us, fi gypt was completely divided within her self. In the no rth T instead of bec oming a separate kingdom, as in the day.s o f the Hy ksos, we find her split up into sev eral jjttle states^arid_ri ornineered over b XJL nan dful of petty kings — verita ble janissar ksz^d rawn for the most part from the ranks of the _Mashuasha ^ wh^r£obably_by_slo_ w degre es S caled thesteps of the thron e. In the so uth a state o f affairs still more unforeseen betrayed the internal discords w hich prevailed in the anhappy country . The Sudan, 54 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. iv which until now had been submissive to the Pharaohs, suddenly arose as an organised and independent kingdom. No longer were ' Governors of the South ' and ' Princes of Cush ' to carry out above the Cataract the orders issued from Thebes or Memphis ; the land of Cush was free, and Upper Egypt as far as Minieh was but a province of the Sudan. According to Manetho, the Twenty - fourth Dynasty consisted of one solitary king called Bocchoris, who reigned six years. 6 Whether he expelled the Cushites from Upper Egypt, or whether he was but one of those partial kings of the north who united Lower Egypt under one sceptre, has not yet been discovered. It is certain that, soon after the accession of Bocchoris, Sabaco swooped through the cataracts, fell upon the unfortunate king, burnt him alive, and took possession of his country as far as the Mediter- ranean. How far away in the past do those great battles of Thothmes III. seem, when, as the conquering Pharaoh, he imposed tribute upon the ' vile race of Cush / ' Now it is Cush who treats Egypt as a vanquished country, and reigns in the palaces that were once full of the glories of the Amenophises and Ramses. With the Ethiopian rule, which lasted fifty years, the Twenty-fifth Dynasty closes, and this brings the history of Egypt to about B.C. 665. The last king of this dynasty was Taharaqa ; he had 6 Mariette recognises this the deceased Apis of the 37th king as the same as Uah-ka- year of Shashanq IV.'s reign, Bak-en-ran-ef, whose Apis Sar- was deposited in one chamber cophagus, together with that of of the Serapeum. The Dodecarchy 55 been reigning twenty-six years when twelve Egyptian chiefs joined together, expelled the Ethiopians from the northern provinces, and divided all the country they were successful in reclaiming into twelve portions, over which they made themselves kings. It is a curious fact that, at the end of the Ethiopian domination, Egypt was exactly in the same positio n as she had be en when she submitted for the first time to the yoke of the Sudan. In the north was this dodecarchy composed of allied Egyptians, or perhaps even of Mashuashaj in the south, The bes, under Piankhi and his queen Ameniriti s , was fo r the second time reduced to the condition_ fl£_a province o f the Suda n. Tired of foreign rule, Egypt retraced her steps, and when Psammetichus came to the throne, she seemed to have resumed history at the end of the Twenty- second Dynasty. The rule of the twelve kings lasted but fifteen years. An oracle had foretold that Egypt should belong to him who should drink water from a brazen cup. One day, as the twelve princes were about to pour out their libations, the high priest found — when presenting to them the golden cups which they were accustomed to use — that he had mistaken the number, and brought but eleven. Psammetichus, seeing that he had no cup like the others, took off his brass helmet, and used it as a libation vessel. The kings at once understood the purport of this act, and a speedy exile into the marshes of the Del- ta was the consequence. But Psammetichus was deter- 56 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. iv mined to avenge himself for this outrage, so in his turn he sent to consult an oracle, which told him that he should be avenged by brazen men coming out of the sea. At first he could not persuade himself that brazen men could come to his help ; but shortly afterwards some Greeks who were shipwrecked off the coast landed fully armed. An Egyptian hastened to the marshes to take the news to Psammetichus ; but as the messenger had never before seen men armed in this manner, he said that brazen men from the sea were pillaging the country. The king then knew that the oracle had spoken truly, made an alliance with the Greeks, and by many promises won them over to take his part. Then, with his aux- iliaries, and those Egyptians who remained faithful to him, he set out on a campaign, dethroned the eleven kings, overturned the Ethiopians, and won back for Egypt her old territory from the Mediterranean to the First Cataract. This new dynasty, of which Psammetichus was the first king, corresponds to the Twenty-sixth of Manetho : and the ruins close to the modern village of Sa-el-Hagar 7 mark the site chosen for the official resi- dence of its kings. There are many little indications that favour the opinion that Psammetichus was not an Egyptian, and that history is not so far wrong in think- ing him a descendant of one of those Mashuasha imported into the corps (T elite of the Egyptian army. 8 The Twenty- sixth Dynasty, therefore, ought to be called Libyan. ' Sai'3. of Necho I., and grandson of 8 Psammetichus was the son the petty king Tefnekht. ch. iv Sais becomes the Capital $y Notwithstanding its extraction, and that its kings were not always fortunate in their foreign enterprises, Egypt enjoyed 1 38 years of prosperity. Psammetichus attempted the conquest of Asia, but only succeeded in besieging a town for twenty-nine years. 9 Necho II., one of his de- scendants, 1 tried in his turn to revive Egypt's old preten- sions to the plains watered by the Tigris and Euphrates ; but he was defeated by Nebuchadnezzar at Carchemish, and found his only safety in flight. Finally, Apries, another king, was disastrously beaten in Cyrenia, whither he had despatched an army. Under the Saite kings, Egypt's fame in war, which once was world-wide, nearly perished : though they endeavoured to redeem the un- successfulness of their campaigns by the care they took in restoring and rebuilding the old sanctuaries. At Sa'is were erected those wonderful porticoes which Herodotus placed above all others that he had seen in Egypt ; and which, like this celebrated town itself, have entirely dis- appeared. To show the impulse given to civilization by the successors of Psammetichus, we need only mention their efforts to open up commerce and industry in new regions of Arabia, Greece, Syria, and along the eastern coast of the Mediterranean. Although Necho's attempt to reopen the canal of Seti I., between the Red Sea and the Nile, was a failure, history must always give him his due for an enterprise which for those days was most 9 The Ashdod of the Old Testament ; the Azotus of the New Testament. 1 His son. 58 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. iv daring, viz., the sending of a fleet from the Red Sea across an ocean then unknown to the whole world, which rounded the Cape of Good Hope, and returned to Egypt by way of the western coast of Africa and the Straits of Gibraltar. The general policy of the Pharaohs of the Twenty-sixth Dynasty seems to have been to give all foreigners, but especially the Greeks, access to the country, and to admit young Greeks into the national schools, in order that they might learn Egyptian ; 2 in a word, to per- mit the great stream of liberal ideas then emanating from Greece to spread over the country, and so to revive the old monarchy founded by Mena. But, without knowing it, they were introducing a fresh element of decadence. Endowed as Egypt had. been with both stability and a strong conservatism, she could not but lose by being brought into contact with this new element of civilization called Progress. The Greeks had hardly set foot in Egypt when it became easy to see that they would never leave it ; and that with these two great principles brought face to face, one must, sooner or later, efface or absorb the other. But a sn^jkrw^tgstrnphp postponed the Any whpn Greecejhojild^iiiJiexJurn, rule_over Egypt. From those much-hankered-after Mesopotamian plains was marching in hot haste a semi -barbarous people who, having taken Susa and Babylon, and forced Syria to pay it tribute, was, within six months of the accession of Psammetichus III., 2 Hence arose the class of interpreters of which the modern survivors are the dragomans. ch. iv The Persian Invasion 59 at the very doors of Egypt. Over the hosts that the Persians had brought with them, Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, was commander-in-chief. It was in vain that Psammetichus went to Pelusium to confront the enemy sent against his country ; his efforts were futile, and soon Egypt, snatched from her rightful owners, became only a province of the Persian Empire. 3 The first years of Cambyses' reign were peaceful. According to a statue in the Vatican, the hieroglyphs upon which have been translated by M. de Rouge, this king adored the Egyptian gods, and received instruction in those sciences for which the Egyptian priests were so celebrated. Thus passed five years, after which time a series of reverses followed his hitherto victorious arms. First of all, an expedition was sent against the Carthaginians, which was put to flight. Then a campaign into the Oasis of Ammon — in the western desert — was organised, but being betrayed by treacherous guides, and badly provisioned, the soldiers of Cambyses strayed into the desert, and not one ever returned to tell by what catastrophe a whole army had perished. At last, at the head of a very large body of troops, Cambyses himself started for the Sudan ; but in this case, again, want of foresight was the ruin of the force, and after being only a few days in the desert between Egypt and the Sudan, the soldiers became destitute and were obliged to retreat. Cambyses, after this third dis- aster, became furious. From Assuan to Thebes, from Thebes to Memphis, his route was marked by one con- 8 b.c. 527. 