3]%^. 
 
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THE ATTIC THEATRE 
 
 HAIGH 
 
HENRY FROWDE 
 
 Oxford University Press Warehouse 
 Amen Corner, E.G. 
 
si 
 
 
 f^ c^ I 
 
 2 o g 
 O — c/J 
 
The Attic Theatre 
 
 A DESCRIPTION OF THE STAGE AND THEATRE 
 
 OF THE ATHENIANS, AND OF THE DRAMATIC 
 
 PERFORMANCES AT ATHENS 
 
 BY 
 
 A. E. HAIGH, M.A. 
 
 LATE FELLOW OF HERTFORD, AND CLASSICAL LECTURER AT CORPUS 
 CHRISTI AND WADHAM COLLEGES, OXFORD 
 
 WITH FA C SIM HE S AND ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 
 1889 
 
 \^All rights reserved "l 
 
REPLACING 
 401 Ll1 
 
14IA-9 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 My purpose in this book has been to collect and piece 
 together all the available information concerning the outward 
 features and surroundings of the old Athenian dramatic per- 
 formances ; in other words, to write a history of the Attic drama 
 from the theatrical; as opposed to the literary, point of view. 
 The subject is one which has been practically revolutionised 
 during the last half century, partly through the labours of 
 various scholars in interpreting the notices of the old gram- 
 marians, but more especially owing to the rich discoveries of 
 inscriptions relating to theatrical affairs, and the information 
 supplied by excavations in the old Greek theatres. But in spite 
 of the copious accession of fresh materials, it is now more than 
 fifty years since any work has appeared in English, in which 
 this particular department of Greek dramatic history has been 
 treated in a comprehensive manner. The neglect is all the 
 more remarkable, as the subject is undeniably of great interest 
 and importance, and this for two distinct reasons. In the first 
 place it is difficult to understand and appreciate the peculiar 
 qualities of the existing Greek plays, without acquiring some 
 knowledge of the circumstances under which they were pro- 
 duced, and the limitations within which the ancient dramatic 
 poets had to work. In the second place, as the Attic drama 
 was essentially a public institution, and formed one of the most 
 conspicuous elements in the national life, the various details 
 connected with its management are incidentally most instructive, 
 because of the curious light which they throw upon the habits, 
 feelings, and tastes of the old Athenians. It is owing to these 
 
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 ^ ^3 
 
vi PREFACE. 
 
 several considerations that the present work has been under- 
 taken. 
 
 Unfortunately, with the exception of a list of names and 
 definitions in Pollux, and a few observations upon the theatre in 
 Vitruvius, none of the ancient treatises, which dealt with the 
 various portions of the subject, have been preserved. The 
 materials have in consequence to be collected from the most 
 multifarious sources — from casual remarks in ancient authors, 
 from incidental references in the Greek dramas, from obscure 
 and often contradictory notices in the scholiasts and gram- 
 marians, from old inscriptions, and the ruins of Greek theatres, 
 from vases, statuettes, wall-paintings, and other works of art. 
 In the treatment of questions, which depend upon evidence of 
 this intricate and complex character, it is inevitable that great 
 diversity of opinion should arise, and that numberless oppor- 
 tunities should be afforded for ingenious conjectures and 
 fanciful combinations. As a matter of fact the whole history of 
 the Attic drama has been to a certain extent obscured by the 
 mass of controversy and hypothesis to which it has given rise. 
 My purpose throughout the following pages has been to keep 
 close to the original sources of information, to restrict myself 
 unreservedly to such facts as seem to be fairly well established 
 by the evidence, and to clear the subject of all those fine-drawn 
 theories and conjectures, which have no definite foundation to 
 depend upon. For every statement concerning the Attic drama 
 I have been careful to quote the ultimate authority, and the plan 
 which I have adopted, in the citation of evidence, has been as 
 follows. Where a passage is appealed to in support of some 
 mere matter of fact, about which there could be no particular 
 difference of opinion, I have been content to simply give the 
 reference. But in cases where the inference is more dubious, 
 I have quoted the original authorities in full, so as to enable the 
 reader to judge for himself as to the validity of the views 
 adopted in the text. It would have been impossible, within the 
 limits of a single volume, to discuss in detail all the points con- 
 cerning which controversies have been raised. The more im- 
 portant questions I have treated at considerable length ; but as 
 
PREFACE. vii 
 
 regards matters of minute detail and trivial interest, I have 
 merely given my own opinion in the text, and appended a 
 complete statement of the evidence in the notes. 
 
 The various books, articles, monographs, and dissertations, 
 which have been written on the subject of the Attic theatre and 
 dramatic performances, are sufficient in themselves to constitute 
 a considerable literature. It will be sufficient in the present 
 place to enumerate those to which I have been principally 
 indebted. Of writings in which the subject is treated as a 
 whole the most important is Albert M tiller's Lehrbuch der 
 Griechtschen Buhnenalterthiimer (Freiburg, 1886) — a work which 
 is conspicuous for the industry, learning, and sound judgment 
 displayed in its compilation, and for the lucid manner in which 
 an immense amount of information is compressed into a com- 
 paratively limited space. The exhaustive account which it 
 contains of the bibliography of the subject is especially valuable. 
 Another book which I have found of the greatest help is 
 Schneider's Das Attische Theaterwesen (Weimar, 1835). It 
 consists mainly of a citation in full of all the ancient passages 
 which refer to performances in the theatre; and although 
 Schneider's own views and inferences are now mostly anti- 
 quated, and his collection of ^ Quelle ' requires to be sup- 
 plemented, the work will always be most interesting • and 
 serviceable to students of the Attic drama. The description of 
 the Greek dramatic performances in the third volume of Bergk's 
 Griechische Liter aturgeschichte (Berlin, 1884) has been ex- 
 ceedingly useful and suggestive ; and considerable assistance 
 has been derived from the similar account in vol. ii. pt. 2 
 of Bernhardy's Griindriss der Griechtschen Litterahir (Halle, 
 1880). 
 
 As far as the separate portions of the subject are concerned, 
 I have been greatly indebted, for information regarding the 
 Dionysiac festivals, to Bockh's dissertation, Vom Unterschiede 
 der Lenderif Anthesterien, und Idndlichen Dionysien (Abhandi. 
 der Akad. der Wissensch. zu Berlin, 1816-1817), and to A. 
 Mommsen's Heortologie (Leipzig, 1864). The account of the 
 regulations relating to the dramatic contests is based largely 
 
viii PREFACE. 
 
 upon the evidence supplied by the recently discovered inscrip- 
 tions, which have been collected and carefully edited by Kohler 
 in the second volume of the Corpus Inscriptiommi Atticarum. 
 These inscriptions have, among other things, made it perfectly 
 plain that the dramatic competitions had nothing to do with 
 the tribes, but were merely contests between individuals. On 
 the subject of the Proagon I have followed mainly Rohde's 
 valuable article in Rhein. Museum xxxviii, and on the subject of 
 the selection of the judges I have been greatly assisted by 
 Sauppe's paper, Ueher die Wahl der Richter, etc. (Sachs. Gesell- 
 schaft der Wissensch, zu Leipzig^ phil.-hist, Classe, 1855), and by 
 Petersen's Preisrichter der grossen Dionysien (Progr. Dorpat. 
 1878). For various points connected with the production of 
 a play I have consulted the dissertation by Lipsius, Ueher die 
 dramatische Choregie {Sachs. Gesell. der Wissensch., phil.-hist. 
 Classe, 1885), with advantage. To turn next to the question of 
 the construction and arrangement of the Greek theatre. My 
 principal authority, as far as regards the theatre of Dionysus 
 at Athens, has been Kawerau's article Theatergehdude, in vol. iii. 
 of Baumeister's Denkmdler des klassischen Alterthums (Munich 
 and Leipzig, 1888). This article contains the results of Dr. 
 Dorpfeld's recent investigations, together with a new plan of 
 the theatre, and has in some respects superseded all the 
 previous accounts. I may also mention Vischer's Die Ent- 
 deckungen im Dionysostheater {Neues Schweizerisches Museum, 
 1863), Julius' article. Das Theater des Dionysos {Zeitschrift fur 
 bild. Kunst, 1878), and J. R. Wheeler's Theatre of Dionysus 
 (Papers of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, 
 vol. i). The description of the theatre at Epidaurus has been 
 derived from the papers by Kabbadias in UpaKTiKo. rrjs iv "AB^vms 
 dpxatoXoyiK^s iraiplas, i88i and 1883. On the subject of the Greek 
 theatre in general I would mention the exhaustive account by 
 Wieseler in vol. 83 of Ersch and Gruber's Allgemeine Encyklo- 
 pddie (Leipzig, 1866), from which I have obtained many 
 interesting particulars. The plans and illustrations in Wiese- 
 ler's Theatergehdude und Denkmdler des Buhnenwesens bei 
 Grtechen und Romern (Gottingen, 1851) have also been of the 
 
PREFACE. ix 
 
 greatest service ; and I have obtained some help from Strack, 
 Das altgriechische Theatergebdude (Potsdam, 1843). ^vo- 
 ceeding next to the question of the scenery I have to acknow- 
 ledge my obligations to Niejahr's Quaestiones Artstophaneae 
 Scaenicae (Greifswald, 1877), and Sommerbrodt's De Aeschyli 
 re scenica (in Scenica, Berlin, 1876). On the subject of the 
 acting and the actors in the Greek drama much information is 
 to be derived from Grysar, De Graecorum tragoedia^ etc. (Coin, 
 1830) ; K. F. Hermann, De distrihutione personarum inter his- 
 triones in tragoediis graecis (Marburg, 1840) ; Beer, Ueher die 
 Zahl der Schauspieler bei Aristophanes (Leipzig, 1844) ; and from 
 Sommerbrodt's two articles De Histrionibus and De Ai^te His- 
 trionum, in his Scenica. Concerning the costume of the Greek 
 actors I have learned much from Dierk's two dissertations, De 
 tragicortim histrionum habitu scaenico apiid Graecos (Gottingen, 
 1883), Ueber das CostUm der griechischen Schauspieler in der 
 alten Komodie [ArchaeoL Zeitung xliii) ; and from Wieseler's 
 Das Satyrspiel (Gottingen, 1848). I should also mention the 
 valuable illustrations of theatrical masks and costumes to be 
 found in Wieseler's Theatergebdude und Denkmdler, etc. ; and 
 those given by Maass in Monumenti Inediti, xi. 30-32, and by 
 Robert in ArchaeoL Zeitung for 1878, and in Monum. Inedit. xi. 
 13. In discussing the question of the relative proportion of 
 speech, song, and recitative in the Greek drama 1 have fre- 
 quently consulted Christ's Metrik der Griechen und Ronier 
 (Leipzig, 1879). Among works dealing with the chorus I 
 would mention K. O. M tiller's Dissertations on the Eumenides 
 (Engl, transl., London, 1853), G. Hermann's De choro Eume- 
 nidum (Opusc. ii. p. 129 foil.), Schultze's De chori Graecorum 
 tragici habitu externo (Berlin, 1857), Sommerbrodt's De chori 
 tragici principibus, in Scenica^ p. 5 foil., and lastly Arnoldt's 
 Die Chorpartieen bei Aristophanes (Leipzig, 1873). 
 
 In conclusion I wish to express my obligations to Professor 
 Gardner for his assistance in various questions connected with 
 archaeology, and to Mr. Evelyn Abbott for many valuable 
 suggestions and criticisms. I have to thank the Council of the 
 Hellenic Society for their permission to reproduce the two 
 
X PREFACE. 
 
 photographs of the theatre at Athens, and the illustration of 
 a chorus of birds. I desire at the same time to acknowledge 
 the great courtesy with which Dr. Dorpfeld, of the German 
 Archaeological Institute, has supplied me with the latest inform- 
 ation concerning his excavations in the theatre of Dionysus, 
 and his views on Greek theatres in general. 
 
 Oxford, June, 1889. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Chap. I. Dramatic Contests at Athens 
 
 § I. General Characteristics of the Attic drama 
 
 § 2. First institution of dramatic competitions 
 
 § 3. The City Dionysia .... 
 
 § 4. Tragedy at the City Dionysia in the fifth century 
 
 § 5. Trilogies and Tetralogies 
 
 § 6. Tragedy at the City Dionysia in later times 
 
 § 7. Comedy at the City Dionysia 
 
 § 8. Order of Contests at the City Dionysia 
 
 § 9. The Lenaea 
 
 § lo. The Rural Dionysia and Anthesteria 
 
 § II. The Judges 
 
 § 12. The Prizes 
 
 § 13. Contests between actors 
 
 § 14. Records of dramatic contests 
 
 Chap. II, The Production of a Play . 
 § I. The Poets .... 
 § 2. Appointment of the Choregi . 
 § 3. Selection of the Actors 
 § 4. The training of the Chorus . 
 § 5. Expenses of the Choregia 
 § 6. The Performances in the Theatre 
 § 7. Reproduction of. Old Plays . 
 
 Chap. III. The Theatre .... 
 
 § I. General character of a Greek theatre 
 § 2. The old wooden theatres at Athens 
 § 3. History of the Theatre of Dionysus 
 
 PAGE 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 6 
 
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 21 
 
 27 
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 33 
 36 
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 44 
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 55 
 59 
 
 65 
 65 
 71 
 75 
 79 
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 86 
 92 
 
 lOI 
 lOI 
 
 103 
 107 
 
xii CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 §4. Site of the Theatre of Dionysus no 
 
 §5. The Auditorium 113 
 
 § 6. The Orchestra 125 
 
 § 7. The Stage-buildings 136 
 
 § 8. The Stage 141 
 
 §9. Relative position of Actors and Chorus .... 150 
 
 § 10. Various details 158 
 
 Chap. IV. The Scenery 164 
 
 § I. General character of the Scenery 164 
 
 § 2. Mechanical arrangements for the Scenery . . . .170 
 
 §3. The entrances to the Stage 173 
 
 §4. Changes of Scene 178 
 
 § 5. Stage Properties, etc. . . 183 
 
 § 6. The Ekkyklema 185 
 
 § 7. The Mechane 189 
 
 § 8. Other Mechanical Contrivances 192 
 
 Chap. V. The Actors 197 
 
 §1. Rise of the Actor's Profession 197 
 
 § 2. The distribution of the Parts among the Actors . . . 207 
 
 § 3. Extra Performers 212 
 
 §4. Costume of the Tragic Actors 216 
 
 §5. Costume of Satyric Actors 231 
 
 §6. Costume of Comic Actors 233 
 
 § 7. Speech, Song, and Recitative . . . . . .241 
 
 § 8. Importance of the Voice in Greek Acting .... 245 
 
 § 9. Style of Greek Acting ' . 249 
 
 § ID. The Actors' Guild 251 
 
 § II. Social position of Actors 254 
 
 § 12. Celebrated Athenian Actors 255 
 
 Chap. VI. The Chorus 259 
 
 § I. History of the Chorus 259 
 
 § 2. Size of the Chorus . . 262 
 
 § 3. Costume of the Chorus 263 
 
 § 4. Arrangement of the Chorus . 268 
 
 §5. The Delivery of the choral part 276 
 
 § 6. The Dancing 283 
 
 § 7. The Music 291 
 
CONTENTS. xiii 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Chap. VII. The Audience 295 
 
 §1. Composition of the Audience 295 
 
 § 2. Price of Admission 302 
 
 § 3. The Distribution of the Seats 304 
 
 § 4. Various arrangements in connection with the Audience , 311 
 
 §5. Character of Attic Audiences 313 
 
 Appendix A 319 
 
 Appendix B 
 Greek Index 
 General Index 
 
 321 
 329 
 333 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 View of the theatre of Dionysus from the east .... Frontispiece. 
 View of the theatre of Dionysus from the south .... to face p. loi 
 
 Ground-plan of the theatre of Dionysus ..... page 112 
 
 Part of the auditorium in the theatre of Dionysus . . . ,, 118 
 
 Coin with view of the theatre of Dionysus ,, 121 
 
 Ground-plan of the theatre at Epidaurus ,, 130 
 
 Gates in the theatre at Epidaurus ,, 134 
 
 Part of the hyposkenion in the theatre at Epidaurus ... ,, 147 
 
 Scene from a comedy, showing the steps up to the stage . . ,, 148 
 
 A tragic actor „ 218 
 
 Tragic masks „ 222 
 
 Scene from a tragedy, showing the size of the cothurni . . ,, 224 
 
 Two tragic scenes „ 230 
 
 Actors in a satyric drama „ 232 
 
 Scene from a comedy of the Phlyakes . . r . . „ 234 
 
 Comic masks „ 238 
 
 A comic scene „ 240 
 
 Members of a satyric chorus . . . . . . . ,, 265 
 
 A chorus of Birds „ 267 
 
 Diagram illustrating the entrance of the chorus .... ,, 270 
 
 Throne of the priest of Dionysus „ 308 
 
THE ATTIC THEATRE. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 DRAMATIC CONTESTS AT ATHENS. 
 § I. General Characteristics of the Attic drama. 
 
 The ancient Athenian drama was in many respects unlike 
 any kind of dramatic performance that we are accustomed to 
 in modern times. The difference extended not only to the 
 character of the plays themselves, and the manner in which 
 they were presented upon the stage, but also to the circum- 
 stances under which the production took place. In order to 
 form an accurate conception of the external features of the old 
 Greek drama it will be necessary to dismiss from the mind 
 many of the associations with which the modern stage is con- 
 nected. In the first place, the luxury of having theatrical 
 entertainments at every season of the year was a thing 
 never heard of among the ancient Athenians. The dramatic 
 performances at Athens, instead of being spread over the 
 whole year, were confined within very limited p eriods. They 
 were restricted to the two_great festivals of Dionysus, the 
 Lenaea and the City Dionysia. It is true that at these fes- 
 tivals the number of plays exhibited was large enough to 
 satisfy the most enthusiastic playgoer. Several days in suc- 
 cession were devoted entirely to the drama, and on each day 
 
 B 
 
% DRAMATIC CONTESTS AT ATHENS. [Ch. 
 
 tragedies and comedies followed one another without inter- 
 mission from morning till evening. But with the exception 
 of the two festivals of Dionysus there was no other occasion 
 on which plays were acted in the Athenian theatre. There 
 were dramatic exhibitions in the various townships of Attica 
 during the Rural Dionysia ; but in Athens itself the drama 
 was restricted to the two periods already mentioned. In fact, 
 as far as regards the time and duration of the performances, 
 the ancient drama had much in common with the modern 
 musical festival, in which at certain fixed seasons several days 
 in succession are devoted entirely to music. 
 
 Another vital point of difference lay in the fact that the 
 ancient drama was managed wholly by the state. To provide 
 for the amusement of the people was considered to be one of 
 the regular duties of the government. In England theatres are 
 simply private enterprises. In some foreign countries certain 
 theatres receive subventions from the state, and are subject to 
 a code of rules ; but for practical purposes their connexion with 
 the state is only a slight one. But in Athens the superin- 
 tendence of the annual dramatic performances was just as much 
 a part of the public administration of affairs as was the repair 
 of the dockyards, the equipment of fleets, or the despatch of 
 armies. Poets and actors were both selected by the state. 
 The cost of the performance was a tax upon the richer classes. 
 Every wealthy citizen had in his turn to defray the expenses of 
 a tragedy or a comedy, just as he had to pay for one of the 
 ships of the fleet, or perform any other of the state burdens. 
 The theatre was a public institution for the benefit of the whole 
 people. Every Athenian citizen of whatever degree was en- 
 titled to be present at the annual dramatic performances ; and 
 if he was too poor to pay the entrance fee, he received the price 
 of admission from the state. 
 
 The audience consisted practically of the whole body of the 
 people. In a modern theatre, owing to its limited dimensions, 
 the spectators are few in number, and have no representative 
 character about them. But the theatre of Dionysus at Athens 
 was capable of containing nearly thirty thousand people. Every 
 
I.] GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS. 3 
 
 Athenian attended the performances at the Dionysia as a matter 
 of course. The audience therefore to which the Athenian dramatic 
 poet addressed himself was in reality a gathering of the whole 
 body of his fellow-countrymen. In those days books were not 
 plentiful, and their use was confined to a limited class. The 
 ordinary Athenian depended for his literary pleasures upon the 
 various public performances and recitations of poetical com- 
 positions. The drama was therefore much more to him than to 
 a modern playgoer. At the present day, when continual 
 supplies of fresh literature are accessible to every one, it is 
 hard to realise the excitement and expectancy with which an 
 Athenian looked forward to the annual exhibition of dramas at 
 the Dionysia. It was here that his taste for novelty in literature 
 was gratified. It was here that he found an equivalent for 
 the books, magazines, and newspapers of modern civilization. 
 Hence he was able to sit day after day, from morning to 
 evening, listening to tragedy and comedy, without any feeling 
 of satiety. The enthusiasm with which the drama was gene- 
 rally regarded, and the direct manner in which the author was 
 brought into contact with the whole body of his countrymen, 
 contributed to make the vocation of the dramatic writer one 
 of the very greatest importance. The leading tragic poets 
 especially are known to have exercised a most profound in- 
 fluence upon the national mind and character. They were 
 spoken of as the teachers of the people. Their writings were 
 invested with a sort of Homeric sanctity, and appealed to as 
 authorities upon questions of science and morality. Maxims 
 and quotations from their plays were upon every one's lips. 
 Many passages in Plato and Aristophanes prove the enormous 
 influence for good and evil which was exercised by the Greek 
 tragic poets, and there is probably no other instance in history 
 of a drama which was so thoroughly popular, and formed such 
 an essential part of the national life \ 
 
 Another prominent characteristic of the Attic stage, which 
 distinguishes it from that of modern times, was the fact that 
 almost every dramatic performance took the form of a contest. 
 ^ See especially Plat. Rep. 598 D,E; Aristoph. Ran, 1008 ff., 1054 ff. 
 
 B 2 
 
4 DRAMATIC CONTESTS AT ATHENS. [Ch. 
 
 In the best period of the Greek drama the production of a play 
 by itself, as a mere exhibition, was a thing unknown. In later 
 times celebrated plays by the great dramatists were sometimes 
 exhibited alone. But in the period covered by the names of 
 Aeschylus, Sophocles, Euripides, and Aristophanes, the only 
 mode of exhibiting plays was by competing in the dramatic 
 contests at the festivals of Dionysus. Prizes were offered by 
 the state. A limited number of poets, after careful selection by 
 the state, were allowed to take part in the competition. The 
 result was decided by a jury publicly appointed. It is curious 
 to notice how strongly implanted in the Greek nature was this 
 passion for anything in the shape of a contest. It is seen in 
 the case of most branches of poetry and music. Dithyrambs were 
 generally produced in competitions at festivals between rival 
 poets and choruses. Recitations of the old epic poems took 
 the form of contests between rhapsodists. Public performances 
 on flute and harp were mostly of the same character. There 
 can be no doubt that the stimulus of rivalr y and competition had 
 a considerable effect upon the genius of the poets. It is re- 
 markable in how many instances the Athenian dramatic writers 
 retained the full vigour of their intellect even in extreme old 
 age. For example, the tragedies composed in their latest years 
 by the three great tragic poets show not the slightest symptoms 
 of decaying power. The Agamemnon of Aeschylus, one of the 
 most splendid products of the Greek drama, was brought out 
 shortly before the poet's death. The Oedipus Coloneus of 
 Sophocles and the Bacchae of Euripides were both written very 
 late in life. The reason of this extraordinary vitaHty was no 
 doubt partly due to the excitement caused by the public com- 
 petitions in the theatre, which acted as a stimulus to the mind, 
 and prevented that decay of power which usually accompanies 
 old age. 
 
 But the most conspicuous difference between the ancient and 
 modern drama lay in the essentially religious character of the 
 former. The Athenian drama was not only an amusement for 
 the people : it was also part of a great religious celebration. 
 Throughout its history it never ceased to be closely connected 
 
I.] GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS. 5 
 
 with the rehgion of the state. It was developed original.ly 
 out of the songs and hymns in honour of Dionysus, the god of 
 wine. In later times its range was widened, and its tone se- 
 cularised : but it continued to be performed solely at the 
 festivals of Dionysus. Together with the other contests and 
 ceremonials it was regarded as a celebration in honour of the 
 god. The spectator who sat watching a tragedy or a comedy 
 was not merely providing for his own amusement, but was also 
 joining in an act of worship. Many facts tend to show the 
 sacred character of the festivals of Dionysus, and the per- 
 formances which accompanied them. The fes tivals_ themselves 
 were not mere human institutions, but were established in 
 obedience to the direct commands of the oracle. On these 
 occasions the whole city gave itself up to pleasure, and to the 
 worship of the genial wine-god. For the time being there 
 was an end of business and litigation. Peace and harmony 
 were supposed to prevail universally, and nothing was allowed 
 to disturb the general enjoyment. Distraints for debt were 
 forbidden by law during the continuance of the festival. 
 Prisoners were temporarily released from gaol, to enable them 
 to join in the worship of the god. Assaults and outrages, if 
 committed during the Dionysia, were regarded as offences 
 against religion, and were punished with the utmost severity. 
 The ordinary course of law was not considered sufficient, and 
 they were dealt with under an exceptional process at a special 
 meeting of the Assembly. As a proof of the indignation 
 which was aroused by such violations of the harmony of the 
 festival it is recorded that on one occasion a certain Ctesicles 
 was put to death for merely striking a personal enemy during 
 the procession. To preserve the sanctity of the festival from 
 contamination, no person suffering from civil disability was 
 allowed to take part in a chorus at the Dionysia, or even to 
 superintend the training of it. The performances in the 
 theatre, being the most conspicuous part of the proceedings 
 at the festival, were equally sacred in character. The god 
 Dionysus was supposed to be present in person to witness and 
 enjoy them. This belief was symbolised by a curious old 
 
6 DRAMATIC CONTESTS AT ATHENS. [Ch. 
 
 custom. On the evening before the dramatic contests began, 
 the Ephebi used to take the statue of the god out of its shrine, 
 and carry it in procession by torchhght to the theatre, and 
 place it in the orchestra in full view of the stage. There it 
 remained until the end of the festival, in token of the presence 
 of the god. The religious character of the dramatic per- 
 formances is still further shown by the fact that most of the front 
 seats in the theatre were given up to the priests of the different 
 deities. In the centre of the front row, and in the best seat of 
 all, sat the priest of Dionysus, presiding over the celebrations in 
 honour of the god. The theatre itself was regarded as a temple 
 of Dionysus, and possessed all the sanctity attaching to such a 
 place. Any form of insult committed there during the Dionysia 
 was doubly criminal. Merely to eject a man from a seat he had 
 taken wrongfully was a piece of sacrilege punishable with death. 
 The people who took part in the different contests, the poets, 
 choregi, actors, and singers, were regarded as ministers of the 
 god Dionysus. Their persons and dresses were sacred. To 
 strike a choregus in the theatre, as Meidias struck Demos- 
 thenes, was an offence against religion and the gods. In 
 order to understand the outward character and surroundings 
 of the old Greek drama it is most essential to realise the fact 
 that the whole proceedings were part of a religious celebration, 
 and were intended to be an act of homage to the god, as well 
 as an amusement for the people \ 
 
 § 2. First institution of dramatic competitions. 
 
 The date^ of the first institution of dramatic contests in 
 Athens may be determined approximately, though the exact 
 year cannot be fixed. During the earlier stages of the de- 
 velopment of tragedy and comedy there was nothing in the 
 
 ' Most of the details concerning the and schol. ad loc. For the practice of 
 
 religious character of the proceedings placing the statue of Dionysus in the 
 
 at the Dionysia are derived from De- theatre see Corp. Inscr. Att. ii. 470, 471. 
 
 mosth. Meid. §§ 8-10, 16, 51-53, 55, Most of the front seats were given up to 
 
 58-60, 178-180. As to the release of priests : see Corp. Inscr. Att. iii. 240-384; 
 
 prisoners see Demosth. Androt. § 68, Hesych. v. vefi-qaas Oias. 
 
I.] THEIR FIRST INSTITUTION. 7 
 
 shape of a contest. The first rude innovations upon the 
 old hymns to Dionysus were mere tentative experiments by 
 individuals, exhibited upon their own responsibility. ThesjMS 
 has the credit of having introduced tragedy into Athens. At 
 first he was without a rival or competitor, and gave exhibitions 
 of the new form of art merely as a private enterprise. One of 
 these performances is said to have been witnessed by Solon. 
 As Solon died not later than 558 B.C., it follows that Thespis 
 must have begun to exhibit before that date \ The progress of 
 tragedy in popular favour was so rapid, that it was speedily 
 accepted as a regular form of entertainment, and public contests 
 were established even during the lifetime of Thespis. Aris- 
 tophanes says distinctly that Thespis ' competed * with his 
 tragedies. The Parian Marble puts the date of the first contest 
 in which Thespis took part, and for which the prize was a goat, 
 between the years 542 and 520 B.C. Suidas gives 535 as the 
 date of the first appearance of Thespis. He is doubtless 
 referring, not to his early exhibitions of the new form of art, 
 but to his first appearance in a regular public contest. If these 
 dates are to be relied upon, it follows that Thespis began his 
 innovations during the first half of the sixth century, and that 
 public competitions in tragedy were established early in the 
 second half^. Everything connected with the life and art of 
 Thespis is wrapped in great obscurity, and it is therefore uncer- 
 tain how far the above traditions can be accepted as true. But at 
 any rate there is no doubt that long before the end of the sixth 
 century contests in tragedy were flourishing in full vigour. 
 The names of three tragic poets, who lived in the generation 
 after Thespis, are recorded. These were Choerilus, Phrynichus, 
 and Pratinas. Choerilus is said to have first 'engaged in 
 contests' in the year 523. Phrynichus won the prize for 
 tragedy in 511. In 499 Aeschylus made his first public appear- 
 
 * Plut. Solon p. 95 B dpxoiJt.iva}V 5e tSjv Oiffiriv avrbv vvoicpivo/xevov k.t.X. 
 nepl ©eamv rjdi] TTjv Tpayq)diav KLveTv, Koi * Aristoph. Vesp. 1479; Marmor 
 
 5ia TTjv KaivoTTjTa tovj ttoXXovs dyovros Par. ep. 43 d^' ov ©icrins 6 iroiTjTTjs 
 
 Tov TTpayfiaTos, ov-noj b\ els dfxiWav ha- [e^dj/?;], irpa/ros 6s kSida^e [Sp]d[yua kv 
 
 ydiviov ^rjyfxevov, cpvau (piX-qKoos Sjv koX a\aT[ii, koI €'\T€9r] 6 [r^payos [d^Aor], 
 
 (pi\ofjt.adfjs 6 SoAcuj/ . . . (deaaaTO tov err] k.t,\. ; Suidas v. Qiams. 
 
8 DRAMATIC CONTESTS AT ATHENS, [Ch. 
 
 ance. His competitors on this occasion were Choerilus and 
 Pratinas. By this time it is probable that the arrangements 
 for the tragic contests had been reduced to a regular system. 
 During the greater part of the fifth century the ordinary rule 
 was for three poets to take part in the competition, and for 
 each poet to exhibit three tragedies and one satyric drama, 
 making four plays in all. It is probable that this rule had 
 already been established when Aeschylus made his first appear- 
 ance in public. An arrangement of this kind would of course 
 be the growth of time, and during the earlier tragic contests 
 there was no doubt much irregularity in regard to the number 
 of poets competing, and the number of plays exhibited. For 
 instance, Pratinas is said to have brought out fifty plays, thirty- 
 two of which were satyric dramas. He cannot therefore have 
 been accustomed to exhibit three tragedies along with each 
 satyric drama. On the other hand the number of plays as- 
 cribed to Choerilus was one hundred and sixty. It follows 
 that during the greater part of his career he must have been 
 accustomed to exhibit as many as four plays annually, else 
 he could not have found occasions for producing so large 
 a number. Hence it is probable that by the time of Aeschylus 
 the system of tragic contests had already been reduced to 
 that shape which afterwards prevailed, and that each poet 
 was expected to produce four plays \ 
 
 Comedy, as we learn from Aristotle, was much later than 
 -^tvT tragedy in being recognised by the state. For a long time it 
 was kept up by voluntary enterprise, and not much importance 
 was attached to it. The first Athenian comic poets of note 
 were Chionides and Magnes. Chionides began to exhibit in 
 487 B.C. It is hardly likely that the date of his first appearance 
 would have been preserved with such accuracy, if comedy had 
 still been merely a private undertaking, without any connexion 
 with the state. There seems therefore to be good ground for 
 assuming that the institution of public contests in comedy was 
 not later than 487 b.c.^ At any rate it cannot have been later 
 
 * Suidas vv, XoipiXos, ^pvvixos, TlpaTivas. 
 2 Aristot. Poet. cc. 3, 5 ; Suidas v. YuouvidTjs. 
 
I.] THEIR FIRST INSTITUTION, 9 
 
 than 459 B.C. This is proved by an inscription which records 
 the names of the victors at the City Dionysia, and among them 
 gives the name of the victor in comedy. The exact year to 
 which the inscription refers is unknown, but at any rate it was 
 anterior to 458 b.c. It follows that 459 is the very latest date 
 to which the institution of public contests in comedy can be 
 assigned ^ 
 
 Speaking roughly then the recognition of tragedy by the 
 state, and the institution of annual competitions, date from the 
 latter half of the sixth century. The similar recognition of 
 comedy dates from the first half of the fifth century. These 
 contests took place at the festivals of Dionysus. The Greek 
 drama was essentially an offshoot of the worship of Dionysus, 
 and throughout its history, as far as Athens was concerned, it 
 continued to retain its close connexion with that worship. In 
 other parts of Greece, when the drama had been fully estab- 
 lished as a form of art, dramatic exhibitions were occasionally 
 introduced ~ into festivals with which originally they had no 
 connexion. Thus they were introduced in later times into the 
 Pythian games. But the Athenians were more conservative, 
 and confined the drama to the festivals of Dionysus^. In 
 Athens there were three of these festivals, the Anthesteria, the 
 Great or City Dionysia, and the Lenaea. There were also the 
 Rural Dionysia, celebrated in the various demes of Attica. Of 
 the Athenian festivals the Anthesteria was the oldest ^ But 
 it had little, if any, connexion with the drama. The important 
 festivals in the history of Greek drama were the City Dionysia 
 and the Lenaea. They were themselves of late origin, and 
 
 ^ The inscription in Corp, Inscr. Att. ^ Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 311; Plut. 
 
 ii. 971 a records the fact that at the Symp. p, 674 D. 
 
 City Dionysia Magnes won the prize for ^ Thucyd. ii. 15 calls the Anthesteria 
 
 comedy, Aeschylus for tragedy. There the dpxaiorepa Aiovvaia, as opposed to 
 
 is another inscription (given in the 'E(})r]fx. the City Dionysia. That the Lenaea was 
 
 'ApxaioX. 1886, pt. 4) which records that a later institution than the Anthesteria 
 
 in 458 B.C. Euphronius won the prize for seems to follow from the statement in 
 
 comedy, Aeschylus for tragedy. As this Suidas v. rd etc rwv d/xa^aiv aKojixfiara' 
 
 was the last appearance of Aeschylus as 'A9r]vr}(n ydp kv rf) tSjv Xowv eoprrj ol Kcti- 
 
 a tragic poet, it follows that the first p.di^ovT(s kvl tSjv dp,a^wv tovs aTravTwvTas 
 
 inscription cannot refer to a later year eaKoovTov re /ml €\oiS6povv rb 8' avrb 
 
 than 459 B.C. KoX rois Arjvaiois varepov k-noiovv. 
 
lO DRAMATIC CONTESTS AT ATHENS. [Ch. 
 
 therefore offered a more suitable occasion for the introduction 
 of a new form of art. The date of their institution and de- 
 velopment is wrapt in obscurity. Various theories have been 
 started as to their early history, but in the absence of definite 
 facts it seems hardly worth while to hazard conjectures on such 
 a subject. All that is required in an account of the Greek 
 drama is to describe as fully as possible the character of these 
 festivals during the fifth and succeeding centuries, and thus 
 enable the reader to picture to himself the circumstances and 
 surroundings which accompanied an Athenian theatrical per- 
 formance. 
 
 § 3. The City Dionysia. 
 
 By far the most splendid of the festivals of Dionysus was 
 the Great or City Dionysia \ It was called the City Dionysia 
 in opposition to the Lenaea. The signific ance of the names 
 is not perfectly clear. The Lenaea was so called because it 
 was held in the Lenaeum, or sacred enclosure of Dionysus on 
 the south side of the Acropolis. The contests at this festival 
 were called 'contests at the Lenaeum.* On the other hand, 
 contests at the Great Dionysia were called 'contests in the city.* 
 But as the Lenaeum was from the earliest times a part of the city, 
 it is difficult to see the reason of the distinction '^. And besides 
 this, the contests at the Great Dionysia were, during all the 
 period with which we are acquainted, held in the very same 
 place as those at the Lenaea. The most plausible explanation 
 is as follows. The Lenaea was a small festival ; and the whole 
 of the celebrations connected with it took place in or near the 
 Lenaeum. At the Great Dionysia the festivities were on a larger 
 
 ' Atoi/yo'taTa/x€7(i\aCorp.Inscr.Attii. Plut. X orat. 839 D. A victory at the 
 
 3i2,33i,Atoi/u(rtaTd€j/acrTetCorp.Inscr. City Dionysia was vikti aaTiid} Diog. 
 
 Att. ii. 341, 402, 404, ^lovvaia ra aoriKo. Laert. viii. 90. 
 
 Thucyd. v. 20. To produce plays at the ^ Aristoph. Acharn. 504 oxjttI Arjvaiqi 
 
 City Dionysia was iv darei diSdaKciv r a-^wv. That the Lenaeum was from 
 
 Schol. Aristoph. Ran.67,or cisd'cTytfa^t- early times inside the city is plain from 
 
 tVai Arg. ii. Aristoph. Aves. The play or Thucyd. ii. 15. 
 plays so produced were di5a<TKa\ia daTiKrj 
 
I.] THE CITY DIONYSIA, II 
 
 scale ; and in addition to the contests in the sacred enclosure 
 of Dionysus there were also other ceremonies in various parts 
 of the city, more especially the chorus in the market-place before 
 the statues of the twelve gods. It is probable therefore that 
 the festival was called the City Dionysia to denote the wider 
 area over which the various celebrations were spread. The 
 date of the City Dionysia can be fixed with a fair amount 
 of certainty. It took place 2P_Elaphebolion, a month which 
 answers to the last half of March and the first half of April. It 
 must have terminated on the 15th, and begun on the loth or 
 iith\ It could hardly have lasted less than five days. The 
 long series of performances and celebrations which had to be 
 gone through could not have been packed into a smaller space 
 of time. Whether it extended to six days is a point that cannot 
 be determined. 
 
 Before proceeding to describe the dramatic part of the per- 
 formances at the City Dionysia it may be as well first of all to 
 collect together such information as is attainable concerning 
 the g^eneral character of the festival. It was held at a time 
 of year when the spring was just commencing, and the sea had 
 again become navigable. Occasionally stormy weather inter- 
 fered with the proceedings. In the time of Demetrius the 
 procession through the city was prevented by a heavy fall of 
 snow. But the winter was generally at an end ^ The city was 
 full of visitors from all parts of Greece. During the period of 
 Athenian supremacy it was at this season of the year that the 
 allies came to Athens to pay the annual tribute. Ambassadors 
 frequently chose this time for the transaction of public business. 
 There were also the crowds of visitors who were attracted 
 
 ^ This is proved by certain passages § 8. The feast of Asclepius and the 
 
 in Aeschines and Demosthenes. After Proagon were on the 8th, Aeschin. 
 
 the City Dionysia came the Pandia; Ctesiph. § 67. But the Proagon took 
 
 next day was the l/f«A77(Tta li/ Atovvcoi; ; place 'a few days* before the City 
 
 then followed the i8th of Elaphebolion, Dionysia, Schol. Aeschin. Ctesiph. § 67. 
 
 the day of the first assembly mentioned The City Dionysia cannot therefore 
 
 by Aeschines and Demosthenes. Hence have begun before the loth. 
 
 the City Dionysia must have termin- ^ Theophrast. Char. 3 j Plut. Demetr. 
 
 atedon the 15th. See Aeschin. Ctesiph. p. 894 B. 
 § 68, Fals. Leg. § 6i ; Demosth. Meid. 
 
12 DRAMATIC CONTESTS AT ATHENS. [Ch. 
 
 to Athens merely from a desire to see the splendours of the 
 festival. The consequence was that the streets were thronged 
 with strangers, and the city presented an animated appear- 
 ance in marked contrast to the quietness of the winter festival 
 of the Lenaea\ The Athenians were glad of the opportunity 
 of displaying the magnificence of their city before such a vast 
 concourse of foreign Greeks. The procession through the 
 streets, the sacrifices to the gods, the dithyrambs, the tragedies, 
 and the comedies were all calculated to impress strangers with 
 the wealth and public spirit and literary taste of the Athenians. 
 In addition to the ordinary proceedings of the festival one or 
 two ceremonies of a striking character were introduced for the 
 express purpose of emphasising the power of Athens in the eyes 
 of the visitors. At the commencement of the performances 
 in the theatre the tribute collected from the allies was solemnly 
 deposited in the orchestra in the presence of the assembled 
 multitude. On the same occasion the herald made an announce- 
 ment concerning the crowns which had been bestowed by foreign 
 states upon Athens or upon Athenian citizens, and the crowns 
 themselves were brought forward and laid in the orchestra 
 beside the tribute I By scenes of this kind the festival was 
 made an occasion for glorifying Athens in the presence of 
 foreign Greeks. In the fourth century, after the fall of the 
 Athenian Empire, the political splendour of the City Dionysia 
 came to an end. But the magnificence of the spectacle and 
 the vastness of the gathering do not seem to have been in 
 any way diminished. Visitors were attracted from all parts 
 of Greece, not by political business, but by the celebrity of 
 the dramatic exhibitions. Demosthenes speaks of the 'multi- 
 tudes of strangers ' who were present, and Aeschines describes 
 the audience at the City Dionysia as consisting of 'the whole 
 Greek nation ^' Though Athens was shorn of her pohtical 
 power, the crowds which continued to attend the festival 
 testified to her unimpaired supremacy in art and literature. 
 
 ^ Aristoph. Achar. 505, 506 ; Thucyd. Ctesiph. §§ 32-48. 
 V. 23. 3 Ugi^^ yitxdi. § 74 ; Aeschin. Ctesiph. 
 
 2 Isocrat. Orat. viii. § 82 ; Aeschin. § 43. 
 
I.] THE CITY DIONYSIA. 13 
 
 One of the most brilliant spectacles at the City Dionysia was 
 the great procession Jnhonour of Dionysus^ which was probably 
 held upon the first day of the festival. Athenians of every 
 class, men, women, and even girls, made a point of being 
 present to witness or take part in it. Vast crowds filled the 
 streets ; and the casual encounters which took place on these 
 occasions often served as a foundation to the plots of the New 
 Comedy \ The members of the procession wore brilliantly- 
 coloured garments and ornaments of gold. Many of-them had 
 their faces covered with masks. Some were in chariots ; 
 others walked on foot. Among the people who took part in 
 the procession were the choregi to the different choruses. For 
 instance, when Demosthenes was choregus, he had a golden 
 crown and mantle made specially for use at the procession. 
 Alcibiades on a similar occasion was dressed in purple, and 
 excited much admiration by his beauty ^ It is not improbable 
 that the performers in the various lyric and dramatic com- 
 petitions also joined in the procession. Part of the show 
 consisted of the trains of victims which were afterwards to be 
 sacrificed to Dionysus. An old inscription records how the 
 Ephebi offered a bull to Dionysus at the City Dionysia, after 
 first taking it round in the procession. Many victims were 
 publicly provided by the state, and many others were doubtless 
 offered by individuals, or by different classes of the population. 
 All these would be conducted round in the procession. Con- 
 spicuous among the train of people were the canephori, or 
 virgins bearing upon their heads the baskets containing the 
 sacrificial implements. The procession, in the course of its 
 march, halted in the market-place, and a chorus danced and 
 sung in front of the statues of the twelve gods ^ Further details 
 concerning the order of the proceedings are nowhere recorded, 
 but it is easy to imagine that the brilliant colours of the pro- 
 cession itself, the vast crowds of spectators, and the splendid 
 
 ^ Demosth. Meid. § 10; Menand. ^ 'Ecfirjfxepls 'ApxaioXoyiK^i, i860, No. 
 
 Frag. Incert. 32. 4098, 1862, No. 180; Corp. Inscr. Gr. 
 
 2 Dem. Meid. § 22 ; Plut. Cupid. i. 157 ; Xen. Hipparch. iii. 2. 
 Divit. 527 E; Athen. 543 C. 
 
14 DRAMATIC CONTESTS AT ATHENS. [Ch. 
 
 public buildings of Athens in the background, combined to form 
 an effective spectacle. 
 
 The entertainments provided in the theatre during the City 
 Dionysia were of two kinds. In the first place there were the 
 dramatic competitions, at which tragedies, comedies, and satyric 
 dramas were exhibited. In the second place there were the 
 choral competitions, which consisted of performances of dithy- 
 rambs to the accompaniment of the flute. It is most important 
 not to confuse together the details of these two classes of 
 contest. Even in the most recent works upon the Greek drama 
 many mistakes have been caused by filling out the description 
 of the dramatic performances with facts and circumstances 
 which had really nothing to do with them, but applied solely to 
 the choral competitions. At the City Dionysia there were two 
 of these choral competitions, one between choruses of boys, and 
 the other between choruses of men \ The choruses were called 
 cyclic choruses, because of the circular form in which they 
 stood. Each of them was composed of fifty members. There 
 were five choruses of boys and five choruses of men, and each 
 chorus was supplied by one of the ten tribes of Attica. In this 
 way all ten tribes took part in one or other of the two com- 
 petitions^. The important point to remember in regard to 
 
 ^ Demosth. Meid. § lo koX rois kv [KariaTr^aav] Kara (pvX^v niVT-qKovra 
 
 aarei Aiovvoiois rj TroyLin] koL ol vaiSes iraiSoJu x^pov fj avSpcuv, ware yeueaOai 
 
 [«ai oi dVSpes] /cal 6 KU/fios Kal ol koj/xcvSoI Sena xopovs, kireidri (Se) Kal 8e«a cpvXai. 
 
 Kol ol TpaywSoi. The words koI ol dvbpfs Siayoovt^ovTai Se dWT}\ois SiOypdn^co, 
 
 have obviously fallen out. There is (pyXarrovTos (MS. (l)v\dTTovTes)Tovxop'r]- 
 
 abundant evidence to prove that there yovvros iKaora) xppwv rd ktriTqdiia. 6 S' 
 
 were chorusesof men, as wellas of boys, oZv viK-fjaas x^P^? Tpinoda Xafx^dvei, bv 
 
 at the City Dionysia. Corp. Inscr. Gr. dvariOr^ai tw Aiovvao). Xiyovrai h\ ol 
 
 213 contains a list of all members of diOvpajx^oi x^pot kvkXioi, koi x^P^^ 
 
 the tribe Pandionis who had been vie- kukXios. A chorus of men is called 
 
 torious iTcuaiv rj dvdpdcriv at the City rather loosely avXT)ral dv8p€s by Demo- 
 
 Dionysia. On the lists of victors at the sthenes (Meid. § 156), not because it 
 
 City Dionysia (Corp. Inscr. Att. ii. 971 consisted of flute-players, but because it 
 
 a-e) the contests enumerated are always sang dithyrambs to the accompaniment 
 
 the same, viz. choruses of boys, choruses of the flute. This is made clear by other 
 
 of men, comedy, tragedy. Cp. Lysias passages in the speech, e.g. §§ 15, 17. 
 
 Orat. xxi. § 2 dvSpdcxi xopr)ya)v ds Ato- See Wieseler das Satyrspiel pp. 46-48. 
 
 vvaia. Misled by the phrase the author of the 
 
 ^ There is a full account of the first argument to the Meid ias erroneously 
 
 chjpruses of boys and men in Schol. asserts that there were avXrjru/v x^'P"' ^^ 
 
 Aeschin. Tijinarch. § 1 1 If 'iOovs 'AOijvaioi the City Dionysia. 
 
I.] TRAGEDY AT THE CITY DIONYSIA. 15 
 
 these dithyrambic choruses is that the contest in which they 
 were engaged was essentially a tribaL one. In the dramatic 
 competitions the rivalry was confined to the individual poets and 
 choregi. The choruses were selected indiscriminately from the 
 whole population. But each dithyrambic chorus represented 
 one of the ten tribes. Its choregus was a member of that tribe. 
 The singers were exclusively chosen from the same tribe ^. The 
 victory of the chorus was a victory for the tribe to which it 
 belonged. The prize of victory, the tripod, though presented 
 to the choregus, and erected in some public place at his expense, 
 was regarded as appertaining equally to the tribe ^ In the 
 records of victories with dithyrambic choruses, preserved on 
 inscriptions and elsewhere, the name of the tribe to which the 
 chorus belonged is always given in a prominent position. On 
 the other hand the records of dramatic victories give merely 
 the names of the choregus, the poet, and the principal actor. 
 There is no mention of any tribe ^ It follows that the tribes 
 had nothing to do with the dramatic contests. In order to 
 avoid error it is most important to keep this fact clearly in view, 
 that in the dithyrambic contests the competitors were really the 
 ten tribes of Attica, while the drama was a matter with which 
 only individual citizens were concerned. 
 
 § 4. Tragedy at the City Dionysia in the fifth century. 
 
 We come now to the dramatic performances at the City 
 Dionysia. These were of two kinds, tragic and comic. The 
 
 ^ Demosth. Meid. § 13; Antiphon to be choregus to one's tribe is con- 
 
 orat. vi. §§ 12, 13. trasted with being choregus to a tragic 
 
 2 Lysias orat. xxi. § 2 ; Demosth. chorus. Bentley's emendation (Phalaris 
 
 Meid. § 5 rris (pvXfjs dS'iKOJS dfaipe- p. 360 t^ fxev (pvXrj ets Aiovvaia x^PV' 
 
 Be'KTtjs Tov TpiiToSa. The choregus to yqaas rfrapros iyivcTO rpaywdois, nal 
 
 a dithyrambic chorus was said x^PV' iruppixLOTois varaTos) is quite unneces- 
 
 yetv rri (pv\TJ, since he represented his sary, and contains the fatal error of 
 
 tribe in the contest, while the dramatic making Dicaeogenes/(?wr//^ in the tragic 
 
 choregus represented no one but him- contest, though the number of com- 
 
 self; cp. Plut. X orat. 835 B ex°PV- petitors in tragedy never exceeded three. 
 yrjae kvkXiw x^PV "^V o.vtov (pvXrj dy<u- ^ Corp. Inscr. Gr. vol. i. pp. 342-348 ; 
 
 viCofievrj Si9vpaiJt.l3a>: Isaeus orat. v. § 36 Corp. Inscr. Att. ii. 971. Cp. the record 
 
 oItos yap rfj /xev ({>v\y (is Aiovvaia x^PV' of victors at the City Dionysia quoted 
 
 yrjaas Terapros kyiv^ro, rpaywSois Si real on p. 59. 
 irvppixiOTTais varaTos. In this passage 
 
l6 DRAMATIC CONTESTS AT ATHENS. [Ch. 
 
 first point to be considered is the number of the competing 
 poets, and the number of the plays produced, at each celebration 
 of the festival. The most difficult part of the enquiry is that 
 which concerns tragedy during the fifth century. In the fourth 
 century various changes and innovations were introduced, which 
 call for separate consideration. The fifth century stands by 
 itself, and the question as to the number of tragedies produced 
 during that period at each celebration of the City Dionysia is 
 one of considerable intricacy. But it deserves to be considered 
 in detail, as it is of much more interest than a mere question of 
 numbers, and practically involves the whole subject of trilogies 
 and tetralogies. The practice of writing plays in trilogies and 
 tetralogies produced the most profound effect upon the art of 
 Aeschylus. Any enquiry therefore into the origin and character 
 of this practice will throw light upon one of the most interesting 
 parts in the history of the Greek drama. It will be best in the 
 first place to enumerate all the records which bear upon the 
 subject. Fortunately a sufficient number have been preserved to 
 enable us to determine with moderate certainty the regulations 
 as to the number of tragic poets and tragedies at the City 
 Dionysia during the fifth century. 
 
 The earliest,^ record is for the year 499 b. c, when Aeschylus 
 made his first public appearance, and his competitors were 
 Choerilus and Pratinas. Nothing is known as to the plays 
 produced on this occasion \ The next record refers to the 
 year 472. In this year Aeschylus produced the Phineus, 
 Persae, Glaucus, and Prometheus, and was successful in 
 winning the first prize. The Prometheus here mentioned 
 was of course not the Prometheus Vinctus, but a satyric play 
 in which the same myth was treated humorously, and of 
 which two or three fragments are preserved ^. For the year 467 
 there is a very complete record of the tragic competition. 
 Aeschylus was again first, and his plays were the Laius, 
 Oedipus, Septem versus Thebas, and satyric play Sphinx. 
 Aristias was second with the Perseus, Tantalus, and satyric 
 play Palaestae written by his father Pratinas. Polyphradmon 
 ^ Suidas V. Upar'ivas. 2 ^yg^ j-q Aesch. Persae. 
 
I.] TRAGEDY AT THE CITY DIONYSIA. 17 
 
 was third with the Lycurgean tetralogy \ According to this 
 notice Aristias only exhibited three plays, while his competitors 
 each exhibited four. But there can be little doubt that the name 
 of one of his plays has dropped out accidentally, and that he 
 produced four like the rest. This is proved by a comparison 
 with the records of other tragic contests, of which a large 
 number exist, referring to very different periods. In these 
 records varieties are found both in the number of poets com- 
 peting, and in the number of plays exhibited by each poet. 
 But in one respect complete uniformity prevails. With the 
 exception of the case before us there is no instance of poets 
 competing in the same festival with a different number of 
 plays. There can hardly then be any doubt that in the 
 present instance the three poets each exhibited four plays. 
 The next record is for the year 458. This was the year in 
 which Aeschylus made his last appearance as a dramatic poet. 
 He produced the Orestean tetralogy, consisting of the Aga- 
 memnon, Choephori, Eumenides, and satyric drama Proteus. 
 The names of the other poets are not mentioned ^ In addition 
 to the above notices it is also known that on one occasion 
 Aeschylus competed with the four plays composing his Lycur- 
 gean tetralogy. The tetralogy dealt with the fate of Lycurgus, 
 king of the Edoni, and consisted of the Edoni, Bassarides, 
 Neanisci, and satyric play Lycurgus. On another occasion 
 he exhibited a trilogy dealing with the legend of Prometheus. 
 This trilogy, of which the Prometheus Vinctus was the central 
 play, no doubt concluded with a satyric drama ; but there 
 is no record of it among ancient writers ^ After the death 
 of Aeschylus there is a gap in our information till the year 438, 
 when Sophocles and Euripides were competitors. Sophocles 
 was first; Euripides second with the Cressae, Alcmaeon in 
 Psophis, Telephus, and Alcestis. In 431 they were again com- 
 petitors, but this time the first place was taken by Euphorion. 
 Sophocles was second ; Euripides third with the Medea, 
 
 ^ Arg. to Aesch. Theb. to Aesch. Prom. ; Schol. Aesch. Prom. 
 
 ^ Arg. to Aesch. Agam. 94. 
 
 * Schol. Aristoph. Thesm. 142 ; Arg. 
 
 C 
 
1 8 DRAMATIC CONTESTS AT ATHENS, [Ch. 
 
 Philoctetes, Dictys, and satyric play Theristae. In 428 the 
 Hippolytus of Euripides was produced ; but for this year only 
 the names of the poets have been preserved. Euripides was 
 first, lophon second, Ion third \ The year 415 was memorable 
 for the defeat of Euripides by an obscure poet called Xenocles. 
 On this occasion Xenocles was first with the Oedipus, Lycaon, 
 Bacchae, and satyric play Athamas. Euripides was second 
 with the Alexander, Palamedes, Troades, and satyric play 
 Sisyphus. The only other record which bears upon the pre- 
 sent subject is to the effect that after the death of Euripides, 
 and therefore after 406 b.c, his Iphigeneia in Aulis, Alcmaeon, 
 and Bacchae were produced by his son at the City Dionysia I 
 
 In the above notices and records the name of the festival 
 at which the contest took place, and the plays were produced, 
 is usually not mentioned. An exception is made in one case. 
 It is expressly stated that it was at the City Dionysia that the 
 three posthumous tragedies of Euripides were exhibited. Other- 
 wise nothing is said about the festival. But there is not the 
 slightest doubt that all the above notices refer to the City Dio- 
 nysia. In one instance there is positive proof of the fact. An 
 inscription recently discovered in the Acropolis shows that it was 
 at the City Dionysia that the Orestean tetralogy was produced ^ 
 Various considerations make it practically certain that the 
 other notices refer to the same festival. At the Lenaea the 
 performances of tragedy were always comparatively unim- 
 portant. It is doubtful whether they existed at all during the 
 earlier half of the fifth century. In the fourth century they 
 
 ^ Args. to Euripid. Alcest., Med., iSiSac/ffi/. The combination of four 
 
 Hippol. kinds of contests, with boys' choruses, 
 
 ^ Aelian Var. Hist. ii. 8; Schol. choruses ofmen,comedies,and tragedies, 
 
 Aristoph. Ran. 6'j. proves that the festival was the City 
 
 ^ This inscription was discovered in Dionysia. That the plays exhibited on 
 
 the Acropolis in 1886, and published in this occasion by Aeschylus were the 
 
 the 'E077^6pts 'Apxc'0^07'^'7 for 1886, pt. Orestean tetralogy is proved by the 
 
 4. It runs as follows: 'Yarl ^iKok\€ovs Arg. to the Agamemnon: kdiSdxOrj to 
 
 Olvrjh iraiScov, | ArjfxoSoKOS kxopri'^n' \ Spafxa ewl apxovros <^ikoK\4ovs oXvfjLTridSi 
 
 'Imro9a}VTlsa.v5pS>v,\'EvKTTjfj.0Jv''E\evaivios dySoijKoar^ erei devrtpof. trpojTos Alaxv- 
 
 kxop'qyd' I KQjjxwhoJv EvpvK\d5r]s ^X'^P'h' ^^s 'Ayafxefivovt, Xor)(p6pois, 'Evfievici, 
 
 yei, I 'EvcppovLos ISiSatrArf | rpayqidvbv UpcoreT aarvpiKo), kxoprjyei B^voKKfjs 
 
 BevoK\TJs*A(pi5vaiosix^PVy^h I A.laxv\os 'A(pi5vevs. 
 
I.] TRAGEDY AT THE CITY DIONYSIA, 19 
 
 came to be confined to mere reproductions of old tragedies. 
 It is impossible to suppose that the three great masters of 
 tragedy,— Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides, — during the 
 height of their reputation, produced their plays at this rela- 
 tively insignificant festival. The omission of all mention of the 
 festival in the notices about their tragedies is in itself a con- 
 clusive proof that there could be no doubt upon the subject, 
 and that it was a matter of general knowledge that they were 
 brought out at the City Dionysia. The case was very different 
 in comedy. Come dy flourished with equal vigour at both 
 festivals. Hence in the records about the plays of Aristophanes 
 care is generally taken to notify the festival at which they 
 were produced. In the case of tragedy it was felt that any such 
 specification was unnecessary. 
 
 From the notices and records enumerated above two con- 
 clusions may be drawn concerning the tragic contests at the 
 City Dionysia during the fifth century. The numb er _of 
 poets who took part in the competition was limited to three, 
 and each poet was expected to exhibit four plays, consist- 
 ing of three tragedies and a satyric drama. As regards the 
 number of poets, it might perhaps be suggested that the 
 records give, not the names of all the competitors, but merely 
 those of the three most successful ones. But the evidence 
 of the comic didascaliae proves that this was not the case. 
 It is known for a fact that after the beginning of the fourth 
 century the number of competitors in comedy was five. But 
 the comic didascaliae of the period invariably give the names 
 of all five competitors, together with the plays they produced \ 
 When therefore only three poets are mentioned, it follows 
 that the number of competitors was limited to three. The 
 practice of recording the names of all the competing 
 poets need cause no surprise. As a matter of fact it was a 
 considerable distinction for a poet to be allow^ed to exhibit 
 at all at one of the annual festivals. In addition to the 
 
 ^ Arg. to Aristoph. Plutus hdihaxOr] lirl fievovs Se 'ASfi-qro!, Nt/co^cuvTOS Se 'ASw- 
 dpxovTos 'AvTiTrcLTpov, dvTaycovi^ofj.€vov vi5i, 'A\Kaiov 8e TlaffKpd'p. Corp. Inscr. 
 avT^ 'NiKoxapovs filv Adfcuaiv, ^Apiffro- Att. ii. 972, 975. 
 
 C 2 
 
20 DRAMATIC CONTESTS AT ATHENS. [Ch. 
 
 testimony of the didascaliae there is the following direct 
 evidence concerning the number of the tragic poets. It is 
 expressly stated that in 499 the competitors in the tragic 
 contest were the three poets Aeschylus, Choerilus, and Pra- 
 tinas. Then again it is recorded of Sophocles that he 'won 
 twenty victories, was often second, never third.* This form 
 of statement seems clearly to imply that the number of com- 
 petitors in tragedy never exceeded three \ Even on general 
 grounds it is evident that the number could hardly have been 
 greater. If there had been four or five poets, it would have 
 implied the production of sixteen or twenty tragedies. But 
 it is difficult to see how such a large number of tragedies 
 could have been compressed within the limited period of the 
 festival, along with the comedies and dithyrambs, and various 
 other festivities and entertainments. 
 
 The fact then that each poet exhibited three tragedies and a 
 satyric play is clearly demonstrated by the records, and also 
 confirmed by a statement in Diogenes Laertius ^ The practice of 
 terminating the tragic pieces with the boisterous licence of the 
 satyric drama suggested to Ion of Chios, the tragic poet of the 
 fifth century, his well-known remark that virtue, like a tragic 
 poet's group of plays, should always contain a satyric element ^ 
 It is noticeable that on one occasion Euripides substituted the 
 Alcestis, a short tragedy with a tinge of comedy about it, for the 
 usual satyric drama. This may have been not infrequently the 
 case, especially during the latter half of the fifth century. The 
 
 ^ Suidas V. Tiparivas ; vita Sophoclis oTov ckhvoi . . . TerpaXoyia is apparently 
 
 (p. 3 Dindf.). an explanatory interpolation by Dioge- 
 
 * Diog. Laert. iii. 56 GpaavWos 54 nes himself. The statement that the 
 
 <pT](n Kot Kara Tr)v TpayiK^v TerpaXoyiav four plays of a tetralogy were per- 
 
 kKdovvat avTov rovs SiaXoyovs' olov formed at four different festivals is 
 
 kKfivoi Terpacri Spafiacriv •^ycuvi^ovTo, manifestly absurd in itself, and abund- 
 
 Aiovvffiois, hrjvaiois, IlavaOrjvaioLS , Xv- antly disproved by the inscriptions. 
 
 Tpois, S)v TO TiTaprov rjv aarvpiKov ra Moreover, it is expressly recorded that 
 
 Sf T€TTapa hpajxara eKaKcTro TerpaXoyia. the Iphigeneia in Aulis, Alcmaeon, and 
 
 fieri Toivvv, (prjaiv, ot vavT^s avrZ yv-qaioi Bacchae of Euripides were brought out 
 
 hiaXoyoi, K.T.X. Thrasyllus was a phi- together at the City Dionysia (Schol. 
 
 losopher who flourished in the time of Aristoph. Ran. 67). 
 
 the emperor Tiberius. The passage ^ See note on next page. 
 
 ^ 
 
I.] TRILOGIES AND TETRALOGIES, ai 
 
 statement in the last notice, that the Iphigeneia, Alcmaeon, and 
 Bacchae of Euripides were brought out by his son at the City 
 Dionysia, does not necessarily imply that they were brought 
 out by themselves, without any satyric play to make up the 
 number four. It is possible indeed that at this late period the 
 satyric play had begun to be occasionally dispensed with. But 
 on the other hand it is very likely that the satyric play in this 
 case was supplied by the younger Euripides. That no mention 
 of it is made in the above statement is easily intelligible, since 
 the writer does not profess to give a record of the tragic 
 contest for the year, but is merely concerned with the 
 biography of the elder Euripides. 
 
 § 5. Trilogies and Tetralogies* 
 
 The four plays exhibited by each poet might either be inde- 
 pendent works of art, totally unconnected in subject, or they 
 might deal with the same legend, and be fused together into a 
 single artistic whole. When the four plays were connected by 
 community of subject, they were called tetralogies. Similarly 
 the three tragedies, regarded apart from the satyric drama, 
 were called trilogies when connected together in this manner \ 
 The practice of exhibiting trilogies and tetralogies is insepar- 
 
 ^ The general word for a play or rov Spapia vpbs Spd/xa dyon'l^fcrOai, dWd 
 
 group of plays produced by one poet at firj TerpaXoyiav. These words can only 
 
 the same festival was 8ida<TKa\ia. Thus mean that Sophocles exhibited the same 
 
 Ion remarked (Plut. Peric. p. 154 E) that number of plays as his rivals, but that 
 
 virtue, like a rpayiK^ di5aaKa\ia, should his plays did not form a tetralogy, that 
 
 contain a satyric element. The rpayiKri is to say, were not connected together 
 
 diSaffKoXia in Ion's time usually con- by unity of subject. Another proof is 
 
 sisted of three tragedies and a satyric afforded by the use of the word nrpa- 
 
 drama. Cp. also Anthol. Pal. vii. 37 Koyia in Greek writers. There are four 
 
 97 S' kvl x^P^^i-^ Kovpifjios, Ik ttoitjs i]5e places in which it is applied to particu- 
 
 diSaaKaXiijs : Plut. X orat, 839 D lar groups of plays. It is applied to 
 
 diSaaKaXias dcrriKas KaOrJKev t^ . . . Kal the Oresteia of Aeschylus (Schol. Aris- 
 
 iripas 5vo ATjva'iKas. The word rerpa- toph. Ran. 1155), the Pandionis of 
 
 \oyia was not applied to all groups of Philocles (Schol, Aristoph. Av. 282), 
 
 four plays, but only to those groups in theLycurgeia of Aeschylus (Schol. Aris- 
 
 which the separate plays were connected toph. Thesm. 135), and the Lycurgeia 
 
 together by unity of subject. This is of Polyphradmon(Arg.toAesch.Theb.). 
 
 proved by the words of Suidas in his All these were groups of plays upon a 
 
 account of Sophocles : Kal avrbs ^p^€ single subject. 
 
21 DRAMATIC CONTESTS AT ATHENS. [Ch. 
 
 ably connected with the name of Aeschylus. Unfortunately 
 there is no information as to the origin and development of the 
 custom. It is not known whether he invented it, or inherited it 
 from his predecessors. But we know that before the time of 
 Aeschylus tragedy as a form of art had made but little progress. 
 It was he that inspired it with dignity and splendour. It is far 
 from likely that the rough and unfinished productions of his 
 predecessors should have been cast an the elaborate mould of 
 the tetralogy. And the largeness of design involved in tracing 
 the same tragic story through three successive dramas is a con- 
 ception peculiarly akin to the grandeur of Aeschylus* genius. 
 Hence it is exceedingly probable, though not certain, that the 
 system was his invention. He did not employ it on all occa- 
 sions. In one of the records quoted above the four plays which 
 he is said to have exhibited together are apparently quite un- 
 connected in subject. These are the Phineus, Persae, Glaucus, 
 and Prometheus, produced in 472. As a matter of fact the 
 only tetralogies of Aeschylus for which there is direct evidence 
 are the four already mentioned, dealing with the legends of 
 Oedipus, Lycurgus, Prometheus, and Orestes. How many 
 more he wrote is a matter of uncertainty. If the system of 
 tetralogies was invented by him, it could hardly have been de- 
 veloped in its full completeness all at once. It is probable 
 that he began his career by exhibiting groups of isolated 
 plays. Even in later times the record just referred to 
 proves that he did not invariably employ the form of the 
 tetralogy. 
 
 Fortunately for our knowledge of the Greek drama, a spe- 
 cimen of the Aeschylean trilogy has been preserved in the 
 Oresteia. This was the latest work of its author, and in it 
 the trilogic form of composition is brought to the highest per- 
 fection. A great crime is committed, and its consequences are 
 traced through successive plays, until finally tKe guilt is ex- 
 piated, and the ministers of vengeance satisfied. The whole 
 forms a magnificent work of art ; and the separate plays, though 
 complete in themselves, gain additional significance and impres- 
 siveness from their position in the trilogy. The general effect 
 
I.] TRILOGIES AND TETRALOGIES. 23 
 
 can be appreciated even by a modern reader, but must have 
 been still more striking to an ancient audience, before whom 
 the three plays were performed in succession in the course of 
 the same morning. But it would be a mistake to suppose that 
 all the trilogies of Aeschylus were equally perfect in construc- 
 tion. Probably in some cases they treated of one subject 
 without possessing much real artistic unity. The three plays, 
 while depicting successive stages in some great national legend, 
 may have been strung together after the fashion of a chronicle 
 or history, rather than welded into one compact whole. 
 This seems to have been to some extent the case with the 
 Oedipodeia. The third play of this trilogy, the Seven against 
 Thebes, certainly did not bring the legend to a conclusion in 
 the same artistic and satisfying manner in which the Oresteia is 
 concluded by the Eumenides. The final scene of the Seven 
 against Thebes is like the prelude to a new play. In this scene 
 Antigone proclaims her resolve to bury the corpse of her 
 brother in spite of Creon's prohibition, and the herald warns 
 her of the risk she will incur by setting the authorities at de- 
 fiance ^^ Here then is an instance of a trilogy which breaks off 
 in the middle of a legend, at a point where there is no artistic 
 necessity for it to do so. The concluding play of the three, 
 instead of bringing matters to a final settlement, ends with a 
 suggestion of future difficulties and crimes. A trilogy of this 
 kind resembles the poems of the Epic Cycle, in which legends 
 were linked together in chronological order, and the point at 
 which the story began and ended was determined by purely 
 accidental considerations. Other trilogies of Aeschylus may 
 
 1 The didascalia to the Septem v. of the three, in which the same subject 
 Thebas was first brought to light by was treated as in the Antigone of Sopho- 
 Franz in 1848 (Didasc. zu Aesch. Sept., cles. The publication of the didascalia 
 Berl. 1848). Previously to the discovery revealed the fact that the Septem was 
 of this didascalia there was hardly any after all the concluding play of the 
 point upon which the critics were more group, and that the trilogy consisted of 
 unanimous than that the Septem must the Laius, the Oedipus, and the Septem. 
 have been the middle play of a trilogy. Nothing could have more clearly 
 The concluding scene, in which Anti- demonstrated the futility of endeavour- 
 gone proclaims her resolve to bury the ing, by mere conjecture, to arrange the 
 corpse of her brother, was supposed to lost plays of Aeschylus in tetralogies, 
 obviously pave the way to the final play 
 
24 DRAMATIC CONTESTS AT ATHENS. [Ch. 
 
 have approximated to the same type. At any rate it is most un- 
 likely that they were all as perfect and harmonious in construc- 
 tion as the Oresteia. Attempts have been made, especially by 
 Hermann and Welcker, to take the titles of the lost plays of 
 Aeschylus, and group them together into tetralogies. But it 
 is clear that conjectural arrangements of this kind must 
 be received with the very greatest caution, and this for 
 two reasons. In the first place it is uncertain how many 
 of the tetralogies of Aeschylus conformed to the perfect model 
 of the Oresteia. In the second place it is -probable that a 
 large number of his plays were not composed in tetralogies 
 at all. 
 
 The relation of the satyric play to the three tragedies which 
 preceded it is a question of some importance in connexion with 
 the composition of tetralogies. The usual theory seems to have 
 been that the satyric play should deal with the same subject as 
 the trilogy, but from a humorous point of view ; and that some 
 of the personages out of the trilogy should appear in it. The 
 king or hero whose sufferings had already been depicted was 
 now to be exhibited in a different aspect, amid the wij^ sur- 
 roundings of a satyr's existence* It was necessary to give 
 a certain tinge of poetry and romance to the composition, 
 and not jar the feelings with a sense of incongruity, by intro- 
 ducing the tragic personage into scenes of ordinary comedy. 
 This is well expressed in the lines of Horace : — • 
 
 Verum ita risores, ita commendare dicaces 
 Conveniet Satyros, ita vertere seria ludo, 
 Ne quicumque deus, quicumque adhibebitur heros, 
 Regali conspectus in auro nuper et ostro, 
 Migret in obscuras humili sermone tabernas, 
 Aut dum vitet humum nubes et inania captet^. 
 
 The satyric plays of Aeschylus seem, when they formed part of 
 a tetralogy, to have been of this type. The Oedipodeia con- 
 cluded with the Sphinx, the Lycurgeia with the Lycurgus. In 
 both these plays some of the personages out of the preceding 
 trilogy must have appeared. The Oresteia is called a tetralogy, 
 
 ^ Hor. Ars Poet. 225 foil. 
 
I.] TRILOGIES AND TETRALOGIES, 25 
 
 and therefore the Proteus, the satyric play with which it con- 
 cluded, was probably connected with the other three plays in 
 subject. But in the absence of information it is impossible to 
 say what that connexion was, and what personages took the 
 leading part in the play. Curiously enough the satyric play 
 Prometheus did not conclude the Promethean trilogy, as we 
 should have expected, but was performed along with the 
 Persae, and two other independent plays. The practice of 
 terminating a trilogy with a satyric play upon the same subject 
 may seem questionable to modern taste, and can hardly be 
 defended on artistic grounds. Like many other customs of 
 the Greek drama, it was an accident due to the circumstances 
 in which tragedy originated. Tragedy was developed out of 
 the odes to Dionysus sung by choruses of satyrs ; and as it 
 departed more and more from its original character, a regard for 
 antiquity required that the satyric element should be retained in 
 some form or another. Hence the practice of concluding every 
 tragic performance with a satyric play of the old-fashioned 
 type. 
 
 Sopho cles is said to have been the first to aban don, the 
 system of writing plays in tetralogies ^ Each of his dramas 
 formed an independent work of art. It appears to be implied 
 that before his time the practice of writing tetralogies had 
 been very generally adopted ; and it is only natural to suppose 
 that the commanding genius of Aeschylus would cause his ex- 
 ample to be widely followed. But the fashion set by Sophocles 
 was adopted by the younger poets. In 467, the very next 
 year after the first tragic victory of Sophocles, when Aeschylus 
 produced his Theban tetralogy, and Polyphradmon his Lycur- 
 geia, the third poet Aristias appears to have exhibited a group 
 of independent plays ^. After the death of Aeschylus the prac- 
 tice of composing tetralogies rapidly went into disuse. The 
 records show that Euripides abandoned the system. In 
 fact, during the latter half of the fifth century only three 
 tetralogies are mentioned. A Pandionis was written by 
 Philocles, the nephew of Aeschylus, who naturally continued 
 ^ Suidas V. So^o/tA^s. "^ Arg. to Aeschyl. Theb. 
 
26 DRAMATIC CONTESTS AT ATHENS, [Ch. 
 
 the traditions of the Aeschylean system. An Oedipodeia, 
 apparently a tetralogy, was composed by Meletus, the prose- 
 cutor of Socrates. Plato is said to have written a tetralogy 
 in his youth, but to have abandoned poetry for philosophy 
 before it was exhibited. In the course of the succeeding 
 century the practice of writing tetralogies came to be so little 
 regarded that Aristotle never even mentions it in his 
 Poetics \ 
 
 Some difficulty has been made as to the derivation of the 
 words trilogy and tetralogy^ As far as their etymology goes 
 they ought to denote groups of speeches rather than groups of 
 plays. In their dramatic sense the words do not occur fre- 
 quently, and were of comparatively late origin. The word 
 tetralogy, as applied to the drama, is not found before the 
 time of Aristotle ; the word trilogy not before that of Aristo- 
 phanes the grammarian-. It is quite possible that the dra- 
 matic meaning of a tetralogy may have been a secondary 
 one, and that the word was used at first in reference to 
 oratory. It was the custom of the Greek orators to write 
 groups of four speeches, two for the prosecution and two for 
 the defence, about fictitious cases, to serve as models for their 
 pupils. Three groups of this kind, composed by Antiphon, 
 have come down to us, and are called tetralogies. It is 
 very likely that this was the original meaning of the word, 
 and that it was only in the course of the fourth century that 
 it came to be applied by analogy to the drama. It would 
 be convenient to have a generic term to denote groups of 
 four plays composed about a single subject in the Aeschy- 
 lean fashion. When the word tetralogy had [once acquired 
 this sense, it would be an easy step to form by analogy the 
 
 ^ Schol. Aristoph. Av. 282 ; Schol. The other passages in which the word 
 
 Plat. Apol. p. 330, ed. Bekk. ; Aelian T(Tpa\oyia occurs in a dramatic sense 
 
 Var. Hist, ii, 30. are Diog. Laert. iii. 56, ix. 45 ; Schol. 
 
 ^ Schol. Aristoph, Ran. 1 1 55 rerpa- Plat. Apol. p. 330; Schol. Aristoph. 
 
 \oyiav <pepovai t^v ^Opfareiav at AtSa- Ran. 1155, Av. 282, Thesm, 142; 
 
 ffKoXiai. The Didascaliae is the work Arg. to Aeschyl. Theb. The word rpiko- 
 
 of Aristotle. Diog. Laert. iii. 61 evioi yia only occurs in three places, viz. 
 
 de, u)v kari Kal'AptffTotpdvTjs 6 ypafi/jjari- Schol. Aristoph. Ran. I155; Diog. 
 
 Kos, (is rpikoyias i\Kov(Tt rous dia\6yovs. Laert. iii. 61 ', Suidas v. NiK6ft.axos. 
 
I.] TRAGEDY AT THE CITY DIONYSIA, 27 
 
 word trilogy, to denote the three tragedies apart from the 
 satyric play. Satyric plays were treated with comparative 
 neglect in later times, and were easily separable from the 
 tragedies which preceded them. Possibly also in many cases 
 the three tragedies may have been connected in subject ^with 
 one another, but independent of the satyric play. Hence 
 the convenience of a term to denote the three tragedies by 
 themselves. It is said that the grammarians Aristarchus and 
 Apollonius preferred to disregard the satyric plays altogether, 
 and to speak only of trilogies. But although the generic terms 
 trilogy and tetralogy were of relatively late origin, it was cus- 
 tomary at a much earlier period to give a common name to 
 groups of plays composed on the tetralogic system. The poet 
 Aristophanes cites the group of plays about Lycurgus under 
 the title of the Lycurgeia ; and in the same way he cites the 
 group of plays about Orestes as the Oresteia^ These and 
 similar titles no doubt dated from the time of Aeschylus 
 himself. 
 
 § 6. Tragedy at the City Dionysia in later times. 
 
 It has been worth while to discuss in some detail the 
 question as to the number of traged ies produced each year aL 
 the City Dipnysja during the fifth century, because of the 
 interest of the subject. The fourth century is a period of decay 
 as far as tragedy is concerned. For the first half of the century 
 there is a complete blank in our information as to the system 
 of tragic competitions at the City Dionysia. On coming to the 
 latter half of the century it is found that considerable changes 
 had been made. An inscription discovered in recent years 
 gives a copious record of the tragic contests at the City 
 Dionysia for the years 341 and 340 1 From this record it 
 appears that the satyric drama had now been completely 
 separated from tragedy. The proceedings commenced with 
 the performance of a single satyric play. Then followed a 
 
 * Aristoph. Thesm. 135, Ran. 11 24. * Corp. Inscr. Att. ii. 973. 
 
a8 DRAMATIC CONTESTS AT ATHENS. [Ch. 
 
 representation of an old tragedy by one of the great tragic 
 poets. In 341 the old tragedy was the ' Iphigeneia' of Euripides ; 
 in 340 it was the Orestes of Euripides. Then at length after 
 the satyric play and the old tragedy had been performed, came 
 the competition with new and original tragedies. The number of 
 competing poets was still three, as it had been from the earliest 
 times. But the number of tragedies varied from year to year. 
 In 341 each poet exhibited three tragedies; in 340 each poet 
 exhibited two. Here the information ends. It appears then 
 that by the latter half of the fourth century the satyric drama 
 had receded still further into the background. In the fifth 
 century each poet had exhibited one satyric play at the end 
 of his three tragedies. But now a single satyric play at the 
 commencement of the proceedings was considered sufficient. 
 The poet who was to have the honour of performing this play 
 would be selected beforehand by the archon. There is no 
 evidence to show when the new system came into existence ; 
 but it must have been in the course of the first half of the 
 fourth century. Another point to be noticed is the gradual 
 decrease in the number of new tragedies produced each year. 
 In 341 it was nine ; in 340 it was only six. It is impossible 
 to say with certainty what was the practice during the first 
 half of the fourth century. When the change in regard to 
 the satyric drama was first made, the tragic poets may 
 have continued to produce four plays apiece, substituting a 
 tragedy for the old satyric play, just as Euripides had done 
 in 438, when he exhibited the Alcestis. Or on the other 
 hand the change may have consisted in simply discon- 
 tinuing the satyric play, and leaving the tragic poets to 
 compete with three tragedies only. There is very little 
 evidence which bears upon the subject, but such as it is, it 
 rather points to the conclusion that at first the number four 
 was retained. Theodectes, the rhetorician and tragic poet, 
 flourished in the middle of the fourth century. He wrote 
 'fifty tragedies,* and engaged in thirteen contests. These 
 numbers seem to imply that in most of the contests in 
 
I.] TRAGEDY AT THE CITY DIONYSIA, 29 
 
 which he was engaged he exhibited four tragedies*. Again, 
 Aphareus, the tragic poet, wrote thirty-five confessedly genuine 
 tragedies, and engaged in eight contests ranging in date from 
 368 to 341. Here too the inference seems to be that he must 
 have exhibited four tragedies on most of these occasions ^. The 
 only way to escape such an inference would be to suppose that 
 both Aphareus and Theodectes wrote a considerable number 
 of plays jw hich were never intended fo r the stage. Such a 
 practice was not unknown at this time. The tragic poet 
 Chaeremon, the contemporary of Aphareus and Theodectes, 
 wrote tragedies which were simply intended to be read ^ But 
 as yet the practice was unusual, and nothing of the kind is 
 related of Theodectes and Aphareus. Hence the probability 
 is that during the earlier part of the fourth century each poet 
 at the City Dionysia exhibited four tragedies. But owing to 
 the scantiness of the evidence it is impossible to come to any 
 certain conclusion on the subject. 
 