60 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. iv tinuous line of ruins. The temples were destroyed, and even the tombs of the kings were broken open and pillaged. The day of his arrival in Memphis was a great feast-day, and, hearing the sounds of rejoicing, his anger knew no bounds, for he believed that the Egyptians were holding high festival over his defeat. This was the beginning of a troublous time for Egypt ; but fortunately Cambyses soon died, an event which, although it put a stop to the devastations ordered by this mad conqueror, by no means brought the Persian rule to an end. Vainly Darius tried by his wise administration to make the people forget the yoke which weighed so heavily upon them ; the number- less ruins left by Cambyses spoke too loudly for that, and perpetual revolts showed that the country was deter- mined to avenge herself for injuries which she could not forget. Apparent submissions, followed by fresh insur- rections, lasted for 121 years, when good fortune gave Egypt back to her own people, and the Persians were forced to fly. The Twenty-seventh Dynasty then came to an end. The sixty-seven years that followed (Dynasties XXVIII. — XXX.) were spent by the nation in repair- ing the disasters brought upon them by the late for- eign occupation ; while Persia only waited for an op- portunity to again seize upon the country she had so regretfully given up. Both nations made formidable preparations for a deadly encounter. But fate again be- trayed the Egyptian arms, and although in the first bat- tle Nectanebo I. chased the Persian general across the ch. iv End of the Egyptian Empire 61 frontier, yet at Pelusium, Bubastis, and Memphis Nec- tanebo II. was obliged to submit to superior force. He fled into the Sudan, and for the second time the Per- sians became masters of Egypt. With him disappeared for ever the old race of Pharaohs. History has little to say about the second Persian Dynasty. It had hardly been in power for eight years when, in the days of Darius III., Alexander appeared, and what could Egypt — already half conquered — do against the Macedonian hero ? Tired out by the ever- increasing weight of the Persian yoke, she opened her gates to him as to a liberator, and thus after having been Ethiopian under the Twenty-fifth Dynasty, Libyan un- der the Twenty-sixth, and Persian under the Twenty- seventh and Thirty-first Dynasties, Egypt became Greek under the new master that the fortunes of war gave her. So passed away^ jhfi New Empire after an existence of 1,371 years. CHAPTER V HEATHEN PERIOD THE GREEK EPOCH DYNASTIES XXXII. AND XXXIII. The short reign of Alexander the G reat opens the Thirty-second Dyna sty ; x but, short as it was, it gave him time to lay the foundations of the city, which ever since has preserved his name; above all, it enabled him to inaugurate that liberal-minded and tolerant policy which gave to Egypt 275 years of peac g^and tranquillity in the place of_t rouble _ and disa ster. From the day that Alex- ander conquered the country he left the people entire possession of their religion, manners and customs, arts, language, and writing. We know from history that he died in the midst of his victories ; that his posthumous son, Alexander II., succeeded him, and that until this young prince's majority Egypt was governed by Philip Arrhidceus, the conqueror's brother, as regent. We know too that these ephemeral royalties did not prevent Alexander's generals from dividing his empire between them ; Egypt falling to the share of Ptolemy. With him, therefore, arose a new dynasty, which was called 1 b.c. 332. ch. v The Ptolemies 63 from its founder the Ptolemaic. 2 To follow the details of these kings' reigns would be impossible : each called himself Ptolemy after his common ancestor, and among their wives we only find successions of Cleopatras, Berenices, and Arsinoes; while the history of the country is not of the same interest as when Egypt marched at the head of the nations. It mattered not whether they fought in the north or south, but the Pharaohs always fought for a civilization of which they were in a sense the incarnation : under the Ptolemies Egypt came down from her proud position ; she was no longer first among the nations, and no longer did she guide the world as in the days of Thothmes. She did indeed deteriorate, and from this time her history does but drag behind that of Greece. All the political actions of this period can be summed up in competitions for the throne, the rivalries of women, and inglorious struggles for Syria and the eastern islands of the Mediterranean. Yet, for all that, the Ptolemies deserve well of Egypt, and their names hold an honourable place among those mon- archs who successively ruled over the country. No doubt this popularity was owing to their extreme tolerance. Far from impos ing their foreign ways upon the con- q uered people, wh ich would orilyTiave stirred up revolt, t hey maintained the ancient Egyptian customs, an d wi thout ceasing to be Greeks they became E gyptians, a ncl prided themselves upon their adopted natio nalijy. The temple of Edfu, which was built entirely by them, 2 Dynasty XXXIII. 64 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. v is a magnificent proof of their wise moderation. It was a Ptolemy who, after a fruitless campaign to the Tigris, returned to Egypt, bringing with him over 25,000 statues which had been carried away by Cambyses. A second and no less powerful cause also contributed to the repu- tation of the Ptolemies. Their names were coupled with the great intellectual movement which had its spring at Alexandria, and long exercised so decisive an influence upon the destinies of Egypt. It was, as we know, one of them who commanded Manetho to write the history of his country in Greek, and by whose orders the Greek translation of the Hebrew Scriptures known as the Septuagint was made. 3 Other and more important works keep their memories alive. That magnificent library at Alexandria, which it is said contained in 400,000 volumes all the Roman, Greek, Egyptian, and Indian literature, was founded by a Ptolemy, as well as the museum which has been justly regarded as the finest academy in the world. 4 Thus the Ptolemies, in making their capital the rendezvous of all the grammarians, savants, philosophers, and enlightened intellects of their time, laid the foun- dations of that great Alexandrian School of Philosophy which some centuries later contended with the infant Christianity for the supremacy of the world. Modest as was their role in politics and in war, these princes were justly celebrated for that love of letters and science which has been truly described as the genius of their race. Ptolemy Alexander, dying without children, disposed 8 Ptolemy Philadelphia. * Ptolemy Soter. ch. v Egypt given to Rome 6$ of the kingdom of Egypt as if it had been a farm, and left the country of the Ramses by will to the Roman people ! The devices of the beautiful but crafty Cleopatra staved off for a few years the execution of the fatal contract. It was in vain that Caesar and Mark Anthony tried to revive the dynasty of the Ptolemies. At Cleopatra's death the will of Ptolemy Alexander came into full effect, and in the year B.C. 30 Egyp t was not only no longer a kingdom, but merely a province of th at great empire of_which Rome was the capital. CHAPTER VI HEATHEN PERIOD ROMAN EPOCH DYNASTY XXXIV. Once mistress of the Nile, Rome did all that lay in her power to keep this her most valuable conquest. She left the religion, art, writing, language, and customs of Egypt unmolested, restored some of the temples, and built others, dedicating them to the gods of the country. Edfu, Esneh, Denderah, Erment, all begun by the Ptolemies, were completed under the Emperors. At Shekh-Abadeh l Hadrian built a town, and raised magnificent monuments to his favourite Antinous. Chapels were erected at Ka- labsheh, Dabod, and Dendiir, 2 while new edifices at Phi- lae added to the grace and beauty of this lovely island. Having by these means made sure of removing from the conquered people their usual pretexts for discontent, Rome now decreed that the Egyptian towns should be garrisoned by her legions. At the head of the general administration of the country was placed a Roman official called the < Augustan Prefect ' of Egypt, who combined all offices in his own person, and governed uncontrolled 1 In the province of Minieh. * All in Nubia. ch. vi Government by Roman Prefects 67 in the name of the Emperor. Rome, while quietly sub- stituting herself for the legitimate masters of the country, thus armed herself powerfully against revolts. It is true that she reserved to herself the right of calling these all- powerful prefects to account : their administration was never a long one, and for the smallest shortcomings they were punished with banishment or death ; moreover, it was required by a law of the empire that the Prefects of Egypt should not be chosen from among either the senators or the patricians of rank. These measures did not so much show that Rome regarded the conquered and humiliated country with indifference, as that she feared that the prestige of such a grand old kingdom might tempt the ambition of one of these imperial delegates whom force of circumstances had placed in a position of such power. A lthough^ the... country it^f ^njoy^d p^a^e an4-pr^s- perity under the wise and economic al administration of t he Emperors, its own political life was dead. The credit of the few warlike expeditions which were undertaken must be given not to the Egyptians, who were probably utterly indifferent to them, but to the Roman legions, who alone took part in them. Petronius the Prefect took an army into Arabia, and then turned south to Gebel-Barkal, the capital of Ethiopia, to punish the Queen Candace, who had dared to occupy Assuan and ravage the Theba'id. It is possible that these partial revolts may have reminded them that Egypt had not quite forgotten the glory of past days. Now it is a Syrian 6S Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. vi of Alexandria who raises an army upon the proceeds of his only papyrus manufactory, and stirs up revolt against Rome. Then a certain Achilles, taking advantage of his power as Prefect of Egypt, caused himself