 It has been seen that in 340 the total number of new 
 tragedies produced at the City Dionysia was only six. The 
 decrease in numbers points to the gradual decay of traged y at 
 Athens. With the close of the fourth century the productive 
 period of Attic tragedy came to an end. The centre of literary 
 activity was transferred from Athens to Alexandria, and to this 
 city the more creative poetical minds were attracted. During 
 the third century we meet with the names of many celebrated 
 tragic poets at Alexandria. On the other hand, after the fourth 
 century hardly a single Athenian tragic poet is mentioned. 
 Competitions in tragedy continued to be held in Athens at the 
 City Dionysia even down to Roman times. But in most cases 
 the tragedies exhibited must have been old ones. It is true that 
 in public decrees recording the proclamation of crowns at the 
 City Dionysia the phrase ' at the performance of new tragedies * 
 continues to occur as late as Roman times. But there can 
 have been no significance in the phrase. It was merely an 
 
 ^ Suidas V. ©coSc/ctt;?; Steph. Byzant. v. ^ao-j/Xt?. 
 2 Plut. X orat. 839 D. ^ Aristot. Rhet. iii. 11, 
 
30 DRAMATIC CONTESTS AT ATHENS. [Ch. 
 
 instance of the retention of an old formula when its meaning 
 was obsolete \ 
 
 § 7. Comedy at the City Dionysia. 
 
 The history of the tragic contests at the City Dionysia having 
 now been traced down to the latest times, the contests in 
 comedy have next to be considered. This is a subject of much 
 less difficulty. It has already been pointed out that it was 
 in the course of the earlier half of the fifth century that comedy 
 was first recognised by the state. The performances of comedy, 
 which had previously been mere voluntary undertakings, 
 were now superintended by the archon, and regular public 
 contests were instituted. It is impossible to determine the 
 exact date of their institution. Nor is there any certain 
 evidence to show whether it was at the Lenaea or the 
 City Dionysia that comedy was first officially recognised. 
 As far as the City Dionysia is concerned the only fact that 
 can be established with certainty is that contests in comedy 
 were fully elaborated at any rate as early as the year 
 459 B.C. This is proved by the inscriptions already referred 
 to on a previous page^ Whether they had existed for many 
 years previously is a question which there is no evidence to 
 determine. 
 
 The number of poets who were allowed to take part in the 
 comic contests at the City Dionysia differed at different periods. 
 During the fifth century it was limited to three, as in tragedy. 
 The Clouds, the Peace, and the Birds of Aristophanes were 
 all brought out at the City Dionysia during the latter part 
 of the fifth century; and on each of these occasions Aristo- 
 
 '*■ Dio Chrysost. xiii. p. 246 (Dindf.). a-yajvi tZ Kaivw, Atovvaiojy tcuv kv ciffrei 
 
 KaiToi rpaywdovs eKacTTOTe 6pa.T€ roTs Kaivoi^' rpaywSoTs, Aiovvaicju tu)v ev darei 
 
 Aiovvaiois. Corp, Inscr. Att. ii. 334, rpayaiSuv ra> Kaivai dyuvi, Aiovvaioov 
 
 341, 402, 444-446, 465-471, 479, 481. Tuiv ev darei to) Kaiva> aywvi, Aiovvaioju 
 
 These inscriptions range in date from twu fxeydXojv rip Kaivw dywvi. 
 
 about 270 B.C. to 50 B.C. There are ^ Corp. Inscr. Att. ii. 971 compared 
 
 slight differences in the formula, e. g. with the inscription in 'Ecprjfj,. 'ApxaioK. 
 
 Aiovvaiojv jwv jiiydXctiv rpayaiZujv rw 1 886, pt. 4. See above p. 9. 
 
I.] COMEDY AT THE CITY DIONYSIA. 31 
 
 phanes was opposed by two competitors \ At the Lenaea 
 during the fifth century the number of the competing poets 
 was also three. In the beginning of the fourth century the 
 number was raised to five at both festivals, and appears to 
 have continued unchanged throughout the subsequent history 
 of the Attic drama ^ The reason of the increase was probably 
 due to the disappearance of the chorus from comed y. A 
 comedy without a chorus would be less expensive, and would 
 take less time to perform. A larger number of comedies was 
 therefore provided, and the number of poets had consequently 
 to be increased. 
 
 It does not appear however that comedy was ever exhibited 
 at Athens on the same large scale as tragedy. It has already 
 been shown that during the most flourishing period of Attic 
 tragedy each poet was accustomed to produce no less than 
 four plays at the annual festival. But in comedy it was the 
 invariable practice to c ompete with single plays only. In 
 all the notices of comic contests which remain there is no 
 instance of a poet competing with more than one play. The 
 total number of comedies produced each year at the City 
 Dionysia would be three during the fifth century, and five 
 during the succeeding centuries. These figures appear small 
 compared with the number of tragedies produced each year 
 at the same festival. But although each poet competed 
 with a single play, it was not impossible for a man to 
 exhibit two comedies at the same contest. However in 
 order to do so he had to appear really as two poets, and to 
 compete as it were against himself. The total number of 
 comedies remained the same, but the poet was allowed to 
 appear twice over, and to run a double chance of success. 
 Instances of such an occurrence are occasionally found. In 
 422 Philonides took the place of two poets, and exhibited 
 both the Prelude and the Wasps. He was first with the 
 
 ^ Args.to Aristoph.Nubes,Pax, Aves. every case the number of the poets 
 
 ^ Arg. to Aristoph. Plutus ; Corp. appears as five. It is therefore practi- 
 
 Inscr. Att. ii. 972, 975. It is not always cally certain that the number was raised 
 
 known to which of the two festivals to five at both festivals after the fifth 
 
 these . various, notices refer. But in century. 
 
32 DRAMATIC CONTESTS AT ATHENS. [Ch. 
 
 Prelude, and second with the Wasps, and his antagonist 
 Leucon was third with the Ambassadors \ Both the Prelude 
 and the Wasps were really plays of Aristophanes, but were 
 brought out in the name of the poet Philonides. Again 
 iri 353 Diodorus made a double appearance, and was 
 second with the Corpse, and third with the Madman'^. Such 
 instances of a poet taking the place of two competitors, 
 and thus running a double chance of obtaining the first 
 position, cannot have been of common occurrence. They were 
 probably due, when they did occur, either to an exceptional 
 dearth of new comedies, or to very marked inferiority on 
 the part of the other poets who had applied for permission to 
 compete. 
 
 It has already been pointed out that comedy was much later 
 than tragedy in being officially recognised by the state. It 
 also lasted much longer. One of the most brilliant periods 
 of Attic comedy falls at a time when tragedy had practically 
 come to an end. A sure symptom of decay, both in tragedy 
 and comedy, was the tendency to fall back upon the past, and 
 reproduce old plays, instead of striking out new developments. 
 As regards tragedy this practice had already become pre- 
 valent by the middle of the fourth century. But in comedy the 
 creative impulse was still at that time predominant. A fresh 
 direction was being given to the art by the development of 
 the New Co medy,^ or comedy of manners. There was not 
 as yet any tendency to have recourse to the past. In the 
 record of the exhibitions of comedy for the year 353 there is 
 no trace of any reproduction of old plays. When the practice 
 first commenced it is impossible to say. Probably it was 
 not until the more productive period of the New Comedy 
 had come to an end, and the creative instinct had begun to 
 flag. There is a complete break in our information from the 
 middle of the fourth century to the beginning of the second. 
 When we come to the second century, the practice of repro- 
 ducing old comedies is found to have become a regular 
 occurrence. This appears from the series of inscriptions 
 * Arg. to Aristoph. Vespae. ^ Corp. Inscr. Att. ii. 972. 
 
I.] ORDER OF CONTESTS AT THE CITY DIONYSIA. '>^'>, 
 
 recording the comic exhibitions at the City Dionysia during 
 the earlier half of the second century. It is seen that the 
 five new comedies were regularly preceded by an old one, 
 just as in tragedy, a hundred and fifty years before, the 
 proceedings had commenced with the performance of an old 
 play. Among the old comedies reproduced in this manner 
 appear Menander's Ghost and Misogynist, Philemon's Pho- 
 cians, Posidippus' Outcast, and Philippides' Lover of the 
 Athenians. It is noticeable that all these plays belong to 
 the New Comedy, and that there are no traces of any ten- 
 dency to fall back upon the Middle or the Old Comedy. The 
 records just referred to prove that the New Comedy retained 
 its vitality and productiveness much longer than had been 
 previously suspected, and that original comedies were fre- 
 quently exhibited at the City Dionysia as late as the second 
 century. On every occasion when there was a contest the full 
 complement of five new plays was produced. How long this 
 lasted it is impossible to determine. Even in these records 
 of the second century there are symptoms of approaching decay 
 in the productiveness of the comic drama. Almost every other 
 year, and sometimes for two or three years in succession, occur 
 the ominous words, ' This year there was no exhibition of 
 comedies.* Probably by the end of the second century the 
 performances of new and original comedies had become a 
 very exceptional occurrence. 
 
 § 8. Order of Contests at the City Dionysia. 
 
 The regulations concerning the dramatic contests at the City 
 Dionysia have now been described in detail. Before passing 
 on to the Lenaea it will be well to take a general sur vey of the 
 various competitions at the City Dionysia. There were two 
 dithyrambic contests, one between five choruses of boys, and 
 the other between five choruses of men. There was a tragic 
 contest in which three poets took part. During the fifth and 
 earlier part of the fourth century each of these poets exhibited 
 four plays. Later on the number of original plays began to 
 be diminished, and the competition was preceded by an old 
 
 D 
 
34 DRAMATIC CONTESTS AT ATHENS, [Ch. 
 
 tragedy. There was also a contest in comedy in which ori- 
 ginally three poets took part ; but in the course of the fourth 
 century the number of poets was raised to five. Each poet 
 exhibited a single comedy. 
 
 As to the o rder in which the various performances took 
 place, and the method in which they were grouped together, 
 there is very little evidence. One thing may be regarded 
 as certain, and that is that the three groups of tragedies 
 were performed on three successive days. It is difficult 
 to see what other arrangement would have been possible, 
 as two groups, consisting of eight tragedies, would have 
 been too much for a single day\ As to the relative ar- 
 rangement of dithyrambs, comedies, and tragedies not much 
 can be laid down for certain. In all the records which refer 
 to the City Dionysia the various competitions are always 
 enumerated in the same order. First come the choruses of 
 boys, then the choruses of men, then comedy, then tragedy. 
 Also in the law of Evegorus the same order is observed in 
 recounting the different performances at the City Dionysia ^ 
 It has been argued that this was the order in which the 
 contests took place ; that the dithyrambs came first, then the 
 comedies, and the tragedies last of all. But there seems to 
 be very little justification for such an inference. It is quite 
 as likely that the order followed in these lists was based upon 
 the relative importance of the different contests. In fact, the 
 only piece of evidence in regard to the subject which has any 
 appearance of certainty about it seems to show that at any rate 
 during the fifth century the comedies followed the tragedies 
 at the City Dionysia. This evidence is contained in a passage 
 
 ^ Aristotle in the Poetics (c. 24), suppose a performance of four tragedies 
 
 speaking of the proper size of an epic on one day would harmonise very well 
 
 poem, says that it should be shorter than with the statement of Aristotle. Four 
 
 the old epics, and about equal in length tragedies would contain about 6000 
 
 to the tragedies performed on a single lines, and the Iliad contains about 
 
 day (7r/)os Se to ir\^0os -rpaywSiwv twv 15,000 lines, the Odyssey about 12,000. 
 eis ixiav dupoaffiv rtOffievcov iraprjKoiev). ^ Corp. Inscr. Att. ii, 971 ; 'Ecpijfi. 
 
 It has already been shown that it is not 'ApxaioX. 1886, pt. 4; Demosth. Meid, 
 
 quite clear what the practice was at the § 10. 
 time to which Aristotle refers. But to 
 
I.] ORDER OF CONTESTS AT THE CITY DIONYSIA. '>^^ 
 
 in the Birds of Aristophanes. The Birds was performed at the 
 City Dionysia. In that play the chorus, in the course of a 
 short ode, remark how dehghtful it would be to have wings. 
 They say that if one of the spectators was tired with the tragic 
 choruses, he might fly away home, and have his dinner, and 
 then fly back again to the comic choruses \ It follows that at 
 that time the comedies were performed after the tragedies. In 
 the fifth century there were three comedies performed at the 
 City Dionysia, and three groups of tragedies. Most likely 
 therefore each group of tragedies was performed in the morn- 
 ings of three successive days, and was followed in the afternoon 
 by a comedy. In the fourth century, when the number of 
 comedies was raised to five, a new arrangement would be 
 necessary. Possibly the comedies were then transferred to 
 a single day by themselves. But on these and other points 
 of the same kind there is really no available evidence. One 
 thing is certain, that the whole series of performances, consist- 
 ing of ten dithyrambs, three to five comedies, and twelve 
 tragedies, cannot have taken up less than four days in the 
 performance ^ Even if they could have been compressed into 
 three days, it would have exceeded the limits of human en- 
 
 ' Aristoph. Av. 785-789 ovZkv kffr Tpa70f;5cDi/, and supposes that the contrast 
 
 dfiuvov ov8' '^diov fj (pvaai irrfpa. \ avrix is between fjfxus, the chorus of Birds, and 
 
 vtiojv Tojv OearSjv et tis ^u vironrepos, \ ol rpvyatdoi, the oi/ier comic choruses. 
 
 etra ireivSiv toTs x^P'^^^'- '^^^ rpaycvhwv Hence he infers that at the City Dionysia 
 
 Tjx'^iTo, I (KrrTofXfvos av ovtos TjpicrTTjffev all the comedies were performed on a 
 
 ckOcijv o'lKaSe, | Kar av (fxirXTjaOeh k(p' single day by themselves. But Tpvy<u5oi 
 
 Tjixas av9is av KaTtnTaro. Miiller is a perfectly gratuitous emendation, and 
 
 (Griech. Biihnen. p. 322) and others makes the whole passage both feeble 
 
 take €<{)' ruids to mean generally * to us and obscure. 
 
 in the theatre ' ; and deny that it refers ^ Polus is said to have acted eight 
 
 to the comic chorus in particular. But tragedies in four days when he was 
 
 in that case there would be no point in seventy years old (Plut. An seni &c. 
 
 the sentence. There is obviously a con- 785 C). If it was at the City Dionysia, he 
 
 trast between vp.Hs, the spectators, and might have done so, supposing that the 
 
 ^/xefs, the comic chorus. The same old tragedy was performed on the first 
 
 contrast is strongly emphasised through- day, and the new tragedies on the three 
 
 out the previous group of trochaics, vv. following days. But as there is nothing 
 
 753-768. Lipsius (Berichte der K. S. to show whether the feat of Polus was 
 
 Gesellschaft derWissenschaften zuLeip- performed at Athens or elsewhere, it is 
 
 zig, philol.-histor, Classe, 1885, p. 417) impossible to base any conclusions upon 
 
 adopts the old conjecture rpvy^dwv for the statement. 
 
 D 2 
 
^6 DRAMATIC CONTESTS AT ATHENS. [Ch. 
 
 durance to have sat out performances of such enormous length. 
 The festival as a whole, with the procession and other minor 
 amusements, lasted probably either five or six days, as was 
 previously pointed out. 
 
 § 9. The Lenaea, 
 
 We now come to the other great Athenian festival of 
 Dionysus at which dramatic performances took place. The 
 name of this festival was the Lenaea. It der ived its name 
 from the Lenaeum, an enclosure on the south-east of the 
 Acropolis, sacred to Dionysus, the god of the wine-press. It 
 was also called 'the contest at the Lenaeum,' or 'the festival 
 of Dionysus at the Lenaeum.* A victor at this festival was 
 said to have 'won a prize at the Lenaeum \* On the other 
 hand, the Great Dionysia was called 'the festival of Dionysus 
 in the City.* It has already been remarked that the Lenaeum 
 was itself within the city, and that the contests at the 
 Lenaea and the City Dionysia were held in the very same 
 place. The distinction of names was probably due to the 
 fact that while the Lenaea was a small festival, and took place 
 entirely within the sacred enclosure, the City Dionysia was 
 altogether on a grander scale, and many of the ceremonies 
 which accompanied it were celebrated in different parts of the 
 city. The Lenaea was held in^ he month ^f Gamelion, cor- 
 responding to the last half of January and the first half of Feb- 
 ruary. It was still winter, and the sea was dangerous for 
 voyagers. H ence there were few strangers or visitors in Athens. 
 The Lenaea was in fact a domestic sort of festival, confined to 
 the Athenians themselves. The proceedings were quiet and 
 insignificant, in comparison with the splendour of the City 
 Dionysia, when Athens was crowded with visitors from all parts 
 of Greece. In the Acharnians, which was exhibited at the 
 Lenaea, Aristophanes remarks that he can abuse Athens as 
 much as he likes, without incurring the imputation of lowering 
 
 ^ Heysch. v. Itti Arjvaio) dyuv; Aris- Aeschin. Fals, Leg. § 15 viKciv Itti Atj- 
 toph. Acharn. 504 ; Corp. Inscr. Att. ii. vaiw ; Diog. Laert. viii. 90 vikij Aijval'Kri ; 
 714 Aiovvaia ra km Ar]vaia); Schol. Plut. X orat. 839 D 5i5ao-/fa\ta Ajyi/attfTj. 
 
I.] THE LENAEA. ^^ 
 
 her in the eyes of foreigners ^ The proceedings at the Lenaea 
 consisted of a procession, and of exhibitions of tragedy 
 and comedy. The procession was not Hke that at the 
 City Dionysia, but was more in imitation of the proceedings 
 at the Anthesteria, and was accompanied by the rough jesting 
 and ribald abuse which were characteristic of the worship of 
 Dionysus and Demeter. There were no dithyramb ic contests 
 during the period with which we are concerned. The fes- 
 tival as a whole was much shorter than the City Dionysia ^ 
 
 Tragedy at the Lenaea seems to have been at all times 
 subordinate Jp_ comedy. The law of Evegorus, in enumerating 
 the proceedings at the City Dionysia and the Dionysiac fes- 
 tival in the Peiraeeus, places tragedy last in each case, as being 
 the most important. But in the list of the proceedings at the 
 Lenaea it places comedy last, obviously because comedy was 
 the principal feature of the festival. It is uncertain when 
 tragic competi tions at the Lenaea were first ins titute An 
 argument has been founded on the didascaliae prefixed to the 
 plays of Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides. In these didas- 
 caliae there is no mention of the festival at which the plays 
 were produced. Hence it has been argued that during that 
 period there can only have been one festival at which tragic 
 competitions took place. If there had been two festivals, then, 
 it is said, the didascaliae would have recorded the name of the 
 particular festival at which the tragedies they refer to were 
 exhibited. As they do not do so, it would follow that during 
 the lifetime of the three great tragic poets the only tragic 
 contests in existence were those at the City Dionysia, and that 
 tragedy at the Lenaea was unknown before the very end of the 
 fifth century. But the argument is unsound. The omission 
 
 ' Bekk. Anecd. p. 235, 6; Plat. quotation from the Meidias, and also by 
 
 Symp. 223 C; Theophrast. Char. 3; Corp. Inscr. Gr. no. 213, which contains 
 
 Aristoph. Acharn. 501 foil. a list of the festivals at which dithyram- 
 
 2 Demosth. Meid. § 10 kcu 57 Iit\ A77- bic choruses competed, viz. the City 
 
 vaio) iTOfxir^ nal ol rpaycfidol fcal 01 KUfuv- Dionysia, Thargelia, Prometheia, and 
 
 SoL Suidas v. to. kn rSJv afxa^wv cr/fw/*- Hephaesteia. The inscription in 'E(pT)fi. 
 
 fiara. That there were no dithyrambs 'ApxaioK. 1862, i. 219, recording a vic- 
 
 at the Lenaea during the period we are tory at the Lenaea with a dithyramb, 
 
 dealing with is proved by the above must refer to late times. 
 
38 DRAMATIC CONTESTS AT ATHENS. [Ch. 
 
 of the name of the festival in the didascaliae does not prove 
 so much as is supposed. It is known for a fact that there were 
 tragic contests at the Lenaea as early as the year 416, for in 
 that year Agathon won a tragic victory at the Lenaea. But 
 there are two notices about plays of Sophocles subsequent to 
 this date, in which there is no mention of the festival. It is 
 stated that the Philoctetes was produced in 409, and the Oedi- 
 pus Coloneus in 401 ; but in neither case is the name of the 
 festival mentioned \ It cannot therefore be contended that the 
 omission of the festival in the tragic didascaliae proves that 
 during that time there was only one festival at which tragedies 
 were exhibited. All it proves is that the City Dionysia was 
 of much more importance than the Lenaea, and that every one 
 was supposed to know that this was the festival at which the 
 great tragic poets were competitors. 
 
 As to the date of the institution of tragic contests at the 
 Lenaea, there is positive evidence to prove that they were 
 of regular occurrence before the year 416. An inscription 
 which was previously given in a very mutilated condition 
 in Bockh's collection has been recently published in a more 
 complete form^ It is a record of tragic competitions in 
 the years 419 and 418. In both these years the number of 
 competing poets was two, and each of them exhibited three 
 tragedies. There is no mention of a satyric play. It seems 
 certain that the record must refer to the Lenaea, since it has been 
 shown that at the City Dionysia the number of competitors was 
 regularly three, and that each of them exhibited four plays. 
 If then the Lenaea is the festival referred to, it would appear 
 that tragic contests at the Lenaea were a regular institution 
 as early as 419 b.c. For how many years they had existed 
 previously is uncertain. There is a dubious notice about 
 Euripides which may perhaps bear upon the subject ^ It is 
 
 ^ Athen. p. 217 A; Args. to Soph. ' Aix(pi\6x(i>, 'liiovi, | vneKpcveTo KaXKini- 
 
 Phil. and Oed. Col. drjs' | vitoKpiT^s KaWiiriSrjs €i'iKa. 
 
 2 Corp.Inscr. Att.ii. 972. The record ' Vita Eurip. (p. 4 Dindf.) Tjp^aro Se 
 
 for the year 418 runs as follows : — kirl 5i5daK€iv kwl KaAXiou apxovros KaroL 
 
 'Apxiov ... I Hvpoi, T ...,..., I vireKpi- oXvfimdSa ira erei a, vpwTov dl kSiSa^e 
 
 vero AvffiKpdrrjs. \ KaXXiarpaTos . . . . , | rds IIcAtdSas, 6t€ koi rpiros kyiveTO. 
 
I.] THE LENAEA, 39 
 
 said that Euripides began to exhibit tragedies in the year 455, 
 and that 'the first play he brought out was the Daughters of 
 Pehas, on which occasion he was third/ If the statement is 
 to be depended upon, and is not a mere looseness of expression 
 on the part of the grammarian, it implies that Euripides com- 
 peted on this occasion with a single play. If so it must have 
 been at the Lenaea, and it would follow that there were tragic 
 contests at the Lenaea as early as 455, but on a small scale, 
 three poets competing with a single tragedy apiece. At any 
 rate, during the last quarter of the fifth century tragedy had 
 become a regular part of the proceedings at the Lenaea. Until 
 the middle of the fourth century new tragedies continued to 
 be performed at this festival. In 367 Dionysius, the tyrant of 
 Syracuse, won the prize for tragedy at the Lenaea. Aphareus, 
 whose dramatic career extended from 368 to 341, exhibited at 
 the Lenaea on two occasions. Theodectes, the pupil and friend 
 of Aristotle, was victorious on one occasion at the Lenaea ^ 
 As to the details of the contest, and the number of poets and 
 plays, there is not enough evidence to form any conclusion. 
 In 419 and 418 there were two poets, each exhibiting three 
 tragedies. If the inference from the notice about Euripides 
 is reliable, it would follow that at first each poet only exhibited 
 a single play. Very likely the arrangements were changed 
 from time to time ^ By the middle of the fourth century the 
 career of Attic tragedy began to draw to a close. There were 
 signs of decay in productive power. New tragedies were not so 
 plentiful as in previous times; and henceforward they were 
 given only at the City Dionysia. Tragedy at the Lenaea came 
 
 ' Diod. Sic. XV, 74 5 Plut. X orat. SeSiSaxoTOs'AOrivrjcnArjvaioisTpaycuSiav), 
 839 D. Theodectes is known to have to the effect that Agathon and Diony- 
 won eight tragic victories (Steph. sius exhibited single tragedies. Pro- 
 Byzant. v. ^darjXts). From Corp. Inscr. bably rrj Trpdrrr) TpayqjSia vlkolv is a loose 
 Att. ii. 977 frag, b it appears that he expression for ' winning one's first tragic 
 won seven victories at the City Diony- victory'; and StSatr/feij' T/)a7a;S/ai/ means 
 sia. It follows that one of his victories generally ' to exhibit in the tragic con- 
 must have been at the Lenaea. tests.' It seems certain that in Aga- 
 
 "^ No inference can be drawn from the thon's time it was customary for each 
 
 expression in Plat. Symp. 173 A {oTi rfj poet to exhibit three tragedies at the 
 
 irpwrri Tpaya^bia kviKijffev 'AydOcuv), and Lenaea ; and the number was probably 
 
 in Diod. Sic. xv. 74 (Aiovvaiov roivvv not less in the time of Dionysius. 
 
40 DRAMATIC CONTESTS AT ATHENS. [Ch. 
 
 to be confined to the reproduction of old plays. It is about 
 the middle of the fourth century that the phrase 'at the City 
 Dionysia, at the performance of the new tragedies ' begins to 
 appear, in public documents and elsewhere, implying that at 
 the Lenaea only old tragedies were exhibited \ For how 
 long a period afterwards tragedy in this shape continued to 
 form a part of the Lenaea is a point which cannot be determined. 
 Comedy, as we have seen, was the principal feature of the 
 Lenaea. Public contests in comedy were instituted by the 
 state in the course of the earlier half of the fifth century. From 
 the very first they no doubt formed part of the proceedings at 
 the Lenaea. But there is no actual evidence on the subject till 
 the time of Aristophanes. Four of his plays— the Acharnians, 
 Knights, Wasps, and Frogs — are known to have been brought 
 out at the Lenaea. From the arguments prefixed to these plays 
 it appears that during the fifth century it was the custom at the 
 Lenaea, as well as at the City Dionysia, for three comic poets to 
 take part in the competition, each exhibiting a single play. In 
 the fourth century, as was previously shown, the number of poets 
 was raised to five, and this continued to be the number in sub- 
 sequent times. Comedy continued to flourish at the Lenaea, as 
 well as at the City Dionysia, until the third century. Eudoxus, 
 a poet of the New Comedy, is said to have obtained three 
 victories at the City Dionysia, and five at the Lenaea ^. It is 
 therefore clear that during the third century the comic com- 
 petitions were kept up with full vigour at both festivals. 
 Indeed, considering the vast number of plays which were 
 written by the poets of the Middle and New Comedy, and the 
 fact that only five plays could be produced at one festival, it 
 would require not less than two festivals in the year to give an 
 opportunity for the production of the plays that were written. 
 
 ^ Plut. deexil. 603B 7rA^j//i£aj/57)W(/3ai', It has been suggested that the ' new 
 
 kv ^ BevoKpcLTTjs Kad' (KaoTov 6T0S ets d(TTv tragedies ' at the City Dionysia were 
 
 KaTT^H Aiovvaiajv Kaivois Tpajabois. opposed, not to old tragedies at the 
 
 Aeschin. Ctesiph. § 34 Tpaywdwv dyouvi- Lenaea, but to the one old tragedy 
 
 ^ofxivQjv Kaivuv. Dem. de Cor. § 84 which was performed each year at the 
 
 Koi dvayopevcxai rov <TTi(pavov kv ry City Dionysia. But the old interpreta- 
 
 OiaTpCf} Aiovvoiois, TpayqiSoTs Kaivois. tion is much the most probable. 
 
 Corp. Inscr. Att. ii. 331, 341, 402, &c. ^ Diog. Laert. viii. 90. 
 
I.] THE LENAEA. 41 
 
 After the third century there is no further evidence as to the 
 performances of comedy at the Lenaea. 
 
 Before leaving this part of the subject a few observations may 
 be made concerning the comparative importance of the dramatic 
 performances at the two festivals. The City Dionysia was of 
 course a much grander and more splendid gathering than the 
 Lenaea. Its superiority is shown by the fact that at the City 
 Dionysia aliens were not allowed to take part in the choruses, 
 and metics were forbidden to serve as choregi \ At the Lenaea 
 there were no such prohibitions. It must have been a much 
 greater honour for a poet to produce his plays at the City 
 Dionysia, before the crowds of visitors and natives, than at the 
 comparatively quiet Lenaea. This was especially the case in re- 
 gard to tragedy. The great tragic poets, after their reputation 
 was established, would confine themselves to the City Dionysia ; 
 and it is probable that the tragedies at the Lenaea were mostly 
 the work of inferior poets, or of young and untried ones. Such 
 slight evidence as we possess is in favour of this opinion. 
 Agathon won his first victory at the Lenaea. The poet Callis- 
 tratus, who exhibited at the Lenaea in 418, is absolutely 
 unknown, except for the inscription which records his name^ 
 Probably also foreign poets were in most cases confined to the 
 Lenaea. Thus it was at the Lenaea that Dionysius, the tyrant 
 of Syracuse, won his victory ^ The case was not quite the same 
 in respect to comedy. It appears that Aristophanes produced 
 his plays indifferently at the Lenaea as well as the City 
 Dionysia \ It must be remembered that comedy was the great 
 feature of the Lenaea, while tragedy was an appendage. Also 
 the Old Comedy, with its local and personal allusions, would be 
 best appreciated by a purely Athenian audience. It is not 
 therefore remarkable that the leading poets of the Old Comedy 
 should have been as anxious to exhibit at the Lenaea as at the 
 greater festival. There is also the fact that comic poets only 
 exhibited one play at a time. Even if they competed at both 
 
 ^ Schol. Aristoph. Plut. 954. ^ Diod. Sic. xv. 74. 
 
 2 Athen. p. 217 A ; Corp. Inscr. Att. * Args. to Aristoph.'s Comedies, 
 
 ii. 972. 
 
42 DRAMATIC CONTESTS AT ATHENS, [Cli. 
 
 festivals in the same year, it would only involve the composition 
 of two comedies, as opposed to the three or four tragedies of 
 the tragic poet. Consequently a comic poet of a productive 
 intellect would be bound to exhibit at both the festivals. But 
 when the New Comedy, with its plots of general interest, had 
 taken the place of the Old Comedy of personal allusion and 
 satire, it can hardly be doubt-ed that it was a much greater 
 honour to exhibit at the City Dionysia than at the Lenaea. 
 There would no longer be any advantage in the small and 
 purely Athenian audience. 
 
 § lo. The Rural Dionysia and Anthesteria. 
 
 After the drama had been thoroughly established at Athens, 
 the different Attic demes proceeded to institute dramatic per- 
 formances at their own Rural Dionysia. These festivals were 
 held in the month of Poseidon, corresponding to the modern 
 December. The Dionysiac festival at the Peiraeeus was cele- 
 brated on a large scale, and was a gathering of some im- 
 portance. There was a procession, followed by competitions 
 in comedy and tragedy. On one occasion Euripides brought 
 out a new tragedy at the Peiraeeus, and we are told that 
 Socrates came to see it. There were performances of tragedy 
 and comedy at Collytus; and it was here that Aeschines acted 
 the part of Oenomaus in the play of Sophocles, whence he is 
 styled by Demosthenes 'the rustic Oenomaus.' Exhibitions 
 of tragedy were of regular occurrence at Salamis and Eleusis, 
 and it was customary on these occasions to make public procla- 
 mation of the crowns which had been bestowed upon deserving 
 citizens. At Aixone there were performances of comedies, 
 but no mention is made of tragedies. At Phlya there were 
 dramatic performances, probably of both kinds. The remains 
 of a theatre have been discovered at Thoricus. From these 
 few indications it is plain that the drama was cultivated with 
 great energy throughout the country districts of Attica \ Prob- 
 
 ^ Demosth. Meid. § lo orav 17 irofxir^ Kal ol rpaycu^oL Aelian Var. Hist. ii. 
 ^ TO) Aiovva<i> kv Ilcipaiei Kal 01 KOJfi^dol 13; Aeschin. Timarch. § 157 kv rots 
 
I.] THE ANTHESTERIA. 43 
 
 ably it was only on very rare occasions, and at the more 
 important demes, that new and original plays were brought 
 out. The performances would generally be confined to the 
 reproduction of plays which had been successful in the com- 
 petitions at Athens. The proceedings took the form of contests 
 between troupes of actors, who exhibited plays of established 
 reputation. Prizes were offered by the different demes, and 
 companies seem to have been formed in Athens for the purpose 
 of travelling about the country, and taking part in these pro- 
 vincial competitions. Aeschines was at one time tritagonist 
 in a company of this kind, having been hired for a provincial 
 tour by Simylus and Socrates, 'the Ranters,' as they were 
 called \ The number and frequency of these rustic perform- 
 ances exhibit in very clear light the vigorous life and wide- 
 spread popularity of the old drama. Even the country districts 
 of Attica, in the course of their annual festivals, must have 
 become familiar with the masterpieces of Attic tragedy. 
 
 In Athens itself the only festivals at which dramatic per- 
 formances took place were the Lenaea and the City Dionysia. 
 At the Anthesteria, the oldest of the Athenian festivals of 
 Dionysus, there were competitions between comic actors, but 
 no regular performances of dramas. Our knowledge of these 
 competitions is derived from a rather obscure statement about 
 Lycurgus the Orator. It is said that he re-introduced an old 
 custom, which had latterly fallen into disuse. This custom 
 appears to have been as follows. At the Chytri, the last day 
 of the Anthesteria, a contest between comic protagonists was 
 held in the theatre, and the protagonist who was victorious was 
 allowed the undisputed right of acting at the forthcoming City 
 Dionysia ^ The Chytri took place about a month before the 
 
 Kar dypovs Aiovvaiois KwpKuScuv ovtcov kv Kafxaiduv dyuva tois Xvrpois kTnTC\(Tv 
 
 KoWvTa>. Dem. de Cor. § 180; Corp. ((pdfiiWov kv tw OeaTpo), koi tov vi/cfj- 
 
 Inscr. Att. ii. 469, 470, 585, 594; 'E<^77^. aavra eh darv KaraXeyeaOai, irporepov 
 
 'ApxaioX. 1884, p. 71 ; Isaeus orat. viii. ovk k^ov, dva\a^0dvcov tov dywva c/c- 
 
 § 15 ; Wieseler Denkmaler &c. p. 7. XeXotnoTa. The contest is plainly the 
 
 ^ Dem. de Cor. § 262. same as the dyaives Xvrpivoi quoted 
 
 2 This appears to be the meaning of from Philochorus by the Scholiast on 
 
 the passage in Plut. X orat. 841 F Aristoph. Ran. 220. 
 eicTjviyKe 5c Kal v6/*ovs, tov nepl tcDi' 
 
44 DRAMATIC CONTESTS AT ATHENS. [Ch. 
 
 City Dionysia. Of course the privilege of acting as protagonist 
 at the City Dionysia was a very considerable one. There 
 were only five comedies performed, and consequently only five 
 protagonists would be required. There would naturally be a 
 keen competition among the comic actors of the time to get 
 themselves selected among the five. The victor in this con- 
 test at the Chytri was selected as a matter of course. There 
 is nothing to show what the nature of the contest was; but 
 most likely it consisted in the recitation of selected portions 
 of a comedy. This competition between comic actors at the 
 Anthesteria is the only trace to be found, as far as Athens is 
 concerned, of anything connected with the drama taking place 
 at any festival other than the Lenaea and City Dionysia. 
 
 § II. The Judges, 
 
 The institution of the dramatic contests at the different Attic 
 festivals has now been described in detail. As regards the 
 management of the competition many points still remain to 
 be considered, viz, the selection of the judges, the mode of 
 giving the verdict, the prizes for poets and actors, and the 
 public records of the results. First as to the judges. The 
 number of the judges in the comic contests was five^ The 
 number in the tragic contests was probably the same, but there 
 is no direct evidence upon the subject. The s election of the 
 judges was a most elaborate affair, and consisted of a combi- 
 nation of two principles, that of election by vote, and that of 
 appointment by lot. A large preliminary list of judges was 
 first elected by vote. At the beginning of the contest a second 
 list of ten judges was chosen by lot from the first one. At 
 the end of the contest a third list of five judges was selected 
 by lot from the second list, and these five judges decided the 
 result of the competition. The object o f ?11 these elaborate 
 arrajigements and precautions was to make the names of the 
 actual judges a matter of uncertainty as long as possible, and 
 to prevent them from being tampered with by the partisans 
 
 ^ Schol. Aristoph. Aves 445 ; Suidas v. Iv irivn Kpiruy y6vaffi. 
 
I.] 
 
 THE JUDGES. 
 
 45 
 
 of the different competitors. The details of the whole process 
 were as follows \ Several days before the actual commence- 
 ment of the festival the Council, assisted by the choregi, drew 
 up the preliminary list of judges. A certain number of names 
 were selected from each of the ten tribes of Attica. The different 
 choregi; as was natural, endeavoured to get their own partisans 
 upon the list. The names of the persons chosen were then 
 inscribed upon tablets, and the tablets were placed in ten 
 urns, each urn containing the names belonging to a single 
 tribe. The urns were then carefully locked up and sealed 
 in the presence of the prytanes and choregi, handed over to 
 the custody of the treasurers, and deposited in the Acropolis. 
 The preliminary list of judges was kept a secret from every one 
 
 ^ There is no consecutive account in 
 any ancient writer of the mode of select- 
 ing the judges and of voting. Our know- 
 ledge of the subject has to be pieced to- 
 gether from the three following passages : 
 (i) Plut. Cim. p. 483 E lOiVTO 8' eis 
 jivrifJt.T]v aiiTov Kal r^v tSjv Tpayq)Swv 
 Kpiaiv dvofj.a(TTi)v yevofjieuTjv. npwTTjv 
 yap diBacTKaXiav rod So0o/cA.6Ovs €Ti veov 
 KaOevTos, 'Aipeipioov 6 dpxo^v, (piKoveiKias 
 ov(TT]s KOI Trapard^ecus tSjv Oearuiv, Kpirds 
 filv ovK kKK-qpoiOe tov dycuvos, ojs Se 
 Kipicov fxerd tuv avaTparrjyctJV npoeKOuiv 
 eis TO Oearpov eiroirjaaro to; ^eo) rds vevo- 
 fufffxevas jnovdds, ovk dfpfjKiv avrovs 
 direXOeTv, dAA.' opKuaas ■qvdyKacre Kadiaai 
 Kal Kpivai Se«a oj/tos, dnb (pv\r]s fiids 
 tKaarov. (2) Isocrat. xvii. § 33 livOo- 
 Sojpov yap TOV aKtjviTTjv KaXovfievov, 6s 
 iirep Tlaaiajvos diravra Kal Kcyci Kal irpdr- 
 T€i, Tis OVK oldev vfiwv vkpvGiv dvoi^avTa 
 rds vSpias Kal rovs Kpirds e^eXovra tovs vtto 
 TTJs (iovXTJs d(rl3Xr]9(VTas ; Kairoi oaris 
 fUKpojv ev€Ka Kal nepl rod (TufxaTOS KivSv- 
 vevoov ra'uras vnavoiyeiv eToXfii^ffev, at 
 a(ar}iJ.aafj,€vai p.\v ^crav virb tSjv irpvrd- 
 Viuv, Kareacppayia/xevai S' virb tuv X'^PV' 
 yojv, ((pvXaTTOVTO 5' vvb tSjv rajxicuv, 
 (KeiVTO S' ev dKpoiroXei, ri Set 6avp.d^Hv 
 ei K.T.X. (3) Lysias iv. § 3 k^ovKofxrjv 
 8' dv^ fxi) diToXax^tv avrbv KpirrjV Aiovv- 
 aiois, 'iv' vpav (pavepbs tyivero kfiol SirjK- 
 Xay fxevos, Kpivas rTjv €jxt)v cpvX'tjv viKav. 
 vvv 5e 'eypa\p€ fxkv ravTa ds to ypapLfxa- 
 
 Teiov, direXax^ 8c. Kal on dXijOr] ravra 
 Xiyco <^iXivos Kal AiokXtjs toaatV dXX' 
 OVK 'iar avToTs frnprvp^aai fir} Siofioaa- 
 fiivois TTfpl T^s alrias rjs eyw (pevyou, cird 
 Ga(pCi)s eyvcor' dv on tjixhs -qfi^v avrbv ol 
 KpirrfV cfi^aXovres, Kal ■qp.wv d'veKa 
 eKade^ero. The first of these passages 
 refers to a dramatic contest, the third to 
 a dithyrambic one. It is uncertain to 
 which the second refers. But there is 
 no reason to suppose that the mode of 
 selecting the judges was different in the 
 dramatic and the dithyrambic contests. 
 That a second list of judges was ap- 
 pointed by lot from the larger list de/ore 
 the commencement of each contest, and 
 that this second list consisted of ten per- 
 sons, one from each of the ten tribes, seems 
 to be proved by the words of Plutarch, 
 Kpirds fiev ovk kKX'qpooae rod dyaivos . . . 
 dirb (pvXrjs fiids eKaarov. That there was 
 another selection of judges by lot after 
 the contest, and that the number of judges 
 who actually decided the result was 
 smaller than the number of those who 
 sat through the performance and voted, 
 is proved by two expressions in the 
 above passages : (l) eypaipe ixlv ravra 
 ds rb ypapLfiareTov, direXax^ 5e, i. e. he 
 voted in my favour, but his vote was 
 not drawn; (2) ■^piojv e'iveKa iKaOi^iro. 
 Kaei^eiv and KaOi^iaBaL were the regu- 
 lar words used of a judge at a contest. 
 It is clear therefore that the person 
 
46 DRAMATIC CONTESTS AT ATHENS. [Ch. 
 
 except the Council and the choregi. The penalty for tampering 
 with the urns was death. The reason for all the secrecy was 
 obviously to prevent undue influence being brought to bear 
 upon the persons nominated. It is not known from what class 
 the nominees were selected, or whether any property quali- 
 fication was necessary. It is plain that the judges in the 
 dramatic and dithyrambic contests had a very delicate office 
 to perform. If their verdict was to be of value, it was necessary 
 that they should be men of culture and discernment. It is 
 most likely therefore that there was some limitation upon the 
 number of persons qualified to act in this capacity. 
 
 Until the time of the festival the preliminary list of citizens 
 remained sealed up in urns in the Acropolis. On the first day 
 of the competitions the ten urns were produced in the theatre, 
 and placed in some prominent position. The persons whose 
 names were contained in the urns were all present in the theatre. 
 Probably they received a special summons from the archon 
 shortly before the festival. At the commencement of the 
 contest the archon proceeded to draw a single name from all the 
 urns in succession. The ten persons, whose names were drawn, 
 constituted the second list of judges, and each of them repre- 
 sented one of the ten tribes of Attica. After being selected 
 by lot in the manner described, they were called forward by the 
 archon, and took a solemn oath that they would give an im- 
 partial verdict \ They were then condXicted to seats specially 
 appointed for them, and the contest began. At the end of the 
 performances each of them gave his vote, writing upon a tablet 
 the names of the competitors in order of merit ^ These tablets. 
 
 here referred to sat through the perform- bpOoj^ del. The judges addressed by 
 
 ance as a judge, but that after the per- Aristophanes here and elsewhere were 
 
 formance was over his vote was not of course the second body of judges, 
 
 drawn by lot. It may be remarked from whom the third body of five was 
 
 that any doubt as to the truth of the chosen at the end of the contest, 
 
 story in Plutarch does not destroy its ^ Special seats were assigned to the 
 
 value as an example of the mode of judges at Alexandria, and no doubt the 
 
 judging in the Athenian theatre. Attic custom was followed there : cp. 
 
 ^ Dem. Meid. § 17 dfivvovffi irapeffTT]- Vitruv. vii. praef. § 5 cum secretae sedes 
 
 Kus ToTs KpiraTs. Aristoph. Eccles. 1160 iudicibus essent distributae. For the 
 
 fjL^ 'iTiopKeTy, dWd fcpiveiv tovs x^po^^ practice of recording the votes on a 
 
I.] THE JUDGES. 47 
 
 ten in number, were then placed in an urn, and the archon 
 proceeded to draw forth five of them at random. The majority 
 of these five votes decided the competition, and the persons 
 whose votes were drawn from the urn constituted the ultimate 
 body of five judges. It thus appears that up to the very last 
 the judges who recorded their votes were not sure whether 
 the votes would eventually have effect, or turn out to be so 
 m.uch waste paper. This uncertainty was of course a great 
 obstacle to intimidation and bribery. After the competition was 
 over, and the verdict announced, the names of the five judges, 
 whose votes had decided the day, were not kept secret. It was 
 known how each of them had voted. But the other votes, 
 which had been recorded but not drawn from the urn, were 
 destroyed without being made public \ It was of course 
 considered a much greater honour to win a victory by the 
 unanimous vote of all five judges, than by a mere majority 
 of one^ But it is very doubtful whether any public record 
 was kept of the number of votes by which a victory was gained. 
 
 Whether the decision of the judges was generally given 
 with discernment, and how far it corresponded with the ultimate 
 verdict of posterity, is a question of some interest. Both 
 Aeschylus and Sophocles were usually successful, and this 
 speaks highly for the taste of the judges. Aeschylus won 
 thirteen victories; and as he produced four plays on each 
 occasion, it follows that no less than fifty- two of his plays 
 obtained the first prize. Whether the total number of his 
 plays was seventy or ninety, the proportion of victories was 
 very large ^ Sophocles was equally fortunate. He won 
 eighteen victories at the City Dionysia. The number of his 
 plays, as given by different authorities, varies from a hundred- 
 tablet cp. Aelian Var. Hist, ii, 13 kcH vikov' vvv 8e eypa^pe fxev ravra els to 
 vpocreraTTOV toTs KpnaTs dvcuOev ^Apiffro- ypafi/xaTeiov, direXax^ Se. 
 (l>dvi]v dwd n^ dWov ypdcpdv. Lysias * Aristoph. Aves 445-447 XO. ofivvfi 
 
 iv. 3 'dypaipe fiev ravra ks to ypapma- km tovtois, ndcri vikov toTs Kpirais | koI 
 Ttiov. Tois Oearcus Tidaiv. IIE. earai Tavrayi. 
 
 1 This follows from Lysias iv. § 3 | XO. €t 5^ napapairjv, kvl KpiT^ vixdv 
 kPov\6fir]v 8' dv pr) diroKax^Tv avrbv Kpi- fxovov. 
 
 rfjv Aiovvciois, tv vp.iv (pavipbs kyevero ^ Vita Aeschyli ; Suidas v. AtVxvAos. 
 
 (fiol 5ir]\\ayp.ivos, Kpivas r^v kfi^v (j)v\^v 
 
48 DRAMATIC CONTESTS AT ATHENS, [Ch. 
 
 and-four to a hundred-and-thirty. Thus on the lowest estimate 
 considerably more than half his plays gained the first position ^. 
 Euripides was not so successful. He only won five victories; 
 though he wrote between ninety and a hundred plays. The 
 cause of his failure was partly due to the fact that he often 
 had the misfortune to contend against Sophocles. He was 
 beaten by Sophocles in 439 and 432, and probably on many 
 other occasions of which no record has been preserved. But 
 at other times he was defeated by very inferior poets. In 415 
 he was beaten by Xenocles, and on another occasion by the 
 obscure poet Nicomachus ^ But the most surprising verdict of 
 which there is any record is the defeat of the Oedipus Tyrannus 
 of Sophocles by Philocles the nephew of Aeschylus ^ Of 
 course the other three plays, along with which the Oedipus 
 Tyrannus was produced, may not have been of equal merit. Still 
 it must always seem an extraordinary fact, and a proof of the 
 uncertainty of Athenian judges, that a play which is generally 
 allowed to be one of the greatest dramas of antiquity should 
 have been defeated by a third-rate poet such as Philocles. 
 
 Verdicts of this indefensible character might be due to various 
 causes. The j udges might be corru pt or might be intimidated. 
 The spirit of emulation ran very high at these contests, and 
 men were often not very particular as to the means by which 
 they obtained the victory. There is an instance in one of the 
 speeches of Lysias. The defendant is showing that the prose- 
 cutor had been on very friendly terms with him a short time 
 before. The proof he brings forward is that when he was 
 choregus at the City Dionysia, he got the prosecutor appointed 
 on the preliminary list of judges for the express purpose of 
 voting for his own chorus. The prosecutor was pledged to 
 vote for the chorus of the defendant, whether it was good or 
 
 ^ The victories of Sophocles are given bited at that festival during the later 
 
 as 18 by Diod. Sic. (xiii. 103), as 20 in part of his career. The number of his 
 
 the Vita Soph., and as 24 by Suidas v. plays is given as 123 by Suidas, and as 
 
 '2o(poK\7]s. That he won 18 victories 104 or 130 in the Life, 
 
 at the City Dionysia is proved by Corp. ^ vita Eurip., Args. to Alcestis and 
 
 Inscr. Att. ii. 977, frag. a. It is possible Medea ; Aelian Var. Hist. ii. 8 ; Suidas 
 
 that he won other victories at the Lenaea, v. Nt/<ro/xaxos. 
 
 though it is not probable that he exhi- ^ Arg. to Soph. Oed. Tyr. 
 
I.] THE JUDGES. 49 
 
 bad. He appears to have actually done so ; but unfortunately, 
 at the final drawing, his name was not selected, and his vote 
 was therefore of no valued Another example of the use of 
 corruption is afforded by the case of Meidias, who is said to 
 have won the victory with his chorus of men at the City Dionysia 
 by bribing or intimidating the judges ^ Similarly at a contest of 
 boys' choruses, Alcibiades, in spite of his outrageous conduct 
 on the occasion, won the first prize, because some of the judges 
 were afraid to vote against him, and others had been bought 
 over to his side ^. The verdict of each individual judge was 
 made public. Hence it is easy to see that judges might often 
 be afraid to incur the hostility of rich and unscrupulous citizens 
 by voting against them. The above instances all refer to 
 dithyrambic contests. No doubt in these cases, as the whole 
 tribe was concerned with the result, party feeling ran excep- 
 tionally high. In the dramatic competitions only individuals 
 were engaged, and there was less general excitement about 
 the result. Yet even here corrupt influences were sometimes 
 employed. Menander, the greatest comic poet of his time, was 
 often defeated by Philemon owing to jobbery and intrigue 
 similar to that described above ^ 
 
 One not unfrequent cause then of unfair verdicts must 
 have been corruption and intimidation. There is also another 
 point to be kept in view, in estimating the value of the 
 decisions of the ancient judges. The plays of Sophocles 
 and Euripides were no doubt immeasurably superior, as 
 literary works, to the plays of Philocles, Xenocles, and Nico- 
 machus, by which they were defeated. And yet in these 
 and similar instances the verdicts of the judges may per- 
 haps have had some justification. One is apt to forget 
 the importance of the manner in which the play was pre- 
 sented upon the stage. Even in modern times an inferior 
 play, if well mounted and acted, is more impressive than a good 
 play badly performed. This must have been still more the 
 
 ^ Lysias iv. § 3. Kpiruv oi ijl\v (po$ovfi€voi ol Sc x°/"" 
 
 2 Dem. Meid. §§ 5, 17, 65. ^ofxevoi vikSlv €Kpivav avrov. 
 
 3 Andocid. Alcibiad. § 20 aWa tS>v * Aul. Gell. N. A. 17. 4. 
 
 E 
 
50 DRAMATIC CONTESTS AT ATHENS. [Ch. 
 
 case in the ancient drama, where the singing and dancing of 
 the chorus formed such an important element in the success 
 of the performance. It can easily be seen that, however well 
 a play was written, if it was ill-mounted, and if the chorus 
 was badly trained, this would greatly diminish the chances of 
 success. Now the ancient poet was dependent upon his 
 choregus for the mounting of the piece and for the selection 
 of the chorus. If the choregus was rich and generous, the 
 play was put upon the stage in the very best manner, with all 
 the advantages of fine dresses and a well-trained chorus. An 
 ambitious choregus spared no pains to do his part of the work 
 thoroughly. But if the choregus was a miserly man, he tried 
 to do the thing as cheaply as possible. He hired inferior 
 singers, and cut down the prices of the dresses and other 
 accessories. Hence the success of a play d.e pended nearly aa 
 much upon the choregus as upon the poet . Several examples 
 illustrate this fact. Demosthenes, shortly before his death, 
 is said to have dreamt that he was acting in a tragedy in a 
 contest with Archias ; but although he was highly successful, 
 and produced a great impression upon the audience, he was 
 defeated in the contest because of the wretched manner 
 in which the play was mounted upon the stage. Then 
 there is the case of Nicias. He was a man of great wealth, 
 but not of commanding talents. Accordingly he tried to win 
 popularity by the magnificence with which he performed 
 his duties as choregus. The result was that although he 
 took part in many competitions, he was always victorious. 
 Antisthenes is another instance of a rich choregus who, 
 although he knew nothing about music and poetry, was always 
 successful in his contests, because he spared no expense in 
 the preparations ^ There is an example of a different kind 
 of choregus in one of the speeches of Isaeus. A certain Dicaeo- 
 genes regarded his office of choregus merely as a burden, and 
 tried to perform it in the most economical manner. The result 
 was that he was always unsuccessful. He engaged in a dithy- 
 
 ^ Plut. Demosth. 859 D (vrjufpujv Se cKevrjs koI xoprjyias KpaT€ia6ai,id.l!^icia.s, 
 Kai KUTtxcuv TO Oiarpov hSiiq. napa- 524 D ; Xen. Memor. iii. 4. 3. 
 
I.l THE JUDGES. 5 1 
 
 rambic and tragic contest, and in a contest of pyrrhic dancers. 
 On the first occasion he was last but one, on the other two 
 occasions he was last^ Obviously the tragic poet who had 
 the misfortune to be associated with Dicaeogenes would have 
 a very small chance of success. The above examples show 
 very clearly that the money of the choregus was almost as 
 important towards securing victory as the genius of the poet. 
 
 It is necessary therefore, in criticising the verdicts of the 
 Athenian judges, to remember that we know nothing of the 
 circumstances of the different performances, and of the extent 
 to which the choregus may have been responsible for success or 
 failure. Possibly if all the facts were known in regard to the 
 occasions when Sophocles and Euripides were defeated, it would 
 be found that there was some justification. The best critics^ 
 would attend mainly to the merits of the piece in itself, apart 
 from the splendour of the accompaniments. But the mass of the 
 spectators would be dazzled by gorgeous dresses and effective 
 singing and dancing. And the mass of the spectators had a 
 great deal to do with the verdict. If they were strongly in 
 favour of a particular poet, it was difficult for the judges to act in 
 opposition to their wishes. The judges were liable to prosecu- 
 tion and imprisonment, if their verdict was supposed to be unjust ; 
 and the case would of course be tried before a jury chosen from 
 the very audience they had thwarted ^ It was hardly therefore 
 to be expected that they would venture to give a verdict in 
 opposition to the loudly pronounced opinion of the multitude. 
 That the multitude on occasions made their wishes known 
 most emphatically, and brought great pressure to bear upon 
 the judges, is shown by Aelian's account of the first perform- 
 ance of the Clouds. The story is a fable, but is interesting 
 as an illustration of the occasional behaviour of an Athenian 
 audience. It is said that the people were so delighted with the 
 Clouds, that they applauded the poet more than they had ever 
 done before, and insisted on the judges placing the name of 
 Aristophanes first upon the list ^ Such unanimous expressions 
 
 * Isaeus V. § 36. ^ Aelian Var. Hist. ii. 13. 
 
 2 Aeschin. Ctesiph. § 232. 
 
 £ 2 
 
S^ DRAMATIC CONTESTS AT ATHENS. [Ch. 
 
 of opinion on the part of the spectators could hardly be re- 
 sisted by judges who had the fear of prosecution before their 
 eyes. Plato laments on several occasions the despotism 
 exercised by the audience in the theatre. In former times, 
 he says, the verdict was not decided by ' hisses and unmusical 
 shouts, as at the present day, nor by applause and clapping 
 of hands,* but the rabble were compelled by the attendants to 
 keep quiet. In another place he says that the judge should 
 be the instructor, not the pupil, of the audience, and should 
 refuse to be intimidated by their shouts into giving a false 
 verdict. But at the present day, he adds, the decision rests 
 with the multitude, and is practically decided by pubhc vote, 
 and the result is the degeneracy of the poets and spectators 
 alike \ These passages of Plato prove how much the judges 
 were under the dominion of the audience ; and a general 
 audience would be especially likely to be carried away by the 
 splendour of the choregic part of the exhibition, by the music, 
 dancing, and scenery. But on the whole, in spite of occasional 
 cases of corruption, and in spite of the despotism of the multitude, 
 one would be inclined to say, arguing from results, that the 
 judges performed their duties well. The best proof of their fair- 
 ness lies in the continued success of Aeschylus and Sophocles, 
 
 § 12. The Prizes. 
 
 When the contest was ended, and the decision of the judges 
 had been announced, the names of the victorious poet and of 
 his choregus were publicly proclaimed by the herald, and they 
 were crowned with garlands of ivy in the presence of the spec- 
 tators. The crowning probably took place upon the stage, and 
 was performed by the archon ^. There is no mention of any 
 special prize for the choregus, in addition to the honour of the 
 crown and the public proclamation of his victory. It is usually 
 stated that the successful choregus received a tripod from the 
 
 ^ Plato, Legg. 700C-701 A,659 A-C. hrivaxois \ Aristid. vol. ii. p. 2 (Dindf.) 
 "^ Alciphron ii. 3 ; Plut. An seni &c. tovtov (XT€(l)avovv koi irpurov dvayopeveiv. 
 p. 785 B; Athen. p. 217 A arecpavovTai 
 
I.] The prizes. ^^^ 
 
 state, which he erected upon a monument in some public place, 
 with an inscription recording his victory. But this was only 
 the case in the dithyrambic contests. There is no mention or 
 record of a tripod being bestowed upon the choregus of a 
 dramatic chorus. All the notices of tripods as the prize of 
 victory refer to dithyrambic contests \ The memorials of 
 victory erected by the choregi to the dramatic choruses appear 
 to have taken the form of tablets, differing in style and cost- 
 liness according to the wealth and taste of the individuals. 
 For instance, Themistocles after his victory with a tragic 
 chorus erected a 'tablet* in honour of the event, as also did 
 Thrasippus after his victory in the comic contests. It is a trait 
 in the character of the mean man in Theophrastus, that when 
 he has been successful with a tragic chorus, he erects merely 
 a wooden scroll in commemoration of his victory^. It appears 
 then that the only prize or symbol of victory which was bestowed 
 upon the choregus to a dramatic chorus was the crown of ivy. 
 
 As to the rewards for the poets^ the tradition was that in 
 the earliest times the prize for tragedy was a goat, the prize 
 for comedy a basket of figs and a jar of wine ^ After the 
 dramatic contests had been regularly organised, each of the 
 competing poets received a payment of money from the state, 
 differing no doubt in amount, according to the place he gained 
 in the competition *. Nothing is known as to the value of these 
 prizes, but it must have been something considerable, as the 
 
 ^ Dem. Meid, § 5 ; Lysias xxi. § 2 ; c/fcv^s dvaOeffei eKmiScKa fivas. In this 
 
 Schol. Aeschin. Timarch. § 11 ; Isaeus last case some article of theatrical cos- 
 
 vii. § 40 ; 2nd Arg. to Dem. Meid. p. tume seems to have been dedicated as a 
 
 510. The monuments of Lysicrates memorial of the victory. It is known 
 
 and Thrasyllus, which were surmounted that masks were occasionally dedicated 
 
 with tripods (Stuart and Revett, Anti- in this way by successful actors, 
 
 quities of Athens, vol. i. chap. iv. pt. 3, ^ Marmor Par. epp. 39, 43. 
 
 vol. ii. p. 31), were in honour of vie- * Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 367 Toj//it(r0oj/ 
 
 tories with dithyrambic choruses; cp. ruv Kojfiqjduv kfieicuaav -, Eccles. 102 rdv 
 
 Corp. Inscr. Gr. 221, 224. fiia9dv rwv -noirjTwv avverefie ; Hesych. 
 
 ^ Plut.Themist.il 4C 7rtVa«aT^s»'ttf77s y. fxiaOos' to tnaOXov tSjv Kai/iiKu/v . . . 
 
 dv€6j]K€. Aristot. Pol, viii. 6 !« rod efxixiaOoi Se ttcVtc ^aav. As the com- 
 
 irivaKos bv dvidrjKe &pd(ninros. Theo- petitors in comedy were five, this last 
 
 phrast. Char. 22 raivia ^vXivrf. Cp. passage proves that all the competing 
 
 Lysias xxi. § 4 KOjfxwSoTs xopr)l<^v 'K.rj(pi- poets received a reward of money. 
 ooZwp<f) kviicwv, Kal dyr)\ojaa aiiv tjj t^s 
 
54 DRAMATIC CONTESTS AT ATHENS. [Ch. 
 
 demands upon the time and energy of the ancient dramatist 
 were very great. He had not merely to write his plays, but 
 also to superintend their production. Hence the profession of 
 the dramatic poet was distinctly an arduous one, and the re- 
 wards would be correspondingly large. The exact amount is 
 unknown, but some idea of the scale on which the sums were 
 graduated, according to the place of each poet in the competi- 
 tion, may be gathered from the analogy of the dithyrambic 
 contests instituted by Lycurgus in the Peiraeeus. In these con- 
 tests not less than three choruses were to take part, and the 
 prizes were to be ten minae for the first chorus, eight for the 
 second, and six for the third \ The payment of the dramatic 
 poets was probably arranged in a somewhat similar proportion. 
 Towards the end of the fifth century the prizes were reduced 
 in amount by certain commissioners of the Treasury, named 
 Archinus and Agyrrhius. Accordingly in the Frogs of Aristo- 
 phanes these two statesmen are placed in the list of bad men 
 who are not allowed to join the chorus of the initiated ^ The 
 fact that all of the competing poets received a reward of money 
 need cause no surprise. They were the poets chosen, after 
 selection, to provide the entertainment at the annual festivals. 
 They were not selected until their plays had been carefully 
 examined by the archon, and found to be of the requisite 
 merit. To be allowed to exhibit at all was a considerable 
 distinction. There was nothing dishonourable for an ordinary 
 poet in being placed last in the competition. Of course, for 
 one of the great dramatic writers such a position was regarded 
 as a disgrace. When Aristophanes was third, it is spoken of 
 as a distinct rebuff. But to obtain the second place was always 
 creditable. It is mentioned as a proof of the greatness of 
 Sophocles that he 'obtained twenty victories and was often 
 second.* When he was defeated for the first place by Phi- 
 locles, the disgrace consisted, not in his being second, but in 
 his being beaten by such an inferior poet ^ At the same time 
 
 * Plut. X orat. 842 A. ^ Arg. Aristoph. Nub. ; Vit. Soph. 
 
 ^ Aristoph. Ran. 367, and Schol. Aristid. vol. ii. p. 344 (Dindf.) 
 ad loc. 
 
I.] CONTESTS BETWEEN ACTORS. ^^ 
 
 to be second was never regarded as a 'victory.* The title of 
 victor was reserved for the first poet. This is proved by the 
 passage about Sophocles just quoted, and also by the fact that 
 in the list of victors in the contests at the City Dionysia only 
 the names of the first poets in the tragic and comic contests are 
 enumerated. It is clearly owing to an error that the second 
 poet is sometimes spoken of as a victor \ 
 
 § 13. Contests between actors. 
 
 In addition to the rewards just mentioned, prizes for acting 
 were instituted in later times. At first the principal compe- 
 titors in the dramatic contests were the choregus and the poet. 
 Upon their efforts the success of a play mainly depended. 
 It was to them that the rewards of victory were assigned, and it 
 was their names which were recorded in the public monuments. 
 But as time went on the profession of the actor gradually in- 
 creased in importance. Eventually the success of a play came 
 to depend principally upon the actors. The competition was 
 extended to them. A prize was offered for the most successful 
 actor as well as for the most successful poet. The names of 
 the actors began to be recorded in the public monuments. 
 The exact date of these innovations is unknown ; but the in- 
 scriptions prove that the competition between the tragic actors 
 had become a regular institution by the year 420 b. c. There 
 is no record of a competition between comic actors before the 
 year 354 b.c.^ It is therefore probable that the actors' contest 
 was established in tragedy much sooner than in comedy. At 
 any rate the importance of the tragic actor began to be re- 
 cognised at an earlier period than that of the comic actor, 
 as is proved by the lists of the victors at the City Dionysia. 
 
 ^ Arg. Aristoph. Vesp. kviKa rrpuTos kp/xrjv XoioKporrjs) is emended by Rose 
 
 ^iXwvidris. Arg, Nub. ore Kparivos jxkv into hv'iKa "Eppicuv 6 vTroKpiT'^s. If this 
 
 eviKa HvTivri, 'Afxei^pias S^ Kovvqi. Arg. were correct, it would prove the exist- 
 
 Pax eviKTjae di tw hpapLari 6 iroirjr^s ence of contests between comic actors as 
 
 . . . divT€pos 'ApiarocpdvTjs 'EXprqvri. early as 421 B. C. But the emendation is 
 
 ^ Corp. Inscr. Att. ii. 972. The con- exceedingly doubtful. Dindorf suggests 
 
 elusion of the 2nd Arg. to the Pax {to ^AiroWodoipos, ^v'tKa It* ^v vvoKpiT'rjs. 
 8i dpaiM vneKpivaro 'AiroWodcopos, ^v'lKa 
 
5(5 DRAMATIC CONTESTS AT ATHENS. [Ch. 
 
 In the earlier lists belonging to the first half of the fifth century 
 no actors' names are recorded. The only names given are 
 those of the choregus and the poet. But after the middle of 
 the fifth century, in every record of a tragic contest, the name 
 of the actor begins to be appended, as well as the name of the 
 poet. On the other hand, there is no mention of a comic actor 
 even as late as the middle of the fourth century. It follows 
 that at this period the comic actors were thought much less 
 worthy of record than the tragic actors ; and it is probable that 
 the contest in acting was only adopted in comedy after it had 
 already existed for some time in tragedy. After the middle of 
 the fourth century competitions in acting became a regular 
 accompaniment of all dramatic performances whether tragic 
 or comic \ 
 
 These contests were limited to the principal actors or prot- 
 agonists in each play. The subordinate actors, the deuter- 
 agonist and tritagonist, had nothing to do with them. The 
 principal actor in a Greek play was a much more important 
 personage than even the ' star * in a modern company. The 
 actors in a Greek play were limited to three in number, and 
 each of them had to play several parts in succession, by means 
 of changes in dress and mask. Hence the protagonist had to 
 perform not only the principal part, but also several of the 
 subordinate ones. Besides this the composition of a Greek 
 tragedy was designed almost solely with the view of bringing 
 out into strong relief the character of the principal personage. 
 The incidents were intended to draw forth his different emo- 
 tions : the subordinate characters were so many foils to him. 
 The success of a Greek play depended almost wholly upon the 
 protagonist. In the ordinary language of the times he was said 
 to 'act the play,* as if the other performers were of no im- 
 portance. To take an example from existing inscriptions, it 
 is recorded that in 341 'Astydamas was victorious with the 
 Parthenopaeus, acted by Thessalus, and the Lycaon, acted by 
 Neoptolemus.' This is the regular form of the old records 
 both in tragedy and comedy. Demosthenes uses similar lan- 
 1 Corp. Inscr. Att. ii. 971-973, 975. 
 
I.] CONTESTS BETWEEN ACTORS. ^j 
 
 guage. Referring to the Phoenix of Euripides, he says that 
 * Theodorus and Aristodemus never acted this play.* The form 
 of the language is proof of the overwhelming importance of the 
 protagonist ^ These considerations will remove any surprise 
 which might have been felt at the fact of the contest in acting 
 being confined solely to the principal actor in each play. 
 
 As to the nature of the contest, the only other point to be 
 noticed is that the success of the actor was quite independent 
 of the success of the play in which he was performing. Thus 
 in one of the comic contests of the second century the prize for 
 acting was won by Onesimus. But the play in which he acted, 
 the Shipwrecked Mariner, only won the second place. The 
 successful comedy, the Ephesians, was acted by Sophilus. Simi- 
 larly in the tragic contests of the year 418 the prize for acting 
 was won by Callippides ; but the poet Callistratus, whose three 
 tragedies he performed, was only second. The tragedies of the 
 successful poet were acted by Lysicrates. It will be seen that 
 in this contest each of the tragic poets had one protagonist all 
 to himself, and his three plays were performed by the same 
 actor. This was the usual practice in the tragic contests during 
 the fifth century. But in the fourth century a new arrangement 
 was made. All the protagonists acted in turn for all the poets. 
 If a tragic poet exhibited three plays, each play was performed 
 by a different protagonist, and the same protagonists appeared 
 in the plays of his rivals. Under this system the competition 
 between the actors was necessarily quite independent of that 
 between the poets. But even in the earlier period of tragedy, 
 when one actor and one poet were closely associated together, 
 we have seen that the success of the poet did not imply the 
 success of the actor. The two competitions were quite separate* 
 The same was always the case in comedy ^. 
 
 The actors' contests which we have hitherto been describing 
 took place at the performance of new tragedies and comedies, 
 and existed side by side with contests between poets and 
 choregi. But there were other occasions in which actors met 
 
 ^ Corp. Inscr. Att. ii. 973 ; Dem. Fals. Leg. § 246. 
 2 Corp. Inscr, Att. ii. 975 ^, 972, 973. 
 
58 DRAMATIC CONTESTS AT ATHENS, [Ch. 
 
 in competition. The reproduction of old plays generally took 
 the form of contests between actors. These contests were of 
 two kinds. In the first kind each actor performed a different 
 play. At the same time the victory was decided, not by the 
 merits of the play, but by the skill of the actor. There are 
 several references to competitions of this sort. For instance, 
 before the battle of Arginusae, Thrasyllus is said to have 
 dreamt that he was engaged in a contest in the theatre at 
 Athens, and that he and his fellow-generals were acting the 
 Phoenissae of Euripides, while their opponents were acting the 
 Supplices\ The most frequent occasion for reproductions of 
 old plays in this manner must have been afforded by the Rural 
 Dionysia in the different townships of Attica. At most of these 
 festivals there were dramatic performances, which were gene- 
 rally confined to the exhibition of old tragedies and comedies. 
 The town offered a prize for acting, and the leading Athenian 
 actors came down with their companies and took part in the 
 competition, each performing a different play. As far as tra- 
 gedy is concerned, similar contests must have existed at the 
 Lenaea in later times, after the tragic performances at this 
 festival had come to be confined to the reproduction of old 
 plays. But in the case of comedy there are no traces of such 
 contests at the great Athenian festivals. The fertility of Attic 
 comedy was so great that there was no deficiency in the pro- 
 duction of new and original comedies within the period we 
 have to deal with. 
 
 The first then of the two kinds of competitions with old 
 plays was of the character just described. Each actor per- 
 formed a different play. The second kind differed from the 
 first in this respect, that each actor performed the same 
 play. For instance, Licymnius, the tragic actor, is said 
 to have defeated Critias and Hippasus in the Propompi of 
 Aeschylus. Andronicus, another tragic actor, was successful in 
 the Epigoni on one occasion ; and it is implied that his oppo- 
 
 * Diod. Sic. xiii. 97. Of course the Athens in the time of the Peloponnesian 
 story is an anachronism, as competitions War. But it illustrates the practice of 
 with old tragedies did not exist at later centuries. 
 
J.] RECORDS OF DRAMATIC CONTESTS. 59 
 
 nents acted the same play\ In contests of this description it 
 is not probable that the whole play was acted by each of the 
 competitors, but only special portions of it. The contest 
 would be useful for purposes of selection. It has been shown 
 that in later times all performances of new tragedies and new 
 comedies were preceded by the reproduction of a single play by 
 one of the old poets. The actor who was to have the privilege 
 of performing the play would have to be selected by the state. 
 It is very probable that the selection was determined by a com- 
 petition of the kind we are describing, in which a portion of an 
 old play was performed by each of the candidates. The con- 
 tests between comic actors at the Chytri have already been 
 referred to. Most likely they were of the same description. 
 
 § 14. Records of dramatic contests. 
 
 It is difficult in modern times to fully realise the keenness of 
 the interest with which the various dramatic contests were 
 regarded by the old Athenians, and the value which was 
 attached to victories obtained in them. The greatest states- 
 man was proud to be successful with a chorus in tragedy or 
 comedy. It was a proof both of his taste and of his muni- 
 ficence. The tragic poet held as high a place in the popular 
 estimation as the orator or the general. Victorious competitors 
 were not content with the mere temporary glory they obtained. 
 Every care was taken to perpetuate the memory of their success 
 in a permanent form. Elaborate records were also erected by 
 the state. A description of the various kinds of memorials, of 
 which fragments have been preserved, will be a convincing 
 proof of the enthusiasm with which the drama was regarded in 
 ancient times. 
 
 It may be assumed that from the earliest period records 
 of the results of the different contests were preserved by the 
 
 * Alciphron iii. 48 KaKos KaKws dir6- \ov UpoirofjiiToiis k.t.\. Athen. p. 584 D 
 
 \oiTO Kal dcpojvos uij AiKVfxvios TTJs 'AvdpoviKov Si Tov rpaycpSov Ait' ayu/vos 
 
 rpayqjdias v-noKpnrjS. ws yap kviKa tovs tivos, kv ^ rovs ''Eniyovovs evrjiiep^Kti, 
 
 avTir^xvovs Kpniav tov KKeoovaiov Kal iriveiv {xiWovTOS nap' airy k.t.\. 
 "Iniraaov rbv ' Aixfipajtiwriju tovs Alax^- 
 
6o DRAMATIC CONTESTS AT ATHENS. [Ch. 
 
 state in the public archives. In addition to this, the choregi 
 in the dramatic competitions were accustomed to erect 
 monuments of some sort or another in commemoration of their 
 victory. The inscriptions upon these monuments were of the 
 briefest character, and consisted merely of the names of the 
 poet and choregus, and of the archon for the year. Probably in 
 later times the name of the actor was appended. The following 
 notice is from the monument erected by Themistocles in honour 
 of his victory with a tragic chorus in the year 476 b.c.^ : — 
 
 Choregus, Themistocles of Phrearria : 
 Poet, Phrynichus : 
 Archon, Adeimantus. 
 
 In addition to these choregic records, elaborate monuments of 
 various kinds were erected by the state in or near to the 
 theatre of Dionysus. Considerable fragments of these monu- 
 ments have been discovered by recent excavations. They may 
 be divided into three classes. The first class consisted of 
 records of all the contests at some one particular festival. Such 
 records were of the most general description, and consisted 
 merely of a list of victors' names. Fragments have been dis- 
 covered of the records of the contests at the City Dionysia 
 during the fifth and fourth centuries I The style is the same 
 throughout. The boys' choruses are mentioned first, then the 
 choruses of men, then comedy, and tragedy last of all. In the 
 dithyrambic contests the names of the victorious tribe and 
 choregus are given ; in the dramatic contests the names of the 
 victorious choregus and poet. The only difference between 
 the earlier and later portions of the record is that towards the 
 end of the fifth century the name of the tragic actor begins to 
 be appended. The following specimen, which refers to the year 
 458, is of especial interest, since it was in this year that Aeschy- 
 lus brought out his Orestean tetralogy : — 
 
 Archonship of Philocles : 
 Boys' chorus, tribe Oeneis : 
 Choregus, Demodocus : 
 Chorus 01 men, tribe Hippothontis : 
 Choregus, Euctemon of Eleusis : 
 
 ^ Phit. Themist. 114C. 
 
 2 Corp. Inscr. Att. ii. 971 ; 'E^jy/i. 'ApxaioX. 1886, pt. 4. 
 
I.] RECORDS OF DRAMATIC CONTESTS. 6l 
 
 Comedy : 
 
 Choregus, Eurycleides : 
 
 Poet, Euphronius : 
 
 Tragedy : 
 
 Choregus, Xenocles of Aphidna : 
 
 Poet, Aeschylus. 
 
 The second class of public monuments was devoted to the 
 record of one particular kind of contest at a particular festival. 
 It went into much greater detail than the class already men- 
 tioned. Fragments of several monuments of this class have 
 been preserved. There is part of a record of the tragic 
 contests at the Lenaea towards the end of the fifth century, 
 and of the tragic contests at the City Dionysia in the fourth 
 century. There are fragments of a record of comic contests 
 in the fourth century, and very considerable remains of a 
 record of comic contests in the second century \ In these lists 
 the names of all the competing poets are given, together with 
 the titles of the plays they produced, and the names of the actors 
 who performed them. At the end comes the name of the actor 
 who won the prize for acting. If there was any reproduction of 
 an old tragedy or comedy, the name of the play is given, together 
 with the name of the actor. The following specimen is a record 
 of the tragic contests at the City Dionysia in the year 340 b. c. : — 
 Archonship of Nicomachus : Satyric Play, 
 
 The Lycurgus of Timocles ; 
 
 Old Tragedy, actor Neoptolemus : 
 
 Play, the Orestes of Euripides : 
 
 Poets : Astydamas first 
 
 With the Parthenopaeus, actor Thessalus, 
 
 The Lycaon, actor Neoptolemus : 
 
 Timocles second with the Phrixus, 
 
 Actor Thessalus, 
 
 The Oedipus, actor Neoptolemus: 
 
 Evaretus third 
 
 actor Thessalus, 
 
 , . . . , actor Neoptolemus : 
 
 Prize for acting, Thessalus. 
 
 The records of the comic contests are numerous, but in no case 
 do they extend over a whole year. The general style of them 
 will be best exemplified by giving the first part of one year's 
 list, and the last part of another : — 
 
 1 Corp. Inscr. Att. ii. 972, 973, 975. 
 
63 DRAMATIC CONTESTS AT ATHENS. [Ch. 
 
 Archonship of Xenocles : Old Comedy, 
 
 Actor Monimus : Play, Menander's Ghost : 
 Poets : Paranomus first with . . . , 
 Actor, Damon : 
 
 Criton second with the Aetolian, 
 Actor, Monimus : 
 Biottus third with the Poet, 
 Actor Damon : 
 &c., &c. 
 
 The following is the termination of another list : — 
 
 Sogenes fourth with the Devoted Slave, 
 
 Actor Hecataeus : 
 
 Philemon the Younger fifth with the Girl of Miletus : 
 
 Actor, Crates: 
 
 Prize for acting, Onesimus. 
 
 The third class of monument was of a different kind alto- 
 gether. It consisted of lists of tragic and comic actors, and 
 tragic and comic poets, with numerals after each of them, 
 denoting the number of victories they had won in the course 
 of their career. There were separate lists for the City 
 Dionysia and the Lenaea. There were consequently eight lists 
 in all, four for each festival. Numerous fragments have been 
 discovered, but unfortunately the most interesting parts are not 
 always the best preserved \ Still they throw light upon several 
 small points in connexion with the drama. One fragment con- 
 firms the account of Diodorus, that the number of Sophocles' 
 victories was eighteen. At any rate that is proved to have been 
 the number of his victories at the City Dionysia. Cratinus is 
 represented as having won three victories at the City Dionysia 
 and six at the Lenaea. This tallies exactly with the account of 
 Suidas, who gives the total number of his victories as nine^ 
 The following specimen is a list of comic poets, with the number 
 of their victories at the City Dionysia : — 
 
 Xenophilus I. Hermippus IIII. 
 
 Telecleides V. Phrynichus II. 
 
 Aristomenes II. Myrtilus I, 
 
 Cratinus III. Eupolis III. 
 Pherecrates II. 
 
 None of the public monuments, of which fragments have been 
 
 * Corp. Inscr. Att. ii. 977. ^ Diod. Sic. xiii, 103 ; Suidas v. Kparivos. 
 
I.] RECORDS OF DRAMATIC CONTESTS, 6^ 
 
 recovered, appear to have been erected before the third century 
 B.C. But there can be no doubt that similar monuments had 
 existed at a much earHer period. These records, together with the 
 choregic inscriptions and the documents in the pubHc archives, 
 must have been the source from which Aristotle derived the 
 information contained in his two books about the contests at the 
 Dionysia. Of these two books the first was called ' Dionysiac 
 Victories,' and though it is never quoted by ancient writers, it 
 probably contained the same sort of information as the first and 
 third classes of public monuments. The other book was called 
 the ' Didascaliae,* and is very frequently referred to and quoted 
 from ^ It contained lists of the poets who competed at each 
 festival, together with the names of the plays they produced. 
 It was therefore similar to the second class of monuments. 
 The origin of the title of the book is as follows. ' Didascalia,' 
 in its dramatic sense, meant originally the teaching and training 
 of a chorus. It then came to denote the play or group of plays 
 produced by a poet at a single festival ^. Lastly, it was used to 
 denote a record of the circumstances of the production of a 
 play or group of plays. It is in this sense that Aristotle used 
 it as the title of his book. The work would not be a mere com- 
 pilation from existing records and monuments. It must have 
 required some care and research. For instance, when a poet 
 had his plays brought out vicariously, we cannot doubt that the 
 name of the nominal author was entered in the public records, 
 and not that of the real poet. Aristophanes usually brought 
 out his plays in this manner. Then again a poet's plays were 
 sometimes brought out after his death in the name of his son. 
 In these and similar cases it would be the duty of the compiler 
 of a work like Aristotle's to correct the mistakes of the public 
 records, and to substitute where necessary the name of the real 
 poet of the play. Corrections of this kind were no doubt made 
 by Aristotle and his successors. The Didascaliae of Aristotle 
 is the ultimate source of our information as to the production 
 
 • 
 
 ^ Diog. Laert. v. i. 26. A complete totle, vol. v. p. 1572. 
 list of the quotations from Aristotle's ^ See above, p. 21 note; chap. ii. p. 
 
 Ai8aaKa\iai is given in Bekker's Aris- 80. 
 
64 DRAMATIC CONTESTS AT ATHENS, 
 
 and the success of the plays of the great Athenian dramatists* 
 Callimachus, the grammarian of Alexandria, wrote a book of 
 a similar kind, based upon Aristotle's work. It was from Calli- 
 machus that Aristophanes, the grammarian, derived the in- 
 formation which he incorporated in his Arguments to the Greek 
 plays. The existing Arguments are mainly fragments of the 
 work of Aristophanes. The facts about the production of the 
 plays are thus ultimately derived from Aristotle \ The authen- 
 ticity of the information contained in these Arguments has been 
 strikingly proved by a recent discovery. The list of victors at 
 the City Dionysia for the year 458, which was dug up at Athens 
 a year or two ago, tallies in every particular with the facts 
 recorded in the Argument to the Agamemnon of Aeschylus ^. 
 
 ^ Suidas V. KaXXifiaxos ; Schol. Aris- Arte Trag. Judic. p. 3 foil, 
 toph. Nub. 552 ; Etym. Mag. v. irtVo^; ^ 'Ecprjfi. 'ApxaioK. i886, pt. 4. See 
 
 Trendelenberg, Grammat. Graec. de above, p. 18. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE PRODUCTION OF A PLAY. 
 
 § I, The Poets, 
 
 It has already been pointed out that the dramatic perform- 
 ances at Athens were managed entirely by the state. No such 
 thing was known as for an individual citizen to give an ex- 
 hibition of plays as a private speculation. The drama was one 
 of the principal ornaments of the great festivals of Dionysus, 
 and the regulation of the drama was as much the duty of the 
 government as the management of a public sacrifice or other 
 religious ceremonial. Of the two festivals to which dramatic 
 performances were confined, the Lenaea was superintended 
 by the archon basileus, while the archon eponymus was re- 
 sponsible for the City Dionysia ^ These two archons had there- 
 fore to undertake the general arrangement of the dramatic 
 exhibitions at their respective festivals. They had not much to 
 do with the details of preparation. Their functions mainly 
 consisted in selecting the proper persons, and setting them to 
 work, and seeing that they performed their duties satisfactorily. 
 At Athens this was a matter of some complexity. Several 
 persons had to co-operate in the production of a play. The 
 expenses of the chorus were defrayed by the choregus, who 
 fulfilled this duty as one of the public burdens to which the 
 richer citizens were liable. The play was written, and the 
 chorus trained, by the poet. The principal actor, at any rate 
 in later times, was chosen by the state, and assigned to the 
 poet by lot. It was the duty of the archon to bring together 
 
 ^ Pollux viii. 89, 90, 
 F 
 
^fi THE PRODUCTION OF A PLAY. [Ch. 
 
 these three persons, the choregus, the poet, and the actor, 
 and to see that they did not neglect the work of preparation. 
 It is the object of the present chapter to explain in detail 
 the system on which these preliminary arrangements were 
 conducted, as well as the other circumstances which attended 
 the production of a play at Athens. 
 
 When a poet wished to bring out a play, he sent in his 
 application to the archon. If he was a young poet, he would 
 probably be content to exhibit at the Lenaea, and would 
 apply to the archon basileus. The City Dionysia was re- 
 served for the more distinguished poets. The plays offered 
 for exhibition were carefully examined by the archon, who 
 proceeded to select, from among the various applicants, the 
 number of poets required by the particular festival \ If it 
 was tragedy at the City Dionysia that he was superintending, 
 three poets would be chosen. If it was comedy, the number 
 of poets would be three, or in later times five. When a 
 poet applied for permission to exhibit, he was said to ^ ask 
 for a chorus,* because the first step taken by the archon 
 was to assign him a choregus, who defrayed the expenses of 
 his chorus. Similarly, when the archon acceded to a poet's 
 application, he was said to 'grant him a chorus ^.' The number 
 of applicants must often have been very large, especially for 
 the City Dionysia; and to decide between their rival claims 
 would be a task of great delicacy. It appears that the whole 
 responsibility was thrown upon the archon. It was he who 
 selected the poets, and assigned the choruses ^ It was in- 
 evitable that functions of this kind should sometimes have been 
 performed with partiality and unfairness. An author who had 
 interest with the archon for the year would have a better 
 chance of obtaining a chorus than a mere stranger. Mention 
 
 ^ Suidas V. x^poi/ SiSojfii' ev taw t& victor was reserved for the poet who 
 
 (vSoKificTv Kal vikSlv irapa ycip rots ^A9t]- obtained the first place in the competi- 
 
 j/atots xopoO eTvyx^^(>^ KwpxuZlas Kal tion. See chap. I, p. 55. 
 
 TpayaiBias iToirjTai ov iravres d\ka ol ^ Athen. p. 638 F ; Suidas 1. c. 
 
 €v8oKifJi.ovuT€s KOI doKifiadOfVTfs a^ioi. ^ Aristot. Poet. c. 5 ; Cratinus, Bov- 
 
 To be allowed to compete was an KiXoi^ frag. I, (Meineke Frag. Com. 
 
 honour, but was not regarded as a vie- Gr. ii. p. 27), 
 tory, as Suidas asserts. The title of 
 
 \ 
 
II.] ' THE POETS, ^ 6T 
 
 is made of an archon who refused a chorus to the great comic 
 poet Cratinus. Another archon is said to have given a chorus 
 to one Cleomachus in preference to Sophocles \ The only 
 check upon such favouritism was public opinion. In a place 
 like Athens, where the magistrates were entirely at the mercy 
 of the people, and were subjected to severe scrutiny at the end 
 of their year of office, it would be impossible for an archon 
 to disregard public opinion in a very flagrant manner. It is 
 therefore probable that in most cases the best poets were 
 chosen. 
 
 It is often stated erroneously that there was a law regulating 
 the age at which poets were permitted to compete. One of the 
 scholiasts on the Clouds says that no poet was allowed to 
 exhibit until he had reached the age of thirty. Another 
 scholiast puts the age at forty or thirty. These are the only 
 authorities for the existence of any such law^ Their state- 
 ments upon the point appear to be mere conjectures, invented 
 to explain the fact that Aristophanes did not at first produce 
 his plays in his own person. Possibly they were misled by a 
 confused recollection of the law that no man could be choregus 
 to a chorus of boys until he had reached the age of forty. In 
 regard to poets, there cannot have been any law of the kind 
 they mention. Take the case of Aristophanes. His first play 
 was the Banqueters, which he brought out in another man's 
 name in 427, while he was still ' almost a boy.* Three years 
 later he brought out the Knights in his own name. If he was 
 almost a boy in 427, he cannot have been anything like thirty 
 when he exhibited the Knights I The other great poets began 
 to exhibit at a very early age. Aeschylus was only twenty-five 
 at the time of his first dramatic contest. Sophocles won his 
 first tragic victory at the age of twenty-eight. Euripides began 
 to contend when he was twenty-six *. All that appears to have 
 been required was that the poet should have reached the age of 
 twenty, passed his docimasia, and been enrolled in the list of 
 
 • ^ Cratinus 1. c. Aristoph. Equites. 
 
 "^ Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 510, 530. * Suidas v. Aio-xuAoj ; Mannor Par. 
 
 ^ Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 504 ; Arg. to ep. 56 ; Vita 1 Eurip. 
 
 F 2 
 
68 THE PRODUCTION OF A PLAY. [Ch, 
 
 citizens. Before this it is not likely that he would be allowed 
 to take part in the contests. Eupolis is said to have been only 
 seventeen when he began to produce comedies. But if this 
 was really the case, probably his earlier plays were brought out 
 by friends, and not in his own name ^ 
 
 It seems to have been not an uncommon practice for a poet 
 to have his plays produced by a friend, instead of coming 
 forward in his own person. Various reasons might induce him 
 to do so. In the first place a young poet might feel diffident 
 of his powers, and might wish to conceal his identity until he 
 had tested them by experience. This seems to have been the 
 reason why the first three plays of Aristophanes, the Ban- 
 queters, the Babylonians, and the Acharnians, were produced 
 by Callistratus ^ Aristophanes did not come forward in his 
 own name till the year 424, when he brought out his Knights. 
 In the parabasis of this play he explains at some length the 
 reasons which induced him to keep in the background at first. 
 His reasons were partly the difficulty of writing comedies, 
 partly the fickleness of the Athenians, partly a feeling that 
 one ought to proceed warily in the business, and advance by 
 slow degrees, just as the steersman of a ship begins by serving 
 as a common oarsman. He says nothing about any law which 
 would have prevented him producing his early plays in his 
 own name, but ascribes his conduct entirely to youthful 
 modesty. Referring to the same subject in the Clouds he 
 expresses similar ideas in a metaphorical way, by saying that at 
 the time when the Banqueters came out his Muse was still a 
 virgin, and too young to have a child of her own^ One 
 reason then for this vicarious production of plays was merely 
 the diffidence of youth, and a desire to make the first experiments 
 anonymously. A second and quite a different motive was that 
 which actuated old poets, when they allowed their sons to 
 bring out their plays, and have the credit of the authorship, in 
 
 ^ Suidas V. EuTroXts. S^/zos ; Arg. Aristoph. Acharn. 
 
 2 Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 531; Anon. ^ Aristoph. Equit. 512-544, Nub. 
 
 de Comoed. (Dindorf, Prolegom. de 528-531. 
 Comoed. p. 24) ; Suidas v. Xa/juuv 6 
 
11.] THE POETS. 69 
 
 order to give them a successful start in their dramatic career, 
 Aristophanes for this reason entrusted to his son Araros the 
 production of his two latest comedies. lophon also was sus- 
 pected of exhibiting in his own name the tragedies of his father 
 Sophocles \ A third case was that in which wealthy citizens, 
 who had a wish for poetical distinction, bought plays from 
 needy authors, and exhibited them as their own. Plato, the 
 poet of the Old Comedy, is said to have been compelled by 
 poverty to sell his comedies in this manner \ A fourth 
 reason was probably the desire to avoid the labour and the 
 trouble of bringing out a play. The earlier dramatic poets 
 were stage-managers as well as authors, and the superintend- 
 ence of the production of a play was part of the business 
 of their profession. But in later times when play-writing had 
 a tendency to become more entirely a literary pursuit, authors 
 appear to have entrusted their plays to friends who had more 
 experience in theatrical affairs. It is true that a professional 
 trainer might be procured, who thoroughly understood the 
 business of producing a play. But still a certain amount of 
 trouble and responsibility must have devolved upon the person 
 in whose name the play was brought out, and to whom the 
 archon granted the chorus. It was most likely some reason of 
 this kind which induced the tragic poet Aphareus never to 
 bring out his plays in his own name^ He was quite as much a 
 rhetorician as a dramatist, and probably knew nothing at all 
 about the details of stage-management. Though he exhibited 
 tragedies on eight occasions, they were always entrusted for 
 production to a friend. A similar reason may have induced 
 Aristophanes, during the middle of his career, to entrust so 
 many of his plays to Callistratus and Philonides. For in- 
 stance, the Birds and the Lysistrata were exhibited by 
 Callistratus, the Wasps, the Proagon, the Frogs, and the 
 Amphiaraus by Philonides*. In addition to the examples 
 already mentioned there are other instances of vicarious pro^ 
 
 1 Arg. to Aristoph. Plutus ; Schol. ^ Pliit. X orat. 839 D. 
 
 Aristoph. Ran. 73. * Args. to Aristoph. Av., Lysist., 
 
 ^ Suidas V, 'ApKaSas itifiov^ivoi, Vesp., Ran. 
 
70 THE PRODUCTION OF A PLAY. [Ch. 
 
 duction, where it is very difficult to discover what the motives 
 really were. Philip, one of the sons of Aristophanes, is said to 
 have ' frequently competed with plays of Eubulus.* The Auto- 
 lycus of Eupolis was brought out by an obscure poet called 
 Demostratus\ In these cases there may have been special 
 circumstances which are unknown to us. But as far as our 
 information goes, the only plausible reasons for having plays 
 brought out vicariously appear to be the four already men- 
 tioned, the timidity of youth, the stress of poverty, kindness 
 towards a relative, or the desire to escape responsibility. 
 Other reasons have been suggested. For instance it has been 
 conjectured that on certain occasions a poet's friend might 
 have a better chance than the poet himself of obtaining a 
 chorus from the archon. But there does not seem to be much 
 plausibility in the suggestion. No one would be more likely 
 to obtain a chorus from the archon than a poet of well- 
 established reputation. The reasons already given are the 
 only ones which stand the test of examination. 
 
 As to the relationship between the poet and the friend who 
 produced his plays for him a few points require to be noticed. 
 It was the nominal poet who made the application to the archon, 
 received the chorus, and undertook the whole responsibility \ 
 At the same time it appears that the name of the real poet was 
 often perfectly well known. Of course if secrecy was an object, 
 this would not be so. When a father gave his plays to his son, 
 he kept his own name concealed. The real authorship was 
 only revealed in later times. lophon was merely suspected of 
 having competed with the plays of his father Sophocles, and 
 was not known for certain to have done so. But in other 
 instances the real poet was known from the very first. Aristo- 
 phanes in the Knights says that many people had been asking 
 him why he gave his plays to Callistratus, and did not ask for 
 a chorus in his own name. Again in the Wasps, which was 
 brought out by Philonides, the chorus refer to the author of 
 
 ^ Vit. Aristoph. (Dindf. Prolegom. de BaviiA^uv vfiwv (prjffiv iroWovs avrw 
 Comoed. p. 39); Athen. p. 216 D. TrpoaiovTas, \ KalPaaavl^eiVfWsovxlrrdXcu 
 
 ^Aristoph. Equit. 512, 513 d 5^ x^poj' aiTot?/ /cad' lavroj' tf.T.A. 
 
11.] APPOINTMENT OF CHOREGL 71 
 
 the play in terms which are only applicable to Aristophanes \ 
 It follows that from the very first the real authorship q{ the 
 plays of Aristophanes was more or less an open secret. Hence 
 it is most likely that when the author of the Babylonians was 
 prosecuted by Cleon, it was the real author Aristophanes, and 
 not the nominal author Callistratus, who was attacked. At the 
 same time the nominal author was the one officially recognised 
 by the state. There can be no doubt that it was his name 
 which was entered as victor in the public archives, and that he 
 received the prize and the other rewards of victory, such as 
 the public proclamation and the crown. The existing dida- 
 scaliae in cascb of vicarious production give the name of the 
 real author, with a note to the effect that the play was actually 
 brought out by such and such a person. This can hardly have 
 been the form adopted originally in the public records, but 
 must be due to the corrections of Aristotle and his successors. 
 
 § 2. Appointment of the Choregt. 
 
 To return to the preliminary arrangements in connexion 
 with the dramatic exhibitions. For every play or group of 
 plays a choregus was required to provide and pay for the 
 chorus. The appointment of the choregi was a matter for 
 which the archon was responsible'''. For the dithyrambic 
 contests each tribe was bound to provide one choregus. 
 These contests, as was pointed out in the last chapter, were 
 essentially a tribal affair. There were five choruses of boys 
 and five choruses of men ; and each of the ten tribes took part 
 in the contest, and provided one choregus and one chorus. 
 But it is a mistake to apply the same system to the tragic and 
 comic choruses, and to suppose, as is usually done, that each 
 tribe had to supply a choregus for tragedy and comedy as well. 
 The dramatic contests had nothing to do with the tribes, but 
 were contests between individuals. Consequently the choregi 
 were chosen without distinction from the whole body of the 
 citizens, and were not specially appointed by the tribes. 
 
 ^ Aristoph. Equites I.e., Vespae 1016-1022. * Demosth. Meid. § 13. . 
 
7a THE PRODUCTION OF A PLAY. [Ch. 
 
 Whenever a man is said to have been choregus for his tribe, 
 it is a chorus of boys or men that is referred to, and not a 
 dramatic chorus \ If each of the ten tribes had suppHed a 
 choregus for the dramatic choruses, there would have been 
 more of them than was necessary, since the number of tragic 
 and comic choruses at any one festival was never more than 
 eight, and in early times was only six or five. As far then as 
 tragedy and comedy are concerned, the choregi were chosen, 
 without any distinction of tribe, from the general body of 
 citizens. The dramatic choregia was a burden, which, like the 
 other public burdens, had to be undertaken in turn by the 
 members of the wealthier Classes. The order was fixed by 
 law. But a man of more than usual ambition or generosity 
 might volunteer for the office of choregus out of his proper 
 turn. The defendant in one of the speeches of Lysias points 
 out that he had been choregus to no less than eight choruses 
 in a space of nine years, in addition to such expenses as the 
 war-tax and the trierarchy. He adds that if he had only 
 undertaken such burdens as he was compelled to perform by 
 law, he would not have spent a quarter of the money^ 
 
 A man was liable to be selected as choregus as soon as he 
 had reached the age of twenty, and been enrolled as a full 
 citizen. The defendant in the speech of Lysias just referred 
 to passed his docimasia in the archonship of Theopompus, and 
 in that very same year he acted as choregus to a tragic chorus, 
 and to a chorus of men ^ There was a law that no one should 
 be choregus to a boys' chorus till he had reached the age of 
 forty. But this law had nothing to do with the choruses of men, 
 Or the choruses in tragedy or comedy*. There was occasion- 
 ally some difficulty in finding a sufficient number of rich men to 
 fill the office. In the time of Demosthenes the tribe Pandionis 
 was for three years unable to supply a choregus for the dithy- 
 rambic contests. At a much earlier period, towards the end of 
 
 ^ Demosth. Meid. § 13; Plut. X ^ Lysias orat. xxi. §§ 1-5. 
 
 orat. 835 B ; Isaeus orat. v. § 36, ^ Lysias 1. c. 
 
 where to be choregus to one's tribe is * Aeschin. Timarch. §§ 11, 12 ; Har- 
 
 contrasted with being choregus to a pocrat. v. oti vofios. 
 tragic chorus. Corp. Inscr. Gr. 2 24, &c. 
 
II.] APPOINTMENT OF CHOREGf, T^ 
 
 the Peloponnesian War, when there had been long and heavy 
 drains upon the resources of the state, it was found necessary 
 to lighten the burden of the choregia. Accordingly in 406 a 
 law was passed enacting that each dramatic chorus at the City 
 Dionysia should be provided by two choregi instead of one. 
 Thus the cost to individuals was diminished by half\ The 
 same law was probably passed in reference to the choruses at 
 the Lenaea. It was only a temporary expedient, due to the 
 distress caused by the Peloponnesian War. At any rate there 
 are several instances in later times of single individuals acting 
 as choregi to tragic choruses. For example, a certain AristO' 
 phanes was tragic choregus twice, Meidias once^. Towards 
 the end of the fourth century, or the beginning of the third, 
 the choregia was abolished altogether. A new system was 
 introduced in its stead. The providing and the training of 
 all the choruses was undertaken by the state, and an officer 
 called the Agonothetes was elected annually to carry out the 
 arrangements. His duties would mainly consist in providing 
 the dithyrambic choruses. By the beginning of the third 
 century the chorus had practically disappeared from comedy. 
 Tragedy at Athens was in most cases confined to the reprO' 
 duction of old plays, and it is very doubtful whether in these 
 reproductions the chorus was retained in its integrity. Such 
 dramatic choruses as were still required in this late period were 
 provided by the Agonothetes, acting as the representative of 
 the people ^ 
 
 When the archon had selected the poets whose plays were to 
 be performed at the approaching festiv^al, and the list had been 
 made up of the choregi who were to supply the choruses, the 
 next thing to be done was to arrange the choregi and poets 
 together in pairs. Each choregus had one poet assigned to 
 him, for whose chorus he was responsible. There is no defi- 
 nite information as to the manner in which this arrangement 
 
 ^ Demosth. Meid. § 13; Schol. Aris- ^ Corp. Inscr. Gr. 225, 226; Corp. 
 
 toph. Ran. 406. Inscr. Att. ii. 302, 307, 314, 331 ; 
 
 ^ Lysias orat. xix. §§ 29, 42 ; Dem. Kohler's article in Mittheil, des deut. 
 
 Meid. § 156. arch, Inst. iii. p. 231 ff. 
 
74 THE PRODUCTION OF A PLAY. [Ch. 
 
 was carried out in the case of tragic and comic choruses. But 
 in the case of the dithyrambic choruses there are full accounts 
 of the manner in which similar arrangements were made ; and 
 it will not be difficult, from the analogy of these proceedings, to 
 form a fairly clear conception of the proceedings in regard to 
 tragedy and comedy. Every dithyrambic chorus required a 
 flute-player. These flute-players were first selected by the 
 state, and then distributed among the different choregi. Some 
 time before the festival a meeting of the ecclesia was held, at 
 which the distribution took place under the superintendence of 
 the archon. The proceedings were quite public, and any 
 Athenian citizen who wished could be present. The system 
 was as follows. There were of course ten choregi and ten 
 flute-players. The choregi first drew lots for order of choice, 
 and then each chose his own flute-player. The choregus who 
 had obtained the privilege of choosing first selected the flute- 
 player whom he considered to be the best of the ten. So they 
 went on till all the flute-players were chosen. The scene was 
 a lively one. The success of the choregus, and in consequence 
 the success of his tribe, depended to a certain extent upon his 
 luck in getting a good or bad flute-player. Hence the whole 
 process was followed with the greatest interest by the crowds 
 of spectators present. As each lot was drawn, the result was 
 greeted with expressions of triumph or disappointment by the 
 partisans of the different choregi ^ The above information is 
 derived from the account given by Demosthenes, in the speech 
 against Meidias, of the preliminary arrangements for the dithy- 
 rambic contests. Nothing is there said about the choice or 
 assignation of the poets. Probably in this contest only old dithy- 
 rambs were reproduced, and there were no poets to be assigned. 
 That such was often the case is proved by inscriptions ^ But 
 
 * Demosth. Meid. §§ 13, 14; 2nd the dithyramb performed was the Elpe- 
 
 Arg. to Meidias, p. 510. nor of the celebrated poet Timotheus. 
 
 ^ Mittheil. desdeut. arch.Inst. x.p. 231 When old dithyrambs were performed, 
 
 IHiKias NtKoSrjfjLov3un€Taiojvdv€0i]K€viKri- and no poet was necessary, a profes- 
 
 aas xop-q-yoji/ Ke/epoTriSi iraiSuv Tlavra- sional trainer was hired to look after 
 
 Kiaiv ^iKvuvios r}v\€f aafia 'E\irrjvup the chorus. Such was the SiMcKaXos 
 
 TifioOfov Niaixfios ^px^v- In this case mentioned by Demosthenes (Meid. § 17)1. 
 
II.] THE SELECTION OF THE ACTORS. 75 
 
 when the contest was with original dithyrambs, and poets were 
 required, they seem to have been allotted to the choregi in much 
 the same manner as the flute-players. The defendant in one 
 of the speeches of Antiphon says that, when he was choregus 
 to a chorus of boys at the Thargelia, the poet Pantacles was 
 assigned to him by lot \ The system then in the case of the 
 dithyrambic choruses was that at a meeting of the ecclesia, held 
 under the superintendence of the archon, the choregi drew lots 
 for the flute-players, and (where necessary) for the poets. 
 Probably much the same system was adopted in tragedy and 
 comedy. Some time before the festival the choregi would 
 meet, and after the order of choice had been determined by 
 lot, each choregus would choose his poet. Quite as much 
 depended upon this allotment, in the case of tragedy and 
 comedy, as in the case of the dithyrambic contests. A choregus 
 who obtained an inferior poet would be heavily handicapped in 
 the competition ; and a poet who was joined to a mean and 
 unambitious choregus would be equally unfortunate. If a 
 matter of such importance had been left to be decided by 
 individual will, it would have given endless opportunities for 
 unfairness and favouritism. The best precaution against such 
 an evil was to arrange the matter by lot. 
 
 § 3. Selection of the Actors. 
 
 Poets and choregi having been associated together in pairs, 
 there still remained the selection and appointment of the actors. 
 The manner in which they were appointed differed very consi- 
 derably at different periods. To take the case of tragic actors 
 first. Before the time of Aeschylus, when tragedy was more 
 
 * Antiphon orat. vi. §11 t-nn'bri hiSjvrfruvrpaycfhiojv.'AvTiipojvlv Tunrtpl 
 Xoprjybs KaT«TTa6r]v fls (dapyrjXia Kal tov xop^vrov' eXaxov, <prj<n, HavraKXia 
 fkaxov HavraKXea diSdcKaXov k.t.K. SiddcrKaKov on yap 6 IlavTaK\7Js iroirjTrjs, 
 Pantacles was a poet, and not a mere 5(5tiXo}K€v 'ApiaroreXrjs kv rah AiSaffna- 
 trainer of choruses, like the 8i8d<TKaKos \iais. When there was a poet, a pro- 
 hired by Demosthenes. This is proved fessional trainer was not usually required, 
 by a passage in Etym. Mag. v. SiddaKa- The poet undertook the training of the 
 \os' iSiusSidaaKoKovsKeyovaivoi^ATriKol chorus. 
 
 TOVS irOlTJTCLS TUV dlOvjMfi^OJV Tj TOIV KMfM^- 
 
^6 THE PRODUCTION OF A PLA F. [Ch. 
 
 a lyrical than a dramatic performance, consisting of long choral 
 odes interspersed with recitatives, actors did not exist as a 
 separate class. Only one actor was required in each play, and 
 his part was taken by the poet\ But when Aeschylus increased 
 the number of actors to two, and converted tragedy from a 
 lyrical into a dramatic form of art, the poets ceased to perform 
 in their own plays, and the actor's profession came into exist- 
 ence. For the next fifty years or so it does not appear that the 
 state took any part in the selection of the actors. It left the 
 matter in the hands of the poets. Particular actors are found 
 to have been permanently connected with particular poets. 
 Aeschylus is said to have first employed Cleander as his actor, 
 and to have afterwards associated a second actor with him 
 in the person of Mynniscus. Tlepolemus acted continuously 
 for Sophocles. It is stated, on the authority of Ister, that 
 Sophocles was accustomed to write his plays with a view to 
 the capacities of his actors ^ This story, whether true or 
 not, shows that he chose his actors himself, at any rate during 
 the earlier part of his career. But long before the end of the 
 fifth century the system was altogether changed. As the 
 actors grew in importance their selection was no longer left 
 to the choice of individual poets, but was undertaken by the 
 state. The actors chosen by the state were distributed among 
 the poets by lot. Towards the end of the fifth century we 
 no longer hear of particular poets and actors being perma- 
 nently connected together. The statement of Thomas Magister, 
 that Cephisophon was the actor of Euripides, appears to 
 be a mere conjecture, as Cephisophon is nowhere else de- 
 scribed in that way. Under the new arrangement the mode of 
 distribution was as follows. Three protagonists were first of 
 all selected by the archon. There is no information as to the 
 way in which they were selected. They may have been chosen 
 by means of a small competition, similar to that between comic 
 actors at the Chytri. The subordinate actors were not chosen 
 by the state, but each protagonist was allowed to provide his 
 
 * Aristot. Rhet. iii. i. 
 
 ^ Vit. Aeschyl. ; Schol. Aristoph. Clouds 1267 ; Vit. Soph, and Eurip. 
 
II.] THE SELECTION OF THE ACTORS. 77 
 
 own deuteragonist and tritagonist. When the three leading 
 actors had been chosen they were assigned to the three com- 
 peting tragic poets by lot. Probably the system was the same 
 as in the assignation of the flute-players to the dithyrambic 
 choruses. The poets would first draw lots for order of choice, 
 and then each poet would choose his actor. The actor per- 
 formed all the tragedies of the poet to whom he was allotted.^ 
 Thus in 418 the three tragedies of Callistratus were acted by 
 Callippides ; the three tragedies of his rival were acted by 
 Lysicrates. The actor who won the prize for acting was per- 
 mitted to compete as a matter of course at the next festival 
 without having to submit to the process of selection by the 
 archon. Such was the system adopted during the latter half 
 of the fifth century \ How long it lasted cannot be deter- 
 mined ; but when we come to the middle of the fourth century, 
 a further alteration is found to have been introduced. By 
 this time the importance of the actors had increased to a still 
 greater extent. In fact, Aristotle says that in his day the 
 success of a play depended much more upon the actor than 
 the poet^ It was probably felt that under the old arrangement 
 the poet who obtained by lot the greatest actor had an unfair 
 advantage over his rivals. A new system was therefore intro- 
 duced, by which the talents of the actors were divided with 
 perfect equality among the poets. Each tragedy was performed 
 
 ^ Suidas V. v^ixrjaus vnoKpiTwv' 01 each tragic contest, and not the three 
 
 iroiijTal kXdfifiavov rpeis viroKpiras KX-qpcp actors required by each poet. This is 
 
 ve/xr]9evTas, vnoKpivofiifovs ra dpafmra' proved by the words cSf oviKrjcas, which 
 
 S)v 6 viKTjaas els Tovniov dfcpiTos irapaXafi- imply that the three actors mentioned 
 
 pdverai. The interpretation of this all took part in the actors' contest. But 
 
 passage had long been a mystery ; but the actors' contest was limited to the 
 
 the discovery of the existence of an protagonists ; the subordinate actors 
 
 actors' contest, side by side with that had nothing to do with it. See chapter 
 
 between the poets, has made the matter I, p. 56. Moreover, it is known that in 
 
 comparatively clear. Obviously 6 vlkt]- the time of Demosthenes the subordin- 
 
 d-as denotes, not the victorious poet, ate actors were hired by the protago- 
 
 nor yet the actor who acted for him, nists ; and this was probably the case 
 
 but the actor who won the prize for at a much earlier period. Cp. Demosth. 
 
 acting. ToviTiov apparently means ' the Fals. Leg. § 10 cx'"*' "lax^^^pov rbv 
 
 next festival.' The victorious actor was NioiTToXifiov SevTepaycovKXTrjv, Ibid, 
 
 allowed to act at the next festival as a § 246 ; de Cor. § 262. 
 
 matter of course. The ' three actors ' ^ Aristot Rhet. iii. i , 
 are the three protagonists required at 
 
78 THE PRODUCTION OF A PLAY, [Ch. 
 
 by a separate actor. All the actors appeared in turn in the 
 service of each of the poets. Thus in 341 Astydamas exhibited 
 three tragedies. His Achilles was acted by Thessalus, his 
 Athamas by Neoptolemus, his Antigone by Athenodorus. The 
 three tragedies of each of his competitors were performed by 
 the same three actors \ By this arrangement no poet had any 
 advantage over his rivals, but as far as the excellence of the 
 actors was concerned all were on exactly the same level. The 
 system just described appears to have been retained without 
 alteration during the remaining period of Attic tragedy. 
 
 The mode of distributing the actors in comed}^ was much the 
 same as that in tragedy. During the earlier part of the fifth 
 century the poets were left to choose their own actors. Thus the 
 comic poet Crates is said to have begun his career as actor to 
 Cratinus. But in later times no instances are to be found of 
 comic actors being permanently connected with particular poets. 
 The story that Philonides and Callistratus were actors of Aristo- 
 phanes is a mere fiction of one of the old commentators, based 
 upon a misunderstanding ^ It is evident, therefore, that the 
 state began to undertake the selection and appointment of the 
 comic actors about the same time that a corresponding change 
 was made in regard to tragedy. No doubt the mode of distri- 
 bution was identical. The actors were first appointed by the 
 state, and the poets then drew lots for them. As the comic 
 poets competed with single plays, only one method of distribu- 
 tion was possible, and there was no need of the further alter- 
 ation which was afterwards made in tragedy. The number of 
 poets in the comic contests was originally three, and in later 
 times five. A corresponding number of actors would be re- 
 quired. Sometimes however a smaller number was selected, 
 and one actor appeared in two comedies. In 353 Aristomachus 
 was the actor assigned both to Simylus and Diodorus. In later 
 times Damon is found occasionally acting in two comedies at 
 
 ^ Corp. Inscr, Att. ii. 973. certain plays of Aristophanes were 
 
 ^ Schol. Aristoph. Equit. 534 ; brought out by Philonides and Callis- 
 
 Vita Aristoph. (Dindf. Prolegom. de tratus (ISiSdx^'? Sta ^CK(avihov k.t.\.), 
 
 Comoed. p. 36). The commentator, concluded that these persons were 
 
 misunderstanding the expression that actors. 
 
II.] THE TRAINING OF THE CHORUS. 79 
 
 the same competition \ It is not likely that such a course was 
 adopted except on occasions when it was impossible to obtain 
 five comic actors of fairly equal merit. 
 
 § 4. The training of the Chorus. 
 
 The archon had now for the present finished his part of the 
 business. He had seen that the proper number of poets, actors, 
 and choregi had been chosen. He had seen that each choregus 
 was provided with his own poet and actor. It was now the 
 duty of choregus and poet to attend to the subsequent pre- 
 parations. The choregus was responsible for the selection and 
 payment of the chorus. He had also to provide a room for 
 them to rehearse in ^ Very little is known concerning the 
 relations between the choregus and his chorus. Such few 
 details as have been recorded refer rather to the dithyrambic, 
 than to the dramatic, choruses. The dithyrambic contests were 
 contests between the tribes, and each dithyrambic chorus was 
 selected exclusively from the tribe which it represented in the 
 competition. Each tribe had a specially appointed agent, who 
 was employed by the choregus to collect his chorus for him'. 
 But the drama had nothing to do with the tribes, and there was 
 no limitation upon the selection of the dramatic choruses. 
 Aristotle happens in one place to remark that a tragic and 
 a comic chorus often consisted of much the same individual 
 members \ It is quite clear, therefore, that the dramatic 
 choruses were chosen from the general body of citizens, and 
 not from particular tribes, and that a man might serve in two 
 of these choruses at the same time. There was probably 
 a class of professional singers who made their livelihood by 
 serving in the dramatic choruses. A rich choregus would have 
 a great advantage over his rivals by offering higher pay, and so 
 securing better singers. The stories about the boarding and 
 
 1 Corp. Inscr. Att. ii. 972, 975 c and^T. Pollux iv. 106, ix. 42). 
 
 2 Xen. Hiero ix. 4, Resp. Athen. i. ^ Antiphon orat. vi. §§ 11-13 ; Pollux 
 13. The training room was called iv.io6. The agent was called xo/JoA-c/fTT/s. 
 bi^cKaKuov (Antiphon orat. vi. § 11), * Aristot. Pol. iii. 3. 
 
 or x°Pni^^^^ (Bekk. Anecd. p. 72, 17 ; 
 
Hq THE PRODUCTION OF A PLAY, [Ch. 
 
 lodging of the choreutae also refer mainly to the dithyrambic 
 choruses. The choregus in Antiphon's speech lodged his 
 chorus in his own house, and gave special directions that every 
 delicacy which was ordered by the trainer should be provided 
 for them. But this was a chorus of boys. The professionals 
 who served in the dramatic choruses are not likely to have been 
 lodged in the house of the choregus, especially as they were 
 often in the service of two choregi at the same time. However, 
 it seems that the diet of the choruses was well attended to, so 
 that the members should appear in the best possible condition 
 on the day of the contests. Plutarch mentions eels, lettuce, 
 garlic, and cheese as delicacies provided for the choruses. The 
 appetite of the Attic choreutae passed into a proverb \ 
 
 During the earlier period of the Athenian drama the principal 
 part in the training and instruction of the chorus was under- 
 taken by the poet himself In fact, the regular name at Athens 
 for a dramatic or dithyrambic poet was didaskalos, or *the 
 teacher,* owing to the part he took in teaching his play or 
 poem to the chorus. In the same way, when a poet brought 
 out a tragedy or a comedy, the technical expression was that 
 he 'taught* such and such a play. The play, or group 
 of plays, exhibited by a single poet was called a ' teaching ^' 
 In addition to the evidence supplied by these expres- 
 sions, there is also no lack of direct testimony as to the 
 important part taken by the older poets in the production of 
 their plays. In fact, they were quite as much stage-managers as 
 poets. The older dramatic writers, such as Thespis, Pratinas, 
 Cratinus, and Phrynichus, were called Mancers,' not only 
 because of the prominent part which the chorus and the 
 dancing filled in their plays, but also because they gave in- 
 struction in choric dancing. Aeschylus is said to have 
 
 ^ Antiphon I.e. ; Plutarch Glor. Anthol. Pal. vii. 37 (of a mask of An- 
 
 Athen. 349 A ; Suidas v. (papvyyivSrjv ws tigone or Electra) l« voirjs ijSe Sida- 
 
 dpiaTivSrjv OKwirrovTis yap r^v yaarpi- (TKaKiTjs ; Plut. Pericles 154 E d\\' "Icova 
 
 fiapyiav jSiV xop^vraiv 'Attikoi ovtoj fikv uffirep rpayiK^v SidacKaXiav d^iovvra 
 
 Kiyovai. rfjv dper^v cx^ti' Ti iravTcos Koi ffarvpiKov 
 
 ' Suidas V. SiSdffKaXos ; Aristoph. fxepos Iwficv, 
 Ran, 1026 fJra diSd^as Utpaas k.t.\. 
 
II,] THE TRAINING OF THE CHORUS, 8r 
 
 superintended personally the whole of the training of his 
 choruses, and to have invented many new dances and move- 
 ments for them. His innovations in regard to the scenery and 
 the dresses of the actors entirely transformed the outward 
 appearance of the drama \ This intimate connexion between 
 the poet and the stage, between the literary and the theatrical 
 part of dramatic production, continued to exist during the great 
 period of Athenian drama. Sophocles appeared personally in 
 some of his plays. In the Thamyris he played the harp. In 
 the Nausicaa he won great applause by the skill with which he 
 played ball in the scene where Nausicaa is sporting with her 
 maidens ^ Euripides also seems to have superintended the 
 training of his choruses in person, as there is a story in 
 Plutarch which represents him as singing over one of his odes 
 to the choreutae ^ 
 
 Originally then the principal part of the training was done 
 by the poet himself He was assisted in his task by a subor- 
 dinate, who looked after the routine part of the work, and 
 was called a hypodidaskalos, or ^assistant teacher.' This was 
 the proper term to denote the professional trainer, as opposed to 
 the didaskalos, or poet ^ But towards the end of the fifth and 
 the beginning of the fourth century the practice in these matters 
 underwent a change. Poetry and stage-management began to 
 be sharply discriminated from one another. A class of literary 
 dramatic writers arose, such as Theodectes and Aphareus, who 
 were quite as much rhetoricians as poets. They knew nothing 
 about the details of training a chorus, or preparing a play for 
 representation. Under these circumstances the greater part of 
 the management was undertaken by the professional trainer. 
 The term didaskalos, which had originally been confined to the 
 poet, was now applied to these hired trainers ^ A class of men 
 came into existence who made it their business to look after the 
 instruction of choruses. One of these, named Sannio, is men- 
 
 ^ Athen. pp. 21 C, 22 A; Vit. Ae- * Photius v. i/rroSiSd<r«aAos ; Plat. Ion 
 
 schyli; Philostrat. Vit. Apol. vi. 11 p. 536 A. 
 (vol. i. p. 220, ed. Kayser). ^ Thus the trainer hired by Demo- 
 
 " Eustath. Odyss. p. 1553. sthenesfor his chorus is called 5tSa(ryfa\os, 
 
 3 Plut. De Andiendo, 46 B. Dem. Meid. § 17. 
 
 G 
 
Hz THE PRODUCTION OF A PLAY, [Ch. 
 
 tioned by Demosthenes, and was celebrated for his skill in 
 training tragic choruses. These professional trainers were 
 hired and paid by the choregus. A rich choregus had a great 
 advantage in being able to secure the most skilful trainer. 
 Socrates mentions the case of a certain choregus called Anti- 
 sthenes, who knew little or nothing about music and choruses 
 himself, but was always successful in his competitions, because 
 he took care to provide himself with the very best trainers 
 procurable \ It is obvious that in these later times, when the 
 poets ceased to attend to the details of stage-management, the 
 importance of the professional trainers must have very much 
 increased. The hiring of a good trainer would be one of the 
 first conditions of success. 
 
 § 5. Expenses of the Choregia. 
 
 It will now be possible to form some conception of the 
 expenses which the choregus had to meet. The principal 
 item was the hire of the chorus during the whole period of 
 training. This part of the expenditure was borne entirely by 
 the choregus without any assistance from the stated Then 
 again, he had to provide an instructor for his chorus. As the 
 competition between rich choregi was of the keenest character, 
 the services of a really good instructor must have been ex- 
 pensive. In the third place, a flute-player was required. In 
 the dithyrambic choruses the flute-players were selected by the 
 
 ^ Dem. Meid. §§ 58, 59 ; Xen. Mem. to be merely a loose way of saying that 
 
 iii. 4. 3. the dramatic choruses were provided by 
 
 ^ Xen. Resp. Athen. i. 13 xop'/Touo't choregi appointed by the state. The 
 
 {ikv ot irXovaioi, xopr)yHTai Se 6 Brj/xos . . . author of the 2nd Arg. to the Meidias 
 
 a^ioi ovv dpyvpiov Xajxfiavnv 6 drjfios koi says that the choregus 'received sums of 
 
 aSojv Kal rpixojv koX dpxovfjLfvos . . . i'va money for the support of the chorus.' 
 
 avTus T6 (XV '^°-'- 0*' TrXovcnoi Trevearcpoi But his authority is of the v^'eakest 
 
 yiyvojVTai. First Arg. to Demosth. description. He is utterly mistaken as 
 
 Meidias, p. 509 x^pvyos . . . ora dvaKw- to the Dionysiac festivals, imagining 
 
 fxara nap^xajv to. inpl rbv xopov. Plut. that the Great Dionysia was a triennial 
 
 Glor. Athen. 349 B. The statement of affair, as opposed to the Small or annual 
 
 the Scholiast on Dionysius Thrax celebration. Hence his testimony is of 
 
 (Bekk, Anecd. p. 746), that every comic no value in the face of other authori- 
 
 and tragic poet was supplied with a ties, 
 chorus ' supported by the state,' appears 
 
 I 
 
il,l THE EXPENSES OF THE CHOREGIA. 83 
 
 state, and assigned by lot to the choregi. There is no evidence 
 to show whether the flute-player of a dramatic chorus was 
 chosen by the choregus or by the state ; but in any case the 
 choregus would have to pay his salary. Fourthly, the various 
 mute characters that appeared upon the stage, such as the at- 
 tendants upon kings and queens, were supplied by the choregus. 
 This is proved by the story in Plutarch of a tragedian at Athens 
 who was going to act the part of a queen, and who refused to 
 perform unless the choregus would provide him with a train of 
 female attendants dressed in expensive fashion \ The number 
 and splendour of the mute characters would add greatly to 
 the magnificence of the spectacle, and form a considerable item 
 in the expenses of a wealthy choregus. It is also probable that 
 in early times, when the actors were chosen by the poets, their 
 salary was paid by the choregus. But later the selection 
 and payment of the actors were undertaken entirely by the 
 stated The principal part then of the expenditure of the 
 choregus consisted in paying the salaries of the various per- 
 sons just mentioned. In addition to this, he had to provide 
 the dresses of the chorus, which were often very magnificent. 
 For example, the comic poet Antiphanes mentions the case of 
 a choregus who ruined himself by dressing his chorus in gold. 
 Demosthenes supplied his chorus of men with golden crowns ^ 
 Sometimes the love of splendour degenerated into mere vulgar 
 ostentation. Unnecessary magnificence in the appointments of 
 a comic chorus is mentioned by Aristotle as a proof of vul- 
 garity. On the other hand, economical choregi saved expense 
 by hiring second-hand dresses from the dealers in theatrical 
 costumes *. Another item in the expenses of the choregia was 
 the supply of dresses for the various mute characters and 
 subordinate personages. With the dresses of the actors them- 
 selves the choregus had probably nothing to do. As for the 
 
 ^ Plut. Phocion. p. 750 C. ^ Antiphanes apud Athen. p. 103 E; 
 
 ^ The actors were assigned by the Dem Meid. § 16. 
 
 state to the poets, and jjot to the * Aristot. Eth. Nic. iv. 6 ; Pollux vii. 
 
 choregi : hence it is quite clear that in 78 rom 5c ra.^ kaOrJTas d-nofMaOovvras 
 
 later times the choregi did not pay for roTi x'^PVf'^^^ ot f^ev vioi IfuiTiofxiaOas 
 
 them. See Suidas v. ve^rfaeis vnoKpiruiv. IkoXovv, ol h\ naXaiol ifxaTiofJuadcuTas. 
 
 G 2 
 
84 THE PRODUCTION OF A PLAY. [Ch. 
 
 ordinary kinds of scenery, they were part of the permanent 
 fixtures of the theatre, and would be provided by the lessee. 
 But when anything very special in the way of scenery was 
 required by the necessities of a particular play, it is most 
 probable that the expenses in such cases were borne by the 
 choregus. As far, then, as can be gathered from ancient 
 notices, the expenses of the choregia consisted in the hire of 
 the chorus, the instructor, the flute-player, and the mute cha- 
 racters ; in providing dresses for the chorus and the mute 
 characters ; and in supplying such exceptional scenery as the 
 theatre did not possess. 
 
 A choregus who was anxious for victory, and who was 
 ready to spend money over the production of the play, 
 would easily be put to very considerable expense. The 
 defendant in one of the speeches of Lysias gives some in- 
 teresting details about the expenses of the different kinds 
 of choruses. He is enumerating the various public burdens 
 which he undertook since he was enrolled as a citizen, 
 and the amount of money which he spent upon each of them. 
 A tragic chorus cost him thirty minae. He spent sixteen minae 
 upon a comic chorus, and fifteen upon a chorus of boys. It 
 follows that a comic chorus was only about half as expensive as 
 a tragic one, and cost about the same as a chorus of boys. On 
 the other hand, a chorus of men at the City Dionysia cost fifty 
 minae. These figures bear out the statement of Demosthenes, 
 that a chorus of men was much more expensive than a tragic 
 chorus. The chorus of men consisted of fifty members ; and 
 the payment of so large a number, together with the dresses 
 and crowns which the choregi used to provide them with, would 
 easily account for the expense. A tragic chorus consisted of 
 only fifteen members, and yet it cost about twice as much as 
 a comic chorus, which consisted of twenty-four. But we must 
 remember that the tragic chorus had to perform in several 
 plays, the comic chorus in only one. Also it does not appear 
 to have been customary to spend very much money upon a 
 comedy. In another speech of Lysias, a certain Aristophanes 
 is said to have expended fifty minae over two tragic choruses. 
 
II.] THE EXPENSES OF THE CHOREGIA. 85 
 
 He was therefore rather more economical than the person 
 mentioned above, who spent thirty minae over one ^ It would 
 be very interesting to be able to form some conception of the 
 amount which these sums would represent at the present day. 
 But of course it is exceedingly hard to find a standard by 
 which to measure the comparative value of money in two such 
 different civilizations as that of ancient Athens and that of 
 modern England. It appears that in the time of Aristophanes 
 the daily wages for common and unskilled labour were three 
 oboist If we take as a modern equivalent the case of the 
 agricultural labourer who gets ten shillings a week, or one 
 shilling and eight-pence per day, it follows that three obols 
 in ancient Attica were equivalent to about one shilling and 
 eight-pence at the present time. If this calculation is any- 
 where near the mark, then a choregus who spent thirty minae 
 on a tragic chorus would be spending a sum equivalent to 
 about £500 of our money. The sixteen minae paid for a 
 comic chorus would represent about £266. Comparisons of 
 this kind are very conjectural ; but they enable one to form 
 some idea of the immense sums of money which must have 
 been spent at Athens in the course of a single year upon 
 dramatic and choral performances. There were eight dramatic 
 and ten dithyrambic choruses at the City Dionysia. There were 
 seven or eight dramatic choruses at the Lenaea. Besides this 
 there were dithyrambic choruses at the Thargelia, Prometheia, 
 and Hephaesteia; and dithyrambic and pyrrhic choruses at the 
 Panathenaea. The expenses of all these choruses were drawn 
 from a single small state, about the size of an English county, 
 in which wealth was by no means abundant. It is easy to 
 see that there was not much exaggeration in the complaint 
 of Demosthenes, that the Athenians spent more upon their 
 festivals than they ever spent upon a naval expedition ^ 
 
 If the choregi neglected their duties, and were careless about 
 the efficiency of their choruses, it was the duty of the archon to 
 
 ^ Lysias orat. xxi. §§ 1-5, xix. §§ 29, Economy of Athens, i. p. 157 (Engl. 
 42 ; Dem. Meid. § 156. transl.). 
 
 2 Aristoph.Eccles.307 ; Bockh,Pnblic ^ Demosth. Philipp. i. § 35. 
 
86 ' THE PRODUCTION OF A PLAY. [Cb. 
 
 bring pressure to bear upon them \ But such interference was 
 not often necessary. On the contrary the rivalry between the 
 choregi was so keen, and their desire for victory so great, that 
 it often led them into expenses which they could not afford. 
 Demosthenes says that men frequently spent all their property 
 upon these competitions^ The choregus in Antiphanes has 
 already been referred to, who reduced himself to beggary by 
 his extravagance in providing golden dresses for his chorus. 
 Besides the mere spirit of emulation there was another induce- 
 ment to lavish vast sums upon these choregic displays. For a 
 wealthy politician it was an easy means of gaining popularity, 
 and increasing his influence in the state. Nicias is said to 
 have owed a great deal of his power to the splendour of his 
 choruses, upon which he spent more money than any of his 
 contemporaries or predecessors ^ With the double motives of 
 ambition and emulation at work, it was natural that considerable 
 jealousy should be excited between the rival choregi, the 
 'anti-choregi,' as they were called. Sometimes this hostility 
 ended in blows. When Taureas and Alcibiades were com- 
 petitors with choruses of boys, a dispute having arisen as to 
 the parentage of one of the boys in Alcibiades' chorus, the 
 matter ended in a personal conflict in the orchestra. Demo- 
 sthenes, in his speech against Meidias, cites many examples of 
 the bitterness and animosity with which choregi regarded one 
 another. He adds that there would have been some excuse 
 for the assault of Meidias upon himself if it had been caused by 
 the jealousy of a rival choregus ^, 
 
 § 6. The Performances in the Theatre, 
 
 When the preparations were all completed, a few days 
 before the actual festival there was a preliminary ceremony 
 
 ^ Xen. Hiero ix. 4 Koi yap orav kvSeus n iroiovaiv. 
 Xopovs rjpiv ^ovXcjfjifOa dyojvi^faOai, ^ Dem. Meid. § 61. 
 
 a.6\a fiev 6 dpxojv irpoTi$T]aiv,a.9poii^etv dk ^ Plutarch Nicias p. 524 D. 
 
 avToiis TTpoaTfTaKTat xopvy^'^^ f^^^'' aWois * Dem. Meid. §§ 58-66; Andocid. 
 
 8i8d<TK(iv, Kal dvdyKTjv irpoaTiOivai rots Alcibiad. § 20, 
 
II.] THE PERFORMANCES IN THE THEATRE. 87 
 
 called the Proagon. It took place in the Odeum, a sort of 
 smaller theatre to the south of the Acropolis, not far from the 
 theatre of Dionysus. The Proagon was a kind of show or 
 spectacle, and served as an introduction to the actual per- 
 formances at the festival. Each of the tragic poets who were 
 about to compete in the approaching contest appeared upon 
 the stage in the presence of the people, accompanied by his 
 choregus, his actors, and the members of the chorus. All of 
 them wore crowns upon their heads ; but the actors were 
 without their masks and their stage dresses. As they paraded 
 upon the stage some announcement was made to the people, of 
 which the exact nature is not known. But it is very likely that 
 this occasion was taken for making known to the people the 
 names of the poet and his actors, together with the titles of the 
 tragedies shortly to be performed, and other information of a 
 similar character. At the same time the people would have an 
 opportunity of becoming acquainted with poets and actors who 
 were making their first appearance. The splendour of the 
 dresses of choruses and choregi, upon which great sums of 
 money were spent, would make a spectacle of some magnifi- 
 cence, and appeal to the popular taste. At the Proagon which 
 followed shortly after the death of Euripides it is said that 
 Sophocles appeared upon the stage in a dark-coloured dress, and 
 introduced his actors and chorus without the usual crowns. It 
 is nowhere definitely stated that the comic and dithyrambic 
 poets and choruses took part in the Proagon. But the whole 
 of our information about the ceremony is derived from one or 
 two brief and casual notices, in which very few details are 
 given. It is hardly probable that only tragedy should have 
 been represented. The magnificence of the spectacle would be 
 very much increased by the large and gorgeously-dressed 
 choruses of boys and men \ 
 
 On the evening before the festival the statue of the god 
 Dionysus was taken out of his temple by the Ephebi, and 
 
 ^ Our knowledge of the Proagon is ttpo rojv fieydKwv Aiowaioju ■qfitpais oAt- 
 derived from the following passages : — yais efxirpoaOcv Iv tw (jJSeio; KaXovfiivcu 
 Schol. Aeschin. Ctesiph. § 67 kyiyvovTO twv rpayc^lwv uyuv koL kniSu^is uv 
 
88 
 
 THE PRODUCTION OF A PLAY. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 conveyed by torchlight to the theatre. It was there placed 
 in the orchestra, in full view of the stage, so that the god might 
 enjoy the approaching exhibitions as well as his worshippers ^ 
 This curious ceremony, of which the existence has only lately 
 been discovered from inscriptions, gives additional appropriate- 
 ness to the selection of Dionysus in the Frogs as the repre- 
 sentative of dramatic criticism at Athens. He was the one 
 spectator who had been present at every dramatic performance 
 from first to last. The ceremony is often referred to by later 
 writers in the course of their denunciations of the gladiatorial 
 shows with which the theatre at Athens had come to be 
 polluted. The blood of human beings, they say, is shed in the 
 very orchestra which the god Dionysus occasionally visits ; 
 and he is implored not to come near the scene of such 
 defilement ^ 
 
 During the period of the actual contests the audience met in 
 
 fieWovai SpafiaTCUv dyojvi^eaOai hv tSj 
 Oedrpar- 5l' 6 ervfius Trpodycou Ka\€tTai. 
 iloiaci Se S'X'* irpocruTTcvv ol vnoKpiTot 
 yvfxvoi Vita Euripid. Xeyovai 5e Kal 
 ^o({)OKXia, aKovaavra on (TeXcvrrjcrf, 
 avTOV p.\v IjxaTLCO (pai^ tjtoi iropcpvpo) trpo- 
 €\6(iv, Tov 8e xopbv Kal rovs vtroKpirds 
 doT((pav6jT0vs flaayayuv Iv ra) Trpodyut'i, 
 fcal SaKpvaai tov drj/xov. Aeschin. 
 Ctesiph. §§ 66, 67 6 yap pii(TaXi^av5pos 
 vvvi (pdaKOJV iivai . . . ypdcpei iprjipiffpia 
 . . . eKK\T](Tiav iroiftv rovs irpvrdvHs tt) 
 07S0T7 larapL^vov rov eXacprj^oXiuivos 
 fjirfv6s, or tjV tSi ' AckXtjitiSi 77 Ovaia Kal 
 vpodycuv. Schol. Aristoph. Wasps 1104 
 01 5' kv cfScicp- eari tottos OcarpoeiSrjs, 
 iv a> flcjOaai rd Troirjixara dirayyeXXciv 
 irplv T^s (Is TO Oearpov dnayyeXias, 
 That the Proagon was a contest is out 
 of the question. The contest was to 
 follow some days later. Nor can it 
 have been a dress rehearsal, as part of 
 one day would not have sufficed for the 
 rehearsal of twelve tragedies and five 
 comedies. Tlpodyouv denotes ' the cere- 
 mony before the contest,' just as irpoya- 
 fios means * the ceremony before the 
 marriage.' The word dirayyiXXfiv , in 
 the note of the Scholiast on the Wasps, 
 
 must denote some announcement about 
 the plays, and not an actual perform- 
 ance of them. That there was a Proa- 
 gon before the Lenaea as well as the 
 City Dionysia seems natural in itself, 
 and is implied by the use of the plural 
 in such inscriptions as Corp. Inscr. Att. 
 ii. 307 kitiTeXecn 8e Kot rovs Trpodycuvat 
 Tovs kv rots Upois K.r.X. The passage 
 in Plato's Symposium 194 A (kmXTja/xojv 
 fjifvr' dv ciTjv, w 'AydOojv, . . . et WcJv rf]v 
 afjv dvdpuav Kal p.eyaXocppoavvqv dva- 
 fiaivovTOS knl rov oKpiffavra pifrd rwv 
 vTTOKpiruiv Kal ^Xixpavros kvavria roaovrco 
 Oedrpcp, fieXXovros kmSd^eaOai aavrov 
 Xoyovs, Kal ov5' oTtooariovv eK-irXayevroi 
 K.r.X.) probably refers to the Proagon. 
 
 ' Corp. Inscr. Att. ii. 470, 471. 
 
 2 Philostrat. vit. Apoll. iv. 22 (vol. i., 
 p. 142, ed. Kayser) ; Dio Chrysostom. 
 xxxi. § 1 2 1 (63 1 R). The discovery of the 
 practice of placing the statue of Dionysus 
 in the orchestra explains the passage in 
 Aristoph. Equit. 535, 536 (bv xpw^^^ '^"^ 
 TTportpas viKas wivdv kv ra> itpvravHCf, \ 
 Koi fiT) Xrjpeiv, dXXd OiaaOai Xivapbv irapcL 
 rq> Atovvao}) which previously caused 
 some difficulty. 
 
II.] THE PERFORMANCES IN THE THEATRE, 89 
 
 the theatre every morning soon after daybreak. Considering 
 the number of plays which had to be produced, it was neces- 
 sary that the proceedings should begin at an early hour^ The 
 vast gathering of spectators, like all public meetings at Athens, 
 was first of all purified by the offer of a small sacrifice. Then 
 libations were poured in front of the statue of the god Dio- 
 nysus ^ If the festival was the City Dionysia, before the 
 tragedies began the opportunity was taken to proclaim the 
 names of citizens upon whom crowns had been bestowed, 
 together with the services for which they had been granted. 
 The proclamation before such a vast multitude of citizens was 
 naturally considered a very great honour. During the period 
 of Athenian supremacy another striking ceremony preceded 
 the tragedies at the City Dionysia. The tribute collected from 
 the dependent states was divided into talents, and solemnly 
 deposited in the orchestra. Then the orphans whose fathers 
 had been killed in battle, and who had been educated by the 
 state, and had now reached the age of manhood, were brought 
 forward upon the stage equipped in complete armour. The 
 herald made a proclamation, recounting what the state had 
 done for them, and they were then publicly discharged from 
 state control to take their place as ordinary citizens ^ After 
 these preliminaries had been gone through the dramatic 
 performances commenced. The order in which the different 
 plays were to be performed was determined by lot. Each 
 poet, as his turn came, was summoned by name by the public 
 herald and ordered to produce his play. The phrase emplo3^ed 
 seems to have been ' lead in your chorus.* But it is not likely 
 that the poet appeared in person at the head of his chorus. 
 And in fact most plays began with speeches from the stage, 
 and the chorus only came in later on. The phrase was an old 
 formula, applicable to the times when tragedy and comedy 
 were mainly lyrical, and the poet was the chief actor and led in 
 
 ^ Aeschin. Ctesiph. § 76 a\ia rrj 104; Plut. Cimon p. 483E ; Philostrat, 
 
 "fjulpa -qyiiTO Tois vpeaPecriv fls to 6ed- vit. Apoll. iv. 22. 
 Tpov. Demosth. Meid. § 74. ^ Aeschin. Ctesiph. §§ 48, 153, 154, 
 
 2 Suidas V. Kadapciov ; Pollux viii. 230, 231 ; Isocrates ircpt iipfqvris § 82. 
 
90 THE PRODUCTION OF A PLAY. [Ch. 
 
 his chorus in person. It was retained after its hteral signi- 
 ficance had become obsolete \ The summons to each poet 
 was accompanied in later times by the blowing of a trumpet. 
 The object was to ensure that the performers should be ready 
 at the proper time. On one occasion an actor called Hermon 
 had left the building, expecting that his comedy would come on 
 late. But as it was called for sooner than he expected, there 
 was a hitch in the proceedings owing to his absence. The 
 blowing of the trumpet was therefore instituted to mark the 
 commencement of each new performance, and let people in the 
 neighbourhood of the theatre know at what rate the contest 
 was progressing^ The order in which the poets competed was 
 determined by lot, as stated above. It was considered an 
 advantage to be drawn last, as the latest performance left the 
 most vivid impression upon the minds of the judges. This 
 would be especially the case in such competitions as lasted 
 over three days. The Ecclesiazusae of Aristophanes was 
 drawn first for performance. The poet therefore, in the course 
 of this play, implores the judges not to let the ballot damage 
 his chances, but to judge the choruses on their merits, unlike 
 the courtesans, who forget all except their latest lovers ^ 
 
 At the end of each competition the judges wrote their 
 verdicts upon tablets. Five of these tablets were drawn by 
 lot, and decided the result. The names of the victorious poet 
 and choregus were then proclaimed by the herald, and they 
 were crowned with a chaplet of ivy in the presence of the 
 spectators. At the conclusion of the festival the successful 
 poet celebrated his victory by a solemn sacrifice, followed by a 
 grand banquet, at which most of his friends were present. 
 The members of the chorus were also there, and probably the 
 choregus and the actors. The scene of Plato's Symposium is 
 
 ^ Aristid. ittpi pr^ropiKris vol. ii. p. 2 for assuming, with Miiller (Griech. 
 
 (Dindf.). Aristoph. Acharn. ii 6 S* BUhnen. p. 373), that before the com- 
 
 avf:Tir€v, f'iaa-y, w &€oyvi, rbv x^P^^' mencement of each play the poet and 
 
 The passage from Philochorus (Athen. his chorus entered the orchestra and 
 
 p. 464 E Kal Tois xopoTs daiovffiv kvex^o^ offered a libation to Dionysus. 
 iriveiv Kal Sirjyojviafievois or' k^erropfv- ^ Pollux iv. 88. 
 
 ovTo (Vix^ov rrdkiv) affords no warrant ^ Aristoph. Eccles. 1154^". 
 
IL] THE PERFORMANCES IN THE THEATRE, 91 
 
 laid in Agathon's house the day after the banquet in honour of 
 his first tragic victory. Socrates had avoided the banquet 
 itself, because of the crush of people, but came next day to a 
 more private gathering. A victory, especially at the City 
 Dionysia, was regarded as a splendid distinction. On one 
 occasion Ion of Chios, after winning the first prize in both 
 the tragic and the dithyrambic contests at the same festival, 
 showed the extent of his joy by making a present of a jar of 
 Chian wine to every Athenian citizen \ 
 
 The next day but one after the conclusion of the City 
 Dionysia a special assembly of the people was convened in the 
 theatre of Dionysus to discuss matters connected with the 
 festival. No doubt a similar assembly was held after the 
 Lenaea, though the fact is nowhere actually stated. At this 
 assembly the conduct of the archon, who had had the manage- 
 ment of the festival which was just over, was taken into con- 
 sideration. Any neglect of his duties, or any unfairness in the 
 choice of poets and actors, would be punished. At the same 
 time crowns and other distinctions were voted in honour of 
 officials who had performed their duties in connexion with the 
 festival satisfactorily. It has been pointed out that the judges 
 in the dramatic and dithyrambic contests were liable to prose- 
 cution and punishment if they were suspected of dishonesty in 
 their verdicts. Probably such charges were brought forward 
 and decided at this assembly in the theatre. Then came the 
 hearing of complaints as to any violation of the sanctity of the 
 festival. It was illegal during the days of the festival to make 
 distraints upon debtors. All assaults and offences against the 
 person, however trifling in themselves, were regarded as sacri- 
 lege if they were committed during the festival. Complaints 
 of this kind were brought forward at the assembly in the 
 theatre, and a special procedure called the Probole was adopted 
 in regard to them. The aggrieved person stated his charges 
 before the assembled people : the defendant made his reply : 
 the people then proceeded to vote. If they acquitted the 
 
 1 Plat. Symp. 173 A, 174 A ; Athen. p. 3 F ; Schol. Aristoph. Pax 835. 
 
92 THE PRODUCTION OF A PLAY. [Ch, 
 
 defendant there was an end of the matter. But if they voted 
 against him the prosecutor then carried the case before the 
 ordinary law-courts, where of course the previous verdict of 
 the people weighed very much in his favour \ 
 
 § 7. Reproduction of Old Plays. 
 
 The process of bringing out a play at Athens has now been 
 traced from first to last, from the selection of the poet by the 
 archon to the meeting of the people in the theatre at the con- 
 clusion of the festival. Hitherto only the production of new 
 and original plays has been discussed. The reproduction of 
 old plays is a matter of some interest in connexion with the 
 history of the drama. At Athens, during the great period of 
 the Attic drama, plays were exhibited once, and once only. A 
 repetition of the same play was a most exceptional occurrence. 
 The theatre was large enough to contain the whole body of the 
 citizens : every man had a chance of seeing a play when it was 
 first brought out ; and there was not therefore any need for it 
 to be repeated in order to give a fresh audience a chance of 
 witnessing it. The Athenians were fond of novelty. Aristo- 
 phanes, in the Clouds, takes credit to himself for his originality, 
 and for his cleverness in never introducing the same plot twice 
 over ^ This love of novelty prevented the repetition or repro- 
 duction of old plays at Athens, as long as there was an unfailing 
 supply of new ones. And during the flourishing period of the 
 drama there was never any lack of productive talent. The 
 number of poets, both in tragedy and comedy, was more than 
 sufficient to supply the demand for new dramas. Hence, after 
 a play had been once performed, unless it was of very excep- 
 tional merit, it was never seen again, as far as the Athenian 
 stage was concerned. It is stated on the authority of 
 Dicaearchus that the Frogs of Aristophanes ^was so much ad- 
 mired on account of its parabasis that it was actually repeated ^' 
 
 * Demosth. Meid. §§ 8-10; Corp. ^Arg.Aristoph. Ran, ovrcyS^l^av/iao-^?; 
 
 Inscr. Att. ii. 114, 307, 420. rb Spafxa Sia ttiv kv avrw irapdfiafftv 
 
 ^ Aristoph. Nub. 545-548. wore koi dvididdx0Ti,&s (prjai AtKaiapxos, 
 
II.] REPRODUCTION OF OLD PLAYS. 93 
 
 The language here used implies that such a repetition was a 
 very unusual occurrence. It is true that when the Capture of 
 Miletus, the historical play of Phrynichus, caused such a com- 
 motion in the theatre, the Athenians are said to have passed a law 
 that ^ for the future no one should exhibit this drama ^* But the 
 law must have referred to its reproduction at the Rural Dionysia. 
 It has already been pointed out that it was customary to bring 
 out in the rural demes plays which had been successful in 
 Athens ; and by the time of Phrynichus it is probable that 
 many of the more important demes, especially those in the 
 immediate neighbourhood of Athens, had their dramatic con- 
 tests. The decree about the Capture of Miletus must have 
 referred to these rural festivals. The statement of Dicaearchus 
 makes it perfectly plain that in Athens itself, during the fifth 
 century, a play was never repeated, unless it was of unusual 
 jnerit, and the people specially demanded its reproduction. 
 
 Even successful plays then were only exhibited once. But if 
 a play was unsuccessful, the poet was allowed to revise and 
 rewrite it, and to compete with it again in its improved shape ^, 
 The revision of unsuccessful plays seems to have been a common 
 practice with the Athenian dramatic writers. It is mentioned 
 as rather a peculiarity in the comic poet Anaxandrides, 
 that when one of his comedies was unsuccessful, he used to 
 destroy it at once, without taking the trouble to revise it, and 
 try his fortunes with it a second time^. Many plays were 
 revised and re-exhibited in this manner, and in consequence 
 many plays existed in ancient times in a double form. The 
 Thyestes, the Phineus, the Tyro, and the Lemnian Women 
 of Sophocles were all exhibited a second time in an improved 
 shape. The Hippolytus of Euripides which we at present 
 possess is a revised edition pruned of its original defects. The 
 Autolycus and Phrixus of Euripides also existed in a double 
 form. The Clouds of Aristophanes in its original shape was 
 very unsuccessful, and was altered in many important particulars 
 
 ' Herod, vi. 21. called Staa/cefT?, Athen. p. 1 10 C. 
 
 '^ A revised edition of a play ^vas ^ Athen. p. 374 A. 
 
94 THE PRODUCTION OF A PLAY. [Ch. 
 
 before it reached the form in which we now possess it. Among 
 the other plays of Aristophanes, the Peace, the Plutus, and the 
 Thesmophoriazusae were brought out a second time in a re- 
 vised form. Instances of the revision of plays are not un- 
 common among the writers of the Middle and New Comedy. 
 Sometimes the original title was retained in the revised version, 
 as for instance in the Heiress of Menander. Sometimes a 
 new title was adopted. Thus the Braggart Captain of Diphilus 
 appeared subsequently as the Eunuch \ 
 
 It seems then that during the fifth century the dramatic com- 
 petitions at Athens were limited to new plays, or to plays which 
 had been so far altered and revised as to be equivalent to new 
 ones. The one exception to the rule was in the case of 
 Aeschylus. In the Life of Aeschylus it is said that the Athenians 
 felt such an admiration for him, that they passed a decree after 
 his death that any one who offered to exhibit his plays should 
 receive a chorus from the archon. This does not mean that his 
 plays were to be performed as a mere isolated exhibition, apart 
 from the regular contests. Such a reproduction of old plays 
 appears to have been unknown at Athens during the fifth cen- 
 tury. The meaning is that any person might be allowed to 
 compete at the ordinary tragic contests with plays of Aeschylus 
 instead of new plays of his own. If any one offered to do so, 
 the archon was bound to give him a chorus. He would then 
 take his place as one of the three competing poets ; but while 
 his rivals exhibited new and original tragedies, he would con- 
 fine himself to reproducing tragedies of Aeschylus. Probably 
 the men who undertook these revivals were in most cases cele- 
 brated actors. In this way the plays of Aeschylus were often 
 brought into competition with the plays of later writers, and 
 appear to have been generally successful. Philostratus refers 
 
 ^ Arg. to Aristoph. Nub., Pax ; Arg. found in the Autolycus of Eupolis, 
 
 Eurip. Hippolytus. For the facts about the Synoris of Diphilus, and the Phryx 
 
 the other plays see Nauck's Frag. Trag. of Alexis. The Demetrius of Alexis 
 
 Graec. pp. 146, 170, 217, 226, 350, 492 ; appeared subsequently as the Philetae- 
 
 and Meineke's Frag. Com. Graec. rus, the "AypoiKoi. of Antiphanes as the 
 
 ii. 1074, 1 1 30, iv. 116, 377. Additional Butalion. See Meineke's Frag. Com. 
 
 instances of revision of plays are to be Graec. ii. 440, iii. 36, 403, 500, iv. 412. 
 
II.] REPRODUCTION OF OLD PLAYS. 95 
 
 to the custom\ He says that the Athenians invited Aeschylus 
 after his death to the festivals of Dionysus, and that his plays 
 were acted over again, and were victorious a second time. This 
 passage makes it quite clear that the tragedies of Aeschylus 
 were exhibited in the ordinary contests, and not as a separate 
 performance by themselves. There is a reference in the begin- 
 ning of the Acharnians to a competition of this kind. Dicae- 
 opolis had come to the theatre to see the tragic contests. He 
 was expecting that the performance would commence with plays 
 of Aeschylus ; but to his disgust the frigid Theognis was the 
 first to be called upon. Here then is a picture of a contest 
 in which the tragic poet Theognis was opposed by a compe- 
 titor who exhibited, not plays of his own, but plays of Aeschylus^ 
 It is to the practice of reproducing his plays after his death that 
 Aeschylus alludes in the Frogs, when he remarks that his 
 poetry has not died with him, like that of Euripides. Quin- 
 tilian refers to the same custom, though his language is not 
 quite accurate. He says that the tragedies of Aeschylus were 
 sublime, but rough and unfinished; and therefore the Athenians 
 permitted subsequent poets to polish and revise them, and 
 exhibit them at the competitions in their amended form ; and 
 in this way many of his plays won the prize. This story 
 of the revision of the plays of Aeschylus by subsequent 
 poets is not confirmed by anything in the Greek authorities, nor 
 is it probable in itself. In the fourth century a law was passed 
 providing for the preservation of the exact original text of the 
 plays of Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides. It is hardly likely 
 that the Athenians of the fifth century should have been less con- 
 servative about the text of Aeschylus than the Athenians of the 
 fourth, to whose taste Aeschylus had begun to seem antiquated. 
 It is most probable therefore that the story of the subsequent 
 correction of the plays is a mistake of Quintilian's\ 
 
 From this reproduction of old plays of Aeschylus must be 
 carefully distinguished those instances where plays, which 
 
 * Philostrat. vit. Apoll. vi. 11 (vol. i. ^ Aristoph. Ran. 868, 869; Quintil. 
 
 p. 220, ed. Kayser). Inst. x. i. 66; Plut, X orat. 841 F. 
 
 2 Aristoph. Acham. 9-12. 
 
g6 THE PRODUCTION OF A PLA V. [Ch. 
 
 Aeschylus had left unpublished at his death, were produced 
 for the first time by his son Euphorion. It is said that 
 Euphorion won four victories with his father's unpublished 
 tragedies. In a similar manner the Oedipus Coloneus of 
 Sophocles was produced for the first time by his grandson 
 four years after the poet's death. And after the death of 
 Euripides, his Iphigeneia in Aulis, Alcmaeon, and Bacchae were 
 brought out by his son at the City Dionysia. On such occa- 
 sions as these, when a poet's unpublished plays were exhibited 
 by a relative after his death, although no doubt the real author- 
 ship of the plays was perfectly well known at the time, the 
 relative appeared as the nominal author. He asked for a 
 chorus from the archon in his own name. The plays he pro- 
 duced were new ones. There is therefore no similarity between 
 instances of this kind, and those occasions when a man asked 
 for a chorus, not in his own name, but in order to produce old 
 plays of Aeschylus^ 
 
 At Athens then during the fifth century the reproduction of 
 old plays was confined to tragedies of Aeschylus, and remark- 
 ably successful dramas such as the Frogs of Aristophanes. 
 Otherwise when a play had been once exhibited on the 
 Athenian stage, it was relegated to the Rural Dionysia. 
 It was not till the fourth century that the reproduction of 
 old plays developed into a regular custom. The practice 
 was at first confined to tragedy. This branch of the drama 
 had passed beyond the period of healthy growth, and already 
 showed symptoms of decay. The three great tragic poets 
 of the fifth century had in their several lines exhausted the 
 capabilities of Attic tragedy. Their successors were mostly 
 feeble imitators of Euripides. Under such circumstances the 
 tendency to fall back upon the old tragedies naturally became 
 more and more frequent. The reproductions were of two 
 kinds, as was pointed out in the last chapter. Sometimes 
 an old tragedy was exhibited by itself, as a prelude to the new 
 tragedies. This was the case at the City Dionysia in the latter 
 
 * Suidas V. Ev<popicuv; Arg. Soph. Oed. Col.; Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 67. 
 
II.] REPRODUCTION OF OLD PLAYS. 97 
 
 part of the fourth century. Sometimes a number of old 
 tragedies were performed in competition by different actors. 
 In such cases the prize was given to the best actor, and not to • 
 the best tragedy. The tragic contests at the Lenaea in later 
 times were probably of this kind. Very few details are known 
 as to the management of these reproductions. Probably the 
 leading actors applied to the archon, and if selected by him they 
 received a chorus, and undertook the general superintendence 
 of the revival. The middle of the fourth century was the great 
 age of Athenian acting. The principal actors of the period 
 filled a more important place in the history of tragedy than did 
 the tragic poets themselves. The different interpretations of 
 the old tragedies by the celebrated actors excited more interest 
 than the feeble productions of the contemporary dramatists. 
 Apparently the actors were sometimes inclined to tamper with 
 the old plays, and to introduce what they considered improve- 
 ments, just as the plays of Shakespeare were adapted for the 
 stage by Garrick in the last century. A law was passed by the 
 orator Lycurgus to put a stop to this practice. It was enacted 
 that a public copy should be made of the works of Aeschylus, 
 Sophocles, and Euripides, and deposited in the state archives ; 
 and that the actors, in their performances, should not be allowed 
 to deviate from the text of the copy^ It is very probable that 
 this authorised version eventually found its way to Alexandria. 
 Ptolemy the Third was a great collector of manuscripts. He 
 borrowed from the Athenians an old copy of the works of 
 Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides, promising to return it 
 after he had made a transcript, and depositing fifteen talents as 
 security. The transcript was made in the best possible style. 
 Ptolemy then proceeded to keep the original manuscript for 
 himself, and sent back merely the transcript to Athens. The 
 
 ^ Plut. X orat. 841 r d<TTjveyK€ 5^ vaiyapavTasviroKpiv(o$ai. The general 
 
 Kal vofxovs . . . rov 8e, ihs x^*^^^ etKovas meaning of the passage is clear, though 
 
 dvaOdvai t5jv ■troirjrwv, Aiaxv^ov, Xo(})o- the text is corrupt. Various emenda- 
 
 K\eovs, EvpimSoVy ual ras Tpaycudias av- tions have been proposed, e. g. ■wap* 
 
 Tuiv kv KOLV^ ypaipafxevovs (pvXaTreiv, avras vTroKpiveaOat, Wyttenbach ; aiiras 
 
 Kal Tov T^s ir(5X€<us ypafifiaria vapava- aXkas inroKpivfoOai, Grysar; ycip aWois 
 
 yiyvuCKfiv TOis viroKpivofiivois' ovk l^cf- inoKplvfaOai, Diibner. 
 
98 THE PRODUCTION OF A PLAY. [Ch. 
 
 Athenians had to console themselves with the fifteen talents 
 which were forfeited. This old copy of the tragic writers was 
 most probably that made in accordance with the law of 
 Lycurgus\ 
 
 Athenian comedy, as was pointed out in the last chapter, con- 
 tinued to grow and develop long after tragedy had come to an 
 end. Reproductions of old comedies at Athens do not seem to 
 have become prevalent till towards the end of the third century. 
 As far as our information goes such reproductions were confined 
 to the exhibition of a single old comedy as a prelude to the new 
 ones. In all the instances recorded the plays are taken from the 
 New Comedy. The Old Comedy, with its special and personal 
 allusions, would have been unsuited for popular representation 
 in a later age^ 
 
 To return once more to tragedy. The fourth century was 
 especially the age of great actors, just as the fifth century had 
 been the age of great poets. The leading actors of the fourth 
 century were chiefly celebrated for their impersonations of 
 characters out of the great tragedies of the past. From the 
 frequent references to the subject it is possible to collect some 
 interesting details as to the popular taste in regard to these 
 revivals. The three great masters of tragedy, Aeschylus, 
 Sophocles, and Euripides, occupied a position by themselves 
 in popular estimation, and quite overshadowed all other poets. 
 This is proved by the law of Lycurgus providing for the strict 
 preservation of the text of their works, and prohibiting the 
 interpolations of the actors. But though the existence of the 
 law shows that the tragedies of Aeschylus were occasionally 
 reproduced, and were therefore liable to corruption, it does 
 not appear that in this later age Aeschylus was very popular 
 upon the stage. The only allusion to a particular revival of 
 his plays is that which occurs in one of the letters of Alciphron, 
 where the tragic actor Licymnius is said to have been victo- 
 rious in the Propompi of Aeschylus ^ On the other hand the 
 reproductions of plays of Sophocles and Euripides are very 
 
 ^ Galen Comm. ii. on Hippocrat. "^ See chap. I, p. 32. 
 
 Epidem. iii. (p. 607 Kiihn). ^ Alciphron Epist. iii. 48. * 
 
II.]" REPRODUCTION OF OLD PLAYS. 99 
 
 frequently referred to. And it is a significant fact that when the 
 actor Satyrus was consoling Demosthenes for the ill-success of 
 his first speech before the assembly, and wished to point out to 
 him the defectiveness of his elocution, he asked him to repeat ' a 
 speech out of Sophocles or Euripides,' implying that these were 
 the two poets whom everyone knew\ In the Poetics of Aristotle 
 the laws of the drama are based upon the plays of Sophocles 
 and Euripides, while Aeschylus is comparatively disregarded. 
 The simplicity of his plots, and the elevation and occasional 
 obscurity of his language were distasteful to an age which 
 looked for ingenuity in the management of the incidents, and 
 rhetorical facility in the style. These qualities were found to 
 perfection in Euripides : hence his great popularity. There 
 can be no doubt that Euripides was the favourite poet of the 
 fourth century. A striking proof of the fact is supplied by the 
 records of the tragic performances at the City Dionysia for the 
 years 341-339 b.c. In each of these years the old tragedy 
 selected for exhibition was one by Euripides. In 341 it was 
 the Iphigeneia, in 340 it was the Orestes. The title of the play 
 produced in 339 is lost, but the author was Euripides ^ Other 
 plays of his which were favourites upon the stage at this time 
 were the Cresphontes, the Oenomaus, and the Hecuba, in all 
 of which Aeschines is said to have played the part of tritagonist. 
 The Oenomaus and the Hecuba are also mentioned as plays in 
 which the great actor Theodorus was especially effective. In 
 the dream of Thrasyllus before the battle of Arginusae the plays 
 which were being acted were the Phoenissae and the Supplices 
 of Euripides ^ Though the story of the dream is apocryphal, 
 these two tragedies were doubtless popular ones during the 
 fourth century. As to the plays of Sophocles, it is said that 
 Polus, the contemporary of Demosthenes, and the greatest 
 actor of his time, was celebrated for his performance of the 
 leading parts in the Oedipus Tyrannus, the Oedipus Coloneus, 
 and the Electra. The Antigone of Sophocles was often acted 
 
 ^ Plut. Demosth. p. 849 A. Aelian Var. Hist. xiv. 40 ; Plut. Fort. 
 
 2 Corp. Inscr. Att. ii. 973. Alexand. 333 F ; Diod. Sic. xiii. 97. 
 
 » Demosth. de Cor. §§ 180, 267 ; 
 
 H 2 
 
lOO THE PRODUCTION OF A PLAY. 
 
 by Theodorus and by Aristodemus. A certain Timotheus used 
 to make a great impression in the part of Ajax. Lastly, the 
 Epigoni of Sophocles is mentioned in connexion with Androni- 
 cLis, another contemporary of Demosthenes \ It is interesting 
 to observe that of the plays which the popular taste of the fourth 
 century had begun to select for revival by far the greater num- 
 ber are among those which are still extant. 
 