to be pro- claimed Emperor, and forced Diocletian to put Alexan- dria to fire and sword after besieging the town for eight months. But in these uprisings Egypt herself took no part ; so long as the insurgents to whom she gave shelter succeeded in their efforts, she would have given Rome itself over to new masters without making any effort for her own independence. In two ways only did she man- ifest any vitality. Who does not remember that when Christianity was first brought into Egypt by St. Mark, terrible persecutions were endured by the believers in the new faith, and how much energy was displayed on the one hand to spread the new religion, and on the other hand to hinder it ? Who also does not know the part played by the Alexandrian schools under Roman administration? Truly it may be said that Egypt at that moment reigned intellectually over both Greece and Rome, and extended her influence afar by the power of her thought. Yet, notwithstanding these rays of brilliant light, we feel that Egypt's part is played out, and her downfall complete. Thebes, Abydos, Memphis, Heli- opolis, were in ruins ; Alexandria was nothing but the chief town of a province, and Egypt, owing to the care bestowed upon her agriculture, sought for no higher glory than to be called ' the Granary of Rome.' However, an event was at hand which not only in- ch. vi Edict of Theodosius 6g fluenced the future of the world, but gave a sudden turn to the destinies of Egypt. The Roman Empire, already too vast, was in its turn dismembered. In a.d. 364, two emperors divided it between them ; the one establishing his throne at Constantinople, the other remaining in Rome. In this division, Egypt, inclining towards the East, owned for her master the sovereign who reigned at the Bosphorus. This was the end. It was now some time since Christianity had first thrown out roots, and had little by little gained ground : now it was gradually working its way towards Constantinople. Egypt had already to a great extent accepted the new faith, though it was not yet officially acknowledged. In a.d. 381, Theodosius, then reigning at Constanti- nople, promulgated the famous edict by which Christiani- ty was to be henceforth the religion of Egypt. He also ordered that all the temples should be closed, and that the gods still venerated by the piety of the Egyptians should be destroyed. The annihilation of Heathen Egypt was now complete. Forty thousand statues are said to have perished, temples were profaned, mutilated, and destroyed ; and of its magnificent civilization, all that is now left are its ruins — more or less overthrown — and the monuments whose remains are to-day gathered together and given a home in our museums. So closed — only tw xt- Jind a -hal^-ce ntnrifis before the coming of Mahomet — the em p ire that 5.400 years befo re had been founded by Mena . We may i ndee d marv el 'at its enormous duration ; but Egypt owed this more to 70 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. vi the condition of the world over which she exercised so r emarkable an influence than to her own n atural force. Her organisation , like that of Ch ina, was only adapted for immobility, not f or_j3rogress. Bo long as the events of history brought across her path only those nations that, like herself, were stationary, she was admirably fitted to continue. But from the moment wh en_jjreece and Rome brought in the law of progress, she gradually became more and more feeble, and finally disappeared. Nations, like men, cannot live upon bread alone ; and the same law of Nature holds good for them as for us, that, failing progress, degeneration must ensue. CHAPTER VII THE CHRISTIAN PERIOD When the in habitants of t he Nile Valley gave up the religion _of their forefathers and accepted Ch ristianity. history no longer calls them Egyptians but Copts. The Copts, then, are the Christian descendants of that old race whose history we have been tracing. The period during which Christianity was the established religion of the country was but of short duration : it embraced the 2 5q years between th e_Edicl of TheQdosius^A.D. 381, and the conqu est of Egypt by the lieutenants .. .of. Ma- ho met in a. p. 640 . During this time, as has been already shown, Egypt followed the fortunes of the Roman Empire, and, the Empire becoming broken u p, Egypt was attached _to_jthat part whose c apital was at Con stantinople, and for the 250 years prior to the Mussulman invasion was ruled by the Emperors of By zanti unL Although the religion of the Pharaohs had been abandoned, and Christianity adopted, the country still clung to the old language that had been spoken for so many centuries ; but the hieroglyphs whose symbols recalled heathen ideas were set aside, and the alphabet- "/ '2 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. vii writing of the Greeks as then used at Alexandria adopt- ed. The Coptic language of to-day is therefore more or less the ancient Egyptian language applied to Christian use, and written with letters borrowed from a foreign script. At the same time it must not be supposed that the year that issued the Edict of Theodosius saw the ancient national religion suddenly abandoned. The Edict cer- tainly made Christian usages obligatory, but before the time of Theodosius there were already many Egyptians who had accepted Christianity ; as after it were found — especially in Upper Egypt — many who had difficulties in submitting to the new faith. It is not our intention to give here a detailed history of the Copts, in whose days Egypt presented to the world but a sorry spectacle. Under the pressure of events she was divided into two factions. On theone side were the Copts, Yfhn formed a sect that clung all the more closely to their j jwjijdeas because the Council of Cha lcedon had condemned them ; on t he other were the Melkites T a party whom any tie, however small, bound to Constantin ople, and who _con- d emned as heretical the opin ions_o f the oth er half of d ie nation . T hese dissensions alone were sufficient to st ir u p implacable hatred in a society already so much dis- t urbed ; and juring tfieTvvb cent u ries and a half tha t fol lowed her religious emancipati on, Egypt j gidured a terrible experience. Riots in the st reets, incendiary crimes, organised brigandage in the country — in fact, all the combined horrors of a civil war ; while sanguinary ch. vii Miserable State of the Country 73 conflicts took place in Alexandria not only between Christians and Jews, but between Christians themselves, who, not being able to agree upon some special point of dogma, attempted to settle it by force of arms. Over the miserable condition of Egypt after the Edict of Theodo- sius it is not necessary to spend time, though we cannot help adding that the disorders which left such a fatal mark upon this epoch were not attributable to Egypt herself. Under the circumstances it was a great misfortune that she became one of the most important centres of the great political and religious changes that were then agitating the world. From Constantinople — the seat of power — she could only draw examples of the most far-gone cor- ruption. There ' the ostentatious libertinism of the patri- cians, the servility of the great, the want of discipline of the soldiers, were vices that the great city never attempted to root out. Patriotism gave place to venality and an inordinate thirst for riches. The emperors themselves spent their time — which should have been better employed in the government of the state — in useless theological discussions, and from presiding at their councils would come away to prescribe articles of faith or draw up the inditement of special pleas either for or against the Patriarch's decisions.' x Thus in giving way to dis=- order and revolt, and making religious discussions an every-day occupation, Egypt became engulfed in a torrent that she could not stem. The role of agitator, whether political or religious, was never suited to Egypt, and 1 Viennet. 74 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. vn history shows us that every time she attempted it she was forced into it by the events themselves, and not by her own impulse. Efrypt- js not a country adapted for su£h^ _struggle s. H er deli cious climate, the fertility of the soil, t he ge ntle- ness of the inhabitants, who are so easily initiated in t he way s of civilization, all tend to make her par ex cellence the c onserva tive^^country. Aggressiveness, the desire for expansion, and propagandism, so common among other races, were, so to speak, unknown in Ancient Egypt, and if outsiders had not come to her and disturbed that tran- quillity which was the very essence of her life, it is certain that she would never have gone beyond her own borders to trouble others ; fhfl^gh in a su preme crisi s phe might perharjs _have exerted J ierself and in her turn become-the invader. B ut_these efforts against Na ture ran onl y be of short dujatio n ; anfl wp ma y ^ s?. T igjyill nnl y end jp a jinal catas trophe. This is exactly what did happen, after the violent religious disputes above mentioned. Mahomet now appeared, proclaiming another new re- ligion, and Egypt, wearied out with the heavy and un- dignified yoke of Constantinople, thought to rid herself of it. Makaukes — a Copt of noble birth and immense wealth — undertook the difficult task of regaining for his country her old independence. Being well nigh single- handed against the emperor's soldiers who were shut up in Alexandria, he made overtures to the Arabs, and by means of the promise of annual" tribute persuaded Amr'-Ibn-el- Asi, one of Mahomet's lieutenants, to lend him his aid. ch. vii The Mahometan Invasion f$ Amr' beat the imperial troops, and after a siege of fourteen months entered Alexandria triumphantly. It was in vain that the Byzantines, reinforced by a fleet and a fresh ar- my from Constantinople, won back the city. The Copts, terrified at the idea of again falling under the yoke of the masters whom they thought they had ejected, recalled the Arabs, who, coming to their assistance, again took Alex- andria and triumphantly established there the reign of