 ^ Aul. Gell. vii. 5; Stob. Flor. 97, Fals. Leg. § 246; Schol. Soph. Ajax 
 28 (ii. p. 211 Meineke) ; Demosth. 865 ; Athen. p. 584 D. 
 
Collotype. 
 
 Oxford University Press, 
 
 Theatre of Dionysus, from the South. 
 
 Copied by permission of the Council of the Hellenic Society from a photograph 
 published for the Hellenic Society by the Autotype Company. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE THEATRE. 
 
 § I. General character of a Greek theatre. 
 
 The regulations concerning the dramatic competitions al 
 Athens have now been described in detail, together with the 
 circumstances attending the production of a play. The next 
 point to be considered is the construction and general arrange- 
 ment of the theatre. It would be beyond the scope of the 
 present work to attempt to give any account of all the Greek 
 theatres of which remains are in existence. In the following 
 pages our attention will be confined mainly to the theatre of 
 Dionysus at Athens, which will serve as a specimen of the 
 Greek type of theatre in general. The theatre at Athens, 
 whether regarded from" the historical or the architectural 
 point of view, is one of the most interesting buildings in 
 the world. It was the prototype of all other ancient theatres, 
 both Greek and Roman. It was the theatre in which the plays 
 of the great Athenian dramatists, from Aeschylus to Menander, 
 were produced. In connexion with a building of such import- 
 ance the smallest details are not without interest. The object 
 of the chapter will be, in the first place, to give an account 
 of the existing remains and present condition of this theatre ; 
 and, in the second place, to endeavour to determine what 
 must have been its original form and appearance during the 
 great days of the Attic drama, before the primitive design had 
 been obscured by later alterations. At the same time it will be 
 necessary to make occasional references to other Greek theatres, 
 
102 THE THEATRE, . [Ch. 
 
 both for the purpose of illustration and comparison, and also in 
 order to fill up the gaps in our information caused by the ruinous 
 condition of the Athenian theatre. Of the other theatres, the 
 most interesting is that of Epidaurus. It is by far the best 
 preserved of all theatres of purely Greek origin. It has lately 
 been excavated in a thorough and systematic manner, and the 
 result of the excavations has been to throw an altogether new 
 light upon various questions connected with the Greek stage. 
 
 The construction and general arrangement of a Greek theatre 
 differed widely from any form of theatre to be found at the 
 present day. In this respect, as in most others, a comparison 
 between the ancient and modern drama reveals as many points 
 of contrast as of similarity. The Greek theatre was of course 
 exposed to the open air, and had no roof or covering of any 
 kind. It was generally built upon the slope of a hill in or near 
 the city. It was of enormous magnitude, compared with a 
 modern theatre, being intended to contain at one and the same 
 time the whole theatre-going population of the city. The 
 largest part of it consisted of the auditorium, or tiers of stone 
 seats for the spectators. These seats rose one above the other 
 like a flight of steps, and were arranged in the form of a semi- 
 circle with the two ends prolonged. The flat space at the 
 bottom of the auditorium, corresponding to the stalls and pit in 
 a modern theatre, was called the orchestra, or 'dancing-place,' 
 and was used "by the chorus only, the spectators being entirely 
 excluded from it. At the further end of the orchestra, facing 
 the tiers of seats, rose the stage and the stage-buildings. 
 The stage was a long and narrow platform, much higher than 
 a modern stage, and only a few feet in depth. It was reserved 
 for the actors, as opposed to the chorus. Thus it is obvious 
 that the general spectacle presented by the interior of a 
 Greek theatre during the representation of a drama must have 
 been quite unlike anything we are accustomed to in modern 
 times. The open-air building, the performance in broad day- 
 light, the vast crowds of spectators, the chorus grouped together 
 in the centre, the actors standing on the lofty stage behind 
 them — all these characteristics of a Greek theatrical exhibition 
 
ITL] THE OLD WOODEN THEATRES. 103 
 
 must have combined to produce a scene to which there 
 is no exact parallel at the present day. This fact should be 
 kept clearly in view, in discussing all questions connected 
 with the Greek stage. Many errors have been caused, and 
 many unnecessary difficulties have been raised, owing to the 
 failure to realise the essential difference between the external 
 features of the ancient and the modern drama. 
 
 § 2. The old wooden theatres at Athens. 
 
 The type of theatre described above was of course only 
 developed very gradually by the Athenians. It came into ex- 
 istence side by side with the growth of their drama. At first 
 there was no permanent theatre. At tic tragedy and co medy 
 grew out of the dithyrambs and phallic songs w hich were per- 
 formed by choruses in honour of Dionysus. For such exhibi- 
 tions all that was required was an orchestra, or circular dancing- 
 place. The chorus performed in the middle, the spectators 
 ranged themselves all round the ring. The first innovation 
 was the introducti on of tke tab le upon which the leader of the 
 chorus took his stand, while he carried on a dialogue with the 
 rest of the choreutae in the intervals between the choral odes \ 
 As the dialogue between the leader and the chorus was the 
 germ out of which the drama was subsequently developed, in 
 the same way the table on which the leader took his stand was 
 the prototype of the stage in the later Greek theatre. The 
 next step was the mtroduction_ of a single actor by Thespis. 
 The actor had to play many parts in succession, and it was 
 necessary that he should have some room or covered place to 
 change his dress and mask in. A tent or booth L-Was erected 
 for the purpose at the back of the small platform on which he 
 performed. Out of this tent or booth were gradually developed 
 the stage-buildings of the Greek theatre. The recollection of 
 their origin was preserved in their name. Even in the latest 
 times, when the stage-buildings of a Greek theatre had come to 
 
 ^ Poll. iv. 123 lAfoy 8* ^1/ rpaiti^a dpxaia, k<p' ■f]V itpb Qiamhos (is Tis dvafids 
 Tois xo/>ci'Tars dveKpivaTo. 
 
104 THE THEATRE. [Ch. 
 
 be elaborate structures of stone, they were still called by the 
 name 'skene,' which means properly a booth or tent. The 
 platform and dressing-room for the actor, having now become a 
 regular accompaniment of a dramatic performance, occupied 
 one end of the original orchestra. The spectators, who had 
 formerly been ranged all round the circle in which the chorus 
 was performing, had to confine themselves to two-thirds of 
 that circle. The remaining portion was taken up by the stage. 
 At this early period the seats provided for the spectators were 
 only temporary erections. They were called * ikria,' and con- 
 sisted of wooden benches rising in tiers one above the other, 
 and resting on wooden supports \ The stage and the dressing- 
 rooms were also mere temporary constructions of wood. But 
 in these rude erections, hastily put up each year for the annual 
 performances, were already to be found all the essential parts 
 of the later Greek theatres. Nothing more was required 
 than to change the material from 'wood to stone, and to 
 introduce greater elaboration into the design. In course 
 of time the booth and platform of the Thespian period were 
 developed into imposing stage-buildiiggs ; the wooden benches 
 became permanent amphitheatres of stone. 
 
 In this sketch of the early history of the Greek theatre one 
 point deserves especial notice. The mostJinpor tant part of the 
 whole building, and that which formed the starting-point in the 
 process of development, was_the orchestra, or place for the 
 chorus. The auditorium and the stage-buildings were only later 
 additions. In all theatres of purely Greek origin the orchestra 
 continued to maintain its prominent position. All the other 
 parts were subordinated to it. The general conception of a 
 Greek theatre was that of a building with a circular dancing- 
 place in the centre, and with tiers of seats arranged round two- 
 thirds of the ring, while the remaining side was occupied by the 
 stage. The result of this arrangement was that all the spec- 
 
 ^ Hesych. v. Trap' aly4tpov Ola- . . . to. Olarpov. Cp. also Bekk. Anecd. p. 
 
 iKpia, a kariv opOd ^v\a, exovra aaviSas 354 ; Hesych. and Suidas v. Upia ; 
 
 Trpoadide/xivas, oiov Padfxovs, l(p' ah Eustath. Od. p. 1472, 
 iKaOi^ovTO vpb Tov KaraaKfvaaGrjvai rb 
 
III.] THE OLD WOODEN THEATRES, 105 
 
 tators had an equally good view of the orchestra, and the 
 chorus performing in it ; while many of them had only a very 
 poor view of the stage. In theatres built under Roman in- 
 fluence this was not so much the case. The arrangements were 
 considerably modified. The orchestra and auditorium were re- 
 stricted in size to a semicircle \ The consequence was that the 
 stage became a much more prominent object, and all the spec- 
 tators had a fairly good view of it. But in purely Greek 
 theatres, which were built as much for choral performances as 
 for dramatic ones, the orchestra was always the principal 
 object of attention. The primary purpose of the whole design 
 was to give every member of the audience a clear and direct 
 view of the orchestra. The view on to the stage was a matter 
 of secondary importance. 
 
 It was not till the fifth century that the Athenians felt the 
 need of a permanent stone theatre. Before that time they were 
 content with the wooden erections just described. As to the 
 place in which the ^arj y dramatic performances we re held, two 
 distinct traditions have been preserved. According to one set 
 of notices they were held in the market-place ; according to the 
 other set they were held in the Lenaeum, the sacred enclosure 
 of Dionysus to the south-east of the Acropolis '^. It seems un- 
 necessary to choose between these two statements. It is most 
 probable that both of them are true, and that dramatic perform- 
 ances were held in each of the places mentioned. The Lenaeum 
 would of course be the most appropriate scene for such per- 
 formances, being sacred to Dionysus, in whose worship the 
 drama originated. It was in fact in the Lenaeum that the stone 
 theatre was subsequently built. But the market-place was also 
 in any Greek city a natural place for exhibitions of various 
 kinds. Plato, referring to his ideal city, lays down the law that 
 tragic poets shall not be allowed to 'erect their stages in the 
 
 * All theatres, in which the orchestra place according to Phot. v. Xnpia, 
 
 consists of an exact semicircle, are Eustath. Od. p. 1472 ; in the Lenaeum 
 
 either Roman, or built under Roman according to Hesych. v. \-n\ Arjvaio} 
 
 influence. See Vitruv. v. 6, 7. dyojv, Phot. v. Arjvaiov, Bekk. Anecd, 
 
 ^ They were held in the market- p. 278. 
 
106 THE THEATRE. [Ch. 
 
 market-place \' There seems therefore to be no reason to 
 doubt that in early times at Athens dramatic representations were 
 given in the market-place as well as in the Lenaeum. The exact 
 site of the primitive performances in the Lenaeum has probably 
 been discovered by Dr. Dorpfeld. In the course of his recent 
 excavations in the theatre of Dionysus he has come across 
 the remains of an old orchestra some yards to the south-east of 
 the orchestra of the existing theatre ^ This old orchestra was 
 doubtless the scene of the exhibitions of Thespis and his 
 immediate successors. It appears also that in early times 
 there was a regular orchestra in the market-place. In the 
 course of the fifth century this orchestra disappeared, but the 
 portion of the market-place in which it had originally stood con- 
 tinued to be called The Orchestra at a much later period. In 
 Plato's time books were sold there. Socrates, in his Apology, 
 remarks that any one could buy the works of Anaxagoras in 
 The Orchestra for a drachma I It was here no doubt that in 
 early times, while the orchestra was still in existence, dramatic 
 representations were occasionally given. There was an old 
 proverb in use at Athens, which the commentators explained by 
 a reference to the primitive drama. A bad seat at any spectacle 
 was called 'the view from the poplar.* It was said that at the 
 old dramatic exhibitions the wooden benches for the spectators 
 reached as far as a certain poplar, and that the people who 
 could not get seats on the benches used to scramble up the 
 poplar*. Whether the poplar was supposed to be in the 
 Lenaeum or the market-place is uncertain. The whole story 
 
 ^ Plat. Legg. 817 C. Kovis. The statues of Harmodius and 
 
 ^ Dr. Dorpfeld, in a letter of Nov. 7th, Aristogeiton were in the market-place : 
 
 1888, writes to me as follows: ' Von der cp. Rangabe, ii. 565 iiKova oTTJaai . . . 
 
 alten Orchestra ist ein Stlick, aus poly- kv dyopa irXijv ■nap' 'Ap/jioSiov koX 'Apiaro- 
 
 gonalen Kalk-Steinen erbaut, erhalten. ydrova. See Wachsmuth die Stadt 
 
 Der Mittelpunkt dieser alten Kreisrun- Athen, p. 170. The passage in Plato's 
 
 den Orchestra liegt von dem Mittel- Apology (p. 26 D) doubtless refers to 
 
 punkt der Lykurgischen Orchestra the orchestra in the market-place, and 
 
 einige Meter weiter nach Siidost.' not to that in the theatre. 
 
 ' Phot. V. opxTjarpa, irpu/rov €k\t}0t] * Eustath. Od. p. 1472 ; Suidas v. 
 
 ev T^ dyopa. Timaeus Lex. Plat. v. dw' aiyelpov Oia; Hesych. vv. alydpov 
 
 dpxr](TTpa- Tonos eirKpavrjs (Is navrjyvpiv, 64a, irap' aiyelpov Ota, $ia -nap' aiydpqi. 
 evda 'ApfJLodiov Kal 'ApiaToyuTovos ii- 
 
III.] HISTORY OF THE THEATRE OF DIONYSUS. 107 
 
 has a rather suspicious appearance, and was very likel}^ 
 mere guesswork, invented to account for a current proverbial 
 expression. 
 
 § 3. History of the Theatre of Dionysus. 
 
 The determination of the Athenians to build a stone theatre 
 wa s due to an acc ident at one of their dramatic performances. 
 In the year 499 the competitors in the tragic contest were 
 Pratinas, Choerilus, and Aeschylus. While Pratinas was ex- 
 hibiting, the wooden benches for the spectators collapsed. In 
 order to avoid such dangers in the future it was resolved to 
 build a permanent theatre \ Some doubt has been thrown 
 upon the credibility of this tradition because of the fact that 
 Aristophanes speaks of ' benches ' (ikria) in connexion with the 
 theatre^. Hence it has been argued that in the time of Aristo- 
 phanes the seats in the theatre must have been of wood, and 
 that consequently the construction of a stone theatre cannot 
 have been anterior to the fourth century. But the use of the 
 word ' ikria ' by Aristophanes was merely the survival of an old 
 term, after it had become no longer literally correct. Such 
 survivals are common enough in all languages, and might be 
 illustrated by numerous examples. It would be just as plausible 
 to argue that during the fifth century the seats in the Pnyx 
 were of wood, because Aristophanes, in the Acharnians, speaks 
 of the presidents jostling one another for the 'front benchl' 
 But there is another passage in Aristophanes which proves that 
 they were of stone. In the well-known scene in the Knights, where 
 Demos is represented as sitting in the Pnyx, the sausage-seller 
 comes forward and presents him with a cushion to alleviate the 
 discomfort of ' sitting on the hard rock *.' This example shows 
 
 * Suidas V. nparivas. to tov Qtov Trpoarajfia. 
 
 2 Aristoph. Thesm. 395, 6 wo-t' «'^i»s ^ Aristoph. Acharn. 24, 25 (Ira 8' 
 
 elaiovTfs drro tuv 'iKpicvv | viroPXiirova' wcrriovvTai irws 8oK(ts \ f\$6vT(s dWr}- 
 
 Tjfias. The word Inpia is also used of Koiai ire pi vpojrov ^vXov. 
 the seats in the theatre by Cratinus, * Aristoph. Equit. 754 orav 5* km 
 
 Frag. Incert. 51 iKpiwv \p6<prjais, and by ravrrjol KaOrjrai rrjs irirpas, 783 k-nl 
 
 Dio Chrysost. Or. 33, p. 3 Dindf. k-nfl raiffi irhpais ov (ppovri^ei OK\r)pws ae 
 
 5k :$a}Kpdrr]s dvev aKrjvrjs Kal 'iKpioiv irroUi KaO^fXivov ovtws, and Schol. ad loc. 
 
lo8 THE THEATRE. [Ch. 
 
 the danger of arguing from a single phrase in Aristophanes. 
 There can be no doubt that when Aristophanes employs the 
 word ' ikria * in reference to the theatre of his time, it is merely 
 an instance of the survival in common language of a term 
 which had originated in connexion with the wooden theatres of 
 the sixth century. We may therefore conclude that the stone 
 theatre was commenced after the accident in 499 \ It was not 
 finally completed till the latter part of the fourth century, but 
 doubtless at a much earlier period enough was done to make it 
 sufficient for all practical purposes. There is very little in- 
 formation concerning the progress of the building. It is 
 known that in the year 330 b.c. works were being carried 
 on in connexion with it. A decree of the people has been 
 preserved, belonging to that year, in which a vote of thanks 
 is passed to a certain Eudemus of Plataea, for lending a 
 thousand yoke of oxen for 'the construction of the Pana- 
 thenaic race-course and the theatre I' The final completion 
 was due to Lycurgus. As Lycurgus died about 325 b.c, 
 it follows that the work must have been brought to a 
 termination sometime between the years 330 and 325. Con- 
 siderable doubt exists as to the condition of the theatre before 
 the time of Lycurgus, and as to the exact character of the works 
 
 Se'iKwai yap avTa> iTpo(TK€(pdkaiov . . . I'm banishment to Sicily. This is said to 
 fi^ em ipiKoTs tois ^adpois kmKaBi^rjTai. contradict the tradition that the collapse 
 ^ Wilamowitz-Mollendorf, in Hermes took place in 499 B. C. But the con- 
 for 1886, p. 597 ff., argues in favour nexion of Aeschylus' retirement to Sicily 
 of the view that there was no stone with the fall of the benches is obviously 
 theatre at Athens in the fifth cen- a foolish conjecture of some commen- 
 tury. His reasons are as follows: tator. Aeschylus, as poet, would be in 
 — (i) The use of the word 'Upia by no way responsible for the safety of the 
 Aristophanes and Cratinus. (2) The benches. Other equally impossible con- 
 passage in Bekk. Anecd. p. 354 at7€t- jectures were invented to account for the 
 pov Oia' 'A6r}vr)ffiv a'lye os ^v, ^s ttXtj- same circumstance. Aeschylus' first 
 aiov ra 'Upia kirqyvvvTo eh t^v 6eav npb retirement to Sicily took place before 
 Tov Oearpov yevecrOar ovtqj Kparivos. 476, the date of the foundation of Aetna. 
 He says this proves that the stone Yet according to one story it was due to 
 theatre was not commenced in the time disgust at his defeat by Sophocles in 
 of Cratinus. But all it proves is that 468 ; according to another it was due 
 Cratinus used the proverbial expression to the terror caused by his chorus of 
 aiyeipov Oka. (3) The story in Suid. v. Eumenides in 458. 
 AtVxuAos that the collapse of the wooden ^ Corp. Inscr. Att. ii. 176. 
 benches was the cause of Aeschylus' 
 
III.] HISTORY OF THE THEATRE OF DIONYSUS. 109 
 
 which he carried on there. It is uncertain whether they con- 
 sisted mainly in new erections, or in restorations of the old 
 building. Unfortunately the various notices upon the subject 
 are too vague and general in their language to admit of any 
 definite inference ^ All that is certain is that the theatre was 
 finally completed by about 325 b. c. 
 
 After the fourth century there is no further record concerning 
 the history of the building for many centuries. In late Roman 
 times, probably in the third century a.d., a new stage in the 
 Roman fashion was erected by a certain Phaedrus, who com- 
 memorated the fact by an inscription upon one of the steps, to 
 the effect that ' Phaedrus, son of Zo'ilus, ruler of life-giving 
 Attica, erected this beautiful stage.* At this point all traces of 
 the history of the theatre are lost. During the Middle Ages 
 it disappeared so completely from view, that its very site was 
 forgotten. For a long time modern travellers knew nothing 
 upon the subject. The true site was first pointed out by 
 Chandler. In 1862 excavations were commenced by the 
 German architect Strack, and continued for three years. 
 The theatre was again exposed to view, and large portions 
 of it were found to have been preserved. Some further 
 discoveries were made in 1877. Lastly, in 1886, new ex- 
 cavations have been carried on under the direction of Dr. 
 Dorpfeld, acting for the German Archaeological Institute. 
 The result of these latest investigations has been to throw 
 considerable additional light upon the original arrangement 
 of the orchestra and stage-buildings ^ 
 
 ^ Plut. X orat. 841 C koX to ev vewpia, rpirqpeis hrroiijaaTO, \ifi4vas. The 
 
 Aiovvaov Oiarpov kiriaraTaiv (TfXevTijaf, statement of Hyperides, that the theatre 
 
 ibid. Psephism. iii, irpbs 8k tovtois was ' built ' by Lycurgus, is obviously 
 
 ^fiiepya irapaXafiuv rovs re veuaoiKovs a rhetorical exaggeration. AH the 
 
 ml r^v (TKevo0rjKrjv Kal to OiaTpov to other authorities, including the Pseph- 
 
 AiopvaiaKov k^eipyAcraTo Kal kireTiXeae. ism, say that it was merely ' completed.' 
 
 Paus. i. 29. 16 olKoSofiTjpaTa Si €it€T€- ^ Wheeler's Theatre of Dionysus, 
 
 \fffe pXv TO 64aTpov iTtpoov virap^aixivotv . in Papers of the American School at 
 
 Hyperid. apud Apsines, Rhet. Gr. i. Athens, vol. i. ; Baumeister's Denk- 
 
 p. 387 (Spengel) TaxOih b\ km t^ maler des Klassischen Alterthums, vol. 
 
 SioiKrjffei Toiv xp-qpuaToiv fZpf iropovs, iii., V. Theatergebaude. 
 (^Ko86nr]<T€ 8e TO Qiarpov, rb (fhdov, to. 
 
no THE THEATRE. [Ch. 
 
 § 4. Site of the Theatre of Dionysus. 
 
 Such is the history of the theatre, as far as it can be collected 
 from ancient notices and records. In proceeding to describe its 
 form and construction it will be convenient to take the different 
 portions in succession. A Greek the atre is naturally divided 
 into three parts, the auditorium, the orchestra, and the stage- 
 buildings. In the following description the auditorium will be 
 considered first, the orchestra next. The stage-buildings, as 
 forming the most difficult part of the whole subject, will be 
 reserved for the last. The object of the chapter, as already 
 stated, is partly to describe the present condition of the theatre, 
 partly to determine its original shape and appearance. As far 
 as the latter object is concerned there are three principal 
 sources of inform ation. The most important evidence is of 
 course that afforded by the existing ruins. Where these are 
 defective, or where the original construction has been obliterated 
 by later alterations, the gaps in our knowledge can occasionally 
 be supplied by the evidence from the ruins of other theatres, 
 more especially the theatre of Epidaurus. A third great source 
 of information consists in the notices scattered up and down the 
 * works of the ancient grammarians and commentators. These 
 notices, though often confused and contradictory, and though 
 sometimes hardly applicable to the theatre at Athens in the fifth 
 ancl fourth centuries, are nevertheless of the greatest value in 
 illustrating and supplementing the evidence supplied by the 
 actual ruins. 
 
 The site chosen for the new theatre was on the south-eastern 
 slopes of the Acropolis. There was here an enclosure called 
 the Lenaeum, sacred to Dionysus, the god of the 'lenos/ or 
 wine-press. The spot was also called the Marshes. Within 
 this enclosure were two temples of Dionysus, of which the 
 foundations have recently been discovered. The oldest of 
 these was the nearest to the Acropolis, and is that marked D in 
 the accompanying plan. It contained the statue of Dionysus 
 Eleuthereus. It was probably this statue which was taken into 
 
III.] SITE OF THE THEATRE OF DIONYSUS. iii 
 
 the theatre every year during the dramatic performances, and 
 deposited in the orchestra. The more recent temple stood a 
 few yards to the south of the old one, and is indicated by the 
 letter E in the plan. It contained a statue of Dionysus by a 
 certain Alcamenes, made of ivory and gold. Nearly in front of 
 the more ancient temple of Dionysus stood the old orches tra in 
 which Thespis and his successors had performed. The site 
 chosen for the new theatr e was a few yards to the north-west of 
 the old orchestral The reasons^ for the choic e are obvious. 
 In the first place it was natural that the theatre, being regarded 
 as a sort of temple of Dionysus, and being designed for 
 celebrations in his honour, should be erected in his sacred 
 enclosure. In the second place the slopes of the Acropolis 
 afforded an excellent foundation for the tiers of seats, and the 
 necessity of erecting costly substructures was avoided. In one 
 respect the position of the theatre differed from that usu ally 
 adopted^ in l ater t ijpes. The auditorium faced almost directly 
 towards the south. This arrangement was generally avoided 
 by the Greeks, and Vitruvius expressly warns architects against 
 the danger of adopting it, because of the terrible heat caused by 
 the midday sun glaring into the concavity of the theatre'^. But 
 at Athens there were special reason s on the other side. If 
 the theatre was to be built in the Lenaeum at all, the only 
 natural position for the auditorium was along the slopes of the 
 Acropolis, and facing towards the south. We must also re- 
 member that at Athens the competitions for which the theatre 
 was principally designed were held in the late winter or the 
 early spring, when the cold was more to be dreaded than the 
 heat. For performances at this period of the year the theatre 
 was admirably adapted. It not only received the full warmth 
 of the sun, but was also protected from the north wind by the 
 rocks of the Acropolis behind it. At Athens therefore there 
 were special reasons for preferring the southern aspect. The 
 
 ^ Hesych. v. Itti AtjvoIo) dycuv; Alterthums, vol. iii. p. 1736. 
 Thucyd. ii. 15 ; Pausan. i. 20. 3; Bau- ^ Vitruv. v. 3. 2. 
 
 meister's Denkmaler des Klassischen 
 
113 
 
 THE THEATRE. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 f tiie AcropoJis ^'--— 
 
 
 ASCLEPIEION 
 
 
IIL] THE AUDITORIUM, 1 13 
 
 official name of the building was The Theatre of Dionysus. It 
 was also sometimes called The Lenaic Theatre \ 
 
 § 5. The Auditorium. 
 
 Following the arrangement previously mentioned we come 
 first of all to the auditorium. A plan of the existing remains of 
 the theatre is here inserted '^. Together with the two views of 
 the theatre, which are given in the frontispiece and at the 
 commencement of the present chapter, it will enable the reader 
 to understand the following details without much difficulty. 
 The auditorium, or the portion of the theatre containing the 
 seats for the spectators, was called the ' cavea ' in Latin ; but 
 there was no technical terrn for it in Greek. In almost all 
 Greek theatres it was built upon the side of a hill, so that the 
 natural slope of the ground might serve as a foundation for the 
 tiers of seats. At Athens the rising ground at the foot of the 
 Acropolis was utilised for this purpose. It was only at the 
 extremities of the two wings, on the east and the west, that 
 artificial substructures were necessary, in order to bring the 
 back seats up to the proper height. In the other parts of the 
 building the rising ground served as a foundation, after being 
 altered to the requisite shape. The walls by which the 
 auditorium was bounded on the outside have been preserved 
 to a certain extent, and suffice to mark clearly the original 
 shape of the building. On the western side of the theatre, 
 from a to Z>, there are two boundary walls, an inner and an 
 outer one. The inner wall is built of conglomerate, and 
 
 * Corp. Inscr. Att. ii. 240 to Oearpov existing remains of the theatre have 
 
 TO AiovvffiaKov. Cp. Phot, and Hesych. been Vischer's article in the Neues 
 
 (v. iKpia) TO kv Aiovvciov Otarpov '. Poll. Schweizerisches Museum, 1863, Bd. 3: 
 
 iv. 121 TO AijvuiKov (Oiarpov). Wheeler's Theatre of Dionysus, in 
 
 ^ The plan is taken from Baumeister's Papers of the American School at 
 
 Denkmaler, v. Theatergebiude, and, Athens, vol. i. ; Das Theater des Dio- 
 
 as Dr. Dorpfeld informs me, con- nysus, by Julius and Ziller, in Zeit- 
 
 tains substantially the results of his schrift fUr bildende Kunst, vol. xiii. ; 
 
 recent excavations. Dr. Dorpfeld's Murray's Handbook to Greece, vol. i. 
 
 own more elaborate plan has unfortu- p. 228 ff. ; Baumeister's Denkmaler 
 
 nately not yet been published. My des Klassischen Alterthums, vol. iii. v. 
 
 authorities for the description of the Theatergebaude. 
 
114 THE THEATRE. ^ [Ch. 
 
 formed the real supporting wall of the auditorium in this part. 
 The outer wall is built of Peiraic limestone, and merely served 
 as a cover and protection to the inner one. The two walls are 
 connected at intervals by lateral arms, which are also continued 
 some distance beyond the inner wall. On the eastern side of 
 the building almost all traces of the boundary walls have dis- 
 appeared, but probably the general construction was very much 
 the same as that on the western side just described. At the 
 point h a wall of Peiraic limestone, marked c in the plan, and 
 closely connected with the wall a-b, runs off westwards. The 
 small piece of wall stretching northwards from c is of mediaeval 
 construction. A little to the north of wall c another wall d, 
 made of conglomerate, also runs off westwards in a nearly 
 parallel direction. Between these two walls the boundary wall 
 of the theatre is discontinued. It is obvious therefore that at 
 this point there was an entrance into the auditorium. Very 
 possibly there was a similar entrance on the opposite side ; but 
 the remains there are not sufficiently well preserved to deter- 
 mine the question. From the point d the boundary wall pro- 
 ceeds in a curve towards the north-east. There is no inner 
 wall in this part, as in the lower half of the western side. The 
 single wall which here forms the boundary of the theatre is 
 built of conglomerate faced with Peiraic limestone, and is con- 
 tinued in the same line with the outer wall from a to h. At the 
 point e some extra seats are built upon the rocky slopes of the 
 Acropolis, outside the boundary wall of the theatre, and sup- 
 ported by a special wall marked e, Further eastwards the 
 rock of the Acropolis abutted upon the theatre, and has been 
 hollowed out into a regular curve. This is without doubt the 
 portion of the~theatre referred to by the ancients as Katatome, 
 or 'The Cutting \' In the rock is a natural grotto enlarged 
 by artificial means, and 34 ft. long by 20 ft. broad. Here 
 
 ^ Harp. V. KaTaroix-q- 'Tirepeidrjs iv x^PVl^'' Trato-t, Kal kneypaipev Itti rr/v 
 
 to) KaTOL At] fJioaOh'ovs' real KaOrjfievos Kararofxriv ttjs irerpas. Bekk, Anec'l. 
 
 K<XTO} vTrb rrj KaTaTOjJLrj. ^tAoxopos 6e kv p. 270. 21 Karaioix^ 77 upxr^arpa ij vvv 
 
 €KTr} ovTcvs' AlfTXpaios 'AvayvpaaL09 aiyna, fj fieposri rov Oedrpov Karerfirfdr], 
 
 dviOrjKf rbv virfp Ofdrpov rpiiroha Karap- eird kv 6p€i KareCKevaaTai k.t.X. 
 yvpojffas, veviKTjKws to) nporepov erti 
 
III.] THE AUDITORIUM, 1 15 
 
 Thrasyllus erected an elaborate monument to commemorate 
 his victor3^ with a chorus of men in 319 B.C. In the front of 
 the grotto stood three columns supporting an entablature, and 
 surmounted by a statue of Dionysus. On the architrave was 
 an inscription recording the victory of Thrasyllus. Inside the 
 grotto were statues of Apollo and Artemis, destroying the 
 children of Niobe. In modern times the grotto has been 
 converted into a chapel of Our Lady. The columns and en- 
 tablature were in excellent preservation when Stuart visited 
 Athens, but they were shattered by a mine during the Greek 
 revolution. Above the grotto are two columns, which were 
 erected to commemorate victories with dithyrambic choruses. 
 On the capitals can still be seen the holes made to receive the 
 legs of the tripods ^ After the Katatome there are very few 
 remains of the boundary of the theatre upon the eastern side. 
 But enough is left to show the general outline, as may be 
 seen from the plan. The two wings of the auditorium are 
 terminated on the south by the walls marked a-a and f-f. 
 The walls are of unequal lengt h, the eastern wall being about 
 III ft., the western only 88 ft. The eastern wing was there- 
 fore considerably wider than the western. The two walls are 
 of conglomerate faced with Peiraic limestone. They are^not in 
 the same^ stcaightjine, but if continued inwards would meet in 
 an obtuse angle in the orchestra. A comparison of the various 
 Greek theatres shows that two different plans were adopted in 
 regard to the position of these walls. Sometimes, as in the 
 theatre at Athens, they were so arranged as to form an angle 
 if prolonged. This is the case with most of the theatres of 
 Asia Minor, and the same plan has been adopted in the 
 theatres at Epidaurus, Mantineia, and the Peiraeeus. Some- 
 
 ^ Pans. i. 21. 5. Stuart and Revett's view of the theatre given at the corn- 
 Antiquities of Athens, ii. 8. The mencement of the chapter the katatome, 
 inscription on the monument was as together with the grotto and the two 
 follows (Corp. Inscr. Gr. 224), @p:i<yvK- choregic columns, are clearly visible. 
 \os SpaavWov AeKeXeevs dviOrjKev x^PV- Above the grotto is seen the. old wall 
 ywv viKTjaas dvSpdffiv 'iTnToOcuvTidi (pvXfj, of Cimon, covered over with a modern 
 Evios Xa\Kid€vs r)v\€t, N^'atxAtos ripx^v, casing. 
 KapKidafios Swrtos edlSaffKfv. In the 
 
 I 2 
 
Il6 THE THEATRE, [Ch. 
 
 times, on the other hand, the walls were arranged in one and 
 the same straight line, so as to be exactly parallel with the 
 stage. The theatres of Sicily are mostly of this pattern, as is 
 also the theatre at Megalopolis ^ 
 
 The above description, together with the plan, will give a fair 
 idea of the general outline of the auditorium. It will readily be 
 seen that the Athenian theatre had none of tha t sym nietry and 
 harmonious beauty of design which is conspicuous in so many 
 of the later Greek theatres. Its shape was far from regular. 
 A glance at the plan of the theatre of Epidaurus, which was 
 built by the younger Polycleitus in the middle of the fourth 
 century, will show at once the great inferiority of the Athenian 
 theatre in point of grace and symmetry of outlined In most 
 Greek theatres the auditorium was of the same width from one 
 end to the other, and was shaped in a symmetrical curve. In 
 the theatre at Athens the two wings of the auditorium are 
 narrowed so considerably towards the south, as to be less than 
 half the depth of the central part. The outside boundary does 
 not run in a regular curve, but is very much flattened where it 
 encounters the rock of the Acropolis, and terminates in a 
 straight line at each of the southern corners. But the 
 strangest point of all is that the eastern wing, at its termina- 
 tion, is several yards wider than the western wing — an arrange- 
 ment utterly destructive of symmetry of design. A similar 
 disregard for mere appearance is shown by the erection of 
 extra seats on the slopes of the Acropolis outside the north- 
 western boundary wall. The theatre at Athens was built for 
 use rather than for show. It was not, like the theatre at 
 Epidaurus, designed on one symmetrical plan. Its shape was 
 determined by the conformation of the ground and by the 
 situation of the adjoining rocks. Hence the irregularity of its 
 outline. Although therefore it is the most interesting of Greek 
 theatres on account of its historical associations, in point of 
 mere beauty it cannot take the highest rank. 
 We now come to the interior of the auditorium. The boundary 
 
 ^ Mliller's Griech. Biihnenalterthumer, p. 29. 
 
 * See the plan of the theatre of Epidaurus on p. 1 30. 
 
III.] THE AUDITORIUM. 117 
 
 between the auditorium and the orchestra is denoted by the 
 dark Hne in the plan. It will be observed that in the theatre of 
 Dionysus the inside boundar y of the au djtorium consists of a 
 semicircle with the two ends prolonged in parallel straight ^ 
 lines. This was not the plan usually adopted in Greek theatres. 
 In most of the later theatres the two ends of the semicircle 
 were prolonged in the same curve as before, so that the inside ^ . 
 boundary of the auditorium formed about two-thirds of a regular 
 circle. The effect of this arrangement was that the spectators 
 sitting at the extremities of the two wings faced towards the 
 centre of the orchestra, and away from the stage. This need 
 not surprise us when we remember that in purely Greek theatres 
 the orchestra was always the most important part of the whole 
 building. But the arrangement adopted at Athens, of prolong- 
 ing the two ends of the semicircle in a straight line, had the 
 advantage of giving the spectators on the wings a much better 
 view of the stage. The same plan was also adopted in the 
 theatre of the Peiraeeus, and in the theatres at Acrae in Sicily, 
 and Termessus in Asia Minor. At Epidaurus a third plan was J 
 pursued, differing from both the above. The two ends of the 
 semicircle were prolonged, not in a straight line, nor yet in the 
 same curve as before, but in the shape of an ellipse, so that 
 while they converged to a certain extent, they did not converge 
 so much as in the ordinary Greek theatres \ This arrangement 
 is perhaps the most beautiful of the three. But as far as the 
 view of the stage is concerned the design adopted in the theatre 
 of Dionysus has decidedly the advantage. 
 
 The interior of the auditorium consisted of a series of stone 
 seats rising tier above tier in a gentle slope from the boundary 
 of the orchestra to the outside extremities of the building. 
 Immediately under the cliff of the Acropolis the seats were 
 carved out of the living rock. With this exception they were 
 made of Peiraic Hmestone. In some of the upper portions of the 
 theatre they were fixed upon conglomerate foundations. But in 
 most parts they were placed directly upon the bare earth, and 
 
 1 Muller's Biihnenalterthumer, p. 29. 
 
8 
 
 THE THEATRE. 
 
 [Cb. 
 
 were therefore easily capable of being removed. For this reason 
 the greater number of them have disappeared, having been 
 taken away during the Middle Ages for building purposes. All 
 that remain are from twenty to thirty rows in the bottom of the 
 auditorium, and portions of a few rows at the top. From these 
 however it is possible to obtain a clear conception of the style 
 and arrangement of the auditorium. In order to make the 
 following description clearer, an illustration is here inserted, 
 
 consisting of a restoration of the extremity of the eastern wing\ 
 In this illustration a is the orchestra, h the eastern entrance 
 into the orchestra, c the southern boundary wall of the east wing 
 of the auditorium. 
 
 To proceed with the description of the seats . The lowest 
 step of the auditorium rose a few inches above the level of 
 the orchestra, and then sloped gently upwards towards the 
 first row of seats. It was built of large slabs of stone. It 
 was wider at the sides than in the centre, the width at the sides 
 being nine feet ten inches, the width at the centre only six feet 
 seven inches. The line of seats therefore did not coincide 
 exactly with the boundary line of the auditorium and orchestra, 
 
 ^ The illustration is copied, with a few alterations, from the Zeitschrift fiir 
 bildende Kunst, xiii. p.- 197. 
 
III.] THE AUDITORIUM. 1 19 
 
 but receded slightly on the two wings. The first row of seats 
 consisted of marble thrones with backs to them. In the front of 
 each throne was an inscription recording the title of the priest 
 or official for whom the seat was reserved. The thrones were 
 25 inches wide, and 23^ inches deep. In the centre was the 
 throne of the priest of Dionysus, slightly larger than the others, 
 and elaborately and beautifully carved. Behind the line of 
 thrones was a passage 33 inches wide. Then came a small 
 step, 7 inches high, and 17I inches deep, for the people on the 
 seat above to rest their feet upon. Then began the first of the 
 ordinary tiers of seats, which were continued in exactly the 
 same style from this point up to the top of the building. Their 
 shape and dimensions were as follows. Each seat was I2| 
 inches high, and was hollowed out slightly in front, so that the 
 person sitting on it could put his heels back as far as he liked. 
 The depth of the seat was 33 inches, and its surface was 
 divided into three distinct portions. The first part was for 
 sitting upon, and was 12 1 inches deep. The second part was 
 several inches lower, and was intended to receive the feet of the 
 persons upon the seat above. It was \6\ inches across. The 
 third part was merely a narrow edge, of the same level as the 
 first part, and 4 inches in depth. Thus the whole surface came 
 to 33 inches. All the seats throughout the building, with 
 the exception of the row of thrones, were of exactly the 
 same construction. Along the front of each tier of seats were 
 vertical lines engraved in the stone at intervals of about 13 
 inches. The lines were doubtless intended to help in discrimin- • " ^" * 
 ating each person's seat from his neighbour's. - ^ L<r-CfLttr ^ xt*^^^^^ 2 a- 
 
 For the purpose of giving access to the different parts of the 
 auditorium a series of passages ran in divergent lines, like the 
 spokes of a wheel, from the orchestra up to the outside boundary. 
 The passages were fourteen in number, and the two upon the 
 extreme south at each side adjoined immediately upon the 
 boundary walls. In a theatre like that at Athens, where an 
 immense number of people had to be accommodated with seats 
 in tolerable proximity to the orchestra and stage, the greatest 
 economy had to be observed in the use of space. These vertical 
 
120 THE THEATRE. [Ch. 
 
 passages were therefore made only 27 1 inches wide, so that 
 not more than one person could ascend at a time. The arrange- 
 ment of the steps along the passages was altogether exceptional. 
 In every Greek theatre, except that at Athens, each tier of seats 
 had two steps corresponding to it in the vertical passages. But 
 at Athens there was only one step for each tier of seats ; and as 
 the seats were 12 J inches high, while the steps were only 
 8 1 inches, it was necessary to make up the difference by 
 building the steps with a sloping surface. The surface was 
 furrowed over, to render the ascent more easy. The fourteen 
 passages divided the auditorium into thirteen blocks . Such 
 blocks were called 'cunei' or 'wedges* in Latin, because of 
 their shape. In Greek they were called 'kerkides,' from their 
 resemblance to the 'kerkis,' or tapering rod used in weaving\ 
 The front row in each ' kerkis ' contained five marble thrones, 
 with the exception of the two ' kerkides ' on the extreme south 
 of each wing, which contained six thrones each ; so that the 
 total number of marble thrones was sixty-seven. In addition 
 to the vertical passages all Greek theatres of any size were also 
 intersected by one or two longitudinal pas sages, called 'pra e- 
 cincti ones* in Latin. These passages divided the auditorium 
 into sections, called * belts ' or ' girdles ' in Greek technical 
 terminology". In the theatre of Dionysus no traces of such 
 passages can be discovered, owing to the total destruction of 
 the upper part of the auditorium. But we have seen that there 
 was an entrance into the building on the western side at the 
 point marked c in the plan. There was in all probability a 
 corresponding entrance on the opposite side, and a longitudinal 
 passage ran from entrance to entrance, following the direction 
 of the tiers of seats in the manner indicated by the dotted lines 
 in the plan. This supposition is confirmed by a coin in the 
 British Museum, which contains on one side a rude representa- 
 tion of the Theatre at Athens. In spite of the roughness and 
 inaccuracy of the design, there are clear traces of a longitudinal 
 passage intersecting the upper portion of the auditorium. A copy 
 
 ^ Pollux, iv. 123. 
 
 * Sto^fw/xara, Corp. Inscr. Gr. 4283; ^wvat, Malal. p. 222. 
 
III.] 
 
 THE AUDITORIUM. 
 
 121 
 
 of the coin is here inserted \ The position of the 'praecinctio ' 
 in the Athenian theatre has not a very symmetrical appear- 
 ance. But symmetry of design was not the characteristic of the 
 theatre of Dionysus. In most Greek theatres the auditorium 
 was of the same width from end to end, and was divided by the 
 longitudinal passages into equal and symmetrical portions. 
 The plan of the theatre of Epidaurus will serve as a specimen'. 
 But in the theatre at Athens it was impossible to arrange the 
 longitudinal passage in this manner, owing to the narrowness of 
 the wings of the auditorium. As to the vertical passages, in the 
 
 Athenian theatre they appear to have run in a straight line from 
 the bottom to the top of the auditorium. In some theatres, as at 
 Epidaurus, extra passages were inserted in the upper belt of the 
 auditorium. In other theatres the vertical passages in the upper 
 belt were arranged alternately with those in the lower belt, and 
 not in the same straight line. But the ordinary practice was to 
 construct single passages in the same straight line from bottom 
 to top^. This is especially likely to have been the case at 
 Athens, as the theatre was not divided into symmetrical belts or 
 sections, and would not therefore naturally lend itself to the other 
 kinds of arrangement. It was the fashion in Roman theatres to 
 erect a portico along the top of the auditorium, following the 
 line of the uppermost tier of seats. But there are no traces of 
 
 ^ The copy is taken from Wieseler's 
 Denkmaler des Biihnenwesens, i. i. 
 
 ^ See the plan on p. 130. 
 ^ Miiller's Buhnenalt. p. 33. 
 
122 THE THEATRE. [Ch. 
 
 such a portico in the theatre at Athens, or in any other theatre 
 of purely Greek origin \ 
 
 The following facts and measurements will give some idea of 
 the siz e an d capacity of t he Athenian theatre . The distance 
 between the inside corners of the auditorium was 72 feet. The 
 distance between the outside corners was 288 feet. In the 
 centre of the auditorium, from north to south, it is calculated 
 by Strack that there must have been about 100 tiers of seats'. 
 Of course on each of the two wings the number of tiers would 
 be considerably less than half that amount. The arrangements 
 throughout were designed with the view of bringing together 
 the largest possible number of people within the smallest 
 possible compass. The passages were little over two feet in 
 width. The seats were of the simplest construction, so that the 
 spectators could be packed tightly together, without any space 
 being wasted. As the theatre was in the open air the close 
 crowding of the audience was of course much less intolerable 
 than it would have been in a covered building. At the same 
 time the situation of the spectator cannot have been a very com- 
 fortable one. He had to remain cramped up in one position, 
 with no back to lean against, and with very little opportunity of 
 moving his limbs. That the Athenians were willing to put up 
 with such inconveniences for several days in succession is a 
 proof of their enthusiastic devotion to music and the drama. 
 The total number of people which could be accommodated in 
 the theatre at Athens is said by Plato to have been ' more than 
 thirty thousand.' Modern investigations, based on the existing 
 remains, lead to the conclusion that the number was 27,500. 
 In any case the theatre was not so capacious as that of 
 Megalopolis, which is calculated to have held 44,000 people. 
 It was however one of the four largest theatres in Greece 
 proper. Tiie other three were those of Megalopolis, Epidaurus, 
 and Sparta^. 
 
 ^ Vitruv. V. 6. 4; Miiller's Biihnen- ' Plat. Symp. 175 E; Zeitschrift fUr 
 
 alt. p. 36. bild. Kunst, xiii. p. 202 ; Strack's Alt- 
 
 '•^ Strack's Altgriech. Theatergebaude, griech. Theatergebaude, p. 2 ; Miiller's 
 
 P- 2. Biihnenalt. p. 47. 
 
•lil.] THE AUDITORIUM. * I2<5 
 
 There still remains the question as to the date of the.construc; 
 tion of the au dito rium. All the authorities are agreed that the 
 existing remains belong to the original building, and that there 
 has been no reconstruction in later times in this part of the 
 theatre, as there was in the case of the orchestra and the stage- 
 buildings. But as to the date there is considerable difference 
 of opinion. The tradition recorded by Suidas has already been 
 referred to. It states that the construction of a stone theatre 
 was due to the collapse of the wooden benches in 499 B.C., when 
 Pratinas was exhibiting in the tragic contest, and his competitors 
 were Aeschylus and Choerilus. There is a precision about the 
 details of this tradition which gives it an appearance of authen- 
 ticity and credibility. We are probably therefore justified iii 
 concluding that the construction of the auditorium was com- ^ 
 menced early in the fifth century. Nothing is known as to the 
 progress of the work, or the extent to which it suffered during 
 the Persian invasion. Julius assigns its completion to the 'C-. 
 middle of the fifth century. Others put it about fifty years later, c. 
 They refer to a certain slab with an inscription upon it, which 
 is built into the south-western wall of the auditorium with the 
 inscription inverted \ If the date of the inscription could be 
 determined with certainty, it would fix the time before which the 
 auditorium could not have been completed. But unfortunately 
 on this point there is a difference of opinion. Julius, judging Ji. 
 from the style of the inscription, ascribes it to the middle of the 
 fifth century; Kirchhofif on the same grounds assigns it to the <- 
 year 408 b.c. It is impossible therefore to base any exact con- 
 clusions on this particular piece of evidence. All that can fairly 
 be inferred is that the greater part of the auditorium was finished 
 in the course of the fifth century. Of course in a work of this 
 kind, consisting simply of "tiers upon tiers of stone seats, it is 
 not by any means necessary that it should have been all built 
 at the same time. It may have been added to at different 
 -periods. It is quite possible that it was not fully completed 
 until the fourth century. But the probability seems to be that 
 
 * The inscription is given in Corp. Inscr. Att. i. 499. 
 
124 * THE THEATRE. [Ch. 
 
 by far the larger portion of it was constructed in the course of 
 the fifth century. 
 
 A totallydifibreiitLQfiinion concerning the date of the auditorium 
 has lately been propounded ^3r^n^Dorp^feld. He ascribes the 
 whole building to the latter part _oflJhe_jQUjth century, and 
 asserts that before this time there was no such thing at Athens 
 as a permanent stone theatre. Until the end of the fourth 
 century the seats of the spectators consisted, according to his 
 account, merely of rows of wooden benches. The stone theatre 
 was begun and completed in the time of Lycurgus. His reasons 
 for this novel theory are not however by any means conclusive^, 
 and are more than counterbalanced by the arguments o n the other 
 side. There is the precise statement in Suidas that the stone 
 • theatre was commenced in 499 b.c. Then again it is known that 
 \ . at Epidaurus and at the Peiraeeus stone theatres had been erected 
 as early as the middle of the fourth century ^ It is impossible to 
 believe that Athens, the city in which the drama was originally 
 developed, and whose theatrical representations continued to 
 be the admiration of all the rest of Greece, should have been 
 later than Epidaurus, and later than her own sea-port the 
 Peiraeeus, in providing herself with a permanent theatre. It is 
 also difficult to suppose that if the Athenian theatre had been 
 built after that of Epidaurus, it would have been so much 
 C. inferior in symmetry of design. The theatre at Athens, with 
 
 ^ Dr. Dorpfeld, in a letter of Nov. inscription on the slab already referred 
 7th, 1888, gives the following as his to,thedateof which is assigned variously 
 reasons for assigning the , constru ction to 450 or 408 B. c. Here again there is 
 of the auditorium to the latter part p f nothing to carry us beyond the fifth 
 the fourth cent ury— (il The material. century. (4) The use of the word i'/fpta 
 But Julius, Wheeler, and others make by Cratinus and Aristophanes. This 
 the style and general character of the argument has already been discussed on 
 work one of their reasons for assigning p. 107. (5) The notices concerning the 
 it to the fifth century. Where there is work carried out in the theatre by 
 such difference of opinion, it is obviously Lycurgus. These notices, as was 
 difficult to place reliance upon argu- pointed out on p. 109, are far too vague 
 ments of this kind. (2) Certain stone- and general to lead to any definite con- 
 mason's marks, among which the letter elusion. There is nothing in them 
 n appears. But the letter H was form- which is inconsistent with the supposi- 
 ally adopted at Athens in 403 B. c, so tion that the auditorium was sub- 
 that even if the evidence of these marks stantially the work of the fifth century, 
 is to be relied on, it only brings us down ^ Paus. ii. 27. 5 ; Corp. Inscr. Att. ii. 
 to the end of the fifth century. (3) The 573. 
 
III.] THE ORCHESTRA. 1 25 
 
 its irregularity, and its adaptation to the natural conformation 
 of the ground, has distinctly the appearance of being the 
 earliest work of the kind. On every ground therefore it is 
 difficult to resist the conclusion that the auditorium of which 
 the remains still exist was substantially the work of the fifth 
 century. It may have been added to by Lycurgus ; the com- 
 pletion of every detail may have been due to him ; but that the 
 work as a whole belonged to the latter half of the fourth 
 century is a suggestion which it is hardly possible to accept. 
 
 One point has still to be noticed, and that is the date o f the 
 marWe^ thrones. The general opinion is that they are of later 
 origin than the rest of the auditorium. The inscriptions upon 
 them mostly belong to the Christian era, but in many cases half 
 obliterated traces of older inscriptions are to be discovered 
 underneath. Some of the inscriptions, however, are thought to 
 be as early as the Macedonian period. The probability is that 
 the marble thrones were erected by Lycurgus in the course of 
 his completion of the theatre. Whether before the time of 
 Lycurgus the front row of seats was in any way superior to 
 the rest is uncertain. At Epidaurus the seats in the front row 
 were all provided with backs, but otherwise were quite simple 
 in design, and far less imposing than the marble thrones in the 
 Athenian theatre ^ It is possible that at Athens, before the 
 alterations of Lycurgus, the front row was distinguished in 
 some way from the other rows behind it, without displaying 
 any very great magnificence. 
 
 § 6. The Orchestra. 
 
 After the auditorium the next great division of the theatre is 
 the orchestra. This was the name given to the flat surface 
 enclosed between the stage-buildings and the inside boundary 
 of the auditorium. It was called the orchestra, or ^dancing- 
 place,' because in Greek theatres it was reserved for the 
 performances of the chorus. In later times it was also called 
 the Sigma^ because its shape resembled the semicircular figure 
 
 ^ UpaKTiKoL TTJs kv 'AO^vats dpxaio\. haipias 1883, p. 46 ff. 
 
126 THE THEATRE. [Ch, 
 
 which was adopted in the fourth century as the symbol of th^ 
 letter sigma\ In one place the word 'konistra,' is used to- 
 denote the orchestra. Konistra means a surface of earth or 
 sand. It is possible therefore that the term originated in the 
 early period of the Greek drama, when the orchestras were not 
 as yet covered with pavement, but consisted merely of the 
 ordinary soil. On the other hand the word may be of late 
 origin, as applied to the theatre. In Roman times the 
 orchestras of Greek theatres were occasionally the scene of 
 gladiatorial combats, and were probably strewn with sand for 
 the purpose. It may be the case that the use of the word 
 'konistra,' as applied to the orchestra, arose in later times in 
 consequence of this practice. As the term only occurs in one 
 place, it is impossible to speak with any certainty on the 
 subject^ In Roman theatres the orchestra was given up to 
 the spectators, and the performances of singers and dancers 
 took place upon the stage. The same practice was gradually 
 adopted, under the Roman Empire, in the Greek theatres also. 
 Hence the later Greek commentators and grammarians often 
 use the word ' orchestra * improperly to denote the stage, which 
 in their time was the actual dancing-place. This later signifi- 
 cation of the term has given rise to much confusion. When a 
 Greek scholiast speaks of the orchestra, it is necessary to look 
 carefully to the context, to see whether he means the stage, or 
 the orchestra in its proper sensed 
 
 In the early Greek theatres, as already pointed out, the 
 orchestra was the most important part. The stage-buildings 
 
 ^ Phot. V. bpxqc^Tpa (i), rrpwrov appears; in the latter 6px'70"'"/3a is sub- 
 
 eKkrjOrj kv rrj dyopa' eJra Kal rod Oedrpov stituted. 
 
 TO KOLTOJ fjpiK'iKXiov, ov Kol ol x^pot p5ov ^ E. g, Schol. Arlstoph. Equit. 505 
 
 Kat wpxovvTo. Bekk. Anecd. p. 286 (of the chorus) eardcrL piXv yap fcaTcL 
 
 opxrjCfTpa Tov O^cnpov rb vvv Xeyo/xevov otoixov ol irpos t^v opxtJOTpav dnol3\e- 
 
 Giyixa' oovopidaOr] 5e ovtws kvel (kKei) vovrer orav hi irapa^waiv, ecp^^TJi karoj- 
 
 wpXOVVTO 01 X^po'- Tfs Kal Trpus tovs Oeards fiXenovres rbv 
 
 ^ Snidas v. aKrjvrj ... 97 Koviarpa, Xoyov voiovvTai. Here bpx'rj(T'rpa ob- 
 
 TovTeaTiTbKdTa}'e5a(posTov9(dTpov. The xionsly = Xoyeiov. Cp. also Suidas s. v. 
 
 same scholium is repeated in Schol. cktjvt) ; Isidor. Origg. xviii. 44 ' orche- 
 
 Gregor. Nazianz. laud. patr. 355 B (see stra autem pulpitus erat scaenae, ubi 
 
 Hermes, vi. p. 490), and in Etym. Mag. saltator agere posset, aut duo inter se 
 
 In the former the word Koviorpa again disputare.' 
 
ni.] - THE ORCHESTRA. I27 
 
 were a mere appendage to the orchestra. The seats of the 
 spectators were so arranged, that while everyone had . an 
 excellent view of the orchestra, the view of the stage was in 
 many cases a very poor one. When the Romans gave up the 
 orchestra to the spectators, and transferred all the performances 
 to the stage, they made considerable alterations in the arrange- 
 ment and proportions of the theatre. They largely diminished 
 the size of the orchestra, by bringing the stage several yards 
 forward; and at the same time they cut off considerable 
 portions from the two ends of the auditorium. In this way they 
 were enabled to make the stage much deeper, so as to accom- 
 modate a larger number of performers. By shortening the 
 wings of the auditorium they abolished those seats which looked 
 away from the stage. Vitruvius gives some interesting direc- 
 tions for determining the proper proportions of a Gree k and 
 Ro man theatre \ According to his figures the orchestra in a 
 Roman theatre constituted an exact semicircle. The front 
 line of the stage coincided precisely with the diameter of the 
 orchestra. In a Greek theatre the stage was placed much 
 further back. The distance between the central point of the 
 front line of the stage, and the central point in the opposite 
 circumference of the orchestra, was six-sevenths of the diameter 
 of the orchestra. In a Greek theatre therefore, according to 
 this statement, if the circumference of the orchestra was pro- 
 longed so as to form a complete circle, it would be found that 
 the front line of the stage only intersected a very small portion 
 of that circle. None of the existing Greek theatres coincide 
 exactly with the rules laid down b}^ Vitruvius; but in most 
 cases they approximate closely. In the theatres at Epi- 
 daurus and the Peiraeeus the stage is placed a little further 
 back than Vitruvius directs. At Athens this is still more the 
 case. If the curve of the lowest step of the auditorium is 
 prolonged so as to form a complete circle, the circumference of 
 that circle does not touch the front line of the oldest existing 
 stage. These facts enable one to realise the subordinate 
 position occupied by the stage in early times. In the old Greek 
 
 ' Vitruv. V. 6, 7. 
 
3 28 THE THEATRE. [Ch. 
 
 theatres the original circle of the orchestra was still preserved 
 intact, or was only encroached upon to a very small extent by 
 the line of the stage-buildings. 
 
 The question as to the character_and appear^anceof the 
 orchestra in the Athenian theatre during the great period of 
 the Attic drama is one of the highest interest. Unfortunately 
 the present state of the theatre does not throw much light upon 
 the subject. The central part of the building is mostly of very 
 late date, and only slight traces of the original orchestra are to 
 be discovered. It will be convenient first of all to give a brief 
 description of the present orchestra, and then to see whether 
 the deficiency in our information can be supplied from other 
 sources. In the Athenian theatre the front of the auditorium 
 consists of a broad and gently-sloping step, which rises a few 
 inches above the level of the orchestra, and varies in width from 
 about seven feet in the centre to about ten feet at the two sides. 
 Along the edge of this step runs a marble balustrade, marked 
 by the dark fine in the plan. It consists of large slabs of 
 marble, bound together by iron clamps, and 43 inches in 
 height. On the southern side the orchestra is bounded by the 
 stage of Phaedrus, a work of the third century a. d., which has 
 already been referred to. About half of it is preserved, and is 
 marked g in the plan. The two ends of this stage, as originally 
 constructed, joined on to the two ends of the balustrade, so as 
 to block up the entrances into the orchestra. Inside the balus- 
 trade there is a gutter made of limestone, 35I inches in width. 
 An outlet for the water runs off in a south-easterly direction. 
 The gutter was originally open, except opposite the vertical 
 passages, where it was bridged over with coverings of lime- 
 stone. In later times it was covered over entirely with slabs 
 of marble, with rosette-shaped openings at intervals. Some of 
 these openings are still preserved, and are indicated in the 
 plan. Inside the gutter is a narrow strip of Pentelic marble. 
 Within this the orchestra is paved with slabs of different kinds 
 of marble, arranged in lines parallel to the stage of Phaedrus. 
 In the centre is a large rhombus-shaped figure, bounded by two 
 strips of marble. The interior of the figure is paved with 
 
III.] THE ORCHESTRA. 129 
 
 small slabs of marble, also rhombus-shaped, and of different 
 colours. In the middle of the figure is a block of Pentelic 
 marble, 41 inches long, and 17^ inches broad. The centre of 
 the block contains a shallow circular depression, which may 
 have been intended to receive an altar of Dionysus. In the 
 south-west corner of the orchestra there formerly stood a 
 cistern. It is marked in the plan, but has lately been removed. 
 Of the various portions of the orchestra which have just been 
 described, the only one which belongs to the original building 
 is the gutter. This was made of limestone, like the auditorium, 
 and had no covering at first, with the exception of the bridges 
 opposite the passages. It was intended to drain off the water 
 from the auditorium. With the construction of the balustrade 
 its usefulness in this respect was destroyed. The pavement of 
 the orchestra is of excellent workmanship, and probably belongs 
 to the time of the early Caesars. The balustrade, the stage of 
 Phaedrus, and the marble covering of the gutter, are of later 
 date, and are all ascribed by Dorpfeld to one period, probably 
 the beginning of the third century a.d. The stage of Phaedrus 
 encroaches on the orchestra in the Roman fashion. The balus- 
 trade is entirely a Roman idea. In Greek theatres there was 
 never any obstacle between the orchestra and the auditorium. 
 As far as one can see, the erection of the balustrade must have 
 been due to the practice of holding gladiatorial combats in the 
 orchestra. As for the rhombus-shaped figure, it is uncertain 
 whether it was inserted, as a mere ornament, or was intended 
 for any particular purpose. At any rate, it throws no light upon 
 the question of the style and appearance of the old Greek 
 orchestras. The whole of the existing orchestra is far too late 
 in time, and far too Roman in its character, to be of any use in 
 this respect. 
 
 Fortunately for our knowledge of the orchestras of the early 
 Greek theatres the recent excavations at Epidaurus have 
 brought to light a theatre in which this portion of the building 
 has been preserved in its original condition ^ The theatr e,^ 
 
 ^ Paus. ii. 27. 5 'YLniZavpiois 5e hari Okas d^iov ra fxlv yap 'Poofiaicov iroXv St; 
 Oearpov kv tw Upcv, fidXiara kiiol dofcfiv ri tirepTJpKe twv iravTaxov to) K6<Tutp, 
 
 K 
 
130 
 
 THE THEATRE. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 E^idaurus was, according to Pausanias, the most beautiful 
 theatre in the whole world. It was built by the younger 
 Polycleitus in the middle of the fourth century. It did not- 
 suffer from subsequent reconstructions, like the theatre at 
 Athens ; and consequently the present remains are of the very 
 greatest interest. The orchestra, the greater part of the 
 auditorium, and the foundations of the stage-buildings are 
 
 !f^l,:iOO\ 
 
 well preserved. A plan of the whole building is here inserted. 
 The beauty of the general design is conspicuous at the first 
 glance. The arrangement of the orchestra is as follows. 
 Immediately in front of the lowest step of the auditorium 
 there is a channel 6 feet 10 inches in width, and 8 inches 
 deeper than the rest of the orchestra. The channel is paved 
 with limestone, and reaches a little more than half way round 
 
 lieyfOd 5e 'ApKdSa>v to (v MfyaXr) iroXd' 
 apfxovias 5e ^ kclWovs eVewa dpxiTeKTOJV 
 iroios h d/xiX\av YloXvKXfiTW yevoir' av 
 d^i6xp(<^s ; TIo\vK\eiT09 yap koX Oearpov 
 rovTO Kcu o'lKTjfjux T^ iTepifpcpes 6 iroirjoas^v. 
 
 The account of the present state of the 
 theatre is derived from the UpaKTiKcL rrjs 
 (V 'AOrjvais dpxaioX. kraipias for 1883. 
 The plan is from Baumeister's Denk- 
 maler, vol. iii., v. Theatergebaude. 
 
TIL] THE ORCHESTRA. 1 31 
 
 the orchestra, so as to be rather larger than a semicircle. At 
 each end of it there are two holes, with outlets for water. It 
 was obviously constructed for the purpose of draining off the 
 water which descended from the auditorium. Inside the channel 
 is a large circle, 66 feet in diameter. The circumference of the 
 circle is marked by a border of stone, 15 inches wide, and on 
 the same level as the rest of the orchestra. The interior of the 
 circle is not paved in any way, but consists merely of earth 
 beaten down hard and flat. In the very centre of the orchestra 
 a circular stone, 28 inches in diameter, is sunk into the ground, 
 so as to be on the same level as the surface round about it. In 
 the middle of the stone is a circular hole. The purpose of the 
 stone cannot be determined with certainty, but the most prob- 
 able conjecture is that it was intended for the reception of 
 a small stone altar. The outer border of the circle ap- 
 proaches within about a yard of the front line of the stage- 
 buildings. 
 
 From the evidence afforded by these interesting remains the 
 following conclusions may be drawn . In the first place it 
 would appear that in the early Greek orchestras a complete 
 circle was marked off for the performances of the chorus, slightly 
 less in diameter than the orchestra itself. This was probably 
 the case at Athens. On looking at the plan of the Athenian 
 theatre it will be found that there was ample room for such 
 a circle. The curved border of the orchestra, if prolonged so 
 as to form an entire circle, would not reach as far as the front 
 of the oldest proscenium, indicated in the plan by the letter B. 
 Most probably, therefore, the orchestra at Athens, as at Epidau- 
 rus, had a circular dancing-place marked out for the chorus, 
 and surrounded with a stone border. The border would run. 
 immediately inside the old limestone gutter already referred 
 to\ In the second place, the evidence of the Epidaurian 
 
 ^ Dr. Dorpfeld writes to me as fol- Auch das jiingere Proskenion mit den 
 
 lows : — In Lykurgs Zeit war die Or- Saulen (auf dem Plane B) soweit von 
 
 chestra ein voller Kreis, weil das dem Mittelpunkt des Kreises entfernt 
 
 Skenengebaude soweit von dem Mittel- liegt, dass die Orchestra einen ganzen 
 
 punkt des Kreises entfernt ist, dass man Kreis bildet. 
 den ganzen Kreis zeichnen kann . . , 
 
 K 2 
 
132 THE THEATRE. [Ch. 
 
 theatre seems to show that in the fifth and fourth centuries the 
 surface of the orchestra was not paved^with stone, but consisted 
 merely of earth beaten down. There is no reason to suppose 
 that a different plan was adopted at Athens. The statement which 
 used to be frequently met with, that the orchestra was covered 
 with planks, was due to ignorance of the fact that later Greek 
 writers often used the word * orchestra * to denote the stage \ 
 In the existing Greek theatres the orchestras are, almost with- 
 out exception, paved with stone. But these pavements are of 
 comparatively late date, and do not affect the value of the 
 evidence afforded by the theatre of Epidaurus as to the practice 
 in the fourth and preceding centuries. Lastly, as to the 
 positi on of the altar of Dionysus. That there was an 
 altar in some part of the orchestra is proved by the ex- 
 press testimony of ancient writers, and by the circumstance 
 that the dramatic performances were preceded by a sacrifice ^ 
 The altar probably stood in the very centre of the orchestra. 
 This was the arrangement in the earliest times, when the drama 
 was still a purely lyrical performance ; and it is not likely that 
 any alteration was made afterwards ^ The evidence supplied 
 by the theatres of Epidaurus and the Peiraeeus is distinctly in 
 favour of the same view. In each of these theatres there is 
 a circular hole in the centre of the orchestra. The only plaus- 
 ible explanation of the holes is that they were intended for the 
 reception of small stone altars. On the above grounds therefore 
 it seems reasonable to conclude that the position of the altar was 
 in the centre. This would, in fact, be the most natural and ap- 
 propriate place. The altar of a theatre was called the T hymele , 
 
 ^ Suidas V. CKr^v^y . . . nera rrfv ffKrj- ri ovcra ('ire )3cu//oy. For the sacrifices 
 
 V'^v €v$vi KOL ra irapaaKrjvia 77 opx'rjO'Tpa. in the theatre see on p. 89. 
 avTT] Se k(TTiu 6 ToTTOs o eK (Tavidojv ex<^v ^ Evanthius de trag. et comoed. 
 
 r() eSacpos, d<p' ov Ofarpi^ovrnv ot fiipLoi. (Gronov, Thesaur. viii. 1681), Comoe- 
 
 Here the word dpxr](^Tpa, as was first dia fere vetus, ut ipsa quoque olim 
 
 pointed out by Wieseler, and as the tragoedia, simplex carmen, quemadmo- 
 
 context proves, is used = Xo7erov. dum iam diximus, fuit ; quod chorus 
 
 ^ Suidas V. OKrjv^y . . . dra fi^ra t^v circa aras fumantes nunc spatiatus, 
 
 bpxqOTpav (i.e. the stage) Pcofibs rod nunc consistens, nunc revolvens gyros, 
 
 Aiovvaov. Poll. iv. 12397 5e upx-qcrTpa cum tibicine concinebat. 
 
III.] THE ORCHESTRA, 133 
 
 because of the sacrifices offered upon it'. It is called by this 
 name in a fragment of Pratinas^ In later times the use of the 
 term was extended, so as to denote, not only the altar, but also 
 the space round about it ; and ' thymele ' became a regular 
 name for an orchestra ^ By an exactly similar extension of 
 meaning the sacred enclosure in front of a temple came to be 
 called a 'thymele,' though the word originally denoted merely 
 the altar which was erected there ^ 
 
 In all Greek theatres the front of the stage-buildings was 
 separated from the wings of the auditorium by a vacant space 
 several feet in width. Tw o^ open passag es, one on the right 
 and one on the left, led into the orchestra. The passages were 
 closed on the outside by large gates, and these gates formed 
 the only architectural connexion between the auditorium and 
 the stage-buildings ^. The passages answered a double pu r- 
 pqse. In the first place they formed the principal entrances to 
 the theatre for the general public. In many theatres they 
 were the only entrances. In Athens there were two others at 
 the upper end of the auditorium ; but the main approaches in 
 all theatres were those between the auditorium and the stage- 
 buildings. The spectators came in by the orchestra, and then 
 ascended the vertical passages to their proper seats. In the 
 second_place it was by these passages that the chorus entered 
 the orchestra at the commencement of each play. In the 
 theatre at Epidaurus the gates which led into the orchestra 
 
 ^ Suidas V. aKrjvq' . . . (ha fxera ttjv dWoi rivh dyoivi^ovTai- av fiivroi (v6a 
 
 opxTjcrrpav Pojfios TovAiovv(rov,bs Ka\(t- jxlv Kcu/jicv^ol Kal Tpaycudol dycovi^ovrai 
 
 rat 6vp,i\r] -napd to $v€iv. Etym. Mag. Xoydov Ipus, ev9a Se ol auAj/rat Kal 01 
 
 V. Ovfiekr], ■^ Tov Ocdrpov f^(XP^ ^^^ "^^ X^pot opxh^^Tpav, fi^ Xeye 8e 6vp,€Kr)u. 
 TTJs TpancCrjs wvop-aarai, vapd to Itt' * 6vfxeXrj denotes the altar before a 
 
 avT^s TO. OvT) nepi^tadai, rovriaTi to. temple in Aesch. Suppl. 666 koI yepa- 
 
 6v6fi(va tcpeia. poTcri Trpea^vrobSKOc yfpovrojv OufxiXai 
 
 ^Pratinas ap. Athen. p. 617 B rts 6 (pkeyovrcuv. It is used of the sacred 
 
 66pv&os ohi ; Tt raSe rd xopfvH-ara ; | enclosure before the temple in Eur. Ion 
 
 Tis vfipis efio\ev enl Aiovvmdda -noKvird- 46 vrrlp hi dvfieKas Siopiaai irpudvp-os TfV. 
 
 Taya Ovp-eXav ; cp. Hesych. v. 6vfi(\rj ; Cp. ibid. 114, 159, 229. 
 Schol. Lucian. Salt. § 76. ^ Remains of such gateways are 
 
 3 Phrynich. p. 163 (Lob.) 6vp.iKr]v' found in the theatres of Epidaurus and 
 
 Tovro ol fxev dpxdioi dvrl tov Ovaiav Pergamon, See Baumeister's Denk- 
 
 (TiOovv, ol Sk vvv k-nl tov tottov (v t<£ maler, vol. iii. p. I74'' 
 OeaTpof, iv ^ avXijTat Kal Ki6apa)8ol Kal 
 
134 
 
 THE THEATRE, 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 stood side by side with other gates leading into the stage- 
 buildings. Sufficient remains of the gates have been preserved 
 to admit of a complete restoration of them. The present 
 illustration represents the two gates on the eastern side of the 
 
 theatre. The gate to the right leads into the orchestra; that 
 to the left leads into the stage-buildings \ In the theatre of 
 Dionysus at Athens the passages into the orchestra measured 
 nine feet across on the outside. Of course they grew gradually 
 wider, as one approached the orchestra, owing to the oblique 
 position of the boundary walls of the auditorium^. They were 
 
 * The illustration is taken from 
 TlpaKTiKO. Trjs kv 'A6r]v, dpxatoX. kTaipias 
 for 1883. 
 
 ^ The building marked A in the plan 
 on p. 112 is the oldest of the stage- 
 
 buildings. From the outside corner of 
 the wings to the boundary wall of the 
 auditorium is a distance of about nine 
 feet. 
 
III.] THE ORCHESTRA. 135 
 
 probably closed on the outside with gates as at Epidaurus. 
 These passages or side-entrances into the orchestra were 
 technically called ^ parodoi' or *eisodoi \' In Roman theatres 
 they were of course done away with, as the Roman stage was 
 brought much more forward than the Greek, and the two ends 
 coalesced with the wings of the auditorium. In place of the 
 old open passages the Romans built vaulted entrances under- 
 neath the auditorium, and parallel with the stage. Later 
 Greek writers, misled by the analogy of the Roman theatres, 
 sometimes apply the terms 'vault' and 'archway' to the open 
 side-entrances of the Greek theatre. But such language is 
 inaccurate ^ 
 
 Before concluding this description one or two points may 
 be mentioned concerning Greek orchestras in general. It 
 appears from existing remains that the level of the orchestra 
 was mostly, as at Athens, very little below the level of the front 
 row of seats. The intermediate space was usually occupied by 
 a single low step. The gutter running round the edge of the 
 orchestra, to drain away the rain-water which flowed down 
 from the tiers of seats, was a regular feature of Greek theatres, 
 and can be traced in most of the existing ruins ^. It is recorded 
 that the surface of the orchestra was marked out with lines , 
 to assist the chorus in their evolutions^ Similar lines are used 
 upon the modern stage when complicated ballets are produced. 
 Aristotle mentions cases of orchestras being strewed with chaff, 
 and remarks that when this was done the choruses were not 
 heard so well. But it is uncertain to what theatres or to what 
 occasions he is referring ^. 
 
 ^ napoSot in Schol. Aristoph. Equit. are called ^aX/s in Poll. iv. 123; axl^U 
 
 149; Poll. iv. 126; ^Xaohoi in Aris- in Vit. Aristoph. (Dindf. Prolegom. de 
 
 toph. Nub. 326, Av. 296. The word Comoed. p. 36). 
 
 7ra/)o5os was also used to denote the ^ Miiller's Biihnenalt. pp. 35, 37. 
 
 entrances on to the stage, e. g. in Plut. * Hesych. v. ypafifiai. 
 
 Denietr, p. 905B; Poll. iv. 128; Athen. ^ Aristot. Prob. xi. 25 Sia li, orav 
 
 p. 622 D. dxvpojOwaiv al opx^orpai, ^ttov ol x^pot 
 
 ^ Vitruv. V. 6. The side entrances ytydvaaiv ; 
 
136 THE THEATRE, [Ch. 
 
 § 7. The Stage-buildings. 
 
 The third and last division of the theatre consists of the 
 stage-buildings. Unfortunately this is a subject upon which 
 the information supplied by the existing ruins is very defective. 
 In all the remaining theatres of purely Greek origin merely the 
 foundations of the stage-buildings have been preserved, and 
 it is impossible, from such evidence, to do much more 
 than determine the original shape of the ground-plan. Our 
 knowledge of the upper part of the structure has to be derived 
 mainly from casual notices in the old grammarians. It will be 
 convenient, before proceeding to the consideration of the stage- 
 buildings in general, to give a brief account of the present 
 state of the ruins in the Theatre of Dionysus at Athens. The 
 stage-buildings at Athens were very frequently altered and re- 
 constructed in the course of their history, and the task of dis- 
 tinguishing between the confused remains of the different 
 periods has been by no means an easy one. The recent inves- 
 tigations of Dr. Dorpfeld in 1886 have for the first time placed 
 the matter in a fairly clear light. The results of his discoveries 
 are indicated in the plan of the theatre already given \ It is now 
 possible to trace out with some degree of accuracy the foundations 
 of the oldest stone building. These foundations are denoted in 
 the plan by the letter A, and by the darker shading. It will be 
 observed, on consulting the plan, that the first permanent 
 stage-buildings at Athens consisted of a rectangular structure, 
 very narrow in comparison with its length. In the front, 
 towards each end, were two projecting side-wings. Between 
 the side-wings, and some distance to the rear, stood the wall 
 at the back of the stage. According to Dorpfeld no traces are 
 to be found in this early building of a permanent stage rest- 
 ing on a stone foundation. The line marked B denotes a 
 
 ^ The description of this portion of incorporated. Previous descriptions of 
 
 the theatre of Dionysus is mainly de- the stage-buildings have been more or 
 
 rived from Baumeister's Denkmaler, less superseded by Dorpfeld's dis- 
 
 art. Theatergebaude, in which the coveries. 
 results of Dorpfeld's excavations are 
 
III.] THE STAGE-BUILDINGS, 137 
 
 stage belonging to a much later period. Of course it is 
 obviously impossible, in the case of buildings which have under- 
 gone so many alterations in later centuries as the old stage- 
 buildings of the Athenian theatre, to speak with absolute 
 certainty about the original design. But if Dorpfeld's con- 
 clusions are correct, it would follow that when permanent 
 stage-buildings were first erected at Athens, there was no 
 stone proscenium. All that was permanent was the rectangular 
 building with the projecting side- wings. The stage must have 
 been at that time a temporary wooden erection, put up between 
 the wings for the annual performances. This old wooden 
 stage would no doubt coincide more or less closely in position 
 with the later stage marked B in the plan. 
 
 The dat^_pf the erection of the first permanent stage-building 
 is a matter of some uncertainty. Dorpfeld ascribes it to the 
 time of Lycurgus, on the ground that it is similar to the audi- 
 torium in material and construction \ If this supposition were 
 correct, we should have to assume that the Athenians had no 
 permanent stage-buildings until the latter part of the fourth 
 century, and that they were contented with mere temporary 
 erections of wood during the whole of the great period of the 
 Attic drama. This is in itself a most niiprQ bable hvpo th_£gis. 
 It is obvious that in the time of the great Attic dramatists stage-( 
 buildings of some strength and solidity were required. Thatl 
 such was the case is proved by the constant use of the mechane, 
 an appliance by which gods and heroes were exhibited float- 
 ing through the air, and were lowered down from heaven 
 on to the stage, and vice versa. Contrivances of this kind 
 would have been impossible unless the wings and back.part of 
 the stage had been firm and substantial in construction. It 
 seems therefore most unlikely that during this period the 
 Athenians should have been contented with a wooden building, 
 which would be in constant need of repair, and would never be 
 
 ^ In a letter of Nov. 7, 1888, Dr. es ist gleichzeitig mit dem Zuschauer- 
 
 Dorpfeld states that the oldest stage- raum, wie Material und Construction 
 
 building, marked^ in the plan, ' stammt beweisen.' 
 sicher aus dem 4. Jahrhundert, denn 
 
13H THE THEATRE. [Ch. 
 
 as safe and convenient as one of stone. It has already been 
 shown that there is every reason to beUeve that the auditorium 
 belongs to the fifth century. As the earliest stage-building is 
 similar in style and construction it should in all likelihood be 
 ascribed to this date also. It is very probable that the whole 
 stage-building was renovated or reconstructed by Lycurgus in 
 the course of his completion of the theatre. But nothing short 
 of overwhelming evidence would induce one to believe that 
 before his time there was no permanent stage-building at 
 Athens. 
 
 As to the subsequent history of this part of the building, it ap- 
 pears that the first great alteration was the erection of a permanent 
 sta^, adorned with columns in front. At the same time the side- 
 wings were brought further back, and also adorned with columns 
 in the same manner as the stage. The line of the stage and 
 side-wings in the new arrangement is denoted by the letter B. 
 The exact date of these innovations is uncertain. Further 
 alterations, of which the precise nature is unknown, were 
 carried out in the time of the early Caesars, as is proved by the 
 existence of certain fragments of columns and arches obviously 
 belonging to that period. Lastly, in the course of the third 
 century a. d., the theatre was completely Romanised by a 
 certain Phaedrus. The old stage was done away with, and a 
 new stage was erected about eight yards further to the front. 
 This stage was only 4 feet 7 inches high, after the Roman 
 fashion. The front part of it, facing the orchestra, was adorned 
 with groups of figures carved in bold relief. In the centre a 
 flight of five stone steps led down from the stage into the 
 orchestra. The two ends of the stage, as already mentioned, 
 joined on to the two ends of the balustrade, so as to block up 
 the side entrances into the orchestra. About half of the stage 
 of Phaedrus has been preserved, and is denoted by the letter g 
 in the plan. 
 