Islam. The sequel is well kno wn. This time E gy pt w as neither an independent monarchy as under the Pharaohs, noxa4yimiic£^f_the_Roman Empire as under the Caesars, nor even a depende ncy of th e Eastern Empire as under the Byzanti ne em perors ; she was incorporated into the vast empire of the. Khajife^and became then, and has ever sin ce remained, Moslem . The establ ishment of Islam, first in Alexandria and afterwards in all the prov- mces of Egyp|;. cl oses the secon d of the three periods^ into which the general history of the country is divided. PART IT APPENDIX CHAPTER VIII In the remarks which formed the introduction to the first chapter of the Heathen Period, the sources from whence our information was drawn were briefly men- tioned ; they were — I. the Egyptian monuments them- selves; II. the fragments of Manetho; III. the Greek and Latin writers. We must now return to Manetho and the monuments. However long the details concerning these authorities may be, they are very important : to study them is to inquire into our proofs. It is to ask of Egypt herself the title-deeds of her own history, and at the same time must demonstrate to modern Egyptians the value of those venerable dibris by which they are surrounded, and which are as precious as the parchment deeds that prove a title of nobility. Manetho on the one hand, and the monu- ch. vni Manetho 77 ments on the other, are the two objects with which this Appendix is written. I. Manetho Under Ptolemy Philadelphia Manetho wrote in Greek a history of Egypt gathered from the official archives preserved in the temples. Like many another history the book itself has disappeared, and we possess to-day but the fragments of it, together with the list of the kings placed originally at the end, which were fortunately pre- served in the writings of some of the chroniclers living a few years before the Hegira. This list divides all the sovereigns who reigned over Egypt into dynasties or royal families. For the most part Manetho gives the names of the kings, the lengths of their reigns and the duration of the dynasty ; sometimes, however, he contents himself with briefly touching upon the origin of the royal family, the number of its kings and the number of years during which it reigned. To give these lists completely would stretch this little book to an unnecessary length, but the subjoined are a resume of the principal dynasties which held sway in Egypt. No one can look at the list of Manetho's dynasties without being struck with the enormous length of time that they occupied : we have in fact to go back to a period that to Egypt is historical, though to most other nations it would be but legendary. Some modern authors, embarrassed by this fact, and not finding any reason for doubting the authenticity and veracity of 78 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. vm Bg.3 "t a lO M g*l 8 8 00 a tj- rj- GQ ■<*• 8 >o -t- rO >o O m Tf VO VO m o. 1^ 1 N On i^ in m m N O O 00 «*) CVJ 5 ~ to "* * CO CO CO co to CO CO CO 0) (1 a C 2 s vO CO *^ CO in N N c8 M VO VO CO Q lO «,£ 5) N J^ r^ >o i^ n N N NCO W r>. N CO ^ » vO CO o 00 WJ rO rr> CO vO vO h CO - - LO U~) »o * «* <* rj- Tj" ro CO CO CO CO M vN CO M -(- Tf CO CO (A N fr >o r*) CO c*- 3 H vr> 00 * Q T) J* CO M »^ 3 * W CO c< d N C4 R M CN M <■ "^ un o S u « y ^3 A o u fc/) E ■d u B % H 3 w >: K H X ffi v-fr •-! H H i >" M >■ ► > H > M X X i— i > <—< X > > > X Table of Dynasties 79 CO N OO O vo 00 F» ■<*- M M ON 00 ooon^^r-^^ooNOOo m CO m N m vo N Q (^ N Th t-»t»v£) in ^ to fi to ui -* M N N CO r^ r-^ 0> CO O N N CO co £ co "* CO 00 Tf N n O vO ro 0> »Ni it CO CO M o O ON C4 M M **■ OO ON O 00 H t^ M 00 00 ■+ r^. tN, rO r- CO LO CO N cs rO > B C a 42 SJ CO s (1) •« H 42 pq h .52 CO W "3 CO "S CO 13 P-l X * P P > X X M M M > X X X X H > x 6 x x 80 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. vm Manetho, have supposed that Egypt was at different periods divided into more than one kingdom, and that some of the royal families whose reigns were simultaneous have been given as successive. It is, for instance, as if they supposed that the Fifth Dynasty at Elephantine were contemporaneous with the Sixth at Memphis. It is not necessary to demonstrate the advantages of this system. By drawing some dates closer together, and correcting others, and by an ingenious and clever arrangement of the dynasties, it is possible to shorten almost at will the length of Manetho's list. Thus it is that where we have in the preceding table B.C. 5004 as the date of the foundation of the Egyptian monarchy, other writers, like Bunsen, place the same event as occurring in B.C. 3623. Which is correct? The more carefully the question is studied, the more difficult appears to be the reply. The greatest of all obstacles to the establishment of an Egyptian chronology lies in the fact that the Egyptians themselves never had one. The use of an era, properly so-called, was unknown to them ; and, so far, it cannot yet be proved that they reckoned otherwise than by the years of the reigning monarch. These years were therefore far from having a fixed point of departure ; since they were sometimes counted from the death of the late monarch, and some- times from the coronation of the reigning sovereign. Whatever may be the apparent precision of its calcula- tions, modern science will always be foiled in its attempts to give to Egypt that which she never possessed. Sur- ch. vin Manetho s Lists 8 1 rounded as we are by these difficulties, I believe that the adoption of Manetho's lists in their entirety leads us nearest to the truth. Far be it from me to pretend that from the time of Mena to the emperors Egypt was always one united kingdom : we may even find out by unexpected discoveries that there were more collateral dynasties in this vast empire than even the warmest par- tisans of that system would care to admit. But every- thing leads to the belief that in Manetho's lists, as they have come down to us, the work of elimination has already been done. If the collateral dynasties had been given, we ought to find, before or after the Twenty-first Dynasty, that of the high priests who ruled in Thebes while the Twenty-first occupied Tanis ; also we must account for the seven or eight independent kings who were contemporaneous with the Twenty-third Dynasty, and who would thus have added — had not Manetho al- ready eliminated them — as many successive royal families to the list given by the Egyptian priest. In the same way the dodecarchy would count for at least one dynasty, and must find a place between the Twenty-fifth and Twenty- sixth ; and the Theban kings themselves, the rivals of the Hyksos, would have to take their rank before or after the Seventeenth. Undoubtedly there were simultaneous dy- nasties in Egypt, but Manetho has put them aside, so as to admit only those reputed to be legitimate ; therefore, they find no place in his lists. Were this not the case, we should have, not thirty-one, but some sixty dynasties 82 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. vm between Mena and Alexander. Supposing even that Manetho had not cared to make this elimination himself, we cannot be certain that the abbreviators of Manetho — all more or less interested in diminishing his lists — may not have done so for themselves, as, by possessing the text of the work, they had the means for making the necessary reduction. Everything, then, militates against the system of collateral dynasties j and for my part I shall not believe in them until I find some instance in which the monuments prove decisively that two royal families, given by Manetho as successive, were simul- taneous. In fact, I shall look upon the idea of co- existent dynasties as a pedantic invention, so long as the evidence of the monuments does not establish the theory. Take, for instance, two examples : First. The greater number of tables give the Fifth Dynasty of Elephantine as contemporaneous with the Sixth at Memphis. Were this a historic fact, each of these dynasties must have its own special territory, and it would follow that no monument of the Fifth Dynasty would be found upon Sixth Dynasty ground, and vice versd. But the result of our excavations has been the discovery of Fifth Dynasty monuments both at Elephantine and at Sakkarah ; and again of Sixth Dynasty monuments at Sakkarah and at Elephantine. Second. The Fourteenth Dynasty of Xois would be reigning at the same time as the Thirteenth at Thebes ; but the Thirteenth Dynasty colossi found at San ch. vni Chronological Difficulties 83 — only a few miles from Sakha — prove that the Theban Dynasty who erected them possessed Lower Egypt. These details alone show that there is much to be said against the system of collateral dynasties about whom Science has not said yet her last word. Undoubtedly in matters of detail many of the figures stand in need of correction, but I maintain that in the thirty-one dynasties of Manetho we have — without the admission of collateral dynasties — the series of legitimate and successive royal families, according to the official registers, up to the time of Alexander. Here let us leave the question of dates, strictly speaking, with regard to which I can only repeat what I have elsewhere said : x ' As to assigning a fixed date to each of the royal families, and therefore to their contemporaneous monuments, I would remind you that until the time of Psammetichus L, Dynasty xxvi., b.c. 665, it is impossible to do more than give approximate figures, which become still less certain as we go back- wards into the ages. No one has yet succeeded in con- quering the difficulties of Egyptian chronology. ' The method of reckoning by the years of the reign- ing monarch has always been an obstacle to the establish- ment of a fixed calendar, and there is nothing by which to prove that the Egyptians ever made use of an era properly so called. Here again Manetho is our best guide, though, unfortunately, a single glance at those por- tions of his history preserved in the works of Christian 1 Introduction de la Notice Sommaire du Musie de Bulaq. 84 Out lines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. vm writers is sufficient to show evidences of both careless- ness and wilful alteration. Proper names are often de- faced, sometimes even transposed ; and figures vary as the extract in question is given according to Eusebius or to Africanus. Also, the totals given at the end of each dynasty are rarely in accordance with the sum of the reigns comprehended within that dynasty. Manetho's lists have come down to us in such a condition that we shall never be able to fix our dates definitely by them. I know that there are some people who, by attaching certain undisputed synchronisms to Manetho's lists, have thus attempted to restore their chronological use, and the method in itself ought to be infallible. Being given, for instance, the heliacal rising of Sirius on a certain date in a certain year of a king's reign mentioned by Manetho, it is clear that by a calculation easy enough to astronomers the Julian year, the date of the phenomenon, and that of the monarch's reign, could all be determined. In this direction Science has gone to her furthest limits, as the works of M. Biot and M. de Rouge will show. But in order that these results may never be questioned, it is first of all necessary that we should be quite sure, when giving the rising of a certain star as the occasion of one of the temple fetes, that the Egyptians meant a rising accurately observed j and secondly, this having been ascertained, we must be equally sure that they were able at that period to triumph over the uncertainty of all observations made without the aid of instruments. On ch. vin Exact CJironology impossible 85 this last point see M. Biot's remarks on what he calls his " scientific puritanism." The Biblical and Assyrian syn- chronisms, by means of which it was hoped to be able to verify Manetho's lists, are but of little use. That Moses lived under Ramses II., and that Merenptah was the Pharaoh of the Exodus, are facts already acknowledged by science, but they afford us no help as to the chro- nology of the Nineteenth Dynasty ; for the Biblical data may lead to contradictory inferences concerning the duration of the Judges, and consequently as to the epoch that saw Moses set himself at the head of the Hebrew people. We are met by equally great difficulties in attempting to assign a date to the synchronism of the capture of Jerusalem by Shishak, the first king of the Twenty-second Dynasty ; -for from the book of the Kings we get no nearer to a definite date than that in a certain year of Shishak' s reign he invaded Jerusalem. We must come down to the Twenty-sixth Dynasty for the limit of exact chronology (b. c. 665). It is quite impossible to give back to Manetho's lists the chronological accuracy of which the alterations of copyists have deprived them ; and it must be recognised that, although the science of to-day feels equal to affirming that a given monument belongs to a particular dynasty, it must nevertheless refuse to date the period to which that monument be- longs. The further the period is removed from our own era, the greater becomes the difficulty ; so much so, that among the various systems of Egyptology, it is possible 86 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. vm to differ by 2,000 years as to the age of the foundation of the Egyptian monarchy.' 2 B.C. 3 Boeckh gives 5702 Unger 5613 Mariette and Lenormant .... 5004 Maspero ........ 4500 Brugsch 4455 Lauth 4157 Lepsius and Ebers ..... 3892 Bunsen ........ 3623 Birch 3000 R. S. Poole 2717 Gardiner Wilkinson 2691 A difference of 3,011 years ! CHAPTER IX THE MONUMENTS There is not any country besides Egypt whose history can be written on the testimony of so many original proofs. Egyptian monuments are to be found not only in the country itself, but even in Nubia, the Sudan, and so far away as Bey rut. To these, already very numerous, must be added the quantities of antique objects that during the last fifty years have been passing into Europe to enrich the collections possessed by nearly every capital. To make known the principal monuments, and their connection with the history of Egypt, is the object of this chapter ; and I shall speak first of those monuments which are of general interest in history, and then of those which by belonging to one particular dynasty serve to lay it open to us and give proof in detail, so to say, of its existence. The principal monuments which are of general interest to the history of Egypt are the following : First, a papyrus which was sold to the Turin Museum by M. Drovetti, the Consul-General of France, and which is there pre- served. If only it were intact, no monument would be SS Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History en. a more precious. In it is to be found a list of all the per- sonages, both mythical and historical, who have reigned over Egypt from fabulous times until an epoch that — since we do not possess the end of the papyrus — we can- not ascertain. Drawn up under Ramses II., that is to say, at one of the best epochs of Egyptian history, this list carries all the weight of an official document, and if perfect would be most valuable, in that the name of every king is followed by the length of his reign, and that to every dynasty has been added the total number of years during which it governed the affairs of Egypt. Unfortunately, the carelessness of the fellahin who dis- covered it, and, worse still, the negligence of those who brought it into Europe, have been the destruction of the Royal Papyrus of Turin, and this invaluable treasure has been so roughly handled that it only exists now in minute fragments (about 164), which it is impossible to piece together again. From being of incomparable value, it is therefore now but little credited, and seldom even quoted in works upon Egyptology. Secondly, another valuable monument which has been taken away from the temple at Karnak by M. Prisse and presented to the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris. It is a small chamber, upon the walls of which Thothmes III. may be seen making offerings to sixty-one of his pre- decessors — hence its name, the Hall of Ancestors. But it is not a regular and uninterrupted series of the kings, for Thothmes III. has made a selection before whom to pay his respects, though what may have been the reason ch. ix The Table of Abydos 89 of his choice is entirely unknown to us. At first sight we can only look upon the Hall of Ancestors as an extract from the list of Egyptian royalties. The com- piler, from motives quite unknown to us, has taken the names of the kings indiscriminately, sometimes giving an entire dynasty, at others leaving out long periods. Be- sides that, the artist entrusted with the ornamentation of the room has done it from the point of view of decoration only, and not troubled himself to place the figures in chronological order. Owing to most unfortunate injuries which this monument has sustained (twelve royal names are missing), the Paris table of the kings loses much of its importance. So that, taking it altogether, the Hall of Ancestors has not given to science as much help as was anticipated. However, it has rendered invaluable service in determining better than any other list the names of the Thirteenth Dynasty kings. To the above-named monuments must be added the Table of Abydos. As may be gathered from its name, it came from that site, being brought away by M. Mimaut, Consul-General of France ; it is now in the British Museum. Of all the innumerable Egyptian monuments, there is not one that is so famous, nor that less deserves its fame. This time it is Ramses II. who adores his ancestors, and out of the fifty cartouches — besides that of Ramses repeated twenty-eight times — there are now but thirty left, and these are in a state more or less incomplete. Like the Hall of Ancestors, the Table of Abydos gives a list resulting from the 90 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. ix artist's choice, the reason of which is also unknown. Another fact that depreciates its value is that we do not possess its commencement. After the Twelfth Dynasty, however, the list passes at once without a break to the Eighteenth. But to what dynasties are we to assign the fourteen unknown cartouches placed before the Twelfth ? Do they belong to the more ancient of the royal families, or do they but serve to fill up the gap between the Sixth and the Eleventh Dynasties ? Unlike the Turin Papyrus, the Table of Abydos could never have been one of the foundation stones of Egyptology, though in the early days of that science it undoubtedly helped Champollion in the classification of the Eighteenth Dynasty kings, and later on it served Lepsius as a land- mark in arranging the Amen-em-hats and Usertsens, and in identifying them with the kings of Manetho's Twelfth Dynasty. Beyond this, however, the Table of Abydos is useless, and it is not likely that it will ever disclose any of those startling facts which have proved so useful to the progress of Egyptological science. 1 The most interesting, as also the most perfect monu- 1 There are two temples at lately. Although in an admi- Abydos dedicated to the local rable state of preservation, this divinity : the one built by Seti, tablet adds but little to our the other by Ramses. The same knowledge. It mentions some series of kings, twice repeated new kings, and shows the correct without any variation, adorns sequence of others, but is far these buildings. One is the from giving us a connected scries Table described above, the other of all the kings of Egypt from was discovered comparatively Menes to Seti I. — Mariette. en. ix The Tablet of Sakkai'ciJi 91 ment of this kind, is the one that was found during the French excavations at Sakkarah, and which is now in the Gizeh Palace. Unlike the others, it is not of royal origin. It was discovered in the tomb of an Egyptian priest named Tunari, who lived in the days of Ramses II. According to the Egyptian belief, one of the good things reserved for the dead who were deemed worthy of eternal life was to be admitted to the society of their kings, and Tunari is represented as having been received into the august assembly of fifty-eight. Here again in the Tablet of Sakkarah, as before in that of Abydos, is raised the same question : Why these fifty-eight kings more than any others? Until it has been answered, the Tablet of Sakkarah can only be allowed a relative authority. It must be granted, however, that the list in the Gizeh Palace possesses unquestionable advantages. In the first place we have the beginning of it, and thus can start from a definite point ; in the second place, between the beginning and the end of the series are added other already known cartouches which form intermediary land- marks, and give to the whole a precision not found in the other documents. Before the Eighteenth, Twelfth, and Eleventh Dynasties we come to the first six, and they are (unhoped-for good fortune) almost as complete in the Tablet of Sakkarah as in the list of Manetho. 