 Such is the history of the stage-buildings in the Athenian 
 theatre, from the wooden erection in which Aeschylus brought 
 out his earliest tragedies to the Romanised proscenium built by 
 Phaedrus nearly eight hundred years afterwards. Our infor- 
 
III.] THE STAGE-BUILDINGS, 139 
 
 mation concerning the construction of this portion of a Greek 
 theatre is derived partly from existing remains, partly from the 
 notices in the grammarians and commentators. The general 
 name for the stage-buildings in Greek was 'skene,' a word which 
 properly means a booth \ As to their shape, they formed a long 
 and narrow rectangular building facing the auditorium. For 
 instance the oldest stage-buildings' at Athens were about 55 
 yards in length, and only 11 yards in depth. In this re- 
 spect the difference between an ancient and a modern theatre 
 is very striking. In a modern theatre the depth of the stage- 
 buildings is usually greater than their width. The distance 
 from the front of the stage to the back of the stage-buildings is 
 as great as the distance from the front of the stage to the 
 furthest seats of the auditorium. The reason of the difference 
 is easy to discover. In a modern theatre all the performers are 
 upon the stage, which must therefore be of considerable depth. 
 But in a Greek theatre, as the majority of the performers stood 
 in the orchestra, and the only occupants of the stage were the 
 three actors, with occasional supernumeraries, a narrow stage was 
 sufficient. Then again, in a modern theatre the frequent changes 
 of scene, and the elaborate spectacular effects, require compli- 
 cated mechanical appliances, for which room has to be found at 
 the back of the buildings. But as changes of scene were almost 
 unknown in the Greek drama, the scenic appliances were of the 
 simplest character, and took up very little room. Further than 
 this, a deep stage would have been inconsistent with the general 
 arrangement of a Greek theatre. The auditorium of a Greek 
 
 ^ The word OK-qvi], from having Ik rfMyiK^s aKrfvrjs. (4) The stage ; 
 originally denoted the booth to which e. g. Xen. Inst. Cyr, vi. i. 54 rod Se nvp- 
 the actor used to retire between his 701;, uairep rpayiKTJs aKijvrj^ rwv ^v\o)v 
 performances, came to have the follow- -naxos kxovTwv k.t.X. When the Schol. 
 ing various meanings, as applied to the on Soph. Ajax 330, 719 speaks of the 
 theatre: — (i) The stage-baildings as a chorus 'leaving the CKrjvri,' he is pro- 
 whole ; e.g. Hesych. v. AoYefoi'' ot^so-*?;- bably confusing the ancient orchestra 
 vrjsT6iioii(l>' ovolv-noKpiTaiXiyovaiv. (2) with the stage of Roman times. (5) 
 The wall at the back of the stage ; e. g. ' The theatre ' in a general sense, as we 
 Suidas V. irpoaKrjviov to vpb rrjs (rKT)v^s speak of ' the stage ' in English ; e. g. 
 irapaniTafffxa. (3) The decoration or Dem. de Cor. § 180 firjd" ijpa} tov 
 painted scenery in front of the back- wall; rvx^vra, aXXa tovtuv tivo. ruv diro rfji 
 e. g. Plut. Demetr. p. 900 D i\€y€ vvv oktjv^^, ' a stage hero.' 
 ■npwTov eojpaKcvai nopvrjv vpofpxofJtiyrjv 
 
140 THE THEATRE. [Ch. 
 
 theatre consisted of a semicircle with the two ends produced. 
 The result was that every one had an excellent view of the 
 orchestra, and the performers there ; but a large proportion 
 of the audience had only a side view upon the stage. If 
 therefore the stage had been of any great depth, as in modern 
 times, the back part would have been invisible to the spectators 
 sitting in the wings of the auditorium. For these various 
 reasons the stage-buildings of a Greek theatre were very long 
 and very narrow. In Roman theatres the arrangement was less 
 unlike that in modern times. When the Romans abolished 
 the choral performances in the orchestra, and transferred the 
 whole spectacle to the stage, they were necessarily compelled to 
 add to the depth of the stage, and in consequence to the depth 
 of the stage-buildings. 
 
 The back of the stage-buildings was probably adorned with 
 architectural embellishments, so as to form a beautiful and 
 striking fa9ade. Such decorations were common in Roman 
 theatres, as is proved by the existing remains of the theatre at 
 Orange ; and the Greeks would naturally beautify their buildings 
 in the same way. At the back would also be the principal en- 
 trances into the stage-buildings for the actors and other per- 
 formers. Thus there are three large doors at the back of the 
 stage-buildings at Orange'. There must also have been doors 
 leading from the stage-buildings, into the side-entrances to the 
 orchestra, to enable the chorus to enter the orchestra. These 
 doors are clearly visible in the ground-plan of the theatre at 
 Epidaurus, and are placed immediately beyond the slight pro- 
 jections which mark the termination of the stage at each side. 
 In one respect the theatre at Epidaurus is peculiar. It has 
 three doors leading from beneath the stage itself on to the 
 orchestra. One of them is exactly in the centre ; the two 
 others are at each end. No traces of similar doors are to be 
 found in the remains of other theatres. 
 
 * Wieseler's Denkmaler des Buhnenwesens, iii. 3. 
 
TIL] THE STAGE. 141 
 
 § 8. The Stage, &=€. 
 
 The different portions of the stage-buildings have next to be 
 considered in detail. To begin with the stage itself. The 
 usual name for the stage in Greek was the Mogeion/ or 'speak- 
 ing-place,' because the actors stood there and carried on the 
 dialogue. It was opposed to the orchestra, or dancing-place, in 
 which the chorus went through their performances. The stage 
 was also called the 'groskenion^' from its position in front of 
 the 'skene,' or back- wall ; and the ' okribas. ' because its surface 
 consisted of a wooden platform \ The height of the logeion in 
 the Greek theatre was, according to Vitruvius, from ten to 
 twelve feet above the level of the orchestra ^ This statement, 
 though often called in question, has lately been confirmed by 
 the excavati ons at E pidau rus. It has been found that the stage 
 in the theatre at Epidaurus was almost exactly twelve feet high ; 
 and the h*les or sockets in the wall, which were intended to 
 receive the wooden beams of the stage, are still distinctly 
 visible. As the proscenium at Epidaurus is probably of the 
 same date as the rest of the theatre, it would appear that the 
 height of the Greek stage had already been fixed at about twelve 
 feet as early as the fourth century ^ The question as to its height 
 during the period from Aeschylus to Aristophanes will be dis- 
 cussed later on. The Greek stage, as already pointed out, con- 
 
 ^ Phryn. p. 163 (Lob.) ov fxevroi, Oiarpov crKrjvqv. 
 
 '4v$a fjiiv Kcvfta}5oi Kal Tpaywdol dyojvi^ov- ^ Vitruvius, v. 7- 
 
 Tat, Xoyfiov kpcis. Phot. v. rpiros ^ UpaKriKa rris Iv 'AO^vais dpxaioX. 
 
 dpiarfpov' . . . 6 (JLiv dpKTTfpos (TTOixos 6 kraipias for 1883. Kawerau, in Bau- 
 
 irpbs TO) eedrpo) ^v, 6 Sk Sc^toj rrpos to) meister's Denkmaler, vol. iii. p. 1739, 
 
 ■npooK'qviw. Hesych. v. oKpiPar ro suggests that perhaps the proscenium 
 
 \oyeiov, €(p' ov ol rpa-ycoZol -qyajviCovro. in the theatre at Epidaurus was built 
 
 Other names for the stage were (i) later than the rest of the stage-buildings. 
 
 (T/cTyvf/, see above, p. 139. (2) j8^//a,cp. But there do not appear to be any 
 
 the inscription on the stage of Phaedrus, grounds for the supposition. On the 
 
 Corp. Inscr. Att. iii. 239 firjfjia eerjTpov. contrary, the relative arrangement of 
 
 (3) opxn(TTpa, an improper sense of the orchestra and proscenium seems to show 
 
 word, only found in later writers, e. g. that both were constructed at the same 
 
 Suidas v. (XKrivri. (4) OvfjiiKr}, also a time. See Kabbadias' article in the 
 
 late use of the word ; e. g. Bekk. Anecd. UpafCTiKa for 1881. 
 p. 42 vvv ixkv 6vfj,e\r)V KaKov/xev ttjv tov 
 
142 THE THEATRE. [Ch. 
 
 sisted of a long and narrow platform, bounded at the back and 
 on each side by the walls of the stage-buildings. Vitruvius gives 
 some interesting rules for determining the _size_of_the_stage in 
 Greek and Roman theatres respectively. According to his state- 
 ments the depth of a Roman stage should be |th of the diameter 
 of the orchestra, its length should be twice the diameter. A 
 Greek stage ought to be rather shorter and considerably 
 narrower. Its depth should be ith of the diameter of the 
 orchestra, its length ifth of the diameter ^ These rules are 
 more or less confirmed by the remains of the later Greek 
 theatres, but hardly apply to the earlier ones, the stages 
 of which are a great deal shorter, and rather less deep, than 
 Vitruvius requires. For instance, the original stage at Athens 
 was hardly so long as one diameter of the orchestra, in- 
 stead of being nearly equal to two. The depth of the original 
 stage cannot be determined, since it was made entirely of 
 wood, and the foundations have disappeared. Then again, 
 the stage at Epidaurus was about 78 feet long by 8 feet 
 deep. According to Vitruvius it should have been about 137 
 feet by II. The stage in the theatre at the Peiraeeus was about 
 97 feet long by 10 feet deep. It should have been 146 feet by 
 13^. From these figures it appears that in the earliest times 
 the length of the Greek stage was not usually greater than the 
 diameter of the orchestra. It was only in later times that the 
 stage was extended on each side so as to project beyond the 
 inside corners of the auditorium. The average depth of the 
 early Greek stage seems to have been not more than ten feet. 
 This extreme narrowness, which appears surprising to our 
 modern notions, has already been explained as due, partly to 
 the fact that the majority of the performers were in the 
 orchestra, partly to the shape of the Greek auditorium, which 
 made a deep stage impossible. 
 
 Within the last few years a novel theory has been pro- 
 pounded in reference to the logeion or stage. It has been 
 suggested that during the early period of the Attic drama the 
 stage was never intended for the actors to perform on. The 
 ^ Vitruv. V. 6, 7. 2 Muller's Buhnenalt. pp. 16, 19, 23. 
 
III.] 
 
 THE STAGE. 
 
 143 
 
 actors stood in the orchestra on the same level as the chorus. 
 The background consisted of the wall, ten or twelve feet high, 
 on which the stage was supported. The stage itself was merely 
 used to hold various theatrical contrivances and pieces of 
 machinery. Such is the theory put forward by Hopken and 
 Dorpfeld ^ Now it is certain that at any rate as early as the 
 third century b.c. the actors were accustomed to appear upon 
 an elevated platform, and not in the orchestra. This is proved 
 by the numerous vase-paintings from Magna Graecia, belonging 
 to the third century, in which comic actors are frequently repre- 
 sented as standing on a raised platform, with a flight of steps 
 leading up from the orchestra^. Also the various notices of 
 the grammarians, which describe the logeion as the place for 
 the actors, were doubtless derived ultimately from Alexandrine 
 
 ^ See Hopken's De Theatro Atlico, 
 He bases his theory on certain passages 
 in the extant dramas. But his arguments 
 are of no value, and their worthlessness 
 has been clearly demonstrated by Albert 
 MUller in Philol. Anzeig. xv. p. 525 ff. 
 One specimen will suffice. Hopken ar- 
 gues that when Dionysus in the Frogs 
 (v. 297) appeals to the priest of Diony- 
 sus to save him, this proves that the 
 actor and the priest must have been 
 standing on the same level ! Dr. Dorp - 
 feld has adopted the same theory, but 
 on altogether different grounds. See 
 Miiller's Biihnenalt. p. 109 ; Baumeis- 
 ter's Denkmaler, v. Theatergebaude. 
 His reasons are (1) the great height of 
 the logeion or stage. The plain answer 
 is that in the time of Vitruvius a height 
 of twelve feet was not considered exces- 
 sive. Yet in the time of Vitruvius it is 
 a matter of certainty that the actors 
 occupied the stage, the chorus standing 
 in the orchestra (Vitruv. v. 7). There 
 is therefore no reason for asserting that 
 a stage twelve feet high was an impossi- 
 bility at an earlier period. (2) The 
 s hall owness of the stage, that at Epi- 
 daurus being only about eight feet deep. 
 But there is nothing very abnormal in 
 this. Even according to Vitruvius' rules 
 the stage at Epidaurus would only have 
 
 been eleven feet deep ; and Vitruvius 
 was of course describing a stage in- 
 tended for actors to perform on. It is 
 obvious that if the stage was twelve feet 
 high, it must have been very shallow, 
 or else the spectators in the front rows 
 would have been unable to see down to 
 the end of it. (3) The absence of 
 connexion be tween logeion and orches- 
 tra. For example, at Epidaurus there 
 are no traces of stone steps leading up 
 to the stage. But when a connexion 
 was required, it was effected by means of 
 temporary wooden steps placed against 
 the front of the proscenium. See on 
 p. 148. For a discussion of the whole 
 question of the connexion between the 
 stage and the orchestra see below pp. 
 150-158. As far as the oldest stage- 
 buildings at Athens are concerned, there 
 is nothing to decide the question about 
 the logeion one way or the other. 
 Dorpfeld supposes that a temporary 
 wooden background was put up between 
 the side-wings. It is just as plausible 
 to suppose that a wooden stage was 
 erected there. 
 
 ^ See Heydemann's article. Die 
 Phlyakendarstellungen auf bemaiten 
 Vasen, in Jahrb. des Kais. Deutsch. 
 Archaol. Inst. i886, p. 260 ff. 
 
144 THE THEATRE. [Ch. 
 
 sources, and may be considered to settle the matter as far as 
 the third century is concerned. But it may be contended that 
 they prove nothing as to the practice which prevailed at Athens 
 during the fourth and fifth centuries. It is necessary therefore 
 to consider the question, whether there is any positive proof 
 that during the great period of the Attic drama the actors were 
 raised above the level of the chorus, and occupied an elevated 
 stage. In a matter of this kind no evidence could be more 
 convincing than that supplied by the extant jramas them selves. 
 . Now we are told by one of the scholiasts that in old theatrical 
 
 phraseology, when an actor made his entrance he was said to 
 .>Cvv^^-— 'ascend ; ' and when he made his exit he was said to 'descend.' 
 a/sjt ci^i^^t^The two words are actually used in this sense by Aristophanes. 
 6 A^^ It is difficult to see how the usage can be accounted for, except on 
 the supposition that the actors had been accustomed to stand 
 on an elevated platform \ Then again in the Wasps, when 
 Philocleon comes out of his house in a drunken condition, and 
 sees the sons of Carcinus dancing in the orchestra, he exclaims, 
 'I must go down to them,' and forthwith proceeds into the 
 orchestra to compete with them In the dance I Also in the 
 Birds, when Peisthetaerus wishes to point out to the Epops the 
 aerial kingdom of the birds, he tells him to 'look down,' then to 
 'look up,' then to look 'round about him.' If the Epops had 
 been standing on the floor of the orchestra, the request to 
 look down would have been meaningless, as it would have 
 shown him nothing but the ground at his feet ^. It appears, 
 
 ^ Schol. Aristoph. Equit. 149 Ae/c- for the usage of the words. 
 
 rkov ovv oTiava^axviiv iKk-^fiTO ro kmTo ^ Aristoph. Vesp. 15 14 ara/) Korra- 
 
 XoycTov flaiivai . . . kfyerai yap Kara- fiariov y Itt' avTOvs. It might be 
 
 ^aivuv TO dndWaTreadai hrevOev diru suggested that KaraPareov here means 
 
 rov iraXaiov iOovs. Aristoph. Equit. simply ' I must contend with them.' 
 
 148, 149 devpo Seup', (L (piKraTf, | dvd^aive But the literal meaning is much the more 
 
 aojTfjp TTj iToKei KOI vwv (povds, Vesp. probable. 
 
 1342 dvd^aive Sfvpo xpv(^ofj.T)\o\6v9iov, ^ Aristoph. Av. 175-178 HE. BAe- 
 
 Eccles. II5I-II53 Ti SrJTa SiaTpipeis xf/ov KaTOJ. EII. Kol 8r) jSAcTroj. IIE. 
 
 ex^^v, d\\' ovK dyeis \ raaSi KaPwv ; kv PXcire vvv dvoj. \ EET. ^Xiiro}. TIE. rre- 
 
 oaw 8e Ka7O0aiveis, eyuj | knaaofiai fieXos piaye tuv rpdxrjXov. EFI. vrj Ala, \ aTro- 
 
 Ti ficXXoSuirviKuv . In all these pas- Xavaofmi ri S', et 5iaaTpa(p:':<Tofiai. | IIE. 
 
 sages there is nothing in the particular eTSes ri ; EII. ras vecp^Xas ye koi tuv 
 
 circumstances of the drama to account ovpavov. 
 
TIT. J THE STAGE. 145 
 
 therefore, that the testimony of Aristophanes points decisively 
 to the existence of a stage for the actors in the fifth century. 
 Besides this we are told that even before the time of Thespis 
 the choreutes who carried on the dialogue with the rest of the 
 chorus used to mount upon a sort of platform for the purpose. 
 The practice shows that from the earliest times the necessity of 
 raising the speaker above the level of the chorus had been felt^ 
 Again, in the Symposium, Agathon, the tragic poet, is said to 
 have 'mounted the stage along with his actors,' and confronted 
 the audience without flinching. The passage no doubt refers 
 to the Proagon, which took place in the Odeum. But as the 
 Odeum was built Mike a theatre,' it is only natural to conclude 
 that there was a similar stage in the theatre, and that it was 
 used by the actors during the dramatic performances^. But 
 apart from the various positive proofs which might be alleged, 
 there are intrinsic improbabilities in Dorpfeld's theory which 
 make it very difficult of acceptance. In the first place, 
 it is hardly credible that a platform, which was erected ori- 
 ginally to serve as a background and hold the machinery, 
 should have been converted into a stage for the actors in later 
 times, and yet that not a single reference to the transformation 
 should be found in any ancient writer. Again, if the plan of the 
 theatre at Epidaurus is consulted, it will be found that the stone 
 border of the circular orchestra reaches to within two or three 
 feet of the front of the proscenium. If the actors had stood in 
 front of the proscenium, they would have been sometimes inside 
 the stone border and sometimes outside of it ; and the whole 
 arrangement strikes one as awkward and unsymmetrical. But 
 the most fatal objection is the following. In a Greek theatre 
 the front row of seats was nearly on the same level as the 
 orchestra, and the tiers of seats behind ascended in a very 
 gradual incline. If therefore the actors had stood on the floor 
 
 ^ Poll. iv. 123 lAeos 5' riv rpdwe^a avvqv dvafiaivovTos (tti ruv oKpiBavra 
 
 dpxo-'iO', (<!>' "^v irpo 0€<T7ri5os efs Tis dva- furd twv vrroKpiTwv koX PXt^pavros 
 
 /3as ToTs xop^vrais dirfKpivaro. kvavria rocrovrc^ Oedrpt^ K.r.\. Schol. 
 
 2 Plat. Symp. ig^ A kmX'fjapiQjv /xivr' Aristoph. Vesp. 1104 (of the cySuov) 
 
 dv e'irjV, S) 'AydOouv, iiireiv rbv 'S.ojKpdirj, eari tottos 6eaTpO(i5rjS k.t.\. 
 fi iSoJv T^v arjv dvSpuav Kal ix€'fa\o(ppo- 
 
146 THE THEATRE. [Gh. 
 
 of the orchestra, with the chorus in front of them, they would 
 have been hardly visible to the majority of the audience. An 
 occasional glimpse of them might have been caught, as the 
 chorus in the foreground moved to and fro, but that would have 
 been all. It is difficult to believe that the Athenians should 
 have been contented with this arrangement for more than two 
 hundred years, and should not have resorted to the simple 
 device of raising the actors upon an elevated platform. This 
 difficulty becomes all the more striking, when we remember that 
 the principal tendency of the Greek drama during the fifth 
 and fourth centuries was to increase the importance of the 
 actors, and to diminish the importance of the chorus. For 
 these various reasons it is impossible to accept Dorpfeld's 
 theory. The inherent improbabilities of the suggestion are 
 extremely great; and the passages in Aristophanes appear to 
 prove decisively that in the fifth century the actors stood on 
 a considerably higher level than the chorus. 
 
 The wall which supported the stage in front was called the 
 hyposkenioji. In the original stage-buildings at Athens there 
 was no permanent hyposkenion of stone, but a temporary 
 wooden stage was erected each year. In later times the hypo- 
 skenion was always built of stone. According to Pollux it was 
 decorated with pillars and small statues \ This statement is con- 
 firmed by existing remains. The front of the stage of Phaedrus 
 at Athens is ornamented with a series of bas-reliefs. The 
 hyposkenion at Epidaurus, which is very well preserved, con- 
 sists of a simple wall, twelve feet high, with eighteen pilasters 
 supporting an entablature. The illustration represents a re- 
 storation of one end of this hyposkenion I The letter a denotes 
 the door leading from the end of the hyposkenion into the 
 orchestra. It has been remarked already that the presence of 
 
 ^ Poll. iv. 124 TO Sc vTTocKrjviov Kioai there denotes a room under the stage, 
 
 Kal dyaX/jLariois KfKofffjirjro rrpbs to 6ea- or is used generally for the whole of the 
 
 rpov T€Tpafijx€Vois, viTo TO Xoyciov Kfi- stage-buildings. 
 
 fievov. When Athenaeus (631 E) ^ The illustration is taken from Bau- 
 
 speaks of a flute-player ' waiting in the meister's Denkmaler, vol. iii. v. Theater- 
 
 hyposkenion,' till his turn came to per- gebaude. 
 form, it is uncertain whether the word 
 
III.l 
 
 THE STAGE, 
 
 147 
 
 doors leading through the hyposkenion into the orchestra ap- 
 pears to have been a peculiarity of the theatre at Epidaurus. 
 The door marked b stands further back, and opens into the 
 side-entrance. It would be by this door, or the corresponding 
 one at the other end, that the chorus made their entrance into 
 the orchestra. 
 
 Usually the actors stood on the stage, and the chorus in 
 the orchestra. But sometimes the actors descended into the 
 orchestra; and still more frequently the chorus ascended the 
 stage. It was therefore necessary to have a means of com- 
 munication between tho se two parts of the theatre . For this 
 purpose steps were erected against the centre of the hypo- 
 skenion \ No traces of such steps have been preserved in any 
 of the Greek theatres. In Roman theatres they are occasionally 
 met with. For instance, the stage of Phaedrus at Athens, which 
 is entirely Roman in style, has a flight of five stone steps in the 
 centre leading down into the orchestra. But though there are 
 no actual remains of these steps in any of the Greek theatres, 
 they are expressly mentioned by ancient wr iters, and frequently 
 occur in the v ase:paintings of the t hird century b. c. from Magna 
 Graecia, in which comic scenes are represented. A copy of one 
 of the scenes is inserted on the next page, to show the style and 
 formation of the steps I It is probable that iii jhe Greek theatres 
 they were made of wood, and did not form a permanent part of 
 
 7^-: 
 
 ^ Poll, iv. 127 ilaiXQovT^s Se Kajo. 
 7^v bpxfiOTpav tTTt r^v ffKTjvfjv dvafiai- 
 vovoi bia KKifLCLKCDV rris b\ K\ip.aKos oi 
 Pa9/jLol KKijMKTTJpis KaXovvToi. Athen. 
 de Mach. p. 29 (Wesch.) KareoKivaaav 
 
 Se Tiv(s ky iroXiopKia KXifxdfcoJv '^ivrj 
 irapanXrjffia toTs riOefievois kv rois 6ed- 
 rpois irpos rd irpoaKrjvia toTs viroKpirah. 
 ^ The illustration is from Wieseler's 
 Denkmaler des Biihnenwesens, ix. 14. 
 
 L 2 
 
148 
 
 THE THEATRE. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 the hyposkenion, but were merely set up when required. In 
 the first place, there are not only no traces of such steps at 
 Epidaurus, but the architectural character of the hyposkenion 
 makes it clear that permanent stone steps could never have 
 been affixed to it. In the second place, several of the vase- 
 paintings from Magna Graecia depict stages with no such 
 steps, attached. In the third place, there is a wall painting at 
 Herculaneum representing one of these flights of steps standing 
 by itself, with an actor's mask at the top \ For these reasons 
 
 it seems fairly certain that the steps in the Greek theatres were 
 not permanently affixed to the stage, but could be placed there 
 or removed at pleasure. 
 
 Usually in Greek theatres the stage was terminated at each 
 end by projecting portions of the stage-buildings, called side 
 wings. A door led from the stage into each of these side-wings 
 When this arrangement was adopted the stage practically con 
 sisted of a long narrow strip cut out of the stage-buildings 
 Such was the case in the theatres at Athens and the Peiraeeus 
 But side-wings were not an invariable feature of Greek theatres 
 In some cases the stage was erected in front of the stage 
 buildings, and was merely terminated by a wall at each end 
 ^ Wieseler Denkmal. ix. 15, iv. 5. 
 
III.] THE STAGE, 
 
 149 
 
 An examination of the ground-plan of the theatre at Epidaurus 
 will illustrate this statement. The small projections at each 
 end of the stage there are not side-wings, but form part of the 
 stage itself. The stage is terminated at each side by a wall, 
 and beyond this wall there is merely a flight of steps leading 
 down to the ground outside. These flights of steps were prob- 
 ably covered over, so that persons ascending them would not be 
 seen by the spectators in the auditorium. Where side-wings 
 existed, it is probable that they were denoted by the word ^ j)ara - 
 skenia,* being so called because they lay on each side of the 
 skene or stage \ 
 
 In the later Greek theatres the wall at the back o f the stage 
 was built in an elaborate architectural design, and ornamented 
 with pillars and statues. Specimens of back walls of this 
 character are still to be seen in the theatres at Tauromenion 
 and elsewhere, and Vitruvius gives minute directions for their 
 construction ^. Of course, when dramas were being performed 
 the wall at the back of the stage was covered with painted 
 scenery, and its architectural beauty was concealed from the 
 spectators. But theatres in later times were regularly used for 
 meetings of the people, as well as for dramatic performances. 
 On such occasions, when the stage was without scenic decor- 
 ations, the architectural elegance of the back-wall would add 
 greatly to the beauty of the stage-buildings, and form a pleasing 
 object to the eye. Speaking of the height of the back- wall, 
 Vitruvius directs that its top should be exactly on a level with 
 the uppermost part of the auditorium, as it was found that if this 
 proportion was observed, the acoustic properties of the audi- 
 
 ^ The word ■na^aajcJivi O' is explained in chorus from making its appearance. As 
 
 two ways by the commentators.jVi) as we do not know in what way the dithy- 
 
 a place beside the stage, used for rambic choruses entered the orchestra, 
 
 storing stage-properties. Theophrastus it is difficult to decide on the exact 
 
 is mentioned as the authority for this meaning of the word paraskenia. Most 
 
 explanation. (2) As the side-entrances likely they entered in the same way as 
 
 leading on toHFhe stage. See Harp., the dramatic choruses ; and Meidias 
 
 Phot., and Etym. Mag. s.v.77apao'«)7J'ta; nailed up the doors in the side-wings 
 
 Bekk. Anecd. p. 292 ; Ulpian on which led out into the parodoi. See 
 
 Demosth. Meid. § 17. Demosthenes MeinekeFrag. Com. Gr. vol. iv. p. 722. 
 (1. c.) accuses Meidias of ' nailing up ^ Vitruv. v. 6 ; Wieseler Denk- 
 
 the paraskenia,' and so hindering his miiler, iii. 6. 
 
I50 THE THEATRE. [Ch. 
 
 torium were much improved \ It is not known for certain 
 whether the stage in the early Greek theatres was covered with 
 a roof or not. At the Roman theatres of Aspendos and Orange 
 the existing remains prove that the theatre- was originally 
 roofed over ; but there is no sufficient ground for concluding that 
 the same was the case in Greek theatres of the early period ^. 
 Both Vitruvius and Pollux, in describing the scenery used in 
 a Greek theatre, speak of three doors at the back of the stage. 
 As a matter of fact, in all the later Greek theatres, the wall at 
 the back of the stage invariably has five doors ^ It is obvious, 
 therefore, that all these doors cannot have been used during 
 dramatic representations. When the stage was prepared for 
 the performance of a play, the two doors on the outside must 
 have been covered up by the scenery; or else, as Albert M tiller 
 suggests, temporary side-wings must have been erected in front 
 of them. This latter supposition is all the more probable, as 
 the stages of the later Greek theatres were of enormous length, 
 and might have been slightly shortened with advantage. The 
 rooms at the back of the stage, as already pointed out, were not 
 of any great depth, owing to the simplicity of the scenic appli- 
 ances used in the Greek drama. At Athens the distance from 
 the back of the stage to the back of the stage-buildings is little 
 more than twenty-four feet ; at Epidaurus it is rather less than 
 twenty. 
 
 § 9. Relative position of Actors and Chorus. 
 
 The different portions of the theatre have now been discussed 
 in detail. There is still an important question to be considered, 
 which is closely connected with the construction of the theatre, 
 and that is the question as to the relative position occupied by 
 actors and chorus during a dramatic performance. The ancient 
 authorities are perfectly clear upon the subject. According to 
 them the actors stood upon the stage, the chorus performed in 
 
 ' Vitruv, V. 6. ^ Vitruv. v, 6 ; Poll. iv. 124 ; Miiller's 
 
 ^ Miiller's Biihnenalt. p. 28; Eau- Biihnenalt. j p. 120, 121. 
 meister's Denkmaler, iii. p. 1747. 
 
III.] RELATIVE POSITION OF ACTORS AND CHORUS, i^i 
 
 the orchestra underneath. If it was necessary to ascend from 
 the orchestra to the stage, there were steps erected for that very 
 purpose. While the actors were upon the stage, and the 
 dialogue was proceeding, the chorus stood with their backs 
 towards the audience, and their faces towards the stage \ This 
 last fact places prominently before us the radical difference 
 between the Greek chorus, and that of a mode rn opera. It 
 proves conclusively that in the grouping of the actors and 
 chorus in a Greek theatre there could be none of that realistic 
 imitation of ordinary life which is sometimes to be seen upon 
 the modern stage. To produce effects of this kind would be 
 absolutely impossible, when the chorus were standing some 
 distance below the actors, and with their backs towards the 
 audience. It is most necessary therefore, in discussing the 
 external features of a Greek dramatic performance, not to judge 
 them by a modern standard, but to remember that the whole 
 arrangement was entirely different. The position of the chorus 
 in a Greek theatre was not due to any abstract considerations of 
 propriety, but was merely the result of the peculiar circum- 
 stances under which the Greek drama was developed. Originally 
 the performance was almost entirely lyrical, and the stage and 
 the actors were a mere appendage. The chorus, being the 
 principal performers, and the most prominent object of atten- 
 tion, occupied the central position in the orchestra. The actors 
 were placed on a stage behind them, so as to be visible to the 
 spectators. Eventually the dialogue between the actors com- 
 pletely overshadowed the songs of the chorus, and the lyrical 
 element in the performance faded into insignificance. But the 
 
 ^ Pollux iv. 123 Kol (TKTjVrj fJi€V vnOKpi- K6s),TTpOS T^V (TKTjV^V d(p€(JlJpa, 0T€ Sc dlT€\- 
 
 rwv Uiov, Tf Se opxharpa rov x^P'^^' Oovrav tSjv vno/cpiTuv tovs ayairaiaTovs 
 
 Vitruv. V. 7 ampliorem habent orches- Sif^rjei, irpbs rov drjixov dneaTpecpeTO. 
 
 tram Graeci et scaenam recessiorem, Ibid. p. 36 ftVjfet (o xopos o KajfiiKos) Iv 
 
 minoreque latitudine pulpitum, quod TfTpayduvcv axvt^o-'ri, dcpopwv eh rots 
 
 \oyeiov appellant, ideo quod eo tragici vnofcpiTdt. Diibner Prolegom. de 
 
 et comici actores in scaena peragunt, Comoed. p. 20 uaiXeihv ovv 6 xopos eh 
 
 reliqui autem artifices suas per orches- t^v opxhorpav /xerpois Tial diekeyero 
 
 tram praestant actiones. Dindorf Pro- rofj vnoKpirah, koi irpos t^v<tkt]v^v ewpa 
 
 legom, de Comoed. p. 29 Kal ore piev jrpoj ttjs KcopqjSlas. Cp. Schol. Arist. Equit. 
 
 Toh vnoKpirds SieXeyero (o x^f^^ 6 KQjfii- 505 ; Dindf. Prolegom. de Com. p. 21. 
 
15^ THE THEATRE. [Ch. 
 
 chorus still continued to occupy that prominent position in the 
 theatre which its original importance had assigned to it. 
 
 Nevertheless, great difficultie_s^ have been raised in connexion 
 with this subject. It has been urged that if the stage was from 
 ten to twelve feet high, and the chorus stood in the orchestra 
 underneath, any intercourse between the actors and the chorus 
 would have been out of the question. Before considering this 
 point it will be useful to collect the evidence which is supplied 
 by the extant Greek dramas as to the relations between actors 
 and chorus in the course of a dramatic performance. In the 
 first place in every Greek play conversations are frequent between 
 the actors and the chorus, or between the actors and the leader 
 of the chorus. Then again actors and chorus often join together 
 in the performance of musical passages, each singing alternate 
 portions. Besides this there are a few aj]imated__sceneSj^ in 
 which the j:horus, or the leader of Jhe^horus^ascends the stage, 
 and comes into actual physical contact with the actors. For 
 instance, in the Helen of Euripides, when Theoclymenus is 
 rushing back to the palace to kill his sister, the leader of the 
 chorus forcibly detains him. In the Oedipus Coloneus, when 
 Creon is attempting to carry off Antigone, he is held back by 
 the chorus. In the Knights of Aristophanes the coryphaeus 
 hands the sausage-seller an oil-flask and some garlic, to assist 
 him in his contest with Cleon\ In addition to these momentary 
 appearances of the chorus upon the stage, there are occasional 
 scenes in which the cJiQr us occ upies the stage for some length 
 of tim^. In the Prometheus Vinctus the Oceanidae enter by 
 the stage, and only descend into the orchestra some time after- 
 wards. The opening scene of the Eumenides represents the 
 Erinyes as sleeping in the temple of Apollo, from whence they 
 are subsequently driven. The Supplices of Euripides opens 
 with Aethra standing in front of the temple of Demeter, and the 
 chorus of matrons kneeling round her, and encircling her with 
 suppliant boughs. It is not till the end of the first scene that 
 
 ^ Eur. Hel. 1621-1641 ; Soph. O. C. occur in Arist. Acharn. 324-327, Av. 
 856, 857 ; Arist. Equit. 490-494. 353-400. 
 Other examples of the same sort of thing 
 
IIT.] RELATIVE POSITION OF ACTORS AND CHORUS. 153 
 
 they descend into the orchestra. In the Peace of Aristophanes 
 the chorus of farmers comes on the stage to help in hauHng up 
 the statue of Peace, and remains there for a considerable time'. 
 Still the instances of the chorus appearing upon the stage, either 
 momentarily, or for a length of time, are comparatively rare. In 
 all the forty-four Greek plays which have come down to us 
 hardly fifteen certain examples are to be found. On the other 
 hand the cases are not infrequent, in which the chorus might 
 naturally be expected to ascend the stage, and take part in the 
 action ; but while they are hesitating about doing so, their 
 attention is diverted by some unforeseen incident, or by the 
 advent of some new personage ^ Instances of this kind, in 
 which the poet seems to be at especial pains to avoid the neces- 
 sity of bringing the chorus on the sta ge, appear to show that 
 there were certain obstacles in the way of a free and easy inter- 
 course between the actors and the chorus. The general result 
 then of these investigations is as follows. The actors and the 
 chorus were able to converse together without difficulty. If 
 necessary the chorus could ascend the stage, and join in the 
 action. But they very seldom do so, even when it might natur- 
 ally be expected that they would. There must therefore have 
 been some difficulty about the appearance of the chorus upon 
 the stage. Their presence there must have been felt to be an 
 anomaly. 
 
 This conclusion tallies exactly with the facts already stated, 
 that the chorus stood in the orchestra underneath the stage, 
 with their faces towards the actors, and that the communication 
 between orchestra and stage was by means of steps. Under 
 such circumstances it is obvious that it must have been im- 
 possible for the Greek chorus to take a prominent part in the 
 proceedings upon the stage. A further question still arises, 
 whether, granting that the actors stood on the stage, and the 
 chorus in the orchestra, it is possible that the stage should have 
 
 ^ Aesch.' Prom. Vinct. 128, 279; Orest. 132-206; Arist. Vesp. 403- 
 
 Eum. 179 ff. ; Eur. Suppl. 8, 359; 456. 
 
 Arist. Pax 426-550. Cp. also Aesch. '' E. g. Soph. Ajax 328 ff. ; Eur. Hec. 
 
 Suppl. 222-506; Eur. Hel. 327-515 I 1042 ff., Androm. 817 ff., &c. 
 
154 THE THEATRE. [CK 
 
 been as high as ten or twelve feet. If the stage was of this 
 abnormal height, how, it is asked, could actors and chorus 
 even converse together with any appearance of fidelity to nature ? 
 In order to meet this difficulty it has been suggested that the 
 chorus did not stand upon the level of the orchestra, but upon a 
 platform erected immediately in front of the stage. This plat- 
 form, it is said, must have been some distance lower than the 
 stage, or else the persons of the actors would have been con- 
 cealed from view by the chorus standing in front of them. At 
 the same time it must have been high enough to bring the 
 chorus into moderate proximity to the actors, so as to enable 
 them to converse together without any great violation of proba- 
 bility. This platform for the chorus, has been rather a favourite 
 conception with the writers upon the subject of the Greek drama. 
 Its existence is defended partly upon general grounds, partly by 
 an appeal to certain passages in ancient authors. To take the 
 ancient authorities first. G. Hermann supposed that the platform 
 was called ' orchestra ' in a narrower sense. He cited a passage 
 in Suidas, where the orchestra is described as coming after the 
 Skene, and as being a wooden platform on which mimes per- 
 formed. But in this passage the context clearly proves that the 
 word ' orchestra ' is used in its later sense as ' the stage.' 
 Hermann's view has therefore been very generally discarded \ 
 
 * G. Hermann Opusc. vi. 2, p. 152 ff. The passage is very corrupt, and liltle 
 
 The passage occurs in Suidas and Etym. reliance can be placed on any inferences 
 
 Mag. V. aKt]vi], and also in Schol. Greg. derived from it. The description of 
 
 Nazianz. 355 B (see Hermes for 1872, p. aKr]vr] as the * middle door,' the xa^f« 
 
 490). In all three places it is corrupt Koj^KfXKa^ and the statement that the 
 
 and mutilated, but the last version of konistra comes after the thymele, are 
 
 the three is the most complete, and runs all astonishing. But it is clear that op- 
 
 as follows : — aKr]vi] \ariv 77 yikar] Ovpa x''70"rpa here means the stage. This 
 
 Tov Oearpov, TrapaaKrjvia Ee ra evOeu Kai appears not only from the context, but 
 
 €u9eu T^j fieaijs Bvpas xaA«a KayKeXXa- also from the fact that it is said to have 
 
 u)v rd evTos /cat ttjs fxcarjs Ovpas ^ iva been the place for the /xifioi. Wieseler 
 
 (xacpfffTepov uTToo, <t/ct]vi]. /xfTo, tt)j/ (xkt]- bases upon the above passage his pecu- 
 
 v^v evOiis Koi rd irapaaiajvia fj dpx'']<^Tpa- liar theory that the thymele was the 
 
 avTT] E4 kcTTiv o TOTTOs €K (Tavidoov exojJ^ platform for the chorus, and not an altar 
 
 TO eSa</)os, e</)' cv Oearpi^ovffiv ol fii/^oi. at all. He relies on the words Terpd- 
 
 ura perd rr^v opxqaTpav ^ojfxds ^v rod yccvov olKoS6p.r]jxa kcvuv. It is true that 
 
 Aiovvcrov, TCTpdycuvov olKod6pi.T]p.a Kevov, the passage is obscure. But if it proves 
 
 67ri TOV fiiffov, b KaXiiTai $vfx,€\r) -napd one thing more than another, it proves 
 
 TOV 6v(iv, pLfrd T^v OvpeXijv fj Koviarpa, that the thymele was the altar of Diony- 
 
 TovrioTi TO Karoj iZa<poi rod Ofarpov. sus, and stood in the orchestra. 
 
III.] RELATIVE POSITION OF ACTORS AND CHORUS. 155 
 
 Wieseler has endeavoured to prove that this platform for the 
 chorus was denoted by the word ' thymele.' Now ' thymele^ 
 was a word which had a great many meanings in ancient times. 
 At present we are only concerned with those which had refer- 
 ence to the theatre. As applied to the theatre it meant originally 
 the altar of Dionysus in the centre of the orchestra. Subse- 
 quently it was extended to denote the orchestra, or space 
 surrounding the altar. In later times, when the Roman fashion 
 of transferring all performances to the stage very generally 
 prevailed, the two words ' orchestra ' and ' thymele ' were both 
 of them used to denote 'the stage.' Hence we have three 
 distinct and recognised meanings for the word 'thymele' as 
 applied to the theatre. It denoted, firstly, the altar of Dionysus, 
 secondly, the orchestra, thirdly, the stage. If the passages are 
 carefully examined, in which it is asserted that 'thymele' denotes 
 a platform for the chorus in front of the stage, it will be found 
 that in the majority of them the word is much more naturally 
 explained as meaning the stage itself, or the orchestra. In one 
 or two cases the language used is apparently due to a confusion 
 between the different meanings of the term. In no case is there 
 a clear and definite description of a platform standing halfway 
 up between the orchestra and the staged If such a platform had 
 really existed, it seems incredible that there should have been 
 
 1 For ^yftc'A?; = the altar of Dionysus Ov/jiiKais. (3) Schol. Aristid. iii. p. 536 
 
 in the orchestra see the passages quoted (Dindf.) 6 xopos ore ela^pei kv rrj opxh- 
 
 on p. 133. For 9vni\r) = dpxq(TTpa see arpa ^ (MS. ^) eon dvfiiKrj. (4) Poll, 
 
 p. 133. For 9vfjLi\j] = \oyeLov seeBekk. iv. 123 «at (tktjvt) /xkv v-noKpiTwv idiov, fj 
 
 Anecd. p. 292 aK-qv^ S' larlv fj vvv \eyo- 5e bpxh<yrpa rov x.opov, Iv ■§ fcal -q $vixe\rj, 
 
 Hivq dvpLiXq, Schol. Arist. Equit. 149 eiVe ^Tjpd ti ovaa eiVc ^cv/xos. (5) 
 
 us S' 6v OvuiXr) dl to dvd^aive. In Isidor. Origg. xviii. 47 et dicti thymelici, 
 
 addition to the Scholium quoted in the quod olim in orchestra stantescantabant 
 
 preceding note, the followirg passages super pulpitum quod thymele vocaba- 
 
 are cited to prove that BvpLiXr) some- tur. In the first and second passages 
 
 times = the special platform for the OvpLkKr} obviously = 6/)X77<^Tpa. In the 
 
 chorus, betvireen the orchestra and the third passage it --= opxharpa or ^oj/xo? 
 
 stage, (i) Anth. Pal. vii. 21 iroKKa- Aiovvaov, according as ^ or ^ is read. 
 
 Kis kv evueXyai Kal ev aKTjvfiai redijXws \ In the fourth passage there is apparently 
 
 I3\aiaus 'Axapvhrjs Kicabs k.t.K. (2) a confusion of the two meanings of 
 
 Corp. Inscr. Gr. 6750 Zo^av cpavrjeaaav 6vp.e\r) as 'a stage' and ' an altar.' In 
 
 hi OKTjvaiai Xapovaav \ vavroirjs opeTrjs the fifth passage the two meanings of 
 
 (V fiujxois, dra xopofat | ttoWolkis Iv * orchestra ' and * stage ' are confused. 
 
15^ THE THEATRE. [Ch. 
 
 no mention of it. The language of Vitruvius in particular is 
 hardly explicable on the supposition that such a platform was in 
 use. He says that in a Roman theatre the stage was much 
 deeper than among the Greeks, because it had to contain all the 
 performers, chorus as well as actors. It was only five feet high, 
 in order that the senators sitting in the orchestra might be able 
 to see down to the end of it. In a Greek theatre on the other 
 hand the chorus performed in the orchestra, the actors upon the 
 stage. The stage was therefore much narrower, and *was from 
 ten to twelve feet high\ It is hardly credible that Vitruvius 
 would have expressed himself in this way, if the Greek chorus 
 had occupied a platform five or six feet below the level of the 
 stage. As far then as ancient authorities are concerned, the 
 theory as to the existence of a platform for the chorus finds 
 absolutely no support. 
 
 On general grounds there are several fatal objections to the 
 theory. In the first place, if it were correct, we should have to 
 beheve that the Greeks first of all constructed an orchestra for 
 the chorus to perform in ; then built a stage twelve feet high ; 
 then, finding they had made their stage a great deal too lofty, 
 got out of the difficulty by erecting a platform each year, to bring 
 the chorus within reach of the actors. To suppose that the 
 Greeks acted in this way would be to suppose that they were 
 altogether deficient in common sense. In the second place it 
 must not be forgotten that the performances at the City Dionysia 
 consisted of dithyrambs as well as dramas. The dithyrambic 
 choruses contained fifty members, and stood in a circular posi- 
 tion. They must therefore have required a very considerable 
 space for their performances. The oblong platform in front of 
 the stage would not have been large enough to accommodate 
 them, but would have been large enough to encroach very 
 extensively upon the orchestra, and to drive the dithyrambic 
 choruses into one end of it. That such was the case is most 
 improbable. In the third place, in the theatre at Epidaurus 
 there are no traces of any appliances for the erection of the 
 
 ^ Vitruv, V. 6, 7. 
 
III.] RELATIVE POSITION OF ACTORS AND CHORUS. 157 
 
 supposed platform. We should have expected to find holes in 
 the floor of the orchestra, and sockets in the hyposkenion, for 
 the reception of the beams by which the platform was supported. 
 But neither at Epidaurus nor elsewhere are any such traces to 
 be found. Fourthly , on the floor of the orchestra at Epidaurus 
 a large circle is marked out with a stone border immediately in 
 front of the stage. It is difficult to resist the conclusion that 
 this circle was intended for the performances of the chorus. 
 Fifthly, at the end of the Wasps the chorus make their exit 
 dancing, headed by Philocleon and the sons of Carcinus. If 
 they had occupied an elevated platform in the orchestra, this 
 form of exit would have been impossible. For these reasons, 
 combined with the silence of ancient writers, there appears to 
 be no doubt that the platform for the chorus in front of the stage 
 must be regarded as a fiction of modern times. 
 
 As to the enormous height of the Greek stage , and the 
 difference in altitude between the position of the chorus and 
 that of the actors, perhaps it will not appear so incongruous, if 
 we carefully dismiss from our minds all associations derived 
 from the modern stage, and if we remember the vast size of the 
 ancient theatres. We should regard the chorus in the fore- 
 ground, with its carefully arranged groups, as the prominent 
 feature in the spectacle ; while the actors on the long and 
 narrow stage behind formed a picturesque background, after 
 the fashion of a frieze or bas-relief. Still there is no doubt 
 some difficulty in imagining a conversation between persons in 
 the orchestra and persons on a stage twelve feet above them. 
 Perhap s during the fifth century the stage was not so high as 
 at a subsequent period, and this may be the solution of the 
 difficulty. It was only in the plays of the fifth century that 
 there was any very close connexion and intercourse between 
 chorus and actors, orchestra and stage. In the fourth century 
 the chorus disappeared almost entirely from comedy, and in 
 tragedy its functions came to be confined to the duty of merely 
 singing interludes. It is true that there were frequent revivals 
 of the tragedies of Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides. But the 
 number of such revivals was small; compared with the number 
 
158 THE THEATRE. [Ch. 
 
 of original plays produced at that time. Later on, even in the 
 plays of the great tragedians, the choral parts were curtailed or 
 omitted \ Speaking roughly therefore it may be said that it 
 was only in the drama of the fifth century that the chorus took 
 a prominent part in the progress of each piece, and it was only 
 at that period that a close connexion between the orchestra 
 and the stage was desirable. Now the evidence as to the 
 height of the Greek stage depends upon two sources, the state- 
 ment of Vitruvius, and the remains of the theatre at Epidaurus. 
 This evidence, at the earliest, does not bring us any further back 
 than the middle of the fourth century I All we know as to the 
 stage in the Athenian theatre during the fifth century is that it 
 was not a permanent erection at all, but merely a temporary 
 structure of wood. There is no need to suppose that its height 
 was definitely fixed at that time. It may have varied at different 
 periods, and the average height may have been six or seven 
 feet instead of ten or twelve. The subsequent raising of the 
 stage may have been connected with the curtailment of the 
 chorus. Of course all this is mere conjecture. At any rate the 
 suggestion that there was a special platform for the chorus has 
 been shown to be utterly improbable and unsupported. The 
 other theory, that during the fifth century actors and chorus 
 were both in the orchestra and on the same level, appears to be 
 conclusively disproved by certain passages in Aristophanes, as 
 well as by other considerations. All that can be regarded as 
 fairly well established is that from the earliest period the chorus 
 performed in the orchestra, and the actors upon an elevated 
 stage. From the middle of the fourth century onwards this 
 stage was from ten to twelve feet high. As to its height during 
 the fifth century, this is a point upon which it is impossible to 
 speak with certainty. 
 
 § 10. Various details. 
 
 To return to the subject of the construction of the theatre in 
 general. It is obvious that, considering the enormous size of 
 
 •^ Dio Chrysost. or. xix. p. 288, Dindf. ^ See above, p. 142. 
 
III.] VARIOUS DETAILS, 1 59 
 
 the building, and the immense number of spectators which it 
 was intended to accommodate, the greatest attention must have 
 been bestowed upon its acoustic properties. Vitruvius is most 
 emphatic upon the necessity of keeping this object in view, 
 when choosing a site for a theatre. The situation against the 
 side of a hill, and the gentle and symmetrical upward slope of 
 the tiers of seats, are mentioned as qualities by which acoustic 
 excellence was ensured. The height of the stage-buildings was 
 also of great importance. It was found that the best results 
 were obtained by making them exactly the same height as the 
 uppermost parts of the auditorium \ The wooden stag e also 
 contributed to make the voices of the actors more audible. 
 When Alexander the Great wished to have a stage built en- 
 tirely of bronze, it was pointed out to him that this material 
 would be fatal from the acoustic point of view^ Vitruvius 
 mentions a peculiar practice which was adopted for the purpose 
 of adding resonance to the voices of the actors. Hollow 
 vessels of bronze^ of different tones, were suspended in niches 
 in various parts of the auditorium. When a sound was uttered 
 of the same tone as that of any of the vessels, its resonance 
 was increased. He states that this custom, though not adopted 
 in Rome, existed in many Greek and Italian theatres ; and 
 that Mummius, after his capture of Corinth, brought back 
 several of these vessels from the theatre there. In the remains 
 of the existing theatres no traces are to be found of the niches 
 he describes ^ It is probable that the whole plan was merely an 
 experiment adopted in a few special cases. As far as Athens 
 was concerned, no such extraneous assistance to the voice was 
 necessary. Experiments at the present day have shown that 
 the acoustic properties of the theatre of Dionysus are excellent ; 
 and this must have been still more the case when the stage- 
 buildings were standing. Probably therefore, in spite of the 
 vast numbers of the audience, the persons in the back rows 
 could hear the words spoken in the orchestra and upon the 
 
 ^.Vitruv. V. 6. ^ Vitruv. v. 5"; Baumeister's Denk- 
 
 2 Plut. Non posse suaviter &c., maler, vol. iii. p. 1741. 
 1096 C. 
 
l6o THE THEATRE. [Ch. 
 
 stage much more clearly than might at first sight have been 
 supposed. 
 
 Another point mentioned by Vitruvius in connexion with the 
 theatre is the advantage of erecting porticoes.jn the rear of the 
 stage-buildings, to serve as a shelter for the people in case of a 
 sudden shower of rain, and also for the convenience of the 
 choregi. He adds that at Athens there were three buildings 
 close to the theatre, which served admirably for this purpose. 
 These were the Odeum, the temple of Dionysus, and the 
 Portico of Eumenes ^ The Odeum here referred to must be 
 that built by Pericles, since the only other one existing in the 
 time of Vitruvius was close to the spring called Enneakrounos ^ 
 The exact position of the Odeum of Pericles has not been 
 determined with certainty. The temple of Dionysus mentioned 
 by Vitruvius is apparently the older of the two temples, marked 
 D in the plan, and lying to the south-west of the original stage- 
 buildings. The Portico of Eumenes is supposed to have been 
 built by Eumenes II in the beginning of the second century 
 B. c, and it is thought that traces of it are to be found 
 stretching westwards from the theatre ^ Immediately to the 
 south of the stage-buildings are the foundations of a hall of late 
 date, marked C in the plan. Possibly this may have been 
 some erection in connexion with the theatre, built for the 
 purposes described by Vitruvius. In the theatre itself there 
 was no pro tection foi^Jhe_p£<Qj^le^ either from the sun or from 
 the rain. The huge canvass awnings, suspended upon masts, 
 which the Latin writers refer to, were an invention of the 
 Italians, and were only adopted in Greek theatres at a very 
 late period*. 
 
 The interior of the theatre at Athens was decorated with the 
 statues of various public persons, some distinguished, others 
 not. In the time of Lycurgus bronze statues were erected in 
 honour of Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides ^ Pausanias 
 
 ^ Vitruv. V. 9. School at Athens, vol. i. p. 127. 
 
 "^ Plut. Pericles, p. 160 A ; Pausan. i. * Val. Max. ii, 4. 6 ; Corp. Inscr. 
 
 14. I- Gr. 4283. 
 
 ^ Wheeler, in Papers of the American ^ Plut. X orat. p. 841 F. 
 
ni.] VARIOUS DETAILS. l6l 
 
 mentions that in his time there were several statues of dramatic 
 poets in the theatre, but, with the exception of Sophocles, 
 Euripides, and Menander, they were all very obscure in- 
 dividuals \ Astydamas, the tragic poet, was voted a statue in 
 the theatre on account of the excellence of his tragedy called 
 Parthenopaeus. He wrote an epigram to be inscribed upon 
 the base, regretting that he had not been born in the time of 
 the great tragic writers, so as to be able to compete with worthy 
 antagonists. The Athenians were so disgusted with his con- 
 ceit, that they refused to allow the epigram to be inscribed, and 
 the expression * to praise one's self like Astydamas * passed into 
 a proverb'^. In addition to the statues of the dramatic poets 
 there were also statues of Themistocles and Miltiades, each 
 with a captured Persian standing beside him ^. In later times it 
 is stated that a statue of Eurycleides the conjuror was erected 
 in the theatre ^ It is probable that during the reign of Hadrian 
 thirteen statues of him were placed in the thirteen different 
 blocks of the auditorium. The inscriptions on the bases of 
 four of these statues have been found in the existing remains 
 of the theatre ^ Besides the statues there were also various 
 inscriptions and tablets connected with theatrical affairs. A 
 copy of the decree of the Amphictyonic Council, conferring 
 certain privileges upon the Athenian actors, was inscribed in 
 stone and put up in the theatre ^ Numerous records of dra- 
 matic and dithyrambic contests were erected either in the theatre, 
 or the immediate neighbourhood. There were lists of the victors 
 in all the competitions at the Lenaea and City Dionysia. There 
 were lists of all the tragedies and comedies ever produced in 
 the theatre at Athens. There were lists of all the poets and 
 actors who had competed there, with the number of their 
 victories appended to each name. A complete account of these 
 various records has already been given at the end of the first 
 chapter ^ 
 
 ^ Pausan. i. 21. i. * Athen. p. 19 E. 
 
 2 Suidas V. aavrrjv kiraiviis. ® Corp. Inscr, Att. iii. 464, 46-4668, 
 
 5 Schol. Aristid. iii. p. 535, ed. Din- « Corp. Inscr. Att. ii. 551. 
 
 dorf. ' See chap. i. pp. 59-62. 
 
 M 
 
l62 THE THEATRE. [Ch. 
 
 Before concluding this description of the theatre of Dionysus 
 it may be interesting to give some account of the various other 
 purposes for which it was used at different times, in addition 
 to its primary object as a place for dramatic representations. 
 From the earliest period the contests between the dithyrambic 
 choruses were held in the theatre. The recitations of the 
 rhapsodists and the competitions between the harp-players were 
 also transferred to the same place from the Odeum in which 
 they had been held previously ^ Besides this various cere^ 
 monies unconnected with art took place in the theatre during 
 the festivals of Dionysus. The large audiences attracted by the 
 dramatic performances at the City Dionysia made it a suitable 
 occasion for displays of various kinds. It was in the theatre 
 at the City Dionysia that the orphan sons of soldiers, after 
 being educated by the state, were publicly paraded, before 
 being dismissed from state control. On the same occasion 
 the tri bute collected from the allies was exhibited in the 
 orchestra, as a proof of the power and magnificence of the 
 Athenian empire. When crowns were bestowed upon deserv- 
 ing citizens, it was a special mark of honour for the fact to be 
 proclaimed in the theatre at the City Dionysia ^ The annual 
 cock-fight in commemoration of the Persian invasion was 
 held in the theatre ^ But the most important of the non- 
 dramatic purposes for which the theatre came to be used was 
 that of meeting-place fox the, assemblies j)f the_ people. In the 
 fifth and fourth centuries the regular place of assembly was the 
 Pnyx. But already at a very early period special assemblies 
 used to be held in the theatre after each festival of Dionysus, to 
 discuss matters connected with the festival. These semi* 
 religious meetings probably paved the way to the later practice 
 of holding ordinary meetings there. As early as the year 
 411, on the occasion of the overthrow of the Four Hundred, 
 
 ^ Hesych. v. wZuov. depicted in the act of setting cocks to 
 
 "^ See chap. ii. p. 89. figlit. The significance of the reliefs is 
 
 ^ Aelian. Var. Hist. ii. 28, On the explained by the fact that the annual 
 
 outside of the arms, in the throne of the cock-fight was held in the theatre. vSee 
 
 priest of Dionysus, there are two has- Julius in Zeitschrift fiir bildende Kunst, 
 
 reliefs, in which kneeling Cupids are vol. xiii. p. 198. 
 
in.] VARIOUS DETAILS. 163 
 
 Thucydides mentions that an assembly of the people was held 
 in the theatre. It was in the theatre that the meeting was 
 convened which condemned Phocion and his friends to death 
 in 317 B. c. In 295 B. c. Demetrius, after capturing the city, 
 summoned a gathering of the people in the theatre ^ These 
 meetings were all of a special character, and were not regular 
 assemblies of the people ; but they served as precedents for the 
 use of the theatre for political, as opposed to religious and 
 artistic, purposes. Similarly we are told on the authority of 
 Aristotle that the Ephebi received their shields and spears from 
 the state at assemblies of the people in the theatre ^. After the 
 middle of the third century the theatre became the regular 
 meeting-place. The Pnyx henceforward was only used for 
 assemblies for the election of magistrates ^. In this later period 
 the theatre was also used for various exhibitions which seemed 
 unworthy of its character as a temple of Dionysus. Sword- 
 swallowers, conjurors, and exhibitors of pupp et-shows are 
 mentioned among the entertainers who occupied the stage which 
 had formerly been dignified by Euripides ^ But the greatest 
 degradation which the theatre at Athens ever suffered was when, 
 under the influence of Roman custom, it was given up to 
 gladiatorial combats. This was a pollution which called forth 
 indignant protests from writers such as Philostratus and Dio 
 Chrysostom ^. 
 
 ^ Demosth. Meid. § 9 ; Thucyd. viii. their seats in the Pnyx (avo} KaOrjTo). 
 93,94; Plut. Phoc. p. 757D, Demetr. p. When Diodorus says that they met in 
 905 A ; Mliller (Biihnenalt. p. 74) is mis- the theatre, he is merely using the Ian- 
 taken in stating, on the authority of guage of his own time, the theatre being 
 Diod. xvi. 84, that on the news of the then the regular meeting-place, 
 capture of Elatea in 339, the Athenians ^ Harpocrat. v. irfpiiroXos. 
 hastily assembled in the theatre. The ^ Poll. viii. 132. 
 description in Diodorus is merely a * Plut. Lycurg. p. 51 E; Athen. p. 
 paraphrase of the celebrated description 19 E ; Alciphron iii. 20. 
 in Demosth. de Cor. § 169. Demos- ^ Dio Chrysost. or. xxxi. p. 386, 
 thenes says that at daybreak, before the Dindf. ; Philostrat. vit. ApoU. iv. 22 
 Senate had transacted the preliminary (vol. i. p. 142, ed. Kayser). 
 business, the people had already taken 
 
 M 2 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE SCENERY. 
 § I. General character of the Scenery. 
 
 The scenery in use upon the Attic stage was simple in 
 character and Hmited in amount, compared with that employed 
 in a modern theatre. Elaborate set pieces and gorgeous spec- 
 tacular effects were entirely unknown. The principal expense 
 in the production of a play was the training of the chorus, the 
 payment of the actors, and the supply of suitable dresses. The 
 scenery was never made the prominent feature of the exhibition. 
 All that was desired was an appropriate background to show off 
 to advantage the figures of the performers. The simplicity in 
 the character of the ancient scenery was a necessary result of 
 the peculiar construction of the stage. The Attic stage was 
 a long and narrow strip, little more than ten feet in depth, and 
 bounded in the rear by an immovable wall, which could neither 
 be drawn asunder, nor pushed backwards or forwards. Under 
 these circumstances any representation of the interior of a 
 building was quite out of the question. All those elaborate 
 spectacular illusions, which are rendered practicable by the 
 great depth of the modern stage, were impossible in an ancient 
 theatre. Nothing more was required than to cover over the 
 permanent wall at the back with a suitable view. Then again, 
 in addition to the simplicity of the mechanical arrangements, 
 the number of scenes in use upon the Attic stage was very 
 limited in amount. Not only was a change of scene in the 
 course of the same play practically unknown, but there was 
 often very little difference between one play and another as 
 
GENERAL CHARACTER OF THE SCENERY. 1.65 
 
 regards the character of the scenery required. Each of the 
 three great branches of the drama had a background of a con- 
 ventional type specially appropriated to itself, and this typical 
 background was the one usually adopted. When therefore a 
 series of tragedies was being exhibited, or a series of comedies, 
 it must often have happened that the same scenery would do 
 duty for two or three plays in succession. Thus the question 
 of the scenery was one of the smallest of the difficulties which 
 the Attic stage-manager had to contend with. Very little 
 variety was necessary, and the mechanical arrangements were 
 simple in the extreme. 
 
 At the same time it would be a mistake to suppose that there 
 was anything poor or mean in the scenery of the Athenian 
 theatre. The greatest period of the Attic drama corresponded 
 with the greatest period of Attic art. Poets like Aeschylus and 
 Sophocles personally superintended the mounting of their plays. 
 It is safe therefore to conclude that the scenery was thoroughly 
 in harmony with the rest of the performance, and was as elabo- 
 rate as the nature of the Greek drama required. It would have 
 been alien to the simplicity of the Attic taste to have allowed 
 the poetry and the acting to be overshadowed by gorgeous spec- 
 tacles and magnificent decorations. The prominent feature in 
 an Athenian dramatic performance was the chorus in the fore- 
 ground, with its graceful arrangement and picturesque dresses. 
 Above the chorus, on the narrow stage, stood the actors and 
 mute figures, arranged in line, and dressed in brilliant colours. 
 The long scene in the rear formed a pleasing background, and 
 showed off* the persons of the actors to advantage. It presented 
 a broad expanse to the eye ; but not much attempt was made to 
 convey the ideas of depth and of distance. In its general effect 
 the scene upon the stage resembled a long frieze or bas-relief 
 painted in brilliant colours, rather than a picture with a distant 
 perspective. 
 
 It was only by a process of very gradual development 
 that the scenic arrangements and general mounting of a 
 play were brought to that pitch of excellence which they dis- 
 played during the latter part of the fifth century and afterwards. 
 
l66 THE SCENERY, [Ch. 
 
 The art of stage decoration among the Greeks grew out of very 
 small beginnings. During the earliest period of the drama the 
 background to the actor*s platform consisted merely of some 
 booth or covered erection for the performer to change his dress 
 in. Out of this booth and platform were developed the stage 
 and stage-buildings of a later period. At first the whole struc- 
 ture was of wood, and the background to the stage consisted of 
 a bare hoarding, with doors for the actors to enter by. There 
 was no painted scenery, and no attempt was made to give an 
 actual representation of the scene in which the action was 
 supposed to be taking place. Everything was left to the 
 imagination of the spectators. In this respect the early Attic 
 stage resembled our own Elizabethan drama, in which scenery 
 was practically unknown, and the back of the stage consisted 
 merely of a bare wall. When Aeschylus made his first 
 appearance as a tragic writer things were still in this primi- 
 tive condition. The pro gress of t jie_ar t of sta ge dec oratioj} 
 can be distinctly traced in the extant plays of Aeschylus. In 
 the Supplices, the earliest of his tragedies, there is no mention 
 of any scenery in the background, no clear definition of the 
 exact spot where the action is taking place. The only thing 
 that is distinctly referred to is the altar of the gods at which the 
 suppliants take shelter. In this respect, in the total absence of 
 local colouring, the Supplices differs from all the other Greek 
 plays which have been preserved. It may therefore be con- 
 cluded with certainty that at the time when the Supplices was 
 produced the scenic art was still in its infancy. The back of 
 the stage was merely a bare wall, and the only attempt at 
 decoration consisted in placing upon the stage such properties 
 as were required by the particular play. In the Supplices there 
 was an altar, and that was all \ In the Prometheus Vinctus the 
 scene of the action is clearly defined as a rocky region of the 
 Caucasus. But in all probability the rock to which Prometheus 
 is chained was merely built up upon the stage, and no attempt 
 was made to give an elaborate representation of the view. The 
 scene of the Persae is before the palace of King Xerxes, and the 
 
 ^ Aesch. Suppl. 189. 
 
IV.] GENERAL CHARACTER OF THE SCENERY. 167 
 
 palace is distinctly referred to in the course of the play ^ But in 
 the Seven against Thebes, which was produced five years after 
 the Persae, there is again very little local colouring. All is 
 vague and indistinct. The scene of the play is not far from 
 the Acropolis at Thebes, but there is no mention of any 
 palace or other building from which the actors make their 
 entranced In jthe O resteia, the last dramatic production of 
 Aeschylus, a great advance is noticeable in the art of scenic 
 decoration. In all the three plays of which the trilogy is 
 composed the scene of the action is very clearly defined, 
 and very frequently referred to. The first two tragedies take 
 place in front of the palace of Agamemnon at Argos; the 
 scene of the third is partly before the temple of Apollo at 
 Delphi, partly before that of Athene at Athens ^ By this 
 time painted^ce^ery had been invented, and was doubtless 
 used in the Oresteia. The contrast between the earliest and 
 the latest of the tragedies of Aeschylus, as regards local colour- 
 ing and allusions to the scene of action, is very marked and 
 conspicuous, and clearly denotes the advance which had been 
 made in the manner of mounting a play. It is also noticeable 
 that in all the three tragedies of the Oresteia the machine called 
 the ekkjklemajs employed ^ It is obvious, therefore, that by 
 this time the stage-buildings had reached a certain degree of 
 elaboration, else such an appliance could hardly have been 
 used. Whether they were still of wood, or had already been 
 built of stone, in any case they probably resembled in their 
 general character and arrangement the stage-buildings of a later 
 period. 
 
 By the middle of the fifth century the use of painted scenery 
 had fully established itself. After this period no great change 
 was made in the general system of mounting a play. There 
 was still, no doubt, much room for improvement in the manner in 
 which the work was carried out. The art of scene-painting was 
 brought to greater perfection by succeeding generations, and 
 
 1 Aesch. Pers. 159, 160. 35. 242. 
 
 2 Aesch. Theb. 240. * Aesch. Agam. 1373 ff., Choeph. 
 
 3 Aesch. Agam. 3, Choeph. 22, Eum. 973 if., Eum. 40 ff. 
 
l68 THE SCENERY. [Ch. 
 
 various mechanical appliances and devices were introduced. 
 But by the middle of the fifth century the general method of 
 stage decoration had been finally settled, and was only modified 
 in details at a subsequent period. Taking this date as our 
 starting-point, it will be interesting to consider the question as 
 to the number and character of the scenes most in use upon the 
 Attic stage. Our principal authority will be the Greek plays 
 still in existence. 
 
 Vitruvius_ divides sc enery into three g lasses — tragic, comic, 
 and satyric. According to his description the salient features 
 in a tragic scene were columns, pediments, statues, and other 
 signs of regal magnificence. In cornedy the scene represented 
 a private house, with projecting balconies, and windows looking 
 out upon the stage. The scenery in the satyric drama con- 
 sisted of a rustic region, with trees, caverns, mountains, and 
 other objects of the same kind^ The above list is not in- 
 tended to be an exhaustive one. It merely describes in general 
 outline the type of scene which was most characteristic of each 
 of the three great branches of the drama. At the same time it 
 is more exhaustive than might at first sight be supposed. If the 
 extant Greek dramas are examined, it will be found that in 
 the great majority of cases the scenery conforms to the general 
 type described by Vitruvius. To take the tragic poets first. 
 Twenty-five tragedies by Sophocles and Euripides have been 
 preserved. In no less than seventeen out of the twenty- five 
 the scene is laid in front of a palace or a temple^. In all these 
 cases the general character of the scenery would be exactly 
 such as Vitruvius describes. The prominent feature would 
 be a magnificent building, with columns, pediments, and sta- 
 tues. Of the remaining eight tragedies, there are four in which 
 the scene consists of an encampment, with tents in the back- 
 ground ^ The other four all require special scenery. In the 
 Philoctetes the scene is laid in front of a cavern in a desert 
 
 ^ Vitruv. V. 6. Iph. Taur., Andr., Suppl., Heraclid. 
 
 =* Viz. Soph. O. R., Antig., Electr., s Viz. Eur. Hec, Troad., Iph. Aul., 
 
 Trach. ; Eur. Ale, Med., Hipp., Here. Rhesus. 
 Fur., Phoen., Hel., Orest., Bacch., Ion, 
 
IV.] GENERAL CHARACTER OF THE SCENERY, 169 
 
 island. In the Ajax it is laid partly before the tent of Ajax, 
 partly in a solitary quarter by the sea-shore. The background 
 in the Oedipus Coloneus consists of a country region, with the 
 sacred enclosure of the Eumenides in the centre. Finally, the 
 Electra of Euripides is altogether exceptional in having its 
 scene laid before a humble country cottage. On the whole the 
 evidence of the extant tragedies tends to confirm the statement 
 of Vitruvius, and exemplifies the conventional character of 
 Greek tragic scenery. In the great majority of instances the 
 background would be an imposing pile of buildings, adorned 
 with various architectural embellishments. As to the satyric 
 drama, the Cyclops of Euripides is the only specimen of this 
 class of composition which has been preserved. The scene 
 there corresponds exactly to the description of Vitruvius, and 
 consists of a country region, with the cave of Polyphemus in 
 the centre. There can be little doubt that in all satyric dramas 
 the background was of much the same character. As the 
 chorus always consisted of satyrs, whose dwelling was in the 
 forest, the scene of the play would naturally be laid in some 
 deserted country district. In regard to comedy, it is necessary 
 to distinguish between the Old Comedy and the New. The 
 scene in the New Comedy was almost invariably laid in front 
 of an ordinary private house, as is proved by the adaptations 
 of Plautus and Terence. In the Old Comedy, to judge from 
 the extant plays of Aristophanes, the same was generally the 
 case. In six out of the eleven comedies of Aristophanes, the 
 background consists merely of a house, or of houses standing 
 side by side^ In four others the principal part of the action 
 takes place before a house. In the Thesmophoriazusae the 
 scene consists of a house and a temple standing side by side. 
 In the Lysistrata there is a private house, and near it the 
 entrance to the Acropolis. In the Acharnians the opening 
 scene takes place in the Pnyx ; the rest of the action is 
 carried on before the houses of Dicaeopolis, Euripides, and 
 Lamachus. The scene in the Knights is laid partly before the 
 
 * Viz. the Wasps, Peace, Clouds, Frogs, Ecclesiazusae, Plutus. 
 
t70 THE SCENERY. [Cfi, 
 
 house of Demos, and partly in the Pnyx. The only comedy 
 in which the scenery is of an altogether exceptional character is 
 the Birds, in which the background consists of a wild country 
 region, filled with rocks, and trees, and bushes. It appears, 
 therefore, that even in the Old Comedy there was not much 
 variety in the scenery. 
 
 The result of this examination of the extant plays is to prove 
 that the number of scenes required on the Attic stage was not 
 very large. In most plays the action took place before a 
 palace, or a temple, or a private house. In such cases it is 
 probable that the same scenes were used over and over again ; 
 and if it was necessary to make any distinction between the 
 scenes in different plays, a rearrangement of the ornaments 
 and properties upon the stage would suffice for all practical 
 purposes. On the Athenian stage the scenery was entirely 
 subordinated to the music and the acting. It helped to carry 
 out the illusion, but was never allowed to predominate. To 
 make spectacular effects the prominent feature in a dramatic 
 performance would have been utterly foreign to the taste of the 
 Athenians. 
 
 § 2. Mechanical arrangements for the Scenery. 
 
 The scenery consisted of painted curtains or boards, which 
 were affixed to the wall at the back of the stage. The ordinary 
 name for a scen e was skene or proskenion \ According to 
 Aristotle the invention of scene-painting was due to Sophocles. 
 Vitruvius on the other hand assigns it to Aeschylus ^ His 
 
 ^ Poll. iv. 131 KaTa0\rifj.aTa Se vfda- acter of her beauty (Athen. p. 5.S7 B). 
 fiara fj nivaKes ^aav €X<"'7'6J ypacpas rrj ^ Aristol. Poet. c. 4 nal to tc tojv 
 
 XP^'^o, tS)v bpafxarcav irpoacfyupovr Kan- VTTOKpnwv ir^rjOos !£ kvos ds 8vo irpajros 
 
 ^dWcTo 5' (irl Tci9 irepioLKTOvs opos Scik- AtVx'^^os ijyaye Kal to. tov x^pov ijKdr' 
 
 vvvra rj OdXanav i) TrorafAou •q dXKo rt roJOi Kal rbv \uyov irpcoTa-yaiviGTfjV 
 
 roiovTov. Suid. v. irpodKrjviov to itpb irapeffKevacrev. Tpfis Sc Kal GKT]t'oypa~ 
 
 Trjs aKTjVTJs TTapaireTacr/jLa. For the use (piav ^o(f>oK\7Js. Vitruv. vii. praef. § 11. 
 
 of aKr]vri = the painted scenery at the Vitruvius' account is supported by the 
 
 back of the stage, see chap. iii. p. 139. statement in the Life of Aeschylus that 
 
 Nannio the courtesan was called * pro- ypa(pai were first introduced by him. 
 skenion ' because of the deceptive char- 
 
IV.] MECHANICAL ARRANGEMENTS FOR SCENERY. 171 
 
 account of the matter is precise and full of detail. He says 
 that the first tragic scene ever painted was made by a certain 
 Agatharchus under the superintendence of Aeschylus, and that 
 Agatharchus wrote a book upon the subject. His example was 
 followed by Democritus and Anaxagoras, who composed similar 
 treatises. In these works they laid down the rules of per- 
 spective, and pointed out the proper method of producing upon 
 the flat surface of a scene the effect of gradations of distance* 
 The account in Vitruvius has a great appearance of accuracy, 
 and it is probable that he is correct in ascribing the intro- 
 duction of scene-painting to Aeschylus. But it is clear that 
 it cannot have come into use much before the middle of the 
 fifth century; otherwise there would have been no grounds 
 for assigning the invention to Sophocles, who only began to 
 exhibit in 468. The statements of Vitruvius prove that the art 
 was rapidly brought by the Greeks to a very considerable 
 degree of perfection. 
 
 As the mechanical arrangements for fixing up the scenery 
 have not been described by any of the ancient writers, a 
 detailed account of the matter is impossible. But several facts 
 of a general character can be deduced from the testimony of the 
 existing plays. It is therefore not difficult to form a rough 
 conception of the arrangements which must have been adopted 
 in preparing the back of the stage for a dramatic representation. 
 In all Greek plays the action was supposed to take place in the 
 open air. The scene was generally laid before some building 
 or tent, or in a country district with a rock or cavern in the 
 background. The upper portion of the painted scene repre- 
 sented merely the sky, and was probably the same in all 
 dramas. The lower portion was separable from the upper, and 
 on it was delineated the building or landscape which the par- 
 ticular play required. This lower portion of the scene must 
 have stood some small distance in front of the upper portion. 
 It is impossible that the whole scene should have been in one 
 piece, and have ascended in a straight line from the bottom to 
 the top of the stage. If this had been the case there would have 
 been no room for the narrow ledge or platform, which Pollux 
 
172 THE SCENERY. [Ch. 
 
 calls the Mistegia^* The distegia was a contrivance which 
 enabled actors to take their stand upon the roof of a palace or 
 private house. Several instances of its use are to be found in 
 the existing Greek plays. For example, the Agamemnon of 
 Aeschylus opens with the watchman sitting upon the roof of 
 the palace at Argos, and waiting for the beacon's signal. In 
 the Phoenissae of Euripides Antigone and the attendant mount 
 upon the roof to get a view of the army encamped outside 
 the city. In the concluding scene of the Orestes Hermione 
 and Orestes are seen standing upon the roof of the palace. 
 Examples are also not infrequent in comedy. In the Achar- 
 nians the wife of Dicaeopolis views the procession from the 
 roof of the house. At the commencement of the Wasps 
 Bdelycleon is seen sleeping upon the roof, and his father 
 Philocleon tries to escape through the chimney. At the end of 
 the Clouds Strepsiades climbs up by a ladder to the roof of 
 the phrontisterion, in order to set it on fire. The distegia must 
 also have been used in such scenes as that in which Evadne 
 appears upon the summit of a cliff, and that in which Lysistrata 
 and Myrrhina are seen upon the battlements of the Acropolis '\ 
 It follows from these examples that there must have been room 
 enough between the top of the palace or other building, and 
 the surface of the scene behind it, to allow a narrow ledge 
 or platform to be inserted. The arrangements for the pur- 
 pose could hardly have been carried out in any other way 
 than that described above. The scene must have con- 
 sisted of two portions, the upper and the lower. The upper 
 portion, representing the sky, must have been affixed to the 
 permanent wall at the back of the stage, and probably remained 
 the same in all dramas. The lower portion, representing the 
 building or landscape, would be fastened to a wooden frame a 
 short distance in front of the permanent back-wall. There 
 
 * Poll, iv, 129 J7 56 biOTi'^ia ttotI fi\v ovaiv rj ypqSia rj yvuaia KaraPKeirei. 
 
 kv oiKw Paaikfiq) dirjpes doj/jidTiov, olov ^ Aesch. Agam. 3 ; Eur. Phoen. 89, 
 
 a<p* ov kv ^0Lvi(T(Tais '^ 'Avriyovij /3A.67r€t 193, Orestes 1567-15 75; Aristoph. 
 
 Tov orparov, ttot€ Se Kal Kepafios, dcp' ov Acharn. 262, Vesp. 68, 144, Nub. 
 
 fiaWovcri tw KfpdpLcu' iv Se KCUfMuSiq. dird I485-I503, Lysist. 864, 874, 883. 
 T^s diareyias iropvofioaKoi ri Karoimv- 
 
IV.] THE ENTRANCES TO THE STAGE, 173 
 
 would thus be room for the erection of the ledge or distegia 
 between the wooden frame and the wall at the back. 
 
 If the scene represented a dwelling-housC; there were windows 
 in the upper storey, out of which the characters could peer upon 
 the stage. Such windows are mentioned by Vitruvius, and in- 
 stances of their use occur in the extant comedies. For example 
 Philocleon in the Wasps tries to escape out of an upper 
 window, and in the Ecclesiazusae the old woman and the 
 young girl are seen looking out of one ^ It need hardly be 
 remarked that the doors of the building represented by the 
 painted scenery would correspond more or less closely with 
 the permanent doors in the back-wall, so as to admit of easy 
 ingress and egress to the actors. In the same way if the 
 scene was a cavern in a country region, the entrance to the 
 cavern would be made to correspond with the central door in 
 the wall at the back. Concerning the manner in which the 
 scenery was finished off at the top nothing can be laid down for 
 certain. It is not even known whether the stage itself was 
 covered with a roof or not. The fact that there was a roof to 
 the stage in Roman theatres is hardly sufficient ground for 
 forming any definite conclusion as to the Athenian theatre of 
 the earliest period ^ 
 
 § 3. The entrances to the Stage. 
 
 The question as to the number and the character of the 
 entrances leading upon the stage is one of some importance in 
 connexion with the Greek drama. In order to avoid con- 
 fusion in dealing with this subject it is necessary to carefully 
 distinguish between the permanent doors in the walls sur- 
 rounding the stage, and the temporary doors or entrances 
 which were left when the scenery had been put up. First, as 
 to the permanent door^ It will be evident from what follows 
 that every Greek theatre must have had at least five such 
 doors. There must have been three doors in the stone wall 
 
 ^ Vitruv. V. 6 ; Arist. Vesp. 379, ^ See chap. iii. p. 150. 
 
 Eccles. 924, 930, 961-963. 
 
174 THE SCENERY. [Ch. 
 
 at the back of the stage, and two doors at the sides, one 
 leading from each of the wings. Probably this was the plan 
 adopted in the earliest stage-buildings at Athens. In the later 
 theatres the stage was much longer than at Athens, and there 
 were always five doors in the wall at the back. But it has been 
 pointed out in the last chapter that in all probability only three of 
 these doors were used in the course of the actual performances, 
 and that the two outer ones were either covered over by the 
 scenery or concealed by temporary side-wings of wood \ 
 
 The next point to be considered is the number of the entrances 
 which had to be provided when the scenery was erected, and 
 the stage was made ready for a dramatic performance. Pollux 
 and Vitruvius, in speaking of the scenery and stage-decorations, 
 agree in saying that there were three doors at the back of 
 the staged But this statement is much too universal. In 
 the majority of cases no doubt there were three such doors. 
 When the scene represented a palace, or temple, or dwelling-r 
 house, three doors appear to have been always used. But 
 when the scene was of an exceptional character, the number of 
 the entrances from the back of the stage would vary according 
 to the requirements of the play. For instance in the Philoctetes 
 there would only be a single entrance, that from the cavern. 
 In the first part of the Ajax the only entrance would be that 
 leading out of the tent ; in the second part there would be no 
 entrance at all, the background consisting merely of a solitary 
 region by the sea-shore. In the Cyclops the only opening at 
 the back of the stage was the mouth of Polyphemus' cave. In 
 such plays as the Prometheus of Aeschylus, and the Andro- 
 meda of Euripides, the background consisted of rocks and 
 cliffs, and there was no entrance from that quarter. It is clear 
 therefore that the statement that a Greek scene was provided 
 with three doors or entrances at the back is not universally 
 true, but only applies to the majority of cases. 
 