2 2 The Tablet of Sakkarah of Abydos in his mention of it does not mention the first kings in the preceding note. M. de of Egypt. M. Mariette does Rouge describes it as 'a new not do justice to the great Tablet list of the Pharaohs, more com- 92 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History en. ix These are the most celebrated monuments bearing general interest on Egyptian history. Now we will take the dynasties of Manetho one by one, and point out the principal monuments belonging to each of them. But before proceeding with this novel inventory let me re- mind you that Egyptology is a new-born science, and a history of Egypt cannot be written, as that of most other countries can be, by following along a beaten track with one's eyes half closed. At every step we have to recon- noitre the path, and while slowly making our way along it, have at the same time to collect and register all the landmarks, and then gather together the materials picked up here and there, just as a clever workman pieces the thousand-and-one fragments of a precious vase long since broken. You will not be surprised then if, instead of always going straight on to the end, we linger sometimes over details which in any other case would be useless ; neither will you be surprised if, for the sake of proving plete and more important than wherever the authority of monu- any of those we previously ments has allowed the oppor- possessed. King Seti I., ac- tunity of verification. We may, companied by his son Ramses, therefore, consider the new renders homage in it to seventy- Tablet of Seti I. as free from six sovereigns, selected from his those artificial grcfups, and from predecessors from the time of those irregularities which occa- Menes. In this enormous list sion so much trouble to us in only two or three names have our interpretations of the lists of been slightly altered. Another Karnak, and even of Sakkarah.' fact makes it still more pre- — Monuments qu*on pent attri- cious ; the order of the kings Inter aux six pre/nitres Dynas- has been found strictly historical ties, p. 14 and following. ch. ix Monuments of Dynasties I-III 93 the value of such investigations, we make you take part from time to time in some of those tedious processes by which we are striving to build up little by little the fabric of Ancient Egyptian History. First, Second, and Third Dynasties Manetho is our guide for the reconstruction of these three dynasties ; but of necessity he must be followed with caution on account of the remoteness of the period with which he deals. Fortunately the Tablet of Sakkarah comes to the help of the Egyptian annalist ; but as it gives only a selection of the kings, we must not expect to find on it all the names that are given in Manetho. How- ever, it cites two kings of the First Dynasty, six of the Second, and eight of the Third. This is enough to show that the historian reported correctly the Egyptian tables. From henceforth we may assert that Manetho's first three dynasties belong to the authentic history of Egypt, and we may go even further and say that neither of them was contemporary with the other. In spite of their extreme antiquity, the monuments of those dynasties are still fairly numerous. The most ancient of them is the Step Pyramid of Sakkarah, which dates back to the fourth king of the First Dynasty. 3 After that comes the tomb 3 According to Manetho ' he ' the black bull, which, according (Unenephes) built the pyramid to the stelre and sarcophagi of at Cochome ; Cochome being the Serapeum, was in the neigh- the Greek form of Ka-kam, i.e. bourhood of Sakkarah. 94 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. ix of Ptah-hotep discovered at Sakkarah and still in place ; 4 then the three statues of the Sepa functionaries found at the Pyramids and now in the Louvre ; 5 and finally the statue of Amten, who was contemporaneous with the last but one king of the Third Dynasty, and which was taken from the Pyramids to Berlin by Lepsius. Fourth and Fifth Dynasties Manetho and the Tablet of Sakkarah are again our chief authorities for the arrangement of the kings of this period, and their accounts run together so closely that it is evident that the two lists have a common origin, and it is therefore the strongest confirmation, given as yet by the monuments, of the veracity of Manetho and his table of the Ancient Empire. Those of this period are the best known perhaps of any in Egypt. I have be- fore spoken of the Pyramids. 6 Those of Gizeh belong strictly to the Fourth ; amongst the others those of Abfisir, extending into the Fifth, should be specially noticed, while the magnificent tombs found at the Pyra- mids and Sakkarah furnish us with important specimens 4 Ptah-hotep was a priest of White Bull;' the third is the the Pyramids of Aser, Ra-en- figure of Nesa, a relation of the user and the 'divine dwelling king's, and possibly wife of of Men-kau-Hor,' and lived in Sepa. the Fifth Dynasty. "That of Med Am belongs 6 Two of these statues be- to King Sneferu of the Third long to Sepa, who is described Dynasty, as ■ prophet and priest of the ch. ix Monuments of Dynasties IV-V 95 of the civilization of the country under those two royal families. To this list must also be added the great alabaster and granite temple discovered close to the Sphinx, which is quite unique at present, since it is the only specimen we have of the monumental architecture of the Ancient Empire. 7 Then in the Gizeh Palace we have as the chief ob- jects of this epoch 8 — The statue of Khafra, the founder of the Second Pyramid, which is remarkable not only for its great age — sixty centuries at least — but for its breadth and majesty, as well as for the finish of its details. It is, therefore, a rare object. It also throws an unexpected light across the history of Egyptian Art, and shows that six thousand years ago the Egyptian artist had but little more progress to make. An inscription carved upon a square stone and dating back to the time of Khufu, the builder of the Great Pyramid. It relates to offerings made b y him to a temple. whicri^c^nsisjte^_gX_sax:red imagJ5s4n-s^one7-goM7- : bronze, ivory, and wood. This inscription is valuable as a model 7 In 1891 the temple of King statues from Medum, represent- Sneferu was discovered adjoin- ing Ra-hotep and his sister or ing the east face of the Pyramid wife, Nefert. They belong to of Medum. It is a perfect spec- the end of the Third Dynasty, imen of a pyramid temple ; hut A group of geese feeding, owing to the total absence of found in a ruined mastaba at official conservation it was re- the same place. They are buried in order to preserve it. executed in water colours on 8 Two beautiful limestone plaster, and are most life-like. g6 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. ix of the monumental formulae of the Fourth Dynasty, and stands in the same relation to language and writing as the statue of Khafra does to sculpture. It determines also the condition of Egyptian civilization at that epoch, and furnishes us at the same time with a standard of comparison according to which may be classified the monuments belonging to the different periods of the Ancient Empire. A great stela found at the Pyramids of Gizeh, and dedicated to the memory of a princess who, after having been ' great favourite ' 9 in the courts of Sneferu and Khufu, was subsequently attached to the private house of Khafra. This stela determines the relative sequence of those three Pharaohs, which is in accordance with Manetho's list. A wooden statue; and never has Egyptian art pro- duced so striking a portrait. The head specially has been executed in the most life-like manner ; the features are of the small rounded type that one meets nowadays in most of the villages of Lower Egypt, and those at their very best. It must have been more remarkable still when covered with that fine coating of stucco laid upon gauze with which the sculptor finished his work. 1 Several fine sarcophagi of both rose and black granite. 9 On the title of 'Great ceedings of the Soc. Bib. Arch, Favourite,' see p. 8 of paper on for May, 1890. 