 Some details concerning the charact er of thej hree_dqors may 
 be gathered from the statements in Pollux and Vitruvius ^ 
 
 ^ See chap. iii. p. 150. ^ Vitruv. v. 6 ipsae autem scaenae 
 
 ^ Poll. iv. 124, 126 J Vitruv. v. 6. suas habent rationes explicatas ita uti 
 
IV.] THE ENTRANCES TO THE STAGE. 175 
 
 When the scene was a palace, the central door was decorated 
 with regal grandeur. The side-doors were supposed to lead to 
 the guest-chambers. Occasionally one of the side-doors led to 
 a guest-chamber, the other to a slaves' prison. In comedy 
 the character and arrangement of the doors would vary con- 
 siderably, according as the scene was laid in front of one, 
 or two, or three dwelling-houses. In the last case, of which an 
 example is supplied by the Acharnians, there would be one 
 door for each of the three houses. Sometimes one of the side- 
 doors represented the way into an outhouse, or workshop, or 
 stable. Sometimes it led into a temple, as in the Thesmo- 
 phoriazusae. In comedy, no doubt, there was much greater 
 diversity as to scenic details than in tragedy. 
 
 In addition to the entrances at the back of the stage, which 
 varied in number and character according to circumstances, 
 there were also, according to Pollux and Vitruvius, two side- 
 entrances on to the stage in every Greek play. There was one 
 entrance from each of the side- wings \ That this must have been 
 the case is proved by the evidence of the existing plays, apart 
 from the statements of ancient writers. For instance in the 
 Philoctetes it is obvious that Odysseus and Neoptolemus cannot 
 have entered from the back of the stage. The only opening here 
 was the cave of Philoctetes. Odysseus and his companion, 
 who are supposed to have just landed on the island, could not 
 have entered from any other direction but the side of the stage. 
 Similarly in the Cyclops, where the scene represents the cave 
 of Polyphemus, Odysseus and his mariners could only make 
 
 jnediae valvae ornatus habeant aulae ii\v araO/xos v-rro^vyicov . . . kv 5i 'Avti- 
 
 regiae, dextra ac sinistra hospitalia. (pavovs 'AKearpia Kal (pyaarrjpiov yeyo- 
 
 PoU. iv. 124, 125 TpiMv 8e Tuv KaraTi^v viv. Throughout this passage Pollux 
 
 UKr]vrjv Ovpojv fj fiiat] fiev PaaiXeiov fj is guilty of his usual fault of converting 
 
 CTT-qkaiov f] oiKos tvdo^os ^ ndv rod npooT- particular cases into general rules. 
 nycuviOTov tov Zpap-aTos, -q Se Ze^ia rov ^ Poll. iv. I26irap' (KdrepaSe twv hvo 
 
 SevTepaycoi'iarovvTos /carayajyiov 97 Se 6vpS)v tcDi/ inpl 7t)v fiearjv dkXai dvo (lev 
 
 dpiarepd to evrfKearaTov e'xei irpSacvirov dv, p.ia knarfpojOev, npos as at vfpiaKTot 
 
 ij Upov l^rjp-qpojpkvov, rj doiKos kariv kv cvpLTTiir-qyaaiv. Vitruv. v. 6 secundum 
 
 Se rpaycphiq. 77 p-lv Se^id 6vpa ^ivcjv ecTTiv, ea loca versurae sunt procurrentes, quae 
 
 eipKTT) Se 77 \aia. ro 5e KXiaiov kv efhciunt una a foro, altera a peregre, 
 
 fcojpwUa irapaKdrat irapd ttjv olKiav, aditus in scaenam. Phot. v. rrapaCKi^Pta' 
 
 vapaistTaa [lari SijKooiJiiVOV. Koi ian al daqSoi al eis ttjv (jKrjvrjVt 
 
176 THE SCENERY, [Ch. 
 
 their entrance from the side. Then again there are such 
 scenes as that at the end of the Seven against Thebes, where 
 the corpses of the two brothers are borne away to burial, and 
 Antigone and Ismene follow slowly after. It is impossible to 
 suppose that the procession retired into the palace. It must 
 therefore have made its exit by a side-entrance. 
 
 The mode of using the different entrances was regulated by 
 certain conventional rules such as were common among the 
 Athenians. The openings at the back of the stage always led 
 out of some building, or tent, or cavern, or other dwelling- 
 place. They could only therefore be used by persons who 
 were supposed to be inside the dwelling-place. People coming 
 from the immediate neighbourhood, as well as people coming 
 from a distance, had to enter the stage by one of the side- 
 approaches. This arrangement was an obvious one, and could 
 hardly have been otherwise. But as regards the use of the 
 side-entrances the Athenians had a special regulation which 
 was due entirely to local causes. The theatre at Athens was 
 situated in such a position that the western side looked towards 
 the city and the harbour, the eastern side towards the open 
 country. In consequence of this fact the side-entrances upon 
 the Athenian stage came to acquire a peculiar significance. If 
 a man entered by the western side, it was understood that he 
 was coming from the city where the scene of the action was 
 laid, or from the immediate neighbourhood ; or else that he had 
 arrived from distant parts by sea, and was coming from the 
 harbour. The eastern entrance was reserved for people who 
 had journeyed from a distance by land. The same regulation 
 was applied to the entrances to the orchestra. If a chorus 
 came from the city, or the harbour, or the suburbs, it used the 
 western parodos ; if it came by land from a distance, it used 
 the eastern '. It is obvious that at Athens, where play-bills 
 
 ^ Vitruv. V. 6 secundum ea loca ver- aito ttjs iroXeas rjpx^ro km to Oearpov, 
 
 surae sunt procurrentes, quae efficiunt hia rrjs apiarepcis diptdos uayfi, d be dis 
 
 una a foro, altera a peregre, aditus in and dypov, bid t^s bc^ids. Poll. iv. 126 
 
 scaenam. Vit. Aristoph. (Dindf. Pro- twv fiivroi irapodajv fj /xev de^id dypuOev 
 
 legom. de Com. p. 36) 6 /cajfiiKos x^pos ^ Ik \i/xivos tj €k iroXeoos dyer ol bk 
 
 avvicfTqKiv k^ dvbpwv k5'. kuI el filv us dWaxoOtv in^ol d<piKvovfxivoi Kara t^k 
 
IV.] THE ENTRANCES TO THE STAGE. 177 
 
 were unknown, a conventional arrangement of this kind would 
 be of great assistance to the audience, and would enable them 
 to follow the action of the piece with greater ease and intelli- 
 gence than they could otherwise have done. The custom 
 originated in the topographical situation of the Athenian 
 theatre, but was afterwards adopted in all other Greek theatres, 
 and became a conventional rule of the Greek stage. The 
 entrances to the right of the audience were used by persons 
 from the neighbourhood ; the entrances to the left by persons 
 from a distance. 
 
 Another regulation concerning the entrances upon the stage 
 is mentioned by Pollux. It refers to the three doors at the 
 back of the stage. According to Pollux the central door was 
 reserved for the principal character, the door to the right 
 for the secondary characters, the door to the left for those of 
 least significance^. It is plain that this statement must be taken 
 with very considerable deductions. In the first place it only 
 applies to tragedy, and only to those plays in which the back- 
 ground represented a palace or similar building. Even then it 
 cannot have been by any means universal. Pollux has here 
 been following his favourite practice of making a general rule 
 out of an occasional occurrence. His statement in fact only 
 applies to dramas of the type of the Oedipus Tyrannus, in 
 which the principal character is at the same time a person of 
 the highest rank. In such cases it is very likely that his rule 
 about the doors was observed. It would be in harmony with 
 the statuesque and conventional character of Greek tragedy. 
 But there are many plays in which it would be absurd to 
 suppose that any such regulation was adopted. For in- 
 
 krkpav elaiaaiv. In the Life the words audience. Hence the eastern parodos"^ 
 
 dirb dypov denote ' I'rom a distance.' might be called the right or the left 
 
 In Pollux dyp6d(v means ' from the parodos, according to the point of view 
 
 country in the suburbs.' As applied to from which it was regarded. This is 
 
 the s^age the words ' right ' and ' left ' the reason of the apparent discrepancy 
 
 were always used from the point of between the statements in the Life and 
 
 view of the actors : cp. the account of in Pollux. The author of the Life is 
 
 the periaktoi in Poll. iv. 126. But as looking at the orchestra from the point 
 
 applied to the orchestra they were some- of view of the actors, Pollux from the 
 
 times used from the point of view of point of view of the audience. ^ 
 
 Jthe actors, sometimes from that of the ^ Poll. iv. 1 24. 
 
 N 
 
178 THE SCENERY. [Ch. 
 
 stance, in the Antigone it can hardly be imagined that the 
 tyrant Creon entered only by a side-door, while the central 
 door, with its regal splendour, was reserved for the oppressed 
 heroine Antigone. Similarly in the Electra it is ridiculous to 
 suppose that Clytaemnestra entered from the inferior part of the 
 palace, Electra from the more magnificent. There can be no 
 doubt that Pollux, in his statement about the doors, has con- 
 verted a few special instances into a general law. 
 
 The entrances to the stage were of course intended for 
 the actors. They were also sometimes used by the chorus. 
 For instance in the Helena the chorus ascends the stage, and 
 disappears within the palace-doors. After a time it reappears 
 from the palace, and descends once more into the orchestra \ 
 But such cases are of very rare occurrence. The question has 
 been raised whether in the same way the actors ever made 
 their exits and entrances by the passages into the orchestra. 
 The only example of an a ctor en tering by t he__orch,es_tra is in 
 the Plutus of Aristophanes. When Carion is sent to fetch the 
 chorus of farmers, the language of the play certainly seems to 
 imply that he returns into the orchestra at the head of them, 
 and afterwards ascends on to the staged But as this is the 
 only example of such a proceeding, the matter must be con- 
 sidered doubtful. On the other hand there is no doubt that 
 the actors occasionally made their exit by the orch estra. In 
 the Eumenides Athene and the Propompi descend into the 
 orchestra, and retire at the head of the procession. At the end 
 of the Wasps Philocleon comes down into the orchestra, and 
 dances off followed by the chorus ^ Such instances are however 
 only rarely to be met with. 
 
 § 4. Changes of Scene. 
 
 A change of scene during the actual progress of a play was 
 a practice almost unknown upon the Greek stage during the 
 classical period. In the extant tragedies only t wo instances^ 
 
 ^ Eur. Hel. 327, 515. s Aesch. Eum. 1003 ff. ; Aristoph. 
 
 2 Aristoph. Plut. 223-318. Vesp. I5i4ff. 
 
IV.] CHANGES OF SCENE, 1 79 
 
 are to be found, one in the Eumenides of Aeschylus, the other 
 in the Ajax of Sophocles. It does not appear that in either 
 case very much alteration in the scenery was required. In the 
 Eumenides the earlier part of the action takes place in front of 
 the temple of Apollo at Delphi, the latter part before the temple 
 of Athene at Athens. All that was here necessary was to 
 change the statue in front of the temple. The background 
 doubtless remained the same during both portions of the play. 
 There is not the least reason to suppose that any attempt was 
 made to depict the actual scenery of Delphi or of Athens. 
 Such a supposition would be inconsistent with the rude and 
 undeveloped state of scenic decoration during the Aeschylean 
 period, and moreover minute accuracy of that kind was utterly 
 foreign to the Athenian taste. The other example of a change 
 of scene is in the Ajax of Sophocles. The play begins in front 
 of the tent of Ajax, but ends in a solitary region by the sea- 
 shore. Here again a very slight alteration in the scenery 
 would have been sufficient. Probably the opening scene repre- 
 sented a coast view, with the tent of Ajax in the centre. 
 During the latter part of the play the tent was made to dis- 
 appear, and only the coast view was left behind. A change of 
 this kind could have been easily carried out, without much 
 mechanical elaboration. It is to be noticed that in each of 
 the above cases, while the scenery was being changed, both 
 orchestra and stage were deserted by the performers. In the 
 Eumenides it was not until Apollo had retired into the temple, 
 and the Erinyes had set out in pursuit oi Orestes, that the 
 change from Delphi to Athens took place. Similarly in the 
 Ajax both Tecmessa and the chorus had disappeared in search 
 of Ajax before the scene was transferred to the sea-shore. It 
 appears then that as far as tragedy is concerned changes of 
 scene were very rarely resorted to during the fifth century, 
 and even then were of the slightest possible description. 
 
 In comedy they were equally unusual. The Old Comedy 
 was a creation of the wildest fancy, utterly unfettered by 
 any limitations of fact or probability. In the plays of the 
 Old Comedy the scene of the action shifts about from one 
 
 N 2 
 
l8o THE SCENERY, [Ch. 
 
 place to another in the most irregular fashion. All consider- 
 ations of time and space are disregarded. But it may be 
 taken for certain that on the actual stage no attempt was 
 made to represent these changes of scene in a realistic 
 manner. The scenery was no doubt of the simplest and most 
 unpretending character, corresponding to the economical 
 manner in which comedies were put upon the stage. In all 
 the extant plays of Aristophanes a single background would 
 have been sufficient. For instance in the Frogs the action 
 takes place partly before the house of Hercules, partly in 
 Hades before the house of Pluto. The background probably 
 represented the houses standing side by side, or a single house 
 may have done duty for that of Hercules and that of Pluto in 
 turn. The opening scene of the Acharnians takes place in the 
 Pnyx ; the rest of the play is carried on before the houses of 
 Dicaeopolis, Euripides, and Lamachus. Most likely the three 
 houses stood in a row, the Pnyx being sufficiently represented 
 by a few benches upon the stage. The fact that the house of 
 Dicaeopolis was supposed to be sometimes in the town, and 
 sometimes in the country, would be of very little moment in 
 a performance like the Old Comedy, where the realities of 
 existence were totally disregarded. In the Lysistrata the action 
 is rapidly transferred from the front of a house to the front 
 of the Acropolis. In the Thesmophoriazusae it takes place 
 partly before a house, partly before the temple of Demeter. 
 It is not necessary, in either of these plays, to suppose any 
 change in the scenery. The house and the Acropolis in the 
 one case, and the house and temple in the other, would be 
 depicted as standing side by side. In the Knights the back- 
 ground throughout the play consisted of the house of Demos ; 
 and the Pnyx, as in the Acharnians, was represented by 
 a few benches. As far then as the Old Comedy is con-^ 
 cerned it is probable that changes of scenery in the course 
 of a play were seldom or never resorted to. In the New 
 Comedy, to judge from the adaptations of Plautus and 
 Terence, they appear to have been equally infrequent. On the 
 whole it may be said that elaborate changes of scene during 
 
IV.] CHANGES OF SCENE. i8l 
 
 a play were practically unknown throughout the classical 
 period. 
 
 The only appliances for changing scenery that are mentioned 
 by the ancient Greek writers are the * periak toi \* These were 
 huge triangular prisms, revolving upon a socket at their base. 
 Each of the three sides of the prism consisted of a large flat 
 surface, shaped like an upright parallelogram. One of these 
 prisms was placed at each end of the stage, in such a manner as 
 to fit in exactly with the scene at the back, and continue it in 
 the direction of the side-wings. Each of the three sides was 
 painted to represent a different view, but care was taken that in 
 every case the painting coincided exactly with the painting in 
 the back-scene. As the periaktos or prism was turned round, 
 it presented a different surface to the spectators. Accordingly 
 it was possible, by revolving both the periaktoi, to make a 
 change in the character of the scenery at each end of the stage, 
 while the scene in the background remained the same as 
 before. The periaktos to the right of the audience depicted 
 views in the immediate neighbourhood of the city where the 
 action was taking place. The periaktos to the left represented 
 a more remote country. This fact corresponds exactly with the 
 regulation already referred to, that the entrances to the right of 
 the audience were reserved for people from the immediate 
 neighbourhood, while people from a distance came in by 
 the left. 
 
 ^ Poll. iv. 126 trap' eKarepa 8e tcDj/ tionis, quae, cum aut fabularum muta- 
 
 Svo Ovpojv Tuiv irepl t^v fxiarjv dWai 5vo tiones sunt futurae, seu deorum adventus 
 
 eUv av, fi'ia eKaripojOev, vpos hs at cum tonitribus repentinis, versentur 
 
 iTfpiaKToi avfineirrjyaa-iv, rj fikv 5e£ta toL mutentque speciem ornationis in fronte, 
 
 €^<u TToAecws SrjKovffa, -q S' trtpa rd l/c &c. Serv. on Verg. Georg. iii. 24 scaena 
 
 TToXfoJs, fidXiora rd eK Xifxevos- nal 6(ov5 quae fiebat aut versilis erat aut ductilis 
 
 re OaXaTTiovs kndyei, Kal irdvd' oaa erat. Versilis turn erat cum subito tota 
 
 tiraxOiaTepa ovra rj firjxav^ (f>ep€iv machinis quibusdam convertebatur, et 
 
 ddwarer. el 5' kniffTpacpiifv at irepiaK- aliam picturae faciem ostendebat. How 
 
 roi, 17 de^id fxev dfieifici toitov (a. 1. t^ . the periaktoi introduced seagods, and 
 
 Trdv),dfi({>6T(pai 51 x^P°-^ viraXXdrTovaiv. other objects too heavy for the mechane, 
 
 Vitruv. V. 6 secundum autem spatia ad is as yet an unsolved problem. A 
 
 omatus comparata, quae loca Graeci change of tSitos means a change from 
 
 iTfpidKTovs dicunt, ab eo quod machinae one part of the same district to another : 
 
 sunt in his locis versatiles trigonoe a change of x^/^ means an entire change 
 
 habentes singulae tres species orna- of district. 
 
l82 THE SCENERY. [Ch. 
 
 The principal use_of Jhe periaktoi must have been to produce 
 a change of scene in cases where the prominent feature of the 
 background remained the same. For instance, if the action had 
 been taking place in front of a temple or palace, and was to be 
 transferred to a temple or palace in a different country, the 
 requisite alteration might easily be carried out by means of the 
 periaktoi. The building in the background would remain the 
 same, but the scenery on each side would be altered. Occasions 
 for using the periaktoi might occur, either in the course of the 
 same play, or between different plays. Most Greek tragedies 
 and comedies took place before a temple, a palace, or a private 
 house. If therefore a series of plays was being exhibited, it 
 might be convenient to retain the same scene in the background, 
 and produce the necessary distinction between the different 
 plays by altering the scenery at each side. The usage of the 
 periaktoi was regulated by a curious conventional custom. If 
 only one periaktos was turned round, the alteration in the 
 scenery was of course confined to one end of the stage. This 
 was done when the change of scene was supposed to be a slight 
 one, and was merely from one part of the same district to 
 another. But when the action was transferred to an entirely 
 new district, then both the periaktoi were turned round, and 
 the scenery was changed at each end. Besides their use in 
 producing a change of scene, the periaktoi were also employed 
 to_ introduce gods upon tjie_stage in the midst of a thunder- 
 storm. It is not said how this was managed ; but the most 
 probable explanation seems to be that when the god appeared 
 at one end of the stage, the periaktos was turned round so 
 as to change the blue sky into a dark and gloomy atmosphere. 
 The sound of thunder would be imitated from within. 
 
 It is difficult to say when the periaktoi were first introduced. 
 or whether they were used at all during the classical period of 
 the Greek drama. They are mentioned by one grammarian 
 among a list of stage appliances which might be ascribed to 
 Aeschylus ^ But it is most unlikely that contrivances of 
 
 ^ Cramer, Anecd. Par. i. 19 ei [ikv 6?) (Tkijv^v ivpquara irpocrvcfxeiv, cKKVKk-q- 
 ■ndvTa Tis Aiax^^V ^ovAerai toL irepl ttjv /uiTa> koi irepiaKTOvs Kal nrjxo-vds . . . 
 
IV.] STAGE PROPERTIES, 183 
 
 such complexity existed at that early period. It is true that 
 they might have been used in producing the change of scene 
 in the Eumenides from the temple at Delphi to the temple at 
 Athens. But they could have been perfectly v^ell dispensed 
 with. In fact, as far as the extant Greek dramas are concerned, 
 there are no occasions on which it is necessary to suppose that 
 they were used, and there are no passages in which they are 
 referred to. It may therefore reasonably be doubted whether 
 they existed at all during the great period of the Attic drama, 
 and whether their invention is not rather to be ascribed to 
 a much later period. 
 
 The periaktoi, as stated above, are the only appliances for 
 changing scenery that are mentioned in Greek writings. Servius 
 describes another ld nj_of.cQntriyance^ by means of which the 
 scene was parted asunder in the middle, and then drawn aside 
 in both directions, so as to disclose a new scene behind-. 
 But it is probable that this invention dated from comparatively 
 late times. There is nothing in the existing Greek dramas to 
 suggest that such a contrivance was in use during the classical 
 period. 
 
 § 5. Stage Properties, etc. 
 
 In addition to the scenery in the background the stage was of 
 course decorated with such objects and properties as were 
 required by the particular play. Aeschylus is said to have been 
 the first to adorn the stage in this manner^. If the scene was a 
 palace or a temple, statues o f the gods were generally placed in 
 front of it, and are frequently referred to in the course of the 
 drama. For instance there was the statue of Athene in front of 
 her temple in the Eumenides, and the statues of the tutelary 
 deities before the palace of the Atreidae in the Electra of 
 
 ^ Kcl :$o<poK\rjs tcTTiv d Tovrojv npoacfirj- latis hue atque illuc species picturae 
 
 XavrjffaTO Kot irpocre^evpev, eari tois nudabatur interior. 
 
 Pov\ofievoisvir€pTovTOJV epi^eiv Kai'iKKdV ^ Vit. Aesch. p. 6 Dindf. Kal t^i/ 
 
 Itt' dfjL({)Oj T^v (prjfirjv tov \6yov. otpiv tcuv efcofxevajv KaTitrKrj^e t^ Xafi- 
 
 1 Serv. on Verg. Georg. iii. 24 scaena irpoTTjri, ypacpais koi fujxavais, fiaifiois re 
 
 quae fiebat aut versilis erat aut ductilis ml TCKpois, aaXmy^iv, ddwXois, 'Epivvci 
 
 erat . . . ductilis turn cum tractis tabu- k.t.X. 
 
i84 THE SCENERY. [Ch. 
 
 Sophocles. In the Hippolytus there were two statues in front 
 of the palace of Theseus, one of Artemis the huntress, and the 
 other of Cypris the goddess of love. When Hippolytus returns 
 from the hunt, he offers a garland of flowers to the statue of 
 Artemis, but refuses to pay the slightest homage to the statue of 
 C3rpris, in spite of the remonstrances of his attendant. Again, 
 in the country region depicted in the Oedipus Coloneus the 
 statue of the hero Colonus stood in a conspicuous position \ 
 Other examples of the practice of decorating the stage with 
 statues are frequently to be met with both in tragedy and in 
 comedy. Altars again were very common objects upon the 
 Greek stage. In the Supplices of Aeschylus the fugitive 
 maidens take refuge round an altar. The Oedipus Tyrannus 
 opens with the spectacle of a group of Thebans kneeling in 
 supplication before the altar of Apollo ^. Another very ordinary 
 feature in the stage-decoration was the stone obelisk in honour 
 of Apollo of the Highways. It was an ordinary practice among 
 the Greeks to place such obeHsks in front of their houses. 
 Their presence upon the stage is frequently referred to both in 
 tragedy and in comedy ^. Various other objects were occasion- 
 ally required by particular plays. There was the tomb of 
 Darius in front of the palace of Xerxes in the Persae, and the 
 tomb of Agamemnon in front of the palace of the Atreidae in 
 the Choephori. In the Oedipus Coloneus a rocky ledge was 
 required for Oedipus to rest himself upon. In the Acharnians 
 and the Knights a few benches must have been erected upon 
 the stage to serve as a rude imitation of the Pnyx. Walls, 
 watch-towers, and beacon-towers are mentioned by Pollux ; and 
 the presence of other similar decorations and erections can be 
 inferred from the extant tragedies and comedies *. 
 
 There was one piece of realism which the Greeks were not 
 averse to, and that was the presence ^ fjiprses and charigj^ 
 upon the stage. There are many instances in tragedy of per- 
 
 ^ Aesch. Eum. 242; Soph. Electr. ^ Poll. iv. 123; Aesch.Agam. 1080 fF.; 
 
 1373? O- C. 59 ; Eur. Hipp. 70-106. Schol. Eur. Phoen.631 ; Arist. Vesp.875. 
 
 ^ Aesch. Suppl. 188-200; Soph. O. R. * Aesch. Pers. 684, Choeph. 4 ; Soph. 
 
 1-3, 142. O, C. 19; Poll. iv. 127. 
 
IV.] THE EKKYKLtMA, 185 
 
 sons from a distance arriving in a chariot drawn by horses or 
 mules. The vast size of the Greek theatre, and the length 
 and narrowness of the stage, made it peculiarly suitable for 
 displays of this character. In the Agamemnon of Aeschylus 
 Agamemnon and Cassandra approach the palace in a chariot ; 
 Agamemnon remains seated there for a considerable time, 
 while he converses with Clytaemnestra ; he then dismounts 
 and enters the palace, leaving Cassandra still in the chariot. 
 In the Prometheus the chorus of the Oceanidae enter the 
 stage in a car. In the Electra of Euripides, when Clytaem- 
 nestra comes to visit her daughter at the country cottage, she 
 arrives in a chariot, accompanied by Trojan maidens, who assist 
 her to dismount. Several other instances might be mentioned. 
 Animals for riding were also introduced upon the stage. In 
 the Prometheus there is the winged steed upon which Pro- 
 metheus makes his entrance ; and finally in the Frogs of Aristo- 
 phanes Xanthias rides in upon a donkey ^ 
 
 § 6. The Ekkyklema. 
 
 Several mechanical contrivances are mentioned in connexion 
 with the Greek stage. The most peculiar of these, and the one 
 most alien to all our modern notions of stage illusion, was the 
 ekkyklema ^ It has already been pointed out that, owing to 
 
 ^ Aesch. Agam. 782-1054, Prom. t/ctcvKXtjua SI keycrai fiTjxavrjua ^iXivov 
 
 I35> 279, 284; Eur. Electr. 998, 999; rpoxovs ix'^'"^ orrep vfpiffTpetpo/xfvov tcL 
 
 Arist. Ran. 27. doKovvra fvSnv uis iv oiKia irpdrTeoOai 
 
 ^ The ekkyklema is described in the Kal tois €^<u kSdKvve, X67<« 8^ roTs 
 
 following passages: — Poll, i v. 128 koI OfaraTs. Eustath. II. 976.15 to eyicv- 
 
 To fx€v eKKVK\T)fia knl ^vKotv viprjXbv kXtj/jui, b Kal kyKvfcXrjOpov KiycTai, fXTj- 
 
 fiadpov, w iTTiKeiTai 6p6vos' SeiKwcri Se tcL x'^^Vf^^ ^^ vnorpoxov, v(p' ov kSeiKvvro 
 
 vnd ffKrjvriv (V rats oittiais dTToppijTavpax- ^d ev rrj OKivij fj aKijvfj. Schol. Aesch. 
 
 Ofvra. Kal rb pTJfM tov epyov KaKurai Choeph. 973 dvoiyerai -q oktjv^ Kal knl 
 
 iKKVK\(xv. k<p' ov de elady€Tai to (kkv- eKKVKK-QfiaTos opdrai rd aw/xara. Schol. 
 
 K\r]txa, (iffKVKXrjfxa ovond^erai, Kal XP^ Aesch. Eum. 64 Kal SevTepd Se yiyverai 
 
 rovTO vouiaOai KaO' kKaarrjv 6vpav,olovil (pavraaia' arpaKpivra yap fn]xo.vr)fxaTa 
 
 KaO' (KaaTTjv o'lKiav. (The Opovos men- ev5r)\a noiu rd Kard rb fiavreiov ws 
 
 tioned by Pollux must be derived from Ix^'- Schol. Soph. Aj. 346 kvravOa 
 
 some particular instance of the use of €KKVK\r]fid ri yivfrai, 'iva <pavf} €v /xiffois 
 
 the ekkyklema. The epithet vi//r)\6v 6 Aias iroifiviois. Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 
 
 may be corrupt : it is certainly not 184 dpa Se ws cpiKoaocpovs KOfiuvras, 
 
 correct.) Schol. Arist. Acham. 408 CTpa<pivros tov iyKVK\rj{xaTOs. 
 
1 86 THE SCENERY, [Ch. 
 
 the arrangement of the auditorium, it was impossible upon the 
 Greek stage to represent the interior of a building. If the 
 back-scene had been drawn apart, and an attempt made to 
 exhibit the inside of a palace, the great majority of the spec- 
 tators would have been unable to see what was going on. 
 Under these circumstances, if a dramatist wished to bring 
 before the eyes of the audience a deed which had been per- 
 petrated inside a house or palace, he had recourse to the ekky- 
 klema. It was a small wooden platform, rolling upon wheels, 
 and was kept inside the stage-buildings. When it was required 
 to be used, one of the doors in the background was thrown 
 open, and it was rolled forward on to the stage. Upon it was 
 arranged a group of figures, representing in a sort of tableau 
 the deed or occurrence which had just taken place inside the 
 building. It was m ostly used Jn cas^s_jwiLere^ a murder had 
 been com mitted . The ekkyklema was rolled out upon the 
 stage, and on it were seen the corpses of the murdered persons, 
 with the murderers standing beside them with the bloody 
 weapons in their hands. It might be rolled through any of the 
 three doors at the back of the stage. The contrivance was of 
 course a purely conventional one, and had to be adopted owing 
 to the peculiar construction of the Greek theatre. All pretence 
 of realism and illusion was abandoned. But this was a point 
 upon which the Greeks did not lay very much stress. And 
 when they had once habituated themselves to the use of the 
 ekkyklema as a conventional contrivance for exhibiting in- 
 teriors, it is obvious that the scene must have been a very 
 impressive one. The sudden spectacle of the murderer stand- 
 ing beside his victim's body, with the instrument of death in his 
 hand, must have formed a most effective tableau. 
 
 In the extant Greek tragedies there are several instances of 
 the use of the ekkyklema. In the Hercules Furens the platform 
 is rolled out, and exhibits Hercules lying prostrate between the 
 bodies of his wife and children, with his limbs in chains, and his 
 face covered up. Amphitryon then comes out of the palace and 
 loosens his chains. Later on Theseus comes out and uncovers 
 his face, and helps him to rise. He then descends to the stage, 
 
IV.] THE EKKYKL±MA. 187 
 
 and the ekkyklema is rolled back into the palace. In the Hip- 
 polytus, after the suicide of Phaedra, her dead body is displayed 
 upon the ekkyklema, and Theseus takes from it the letter in 
 which she makes her charge against Hippolytus. In the Aga- 
 memnon the platform rolls out and reveals the person of 
 Clytaemnestra standing beside the dead bodies of Agamemnon 
 and Cassandra. In a similar manner in the Choephori Orestes 
 is brought to view standing over the bodies of Aegisthus and 
 Clytaemnestra, and pointing to the net with which his father 
 had been murdered many years ago. After a time he is seized 
 with frenzy, and descends from the ekkyklema, and hastens 
 away to the temple of Apollo at Delphi. The platform is then 
 rolled back into the palace. In the Electra of Sophocles the 
 door is thrown open at the command of Aegisthus, and the 
 platform rolls out and exhibits Orestes and Pylades standing 
 beside the corpse of Clytaemnestra, which is covered with a 
 cloth. Aegisthus himself removes the cloth, and then Orestes 
 and Pylades descend to the stage, and the platform is drawn 
 back again. The same contrivance is used for exhibiting the 
 body of Eurydice at the end of the Antigone, and for revealing 
 the interior of the tent of Ajax in the play of the same name. 
 Finally in the Eumenides the interior of the Pythian temple is 
 displayed, with Orestes crouching beside the altar, and the 
 Erinyes asleep on seats round about him. Orestes, at the com- 
 mand of Apollo, leaves the platform, and starts on his way to 
 Athens. Soon afterwards the Erinyes are awakened by the 
 ghost of Clytaemnestra, and descend to the stage, and so into 
 the orchestra ^ Besides the above instances from tragedy the 
 ekkyklema is als o parodied on two occasions by Aristophanes. 
 In the Thes mophoriaz usae Euripides and Mnesilochus call at 
 the house of Agathon to borrow some female clothing. Agathon 
 is 'rolled out* on the ekkyklema, hands them some articles 
 which are brought to him from inside the house, and then, when 
 he is tired of their importunity, orders himself to be ' rolled in 
 again as fast as possible.' In the Acharnians Dicaeopolis goes 
 
 ^ Eur. H. F. 1029-1402, Hipp. 806- Choeph. 973, 981, Eum. 64-180 ; Soph. 
 865 ; Aesch. Agam. 1379, 1404, 1440, El. 1458 ff., Ant, 1293, Ajax 346 fF. 
 
1 88 THE SCENERY. [Ch. 
 
 to the house of Euripides to borrow a tragic dress. Euripides 
 is upstairs in his study writing tragedies, and cannot come down, 
 but allows himself to be 'rolled out,* and supplies the necessary 
 dresses \ The two passages in Aristophanes, where the 
 mechanism of the apparatus is carefully emphasised in order 
 to add to the ridicule, are very valuable as evidence. They 
 confirm the statements of the scholiasts, and prove that the 
 description of the ekkyklema previously given is a correct one. 
 
 From the examples of the use of the ekkyklema in tragedy 
 the following further particulars as to its character and con- 
 struction may be inferred. It appears that persons upon the 
 ekkyklema could easily descend to the stage, and persons on 
 the stage could easily touch those on the ekkyklema. It follows, 
 therefore, that the ekkyklema must have been a low platform, 
 not much above the level of the stage. In the Acharnians, 
 when Euripides is rolled out, he is represented as still sitting 
 in his room upstairs. Probably in this case a tall erection, 
 something like a pedestal, was employed, to produce a ludi- 
 crous effect. As to the dimensions of the ekkyklema, it is 
 plain that it must have been large enough to support several 
 persons. At the same time it cannot have been of any very 
 great size. Its width must have been less than the width of the 
 doors in the background, to permit of its being rolled through 
 them. Its depth cannot have been very great, because of the 
 narrowness of the Greek stage. Hence there is some difficulty 
 as to its use in the Eumenides. It is hard to see how it could 
 have been large enough to support the twelve or fifteen mem- 
 bers of the chorus of the Eumenides, together with Orestes in 
 the centre. There can scarcely be any doubt that the ekky- 
 klema was used on this occasion. The supposition that the 
 back-scene was rolled apart, and disclosed the interior of the 
 
 * Arist. Acharn. 408, 409 AI. dA\' rts IvZoQiv 5a8' ^ Xiyyov, 265 daca rts 
 
 €KKVK\rj0T}T\ ET. dW ddvvaToy. AI. ws raxLOTO, fi iiaKVKXrjadTu. The ekky- 
 
 aX\' ofuus. I ET. dA\' (KKVKXrjaofiar klema is also used in the Clouds (v. 
 
 Karafiaiviiv h' ov axoX-q. Id. Thesmoph. 185 if.) to show the interior of the 
 
 95, 96 ET. aiya. MN. ti S' tariv ; ET. phrontisterion, with the disciples of 
 
 a-^jdOctiv (^(px^rai. | MN. Koi iroios kariv; Socrates at work. 
 ET. ovTos ovKKvK\ovfJi.evoSf 238 heyKdraj 
 
IV.] THE MECHANE, 1 89 
 
 temple, is inconsistent with the practice of the Greek stage, and 
 quite incompatible with the construction of the Greek theatre. 
 It is possible that only a few of the Eumenides were displayed 
 upon the ekkyklema, and that the rest of them came out of the 
 temple afterwards. But the question is one of some difficulty, 
 and has not yet been satisfactorily solved. 
 
 A contrivance called the exostra is occasionally referred to. 
 The name implies that it was something which was 'pushed 
 out' upon the stage. The metaphorical use of the word in 
 Polybius and Cicero proves it to have been a platform on which 
 objects were exhibited in a conspicuous manner. It is probable 
 therefore that the statement of the grammarians is correct, 
 and that the exostra was merely the ekkyklema under another 
 name^ 
 
 § 7. The Mechanic 
 Another appliance of even greater importance than the ekky- 
 klema, and one very frequently employed upon the Greek stage, 
 was the mechane or Machine \ It consisted of a sort of crane 
 with a pulley attached, by which weights could be raised or 
 lowered. It was placed in the left or western corner of the 
 stage, up at the very top of the back-wall. It was used in case 
 the characters in a play had to appear or disappear in a super- 
 natural manner. By its means a god or hero could be lowered 
 
 ^ Poll. iv. 129 r^v h\ k^ojffTpav ravrbv irapevOv, ufftrep Kvmv (pipovras t5)V dfir)- 
 
 Ty eKKVKXrjfiari vofii^ovaiv. Hesych. v. X'^'-^^^ 'f°* tovtov irapaStjKov/Jievov, ws ov 
 
 i^warpa- knl tt^s (Tktjv^s to (KfcvKXrjfjia. XP^ dmareTv rois dpcofiivois, kirel Oeds 
 
 Polyb. xi. 6. 8 rfjs tvxtjs ojffirep lirtTT/Ses Trapfari rcf epyw. Aristoph. Daedal, fr. 
 
 6jrt T^v l^warpav dva^i^a^ovarjs t^v 9 (Meineke) 6 firjxO'VOTroios, dnure Pov\ci 
 
 vpiiTfpav dyvoiav. Cic. de Prov. Cons. t6v rpoxov \ kXdv dve/cds, \4y€, X'^^P^ 
 
 § 14 iam in exostra helluatur, antea post cpeyyos fjXiav. The n-qxcv-q was also 
 
 sipaiium solebat. called edupijfjia, Suidas s. v. The ropes 
 
 ' Poll. iv. 128 ^ At'/X""^ ^^ Ofovs by which the actor was suspended were 
 
 SfiKVViTi KOI ijpojs Tovs €¥ depi, BcWfpo- called alaipai; Poll. iv. 131 alwpas S' 
 
 (povras fj Ilfpaeas, koi Keirai Kara r^v dv einois roiis KaXcos ot KarripTrjVTai f£ 
 
 dpiarepdv vdpoSov, virep TrjV (TKT]vr)v to vipovs dvix^v tovs knl tov depos (pfpeaOai 
 
 vipos. Schol. Luc. Philops. vii. p. 357 SoKovvras ijpws fj Ocovs. The word dpi- 
 
 Lehmann avcuOev vncp rds ■nap' eKartpa anpa in Pollux and the Scholiast, being 
 
 T^5 fxearjs rov Oedrpov Ovpas {avTai Se applied to the stage, means the left from 
 
 irpbs r'i)v evOeiav rod Oedrpov irXivpav the point of view of the actors. In the 
 
 dvf(uy€aav, ov /cal tj (tktjv^ Kal to irpoaKi}- Athenian theatre this would be the 
 
 viov \ari) fiTixcvaiv 5vo fierecupi^ofiivajv 1) western side. 
 If dpiartpSw Qiovs koX rjpoxis kvecpdvi^e 
 
IQO THE SCENERY, [Ch. 
 
 from heaven down to earth, or raised up from earth to heaven, 
 or exhibited motionless in mid-air. In most cases a car was 
 used for the purpose, and was attached to the pulley by a rope 
 or chain. In this car the god or hero took his stand. But any 
 other form of vehicle might be substituted for the car, according 
 to the requirements of the particular play. Euripides went so 
 far as to exhibit his hero Bellerophon ascending up to heaven 
 on the winged steed Pegasus. Trygaeus, in the Peace of 
 Aristophanes, was represented as riding through the air upon a 
 beetle. As to the strength of the mechane, it must at any rate 
 have been powerful enough to support two or three people at the 
 same time. Thus in the Helen of Euripides the twin Dioscuri 
 descend from heaven by this contrivance. Again, in the Medea 
 of Euripides both Medea and her slaughtered children are 
 borne through the air in a chariot. But the old notion that the 
 mechane was capable of lowering a whole tragic chorus of 
 twelve or fifteen members down from the sky is absurd on the 
 face of it. The notion was derived from the Prometheus of 
 Aeschylus. It was supposed that the winged car in which the 
 Oceanidae made their appearance was gently lowered through 
 the air, and suspended in front of Prometheus, while about a 
 hundred and fifty lines of the play were being spoken. But 
 the supposition is ridiculous and quite unnecessary. The car 
 of the Oceanidae was simply drawn on to the stage, and the 
 maidens sat there for "a time conversing with Prometheus, and 
 then dismounted from it and descended into the orchestra. As 
 to the way in which the mechane was worked, and the manner 
 in which the gods and heroes were made to disappear from 
 view at the top of the stage, there is no information. Un- 
 fortunately the construction of the upper part of the stage- 
 buildings is a subject about which we are entirely ignorant. It 
 is useless therefore to hazard conjectures concerning the exact 
 nature of the arrangements adopted. 
 
 The mechane was used under various circumstances ; but the 
 most ordinary occasion for its employment was to introduce 
 the *deus ex machina' at the end of a play, when affairs had 
 reached such a complicated condition that only divine inter- 
 
IV.] THE MECHANA. 191 
 
 ference could put them right again. Under ordinary circum- 
 stances the gods and goddesses of the Greek stage walked 
 about like mortal beings \ But when they were introduced, in 
 the manner described, to untie the knots at the conclusion of a 
 play, the supernatural character of their intervention was em- 
 phasised by their appearance in the sky. The god so intro- 
 duced was called the 'deus ex machina,' or 'god from the 
 machine ' ; and the phrase became a proverbial one to denote 
 an unexpected benefactor '^ The 'deus ex machina* was a 
 f avourite device with Euripides . It is never used by Aeschyl us 
 in his extant tragedies, and only once by Sophocles^ at the end 
 of the Philoctetes. But Euripides has recourse to it on several 
 occasions. The Andromache, Orestes, Electra, Ion, Helena, 
 Supplices, and Iphigenia in Tauris are all brought to a con- 
 clusion by the appearance of a god from heaven. The practice 
 is strongly censured^ by Ari stotle , who points out that in a well- 
 constructed plot there should be no need of supernatural agen- 
 cies, and the conclusion should be the inevitable result of the 
 preceding incidents. He considers that the only proper 
 occasion for the employment of the * deus ex machina ' is when a 
 god is to be brought down from heaven to give information 
 about the past or future, which no mere human being could be 
 supposed to be acquainted with ^ It will be found that some of 
 the uses of the ' deus ex machina ' in Euripides answer to this 
 description of Aristotle, and would not incur his censure. In 
 several cases the god is introduced, not so much to set matters 
 right, as to inform the characters of the destiny which awaits 
 them in the future. In the Andromache, the Electra, and the 
 Supplices the plot has already been brought to a conclusion be- 
 fore the god appears. His function is confined to announcing 
 the future course of events. These therefore are what Aristotle 
 would call permissible uses of the * deus ex machina.* 
 
 The principal purpose then of the mechane was to bring 
 
 * Eur. Hipp. 53 €^Q} TwvSe firiaoixou ^ Suid. v. diro ;*j;XO''^^- Luc. Philops, 
 
 r6ir<av (of Aphrodite, who is speaking 29 Oiov and firjxo-vrjs. Plat. Cratyl. p. 
 
 the prologue). Cp. Aesch. Prom. 941- 425 D. 
 
 943. 2 Aristot. Poet. c. 15. 
 
192 THE SCENERY. [Ch. 
 
 down a god from heaven at the conclusion of a play. But 
 it was also occasionally employed under various other circum- 
 stances, when a god or hero had to be lowered from heaven, or 
 lifted up from earth. For example Medea, in the play of 
 Euripides, escapes from Jason with her slaughtered children 
 upon an aerial car. In the Hercules Furens Iris and Lyssa 
 are sent down by Hera to drive Hercules to madness. They 
 appear for a time suspended in the air above the palace ; and 
 then Iris reascends to heaven, Lyssa goes down into the palace 
 to execute her purpose. Other instances are to be met with in 
 the lost plays of Euripides. Perseus was exhibited as gliding 
 down through the air in front of the cliff where Andromeda had 
 been chained. Bellerophon made his ascent to heaven on the 
 winged Pegasus\ The ascent of Trygaeus upon the beetle was 
 intended by Aristophanes as a parody on the Bellerophon of 
 Euripides. His speech in the course of his aerial journey con- 
 sists of a ludicrous mixture of phrases from the Bellerophon, 
 shouts to the beetle to keep his head straight, and terrified 
 appeals to the stage-manager to look after the security of the 
 pulley ^ 
 
 § 8. Other Mechanical Contrivances, 
 
 Two other contrivances for moving people through the air 
 are mentioned by the ancient writers ; but the information con- 
 cerning them is very defective. The Fig- Branch was a sort of 
 hook, from which the actors were suspended by means of ropes 
 and bands. The Crane was an instrument by which the bodies 
 of dead heroes were caught up and conveyed into the sky. It 
 was used by Aeschylus in the Psychostasia, when Dawn carried 
 away the body of her son Memnon. The notices about the 
 Crane and Fig-Branch are too brief and contradictory to enable 
 their exact character, and their relationship with the mechane, 
 
 ^ Eur. Med. 131 7 ff., Here. Fur. 815 ipaXioov \ ZiaKivrjaas (paidpoTs tbaiv. \ ri 
 
 ff. ; Nauck, Trag. Grsec. Frag. pp. 316, Trotefs ; ti ■nouis', iroT TrapaK\iv€is \ tovs 
 
 358; Poll. iv. 128. pLVKTrjpas irpus ras \avpas; \ . . . Si fii]-' 
 
 ^ Arist. Pax 154 ff. dW' dye, Uriyaae, ;)^aj'07rote, npoaexe tov vqvv m l/xe. 
 \oipii x^'/xw* I ^vaoxo-KiVOV irdrayov 
 
IV.] OTHER MECHANICAL CONTRIVANCES. 193 
 
 to be defined with accuracy \ Another appliance for exhibit- 
 ing gods in a supernatural manner was the theo logeion . It was 
 a narrow platform high up at the back of the stage, upon which 
 the gods made their appearance when they were to be repre- 
 sented as actually in heaven. Probably it was similar in con- 
 struction to the ekkyklema, and was usually invisible, but was 
 pushed forward through an opening at the back when required. 
 The most celebrated instance of its employment was in the Psy- 
 chostasia of Aeschylus. Zeus was there represented as sitting 
 in heaven, holding scales in his hands, in which were placed the 
 destinies of Achilles and Memnon respectively. On each side 
 of him stood Thetis and Dawn, supplicating for the lives of 
 their sons. The scene was in imitation of that in the Iliad, 
 where Zeus weighs the fates of Achilles and Hector ^ It is 
 possible that the scene in the Peace between Hermes and Try- 
 gaeus took place upon the theologeion. Sometimes the con- 
 trivance was used in place of the ordinary mechane to introduce 
 the ' deus ex machina ' at the end of a play. The god, instead 
 of being lowered from heaven, was displayed suddenly upon 
 the platform high up in the background \ 
 
 Several other devices in use upon the Attic stage are briefly 
 mentioned by Pollux, but his descriptions are so meagre and 
 obscure that little or nothing can be inferred as to their exact 
 character. Charon^s Steps was a contrivance for bringing 
 ghosts and spectres upon the stage, such as the ghost of Darius 
 in the Persae, and the ghost of Clytaemnestra in the Aga- 
 
 * Poll. iv. 130 ?7 Se yipavos fii]xo.VT]fjid rat Oeoi, ws 6 Ztus koI ol vepl avrbv kv 
 
 kariv kie fierewpov Karacpfpofjievov k(p' 'VvxoffTaaia. Plut. Aud. Poet. p. 17 A. 
 dpvayrj GwyuiTos, u KexpiJTai 'Hus dpird- ^ Luc. Philops. 29 Oedu drrd firjxavrjs 
 
 ^ovffa rb ffufxa rb 'M.kp.vovos. Plut. Prov. kneiaKVKXijOijvai fioi. Bekker, Anecd. 
 
 116 (Paroemiogr. Getting, i. p. 338) p. 208. g dnb firjx^^vrjs' ixrjxo.v-q kormapd 
 
 Kpdbrjs payeioTjs' vvv ovx b avKivos K\d- roTs KtafxiKois kyKVKX-qpLarbs ri eidos dvb 
 
 tos, d\X' Tj dyKvpis, d({>' ^s ol viroKpiral ovvOrjKrjs -npbs o <peperai (o) €ts ttjv 
 
 kv rais rpayiKais aKrjvais k^apTwvrai CKrjvriv dei^eojs x^P"' ^^^'^ V dWov rivos 
 
 Oeov fiifi,ovfi€voi kmcpdviiav (ojarrjpai Kal rjpojos. Trygaeus probably mounted to 
 
 raiviais KaTfiXrjfifxivoi. So also Hesych. the theologeion. But Niejahr (Quaest. 
 
 \. fcpdSt]. Pollux (iv. 128) makes the Scaen. p. 20 ff.) suggests that he only 
 
 Kpddt] the comic counterpart of the rose a short distance upon the beetle, 
 
 firjxo.y'n ; but this is utterly improbable. then descended to earth again, and that 
 
 ^ Poll. iv. 130 dnb be rod deokoyeiov his own house then did duty as the 
 
 ovTOs virep r^v aKtjv^v kv vi/zei kincpaivov- house of Zeus. 
 
194 THE SCENERY. [Ch. 
 
 memnon. It can hardly have been anything else than a flight 
 of steps leading out upon the stage from underneath. The 
 'anapiesma* was used by river-gods, Furies, and other sub- 
 terranean beings for the purpose of appearing above ground. 
 The word 'anapiesma' seems to mean something which was 
 pushed back. It is probable therefore that the contrivance was 
 merely the ordinary trap-door of the modern theatre, through 
 which the spectral being was raised on to the staged The 
 'bronteion* was a device for imitating the noise of thunder 
 behind the scenes, and was of a very simple character. Pebbles 
 were poured out of a jar into a large brazen vessel, or else bags 
 were filled with stones and flung against a metal surface. The 
 ' keraunoskopeion ' was obviously intended to imitate lightning, 
 but the description in Pollux is unintelligible. The 'stropheion' 
 was some sort of revolving machinery, by which heroes were 
 exhibited in heaven, or deaths at sea and in battle were repre- 
 sented. The ^hem ikyklion ' was semicircular in shape, and 
 gave a distant view of a city, or of a person swimming in the 
 sea. The 'hemistroghion' is merely mentioned byname, and 
 no description of it is appended ^ 
 
 The question whether a drop-scene was used in the Athenian 
 theatre during the great period of the drama is one which has 
 not yet been satisfactorily settled. In Roman theatres a drop- 
 scene was invariably used between the different plays, the 
 mechanism being exactly the reverse of that employed in 
 modern times. When the play was going to begin, the curtain 
 was let down into a narrow crevice in the front of the stage, 
 and at the end of the performance was drawn up again ^ 
 There can be no doubt that similar curtains were used in Greek 
 theatres at a later period; but the question is whether they 
 were used at Athens during the fifth and fourth centuries. 
 There are no references to anything of the kind in the extant 
 Greek dramas, and there are no passages in ancient writers 
 
 ^ Poll, iv. 132 at Se xapwvioi KXi/iaKes, ri npoaojirov, rb Se vepl roiis dva^aOfiovs, 
 
 KOTci TOLS 6/c Tojv kZojKioJV KaOodovs Kfifie- acp' S/v dvePaivov 'Epivvfs. 
 
 vai, rd. iiZcoKa air' avrabv dvaTrifnrovcriv. ^ Poll. iv. 127-132 ; Suid. v. fipovrq. 
 
 rd h\ dvameffixara, to fxev (gtiv ev rrj ^ Ovid. Met. iii. m ; Her. Ep. ii. i. 
 
 fffcrjvy us rroTafiov dvcXOiiv ^ toiovtSv 189. 
 
IV.] OTHER MECHANICAL CONTRIVANCES, 195 
 
 which can be held to prove the existence of a drop-scene in 
 the early Athenian theatre*. The question must therefore be 
 discussed on general grounds. To our modern notions a drop' 
 scene appears to be almost a necessity in the case of plays 
 which commence with the actors already in position upon 
 the stage. In the Greek drama such plays are not infrequent. 
 For instance, in the opening scene of the Oedipus Tyran- 
 nus the Thebans are discovered kneeling at the altar before the 
 palace of the king. In the Troades, when Poseidon comes for- 
 ward to speak the prologue, he sees Hecuba stretched upon the 
 ground in an attitude of despair. The Orestes of Euripides 
 opens with Orestes stretched upon a bed in front of the palace, 
 and his sister Electra watching beside him. Many other 
 examples might be cited of plays which begin with the actors 
 already in a fixed position. Unless therefore a drop-scene was 
 used between the plays, it would have to be supposed that the 
 actors came on the stage in full view of the people, took up the 
 required position, and then began the dialogue. There would 
 be a great sacrifice of illusion in such a mode of commencement. 
 Besides this the drop-scene would of course be the natural and 
 obvious mode of concealing the stage from view while the 
 scenery was being altered between the different plays. For 
 
 ^ The following passages are cited in (speaking of the theatre) e^fan Se koI 
 proof of the existence of a drop-scene : to traparriraa fia avKaiav KaXeTv, 'Tirepei- 
 — (l) Athen. p. 536 A yevoixhcov Sc Sou elirovros kv rai Kara UarpoKXiovs- ot 
 rojv ATjp.riTpi.ojv 'Adrjvrjcnv eypd(j)€TO eiri Se kvv4a dpxovTes etffTiwpro kv rfj OToq, 
 Tov TrpoOK-qviov (o A-qpL-qrpios) kifl t^s ircpicppa^afxevoi Ti piepos avTTJs avKaia. 
 oiKovfievrjs oxovfifvos. Here irpoCKrjviov Suid. v. avXaia, and Bekk. Anecd. p. 463 
 more probably denotes the scene at the avkaia to Trjs (Tktjvtjs TrapankTafffia' 
 back of the stage. (2) Suid. v. irpo- «exp?7Tat Se avT^ "TvepeiSrjs ev tZ KaTOL 
 aK-qvioV TO Ttpb T^s a/ajvrjs trapairiTaafxa' TlaTpoKXeov:. Hesych. v. avKaia ... to 
 17 8^ TVXV irapeXfcofJiivr] t^v irpScpaaiv ttjs aKijvrjs irapa-rrkTaafxa. Et. Mag. 
 KnOdiTfp km TTpocTK'qviov rraptyv p-vojae rds p. 1 70 XeyovTai 5k aiXaiat Kal Tci trapa- 
 d\r]6eTs kmvoias. Suidas has here mis- ittTaapLaTa t^j CKrjvrjs, ws irapcL rZ Oco- 
 taken the meaning of the passage he \6y<f>. It is obvious that the gramma- 
 quotes, in which irpoaK-qviov = * the rians here cited were thinking of a drop- 
 stage.' (3) Synesius (flor. about 400 scene. But the passage they refer to in 
 A. D.), Aegypt. p. 128 C €1 Se tis . . . Hypereides has nothing to do with a 
 Kvvo<p6a\fJLi^oiTO did rod irpoaKrjviov. drop-scene. It is doubtful, therefore, 
 Even if irpooK-qviov means ' the drop- whether this testimony is of any value 
 scene ' in this passage, it would be no except for the practice of their own 
 proof of the existence of a drop-scene times. It can hardly be considered 
 in classical times. (4) Poll. iv. 122 decisive for the classical period. 
 
 O 2 
 
196 THE SCENERY. 
 
 these reasons it has been inferred that the Athenians cannot 
 have done without one. But on the other hand it has already 
 been pointed out that it is a great mistake to apply our modern 
 notions of propriety to an ancient dramatic performance. The 
 Athenian drama was quite unlike any modern exhibition, and 
 one point of difference may have been the absence of the drop- 
 scene. On the Athenian stage, where the changes of scenery 
 required between the different plays were usually of the slightest 
 character, it was not nearly so necessary as in modern times. 
 Its chief advantage would have been in the case of plays which 
 open with the actors already arranged in a sort of tableau. To 
 judge by our modern ideas, the effect in such cases would have 
 been greatly heightened, and the illusion much more fully 
 carried out, by the use of a drop-scene. But the Greeks did 
 not lay very much stress upon realism and illusion in their 
 scenic arrangements. They were satisfied with simple and 
 conventional methods of representing events upon the stage. 
 Such devices as the ekkyklema and the periaktoi would never 
 have been tolerated, if the object had been to produce an 
 illusion by the accurate imitation of real objects. It is therefore 
 very likely that in the dramas just referred to the Athenians 
 were quite content for the actors to come forward and take up 
 their position in full view of the audience, before the play 
 actually commenced. Custom in such cases is everything. 
 What might appear ludicrous to a modern audience would pass 
 unnoticed to an audience that was used to it. An illustration of 
 this fact may be found in the early history of the English drama, 
 in which there was little or no attempt at scenery, and the illusion 
 was spoiled by the presence of spectators sitting upon the stage. 
 Yet the audience of those days was not dissatisfied. It is there- 
 fore easy to imagine that the Athenians did perfectly well without 
 a drop-scene. At the same time there is no evidence to prove 
 that such was the case. And the drop-scene is a very convenient 
 device, and one that would naturally suggest itself from the very 
 first. On the whole therefore it seems safest, until further 
 evidence is forthcoming, to regard the question as an open one. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE ACTORS. 
 
 § I. Rise of the Actor's Profession, 
 
 Before proceeding to give an account of the actors in the 
 ancient Greek drama, there are one or two points which ought 
 to be made clear, in order to avoid possible misconceptions. In 
 the first place the actors and the chorus were entirely distinct 
 from one another. The chorus was chosen and paid by the 
 choregus, and performed in the orchestra. The actors were 
 hired by the state, and their proper place was upon the stage. 
 The "term 'hypokrites,' or 'actor,* was never applied to the 
 members of the chorus. It was not even applied to all the per- 
 formers upon the stage, but only to such of them as took a 
 prominent part in the dialogue. The various mute characters, 
 such as the soldiers and attendants, and also the subordinate 
 characters who had only a few words to say, were not dignified 
 with the title of 'actor.' In the second place it should be re- 
 membered that the Greek actors invariably wore masks, and 
 were consequently able to appear in several parts in the course 
 of the same performance. When, therefore, it is said that in 
 the early history of Greek tragedy only a single actor was 
 employed in each play, this does not imply that the number 
 of characters was limited to one. All it implies is that only one 
 character could appear at a time. The number of actors in 
 a Greek play never exceeded three, even in the latest period. 
 But the effect of this regulation upon the capacities of the Greek 
 drama was less cramping and restrictive than might have 
 been supposed. There was no limitation to the number 
 of mute and subordinate characters which might be introduced 
 
198 THE ACTORS, ' [Ch. 
 
 at any time upon the stage. There was no restriction upon the 
 number of the more prominent characters, provided they were 
 not brought upon the stage simultaneously. The only limitation 
 was this — that not more than three of the more prominent 
 characters could take part in the dialogue in the course of the 
 same scene. 
 
 The principal function of the actors was to carry on the 
 dialogue and work out the action of the play. The principal 
 function of the chorus was to sing the odes which filled up the 
 pauses in the action. Of course very frequently the chorus took 
 part in the dialogue; but, speaking in general terms, the dia- 
 logue was the business of the actors. Such was the condition of 
 things during the best period of the Attic drama. But in former 
 times the case had been very different. At first the whole 
 performance was a choral one, and consisted simply of the 
 songs and hymns chanted at the festivals of Dionysus. There 
 were no actors and there was no dialogue. The history of the 
 early development of the drama is in other words the history of 
 the gradual introduction of actors and dialogue into a choral 
 entertainment, and the gradual increase in the importance of 
 the dialogue, until eventually it overshadowed the choral part 
 altogether. The first step in the process by which a lyrical 
 performance was converted into a dramatic one was as follows. 
 The custom arose of filling up the intervals between the different 
 portions of the choral songs with recitations by the leader of the 
 chorus, and dialogues between him and the other members. 
 For this purpose the leader of the chorus used to mount upon 
 a small table. The subject of the recitations and the dia- 
 logues would be the same as the subject of the ode, and 
 would in most cases refer to the adventures of the god Dionysus. 
 In these interludes by the leader of the chorus lay the germ 
 of the drama. The performance as a whole was still essen- 
 tially lyrical, but the practice of inserting dialogue had been 
 established \ In the case of tragedy the next step forward 
 
 ^ Poll. iv. 123 kXibs 5' -^v Tpdire^a Poet. c. 4 fcal 77 /xev (rpayajdia eyiuero) 
 apxaia, e^' fjv vpb &(crmSos (h tis dva- and twv k^apxdvrojv rbv diOvpafi^ov, ff 5c 
 ;3ds tqT$ xopivrais direKpivaTO. Arist. (^Kufi^bia) and rwv rd <paWif(d, 
 
v.] RISE OF THE ACTOR'S PROFESSION. 199 
 
 was taken by Thespis. He introduced a single actor^ who took 
 the part which had previously been taken by the leader of the 
 chorus, and filled up the pauses in the choral odes either with 
 monologues or with dialogues between himself and the leader'. 
 Not much is known about the drama of Thespis except that it 
 was still essentially lyrical. But as he is said to have employed 
 masks, it is clear that the single actor might appear in different 
 characters in successive scenes, and in this way some approach 
 might be made to a dramatic representation of a story ^. The 
 decisive innovation was due to Aeschylus. He introduced a 
 second actor, and effected a total change in the character of 
 the performance. Henceforward the intervals between the 
 choral odes were filled with dialogues between the two actors 
 upon the stage, instead of dialogues between the single actor 
 and the leader of the chorus. At the same time Aeschylus cut 
 down the length of the choral odes, and made the dialogue the 
 essential and prominent feature of the performance ^ The re-^ 
 suit was a radical change in the nature of tragedy : it became a 
 dramatic instead of a lyrical form of art. During the greater part 
 of his career Aeschylus was contented with two actors. Three 
 at least out of his seven extant plays are written for performance 
 by two actors only *. This limitation upon the number of the 
 performers necessitated great simplicity in the construction of 
 the play, since it was impossible for more than two per-^ 
 sonages to take part in the dialogue at the same time. Hence 
 the earlier plays of Aeschylus, though essentially dramatic in 
 comparison with anything which preceded them, are simple in 
 plot and lyrical in tone when compared with the tragedies of his 
 
 ^ Diog. Laert. iii. 56 ojairep Se to Seven against Thebes. In the conclud- 
 
 iraXaibv iv rfj rpaywdia vpoTepov fxlv ing scene of the Seven the part of 
 
 fxovos 6 x^P^^ 5i€dpafjt.aTi^€v , vcTTcpov 8e Ismene would not be taken by a regular 
 
 ©eanis eva viro/cpiTTjv (^evpev vnkp tov actor. Apparently the opening scene 
 
 diavairaveaOai. tov x^pov. of the Prometheus requires three actors, 
 
 2 Suidas V. eeams. unless we are to adopt the very improb- 
 
 2 Aristot. Poet. c. 4 unl to t€ twi' able supposition that the person of 
 
 vTTOKpiTcjv nXijeos 1^ €vbs els dvo Trpwros Prometheus was represented by a 
 
 AicrxvXo? Tjya'ye, Kal to. tov x^pov rjkaT- wooden figure, which was nailed to the 
 
 Tojffe, Kot TOV koyov TrpcoTayoJviaTfjv rock, and from behind which the prot- 
 
 napeaKevaaev. agonist spoke the part. 
 
 * Viz. the Supplices, Persae, and 
 
200 THE ACTORS. [Ch. 
 
 successors. The different scenes rather serve to unfold a series 
 of pictures than to develop a complicated plot. Descriptive 
 speeches take the place of animated dialogue. Sophocles 
 added greatly to the capacities of the drama by introducing 
 a third actor \ He was thus enabled to give much greater 
 variety and spirit to the dialogue. In his hands for the first 
 time tragedy became essentially dramatic, and the lyrical ele- 
 ment was thrust still further into the background. The innova- 
 tion of Sophocles was adopted by Aeschylus in his later years, 
 and the Orestean trilogy — the last and most elaborate of his 
 works — requires three actors. Under Sophocles tragedy re- 
 ceived its full development. The number of actors in tragedy 
 was henceforward limited to three. 
 
 The satyric drama was intimately connected with tragedy, 
 and the number of actors was apparently the same. Thus 
 the Cyclops of Euripides, the only extant satyric play, requires 
 three actors. In an ancient vase-painting, which represents the 
 performers in a satyric play, three actors are depicted^. It 
 is true that the Alcestis of Euripides, which was performed in 
 place of the usual satyric drama, only requires two actors. 
 But the number in this case was probably due to the choice 
 of the poet, and not to any official regulation. In regard to 
 comedy, very little is known as to the steps by which it was 
 developed. The source of comedy lay in the phallic songs per- 
 formed at the festivals of Dionysus. The dramatic element 
 originated in the interludes by the leader of the chorus. The 
 process of development must have been much the same as in 
 tragedy ; but the names of the persons who introduced actors 
 and dialogue into comedy were forgotten even in Aristotle's 
 
 ^ Aristot. Poet. c. 4 ; Diog. Laert. Xos 5e rpirov viroKpir^v (a. 1. rpirov vvo- 
 
 iii. 56 ; vit. Soph. ; Suidas v. ^o<poKXrjs. Kpcras) is doubtful, and cannot weigh 
 
 The Life of Aeschylus assigns the intro- against Aristotle's definite statement in 
 
 duction of the third actor to Aeschylus, the Poetics. The balance of evidence 
 
 but adds that Dicaearchus ascribed it to is distinctly in favour of the conclusion 
 
 Sophocles. The passage in Themis- that the third actor was first introduced 
 
 tius (xxvi. p. 316 D Kal ov irpoaexo- by Sophocles. 
 
 fjLfv 'ApioTOTeKft oTi TO fi€v rrpwTov 6 ^ Wieseler, Denkmaler, vi. 2 ; Eur. 
 
 Xopos elaiwv ySev ds tovs 6eovs, Qeams Cyclops 1 97 foil. 
 5 6 Trp6\oy6v t€ Kal p^aiv (^evpty, Aiaxv- 
 
v.] RISE OF THE ACTOR\S PROFESSION. 20T 
 
 time. The only piece of information upon the subject is to 
 the effect that Cratinus was the first to limit the number of 
 actors to three, and that before his time there was no regulation 
 as to the number of persons introduced upon the stage. After 
 the time of Cratinus there were no further innovations, and the 
 number of the actors in comedy was permanently fixed at 
 three \ 
 
 This number was never exceeded either in comedy or in 
 tragedy. All the extant Greek plays could be performed by 
 three actors. It is sometimes said that the Oedipus Coloneus 
 of Sophocles requires four actors ; but this is not the case. 
 Although there are several occasions on which Ismene appears 
 upon the stage simultaneously with three other personages, still 
 on each of these occasions she does not say a word, but is 
 merely a mute figure. It is evident therefore that during this 
 portion of the play her part was taken by a 'super,' while at 
 the beginning and end of the play, where she had speeches to 
 make, the part was acted by the tritagonist^ It might at first 
 sight appear that the comedies of Aristophanes require more 
 than three actors; but investigations have shown that there is 
 not one of his plays which could not be performed by this 
 number, assisted by a supply of * supers ^* 
 
 The smallness in the number of the actors necessarily limited 
 the capacities of the Greek drama. It made it impossible for 
 life to be represented upon the stage with the realism of a 
 modern play. Mute personages — such as officers, soldiers, and 
 servants — might be introduced in any number; but the char- 
 acters taking part in the dialogue could never at any one time 
 exceed three. The realistic effect produced by a promiscuous 
 conversation between a large group of persons was impossible 
 upon the Greek stage. Sometimes a certain awkwardness was 
 caused by the limitation in the number of the performers. In 
 the extant Greek dramas occasions are not infrequent where 
 a fourth actor might have been a great advantage. For instance, 
 
 ^ Arist. Poet. cc. 4, 5; Anon, de ^ gQpj^ q. C.iii7ff.,i249 ff.,i50off. 
 
 Comoed. (Dindf. Prolegom.de Comoed. ^ Cp. Beer, liber die Zahl der Schau- 
 
 p. 27) ; Diomedes, p. 490 K. spieler bei Aristophanes, Leipz. 1844. 
 
202 . THE ACTORS, [Ch. 
 
 there is the exciting scene at the end of the Orestes of Euri- 
 pides. Orestes is seen upon the roof of the palace threatening 
 to kill Hermione, and Pylades is standing beside him. Mene- 
 laus from below makes a piteous appeal to Pylades, but Pylades 
 says not a single word in reply, but leaves Orestes to answer 
 for him. His silence is very unnatural, and is only to be ac- 
 counted for by the fact that there was no actor to spare, and 
 therefore the poet could not put any words in his mouth. Two 
 of the actors were already employed in playing the parts of 
 Orestes and Menelaus, and the third was required for Apollo, 
 who comes on the scene immediately afterwards. Consequently 
 the part of Pylades had to be taken by a mute personage. Then 
 again there is the scene at the end of the Electra of Euripides. 
 Orestes has heard his fate, and as he leaves the stage he bids 
 farewell to Pylades, and urges him to marry his sister Electra. 
 Pylades maintains a stolid silence, and the Dioscuri reply on his 
 behalf. Here again his silence is due to the necessities of the 
 case. The three actors with whom the poet was supplied were 
 all employed, and Pylades was merely a dumb figure. Similar 
 instances of awkward and almost ludicrous silence on the part of 
 certain characters will occur to all readers of the Greek drama. 
 But they are not so numerous as might have been expected, and 
 it is astonishing to find how successfully the Greek drama, keep- 
 ing within its own peculiar limits, was able to accomplish its ends 
 with three actors only. 
 
 There were several advantages in the smallness of the num- 
 ber. In the first place the dialogue gained in clearness and 
 simplicity, owing to the fewness of the persons taking part in 
 it. This simplicity was especially well suited to the severe 
 and statuesque character of Greek tragedy, in which the 
 rapid movement of a dialogue between a large number of per- 
 sons would have been altogether inappropriate. In the extant 
 Greek tragedies even the three actors permitted by custom are 
 used with considerable reserve. They are never allowed to join 
 promiscuously in the dialogue for any length of time. When- 
 ever three characters are upon the stage, it will be found 
 that in most cases one of them stands by in silence, while. 
 
y.] RISE OF THE ACTOR'S PROFESSION. 203 
 
 the other two carry on the dialogue. The two change from time 
 to time, but it is only on rare occasions and for brief periods, 
 that all three converse promiscuously together. It appears, 
 therefore, that the Greek tragic writers, so far from feeling the 
 restriction upon the number of the actors as an impediment, did 
 not even employ the number allowed by custom with as much 
 freedom as they might have done. There was another obvious 
 advantage in the restriction. As only three actors were needed, 
 it was easy to ensure that they should all be performers of first- 
 rate excellence. In modern times the large number of actors 
 required constitutes a great difficulty. It is rare to see the 
 subordinate characters in a play of Shakespeare even tolerably 
 performed. The effect of the piece is spoiled by the feebleness 
 of the princes, dukes, lords, and ladies who crowd the stage. 
 In the Greek drama, owing to the limitation upon the number of 
 the performers, this difficulty was avoided, and a high standard 
 of excellence maintained throughout the play. It was all the 
 more necessary, among the Greeks, to take some precaution 
 of this kind, since the size of the theatre demanded unusual 
 powers in the actor. In a modern theatre an actor, however 
 poor, can at any rate usually be heard. But in the vast open- 
 air theatre at Athens it required a man with an exceptionally 
 clear and powerful voice to make himself audible to the vast 
 multitude of spectators. It cannot have been an easy task to 
 find actors who combined histrionic talent with voices of suffi- 
 cient power, and if a large number had been required, there 
 would have been great difficulty in meeting the demand. This 
 consideration doubtless helped to ensure the continued observ- 
 ance of the rule as to the number of the actors. 
 
 The original Greek word for an actor was ' hypokrites.* Ety* 
 mologically the word seems to have meant ' one who answers \' 
 According to the old grammarians the origin of the term was 
 due to the fact that in the early drama, when the chorus played 
 
 * Phot. V. vnofcpivecrOai' to dnoKpi- 123. Apollon. Lex. Horn. v. v-noKpi- 
 
 vcaOai 01 ira\aioi Kal 6 viroKpiTrjs evrev- vairo' TTpcoraycoviaTovvros y^p tov xo- 
 
 Oev, 6 diTOKpiv6fjL€vos to) X^PV' So also pod t6 -naKaibv ovroi cjcmep diroicpiTai 
 
 Hesych. v. v-noKpivono, and Poll. iv. ^aav, diroKpivofjievoi trpos t6v x^pov.. 
 
204 THE ACTORS. [Ch. 
 
 the principal part, the main function of the actor was to *■ reply 
 to the chorus.* This derivation of the word is very likely the 
 correct one. In the times before Aeschylus, when there was 
 only one actor, all the dialogue was necessarily carried on 
 between the actor and the chorus. It is therefore not im- 
 probable that the duty of replying to the questions and remarks 
 of the chorus may have been regarded as the salient feature in 
 the performance of the actor, and have given rise to his name. 
 In the course of the fourth century the old Attic word for an 
 actor went out of use, and a new one was substituted. Hence- 
 forward actors were generally called 'artists,* or * artists of 
 Dionysus \* 
 
 As far as tragedy is concerned the art of acting may be 
 said to have commenced in the time of Thespis. But actors 
 did not come into existence as a separate class until many 
 years afterwards. Before the period of Aeschylus, when 
 only a single actor was required, his part was taken by 
 the poet. It is expressly said that Thespis was 'himself 
 acting, according to ancient custom/ at that performance 
 which excited the disapproval of Solon ^. But when a second 
 actor was introduced by Aeschylus, then the actor's profession 
 became of necessity distinct from that of the poet. For some 
 time afterwards the poets continued to act occasionally in their 
 own tragedies, side by side with the professional actors. But 
 the practice went gradually out of fashion in the course of the 
 earlier part of the fifth century. Aeschylus appears, from the 
 statement in his Life, to have abandoned the stage even before 
 the introduction of a second actor ^ Sophocles was prevented 
 from appearing as an actor by the weakness of his voice. It is 
 true that he sometimes performed in public. In the Thamyris 
 
 * Demostli. Fals. Leg. § 192 Ttkvro.'i Kal rbv devrcpov avrZ irpoarjipe Mvvvi- 
 
 rovs TCx^'tTas avv-qyayev ; Aristot. Prob. ckov tov XakKcdca- rbv 5e rpirov vno- 
 
 XXX. 10 01 Trept TOV Aiovvaov nx^iTai ; KpiTrjv avros e^evpev, ws Se AiKaiapxos 
 
 Polyb. xvi. 21. d Mcacrrjvios, ^o(poK\rji. These words 
 
 ^ Plut. Solon p. 95 C ; Aristot. Rhet. imply that he employed Mynniscus for 
 
 iii. I imcKpivovTo yap avTol ras Tpayadias the first time on the occasion of his 
 
 ol noirjToi TO irpufTov. introduction of a second actor ; and 
 
 3 The words in the Life are kxpr^oaro that previously to this innovation, when 
 
 8' viroKpir'g Ttp6}T<^ ^Iv K\€dv5p<^, cVeiTa only one actor was required, he had 
 
v.] 
 
 RISE OF THE ACTOR'S PROFESSION. 
 
 205 
 
 he played the harp, and in the Nausicaa he dehghted the spec- 
 tators by his skill with the ball. But it is not likely that on 
 either of these occasions he took a regular actor's part. He 
 probably appeared upon the scene merely as a mute character, 
 in order to show his skill with the harp and the ball ^. After the 
 time of Sophocles there are no further instances of tragic poets 
 performing in their own plays ^. As to the early history of comic 
 acting very little is known. Cratinus is mentioned as one of the 
 old poets who were called 'dancers,' and it is therefore probable 
 that he acted in his own comedies ^ But after his time there is 
 no certain instance of a comic poet appearing upon the stage. 
 The professional actor was universally employed. The state- 
 ment that Aristophanes acted the part of Cleon in the Knights 
 is due to a misconception on the part of the scholiast *. 
 
 It appears then that it was in the beginning of the fifth century 
 that the profession of the actor came into existence as a distinct 
 occupation. It grew very rapidly in importance. At first the 
 
 been accustomed to employ Cleander, 
 instead of acting himself. He must, 
 therefore, have given up acting before 
 the production of the Supplices, and 
 considerably before the first appearance 
 of Sophocles. The statement that 
 Sophocles was the Jirst dramatic poet 
 to abandon acting in person can only be 
 true to the extent that he was the first 
 poet who never acted at all. 
 
 ^ Vit. Soph. irpSiTov fikv KaraXvaas 
 T^v vrtSKpiaiv Tov ttoiijtov dia rrjv idiav 
 lxiKpo<po)VLav ; Athen. p. 20 F ; Eustath. 
 Od. p. 1533. 
 
 2 Miiller (die Griech. Biihnen. p. 184) 
 states, on the authority of Zenob. Prov. 
 v. 100, that Astydamas the Elder acted 
 in his own tragedy, the Parthenopaeus. 
 The words in Zenobius are fVTjfxeprjaas 
 iv ry vnoKpifffi UapOevoiraiov. But this 
 is merely a carelessness of expression, 
 on which no stress can be laid. In the 
 account given by Suidas (v. aavTrjv 
 kiraiveis) of the same occurrence the 
 expression is evrjfieprjaavTi knl TpayqiSias 
 diScujKaXia Uapdevoiraiov. The whole 
 story about Astydamas the Elder receiv- 
 
 ing a statue on account of the success of 
 his Parthenopaeus is rather dubious, 
 since the inscription in Corp. Inscr. 
 Att. ii. 973 shows that Astydamas the 
 Younger produced a Parthenopaeus in 
 340 B. c. It is possible that in the story 
 about the Parthenopaeus the elder and 
 the younger Astydamas have been con- 
 fused. 
 
 ^ Athen. p. 22 A. 
 
 * The story about Aristophanes acting 
 the part of Cleon in the Knights was due 
 to a misunderstanding of the phrase 
 KadUvai TO Spdfia Si' eavrov. The Knights 
 was the first play Aristophanes produced 
 in his own name. See Meineke, Frag. 
 Com. Gr. ii. 928 ff. Antiphanes is said 
 (Miiller, Griech. Biihnen. p. 184) to 
 have acted one of his own comedies, the 
 evidence being the inscription in Corp. 
 Inscr. Att. ii. 972 [^AvTicpavrjIs it4p.{tttos) 
 'Ava(Ta)^o(fj.€Vois)' [yneKpiveTo 'Avrycpd- 
 vr]s. But it is by no means certain that 
 the name of the poet is rightly filled in 
 as Antiphanes. Even if it is, it does 
 not follow that the actor Antiphanes 
 was the same person. 
 
2o6 THE ACTORS. [Cb. 
 
 actors were so little regarded that their names were not thought 
 worthy of a place in the notices of dramatic victories. But in 
 the records of the latter half of the century a change is observ- 
 able, and the names of the actors regularly appear side by side 
 with those of the poets and choregi. About the same time a 
 prize was instituted for the best actor at the different contests, 
 as well as for the best poet^. In the fourth century the actors 
 sprang into still greater prominence. The art of acting tended 
 to outshine the art of dramatic writing. An age of great actors 
 succeeded to an age of great poets. The same phenomenon 
 is not uncommon in the theatrical history of other nations. In 
 England, for instance, a period of dramatic productiveness was 
 followed by a period of sterility and insignificance, and from the 
 time of Garrick downwards the names of the great actors, who 
 have made themselves famous by interpreting the masterpieces of 
 Shakespeare, are more conspicuous than the names of dramatic 
 authors. In Athens the fourth century was the period when acting 
 was brought to the greatest perfection. To such an extent had the 
 importance of the actor's profession increased, that in Aristotle's 
 time a play depended more for its success upon the skill of the 
 actor than upon the genius of the poet. The effect upon dramatic 
 writing was most pernicious. The poets began to write their plays 
 with a view to exhibiting the capacities of the actors. Scenes 
 which had no connexion with the plot were introduced for the 
 sole purpose of enabling an actor to make a display of his talents I 
 Sophocles is said by one of the old grammarians to have been 
 guilty of the same sort of practice. But if there is any truth in 
 the statement, the evil effects are not very apparent in the extant 
 tragedies ^ The charge might be brought with more plausibility 
 against the monodies of Euripides, which are feeble from a 
 literary point of view, but would enable an actor with a fine 
 voice to make a great impression. However it was not until the 
 fourth century that the influence of the actors became so 
 
 ^ See chap. i. p. 54, ttoitjtSjv Si' avrovs, vird Se ra>v dyaOwv Sict, 
 
 ^ Aristot. Poet. c. 9 Xeyoj S* kireiffo- rovs viroKpiras : Rhet. iii. i fJ-fi^ov 
 
 SiujBt] fivOov kv (S TO, kireiffodia fifr' SvvavTai vvv t5)v irocrjToiv 01 viroKpirai, 
 
 dXXijXa out' e'lKos ovr dvay/cr] dvai. ^ Vit. Soph. p. 3 Dindf, 
 TOiavrai 5k iroiovvTai vno jxkv rwv (pavKojv 
 
VJ RISE OF THE ACTOR'S PROFESSION, 207 
 
 universal as to inflict distinct injury upon the art of dramatic 
 writing. 
 
 The selection of the necessary number of actors for each 
 dramatic performance was, except in very early times, under- 
 taken by the state. The details in connexion with this arrange- 
 ment have already been discussed in a previous chapter \ The 
 main points may be recapitulated here. During the early part 
 of the fifth century the poets chose their own actors. Certain 
 poets and certain actors were permanently associated together. 
 But as the actors increased in importance, they were placed on 
 the same footing as the poets and choregi, and were appointed 
 by the state. They were then distributed among the poets by 
 lot. In the course of the fourth century the use of the lot was 
 discontinued in the case of tragedy, and a new arrangement was 
 adopted, which was rendered possible by the fact that each 
 tragic poet exhibited several tragedies at the same time. Under 
 the new system each tragedy was performed by a different actor, 
 and in this way all the competing poets enjoyed in turn the ser- 
 vices of all the actors. In comedy, as each poet exhibited only 
 a single play, the old system of distribution by lot was retained. 
 If an actor was engaged for one of the great Athenian festivals, 
 and failed to put in an appearance, he was fined by the state. 
 On one occasion Athenodorus, the great tragic actor, was hired 
 to perform at the City Dionysia. But he failed to keep his 
 .engagement, as he preferred to be present and perform at the 
 festivities held by Alexander the Great in Phoenicia, after his 
 return from Egypt. A heavy fine was inflicted upon him in 
 consequence, but the fine was paid by Alexander ^ 
 
 § 2. 77?^ distribution of the Parts among the Actors. 
 
 It has already been shown that the n umber of the actors in 
 a Greek play was limited to three. These three actors had 
 distinctive names, according to the prominence of the parts 
 which they took. The principal actor was called the protagonist; 
 next in importance came the deuteragonist ; the tritagonist 
 * See chap. ii. pp. 74-77. ^ Plut. Alex. p. 681 E. 
 
2o8 THE ACTORS, [Cb. 
 
 played the inferior characters ^ The importance of the prot- 
 agonist on the Greek stage has been pointed out in previous 
 chapters ^. In the ordinary theatrical language of the time a play 
 was said to be ' acted by the protagonist/ as if the other actors 
 were of no account. The protagonist was publicly appointed by 
 the state, but was allowed to choose the second and third actor 
 at his own discretion. In the same way the prize for acting at 
 each festival was confined to the protagonists. The other per- 
 formers had nothing to do with it. In tragedy more especially 
 the protagonist was a person of the greatest importance ; 
 the deuteragonist and tritagonist were placed in a very subor- 
 dinate position. The whole structure of a Greek tragedy was 
 designed with the object of fixing the interest upon some 
 grand central figure. The significance of the other characters 
 consisted simply in their capacity to excite the passions and 
 draw forth the sentiments of the leading personage. This 
 being so, it was essential that the protagonist should concen- 
 trate the interest upon himself; otherwise the harmony and 
 balance of the play would have been destroyed. Hence the 
 subordinate actors were strictly forbidden to attempt to out- 
 shine the protagonist. They were called upon to exercise the 
 greatest self-denial. Even if they had finer voices than the 
 protagonist, they were made to moderate and restrain their 
 powers, so as to allow the protagonist to retain the superiority, 
 and rivet the attention of the spectators upon the central 
 figure ^ The jealousy of protagonists towards their fellow- 
 actors is well exemplified by the story about Theodorus, who 
 had a theory that the first speaker in a play always attracted 
 the sympathies of the audience, and therefore would never 
 allow any other actor, however inferior, to appear upon the 
 stage before himself \ 
 
 ^ Plut. Rep. Ger. 817 A ; Dem.Fals. summittere, ut ille princeps quara 
 
 \jt%. § lo ; Suidas v. ^ocpoKXrjs. maxime excellat, &c. 
 
 ^ See chap. i. p. 55, ch. ii. p. 75. * Aristot. Pol. vii. 17. The story 
 
 ^ Cic. Div. in Caecil. § 48 ut in about Theodorus has caused some diffi- 
 
 actoribus Graecis fieri videmus saepe culty. Does it mean that Theodorus, 
 
 ilium, qui est secundarum aut tertiarum besides taking the principal character, 
 
 partium, quum possit aliquanto clarius also played the part of the person who 
 
 dicere, quam ipse primarum, multum made the first speech in the tragedy ? 
 
v.] DISTRIBUTION OF THE PARTS. 209 
 
 The distribution of the different parts among the actors was 
 undertaken by the poet if the play was a new one \ But if an 
 old play was being reproduced, the matter would be arranged 
 by the protagonist who had the management of the perform- 
 ance. The three actors between them filled all the parts in 
 a play, appearing in various characters successively. Such a 
 practice was rendered possible by the use of masks. An actor 
 had only to change his mask and his dress, and he could then 
 re-appear in a new character. Changes of this kind could be 
 effected in a very few moments, as is shown by the one or 
 two traditions on the subject which have been preserved by 
 the ancient scholiasts. For example, in the opening scene 
 of the Phoenissae Jocasta speaks the prologue, and then 
 leaves the stage. Thereupon Antigone and an old attendant 
 mount by a staircase on to the roof of the palace, in order to 
 view the Argive army encamped outside the walls. The scho- 
 liast tells us that the protagonist played the parts both of 
 Jocasta and of Antigone. It was necessary, therefore, after 
 Jocasta had left the stage, that there should be a slight interval 
 before Antigone appeared upon the palace roof, to give the 
 actor time to change his mask and dress. Euripides managed 
 this by making the attendant come out alone upon the roof at 
 first, and look about him to see that the coast is clear, while he 
 addresses a few words to Antigone, who is still inside the 
 
 If so, he would have been debarred Pseudolog. 19 ; Heliod. Aethiop. viii. 
 
 from acting some of the most popular 17; Synesius, Tre/jt irpoi/oias p. 128 D), 
 
 tragedies of the time. For instance, and may have been customary in Athens, 
 
 the actor who took the part of Electra or in other parts of Greece, in the time 
 
 in the play of Sophocles could not act of Theodoras. But it is extremely im- 
 
 the part of the paedagogus, since probable that the reference is to any 
 
 Electra comes on the stage as soon as such practice. The audience would 
 
 the paedagogus leaves it. There would hardly pay much attention to the voice 
 
 be the same difficulty about the Orestes, of the person who announced the name 
 
 the Medea, and many other plays. It of the coming play. The meaning is 
 
 has been suggested that the reference is probably that Theodoras used to take 
 
 to some preliminary announcement of the part of the character which spoke 
 
 the title of the play, which Theodorus first, whenever it was possible to do so. 
 
 preferred to make himself, instead of In such plays as the Electra it would be 
 
 leaving it to a subordinate. Such impossible, 
 
 announcements were made in Greek ^ Alciphron, Epist. iii. 71, 
 theatres in later times (cp. Lucian, 
 
2IO THE ACTORS. [Ch. 
 
 palace. When he sees that all is safe, he calls on Antigone to 
 follow after him, and she thereupon mounts the staircase, and 
 appears to the spectators. The speech of the attendant, while 
 he is looking about upon the roof, consists of only fifteen iambic 
 lines. Thus the space of time required to speak fifteen lines 
 was enough to enable an actor to change from one character to 
 another \ There is a further instance which shows that even 
 less time was necessary. In the Choephori, when Aegisthus is 
 murdered, a servant rushes out upon the stage and calls to 
 Clytaemnestra. As Clytaemnestra comes out, he apparently 
 runs back into the palace. Clytaemnestra speaks five lines, and 
 then Orestes hastens out of the palace, followed by Pylades. 
 In the scene which ensues Pylades has three lines to 
 speak ; and the scholiast says that his part was taken by the 
 servant who had just left the stage, so as to avoid the necessity 
 of four actors. The servant must therefore have changed his 
 mask in a very few moments ^ As such rapid changes were 
 possible, a great variety of characters might be introduced in 
 the course of a play, in spite of the restriction that more than 
 three characters could not take part in the dialogue at the 
 same time. 
 
 In the distribution of parts the protagonist took the prin- 
 cipal character. The parts of Oedipus, Electra, and Antigone, 
 in the plays of the same name by Sophocles, are specially 
 mentioned as having been acted by celebrated protagonists. 
 Orestes in the play of Euripides is also described as the part of 
 the protagonist ^ Usually, as in the above instances, the prin- 
 cipal character gave the name to the piece. But this was not 
 always the case. In the Oenomaus of Sophocles the part of 
 Oenomaus was played by the tritagonist Aeschines. In the 
 Cresphontes of Euripides the principal character was Merope, 
 and was taken by Theodorus. The part of Cresphontes fell 
 to Aeschines as tritagonist^. It does not therefore follow that 
 the character which gave the name to a play was necessarily 
 
 ^ Schol. Eur. Phoen. 93. Meineke, Frag. Com. Gr. ii. p. 763. 
 ^ Schol. Aesch. Choeph. 906. * Hesych. v. dpovpaws Olv6[jLaos ; 
 
 ^ Aul. Gel), vii. 5 ; Stob. Flor. 97, Dera.de Cor. § 180; Aelian, Var. Hist. 
 
 28 ; Dem. Fals. Leg. § 246 ; Strattis ap. xiv. 40. 
 
v.] DISTRIBUTION OF THE PARTS. 21 1 
 
 the leading one. In the Agamemnon of Aeschylus most likely 
 the protagonist played the part of Clytaemnestra, as this is 
 certainly the most impressive character in the play, though not 
 the one with which the spectators are in sympathy. Besides 
 playing the leading part the protagonist had also to take his 
 share of the subordinate characters when he could be spared. 
 It has already been mentioned that in the Phoenissae of Euri- 
 pides the protagonist appeared in the part of Antigone, as well 
 as in that of Jocasta. At times he took even the smallest 
 characters if the necessities of the play demanded it. Plutarch 
 states that the protagonist, in the part of a messenger or 
 an attendant, often gained more applause than the actor who 
 bore the sceptre and the crown \ It was, in fact, the chief 
 advantage of the Greek system that even the subordinate cha- 
 racters were played with as much excellence as the more 
 important ones. The tritagonist took what in modern times 
 would be called the * heavy' parts. It was his special pri- 
 vilege, as Demosthenes remarks, to play the tyrant and the 
 sceptred monarch ^ Aeschines, in his career as tritagonist, 
 often had to act gloomy tyrants of this kind, such as Creon, 
 Cresphontes, and Oenomaus. Such characters did not require 
 great powers in the actor. There was no pathos to be excited, 
 no play of conflicting emotions to be exhibited. All that was 
 necessary was a powerful voice, and a capacity for declaiming 
 verses. Most likely for the same reason the tritagonist usually 
 spoke the prologues, which also did not require much more in 
 the actor than good powers of elocution. Thus the ghost of 
 Polydorus, which speaks the prologue in the Hecuba of Euri- 
 pides, was acted by Aeschines as tritagonist ^ The deuter- 
 agonist took the parts which, in point of interest, were inter- 
 mediate between the leading characters, and the heavy parts 
 which fell to the tritagonist. There are not, however, any tradi- 
 tions as to particular characters having been played by the 
 deuteragonist. Attempts have been made in modern times to 
 assign the characters in the extant Greek dramas to the prot- 
 
 ^ Plut. Lysand. p. 446 D. ' Dem. 1. c, de Cor. §§ 180, 267. 
 
 ^ Dem. Fals. Leg. § 247. 
 
 t P 2 
 
212 THE ACTORS, [Ch. 
 
 agonist, deuteragonist, and tritagonist respectively. Such 
 speculations are interesting, in so far as they show that all 
 the existing plays could be perfectly well performed by three 
 actors. Otherwise they are not of very great value. There is 
 generally no difficulty in deciding which was the leading charac- 
 ter. But it is obvious that the subordinate parts might be 
 distributed in various ways ; and no doubt the arrangement 
 differed at different periods. There are no traditions on the 
 subject in addition to those already mentioned. Any attempt, 
 therefore, to reproduce the exact arrangement adopted at a 
 particular period must depend more or less upon conjecture. 
 
 § 3. Extra Performers. 
 
 For every Greek play a chorus was provided by the choregus, 
 and three actors were supplied by the state. But in most plays 
 a certain number of additional performers were required. 
 The parts which these extra performers had to fill may 
 be divided, roughly speaking, into three classes. In the first 
 place there were the various mute personages, who simply 
 appeared upon the stage, and did nothing more. The second 
 class consisted of minor characters with only a few words to 
 say. In these cases extra performers were required, either 
 because the regular actors were already occupied, or because 
 the part was that of a boy or girl, which the regular actor would 
 be unable to take. Thirdly, in many cases a small subordinate 
 chorus was required, in addition to the ordinary one. The 
 general name for the persons who undertook these parts was 
 * parachoregemata ^' This word obviously means something 
 
 ^ As there is some doubt about the dpSjvrai kv to) Oedrpq) ol pdrpaxoi, ouSe 
 
 meaning of the word vapaxoprjyijfia, it o x^pos, d\X' effooOev /xi/xovvrai rovs 
 
 will be well to quote the passages where ^arpdxovs ; 6 be dXrjOuj^ x^pos l« twv 
 
 it occurs. They are (i) Schol. Aesch. evffe^cbv vcKpwv avveffTrjKev. (4) Schol. 
 
 Prom. 12 kv vapaxoprjyfjixaTi aura) Aristoph. Pax 113 ra TOiavra irapaxo- 
 
 dSctiXoTroirjOeiffaBta. (2) Schol. Aesch. pTjyrjuara KaXovcriv, ola vvv rd naidia 
 
 Eum. 573 kv Trapaxoprjyq/xaTi auTo) daiv iroiu Kokovvra rbv irarkpa' etra vpos 
 
 ol ' ApeonayiTai fXTj^a/jLov SiaXeyojxevoi. ovSev en tovtois xPV^^''''^'- (5) Poll. 
 
 (3) Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 211 ravra iv. log ovore jx^v dvri nrdpTOv vvoKpi- 
 
 KaKurat irapaxopijyqfJLaTa, kireiS^ ovx tou Scot rivd tuv x^P^^t^^ direiv kv 
 
v.] EXTRA PERFORMERS, 213 
 
 which is suppHed by the choregus in addition to his ordinary 
 expenditure. It follows therefore that the cost of the extra 
 performers was borne by the choregus. Properly he was only 
 responsible for the chorus ; but if additional men were required, 
 he had to supply them. This conclusion is confirmed by 
 Plutarch's story of a certain tragic actor who was going to 
 appear as a queen, but refused to proceed with the part, unless 
 the choregus provided him with a train of female attendants \ 
 Extra performers were especially necessary in the Old Comedy, 
 in which a great number of characters appear upon the stage. 
 
 If songs had to be sung, or words spoken, behind the 
 scenes, by persons out of sight of the audience, these persons 
 were called 'paraskenia.' In many cases their part could be 
 taken by members of the chorus, and in this way no extra 
 expense would fall upon the choregus. 
 
 It remains to consider more in detail the three classes of ' para- 
 choregemata'. The mute personages appeared most frequently 
 in the shape of attendants, body-guards, crowds of people, and 
 so on. The Oedipus Rex opens with a number of suppliants 
 kneeling at the altar before the palace of the king. In the 
 Choephori Orestes and Pylades are accompanied by attendants. 
 The judgment scene in the Eumenides requires twelve per- 
 
 (^5?), irapaaKr]viov KaXeirai to irpdy/xa, els distinction is a foolish one, and was 
 
 ev 'Aya/xe/xvovi AtaxvAov et 5e Terapros probably due to Pollux's habit of 
 
 vTTOKpLTrjs Ti TTapacpOi'f^aiTo, tovto irapa- generalising from one particular in- 
 
 Xopi]yr]iJ.a ovofid^frai, nal TreirpdxOai stance. The word irapaaKrjviov, in its 
 
 (paaiv avTo ev M4fx,vovi Aiaxv^ov. The present sense, only occurs in the passage 
 
 first and second instances refer to mute of Pollux. To judge from the ety- 
 
 personages, the third instance refers to mology of the word, it most likely 
 
 an extra chorus, the fourth to extra denoted performers behind the scenes, 
 
 performers who say only a few words The words ku 'Ayafiifxvovi Aiax^^ov in 
 
 upon the stage. It is therefore quite the passage of Pollux are corrupt, the 
 
 clear that the word wapaxopriyrjfjia in- corruption arising from the words (v 
 
 eluded all classes of extra performers, Me/xvovi AiaxvXov which follow. There 
 
 as distinct from the actors and the is no napaaKrjviov in the Agamemnon, 
 
 chorus. There are no grounds for ex- The reference cannot be to the speech 
 
 eluding the mute personages from the of Pylades in the Choephori (vv. 900- 
 
 class of 7ra/)axop?;7-/7/xaTa, as Midler (die 902), because (i) the Choephori could 
 
 Griech. Biihnen. p. 179) and others not be called the Agamemnon, (2) the 
 
 have done. Pollux appears to make part of Pylades was taken by one of the 
 
 the distinction between -napaaK-qviov and regular actors, as the scholiast ad loc. in- 
 
 TrapaxoprjyijiJLa lie in the fact that the forms us. 
 former sang, the latter spoke. The ' Plut. Phocion p. 750 C. 
 
214 THE ACTORS. [Ch. 
 
 formers to play the parts of the members of the Areopagus. In 
 the Agamemnon, when the king and Cassandra arrive in the 
 chariot, servants stand ready to spread carpets beneath their 
 feet \ Probably in many other instances great personages were 
 accompanied by attendants, although there is no special reference 
 to them in the play. Not unfrequently more prominent cha- 
 racters appeared upon the stage as mute figures. Pylades says 
 nothing throughout the Electra of Sophocles and the Electra 
 of Euripides. In the latter play one of the Dioscuri must also 
 have been a dumb figure, since two actors were already upon 
 the stage when the Dioscuri make their appearance. The per- 
 son of Force in the Promethus Vinctus is another example. 
 A very frequent ■ occasion for the employment of mute cha- 
 racters was in pathetic scenes between children and their 
 parents. The children appear as silent figures, but give oc- 
 casion for touching speeches by their parents. There is an 
 example in the Ajax of Sophocles, where Ajax addresses 
 his son Eurysaces. But the instances in Euripides are much 
 more frequent. There is the celebrated scene in the Medea, 
 where Medea half relents at the sight of her children. There 
 is the address of Megara to her children in the Hercules 
 Furens. Other examples are to be found in the introduction of 
 Manto, the daughter of Teiresias, in the Phoenissae, and of 
 Polymestor's children in the Hecuba". Mute figures were 
 also very useful in occasionally personating one of the regular 
 characters of the play, when the actor of the character was tem- 
 porarily required for another purpose. It has already been 
 pointed out that in the middle of the Oedipus Coloneus the part 
 of Ismene is played by a dumb personage, to enable the previous 
 actor of the part to appear in another character. One of the 
 best instances of this practice is in the final scene of the Orestes, 
 in which most of the prominent characters are brought upon the 
 stage together, after the fashion of a modern drama. But only 
 three of them can speak : Helen, Hermione, Electra, and Py- 
 
 ' Aesch. Choepli. 713, Eum. 678 ff., Here. Fur. 454, Phoen. 834, Hecub. 
 Agam. 908. 97S. 
 
 ^ fc'oph. Aj. 544; Eur. Med. 102 1, 
 
v.] EXTRA PERFORMERS. 215 
 
 lades are all mute figures. The silence of Pylades is especially 
 unnatural. In cases of this kind an attempt is made to produce 
 effects which were hardly compatible with the limited resources 
 of Greek tragedy. 
 
 The second class of extra performers took all those minor 
 parts in which a certain amount of speaking or singing was 
 required^ but which it was impossible for the regular actors to 
 take. In tragedy they were generally required for the boys' 
 parts, which were unsuitable for grown up actors. Euripides 
 was especially fond of introducing boys upon the stage. In 
 the Alcestis Eumelus bewails his mother's death in a short 
 ode. Another example is the mournful dialogue between 
 Andromache and her little son Molossus\ In the Old Comed}^ 
 these additional actors were frequently needed to perform small 
 parts at times when the three regular actors were already on 
 the stage. Examples are very numerous. There are the 
 daughters of Trygaeus in the Peace, and the daughters of the 
 Megarian in the Acharnians. The herald and Pseudartabas 
 are additional examples from the Acharnians I 
 
 In the third place an extra chorus was sometimes required. 
 The Propompi in the Eumenides, and the chorus of boys in the 
 Wasps, both appear side by side with the regular chorus, and 
 must therefore have been personated by extra performers. 
 An additional chorus, consisting of shepherds, was also re- 
 quired in the Alexander of Euripides ^ Sometimes the extra 
 chorus was not visible to the spectators, but sang behind the 
 scenes. In such cases the singing might be done by members 
 of the regular chorus, if they had not yet entered the orchestra. 
 Examples are to be found in the chorus of frogs in the Frogs 
 of Aristophanes, and Agathon's chorus in the Thesmophoria- 
 zusae\ Both these choruses were behind the scenes, and 
 would therefore come under the class called ' paraskenia.* 
 Their part would be taken by members of the regular chorus. 
 In the opening scene of the Hippolytus a band of huntsmen 
 
 ^ Eur. Ale. 393, Androm. 504. ^ Aesch. Eum. 1032; Aristoph. Vesp. 
 
 ^ Aristoph. Pax 11^, Acharn. 43, 248; Schol. Eur, Hipp. 58. 
 94, 729. * Aristoph. Ran. 209, Thesm. 104. 
 
2i6 THE ACTORS. [Ch. 
 
 sing a short ode to Artemis upon the stage. Immediately after 
 their disappearance the regular chorus, consisting of women of 
 Troezen, enters the orchestra. In this case the huntsmen 
 cannot have been personated by members of the regular 
 chorus ; but it is possible that the singing was done by the 
 chorus behind the scenes, while the huntsmen were represented 
 by mute figures \ 
 
 § 4. Costume of the Tragic Actors. 
 
 To return to the subject of the actors. The next point to 
 be discussed is their costume, and general appearance upon 
 the stage. First, as. to the tragic actors. The practice of 
 the Greeks in regard to tragic costume was totally opposed 
 to all modern notions upon the subject. Historical accuracy 
 and archaeological minuteness in the mounting of a play 
 were matters of supreme indifference to the Greeks. Though 
 the scenes of most of their tragedies were laid in heroic 
 times, they never made the slightest attempt to reproduce 
 upon the stage an accurate representation of the costume 
 of the Homeric period. On the other hand they were not 
 content that the heroes and gods of their tragedy should 
 appear upon the scene in the costume of ordinary life, as was 
 formerly the case in our modern theatres. Greek tragedy was 
 essentially ideal : the existence it depicted was far above the 
 level of everyday life. Even when the subject of a tragedy was 
 taken from contemporary history, as in the case of the Persae 
 of Aeschylus, the treatment was ideal. In the Persae of 
 Aeschylus no Greek statesmen or generals are introduced upon 
 the stage, or even mentioned by name. The scene is laid far 
 away in Persia ; the characters are all Persian ; everything 
 common and familiar is banished out of sight. Such being the 
 tone of Greek tragedy, the costume of ordinary life would have 
 been out of keeping. A special dress was invented, similar to 
 that of common life, but more flowing and dignified. The 
 garments were dyed with every variety of brilliant colour. The 
 
 ^ Eur. Hipp. 61. 
 
V.l COSTUME OF THE TRAGIC ACTORS. 217 
 
 bulk of the actor was increased by padding his chest and limbs, 
 and placing huge wooden soles under his feet. Masks were 
 employed in which every feature was exaggerated, to give 
 superhuman dignity and terror to the expression. In this way 
 a conventional costume was elaborated, which continued for 
 centuries to be the regular dress of the tragic actors. All the 
 leading characters in a Greek tragedy were dressed in this 
 fashion, with only slight variations and additions, such as par- 
 ticular circumstances required. A fairly accurate conception of 
 the appearance presented by one of these tragic figures of the 
 Greek stage ma}^ still be obtained in modern times. Our know- 
 ledge on the subject is derived partly from the descriptions of 
 Pollux and others, partly from works of art. The works of art, 
 it is true, are in most cases Italian ; but Greek tragedies were 
 commonly performed in Italy even in imperial times, and 
 Roman tragedy was in all respects a mere reproduction of the 
 Greek. Hence works of art depicting tragic scenes and figures, 
 though Italian in origin, present the characteristics of the 
 Greek stage. It would be unsafe to depend upon them for 
 points of minute detail. But they correspond in the main with 
 the descriptions of Pollux, and it is possible to obtain from 
 them a fairly trustworthy picture of the general appearance of 
 the Greek actors. The accompanying representation of a tragic 
 actor is copied from an ivory statuette which was found in the 
 ruins of a villa near Rieti \ 
 
 In no respect is the difference between the ancient and the 
 modern actor more conspicuous than in the use of masks. The 
 invention of the tragic mask was ascribed to Thespis. At the 
 commencement of his career as an actor Thespis is said to have 
 merely painted his face with white lead or purslane. Later on 
 he employed masks ; but these were of a very simple character, 
 consisting simply of linen, without paint or colouring. Choeri- 
 lus introduced certain improvements which are not specified. 
 Phrynichus set the example of using female masks ^. Aeschylus 
 was the first to employ painted masks, and to pourtray features 
 
 ^ The illustration is taken from Monu- - Suidas vv. ©effn-ty, Xotpi\os, ^pvvi- 
 
 menti Inediti, xi. 13. X^s- 
 
21« 
 
 THE ACTORS. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 
v.] COSTUME OF THE TRAGIC ACTORS. 219 
 
 of a dreadful and awe-inspiring character. By several writers 
 Aeschylus is regarded as the inventor of the tragic mask, and to 
 a certain extent this view is correct, since it was Aeschylus who 
 first gave the tragic mask that distinctive character, from which 
 in later times it never varied except in detaiP. After the time 
 of Aeschylus there is no further mention of any radical alter- 
 ations or improvements in the manufacture of masks. 
 
 The use of masks is indissolubly connected with the style 
 and character of Greek tragedy. Without masks it would have 
 been impossible for one actor to play several parts, or for men 
 to play the parts of women. Of course the Greek actor had no 
 opportunity of displaying those powers of facial expression 
 which are one of the chief excellencies in modern acting. It 
 was only by his gestures that he could emphasise the meaning 
 of what he had to say: his features remained immovable. But 
 niceties of facial expression would have been entirely lost in 
 the vast expanse of a Greek theatre. The tragic mask, on 
 which were depicted in bold and striking lines the main traits 
 in the character represented, was really much more effective, 
 and could be seen by the most distant spectator. Then again it 
 must have been difficult, if not impossible, for a Greek actor to 
 delineate finely drawn shades of individual character. The 
 masks necessarily ran in general types, such as that of the 
 brutal tyrant, the crafty statesman, the suffering maiden, and so 
 on. The acting would have to correspond. It would be diffi- 
 cult to imagine the part of Hamlet acted in a mask. But the 
 characters of Greek tragedy were mostly types rather than 
 individuals. The heroes and heroines were drawn in broad 
 general outlines, and there was little attempt at delicate strokes 
 of character-painting. The use of masks no doubt helped to 
 give this particular bent to Greek tragedy. 
 
 Masks were generally made of linen. Cork and wood were 
 occasionally used ^ The mask covered the whole of the head, 
 both in front and behind. The white of the eye was painted on 
 
 1 Suidasv. AjVxvAos; Hon A. P. 278; ^ Poll. x. 167 ; Isidor. Orig. x. 119 ; 
 
 Evanth. de trag. et com. (Gronov. The- Siiidas v. ®ka-ni^ ; Verg. Georg. ii. 387 ; 
 saur. viii. p. 1683). Prudent, c. Symmach. ii. 646, 
 
220 THE ACTORS. [Ch. 
 
 the mask, but the place for the pupil was left hollow, to enable 
 the actor to see\ The expression of the tragic mask was 
 gloomy and often fierce ; the mouth was opened wide, to give a 
 clear outlet to the actor's voice. One of the most characteristic 
 features of the tragic mask was the onkos ^. This was a cone- 
 shaped prolongation of the upper part of the mask above the 
 forehead, intended to give size and impressiveness to the face. 
 The onkos was not used in every case, but only where dignity 
 was to be imparted. It varied in size according to the character 
 of the personage. The onkos of the tyrant was especially large ; 
 that of women was less than that of men. A character was not 
 necessarily represented by the same mask throughout the piece. 
 The effects of misfortune or of accident had often to be de- 
 picted by a fresh mask. For instance, in the Helen of Euripides 
 Helen returns upon the stage with her hair shorn off, and her 
 cheeks pale with weeping. Oedipus, at the end of the Oedipus 
 Tyrannus of Sophocles, is seen with blinded eyes and blood- 
 stained face. In such cases a change of mask must have been 
 necessary. 
 
 The number and variety of the masks used in tragedy 
 may be seen from the accounts in Pollux. For the ordinary 
 tragic personages there were regular masks of a stereo- 
 typed character. Pollux enumerates twenty-eight kinds l His 
 information was derived from Alexandrian sources, and his 
 list represents the number of masks which were employed on 
 the later Greek stage for the ordinary characters of tragedy. 
 It is not likely that in the time of Sophocles or Euripides the 
 use of masks was reduced so completely to a system as in the 
 later period ; but the descriptions in Pollux will give a fairly 
 accurate idea of the style of the masks used in earlier- times. 
 Of the twenty-eight masks described by Pollux six are for old 
 men, eight for young men, three for attendants, and eleven for 
 women. The principal features by which the different masks 
 are discriminated from one another are the style of the hair, the 
 colour of the complexion, the height of the onkos, and the 
 
 ^ Aul, Gell. V. 7 ; Wieseler, Denk- ^ Poll. iv. 133-135, 139. 
 
 maler, p. 42. -'' Poll. iv. 133-141. 
 
v.] COSTUME OF THE TRAGIC ACTORS. 221 
 
 expression of the eyes. To take a few examples. The strong 
 and powerful man, such as the tyrant, has thick black hair and 
 beard, a tall onkos, and a frown upon his brow. The man 
 wasted by disease has fair hair, a pale complexion, and a smaller 
 onkos. The handsome youth has fair ringlets, a light com- 
 plexion, and bright eyes. The lover is distinguished by black 
 hair and a pale complexion. The maiden in misfortune has her 
 hair cut short in token of sorrow. The aged lady has white 
 hair and a small onkos, and her complexion is rather pale. 
 Attendants and messengers are marked by special character- 
 istics. One of them wears a cap, another has a peaked beard, 
 a third has a snub nose and hair drawn back. One sees from 
 these examples how completely Greek tragedy was dominated 
 by conventional rules, in this as in all other respects. As soon 
 as a personage entered the stage, his mask alone was enough to 
 give the spectators a very fair conception of his character and 
 position. 
 
 The twenty-eight tragic masks enumerated by Pollux were 
 used for the ordinary characters of tragedy, and formed a 
 regular part of the stock of the Greek stage-manager. But 
 special masks were required when any unusual character was 
 introduced. Pollux gives a long list of such masks \ In the 
 first place there were numbers of mythological beings with 
 strange attributes. Actaeon had to be represented with horns, 
 Argo with a multitude of eyes. Evippe in the play of Euripides 
 had the head of a mare. A special mask of this kind must have 
 been required to depict lo with the ox-horns in the Prometheus 
 Vinctus of Aeschylus. A second class of special masks was 
 needed to represent allegorical figures such as Justice, Per- 
 suasion, Deceit, Jealousy. Of this kind are the figures of 
 Death in the Alcestis of Euripides, and Frenzy in the Hercules 
 Furens. Lastly there were personifications of cities, rivers, 
 and mountains. Five specimens of ancient tragic masks are 
 given on the next page. The first is the mask of a youth, 
 the fifth that of a man; the second and third are probably 
 masks of women. The fourth is an example of one of the 
 
 ^ Poll. iv. 141, 142, Special masks were called e/ccr/feua irpoffojna. 
 
222 
 
 THE ACTORS. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 special masks, and depicts Perseus with the cap of darkness 
 upon his head \ 
 
 We now come to the dress of the tragic actors. Nothing is 
 known as to the style of dress adopted by Thespis and his im- 
 mediate successors. The tragic costume which eventually pre- 
 
 ^ Figs. 1-3 are copied from Wieseler, 
 Denkmaler, v. 20, 24, 26. The first is 
 a marble, the second and third are from 
 wall-paintings at Herculaneum. Figs. 
 
 4 and 5 are copied from the Archaeol. 
 Zeitung for 1878. They are from wall- 
 paintings at Pompeii. 
 
V.l COSTUME OF THE TRAGIC ACTORS. 223 
 
 vailed upon the Greek stage dates from the time of Aeschylus. 
 His creative spirit revolutionised every department of Greek 
 tragedy. It was he who transformed it into an essentially dra- 
 matic species of art, and gave it the characteristics of grandeur 
 and terror. It was necessary to make a corresponding change 
 in the masks and dresses of the actors ; and this improvement 
 also was effected by Aeschylus. The invention of the Greek 
 tragic costume, both in its main features and in most of its sub- 
 ordinate details, is invariably ascribed to Aeschylus \ The 
 dress which he introduced was so well adapted to its purpose, 
 that it continued unchanged in its principal characteristics 
 throughout the remaining history of Greek tragedy. Subse- 
 quent generations, while making various small additions and 
 alterations, never altogether abandoned the original design. All 
 the later representations of tragic actors, whether found in 
 Etruscan mosaics, or wall-paintings of Gyrene and Pompeii, ob- 
 viously belong to one common type. In spite of considerable 
 differences in point of detail, they show a distinct general resem- 
 blance to one another I The tragic costume, as finally settled 
 by Aeschylus, was in many respects not unlike that worn by the 
 hierophants and torch-bearers who officiated at the Eleusinian 
 mysteries. According to one tradition the similarity was due to 
 the priests having copied the dress of the tragic actors in later 
 times. But it is much more probable that the very reverse was 
 the case, and that Aeschylus, in the course of his innovations, 
 borrowed some hints from the dress of the priests I 
 
 The object of Aeschylus was to devise a costume that 
 should be suitable to the heroes and gods and supernatural 
 beings with which his stage was peopled. It was necessary ' 
 to invent something more splendid than the dress of ordinary 
 life. For this purpose he employed various devices. Among 
 
 ' Athen. p. 21 E ; vit. Aesch. 
 Philostrat. vit. ApoU. vi. 11 (p. 220, ed 
 Kayser) ; Cramer, Anecd. Par. i. p. 19 
 
 2 Wieseler, Denkmakr vii., viii., ix 
 I, xiii. 2. 
 
 Kot SaSovxoi d/x(f>iivyvvTai. An emen- 
 dation, (rjKojaas rjv, has been proposed. 
 But probably the text is quite correct, 
 and the author of the statement was 
 mistaken in the inference which he drew 
 
 ^ Athen. p. 21 E /cal Ato-xvA-os Se ov from the resemblance between the dress 
 /j-ovov e^(vp€ TrjVTTJs aToXijs evTrpeiTfiavKal of the tragic actors and that of the 
 cefjiVOT-qTa, ijv ^-qKuaavres oi IfpocpavTui Eleusinian priests. 
 
224 
 
 THE ACTORS. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 them was the cothurnus, or tragic boot, the aim of which 
 was to increase the stature of the actors, and to give them 
 an appearance of superhuman grandeur. It was a boot with 
 a wooden sole of enormous thickness attached to it. The 
 wooden sole was painted in various colours. According 
 to some accounts Aeschylus invented the boot altogether ; 
 according to other accounts his innovation consisted in giving 
 increased thickness to the sole, and so raising the height 
 of the actors. After his time it continued to be a regular 
 
 feature in tragic costume down to the latest period of Greek 
 and Roman tragedy \ The cothurnus varied in height accord- 
 ing to the dignity and position of the wearers, a king, for in- 
 stance, being provided with a larger cothurnus than a mere at 
 tendant. In this way the physical stature of the persons upon 
 the stage was made to correspond to their social position. In 
 the accompanying illustration, representing a tragic scene, the 
 
 ^ The name for the tragic boot in regular name in Latin. Pollux (iv. 
 
 Greek was kfi^aTrjs (Suid. v. Ato-xy^os), 115) appears to be mistaken in calling 
 
 oKpi^as (Lucian, Nero c. 9), or KoOopvos kfxPdTijs the comic boot, in opposition 
 
 (vit. Aesch.). Cothurnus was the to the notices in other grammarians. 
 
v.] COSTUME OF THE TRAGIC ACTORS. 225 
 
 difference between the cothurnus of the servant and that of the 
 hero is very conspicuous \ Whether the cothurnus was worn 
 by all the characters in a tragedy, or only by the more important 
 ones, is uncertain. There was another tragic boot called the 
 'krepis/ of a white colour, which was introduced by Sophocles, 
 and worn by the chorus as well as by the actors. Very possibly 
 this may have been a boot more like those of ordinar}'^ life than 
 the cothurnus, and may have been worn by the subordinate cha- 
 racters ^ The illustrations show that the cothurnus was rather 
 a clumsy contrivance, and that it must have been somewhat in- 
 convenient to walk with. The tragic actor had to be very 
 careful to avoid stumbling upon the stage. Lucian says that 
 accidents were not infrequent. Aeschines met with a misfor- 
 tune of this kind as he was acting the part of Oenomaus at 
 CoUytus. In the scene where Oenomaus pursues Pelops he 
 tripped up and fell, and had to be lifted up again by the chorus- 
 trainer Sannio ^ The use of the cothurnus, combined with the 
 onkos, or prolongation of the crown of the mask, added greatly 
 to the stature of the tragic actor. To prevent his seeming thin 
 in comparison with his height, it was found necessary to in- 
 crease his bulk by padding. His figure was thus made to ap- 
 pear of uniformly large proportions *. 
 
 The garments of the tragic actor were the same as the ordin- 
 ary Greek dress, but their style and colour were more magni- 
 ficent. They consisted of an under-garment or tunic, and an 
 over-garment or mantle. The tunic was brilliantly variegated 
 in colour. Sometimes it was adorned with stripes, at other 
 
 The sole of the cothurnus was of wood, Nero c. 9, Necyom. c. 16, lup. Trag. c. 
 
 as appears from Schol. Lucian, Epist. 41, de Salt. c. 27; Martial, viii, 3. 13, 
 
 Saturn. 19. Works of art show that &c., &c. 
 
 itwaspainted: seeWieseler.Denkmaler, ^ The illustration is from Wieseler, 
 
 vii., viii. ; and cp. Ovid. Am. ii. 18. 13 Denkmaler, ix. i. The original is a 
 
 risit Amor pallamque meam pictosque wall-painting from Pompeii or Hercu- 
 
 cothurnos. According to Suidas (v. laneum. 
 
 AtVxvAos), Aristot. (ap. Themist. or. "^ Vit. Soph. p. 2 Dindf. 
 
 xxvi. p. 316), Philostrat. (vit. ApoU. vi. ^ Lucian, Somnium vel Callus 26 ; 
 
 1 1, p. 220 Kayser) the cothurnus was in- vit. Aeschin. 
 
 vented by Aeschylus : the Life says that * Phot. v. awimna ; Lucian, de Salt. 
 
 it was only enlarged by him. For the use 27. 
 
 of the cothurnus in late times see Lucian, 
 
226 THE ACTORS. [Ch. 
 
 times with the figures of animals and flowers, or similar orna- 
 mentation. A special tunic of purple was worn by queens. 
 The ordinary tragic tunic reached down to the feet, in accord- 
 ance with the old Athenian custom, the shorter tunic not 
 having been generally adopted at Athens until after the time 
 of Pericles. The tunics worn by females upon the stage were 
 sometimes longer than those worn by men, and trailed upon 
 the ground, as the name 'syrtos' implies. On the other hand, 
 it appears from various illustrations that shorter ones were 
 occasionally provided for attendants and other minor characters. 
 The tunic of the tragic actor was fastened with a broad girdle 
 high up under the breast, and flowed down in long and graceful 
 folds, giving an appearance of height and dignity. It was also 
 supplied with long sleeves reaching to the waist. In ordinary 
 life sleeves of this kind were considered effeminate by the 
 European Greeks, and were mostly confined to the Greeks of 
 Asia. The general character and appearance of the tragic tunic 
 is well exemplified in the illustrations already given \ 
 
 The over-garments were the same in shape as those worn off the 
 stage, and consisted of two varieties. The 'himation' was a long 
 mantle passing round the right shoulder, and covering the greater 
 part of the body. The chlamys was a short cloak flung across 
 the left shoulder. As far as shape was concerned all the tragic 
 mantles belonged to one or the other of these two classes, but 
 they differed in colour and material. Pollux gives a list of 
 several of them, but does not append any description ^ The 
 mere names prove that they were very gorgeous in colour. 
 There were mantles of saffron, of frog-green, of gold, and of 
 purple. Queens wore a white mantle with purple borders. 
 These were the colours worn by tragic personages under or- 
 dinary circumstances. But if they were in misfortune or in exile, 
 
 ^ For the general account of the &c. For the ornamentation see Wieseler, 
 
 XiTwi' or tunic see Pollux iv. 115-118. Denkmal. vi. 2, vii., viii. The girdle 
 
 The name ttoik'lXov shows that it was is clearly shown in many of the works 
 
 brilliantly coloured. As to the length of art. The sleeves were called xft/>'5es 
 
 of the tunic see Lucian, lup. Trag. c. (vit. Aesch. ; Lucian, lup. Trag. c. 41). 
 41, Eustath. II. p. 954. 47, and the ^ Poll. iv. 11 6-1 18. 
 
 illustrations in Wieseler's Denkmaler, 
 
v.] COSTUME OF THE TRAGIC ACTORS. 227 
 
 the fact was signified to the spectators from the very first by 
 dressing them in the garb of mourning. In such cases the 
 colours used were black, dun, grey, yellow, or dirty white. 
 
 Coverings for the head were not usually worn by the Greeks 
 except when they were on a journey. The same practice was 
 observed upon the stage. Thus in the Oedipus Coloneus Ismene 
 arrives from Thebes wearing a 'Thessalian hat.' Ladies also 
 wore a mitra, or band for binding the hair. In the scene in the 
 Bacchae, where Pentheus is dressed up as a female, one of the 
 articles mentioned is the hair-band \ 
 
 Such was the tragic costume invented by Aeschylus, and 
 universally adopted upon the Greek stage. No stress was laid 
 upon historical accuracy ; no attempt was made to discriminate 
 one rank from another by marked variety in the costume. The 
 same dress in its main features was worn by nearly all the 
 characters of a Greek tragedy. In some instances special cos- 
 tumes were invented for particular classes of men. Soothsayers 
 such as Teiresias always wore a woollen garment of network, 
 which covered the whole of the body. Shepherds were pro- 
 vided with a short leathern tunic. Occasionally also heroes 
 in great misfortune, such as Telephus and Philoctetes, were 
 dressed in rags^ But the majority of the characters wore 
 the regular tragic costume, with slight additions and varia- 
 tions ; and the onty means by which the spectators were 
 enabled to identify the well-known personages of mythology, 
 and to discriminate between the different ranks of the cha- 
 racters, was by the presence of small conventional emblems. 
 For instance, the gods and goddesses always appeared with 
 the particular weapon or article of dress with which their 
 names were associated. Apollo carried his bow, and Hermes 
 his magic wand. Athene wore the aegis ^ In the same way the 
 well-known heroes of antiquity had generally some speciality in 
 their costume which enabled the spectators to recognise them as 
 soon as they came upon the stage. Hercules was always con- 
 
 1 Poll. iv. 116; Soph. O. C. 314; ii. 11. 
 Eur. Bacch. 833. ^ Aesch. Eum. 181,404; Poll. iv. 117. 
 
 ^ Poll. iv. 116, 117 ; Varro, Res Rust. 
 
 Q2 
 
2 28 THE ACTORS, [Ch. 
 
 _spicuous by means of his club and Iion*s skin ; Perseus wore the 
 cap of darkness, as depicted in the illustration already given \ 
 Kings in a similar manner were distinguished by the crown 
 upon their head, and the sceptre in their hand. They also 
 had a special article of dress, consisting of a short tunic with 
 a swelling bosom, worn over the ordinary tunic ^ Foreigners 
 were discriminated by some one particular attribute, rather than 
 by a complete variety in their costume. For example, Darius 
 wore the Persian turban ; otherwise he was probably dressed in 
 the ordinary tragic style ^ Warriors were equipped with com- 
 plete armour, and occasionally had a short cloak of scarlet or 
 purple wrapped round the hand and elbow for protection \ 
 Old men usually carried a staff in their hands. The staff with a 
 curved handle, which occurs not infrequently in ancient works 
 of art, was said to be an invention of Sophocles '\ Crowns of 
 olive or laurel were worn by messengers who brought good 
 tidings ; crowns of myrtle were a sign of festivity ". The above 
 examples illustrate the mode in which the different characters 
 and classes were discriminated upon the Greek stage by small 
 varieties in their equipment. But in its main features the dress 
 of the majority of the characters was the same, and consisted 
 of the elaborate costume designed by Aeschylus. 
 
 Concerning the tragic costume as a whole a few observations 
 may be made. The devotion to conventional rules is as con- 
 spicuous here as in Greek art generally. Persons in misfortune 
 wear clothes of a particular colour. Soothsayers have garments 
 of network. Gods and heroes are denoted by special symbols. 
 The tragic dress, after having been once elaborated, is retained 
 for centuries without any important innovation. As to the 
 appearance which the tragic actor presented upon the stage, it 
 is obvious that he must have been an impressive, though rather 
 unnatural, figure. His large stature and bulky limbs, his harsh 
 
 ^ Poll. iv. 117. See above, p. 222. called ((panrh. 
 
 ^ Lucian, Somn. vel Gall. 26 ; Poll. ^ Eur. Ion 743 ; Vit. Soph. p. 2 
 
 iv. 116. The special tunic was called Dindf. 
 
 KokTrojfm. 6 Aesch. Agam. 493 ; Soph. O. R. 
 
 3 Aesch. Pers. 661. 83 ; Eur. Ale. 759. 
 
 * Poll. iv. 116, 117. The cloak was 
 
v.] COSTUME OF THE TRAGIC ACTORS. 229 
 
 and strongly-marked features, his tunic with its long folds and 
 brilliantly variegated pattern, his mantle with its gorgeous 
 colours, must have combined to produce a spectacle of some 
 magnificence. In criticising his appearance we must always 
 remember that he was intended to be seen in theatres of vast 
 dimensions, in which even the front rows of spectators were 
 a considerable distance from the stage, while the more distant 
 part of the audience could only discern general effects. For 
 such theatres the tragic costume of the Greeks was admirably 
 adapted, however unwieldy and unnatural it may have appeared 
 on a closer inspection. Its magnificence and dignity were 
 especially appropriate to the ideal figures which move in the 
 dramas of Aeschylus and Sophocles. In the Frogs of Aristo- 
 phanes Aeschylus is humorously made to declare that it was 
 only right that the demigods of tragedy should wear finer clothes, 
 and use longer words, than ordinary mortals. The tragedy of 
 Euripides was altogether more human in tone, and a more 
 ordinary costume would have been better suited to it. But 
 the Greeks, with their strong feeling of conservatism in matters 
 of art, clung to the form of dress already established. The 
 result was not altogether satisfactory. The attempt to exhibit 
 human nature pure and simple upon the Greek stage was bound 
 to appear somewhat incongruous. It often happened that the 
 speeches and actions of the heroes in Euripides were highly 
 inconsistent with the superhuman grandeur of their personal 
 appearance. In any case the step from the sublime to the 
 ridiculous was a very short one in the case of the Greek 
 tragic actor. The play had to be elevated in tone, and the 
 performance of a high standard, to carry off the magnificence 
 of the actor's appearance. Otherwise his unwieldy bulk and 
 gloomy features excited laughter rather than tears. Lucian 
 is especially fond of ridiculing the tragic actors of the time. He 
 laughs at their 'chest-paddings and stomach-paddings,' 'their 
 cavernous mouths that look as if they were going to swallow up 
 the spectators,' and the 'huge boots on which they are mounted.' 
 He wonders how they can walk across the stage in safety \ In 
 ^ Lucian, de Salt. 27, Anachar. 23. 
 
230 
 
 THE ACTORS. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 Philostratus there is an amusing story of the extraordinary 
 effect produced upon a country audience in Spain by the appear- 
 ance of a tragic actor before them for the 'first time. It is said that 
 
 as soon as he came upon the stage they began to be rather alarmed 
 at his wide mouth, his long strides, his huge figure, and his un- 
 
v.] COSTUME OF SATYRIC ACTORS. 231 
 
 earthly dress. But when he lifted up his voice and commenced 
 his speech in the loud and sonorous clang of the tragic stage, 
 there was a general panic, and they all fled out of the theatre 
 as if he had been a demon \ Such stories and criticisms bring 
 clearly before us the unnatural character of the Greek tragic 
 costume. It was well suited to an ideal drama and a theatre of 
 enormous size. Under other conditions it was inevitable that it 
 should appear ridiculous. In order to give an idea of the style 
 and character of Greek tragic acting, two representations of 
 tragic scenes are inserted, the first of which obviously repre- 
 sents Medea hesitating about the murder of her children^. 
 
 § 5. Costume of Satyr ic Actors. 
 
 The costume of the actors in the satyric drama naturally 
 comes next for consideration. Tragedy and the satyric drama 
 were sister forms of art, descended from the same originak 
 But while tragedy advanced in dignity and magnificence, the 
 satyric drama retained all the wild licence and merriment which 
 in early times had characterised the dithyrambic performances 
 in honour of Dionysus. Its chorus invariably consisted of 
 satyrs. As to the characters upon the stage, with which we are 
 at present concerned, one of them was always Silenus, the 
 drunken old follower of Dionysus ; the rest were mainly, heroes 
 out of mythology, or other legendary beings. Thus in the 
 Cyclops of Euripides, the only extant specimen of a satyric play, 
 the characters upon the stage consist of Silenus on the one hand, 
 and Odysseus and the Cyclops on the other. Concerning the 
 costume of the actors the notices of Pollux are exceedingly 
 brief. But it is possible to obtain fairly clear conceptions on 
 the subject from several works of art, and more especially from 
 the well-known vase-painting at Naples, which depicts all the 
 persons concerned in the production of a satyric play, from the 
 poet down to the flute-playerl From this painting we see 
 
 ^ Philostrat. vit. ApoU. v. 9 (p. 171 Monumenti Inediti, xi. 31, 32. The 
 Kayser). originals are wall-paintings at Pompeii. 
 
 ' 2 The illustrations are taken from ^ Wieseler, Denkmal. vi. i-io. 
 
233 
 
 THE ACTORS. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 that the characters in a satyric drama, with the exception of 
 Silenus, were dressed in much the same way as in tragedy. 
 Their masks exhibit the same features, and their garments are 
 of the same general description. The tunic appears to have 
 been rather shorter, to facilitate ease of movement, as the acting 
 in a satyric play was no doubt less dignified and statuesque 
 than in tragedy. For the same reason the tall cothurnus of 
 tragedy does not appear to have been worn. It is not depicted 
 in the works of art ; and although this fact in itself is perhaps 
 hardly decisive, since even in representations of tragic scenes 
 the cothurnus is occasionally left out, still on general grounds 
 
 it appears to be most improbable that the cothurnus should 
 have been worn in the satyric drama. But on the whole the heroic 
 characters in satyric plays were dressed in much the same 
 fashion as in tragedy. As to Silenus, his mask always repre- 
 sents a drunken old man, with a half-bestial expression. His 
 under-garments, as depicted in works of art, are of two kinds. 
 Sometimes he wears a tight-fitting dress, encasing the whole of 
 his body with the exception of his head, hands, and feet. At 
 oth-er times he wears close-fitting trousers, and a tunic reaching 
 to the knees. All these garments are made of shaggy materials. 
 
v.] COSTUME OF COMIC ACTORS. 233 
 
 to resemble the hide of animals \ Certain over-garments are 
 also mentioned by Pollux as having been worn by Silenus, such 
 as fawn-skins, goat-skins, imitation panther-skins, mantles of 
 purple, and mantles inwoven with flowers or animals^. The 
 figures in the accompanying illustration, which is taken from the 
 vase-painting already referred to, represent the three actors in 
 a satyric drama. The first is playing the part of some unknown 
 hero of mythology. His tunic is rather short, and he has no 
 cothurnus ; otherwise he exhibits the usual features of the tragic 
 actor. The second figure represents Hercules. His tunic is 
 still shorter, and barely reaches to the knees. The third figure 
 is that of Silenus. His body is covered with a single close-fitting 
 garment, and he carries a panther-skin over his shoulders. All 
 these figures are holding their masks in their hands. 
 
 § 6. Costume of Comic Actors. 
 
 The inquiry into the costume of the actors in Athenian 
 comedy falls into two divisions. There is the Old Comedy 
 and the New. The Middle Comedy was merely a state of 
 transition between the two, and presented no very distinctive 
 characteristics of its own. The Old Comedy was essentially 
 the product of a particular time and place. With its local 
 allusions and personal satire it was unsuited for reproduction 
 or imitation among later generations. Consequently very few 
 traditions were preserved concerning the style of the masks 
 and dresses used in it. The information on the subject to 
 be found among later writers is extremely scanty. Attempts 
 have been made to illustrate the costumes of the Old Attic 
 comedy by the light of certain vase-paintings from Magna 
 Graecia, which depict scenes out of the comedies of the Phly- 
 
 ^ Specimens of the first kind of dress x^pTaros; Dion. Hal. A. R. vii. 72; 
 
 are to be found in Wieseler, Denkmal. Ael. Var, Hist. iii. 40. 
 vi. 2.6, 7, 10; specimens of the second - Poll. iv. 118. These articles are 
 
 kind in vi. 8, 9. The tunic was called part of the dress of Silenus. The other 
 
 Xi-Tuiv x^P'^^'^^^> fiaXXwros, dficpifxaXXos, actors were dressed quite differently, 
 
 and was apparently made of wool : cp. The dress of the chorus is described in 
 
 Poll. iv. 118; Hesych. and Suid. v. the next chapter. 
 
234 
 
 THE ACTORS. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 akes, and belong mostly to the third century b.c.^ The 
 Phlyakes were the comedians of the Italian Greeks, and 
 represented one branch of the old Doric comedy. This 
 comedy had much in common with the phallic exhibitions, 
 out of which Attic comedy was developed. It is probable 
 therefore that there was a considerable resemblance, as far as 
 the costume of the actors was concerned, between the per- 
 formances of the Phlyakes and the Old Comedy at Athens. 
 Hence the vase-paintings referred to, of which a specimen is 
 here inserted, may be of assistance in helping us to form some 
 
 AtfTEAt rrPAAOCO 
 
 OOOOOOOOOOOO OOO Q J O OGQ aOJJOO^QO QQ* 
 
 7 C 
 
 1 c 
 
 general picture of the external features of the Old Comedy. 
 But the connexion is too remote to lead to any very definite 
 conclusions. Our principal source of information as to the 
 costumes of the actors in the Old Comedy must be the extant 
 plays of Aristophanes, together with the few casual notices 
 of the Scholiasts upon the subject. 
 
 * See Heydemann's article, Die mens are given in Wieseler's Denkmal. 
 
 Phlyakendarstellungen auf bemalten iii. i8, ix. 7-15, A. 25, 26. The illus- 
 
 Vasen, in Jahrb. d. Kais. Deutsch. tration is taken from Wieseler, ix. 15. 
 Archaol, Inst. 1886, p. 260 foil. Sped- 
 
v.] COSTUME OF COMIC ACTORS. 235 
 
 The Old Comedy was the direct descendant of the boisterous 
 phallic performances at the festivals of Dionysus. Coarseness 
 and indecency were an essential part of it. The actors therefore 
 regularly wore the phallus, as appears to have been also the case 
 among the Phlyakes. Aristophanes in the Clouds takes credit to 
 himself for having discarded this piece of indecency, and for 
 having introduced a more refined style of wit into his comedy. 
 But whatever his practice in the Clouds may have been, there 
 are numerous passages to show that he reverted to the old 
 custom in his later plays \ Possibly in addition to wearing the 
 phallus the actors were also stuffed and padded in the grotesque 
 fashion which is apparent in the representations of the Phlyakes. 
 Apart from these special features the dresses in the Old Comedy 
 resembled those of ordinary life, as may be shown from 
 numerous passages in Aristophanes. As far as the masks 
 were concerned, when particular individuals were introduced 
 upon the stage, such as Socrates or Euripides, the masks were 
 portraits or caricatures of the actual persons. Before a word 
 was spoken the character was recognised by the audience. 
 When Aristophanes brought out the Knights, the general terror 
 inspired by Cleon was so great that the mask-makers refused 
 to make a portrait-mask of him, and an ordinary mask had 
 to be worn. Socrates, during the performance of the Clouds, 
 is said to have stood up in his place in the theatre, to enable 
 the strangers present to identify him with the character upon 
 the staged As to the masks of the fictitious characters there 
 is no definite information ; but they were doubtless grotesque 
 and extravagant in type, like those worn by the chorus, and 
 those depicted in the vase-paintings from Magna Graecia. 
 Not unfrequently in the Old Comedy figures of a fanciful and 
 extravagant character were introduced upon the stage. Thus 
 Pseudartabas, the King's Eye, had a mask with one huge eye 
 in the centre of it. The trochilus in the Birds created laughter 
 
 ^ Schol. Arist. Nub. 538 eio-j^eo-aj/ 7d/) su^h passages as Thesmoph. 62,643, 
 
 01 KQjfUKol Sie^coafiivoi Sfpfxanva aiboia Lysist. 985, 1073, 1085, &c. 
 yfXoiov x^pi'^- Arist. Nub. 537-539- ^ Poll. iv. 143; Platon.de Comoed. 
 
 That the phallus was worn in the later (Dindf. Proll. de Comoed. p. 21) ; Arist. 
 
 comedies of Aristophanes is proved by Equit. 230; Ael. Var. Hist. ii. 13. 
 
236 THE ACTORS. [Ch. 
 
 by its immense beak. The epops was provided with a ridi- 
 culously large crest, but seems otherwise to have been dressed 
 like a human figure. Iris in the Birds came on the stage 
 with outspread wings, swelling tunic, and a head-covering of 
 enormous size, so as to cause Peisthetaerus to ask her whether 
 she was a ship or a hat. Prometheus with his umbrella, 
 and Lamachus with his nodding crests, are further examples 
 of grotesque costume \ It has already been shown that the 
 production of a comedy was a comparatively cheap affair, and 
 cost about the same as a chorus of boys. It is not therefore 
 probable that the costumes in the Old Comedy were very 
 expensive or elaborate. 
 
 The New Comedy was of much longer duration than the 
 Old Comedy, and was much more widely spread. It continued 
 to flourish at Athens itself as late as the second century, and 
 was transferred to Rome in the translations of Plautus and 
 Terence and the other comic writers. There is no lack of 
 information as to the costumes generally in use. ' In the first 
 place all the actors wore masks, just as in the other branches 
 of the Greek drama. As far as abstract fitness goes, the masks 
 might well have been dispensed with. As the New Comedy 
 was essentially a comedy of manners and every-day life, and 
 its chief excellence lay in the accurate delineation of ordinary 
 human character, it is probable that a style of representa- 
 tion after the fashion of the modern stage would have been 
 much more appropriate to it. In a theatre of moderate size, 
 with actors untrammelled by the use of masks, all the finer 
 shades in the character-painting might have been exhibited 
 clearly to the spectators. But in ancient times such a thing 
 was impossible. To the Greek mind the use of masks was 
 inseparably associated with the stage ; and the Greeks were 
 in such matters extremely tenacious of ancient custom. It is also 
 very questionable whether in their enormous theatres masks 
 could possibly have been dispensed with. At any rate they were 
 invariably retained in the New Comedy. But it is a strange 
 
 1 Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 97 ; Aris- Schol. ad loc), 1508, Acharn. 575 ff. 
 toph. Av. 62, 94, 104, 1203 (with 
 
v.] COSTUME OF COMIC ACTORS. 237 
 
 thing that, although in all other respects the New Comedy was 
 a faithful representation of ordinary life and manners, the masks 
 employed should have been of the most ludicrous and grotesque 
 character. The fact is expressly stated by Platonius, and is 
 borne out by the evidence of numerous works of art \ There 
 was a total disregard for realism and fidelity to nature. The 
 exaggerated eyebrows and distorted mouths gave an utterly un- 
 natural expression to the features. Such masks were perfectly 
 in keeping with the tone of the Old Comedy, in which parody and 
 caricature predominated. But it is strange that they should have 
 been adopted in the New Comedy, which otherwise was praised 
 for holding the mirror up to nature. The reason probably lay 
 in the size of the theatres. The excellence and humour of a 
 finely-drawn mask would have been lost upon an audience 
 seated at a great distance from the stage. Of course the 
 statement of Platonius has to be taken with some qualification. 
 The masks were not invariably distorted. Some of the young 
 men and women were depicted with handsome, though strongly- 
 marked, features, as in tragedy. But the comic characters 
 always wore masks of the grotesque kind just referred to. 
 Copies of four comic masks are given on the next page ^. 
 
 Pollux supplies a long list of the masks in ordinary use in the 
 New Comedy, with accurate descriptions of each of them ^ His 
 list comprises masks for nine old men, eleven young men, seven 
 slaves, three old women, and fourteen young women. In this 
 list are included all the stock characters of the New Comedy, 
 such as the harsh father, the benevolent old man, the prodigal 
 son, the rustic youth, the heiress, the bully, the pimp, the 
 procuress, and the courtesan. For all these characters there 
 
 ^ Plat on. ap. Dindf. Proll. de Com. represents the masks of a girl and a 
 
 p. 21 \v St T^ A*e<T77 KOL vka /c£y/za;5ta slave. The original is a wall-painting 
 
 fmrrjdes ra Trpoaanreia irpbs to yeXowre- at Pompeii. The second illustration, 
 
 pov khrjfiiovpyqGav . . . opwfifv yovv ra which is taken from Monumenti Inediti, 
 
 irpoaojireTa rrjs MevavSpov Kojpwdias ras xi. 32, contains two copies of terra 
 
 6(ppvs oiroias exf*, Kai otto;? i^earpappe- cottas found at Pompeii. It will be 
 
 vov TO (TTopa KOI ovdk KaT avOpijjTTOJV seen that the mask of the girl is not 
 
 (pvaiv. See Wieseler, Denkmal. v. 27- unlike a tragic mask in general charac- 
 
 52. ter. 
 
 ^ The first illustration is taken from ^ Poll. iv. 143-154. Cp. Quint. 
 
 Archaeol. Zeitung, 1S78, Taf. 4, and Inst. xi. 3. 74. 
 
238 
 
 THE ACTORS. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
v.] COSTUME OF COMIC ACTORS. 239 
 
 are regular masks with strongly characteristic features. In 
 the plays of the New Comedy, as each personage stepped upon 
 the stage, he must have been recognised at once b}^ the audience 
 as an old friend. Constant repetition must have rendered them 
 familiar with the typical features of each sort of character. 
 Certain kinds of complexion, and certain styles of hair and eye- 
 brow, were appropriated to particular classes. White or grey hair 
 was of course the regular sign of old age. Red hair was the 
 mark of a roguish slave. Thick curly hair denoted strength 
 and vigour. Miserly old men wore their hair close-cropped, 
 while soldiers were distinguished by great shaggy manes. The 
 hair of the courtesans was bound up with golden ornaments, 
 or brilliantly-coloured bands. Beards were distinctive of man- 
 hood or middle age, and were not used in the masks of youths 
 or old men. The complexion was always a prominent feature 
 in the mask. A dark sun-burnt complexion was the sign of 
 rude health, and was given to soldiers, country youths, or 
 young men who frequented the palaestra. A white complexion 
 denoted effeminacy ; pallor was the result of love or ill-health. 
 Red cheeks, as well as red hair, were given to rogues. The 
 eye-brows were strongly-marked and highly characteristic. 
 When drawn up they denoted pride or impudence, and were 
 used in the masks of young men and of parasites. The hot- 
 tempered old father, who alternated between fits of passion and 
 fits of affection, had one eye-brow drawn up and the other 
 in its natural position, and he used to turn that side of his 
 face to the audience which was best in keeping with his temper 
 at the moment. Noses were generally of the straight Greek 
 type ; but old men and parasites occasionally had hook noses, 
 and the country youth was provided with a snub nose. Some- 
 times the ears showed signs of bruises, to denote that the person 
 had frequented the boxing-school. The modern equivalent 
 would be a broken nose, but among Greek boxers the ear was 
 the part principally aimed at. The above abstract of thd 
 account in Pollux, together with the illustrations on the previous 
 page, will give some idea of the different styles of mask 
 employed in the later comedy. . > 
 
240 
 
 THE ACTORS. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 The costume of the actors in the New Comedy was the same 
 as that of ordinary hfe. The covering for the foot was a light 
 sort of shoe, which was merely drawn on, without being tied 
 in any way \ Pollux gives a short account of the dresses 
 used in the New Comedy, from which it appears that particular 
 colours were appropriated to particular classes-. White was 
 worn by old men and slaves, purple by young men, black or 
 grey by parasites. Pimps had a bright-coloured tunic, and a 
 variegated mantle. Old women were dressed in yellow or 
 
 light blue, young women and priestesses in white. Procuresses 
 wore a purple band round the head. The above statements 
 are to a certain extent corroborated by the testimony of the 
 works of art, but there are numerous exceptions. They cannot 
 therefore be regarded as an exhaustive account of the subject. 
 Other details of dress and costume are mentioned by Pollux. 
 Old men carried a staff with a bent handle. Rustics were 
 
 ^ This shoe was called lyi^as in dedifif. vocab. p. 49; Aristoph. Nub. 85S, 
 Greek, and soccus in Latin : see Ammon. ^ Poll. iv. 119-120. 
 
v.] SPEECH, SONG, AND RECITATIVE. 241 
 
 dressed in a leather tunic, and bore a wallet and staff, and 
 occasionally a hunting-net. Pimps had a straight staff, and 
 carried an oil flask and a flesh-scraper. Heiresses were dis- 
 tinguished by fringes to their dress. Considered as a whole 
 the costume of the New Comedy seems to have been even more 
 conventional than that of tragedy. The colour of a person's 
 dress, the features of his mask, and small details in his equip- 
 ment, would tell the spectators at once what sort of a character 
 he was intended to represent. A scene from a wall-painting 
 is here inserted, as a specimen of the style and outward 
 appearance of the New Comedy \ 
 
 § 7. Speech, Song, and Recitative. 
 
 The profession of acting in ancient times required a great 
 variety of accomplishments. The words of a play were partly 
 spoken and partly sung, and it was necessary that the actor 
 should have a knowledge of music, and a carefully cultivated 
 voice. He had to combine the qualities of a modern actor with 
 those of an operatic singer. In fact the Greek drama was not 
 ' unlike a modern comic opera in this particular respect, that it 
 consisted of a mixture of speaking and of singing. The question 
 as to the mode in which the different portions of the dialogue 
 were delivered, and the proportion which speech bore to song 
 in the parts of the actors, is a matter of very great interest. In 
 the first place there can be little doubt that, with few exceptions, 
 all that portion of the dialogue which was written in the ordin- 
 ary iambic trimeter was merely spoken or declaimed, with no 
 musical accompaniment whatsoever. This of course constituted 
 by far the larger part of the dialogue. Some remarks of 
 Aristotle in the Poetics may be cited in proof of the above state- 
 ment. Aristotle expressly says that in certain portions of the 
 drama there was no music at all. In another place he remarks 
 that when dialogue was introduced into tragedy, the iambic 
 trimeter was naturally adopted as the most suitable metre, since 
 
 ^ The illustration is from Monumenti Inediti, xi. 32. 
 R 
 
243 THE ACTORS, [Ch. 
 
 it is 'better adapted for being spoken' than any other ^ A 
 second argument is to be found in the practice of the Roman 
 stage. In two of the manuscripts of Plautus there are marks in 
 the margin to discriminate between the portions of the play 
 which were spoken, and the portions which were sung. The 
 result is to show that, while the rest of the play was sung, the 
 iambic trimeters were always spoken ^. As Roman comedy 
 was a close and faithful imitation of the Greek, it follows almost 
 as a matter of certainty that the iambic trimeters were spoken 
 in the Greek drama also. It is true that in one place Lucian 
 contemptuously remarks about the tragic actor, that he 'occa- 
 sionally even sings the iambic lines ^' But this statement, 
 at the very most, cannot be held to prove more than that in 
 Lucian's time iambic passages were sometimes sung or chanted. 
 It is no proof that such a practice ever existed in the classical 
 period. It is quite possible that in the second century a.d., 
 when the chorus had either disappeared from tragedy, or been 
 very much curtailed, some of the more emotional portions of 
 the iambic dialogue may have been sung or chanted as a sort 
 of equivalent. But Lucian himself speaks of the practice with 
 disapproval, as a sign of bad taste and degeneracy. There can 
 be little doubt that in the classical period the ordinary iambic 
 dialogue was spoken. The only exception was in cases where 
 iambic lines occurred in close connexion with lyrical metres. 
 For instance, iambics are sometimes inserted in the midst of a 
 lyrical passage. At other times speeches in iambics alternate 
 with speeches in a lyrical metre, and the pairs of speeches are 
 
 ^ Aristot. Poet. c. 6 to Se \(uph roh koX eKSaivovres rrjs KeKTiKrjs apfiovlas. 
 eiSeai to 5ia jxirpajv evia fiovov irepaive- ^ The mark C (canticum) denotes the 
 
 adai Koi ttclKiv erepa Sia fiiXovs, c. 4 to part which was sung, DV (diverbium) 
 
 re pLerpov Ik T€Tpapi€Tpov iapifiiTov eye- the part which was spoken. These 
 
 vero- TO pev yap irpojTov r(Tpap.€Tpa) marks are found in cod. vetus (B), and 
 
 kxpSjvTo dta TO oaTvpiKTjv koi opxTjOTKoj- cod. decurtatus (C), and the plays in 
 
 repav c7vai t^i/ TToirjaiv, Xe^cojs de yevo- which they occur are the Trinummus, 
 
 /x€vr]s avT^ 17 (pvffis to oucfiov p.€Tpov Paenolus, Pseudolus, Truculentus, and 
 
 eSpf, pdXiara yap Xcktikov twv piirpajv parts of others. See Christ, Metrik p. 
 
 TO iap.^Huv hariv aripiuov he tovtov, 677 ff. 
 
 irXeiara yap lap^eia \eyopi,ev ev ttj dia\eK- ^ Lucian, de Salt. 27 eviore koi nepia- 
 
 TO) Ty TTpbs dWrjKovs, e^afxerpa be dXiyd/cis Suv to, iajxPeia. 
 
v.] SPEECH, SONG, AND RECITATIVE, 243 
 
 bound up into one metrical system \ In such cases no doubt the 
 iambics were sung, or given in recitative. But the ordinary 
 iambic dialogue, and in consequence the greater part of the 
 play, was spoken without musical accompaniment. 
 
 The only portions of a play which the actors had to sing 
 were the lyrical passages. In an actor's part the lyrical passages 
 consisted, in most cases, either of solos, or of joint performances 
 in which actors and chorus took part alternately. These solos 
 and musical duets were in tragedy confined mainly to lamenta- 
 tions and outbursts of griefs. In general it may be said that, 
 both in tragedy and comedy, song was substituted for speech 
 in those scenes where the emotions were deeply roused, and 
 found their fittest expression in music. 
 
 In addition to the declamation of the ordinary dialogue, and 
 the singing of the lyrical passages, there was also a third mode 
 of enunciation in use upon the Greek stage. It was called 
 ' parakataloge,* and came half-way between speech on the one 
 hand, and song on the other. Its name was due to the fact that 
 it was allied in character to 'kataloge,' or ordinary declamation. 
 It corresponded closely to what is called recitative in modern 
 music, and consisted in delivering the words in a sort of chant, 
 to the accompaniment of a musical instrument. On account of 
 its intermediate character it was sometimes called ' speech,* and 
 sometimes ' song.* It was first invented by Archilochus, and 
 employed by him in the delivery of his iambics, which were 
 partly sung, and partly given in recitative. A special kind of 
 harp, called the klepsiambos, was originally employed for the 
 purpose of the accompaniment. Recitative was subsequently 
 introduced into the drama, as Plutarch expressly states^ It 
 
 ^ Instances of iambics in the midst of yw.iiovw^iiv,ixova)Ua\ Aristot.Poet.c. 12. 
 
 lyrical passages are to be found in Aesch. ^ Plut. Mus. p. 1140P' aWa fXTjv kcu 
 
 Agam. 1160, 1 171, Aristoph. Acharn. 'Apxi^oxosTr]VTwvTpifj.(Tpo:vpv9fj.oirouav 
 
 492. Iambic passages in strophic ar- irpoae^evpc . . . Koi Tr]v irapaKaTaXoyrjv, 
 
 rangement with lyrics appear in Aesch, kuI rrjv irepl ravra Kpovaiv . . . eVt hi 
 
 Theb. 203-244, Soph. O. C. 1448-1 504. ruv la/xPdcuv to ra fxev \ey(a6ai -napa 
 
 ^ Songs by the actors were called rd rr^v Kpovaiv, ra S' qSeaOai, 'Apxi-^oxov 
 
 anbrrj^ OK-qviis, ox {mtx2igG.dy) [xovcvhiai. (paai Kaiadei^ai, elO' ovtoj xpl^^^^^*- 
 
 Musical duets between actors and chorus tovs rpayiKovs TToirjrds. Athen. p. 
 
 were in tragedy called KopLfioi. Suidas 636 B kv oh yap (cpTjal) tovs Idfifiovs 
 
 R 2 
 
244 THE ACTORS. [Ch. 
 
 is not easy to determine, by means of the slight and hazy 
 notices upon the subject, what were the particular portions 
 of a play in which recitative was employed. But there are 
 certain indications which seem to show that it was used in 
 the delivery of iambic, trochaic, and anapaestic tetrameters, 
 and of regular anapaestic dimeters. Thus it is distinctly 
 recorded of the actor Nicostratus that he gave trochaic tetra- 
 meters in recitative to the accompaniment of the flute \ Then 
 again, the two sets of trochaic tetrameters, which came at the 
 end of the parabasis, cannot have been sung, as their very 
 name implies. The probability therefore is that they were given 
 in recitative^. Thirdly, there is a passage in the Peace where 
 the metre changes abruptly from lyrics to trochaic tetrameters 
 without any break in the sentence ^. It is difficult to suppose 
 that in such a case a transition was made suddenly from song 
 to mere speech. But the transition from song to recitative 
 would have been quite feasible. Fourthly, it is asserted that 
 on those occasions when the speech of an actor was accompanied 
 by dancing on the part of the chorus, the metres employed 
 were mostly iambic and anapaestic tetrameters ^ But as it is 
 impossible, in the case of Greek performers, to imagine dancing 
 without a musical accompaniment, the verses must have been 
 given in recitative. Fifthly, in the parabasis to the Birds the 
 nightingale is asked to lead off the anapaests with the flute ; 
 and the scholiast remarks that ' the parabasis was often spoken 
 to the accompaniment of the flute ^' This statement means 
 that the anapaestic tetrameters, which constitute the parabasis 
 proper, were given in recitative. Lastly, there is the fact that 
 
 ^^ov, la/jLPijKas (fcdkovv ev oh Se irape- * Schol. Arist. Nub. 1355 ovTa;s€\e7oi/ 
 
 Koyi^ovTO TO. ev rois jXiTpois, KXeipidfi- irpbs x^P^'^ Xeyeiv, ore tov viroKpiTov 
 
 fiovs. Hesych. v. KaraXoyrj' to tcL SiariOe/xevov ttjv pTJaiv, 6 xopos ojpx^iTO. 
 
 ^fffxara fii) urro fieKei Xeyeiv. Sib koi (KXeyovrai ws kiriTonXfiaTov kv 
 
 ^ Xen. Symp. vi. 6 cuawep l^iKoarpaTos rois toiovtois rd Terpd/j-eTpa, ^ rd dva- 
 
 6 VTTOKpiT^i T€Tpd}i€Tpa Tipos TOV avXbv TraiGTiKa, -q Td lafil3iKd, bid to paSicos 
 
 KaTikfyev. k^nr'nTTUv kv tovtois tov toiovtov pvdfxov. 
 
 ^ The two groups of trochaic tetra- ^ Aristoph. Av. 682-684 dXX', & KaX- 
 
 meters in the parabasis were called Xifioav KpeKova' \ avXbv (pOeyfxamv ■qpi- 
 
 kirlpprjfia and dvTi-nipprjpa. See Platon. vols, \ dpxov tcDj/ dvairaiaTOJV, and 
 
 in Dindf. Prolegom. de Comoed. p. 21. Schol. ad loc. voXXaKis npbs avXbv 
 
 5 Arist. Pax 1 171, 11 72. Xkyovai rds irapapdaeis. 
 
v.] IMPORTANCE OF THE VOICE, 245 
 
 the terms ' speech ' and ' song ' are both used of anapaests, im- 
 plying that they occupied an intermediate position ^ For these 
 and other similar reasons it appears probable that recitative was 
 employed in passages written in the metres already specified, 
 that is to say, in iambic, trochaic, and anapaestic tetrameters, 
 and in regular anapaestic dimeters. It seems too that on 
 certain rare occasions it was used in lyrical passages ^ The 
 instrument employed, in dramatic performances, for the accom- 
 paniment of the recitative, as well as for the accompaniment of 
 the singing generally, was the flute ^ The l>arp had formerly 
 been used very frequently*. But it was found that the flute, 
 being a wind-instrument, harmonised better with the human 
 voiced However, the harp was occasionally introduced. In 
 the Frogs Aeschylus calls for the harp, when he is going to 
 give a specimen of the lyrics of Euripides. Similarly, in the 
 parody of the choruses of Aeschylus, the recurrence of the 
 refrain ' phlattothrat * points to an accompaniment on the harp^ 
 
 § 8. Importance of the Voice in Greek Acting. 
 
 In ancient acting the possession of a fine musical voipe was 
 a matter of absolute necessity. Several considerations will 
 make it evident that the voice of the actor, upon the Greek 
 stage, must have been far more important than it is at present. 
 In the first place a considerable portion of the words in every 
 Greek play were either sung, or delivered in recitative. In the 
 second place each actor had to play several parts in succession, 
 and to appear sometimes as a man, and sometimes as a woman. 
 It would be essential, therefore, to mark the difference between 
 
 ^ The exodos, mostly consisting of show that they were not merely spoken ; 
 
 anapaests, is described as wmp kirl t^ the expression Xe^ovras eirt] in Aristoph. 
 
 k^oSqi Tov dpcLfiaTos aSerai in Schol. Arist. Equit. 508 proves that they were not 
 
 Vesp. 270, and as o e^iovres i^Sov in Poll. sung. See Christ, Metrik p. 680 if. 
 
 iv. 108. But in Dindf. Proll. de Com. ^ Aristot. Probl. xix. 6 did ri ij irapa- 
 
 p. 37 it is called to Itti reXci kfjofxevoy KaraXoyfj kv rais wSaTs rpayiKov ; 
 
 Tov xo/Joi!. As far as the anapaestic ^ Schol. Arist. Nub. 312, Vesp. 580; 
 
 tetrameters are concerned, the word Arist. Eccles. 890-892. 
 
 aSovras in Aristoph. Plut. 1209, and * Sext. Empir. p. 751, 21. 
 
 Hesych.'s definition of dvaTraiara as tcL ° Aristot. Probl. xix. 43. 
 
 kv Tais irapa^daeai rSiv x^P^^ ^ap-ara, ^ Aristoph. Ran. 1304, 1286. 
 
246 THE ACTORS. [Ch. 
 
 the various personages by a corresponding variety in the tone 
 of voice employed ; and for this purpose an organ of great 
 flexibility and compass must have been required. In the third 
 place the whole character of Greek acting was largely modified 
 by the costume of the performers. A modern actor adds force 
 and emphasis to his speeches by means of the variety of his 
 facial expression. A single glance, a slight movement of the 
 features, is often enough to produce a very great effect. But 
 to the Greek actor this mode of impressing the spectators was 
 denied, owing to the use of masks. His features bore the same 
 settled expression throughout the play. Even his gestures, in 
 the case of tragedy, must have been very much restricted, owing 
 to the cumbersome dress which he had to wear. On account 
 of these limitations he was compelled to rely mainly upon his 
 voice for the purpose of expressing all the fleeting emotions of 
 the character he represented. Great skill and variety in the 
 modulation of his tones were needed to counterbalance the 
 absence of facial movement. Lastly, the Greek actor required 
 a voice of enormous power, in order to make himself heard. 
 When it is remembered that the theatre of Dionysus was in 
 the open air, and was capable of holding from twenty to 
 thirty thousand spectators, it will easily be seen that, in spite 
 of the excellence of the acoustic arrangements, the demands 
 upon the actor's voice must have been excessively great. For 
 these various reasons the first and most essential requisite in a 
 Greek actor was a powerful and expressive voice. 
 
 As a matter of fact, whenever an actor is mentioned by an 
 ancient author, he is referred to in language which at the 
 present day would seem much more appropriate to a notice of 
 an operatic singer. It is always the excellence of the voice 
 which is emphasised, little regard being paid to other accom- 
 plishments. And it is not so much the quality as the strength 
 of the voice which is commended. The highest merit, on the 
 Greek stage, was to have a voice that could fill the whole 
 theatre. Numberless passages from ancient authors might be 
 quoted in proof of this assertion, but a few specimens will 
 suffice. Of Neoptolemus, the great tragic actor, it is said that 
 
v.] IMPORTANCE OF THE VOICE. 247 
 
 'his powerful voice' had raised him to the head of his pro- 
 fession ^. Licymnius, the actor mentioned in one of the letters 
 of Alciphron, won the prize for acting at a tragic contest on 
 account of 'his clear and resonant utterance^.' Dionysius, the 
 tyrant of Syracuse, on a certain occasion, being covetous of 
 distinction as a dramatic writer, despatched a company of 
 actors to the Olympic festival, to give a performance of 
 one of his tragedies. As he wished to ensure that the ex- 
 hibition should be of the highest excellence, he was careful to 
 choose 'actors with the best voices ^' In a similar manner the 
 emperor Nero prided himself on his talents as an actor. He 
 instituted a tragic contest at the Isthmian festival, in order to 
 display his powers. At this contest the actor Epeirotes 'was 
 in splendid voice, and as his tones were more magnificent than 
 ever, he won the greatest applause *.' The above passages are 
 in reference to particular actors. Remarks about acting in 
 general are of the same type. Demosthenes is reported to 
 have said that 'actors should be judged by their voices, poli- 
 ticians by their wisdom.' According to Zeno an actor was 
 bound to have ' a powerful voice and great strength.' Aristotle 
 defines the science of acting as being 'concerned with the 
 voice, and the mode of adapting it to the expression of the 
 different passions.' Lucian remarks that the actor is 're- 
 sponsible for his voice only.' Plato would expel 'the actors 
 with their beautiful voices' from his ideal stated Finally 
 there is the curious fact recorded by Cicero, that in the per- 
 formance of a Greek play, when the actors of the second and 
 third parts ' had louder voices ' than the protagonist, they used 
 to moderate and restrain their tones, in order to leave him the 
 
 ' Diod. Sic. xvi. 92 NeoTrroXf/ios o (p(iivri% iywv , ^vhoKiyiwv V i-n avrr^ koX Qax- 
 
 TpayqjSos, irpomvctiv rrj fifyaXocpcuvia (xa^6fj.evos Xaf/.-npoTepa rod cIojOotos. 
 Koi T77 So^rj. * Plut. X orat. p. 848 B tovs viroKpi- 
 
 ^ Alciph. iii. 48 ropoj rivi koi 7670;- rets ecpt] SeTv Kpiveiv Ik ttjs (pojvfjs. Diog. 
 
 voT(p<v ^cvvrjfJLaTi XPV^^H'^^^^' Laert. vii. 20 rijv jxkv <pojvTjv koi r^v 
 
 ^ Diod. Sic. XV. 7 e^aireareiXe roiis ei- 8vvapi.iv pKydXrjv ex^"'. Aristot. Rhet, 
 
 {pcuvoTaTovsrajv vTTOKpiTav . . . ovToi 8€ TO iii. I. Lucian, de Salt. 27 fiovrjs rrfs 
 
 fi€V rrpcoTov Sia t-^v (vcpojviau k^iirXrjTTOV cpcuvijs lirevOvvov ■napex'^^ kavTov. Plat. 
 