1 The Priestly Character of the ' Known as the Shekh-el- Earliest Egyptian Civilization,' Belled, or Wooden Man of Iifl- by P. le Page Kenouf, in Pro- laq. ch. ix Monuments of Dynasty VI 97 The former belonged to princes of the Fourth Dynasty, the latter are valuable on account of the ornamentations with which the four external faces are covered. They are excellent models of that bold architecture used in the facades of Fourth Dynasty buildings. There are also a large number of monolithic stelae belonging to this period. The Gizeh Palace alone possesses about fifty of them. Sixth Dynasty Four kings according to the Tablet of Sakkarah, six according to Manetho : the former gives thirty-six names since Mena, the latter forty-nine ; while the six dynasties have their representatives elsewhere on the stela of Tunari. From this I conclude unhesitatingly that there is no collateral family among them. The monuments of the Sixth Dynasty are to be found at Elephantine, El-Kab, Kasr-es-Syad, Abydos, Shekh Said, Zawit-el- Mytin, Memphis, San, and Wady Magharah. It therefore possessed the Nile country from the Mediterranean to the Cataract. Among the monuments of this dynasty now in the Gizeh Palace there are — First. A long inscription of fifty lines, coming from a tomb at Abydos, in which Una, a functionary, relates his history. After having gained several honours under Teta and Pepi, he served under a third king named Mer- en-Ra. This tablet announces the curious fact that Pepi (Apappus) reigned a hundred years, while it gives a 98 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. ix chronological sequence of the three kings, Teta, Pepi, and Mer-en-Ra. 2 Secondly. An inscription relating to another func- tionary of Abydos, who began his life under Pepi and Mer-en-Ra, and finally died under a fourth Pharaoh named Nefer-ka-Ra. So by comparing together these two stelae of Abydos we make sure of the succession of four of the Sixth Dynasty kings. And this furnishes a very good example of the methods by which science is patiently striving to place each one of the long line of Egyptian kings in his own place. Before finishing with the monuments of the first three dynasties, I want to point out to you the principal characteristics of these extremely ancient relics. First, they nearly all have a common object : they are funerary. The tombs them- selves are for the most part built upon a uniform plan. A massive square construction wherein, on fixed anni- versaries, the relatives of the deceased may assemble ; a shaft sunk vertically into the ground, and at the bottom of the shaft a chamber in which could be for ever sealed up the remains of the defunct ; such is their general ar- rangement. The method of their adornment is nearly as uniform. More figures than text ; an entire absence of all representations of the gods; numberless scenes taken from private life, and relating particularly to agriculture ; the religious titles of the deceased rather than his civil ones; and the frequent use of royal ' An English translation of in Records of the Past, vol. ii. the tablet of Una may be found p. I et sea. ch ix The Tombs of Amten and Ti 99 cartouches, are the chief characteristics; the sculpture being at the same time vigorous, yet refined. Still there are differences in these monuments, which allow of our dividing them into three classes. The first belongs to the most ancient type of all, such as the tomb of Amten. There we feel that both writing and art are but in process of formation. The hieroglyphs are scattered and in relief, the outlines are rough, and the figures stumpy, while their anatomical details are exaggerated. The second style is more shapely ; the hieroglyphs are not so harsh, and there is more harmony in their arrange- ments. The texts themselves are better. The syllabic signs which form the greater part of the inscriptions of the time of Amten are found to be gradually giving way to the alphabetic : there are fewer pedigrees, and the formula of invocation is addressed to Anubis alone. The tomb of Ti at Sakkarah is the best example that I know of belonging to this period. 3 The third belongs to the Sixth Dynasty ; the name of Osiris, hitherto rarely used, becomes more frequent ; the formula of ' the justified ' is occasionally met with ; the texts become longer, and long prayers and biographical details vary the monotony 3 Ti was a functionary in the the religious offices of ' chief of service of Ra-nefer-ar-ka, Ra- the prophets,' 'president of the en-user, and Kaka, all kings of sacrifices of purification,' and the Fifth Dynasty ; with the ' guardian of the mystery of the dignities of 'master of the divine speech.' secrets,' 'president of the gate The various scenes from the of the palace,' and 'secret coun- tomb of Ti have been admirably sellor of the king in all his royal photographed from impressions assemblies,' he combined also by Dr. Reil. 100 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History CH. IX of the representations. It is in the tombs of this period, and of the time of Ti, that have been found those statues of slender build, with round faces, smiling lips, refined noses, square shoulders, and muscular limbs, of which the Gizeh Palace possesses not a few. It is also from these same sepulchres that those large monolithic stelae, shaped like the facade of a building, come. But for how long a period subsequent to the Sixth Dynasty these monuments were in fashion we do not know. I have long tried to find in the necropolis of Sakkarah a solu- tion of the following twofold problem. Are we to regard these last-mentioned tombs as posterior to the Sixth Dy- nasty, or even contemporaneous with the Twelfth, which curiously enough is not represented at all in the ceme- tery at Memphis ? Or in the face of those Theban mon- uments of Eleventh Dynasty work, which are totally different in style, must we suppose that^ the burial traditions of Ancient Egypt had been suddenly broken into, during those hitherto unexplained disturbances which, following upon the Sixth Dynasty, have left the monumental void before alluded to? As yet we have not any grounds for forming a definite judgment. Seventh, Eighth, Ninth, and Tenth Dynasties The absence of monuments is one of the distinguish- ing features of this period. There is, however, nothing surprising in the fact of finding several tombs bearing ch. ix Monuments of Dynasty XI 101 the cartouches of Pepi and Teta and other Memphite kings belonging to the first two of these four dynasties. We have as yet found no traces of the Ninth and Tenth Dynasties, which Manetho places at Heracleopolis : pos- sibly because Madum, Licht, Ahnas-el-Medineh, and all the district at the entrance of the Fayum have been neg- lected by excavators. 4 Perhaps the fourteen cartouches in the upper row of the Table of Abydos may represent the kings of this very epoch, or it may be that some of those personages belonging to the blood royal, who figure in the Hall of Ancestors, may have profited by the troublous times to pave the way for the accession of the Eleventh Dynasty ; in which case they would, of course, be contemporaneous with the Tenth. Further monu- ments are, however, indispensable for settling the question as to whether some of the Sebek-hoteps, did not belong to the Seventh, Eighth, Ninth, or Tenth Dynasty. We must wait for further excavations for the thorough study of this period. Eleventh Dynasty Manetho does not give the names of the kings com- posing this dynasty ; but the monuments supply us with half a dozen who probably all belonged to one family, but who for long remained unclassified. A stela in the Leyden Museum determines our knowledge of their 4 Since the above was writ- See his volumes on Kahun and ten Mr. Petrie has spent some Haw&ra, and the Egypt Explora- time excavating in the Fayum. tion Fund Report on Ahnas. 102 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. ix position in the Egyptian annals. From the text en- graven upon it we gather that an individual who died under a king already known to be of the Twelfth Dynas- ty had for his great-grandfather a man who lived under one of the kings of this very group. It is therefore im- possible to doubt that these kings of a dynasty preceding the Twelfth must have formed the Eleventh. We must excavate at Drah-abu'1-neggah, a district of Thebes, in order to obtain further information concerning it. Already the fellahin have found there, for many years past, both rare and valuable objects which can only have come from royal tombs, but, unfortunately, having fallen into the hands of ignorant people, they have been but of little use to science. There are in the Gizeh Palace, as the result of the French excavations in that locality, several stelae; and nearly all the specimens of vases, fruits, bread, clothing, furniture, arms, and utensils of all kinds come from there. In drawing up the history of the Eleventh Dynasty I spoke of the rude style which is one of the characteristics of this epoch, and I would have you observe that the objects belonging to it do not in the least resemble those of the preceding dynasties. What- ever may have been the causes, the Eleventh Dynasty was a period of renaissance. The stelae, instead of being square, are now rounded at the top. The hieroglyphs have their own individual clumsiness, which is quite unlike that of the Third Dynasty tombs. At first sight even one notices a difference in the sarcophagi ; and in ch. ix The SiAt Tombs 103 allusion to Isis, who extends her wings over Osiris — to whom the dead is likened — and thus protects him, the coffins are covered with wings painted in brilliant and varied colours. As before stated, Manetho only briefly mentions the Eleventh Dynasty, and does not name the kings. The Tablet of Sakkarah gives but two cartouches, while the Hall of Ancestors — if only the artist had not arranged the cartouches anyhow, i.e. Eleventh Dynasty kings mixed up with Sixth and Twelfth with Seventeenth, would have been by far the most complete list. There is much to be discovered concerning this interesting dynasty, whose remains must be sought for at Drah-abu'l- neggah. [In 1885, M. Maspero suggested that the Siut tombs were of the period of Heracleopolite kings (Dynasties IX. and X.). Since 1887, Mr. F. LI. Griffith has been carefully examining and copying the inscriptions from these tombs, with the following interesting historical re- sults. That the princes Kheti I., T'efaba, and Kheti II. were probably contemporary with the close of the Ninth Dynasty or beginning of the Tenth, and that there is evidence to show the existence of hostile feeling between Heracleopolis and Thebes ; the magnates of Siut siding with the former princes. Also Mr. Griffith points out the cartouche of a certain Ra-neb-kau, mentioned in the Papyrus No. ii., Berlin, as probably belonging to the Ninth or Tenth Dynasty. See the inscriptions of Siut and Der Rifeh by F. LI. Griffith.] 104 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. ix Twelfth Dynasty This dynasty is composed of the two families of Usertsen and Amen -em-hat. The list of them is to be found not only in Manetho, but in the Table of Abydos, the Tablet of Sakkarah, and the Hall of Ancestors. At Wady Magharah, and at Semneh and Kumneh (above Wady Halfah), are traces of them; to them we owe the obelisks of Matariyeh, near Cairo, and Begig in the Fayum ; the magnificent hypogea of Beni-Hasan, some of the grottoes at Siut, and several grand colossi found at San and Abydos. All these are remarkable for the dignity of their style, and prove that one of the most brilliant epochs of Egyptian art was that which was contemporaneous with the Twelfth Dynasty. For long this dynasty's exact place in the series was un- certain, and in the early days of Egyptology the Table of Abydos was the only means whereby its chronological position could even be suggested. There is now no doubt that the Table of Abydos, in placing Usertsen next to the Thothmes (Eighteenth Dynasty), skipped over five dynasties, thus making, with apparently good reason, the Usertsens belong to the Seventeenth Dynasty. It was Lepsius who first discovered this mistake. Manetho gives to the Twelfth Dynasty a list of kings among whom the names of Amenemes and Sesortis predominate; the Table, on the other hand, mentions a number of sove- reigns all of whom were either Usertsen or Amen-em-hat. The series of Abydos names adapts itself, with correction, to those of the national historian. The Usertsens are ch. ix Monuments of Dynasties XIII-XIV 105 not the Seventeenth Dynasty, and the above short ex- planation is enough to show that their place is un- doubtedly among the Twelfth Dynasty kings. There is yet another fact to be mentioned ; Manetho reckons the Twelfth Dynasty to have lasted for 160 years, and the Eleventh 43, making a total of 203 years. The papy- rus of Turin gives 213 years as the length of one royal family, which was terminated by the two last kings of the Twelfth Dynasty, but whose commencement has been lost, owing to the mutilated condition of the text. May we correct the error of the ten years in Manetho, and carry those 213 years over both the Eleventh and Twelfth Dynasties, which the papyrus seems to have counted as one ? The answer is made more uncertain inasmuch as at Drah-abu'1-neggah has been found a stela on which is given the fiftieth year of the reign of a king of that dy- nasty, which, according to Manetho, lasted only forty- three years. Thirteenth and Fourteenth Dynasties Manetho does not give the names of the kings in either of these dynasties, a fact which adds to our diffi- culties when trying to reconstruct the corresponding monumental series. However, the monuments them- selves help us somewhat. On the right-hand side of the Hall of Ancestors, and also on divers objects preserved in various museums, may be read the names of several Pharaohs, all of whom were more or less Sebek-hoteps or Nefer-hoteps, and who seem to form a large family to 106 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. ix themselves. Where are they to be placed ? An inscrip- tion at Semneh described by M. de Rouge mentions Sebek-hotep I. as living, and Usertsen III. as dead, therefore the Sebek-hoteps are posterior to the Twelfth Dynasty. The Turin Papyrus also furnishes similar information. Fortunately a large piece of it containing the upper part of two columns has been preserved ; on the first column are some well-known cartouches of the Twelfth Dynasty, while the second begins with the pre- nomen-cartouche of Sebek-hotep IV., which is another proof that the large family bearing the name of this last monarch must follow those of the Amen-em-hats and Usertsens. It must also be remembered, first, that the Sebek-hoteps are anterior to the Eighteenth Dynasty, since it is a monument of the time of Thothmes III. that makes them known to us. Secondly, that they were independent kings possessing Egypt from the Mediter- ranean Sea to the south of Nubia, therefore they cannot have been contemporaneous with the Hyksos, who formed the Fifteenth, Sixteenth, and Seventeenth Dynasties. Our margin of possible errors is therefore becoming more and more contracted, and our only doubt now lies between the Thirteenth and the Fourteenth Dynasty. But the Thirteenth Dynasty lasted 453 years, and had Thebes for its capital ; therefore it is more likely that those fine monuments of the Sebek-hoteps are due to it rather than to the Fourteenth Dynasty, which lasted but 184 years, and reigned from an obscure locality in the Delta (Xo'is). It is in vain that Manetho passes over in silence the ch. ix Monuments of Dynasty XVII 107 kings who succeeded Amenemes and Sesortis, for Science by a series of subtle and ingenious inductions knows how to recover them. Not only in the Turin Papyrus and on the right-hand side of the Hall of Ancestors do we meet with these two dynasties, but their cartouches may be found scattered about on stelae in several museums, on the columns at San, and on the walls of some of the hypogea of Siut, as well as at Assuan and Hammamat. There are in the Gizeh Palace some cartouches — amongst them that of a Skha'i-het — which are conjecturally classed as belonging to the Fourteenth Dynasty, but I should not be surprised were fresh researches and newly-found monuments to oblige us to place these kings as far back as the period between the Sixth and Eleventh Dynasties. Fifteenth and Sixteenth Dynasties The Hyksos invasion is the cause of the absence of all monuments of this period. These people have left no traces of their arrival in Egypt, and it is possible that the native kings, expelled from the eastern provinces of the Delta, may still have reigned in some hitherto un- known locality in Upper Egypt, but they, no more than the Hyksos, are represented in the series of Egyptian monuments. Seventeenth Dynasty A double dynasty consisting of the Hyksos rulers at San and the Egyptian kings at Thebes. The renaissance 108 Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. ix which now took place at Thebes is curiously analogous to that which marked the accession of the Eleventh Dynasty. Drah-abu'1-neggah became from this time the new cemetery of Thebes. The ' feather-pattern ' coffins containing badly-made mummies reappeared, and the tombs are found to contain the same vases, the same weapons, and the same furniture. Some of the coffins belonging to princely and other personages of high rank, besides being adorned with the traditional wings, are gilded from head to foot, the play of colour caused by the gold on the raised parts being a reminder of one of the legends of Isis when protecting Osiris, ' she has caused light by her wings.' Again do we find the names of Entef, Ameni, Aahmes, and Aah-hotep, and it is difficult for even the most practised eye to distinguish between these monuments and those belonging to a period long anterior to the Hyksos invasion. We find the names of the Seventeenth Dynasty kings and princes in the lists on the walls of certain hypogea at Gurnah, on a libation table in the Marseilles Museum, on several objects pre- served in the great public collections in Europe, and in the Gizeh Palace. The abbreviators of Manetho have left us his divers lists of kings forming the Seventeenth Dynasty of San, in whose proper names (Saltes, Staan, Assis, Asseth, Sethos) that of the god Set (Sutekh), a divinity reverenced chiefly by the Khetas, seems to have been embodied. Two names only of the Seventeenth Dynasty kings have hitherto been found on the monu- ments ; one is that of Saltes, the first king, and the other, ch. ix Monuments of the Hyksos 109 Apophis, the last ; the Egyptian method of writing his name (Apapi) corresponds exactly with Apappus, a king of the Sixth Dynasty. The monuments belonging to the Hyksos of the Seventeenth Dynasty are — First. Four large Sphinxes found at San, which instead of the ordinary head-dress have a thick lion's mane; the features are angular, severe and strongly marked, reminding one forcibly of those of the fisher- folk on Lake Menzaleh; upon the right shoulder of one of them Apophis has engraved his cartouches, adding to them the further title of 'Beloved of Set.' Later on, Merenptah, of the Nineteenth Dynasty, usurped them, as did also Psousennes, of the Twenty- first. Second. A granite group, consisting of two persons standing upright, supporting on their outstretched hands a table of offerings covered with fish and flowers : this magnificent work has nothing engraved upon it, but the heads, which are identical with those of the four Sphinxes, fix its date. Third. The head of a Hyksos king found at Mit- Fares in the Fayum ; an important discovery, and one which shows that the Shepherds had been as far south as this, and consequently had occupied Memphis. Also a colossal black granite head of a king from Bu- bastis. Fourth. A papyrus now in the British Museum, according to which Sekenen-Ra governed at Thebes while Apophis was established at San. This papyrus no Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History ch. ix also tells of a quarrel between the two sovereigns, and we gain from it a foresight of coming hostilities. 5 Fifth. A second account engraved on the tomb of a functionary named Aahmes at El-Kab, and descriptive of the principal events in his life. His youth was passed under Sekenen-Ra, and afterwards he took part in those campaigns of Aahmes against the Hyksos which resulted in their expulsion. Sixth. And belonging only indirectly to the Seven- teenth Dynasty of the Hyksos is the great granite stela found at San. It belongs really to the reign of Ramses II. (Nineteenth Dynasty), and dates from the year 400 of King ' Set-aa-pehti-Nubti.' 6 If this king is the Saites of Manetho, it would seem, whatever be the object of the stela, that 400 years *had elapsed between the accession of the Seventeenth Dynasty and that year of Ramses II. 's reign in which this text was inscribed. This intelligence is, of course, of the utmost impor- tance chronologically. It is true that the particular year of the king's reign is unknown, but since the stela contains an invocation to Set, and the worship of Set (Sutekh) was not re-established in San until after the peace between Ramses and the Khetas was .concluded in the twenty-third year of Ramses' reign, it follows * The Sallier Papyrus. • For a more modern read- There are English translations ing of this name see ' Bubastis,* by E. L. 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