 TOVS aKovovTas. Legg. 817 C KaXXi<p(tivoi vTTOKpnai. 
 
 * Lucian, Nero 90S' 'HTretpwTJ^s apiOTa 
 
248 THE ACTORS, [Ch. 
 
 pre-eminence \ These passages, and others of the same kind 
 which might be quoted, read like notices about operatic singers 
 and musical performances, and prove conclusively the supreme 
 importance of the voice among the ancient Greek actors. The 
 principal reason was the immense size of the theatres, which 
 could only be filled by voices of great power. Hence in critical 
 notices of actors the strength of the voice is more regarded 
 than its quality. 
 
 Such being the requirements of the Greek stage, it was 
 necessary that the actors should receive a musical education as 
 elaborate as that of a professional singer in modern times. 
 Cicero . informs us that the Greek tragic actors spent many 
 years in the training of their voices, and used to test them, 
 before each performance, by running over all their notes from 
 the highest to the lowest "^ They had to be careful and ab- 
 stemious in their diet, as excess in eating and drinking was 
 found to be inconsistent with the possession of a good voice ^ 
 The importance attached to this particular quality in the actor's 
 art was not always beneficial in its results. Actors were some- 
 times inclined to violate good taste by intruding into their 
 performances mere exhibitions of skill in the manipulation of 
 the voice. They were ready to catch the applause of the popu- 
 lace by startling effects, such as imitations of the rushing of 
 streams, the roaring of seas, and the cries of animals \ More- 
 over, it v/as a common fault among the ancient actors that, as 
 a result of excessive training, their voices sounded artificial 
 and unnatural. There was a special term to denote the forced 
 tpne of voice which was caused by too much exercise. Aristotle 
 remarks that one of the principal excellencies of the tragic actor 
 Theodorus was the thoroughly natural character of his delivery. 
 Unlike other actors he seemed to speak with his own voice ^ 
 
 ^ Cic. div. in Caecil. § 48 quum possit * Plut. Aud. Poet. 18 B. 
 
 aliquanto clarius dicere . . . multum sum- ^ Aristot. Rhet. iii. 2 bib 5h \av9d- 
 
 mittere, ut ille princeps quam maxime veiv iroiovuTas, koi fxr) SokcTv \eyav 
 
 excellat. TreTrXao'/ieVcyy dX\d irecpvKoTOJS . . . otov 
 
 ^ Cic. de Orat. i. § 251. ^ (deodwpov (po:vT) iriTTovOe irpos rr)v tSjv 
 
 ^ Aristot. Probl. xi. 22; Athen. p. dWoJv vnoKpiTcuv ^ fiev yap tov Keyov- 
 
 343 E. ros ioiKfv fJvai, at S' dXKorpiai. 
 
v.] STYLE OF GREEK ACTING, 249 
 
 § 9. Style of Greek Acting, 
 
 Both in tragic and comic acting a loud and exceedingly 
 distinct utterance must have been a matter of necessity. But in 
 comedy the tone of voice adopted appears, as was only natural, 
 to have been much less sonorous than that of the tragic actors, 
 and to have approached much more closely to the style of 
 ordinary conversation ^. In tragedy on the other hand it was 
 the conventional practice to declaim the verses with a loud and 
 ringing intonation, and to fill the theatre with a deep volume of 
 sound. Ancient authors often refer to the sonorous utterances 
 of the tragic stage ^ With bad actors the practice would easily 
 degenerate into mere bombast. Pollux mentions a series of 
 epithets such as 'booming' and 'bellowing,' which were applied 
 to actors guilty of such exaggeration. Socrates and Simylus, 
 the tragic actors with whom Aeschines went on tour in the 
 country districts of Attica, derived their nickname of 'the 
 Ranters ' from a fault of this kind ^ 
 
 Another point which was required from ancient actors was 
 great distinctness in the articulation of the separate words, and 
 a careful observance of the rhythm and metre of the verses. 
 In this respect the Athenians were a most exacting audience. 
 Cicero speaks of their 'refined and scrupulous ear,' their 
 ' sound and uncorrupted taste \' Ancient audiences in general 
 had a much keener ear for the melody of verse than is to 
 be found in a modern theatre. A slovenly recitation of 
 poetry, and a failure to emphasise the metre, would not have 
 been tolerated by them. Cicero remarks on the fact that, 
 though the mass of the people knew nothing about the 
 
 * Lucian, Anachar. c. 23 avroX h\ {ol rivi nal yeycovoTepcjj (pcuvrj/MTi XPV^^- 
 
 TpaywSol) jjieydXa t€ kneKpayfaav Kal /xevos : Lucian, 1. c. See also the pas- 
 
 SiePaivou ovk old' oircos aa^akSjs kv toTs sages quoted on p, 247. 
 vnoSrjixaai . . . ol be KcofxcvSoi fipaxvTepoi ^ Pollux (iv. 1 1 4), speaking of tragic 
 
 IX6V iKiivojv Kal iK^ol Kal dvOpojmvwTfpot acting, says eiirois 5' dv ^apvarovos vtto- 
 
 Kol ?iTrov ffioouv. KpiT7]s, ^ofiPSiv, irepifiofx^uiv, XrjKvdi^av, 
 
 ^ Philostrat. vit. Apoll. v. 8 (p. 171 Xapvyyi^cov, (papvyyi^cov. Dem. de Cor. 
 
 Kayser) eTrei Se i^dpas r^v <pojvr]v yeyoj- § 262. 
 vby hcpOky^aro : Alciphron, iii. 48 rop^ * Cic. Orat. §§25, 27. 
 
250 THE ACTORS. [Ch; 
 
 theory of versification, their instinctive feeling for rhythmical 
 utterance was wonderfully keen. He says that if an actor 
 should spoil the metre in the slightest degree, by making a 
 mistake about a quantity, or by dropping or inserting a syllable, 
 there would be a storm of disapproval from the audience ^. No 
 such sensitiveness is to be found in modern theatres. It is 
 common enough at the present day to hear blank verse de-^ 
 claimed as if it were prose. But among the ancient Greeks 
 the feeling for correctness of rhythm in poetical recitations 
 was just as instinctive as is the feeling for correctness of tune 
 among ordinary musical audiences at the present time. If an 
 actor in a Greek theatre made a slip in the metre of his 
 verses, it was regarded in much the same way as a note out 
 of tune would be regarded in a modern concert-room. As a 
 consequence the mode of declamation practised on the ancient 
 stage must have been much more rhythmical than anything we 
 are now accustomed to, and the pauses and movements of the 
 metre must have been much more clearly emphasised. 
 
 The use of appropriate gesture, in the case of Greek acting, 
 was especially important, since facial expression was prevented 
 by the mask, and the actor had to depend solely on the tones of 
 his voice, and the effectiveness of his movements. In comedy, 
 as might be expected, the gesticulation was of a free and un- 
 constrained character, and is exemplified in numerous works 
 of art. In tragedy, on the other hand, the nature of the 
 actor's dress made rapid and violent movements impossible. 
 Even if they had been possible, they would have been incon- 
 sistent with the tone of the tragic stage. The world of Greek 
 tragedy was an ideal world of heroes and demigods, whose 
 nature was grander and nobler than that of human beings. 
 The realistic portrayal of ordinary human passions was foreign 
 to the purpose of Greek tragedy. Scenes of physical violence, 
 such as the forcible seizure of Antigone by Creon, were of 
 rare occurrence. To be in harmony with this elevation of 
 tone it was necessary that the acting should be dignified and 
 
 ^ Cic. de Orat. iii. §§ 195, 196, Parad. § 26. 
 
v.] THE ACTORS' GUILD. 251 
 
 self-restrained. Violent movements were avoided. A certain 
 statuesque simplicity and gracefulness of pose accompanied 
 all the gestures of the tragic actor. On the long and 
 narrow stage the figures were arranged in picturesque and 
 striking groups, and the successive scenes in the play presented 
 to the eye of the spectator a series of artistic tableaux. The 
 representations of tragic scenes and personages in ancient works 
 of art are characterised by a certain dignity and repose which 
 call to mind the creations of the sculptor. This sober and re- 
 strained style of acting was developed under the influence of 
 Aeschylus and Sophocles during the great period of Attic tragedy. 
 In later times a certain tendency to realism and exaggeration in 
 the gestures and the movements began to show itself The actors 
 of the fourth century were censured by many critics for having 
 degraded the art of acting from its former high level, and for 
 having introduced a style which was unworthy of the dignity of 
 the tragic stage. Callippides was called an ape by the old actor 
 Mynniscus because of the exaggerated vehemence of his 
 manner*. But as the tragic costume, with its unwieldy accom- 
 paniments, was retained with little alteration, it must have 
 prevented any great advance in the direction of realism and 
 freedom of movement. The statuesque style of acting continued 
 on the whole to be characteristic of the tragic stage, and was 
 indeed the only proper style for Greek tragedy. 
 
 § 10. The Actors' Guild. 
 
 In the course of the fourth century the members of the 
 theatrical profession at Athens formed themselves into a guild, 
 for the purpose of protecting their interests and increasing their 
 importance. The members of the guild were called The Artists 
 of Dionysus. Poets, actors, and chorus-singers, trainers, and 
 musicians all belonged to the guild. When it first came into 
 
 ^ Aristot. Poet. c. 26 17 fiiv ovv rpa- 86^a Kal rr(pl TlivSapov ^v . . . (ira ovde 
 
 ycuSia roiavr-q kariv, clj Koi ol irpuTepov Kivrjais diraca diroSoKi/xacrTea, direp firjd' 
 
 roi/s varipovs avrujv wovto viroKpiras , W9 opxrjais, dAA.' ^ (pavXoJV, ovep Kal KaWnr- 
 
 Xiav yap virfpfidWovra mO-qKov 6 Mvv- niSri kirerifidTo Kal vvv dXKois ws ovk 
 
 vicKos Tov KaWnrniSrjv kKaKu, TOiavTt] di kXfvdepas yvvaiKas /iifiov/xevwy. 
 
25a THE ACTORS, [Ch. 
 
 existence is not known for certain. Sophocles is said to have 
 formed a sort of literary club, which may have been the proto- 
 type of the guild ; but it is possible that there was no connexion 
 between the two. At any rate it was fully established in the 
 time of Aristotle, by whom it is mentioned ^ 
 
 The guild was of great value in maintaining and enforcing the 
 various privileges of the members of the theatrical profession. 
 These were of two kinds. In the first place actors were permitted 
 to travel through foreign and hostile states for the purpose of 
 giving dramatic performances. Even in time of war their persons 
 and property were ensured from violation. Owing to this custom 
 the actors Aristodemus and Neoptolemus were able to travel 
 frequently to and fro between Athens and Macedonia during 
 the height of the war, and to assist materially in the negotiation 
 of the peace ^ In the second place actors claimed to be 
 exempt from naval and military service, in order to pursue 
 their professional avocations in Athens and elsewhere. In the 
 time of Demosthenes this immunity from service was occa- 
 sionally granted, but had not yet hardened into an invariable 
 custom. Demosthenes mentions the cases of two members of 
 the theatrical profession who were severely punished for 
 avoiding military service. One of them was Sannio the chorus- 
 trainer, and the other was Aristides the chorus-singer. Meidias 
 also is said to have used the most strenuous exertions to pre- 
 vent the chorus of Demosthenes from being exempted from 
 service ^. At this time therefore it seems that such immunity was 
 sometimes granted and sometimes not. Later on the Guild of 
 Artists of Dionysus succeeded in getting the Amphictyonic 
 Council to pass a decree, by which the Athenians were bound 
 as a religious obligation to grant exemption from military service 
 to all members of the theatrical profession. In the same decree 
 the duty of allowing them a safe passage through their territories 
 was enforced upon the Greek nation generally. This decree 
 was renewed towards the beginning of the third century at the 
 
 * Vit. Soph, rais 5^ Mouaats diaaov nxv^T^i' 
 tK tSjv irfiraidfvixivMJ/ avvayaytiv. ^ Dem. Fals. Leg. § 3I5« 
 
 Aristot. Probl. xxx. lo oi AiovvaiaKot '^ Dem. Meid. §§ 15, 58-60. 
 
v.] THE ACTORS' GUILD. 253 
 
 request of the Guild. A copy of the decree was engraved on 
 stone and erected in the theatre at Athens, and has fortunately 
 been preserved \ A translation of the more important passages 
 will be of interest, as throwing light upon the position of the 
 theatrical profession at Athens. It ran as follows : ' It was 
 resolved by the Amphictyonic Council that security of person 
 and property, and exemption from arrest during peace and war, 
 be ensured to the artists of Dionysus at Athens ; . . . . that 
 they enjoy that exemption from military service and that personal 
 security which has previously been granted to them by the 
 whole Greek nation; that the artists of Dionysus be exempt 
 from naval and military service, in order that they may hold the 
 appointed celebrations in honour of the gods at the proper 
 seasons, and be released from other business, and consecrated 
 to the service of the gods ; that it be unlawful to arrest or seize 
 an artist of Dionysus in time of war or peace, unless for debt 
 due to a city or a private person ; that if an artist be arrested in 
 violation of these conditions, the person who arrests him, and 
 the city in which the violation of the law occurs, be brought to 
 account before the Amphictyonic Council ; that the immunity 
 from service and personal security which is granted by the 
 Amphictyonic Council to the artists of Dionysus at Athens be 
 perpetual ; that the secretaries cause a copy of this decree to be 
 engraved on a stone pillar and erected in the temple, and 
 another sealed copy of the same to be sent to Athens, in order 
 to show the Athenians that the Amphictyonic Council are deeply 
 concerned in the observance of religious duties at Athens, and 
 are ready to accede to the requests of the artists of Dionysus, 
 and to ratify their present privileges, and confer such other 
 benefits upon them as may be possible.' In this decree it is 
 very noticeable that dramatic performances are treated through- 
 out as religious observances in honour of the gods, and the 
 members of the theatrical profession are regarded as ministers 
 consecrated to the service of the gods. The maintenance of 
 their privileges is therefore a religious obligation in which the 
 Amphictyonic Council is deeply interested. The religious 
 ^ Corp. Inscr. Att. ii. 551. 
 
ii54 I^HE ACTORS. [Ch. 
 
 character of the old Greek drama has already been pointed 
 out at the commencement of the first chapter. 
 
 Another inscription has been preserved referring to the 
 Athenian Guild of Artists of Dionysus\ It appears that the 
 Guild had a sacred enclosure and altar at Eleusis, where they 
 were accustomed to offer libations to Demeter and Kore at the ^ 
 time of the Eleusinian mysteries. During the disturbances of 
 the Sullan campaigns the altar was dismantled, and the yearly 
 celebrations discontinued. The inscription is a decree of the 
 Guild thanking a certain Philemon for his exertions in restoring 
 the altar and renewing the annual ceremonies. 
 
 From the time of the fourth century onwards guilds of actors 
 similar to that at Athens were rapidly formed in various places 
 throughout the Greek-speaking world. In this way the master- 
 pieces of Greek tragedy were made familiar to the most remote 
 districts to which Greek civilisation had penetrated. But it is 
 beyond the scope of the present work to trace the progress of 
 the Greek drama outside the limits of Athens and Attica. 
 
 § II. Social position of Actors, 
 
 In Greece the profession of the actor was an honourable one, 
 and there was no suspicion of degradation about it, as there 
 was in Rome^. Actors and other dramatic performers were 
 regarded as ministers of religion. In the dramatic exhibitions 
 at Athens the actors were placed on the same level as the 
 poets and choregi. Their names were recorded in the public 
 archives, and in commemorative tablets; and competitions in 
 acting were established side by side with the competitions 
 between the poets. It is true that Aeschines is very frequently 
 taunted by Demosthenes with his theatrical career, but the 
 taunts are due to the fact, not that he was an actor, but that 
 he was an unsuccessful one. Actors at the head of their pro- 
 
 ^ Corp. Inscr. Att. ii. 552. tragic actor) huic genus et fortuna ho- 
 
 ^ Corn. Nep. praef. 5 in scaenam nesta erant ; nee ars, quia nihil tale 
 
 vero prodire et populo esse spectaculo apud Graecos pudori est, ea deforma.- 
 
 nemini in iisdem gentibus fuit turpidu- bat. 
 
 dini. Livy xxiv. 24 (of Ariston the 
 
v.] SOCIAL POSITION OF ACTORS. 2^^ 
 
 fession occupied a very distinguished position. Aristodemus, 
 the tragic actor, was on two occasions sent as ambassador to 
 Macedon by the Athenians, and was largely instrumental in 
 negotiating the peace \ The great Athenian actors were much 
 sought after by the monarchs of the time. Aristodemus and 
 Neoptolemus were frequently at the court of Philip, and 
 Thessalus and Athenodorus at the court of Alexander^. 
 Thessalus was a great favourite with Alexander, and was 
 employed by him on delicate missions I The leading actors 
 seem to have made large incomes. For instance, Polus told 
 Demosthenes that he was paid a talent for acting during two 
 days only'*. It is not stated whether the performance to which 
 he refers took place at Athens, or elsewhere; but in all 
 probability it was in some foreign state. There is no evidence 
 to show what salaries were paid to the actors at the great 
 Athenian festivals. 
 
 As for the lower ranks of the profession, the tritagonists, 
 chorus-singers, musicians, and so on, though there was nothing 
 dishonourable about their calling, their reputation does not 
 seem to have been very high. Their strolling and uncertain 
 manner of life seems to have had a bad effect upon their 
 character. Aristotle, in his Problems, asks the question why 
 it is that the artists of Dionysus are generally men of bad 
 character? He thinks the reason is partly due to the vicis- 
 situdes in their fortunes, and the rapid alternations between 
 luxury and poverty, partly to the fact that their professional 
 duties left them no time for general culture^. His remarks of 
 course apply mainly to the lower grades of the profession. 
 
 § 12. Celebrated Athenian Actors. 
 
 Before concluding this account of Greek acting some notice of 
 the principal Greek actors may not be out of place. Unfortu- 
 
 ^ Aesch. Fals. Leg. §§ 15-19 ; Dem. ^ Plut. Alex. 669 D. 
 
 de Cor. § 21. * Plut. X orat. p. 848 B. Gellius, 
 
 2 Dem. Fals. Leg. § 315, de Pace N. A. xi, 9, gives the same story about 
 
 § 6 ; Diod. Sic. xvi. 92 ; Plut. Alex. Aristodemus. 
 681 D. ^ Aristot. Probl. xxx. 10. 
 
2^6 THE ACTORS. [Ch. 
 
 nately in most cases little more is known about them than their 
 names. Several tragic actors of the fifth century are referred to 
 by ancient writers, such as Cleander and Mynniscus, the actors 
 of Aeschylus, and Cleidemides and Tlepolemus, the actors of 
 Sophocles \ But no details are recorded as to their individual 
 characteristics and different styles. One interesting fact is 
 known about Mynniscus, to the effect that he considered the 
 acting of his successors as deficient in dignity and over- realistic. 
 He was especially severe upon Callippides, the representative 
 of the younger generation of actors ^ This Callippides was 
 notorious for his conceit. On one occasion, when he was giving 
 himself airs in the presence of Agesilaus the Spartan, he was 
 considerably disconcerted by being asked by the latter whether 
 he was * Callippides the pantaloon ^' Another tragic actor of 
 the same period was Nicostratus, who was especially excellent 
 in his delivery of the long narrative speeches of the messengers. 
 His style was so perfect that to 'do a thing like Nicostratus' 
 came to be a proverbial expression for doing it rightly "*. 
 
 But it was in the age of Demosthenes that the most cele- 
 brated group of tragic actors flourished. Among them was 
 Polus of Aegina, who was considered to be the greatest actor of 
 his time, and whose name is very frequently referred to by 
 later writers. He was one of the actors who had the credit of 
 having taught elocution to Demosthenes ^ At the age of 
 sevent}', and shortly before his death, he performed the feat 
 of acting eight tragedies in four days^ A well-known story 
 is told about him to the following effect. Soon after the 
 death of a favourite son, he happened to be acting the part of 
 Electra in the play of Sophocles. In the scene in which 
 Electra takes in her hands the urn supposed to contain 
 the ashes of Orestes, and pours forth a lamentation over his 
 death, Polus came upon the stage with the urn containing the 
 ashes of his own son, and holding it in his hands proceeded to 
 
 ^ Vit. Aesch. ; Schol. Aristoph. Ran. deiKijXifcras ; 
 803, Nub. 1267. * Macar. Cent. iii. 46; Prov. Coisl. 
 
 ^ Aristot. Poet. c. 26. 124. 
 
 ^ Xen. Symp. iii. 11 ; Pint. Ages. p. « Rhet. Graec. vi. p. 35 (Walz). 
 
 607 D dWd oil avye kaal KaWiinridas 6 ^ Plut. an sen. 785 C. 
 
v.] CELEBRATED ATHENIAN ACTORS. 257 
 
 act the scene with such profound depth of feeling as to produce 
 the greatest impression upon the audience. As Gellius remarks, 
 the acting in this case was no fiction, but a reality \ Another of 
 the great actors of this time was Theodorus, about whom a few 
 facts are recorded. The exceedingly natural tone of his de- 
 livery, and his habit of never permitting any of the subordinate 
 actors to appear upon the stage before himself, have already 
 been referred to. He considered that tragedy was much more 
 difficult to act in than comedy, and once told the comic actor 
 Satyrus that it was easy enough to make an audience laugh, but 
 to make them weep was the difficulty^. His own powers in this 
 respect were very great. Once when acting in Thessaly he 
 produced such an effect upon the brutal tyrant Alexander of 
 Pherae, that Alexander was compelled to leave the theatre, 
 because, as he afterwards told Theodorus, he was ashamed to 
 be seen weeping over the sufferings of an actor, while he was 
 perfectly callous about those of his countrymen ^. The tomb of 
 Theodorus, close to the banks of the Cephisus, was still to be 
 seen in the time of Pausanias ^. 
 
 The other leading tragic actors of this period were Aristo- 
 demus, Neoptolemus, Thessalus, and Athenodorus. The two 
 former were frequently at the court of Philip, and took a 
 large part in bringing about the peace of Philocrates. They 
 are therefore denounced by Demosthenes as traitors to their 
 country, and advocates of Philip's interests^. Neoptolemus 
 was the actor who, at the banquet held in Philip's palace on 
 the day before his assassination, recited a passage out of a 
 tragedy bearing upon the uncertainty of human fortune, and 
 the inexorable power of death. The fact was afterwards re- 
 membered as an ominous coincidence ^ Thessalus and Athen- 
 odorus were often rivals. At T^re, after the return of 
 Alexander from Egypt, they were the principal competitors in 
 the great tragic contest, in which the kings of Cyprus were the 
 choregi, and the chief generals of the army acted as judges. 
 
 * Gell. N. A. vii. 5. * Pausan. i. 37. 3. 
 
 ^ Plut. de se laud. 545 F. ' See above, p. 255. 
 
 ^ Ael. Var. Hist. xiv. 40. * Diod. Sic. xvi. 92. 
 
258 THE ACTORS. 
 
 On this occasion Athenodorus won, to the great grief of Alex- 
 ander, who said he would have given a part of his kingdom 
 to have ensured the victory of Thessalus \ The same two actors 
 were also competitors at the City Dionysia in the year 341, but 
 both of them were then beaten by Neoptolemus ^ 
 
 Among the Greeks the distinction between the tragic and the 
 comic actors was as complete as that between the tragic and 
 comic poets ^, There are no instances during the classical 
 period of an actor attempting both branches of the profession. 
 Still less is recorded about the great comic actors than about 
 the actors of tragedy. A few names are mentioned, but there 
 is almost a total absence of details concerning their style and 
 mannerisms. We are told that one of Hermon's jests was to 
 knock the heads of his fellow-actors with a stick, and that 
 Parmenon was celebrated for his skill in imitating the grunting 
 of a hog^ Interesting criticisms on the acting and the actors 
 in comedy are unfortunately nowhere to be found. 
 
 ^ Plut. Alex. 681 D. KpiToi KO)fi(vdois TCKal rpayajSots otavroi. 
 
 ^ Corp. Inscr. Att. ii. 973. * Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 542 ; Plut. 
 
 3 Plat. Rep. 395 B dW ov8i toi vrro- Aud. Poet. 18 B. 
 
CHAPTER VL 
 
 THE CHORUS. 
 § I. History of the Chorus. 
 
 The history of the chorus in the Greek drama is a history of 
 gradual decay. In the earliest period, when both tragedy and 
 comedy were mainly lyrical, the members of the chorus were the 
 sole performers. After the introduction of actors and dialogue 
 the chorus still continued for a time to play the leading part. 
 But from the beginning of the fifth century it began slowly to 
 dwindle in importance, until at length it disappeared almost 
 entirely from comedy, and sank even in tragedy to the position 
 of the band in a modern theatre. As far as tragedy is con- 
 cerned the process of decline can be traced with clearness in 
 the existing dramas. It takes two distinct forms. In the first 
 place there is a gradual diminution in the length of the part 
 assigned to the chorus ; in the second place there is a tendency 
 to withdraw the chorus from all active participation in the plot. 
 First, as to the length of the choral part. In the Supplices, the 
 oldest of existing Greek tragedies, the part of the chorus forms 
 no less than three-fifths of the whole composition. In the other 
 plays of Aeschylus, with the exception of the Prometheus, the 
 average length of the choral part is nearly a half. In the 
 tragedies of Sophocles the size is very much reduced. The 
 choral part in Sophocles varies from about a quarter of the 
 whole in the Ajax and the Antigone to about a seventh in the 
 
 S 2 
 
26o THE CHORUS, [Ch. 
 
 Electra and Philoctetes. In Euripides it varies from about 
 a quarter in such plays as the Bacchae and Alcestis to about a 
 ninth in the Orestes. It appears therefore that in the course of 
 the fifth century the part of the chorus was gradually but con- 
 tinuously reduced in size. In the second place, side by side 
 with the diminution in bulk, there was a constant tendency to 
 diminish the importance of the chorus by severing its con- 
 nexion with the plot. In the lyrical tragedies of the earliest 
 period the chorus was no doubt on most occasions the principal 
 object of interest, and took the leading part in the conduct of 
 the piece. This is still the case in some of the extant tragedies 
 of Aeschylus. In the Supplices, for instance, the whole subject 
 of the plot is the destiny of the fugitive maidens who form the 
 chorus. It is their adventures which excite the sympathy of 
 the audience ; the other characters are of very little signifi- 
 cance. Again in the Eumenides the interest centres chiefly 
 round the conduct and feelings of the chorus of Erinyes. But 
 in the other plays of Aeschylus the chorus begins to take very 
 much the same position as it occupies in the plays of vSophocles, 
 and the earlier plays of Euripides. It was at this period that 
 Attic tragedy was brought to its highest perfection, and the 
 question as to the proper place of the chorus in the plot was 
 solved in the manner most consistent with the genius of the 
 Greek drama. In Sophocles, in most of the later plays of 
 Aeschylus, and the earlier plays of Euripides, the chorus per- 
 forms two distinct functions. During the progress of the 
 dialogue it plays the part of a sympathetic witness, following 
 the course of the action with the keenest interest, but seldom 
 actively interfering. Its general character is that of the better 
 class of ordinary citizens. But during the choral odes which 
 fill up the pauses in the action it takes an altogether higher 
 tone. It then becomes the mouthpiece of the poet, uttering in 
 sublime language reflexions upon the events which have just 
 taken place, and expounding the hidden purposes of the gods. 
 Such is the position of the chorus in the best period of Greek 
 tragedy. It is altogether subordinated to the actors, and 
 seldom takes a prominent part in the incidents of the play. 
 
VI.] HISTORY OF THE CHORUS, 261 
 
 But at the same time, whether it is acting the part of a sym- 
 pathetic spectator, or serving merely as the mouthpiece of the 
 poet, all its utterances have a distinct reference to the plot 
 which is being worked out upon the stage. Nothing irrelevant 
 is introduced. The dialogue and the choral element are skil- 
 fully interwoven into one harmonious whole. But in the later 
 tragedies of Euripides the position of the chorus is altered very 
 much for the worse. A tendency is observable to sever all 
 connexion between the chorus and the action of the play. 
 Choral odes are introduced, which have no particular reference 
 to the individual tragedy, but consist merely of picturesque 
 descriptions of scenes from the ancient mythology. This 
 tendency was carried still further by Agathon, whose choral 
 odes were professedly mere interludes, and might be trans- 
 ferred from one play to another. His example was followed by 
 the later tragic poets, so that in the course of the fourth century 
 the tragic chorus came to occupy the position of the band in 
 modern times \ Its functions were limited to the duty of 
 providing music and singing between the several acts of a 
 tragedy. The history of the comic chorus was very similar; 
 but the steps of the process cannot be traced in detail, since the 
 works of only one comic poet have been preserved. In the 
 Plutus, the last of the extant comedies of Aristophanes, the 
 chorus is already reduced to the very slightest proportions. 
 Soon afterwards it practically disappeared. In the New 
 Comedy, which was essentially a comedy of every-day life, a 
 chorus would have been altogether out of place ^ 
 
 * Aristot. Poet. c. 18. KcunaSias. Apparently, however, some 
 
 * Platonius ap. Dindf. Prolegom. de sort of a chorus was occasionally intro- 
 Comoed. p. 20 tu/v yap x^PVy^^ f^V duced in the New Comedy, but its 
 X'^ipoTovoviiivojv Kal twu xopfV7"a)i' ovK position was altogether subordinate and 
 ixovrcuj/ ras Tpo(pas vn€^r)p46Tj rijs Kcopcv- insignificant. See vit. Aristoph. (Dindf. 
 bias TO, xopiKo. p-iKr}, Kal tmv viroOeacoov ProU. de Com. p. 36) irdKiv 5e (k\€\oi- 
 6 TpoTTOS p.€T€Pkr)6r], -p. 21 Kol ras irapa- ttotos Kal tov x^PVY^^^ '''^^ n\ovTov 
 /Sacrets iraprjTriaavTO, 5ia to tovs x^Rovs ypaxpas (h to diavairavcaOai rci (TKrjviKa 
 (mXfiifai, xoprjytoy ovk ovtojv. Anon, de irpoacuira Kal peT((TK€va(x9ai, eiriypdcpfi 
 Comoed. ap. Dindf. I.e. p. 27 7171' re X^P^^> (pOiyyofxevos kv iKtivois a Kal 
 yap vnoOeaiv ovk dX-qOi} ex^h ''^ot x^P^^ opwpev tovs veovs ovtok (inypd(povTas 
 earepTjTai, oirtp TrJ9 vecoripas virrjpx^ Cv^V ' ApicrTocpdvovs. 
 
262 THE CHORUS, [Cfi. 
 
 § 2. Size of the Chorus, 
 
 The tragic chorus, being a direct descendant of the old dithy- 
 rambic choruses, originally consisted of fifty members \ After 
 all connexion between tragedy and the dithyramb had been 
 severed, the number of the choreutae in a tragic chorus was 
 reduced to twelve. It has been suggested that this number was 
 due to the practice of each poet exhibiting four tragedies at a 
 time. It is supposed that the original chorus of fifty was divided 
 as equally as possible among the four tragedies, so that each 
 chorus came to consist of twelve members. The conjecture is 
 a plausible one, but cannot be regarded as certain, owing to the 
 scantiness of our information concerning the early history of 
 tragedy. The size of the tragic chorus remained unaltered 
 until the time of Sophocles, and in all the earlier plays of 
 Aeschylus twelve choreutae are employed. Sophocles raised 
 the number from twelve to fifteen ", After his time there was 
 no further change, and during the remaining period of the Attic 
 drama the tragic chorus was always composed of fifteen per- 
 sons. The various technical terms which refer to the arrange- 
 ment of the tragic chorus are all based on the supposition 
 that it is a chorus of fifteen. It is not quite certain whether 
 the innovation of Sophocles was adopted by Aeschylus in his 
 later plays. The Oresteia of Aeschylus was brought out 
 ten years after the first appearance of Sophocles ; and it has 
 been contended that the chorus in this trilogy contained fifteen 
 members. But there is hardly sufficient evidence to deter- 
 mine the matter with any certainty ^ However on general 
 
 ^ Poll. iv. no. Pollux further states with his Eumenides. 
 
 that the number continued to be fifty ^ Suid. v. ^o(pofcXT}s ; Vit. Soph. p. 2 
 
 until the Eumenides of Aeschylus was Dindf. 
 
 produced; and that the people were ^ The decision ofthe question depends 
 
 so alarmed at the sight of the fifty on the passage in the Agamemnon, vv. 
 
 Erinyes that they passed a law reduc- 1344-1371. There is no doubt that the 
 
 ing the number ofthe tragic chorus. twelve iambic couplets, 1348-1371, were 
 
 The story is of course a fiction, on a delivered by twelve choreutae. The 
 
 par with the statement in the Life, that difficulty is to decide whether the three 
 
 Aeschylus was banished to Sicily as a trochaic tetrameters, 1344, 1346, and 
 
 punishment for terrifying the people 1347, were delivered by three additional 
 
VI.] SIZE OF THE CHORUS. 263 
 
 grounds it seems probable that Aeschylus should have followed 
 the example of Sophocles. At any rate there is no doubt 
 that after the middle of the fifth century the number of the 
 choreutae was fixed at fifteen ^. The satyric chorus was of the 
 same size as the tragic— a natural result of the intimate con- 
 nexion between tragedy and the satyric drama ^ The comic 
 chorus, throughout all the period with which we are acquainted, 
 invariably consisted of twenty-four members. All the authorities 
 are unanimous on the subject \ 
 
 The size of the chorus in the Greek drama was regulated by 
 invariable custom, and no alteration was ever made to suit the 
 requirements of a particular play. For instance, in the Sup- 
 plices of Aeschylus the number of the Danaides was fifty, but 
 the chorus consisted of only twelve maidens, who did duty for 
 the fifty. Again, in the Eumenides the proper number of the 
 chorus should have been three, if the legend had been accurately 
 adhered to. But the number of Erinyes was raised from three 
 to twelve or fifteen in order to keep up the ordinary size of the 
 chorus. In this respect, as usual, the Greeks were careless 
 about minute accuracy. 
 
 § 3. Costume of the Chorus. 
 
 The costume of the chorus is a subject in regard to which the 
 information is not very copious. Masks were universally worn by 
 
 choreutae, or by the coryphaeus. Either 585. The number is given as fourteen 
 
 view is plausible, and it seems impos- in Vit. Aesch.; Bekk. Anecd. p. 746; 
 
 sible to determine the matter without Tzetzes, Prolegom. ad Lycophron, p. 
 
 further evidence. The statement of 254 M. The explanation of the dis- 
 
 Schol. Arist. Equit, 586, that the crepancy lies in the fact that when the 
 
 chorus in the Agamemnon was fifteen chorus is said to consist of fourteen 
 
 in number, is merely an inference from members the coryphaeus is not included, 
 
 the passage just referred to. The state- ^ Xzetzes 1. c. r^v l\ rpaya^Siav koI 
 
 ment of Schol. Aesch. Eum. 585, that rovs aarvpovs eiricrrjs fxev ex^iv x^P^VTas 
 
 the chorus in the Eumenides consisted la' (? 18'). Id. apud Dubner, Prolegom. 
 
 of fifteen persons, is simply grounded on de Com. p. xxiv. eKKaiSeKa 5e aaTvpcuv, 
 
 the assumption that the number was TpayofSias. Though the numbers are 
 
 the same as in later times. In neither wrong in both passages, it is plain that 
 
 case is the evidence of any independent the tragic and satyric choruses were of 
 
 value. the same size. 
 
 1 Fifteen is the number given in Poll. ^ Poll. iv. 109 ; Schol. Arist. A v. 
 
 iv. 109; Suid. v. xopos; Schol. Arist. Av. 298, Acham. 210; Bekk. Anecd. p. 
 
 298, P:quit. 586 ; Schol. Aesch. Eum. 746, &c., &c. 
 
264 THE CHORUS, [Ch. 
 
 the chorus, as well as by the actors upon the stage ^ The tragic 
 chorus was usually composed of old men, or women, or maidens. 
 In such cases they wore the ordinary Greek dress, consisting of 
 a tunic and a mantle. No attempt was made to give them an 
 impressive appearance by the use of strange and magnificent 
 costumes, similar to those worn by the actors. Such costumes 
 were perfectly appropriate to the heroes and gods upon the 
 stage, but would have been out of place in the chorus, which 
 was generally supposed to represent the ordinary public. The 
 masks of the tragic chorus would of course be suitable to the 
 age and sex of the persons represented. A special kind of 
 white shoe, said to be the invention of Sophocles, was worn by 
 the tragic chorus ^. Old men usually carried a staffs. Various 
 little details in dress and equipment would be added according 
 to circumstances. Thus the chorus of bereaved matrons in 
 the Supplices of Euripides were dressed in black garments, 
 and had their hair cut short, as a sign of mourning, and car- 
 ried branches twined with wool, the symbol of supplication, 
 in their hands. The chorus of maidens in the Choephori, 
 who had come to offer libations at the tomb of Agamem- 
 non, were also dressed in black*. In some cases the tragic 
 chorus was altogether of an exceptional character, and required 
 a special costume. In the Supplices of Aeschylus the daugh- 
 ters of the Aegyptian Danaus appear to have been dressed as 
 foreigners. Probably the same was the case with the Persian 
 Elders in the Persae. The Bacchantes in the play of Euripides 
 carried tambourines in their hands, and were doubtless also 
 provided with fawn-skins and wands of ivy^ But no tragic 
 chorus ever caused a greater sensation than the chorus of 
 Erinyes in the Eumenides of Aeschylus. Their costume was 
 designed by Aeschylus himself, and the snakes in the hair, 
 which afterwards became one of their regular attributes, were 
 specially invented for the occasion. As they rushed into the 
 
 ^ Pausan. i. 28. 6; Schol. Arist. * Eur. Suppl. 10, 97; Aesch. Choeph. 
 
 Clouds 343 ; Wieseler, Denkmal. vi. 2. 10, 11. 
 
 ^ Vit, Soph. 5 Aesch. Suppl. 234-236 dveWrjva 
 
 ^ Aesch. Agam. 75 ; Eur. Here. Fur. aroXov \ ireirXoiai fiapfidpoiai Kal nvKvu- 
 
 108. fjuxoi I x^'o^'To ; Eur. Bacch. 58. 
 
VI.] 
 
 COSTUME OF THE CHORUS. 
 
 265 
 
 orchestra, their black dresses, distorted features, and snaky 
 locks, are said to have inspired the spectators with terror ^ 
 But this chorus was of a very exceptional kind. In most cases 
 the tragic chorus was composed of ordinary men and women, 
 and their dress was that of every-day life. 
 
 The dress of the satyrs in the chorus of the satyric drama 
 was of a very simple character. It is depicted in several works 
 of art, and the accuracy of the delineation is confirmed by the 
 descriptions in ancient writers. The present illustration repre- 
 sents three members of a satyric chorus, and is taken from the 
 
 vase-painting referred to in previous chapters ^. The only dress 
 of the satyrs was a rough goat-skin round the loins, with a tail 
 hanging down behind. The phallus was invariably worn. The 
 mask was provided with a shock of bushy hair, and exhibited 
 coarse and lascivious features ^ Apart from the goat-skin the 
 satyrs are represented as perfectly naked*. It has been sug- 
 
 ^ Aesch. Eum. 52 ; vit. Aesch. p. 4 
 Dindf. ; Poll. iv. no; Pausan. i. 28. 6. 
 
 ^ The illustration is from Wieseler, 
 Denk. vi. 2. The original is a Greek 
 vase-painting, with the names of the 
 actors appended in many cases. See 
 chap. V. p. 231. 
 
 ^ Cp. Dion. Hal. A. R. vii. 72 roTs 
 5^ 6ts ^arvpovs ((iKaadiiai) Trfpi^w/j.ara 
 KOI dopal rpdyajv Kal opOorpix^s kvl 
 rais Kf<pa\ais (j>6fiai Kal 6aa tovtois 
 0/jt.oia : Eur. Cycl. 439. 
 
 * Cp. Hor. A. P. 221 mox etiam 
 agrestes Satyros midavit. 
 
266 THE CHORUS. [CH. 
 
 gested that in the theatre they wore sHppers and some sort of 
 flesh-coloured tights. But it is not necessary to suppose that 
 this was the case. In the illustration one of the choreutae is 
 wearing his mask upon his head, and is fully attired as a satyr ; 
 the others are carrying their masks in their hands. 
 
 The chorus of the Old Comedy, when it consisted of men and 
 women, was dressed in the tunic and mantle of ordinary life. 
 The mantle was laid aside for the purpose of dancing, as the 
 dances of the Old Comedy were of a wild and energetic cha- 
 racter, and required freedom of action \ The masks were of a 
 ludicrous type, with the features distorted ^. In addition to the 
 ordinary choruses of men and women a great many of the 
 choruses of the Old Comedy consisted of fanciful personifi- 
 cations of various kinds. Such, for example, was the chorus of 
 Clouds in Aristophanes, the chorus of Seasons in Cratinus, the 
 chorus of Trifles in Pherecrates, and the chorus of Towns and 
 of Cities in Eupolis \ In all these cases the dress and general 
 make-up appear to have been of a grotesque character, and only 
 in a remote degree emblematic of the ideas and objects per- 
 sonified. For instance, the Clouds of Aristophanes appeared as 
 women dressed in gaily-coloured garments, and wore masks 
 of a ridiculous type, with long noses and other exaggerations. 
 The only resemblance to clouds was in the colours of the 
 dresses ^ Probably in other similar cases the personification 
 was carried out in the same rough and ready manner. Another 
 large class of choruses was composed of various kinds of 
 animals. Aristophanes had a chorus of Birds and of Wasps. 
 Magnes, a comic poet belonging to the earlier part of the fifth 
 century, introduced choruses of Birds, of Insects, and of Frogs. 
 Eupolis had a chorus of Goats, and Archippus a chorus of 
 Fishes ^ It would be highly interesting to know how the cos- 
 
 ^ Arist. Achar. 627 dW' dTroSwres €<j$tjti ttoikiXt) ;(^pa>/x€i/a9, iva ra rwv 
 
 rois ova-naiaTois knicufKv : Thesm. 656 ovpavicav cl>v\dTTOjai axyjH-o-Ta : id. 343 
 
 rwv 6 Ifiariojv a-wobvaas. elcreXrjXvOacn yap 01 tov X''^P^^ irpoaooireia 
 
 '^ Schol. Arist. Nub. 343. irepiKcijxevoi pieydKas exovra pTvas Kcd 
 
 ^ Meineke, Frag. Com. Gr. ii. pp. dWws yeXoTa nal daxvp^ova. 
 
 162, 296, 455, 507. ^ Aristoph. Equit. 522, 523; Meineke, 
 
 * Schol, Arist. Nub. 289 /xeAAct 5c F. C. G. ii. pp. 426, 718. 
 Tas HeipiXas yvvaiKopi.6p(ppvs dadyeiv, 
 
VI.] 
 
 COSTUME OF THE CHORUS. 
 
 267 
 
 tume of the chorus was managed in such cases. Fortunately 
 a contemporary vase-painting has been discovered which throws 
 great Hght upon the subject. A copy of the painting is here 
 inserted ^ The vase is of Athenian workmanship, and belongs 
 to the first half of the fifth century. The scene represents a 
 chorus of men dressed as birds, dancing to the accompaniment 
 of the flute. The bodies of the choreutae are covered with a 
 close-fitting dress, made in rough imitation of feathers. Two 
 long ends hang down from each side of the waist, and a bunch 
 of feathers is affixed to each knee. The arms are provided with 
 
 wings. A row of upright feathers is attached to the crown of 
 the head, and the mask is made with a long and pointed nose, 
 suggestive of the beak of a bird. This painting has the unique 
 advantage of being a piece of contemporary workmanship. 
 Whether it is intended to represent one of the old comic 
 choruses, or merely some mimetic dance unconnected with the 
 drama, there can be no doubt that it affords a very clear in- 
 dication of the manner in which animals were imitated in the 
 choruses of the Old Comedy. There appears to have been 
 
 ^ The illustration is taken, by per- 
 mission of the Council of the Hellenic 
 Society, from the Journal of Hellenic 
 
 Studies, vol. ii. no. 2, plate xiv. B. See 
 Mr. Cecil Smith's interesting article on 
 the subject* 
 
268 THE CHORUS, [Oh. 
 
 none of the realism one meets with in a modern pantomime. 
 The imitation was only carried so far as to be generally sug- 
 gestive of the animal intended. The body and legs were left 
 unfettered, to allow of free movement in the dance. At the 
 same time, to judge from the specimen before us, the costumes 
 seem to have been designed with a great deal of spirit and 
 humour, and to have been extremely well adapted to the pur- 
 pose for which they were intended. 
 
 § 4. Arrangement of the Chorus. 
 
 Except on rare occasions the dramatic choruses were drawn 
 up in formations of military regularity, both on their first 
 entrance, and during the progress of the play. They presented 
 a perfectly symmetrical appearance in the orchestra. In this 
 respect they oifer a contrast to the choruses in a modern opera, 
 and to the crowds which are introduced upon the modern stage. 
 As a rule no attempt was made to imitate the fluctuating move- 
 ments and haphazard grouping of an ordinary crowd. The 
 chorus marched into the orchestra, and took up its position 
 before the stage, with the regularity and precision of a body of 
 soldiers. In all dramatic choruses — tragic, comic, and satyric^ 
 the rectangular formation was invariably adopted, as opposed 
 to the circular arrangement of the dithyrambic choruses \ 
 Every dramatic chorus, when drawn up in this way, consisted of 
 a certain number of 'ranks,' and a certain number of 'files.' 
 For instance, the tragic chorus, with its fifteen members, con- 
 tained five ranks of three men each, and three files of five men 
 each. Similarly the comic chorus, which was composed of 
 twenty-four persons, contained six ranks of four men each, and 
 four files of six men each. According to the Attic phraseology 
 a chorus was said to be drawn up 'by ranks,' when the different 
 members of the same rank stood one behind the other. It was 
 said to be drawn up ' by files ' when the members of the same 
 
 ^ Tzetzes, Prolegom. ad Lycophron, Bekk. Anecd. p. 746 ; Et. Mag. v. rpa- 
 
 p. 254 M, rpa')iiKwv bi Koi aarvpiKo/v ycfiSia ; vit. Aristoph. (Dindf. Prolegom. 
 
 Kal KcxjjxiKoJv TtoirjTaiv Koivbv /xkv to t€t- de Com. p. 36). 
 pa'ifwvws «x**'' laTafxevov rbv xopov : 
 
VI.] ARRANGEMENT OF THE CHORUS. 269 
 
 file were one behind the other. Accordingly, when a tragic 
 chorus was drawn up 'by ranks/ the men stood five abreast 
 and three deep. When it was drawn up 'by files/ they stood 
 three abreast and five deep. The same regulations applied to 
 the comic chorus. It might be arranged 'by ranks/ with the 
 men six abreast and four deep ; or ' by files/ with the men four 
 abreast and six deep \ The arrangements throughout were of 
 this military character. In fact the training of a choreutes was 
 considered by many of the ancient writers to be an excellent pre- 
 paration for warlike service ^ 
 
 In the great majority of cases the chorus was supposed to 
 consist of persons from the neighbourhood, and therefore 
 entered the orchestra by the western passage. Their right 
 side was towards the stage, and their left side towards the 
 spectators. As a consequence, the left side of the chorus was 
 much the most conspicuous and important, and the best-trained 
 choreutae were placed there ^ The tragic chorus might enter 
 five abreast and three deep, or three abreast and five deep, 
 according as the formation was by ranks or by files. As a matter 
 of fact the arrangement by files was the one almost invariably 
 adopted. There are several technical terms in connexion with 
 the tragic chorus, and they all refer to a chorus which is sup- 
 posed to be entering from the western side, and to be drawn up 
 three abreast and five deep. An oblong formation of this kind 
 would evidently be more convenient in the narrow side-entrances, 
 and would present a broader surface to the spectators and to the 
 stage. A diagram is here inserted, representing a tragic chorus 
 entering three abreast from the western parodos. It will enable 
 the reader to follow the various technical phrases with less 
 
 ^ Poll. iv. 108, 109 K(u TpayiKov n\v "^ Athen. p. 628 F. 
 
 Xopov ^vya TrivTf eK rpiojv Kal aroixoi ^ Schol. Aristid. iii. p. 535 Dindf. 
 
 rpeis Ik Ttevre' irevTeKaibcKa yap r,aav oTd d(Tr,€crav ol X^pot Trkayioos liadi^ovres 
 
 6 xopos. Kal Kara rpeis fiev dcrijeaav, knoiovvTO rovs VfjLvovs fcal uxov rovs 
 
 €1 Kara ^vya y'lvoiTO fj irapohos- ei Se Oeards kv apiarfpa avruv Kal ol trpwroi 
 
 Kard. cTToixovs, dva irevre elarjeaav . . . tov x^P°^ dpicrrepov otoixov, p. 5^6 
 
 o Se KcofxiKos xopo? reTrapes Kol e'lKocriv Tom ovv KaXovs rojv x^^P^^t^^ erarrov 
 
 rjaav ol x'^P^^'^^h C^l^ ^'£> eKoarov 8e daiovres Iv rots twv kavTwv dpianpoh, 
 
 Quybv (K TCTTapoov, aroTxoi Se Terrapes, 'iva (vpeOu/crt irpbs tov drjfxov opwvTes. 
 l£ dvdpas ex^v iKaaros aroixos. 
 
270 THE CHORUS, ^ [Ch. 
 
 difficulty. When drawn up in this way the tragic chorus con- 
 sisted of three files parallel to one another. As already stated, 
 the first file was the most important, because it was nearest 
 to the spectators. The members of this file were called * ariste- 
 rostatae,' or 'men on the left,' and consisted of the handsomest 
 and most skilful of the choreutae. The middle file was the 
 least important of the three, as it was most out of sight of the 
 spectators. The worst choreutae were placed in this file, and 
 
 
 
 
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 STAGE 
 
 were called 'laurostatae,' or 'men in the passage.' The third 
 file was the one nearest to the stage. Occasionally, if the 
 chorus wheeled completely round, it came in full view of the 
 spectators. It was therefore of more importance than the 
 middle file, and a better class of choreutae were placed in it. 
 They were called the 'dexiostatae,' or ' men on the right \' In 
 addition to ^the above technical terms there were also special 
 names for the six men who composed the front and hindmost 
 
 ^ Poll. ii. l6l Taxa Z\ Koi 6 dpifftepo- XavpoaraTai' jxiaov rod X'^pov' olovei 
 aTOLTTjs iv X'^PV '"'pocrrjfcoi av rrj dpiaTepa, yap kv arevcunw elffiV cpavKoTfpoi be 
 OJS 6 df^ioffTaTTjs T^ Se^ia. Phot. v. ovtoi. 
 
VI.] ARRANGEMENT OF THE CHORUS. 271 
 
 ranks — nos. i, 6, 11, 5, 10, and 15 in the diagram. They were 
 styled ' kraspeditae/ or 'fringe- men \' Finally, the three files 
 had different names, according to their relative proximity to the 
 spectators. The members of the left file were called * front-line 
 men * ; the members of the middle and right-hand files were 
 called 'second-line men' and 'third-line men' respectively^. 
 
 The first or left file, as already pointed out, was much the 
 most important, because the members of it were in full view of 
 the audience. The central position, no. 3 in the diagram, was 
 occupied by the coryphaeus, or leader of the chorus ^ The post 
 of the leader was an extremely arduous one. While the 
 dialogue was in progress, he had to carry on conversations with 
 the actors upon the stage. During the choral odes he had 
 to give the note to the choreutae, and superintend the dances 
 and manoeuvres. At the same time his own dancing and 
 mimetic gestures were supposed to be a conspicuous feature 
 in the performance. It is plain, therefore, that his position must 
 have been a difficult one to fill. Demosthenes, speaking of 
 dithyrambic choruses, says that the loss of the coryphaeus means 
 the ruin of the chorus ; and this must have been still more the 
 case in a dramatic performance ^. On the other hand the pos- 
 session of a skilful leader would contribute very largely to the 
 success of the chorus and of the drama. The choreutae on each 
 side of the leader, nos. 2 and 4 in the diagram, were called 
 his 'parastatae,' or 'assistants,' and were next in importance to 
 the leader himself. The two choreutae on the outside, nos. i and 
 5 in the diagram, were called the 'third men^' As already 
 
 ^ Plut. Conv. p. 678 D watrtp xopov, ovvepaiviv ovv tov fiecrov rod dpiffrepov 
 
 Tov av/jnroaiov rbv KpaaireSiTT]!/ to; Kopv- aroixov rrjv hvriixoTarr}v kol t'^v olov 
 
 (paicp awrjKoov exovros. The Kpacrne- rov irpcoToaraTov x^P^^ eirex^i^ koX 
 
 Strai were also called rpiXtis ; cp. Suid. araaiv. The coryphaeus was also called 
 
 V. if/i\(vs' Itt' oLKpov xo/501) laraiKvos : x^PW^^ Athen. p. 633 A, x^po-yos Plut. 
 
 Hesych. V. ^iA-ffs* ol vcrraTOL xopevovrfs. Apophth. Lac. p. 219 E, ■^y^ixouv and 
 
 ^ Hesych. v. apiaTepooraTrjr 6 irpoj- ^yepLOJv KopvcpaTos Dem. Meid. § 60. 
 ToaTaTrjs rov x^P^^- Poll. iv. 106 * Dem. Meid. § 60. 
 
 Sc^ioffTCLTrjs, dpiaTcpoaTaTTjs, SevTcpo- ^ Aristot. Met. iv. 1 1 ravra S* effrlv 
 
 arar-qs, TpiTocrTaTrjs. 6<Ta rrpos ri ev upiffpivov SiiffrrjKe Kara 
 
 ^ Phot. V. rpiros dpiffrepov' kv roTs rbv \6yov, olov irapaffTarrjs rpiroffrdrov 
 
 rpayiKois x^pots rpiuv ovtcov oroixo^v irponpov, Kal irapav-qri] vrjrrjs' tvOa pXv 
 
 Hal vfvre ^vyaiv, 6 pXv dpiffrepbs irpbs Tip yap Kopv(paios, tvQa 5e fj fxiffr] dpx'Q- 
 Oearpo) ^v, 6 dk Se^ibs trpbs rw npoaK7]vi<f. 
 
272 THE CHORUS. [Ch. 
 
 remarked, the coryphaeus, together with the other four mem- 
 bers of the left file, constituted the pick of the whole chorus. 
 
 Concerning the formation in which the comic chorus entered 
 the orchestra there is not much information. Like the tragic 
 chorus, it might enter either by ranks or by files ; that is to say, 
 it might come in six abreast and four deep, or four abreast and 
 six deep. There can be no doubt that the oblong formation of 
 four abreast and six deep was the one usually adopted. It 
 would be more suitable from every point of view. Both the tragic 
 and the comic choruses were probably preceded into the orchestra 
 by the flute-player ^ On certain rare occasions the formal 
 entrance in a rectangular body was dispensed with, and an 
 irregular mode of entrance was adopted, in order to produce 
 a dramatic effect. The best example is in the Eumenides of 
 Aeschylus. When the Erinyes made their second appearance, 
 they came rushing into the orchestra one by one, in hot pursuit 
 of Orestes, and created a profound sensation by their movements 
 and appearance I There is another instance in the Birds of 
 Aristophanes. The chorus of Birds begins by entering one 
 by one. The flamingo comes first, and its appearance is criti- 
 cised by the actors upon the stage. The cock follows, and is 
 similarly criticised. Then comes the hoopoe, and after it the 
 glutton-bird. Finally the whole chorus of birds comes flutter- 
 ing in together, so as to block up the side-entrances ^ In the 
 Lysistrata the chorus is divided into two halves, one consist- 
 ing of men, the other of women. The chorus of men enters 
 first ; the chorus of women follows after an interval. The 
 chorus in the Ecclesiazusae is composed of women who have 
 been invited to a political gathering by Praxagora. They 
 enter by twos and threes, in a perfectly irregular fashion, 
 so as to imitate a real assemblage*. But instances of this 
 kind were very rare and exceptional. Usually the chorus 
 
 * Schul. Arist. Vesp. 580 iOos Se ^1/ its entrance. 
 (V rats k^oSois Twv TTJs Tpaywbias xopi-fcouv 2 PoU. iy. 109; Vit. Aescli. p. 4 
 
 Ttpoawnwv TrporiyeiaOai avXrjTrjv, cuare Dindf. 
 avXovvra vpovifiireLV. As the flute- ^ Arist. Av. 268-296. 
 
 player preceded the chorus on its exit, * Arist. Lysist. 254, 319, Eccles. 
 
 it is most likely that he did the same at 41-60. 
 
VI.] ARRANGEMENT OF THE CHORUS. • 273 
 
 entered in a rectangular body, with the precision of a troop 
 of soldiers. 
 
 In most cases the entrance of the chorus took place at the 
 conclusion of the 'prologue/ or introductory scene upon the 
 stage ; and the march in was accompanied by a chant, which was 
 called the 'parodos/ or entrance song^ However, in a con- 
 siderable number of plays there was no parodos at all, but the 
 chorus entered the orchestra in silence, while the first act of the 
 drama was in progress, and then commenced a musical dialogue 
 with the actors upon the stage. Instances of this mode of 
 entrance are to be found in such tragedies as the Electra of 
 Sophocles and the Orestes of Euripides ^ In the vast majority 
 of Greek plays the entrance of the chorus is managed in one or 
 other of the two ways just specified. Either the chorus comes 
 in at the termination of the prologue, chanting the parados ; or 
 else the parados is omitted, and the chorus enters in silence, 
 and then proceeds to sing a musical duet with the actors. A 
 few plays are exceptional, and do not conform to either of 
 these two conventional types. Occasionally, for instance, 
 there is no prologue, and the play commences with the paro- 
 dos, as in the Supplices and Persae of Aeschylus. Then again, 
 in the Eumenides the parodos is sung on the second entrance 
 of the Erinyes, after their arrival at Athens. In the Supplices 
 of Euripides the chorus are seen kneeling upon the stage 
 in supplication when the play commences. There they re- 
 mained in silence during the performance of the prologue, and 
 then proceeded to sing an ode, in place of the usual parodos, 
 from their position on the stage. In the Clouds it appears that 
 the chorus chant the first two odes behind the scenes, and then 
 
 ^ Arg. Aesch. Pers. ru>v 5e xopct'J' ra \€^is oX-q tov xopou, in order to make 
 
 fikv lari irapoSiKo,, us ore \4yei Si' ^i' the word oKos bear the same meaning 
 
 alriav irdpeaTiv, us t^ " Tvpiov otbiia throughout the chapter. Whichever 
 
 XiTTovaa." Schol. Eur. Phoen. irdpodos reading is adopted, the definition seems 
 
 8( loTiv oJS^ xo/JOv ^ahi^ovTos aSofxevr] too wide. 
 
 afjLaTTJ elaoSu, us TO "'Siya (Tiya XetTTov ^ Other examples are the Prom. 
 
 ixvos dpfivXrjs TiOeTe." In Aristot. Poet. Vinct. of Aeschylus ; the Philoctetes of 
 
 c. 1 2 the TTcipoSos is described as 17 -npuTrj Sophocles ; the Medea, Heracleidae, 
 
 Xe'^is oKov xopov, which Westphal (Pro- Troades, and Electra of Euripides. 
 legom. ad Aesch. p. 57) alters to ^ npuTrj 
 
274 • THE CHORUS. [Ch. 
 
 enter the orchestra silently. The Rhesus commences with a 
 dialogue in anapaests between Hector and the chorus. Lastly, 
 in the Ecclesiazusae there is no song of any kind. The women 
 of the chorus drop in by twos and threes, and proceed at once 
 to take part in an ordinary dialogue with the actors on the stage. 
 
 The next point to be considered is the position taken up 
 by the chorus after entering the orchestra. On most occasions, 
 as already stated, the chorus came in by the western side, 
 drawn up in rectangular formation, with the stage on its right 
 hand and the spectators on its left. It advanced halfway into 
 the orchestra, then came to a halt, and each member of the 
 chorus turned round to the right, so as to face the stage. By 
 this manoeuvre the whole chorus was made to look towards 
 the stage, and the arrangement by files was converted into one 
 by ranks. For instance, the tragic chorus, which had entered 
 three abreast and five deep, now stood before the stage five 
 abreast and three deep. The coryphaeus and principal 
 choreutae stood in the back line, and retained their position 
 nearest to the spectators, and furthest away from the stage. 
 This position they kept throughout the performance \ In a 
 similar manner the comic chorus, after entering the orchestra 
 four abreast and six deep, would halt in front of the stage, 
 go through the manoeuvre just described, and convert itself 
 into a body standing six abreast and four deep. There is no 
 information as to the position of the coryphaeus in the comic 
 chorus. But there can be no doubt that, like the tragic 
 coryphaeus, he stood in the back row, as near as possible to 
 the spectators. 
 
 While the actors were upon the stage, and the dialogue was in 
 
 ^ Miiller (die Griech. Buhnen.p. 214), seems most improbable that care should 
 
 following Hermann (Opusc. vi. 2, p. have been taken, during the entrance 
 
 144), supposes the whole chorus to have into the orchestra, to place the cory- 
 
 wheeled completely round, so that the phaeus and best choreutae in the line 
 
 left file came to be nearest to the stage. most conspicuous to the spectators, but 
 
 He thinks it more natural for the cory- that throughout the rest of the perform- 
 
 phaeus to have been immediately in ance they should have been stationed in 
 
 front of the stage, where he would be a position where the majority of the 
 
 in a position to converse with the actors. spectators would hardly have been able 
 
 But he could do so equally well from to see them, 
 the centre of the back row. And it 
 
VI.] ARRANGEMENT OF THE CHORUS, 275 
 
 progress, the chorus continued to stand with their backs towards 
 the spectators, and their faces towards the stage, so as to fol- 
 low the course of the action \ This was their normal position 
 during the play, and although it may seem strange to our modern 
 ideas, it was a necessary consequence of the peculiar circum- 
 stances under which the Greek drama was developed. When 
 the stage was empty, the pauses between the acts were filled 
 up by the choral odes called stasima. There is no reliable in- 
 formation as to the position and movements of the chorus during 
 the performance of the stasima. As the singing was accom- 
 panied by dancing, the choreutae must have been moving to and 
 fro. But in the absence of evidence it seems useless to venture 
 on conjectures as to the exact nature of the evolutions. One 
 thing may be regarded as certain, that during the performance 
 of the stasima the chorus did not continue to face towards the 
 empty stage, and turn their backs upon the audience. Such 
 a position would have been quite unnatural and unmeaning. 
 In the Old Comedy there was a peculiar sort of interlude called 
 the parabasis, which came during a pause in the action, and con- 
 sisted of a series of lyrics and addresses, delivered by the chorus, 
 and dealing with ordinary topics of the day. While reciting the 
 first part of the parabasis the chorus wheeled completely round 
 so as to face the spectators. Hence the name 'parabasis,' which 
 means ' a turning aside.' The latter part was antistrophical in 
 form, and during its delivery the chorus separated into two divi- 
 sions, which stood facing one another. The different portions 
 of the parabasis were then given by each division in turn ^ 
 
 ^ Anon.de Com. (Dindf. Prolegom. p. i8off. That the half-choruses stood 
 
 de Com. p. 29) ; Vit. Aristoph. (ibid. p. facing one another seems to be indicated 
 
 36) ; Schol. Arist. Equit. 505. by Hephaest. 14, p. 131 'iari Si tis kv 
 
 ^ Schol. Arist. Equit. 505, Pax 733. rah KaiixctiUais koI 1) Ka\ov[ihr) TrapdPa- 
 
 As to the formation during the latter cts, knaSav eiacXOovTes els to Oearpov 
 
 part of the parabasis, it is almost cer- kol avrnTpSffooirov d\Xri\ois aravTcs ol 
 
 tain that the chorus was then divided x^P^^^"-^ irapc^aivov : Anon, de Comoed, 
 
 into -qixixopia. Two MSS. assign the (Diibner, Prolegom. de. Com. p. xx) 
 
 strophe and antistrophe to -^/xixopia in dTreXOovrojv Se tSjv viroKpiTojv wpbs dpLcpo- 
 
 Nubes 563, 595, Vespae 1060, 1091, rfpa rd /xepij rod d-qpiov bpwv €K Tfrpa- 
 
 Aves 737, 769, and the epirrhema and fJierpov Se/cal^ arixovs dvaTraiffrovs kfOiy- 
 
 antepirrhema in Ranae 686, 717. See yero, Kal tovto t/eaXeiTO crrpocpT}. 
 Arnoldt, die Chorpartieen bei Aristoph. 
 
 T 2 
 
276 THE CHORUS, [Ch. 
 
 Sometimes; though not often, in the course of a play the 
 chorus left the orchestra for a short period, and made a 
 second entrance later on\ The instances of the practice 
 which occur in the Eumenides and the Ajax were necessitated 
 by the change of scene in those plays ^. There is another 
 example in the Helena of Euripides. Helen and the chorus 
 retire into the palace, to enquire about the fate of Menelaus 
 from Theonoe. In their absence Menelaus enters the stage, 
 and recounts his adventures to the audience. Then Helen 
 and the chorus return, and the recognition gradually takes 
 place ^ Similar temporary departures of the chorus are to be 
 found in the Alcestis and the Ecclesiazusae ; but they seem 
 to have been of very rare occurrence*. At the end of the 
 play the chorus retired by the passage from which it had 
 entered, and was preceded by the flute-player ^ In the Seven 
 against Thebes the chorus leave the orchestra in two divisions, 
 one following the body of Polyneices, the other that of Eteocles. 
 But in most cases they probably marched out in the same rect- 
 angular formation in which they had entered. The position 
 of the flute-player during the performance is unknown. 
 
 § 5. The Delivery of the choral part. 
 
 As regards the delivery of the words, the chorus, like the 
 actors, was not confined to one manner only, but used song, 
 speech, and recitative by turns, according to the varying 
 character of the metre. The lyrical portions of the drama 
 were almost invariably sung. The ordinary iambic trimeters 
 were spoken. The systems of anapaestic dimeters, and the 
 iambic, trochaic, and anapaestic tetrameters were delivered in 
 recitative to the accompaniment of the flute ^ A question now 
 arises, which is of great interest and importance in connexion 
 with the choral part of the performance. It is obvious to any 
 reader of a Greek play that many of the speeches and songs 
 
 ^ Poll. iv. 108. The temporary depar- ^ Eur. Hel. 327 foil, 
 
 ture was called /xcTdorao-t?, the return * Eur. Ale. 746 ; Arist. Eccles. 310. 
 
 \-ni-napolos. s Schol. Arist. Vesp. 580. 
 
 2 Aesch. Eum. 235 ; Soph. Ajax 815. ^ See chap. v. p. 241 foil. 
 
VI.] DELIVERY OF THE CHORAL PART. 277 
 
 assigned to the chorus were not intended to be delivered by 
 the whole of the chorus, but by individual members. This 
 fact is patent to every one. But when any attempt is made to i 
 settle the exact character of the distribution, the greatest di- 
 versity of opinion prevails. The question as to the parts which 
 were delivered by the whole chorus, and the parts which were i 
 delivered by sections or individuals, is one of the most intricate / 
 which the Greek drama presents. Unfortunately the ancient 1 
 writers supply hardly any information upon the subject. The 
 whole matter has been discussed and investigated in recent 
 years with the greatest diligence, and attempts have been made 
 to portion out the choral odes between different members and , 
 sections of the chorus on the strength of indications supplied \ 
 by the metre, or by the sense of the words ^ But it is plain / 
 that inferences based on evidence of this kind must be very 
 uncertain in character. As a matter of fact different investi- \ 
 gators have arrived at the most contradictory conclusions. It ' 
 is impossible therefore to regard their suggestions otherwise 
 than in the light of interesting conjectures. They have no 
 claim to absolute acceptance. Hence in the present state of 
 our knowledge any detailed account of the matter is out of the 
 question. It will be necessary to be content with certain 
 general conclusions, which are based on actual evidence, or are 
 so plausible in themselves as to be very widely accepted. 
 
 First then as to the part taken by the chorus as a whole. In 
 ordinary circumstances the parodos and the stasima appear to 
 have been sung by the whole chorus together. The parodos, as 
 already explained, was the song of the chorus on its first 
 entrance. The stasima were the long and important odes in- 
 serted between the successive divisions of the play, in order to 
 fill up the pauses in the action. It is natural in itself to suppose 
 
 ^ See especially Amoldt, Die Chor- 1877), De choro Persarum (Halle 
 
 partieen bei Aristophanes (Leipzig 1878), Der Chor in den Sieben des 
 
 1873), Die chorische Technik des Euri- Aeschylos (Halle 1882); Hense, Der 
 
 pides (Halle 1878), Der Chor im Aga- Chor des Sophokles (Berlin 1877), 
 
 memnon des Aeschylos (Halle 1881); Ueber die Vortragsweise Soph. Stasima 
 
 Christ, Theilung des Chors im attischen (Rhein. Museum, xxxii) ; Zielinski, Die 
 
 Drama (Miinchen 1877) ; Muff, Die Gliederung der altattischen Komodie 
 
 chorische Technik des Sophokles (Halle (Leipzig 1885). 
 
278 THE CHORUS. [Ch. 
 
 that these portions should have been sung by the whole chorus, 
 and the supposition is borne out by the statements of Aristotle ^ 
 Sometimes there were exceptions. For example, the chorus in 
 the Alcestis, on its first entrance, is divided into two half- 
 choruses, which sing successive passages of the parodos alter- 
 nately. In the Ion the parodos is obviously sung by sub- 
 divisions or by individuals, and not by the whole chorus. In 
 the Frogs a long speech by the coryphaeus is inserted in the 
 middle of the parodos. In the Lysistrata the chorus is divided 
 throughout the play into two half-choruses, one of men, the 
 other of women ^. But in the majority of cases the parodos and 
 the stasima were given by the whole body of the chorus. Not 
 unfrequently, in the middle of the dialogue, small odes were 
 inserted which resembled stasima in their general character, but 
 differed from them in point of brevity, and from the fact that 
 they came in the course of the dialogue, and not during a pause 
 in the action. They were often songs of triumph or exultation, 
 occasioned by sudden developments in the plot ; in which case 
 they appear to have been called ^hyporchemata,' and were 
 accompanied by a lively danced These short odes were no 
 doubt sung by the whole chorus, in the same manner as the 
 stasima. It has been suggested that the strophes and anti- 
 strophes in the stasima were delivered by half-choruses in 
 succession, and that the epode was given by the whole chorus. 
 But there is no real evidence in support of this hypothesis, and 
 epodes are only rarely to be met with in dramatic choruses. 
 
 ^ Aristot. Poet. c. 12 xo/"«o''» ««* ^ Schol. Eur. Ale. 79 l/c '^epovruv 
 
 TovTOv TO fxiv TTcipoSos rb St aTCLcrifjLOv, ^epalojv 6 x^pos, SiaipHrai 8e ds Suo 
 
 KOivcL ixev dnavTcuv ravra, iSia Se ra aTru fjpuxopia. That the anapaests in Ranae 
 
 T^s fffcrjvrjs Kal Kofxfioi . . . xopinov Se 354-371, which come in the middle of 
 
 irapoSos fxkv 17 -npuTi) Xe^is oXov xopov the parodos, were spoken by the cory- 
 
 (Westphal, o\rj tov x^^P^v^- It is prob- phaeus is proved by the concluding 
 
 able, as Bergk (Griech. Literat. iii. p. lines {vfitTs 5' dveyeipete p,o\tit)v k.t.K.), 
 131) points out, that Koivd piev dnavrouv ■ in which the rest of the chorus is com- 
 
 {XopevTuii/) = sung by the whole chorus ; manded to begin. 
 
 cp. the expression Oprjvos Koivhs x^pov ^ Cramer, Anecd. Paris, i. p. 19 t^s 
 
 Kal dnb aKTjvrjs, which occurs a little rpayiK^s iroirjGtoJS e'iSt] dal 5eKa, vpS- 
 
 later in the same chapter. "1810 = sung A070S . . . viropxrjfiaTiKos. Athen. p. 
 
 byindividuals or sections ;cp. ?Staa(r/*aTa 631 C ^ vTropxr]p.aTiK^ opxrjais eariv, kv 
 
 in the vit. Soph. (p. 8 Dindf.). y (fSojv 6 xopbs ppx^trai. Examples are 
 
VI.] DELIVERY OF THE CHORAL PART, 279 
 
 In the second place some of the words assigned to the 
 chorus were actually delivered by the coryphaeus. There is 
 no direct testimony to this effect, but the matter hardly admits 
 of doubt. On a great many occasions the chorus drops the 
 tone of lyrical exaltation, and converses with the persons on 
 the stage in an easy and familiar manner. It plays the part 
 of an ordinary actor. In all such cases it is evident that the 
 chorus must have been represented by the coryphaeus alone. 
 The dialogues between the actors and the coryphaeus were a 
 peculiar and distinctive feature of the old Greek drama. They 
 were, in fact, a direct survival from the early period, when 
 there was only a single actor upon the stage, and when the 
 dramatic element in a play was necessarily confined to conver- 
 sations between the actor and the chorus. In addition to the 
 dialogues just mentioned, there are several other portions of 
 the chorus which may be assigned to the coryphaeus with a 
 fair amount of certainty. Such are -the anapaests with which 
 the approach of a new personage is announced at the end of 
 a choral ode in tragedy. These anapaests, being delivered in 
 recitative, would make a gentle transition from the song of the 
 chorus to the speech of the actors. Then again, it is probable 
 that in comedy all the anapaestic tetrameters were spoken by 
 the coryphaeus, including the speech to the people at the com- 
 mencement of the parabasis, and speeches such as that which 
 is inserted in the parodos of the Frogs \ In comedy also the 
 coryphaeus had frequently to address words of exhortation 
 and remonstrance to the rest of the chorus ^ Finally, the ana- 
 paests with which most Greek plays conclude were in all like- 
 lihood spoken by the coryphaeus as the chorus marched out of 
 the orchestra. It was the old fashion in tragedy for the entrance 
 song of the chorus to commence with a series of anapaests. The 
 custom is retained in the Persae, Supplices, and Agamemnon of 
 Aeschylus, and the Ajax of Sophocles. It has been suggested 
 
 to be found in Aesch. Suppl. 418-437, t^s ^Soi/^s dpxovvTat. 
 
 Soph. Trach. 205-225, Ajax 693-717. ^ See above, p. 278. 
 
 Cp. Schol. Soph. Trach. 216 rd yap 2 g^, Arist. Ran. 382, Vesp. 1516, 
 
 (jLiKibapiov ovK kffTi araainov, dW' inro Thesmoph. 655, &c. 
 
28o THE CHORUS. [Ch. 
 
 that these introductory anapaests were also delivered by the 
 coryphaeus ; but the suggestion is hardly a plausible one. If 
 chanted in combination by the whole body of the chorus they 
 would make the first entrance of the chorus infinitely more im- 
 pressive. It need hardly be remarked that when the chorus 
 was divided into half-choruses, the part generally taken by the 
 coryphaeus was in this case taken by the leaders of the two 
 halves. For example^ throughout the Lysistrata the chorus of 
 men and the chorus of women were represented in the dialogue 
 by their respective leaders. In the Seven against Thebes 
 the concluding anapaests would be spoken by the leaders of the 
 hemichoria. It is also highly probable that the two sets of 
 trochaic tetrameters, which come at the end of the parabasis, 
 were recited, not by the half-choruses, but by their leaders. 
 
 Thirdly, certain portions of the chorus were occasionally 
 spoken or sung by individual choreutae. The best known 
 example is in the Agamemnon, during the murder of the king, 
 when the chorus stands outside the palace, debating helplessly 
 as to what it ought to do, and each of the old men pronounces 
 his opinion in turn. There is another instance in the lyrical ode 
 at the commencement of the Eumenides. The Erinyes wake 
 up, find that Orestes is gone, and reproach Apollo in a series of 
 brief, detached sentences, each being sung by one member of the 
 chorus \ The above examples admit of no doubt. Whether the 
 practice was a common one, and whether the choral parts were 
 frequently distributed among individual choreutae, is a matter of 
 great uncertainty. It is manifestly unsafe to infer that it was 
 done in all cases where the choral passage is full of mutual ex- 
 hortations and addresses, and the language is broken up into 
 disconnected sentences. For example, in the parodoi in Aristo- 
 phanes the members of the chorus often address one another by 
 name, and exhort one another to greater activity. But it does 
 
 ^ Aesch. Agam. 1 344 ff., Eum. in citing the passage in the Lysistrata, 
 
 i4off., Schol. ad loc. avaaTi]Oii avras 727-780, as an example of the delivery 
 
 ovK ddpoojs, fxifxaifxcvoi efjLcpariKus tt)v of words by individual choreutae. The 
 
 dKr]9€iav, dW' kydpeToi ris irpuTrj, Sjare three women who take part in the 
 
 firi depoojs Tov xopbv (peiy^aaOai. Miiller dialogue are not members of the chorus, 
 
 (Griech. Biihnenalt. p. 218) is mistaken but performers upon the stage. 
 
VI.] DELIVERY OF THE CHORAL PART, 281 
 
 not therefore follow, as has been suggested, that these passages 
 were delivered in portions by individuals. A chorus might be 
 perfectly well chanted by the whole body, though written in 
 vivid and dramatic style ^ It is hardly safe therefore to distribute 
 choral passages among individual choreutae except on very 
 strong evidence. The extent to which the practice prevailed in 
 the ancient drama must be regarded as an open question. 
 
 Fourthly, the division into half-choruses was not infrequent '^, 
 It might be done in two ways. In the first place the chorus 
 throughout the whole play might be composed of two separate 
 divisions, differing from one another in point of age, sex, or 
 position. The chorus in the Lysistrata, consisting of one body 
 of men, and one body of women, is an example. In the second 
 place the chorus might be divided temporarily into half- 
 choruses, either because of the special requirements of the 
 play, or merely for purposes of singing and recitation. There 
 are several certain examples in tragedy. In the Ajax of So- 
 phocles the sailors hasten off, some to the east and some to the 
 west, in search of Ajax. They return after a time from opposite 
 sides of the orchestra, bringing word that they have not found 
 him. In the Orestes, while Helen is being attacked within the 
 palace, Electra keeps watch outside, and posts the chorus in two 
 divisions at each end of the orchestra, to guard against sur- 
 prise ^ The examples in the Alcestis and the Seven against 
 Thebes have already been referred to. In comedy the practice 
 was not at all uncommon, if the testimony of certain manuscripts 
 is to be accepted. Various choral passages in the comedies of 
 Aristophanes are distributed between half-choruses, including 
 
 ^ Cp. the sensible remarks of the \ioipa ■q/xixSpiov, a S" dvrqSovffiv, avrixo- 
 
 Schol. on Arist. Ran. 375 evrevOfv 'Apt- pia. The Schol. on Arist. Equit. 589 has 
 
 arapxos vnevorjae fifj oKov rod xopoG a curious note to the effect that when the 
 
 dvai TO. irpwra' tovto 8( ovk d^iowiffTov. chorus was divided into two halves of 
 
 TToAAd/fts yap dXXrjXois ovtoj irapaKcXfv- different sex or age, the older or stronger 
 
 ovToi 01 nepi rov x^pov. half was always slightly more numerous. 
 
 ^ Poll, iv, 107 Kal ■^fi.ixopiov Se nal In a comic chorus there would be 13 
 
 Sixopia Kal dvrixopia. €0iKe 8e ravrbv men to II women, 13 women to II 
 
 eTvai TavTi rd rpia 6v6p.aTa' oiroTav yap boys, and so on. 
 
 6 xopoy els 8vo fitpij tutjO^, to fiev ^ Soph. Ajax 866 ff. ; Eur. Orest. 
 
 Trpdyfjia KaXeirai dixopia, kKarepa S^ rj 1 258 if. 
 
28^ THE CHORUS. [Ch. 
 
 the two odes at the end of the parabasis, and other lyrical pieces 
 of an antistrophic character \ 
 
 The general result then is as follows. The words assigned 
 to the chorus were delivered, sometimes by the whole chorus, 
 sometimes by half choruses, sometimes by the coryphaeus, and 
 sometimes by individual choreutae. Whether there were any 
 further subdivisions is uncertain. It has been suggested that 
 the divisions into ranks and files were utilised for musical pur- 
 poses ; that in tragedy, for instance, successive passages were 
 delivered in turns by ranks of three men, or files of five men ; 
 and that the ranks and files of the comic chorus were used in 
 the same manner. All this is pure conjecture. It may or may 
 not have been the case ; but there is no evidence one way or 
 the other. The portions of the choral part which were gener- 
 ally given by the whole chorus were the parodoi, or entrance- 
 songs, and the stasima, or odes during the pauses in the 
 dialogue. The portions assigned to the coryphaeus were 
 principally those in which the chorus abandoned its lyrical 
 elevation of tone, and spoke like one of the actors upon 
 the stage. The various lyrical passages which occur in the 
 course of the actual dialogue have still to be accounted for. 
 These consist chiefly of short odes not unlike stasima, or of 
 musical duets between the actors and the chorus. The odes 
 were probably sung by the whole chorus. As to the musical 
 duets it is impossible to speak with certainty. All that is 
 known in regard to them is the fact that they were not sung by 
 the whole chorus ". Whether they were mostly given by half- 
 choruses, or smaller subdivisions, or by individual choreutae, or 
 by the coryphaeus, is a matter concerning which there is no 
 trustworthy information. Such indications as are supplied by 
 varieties in metre, grammar, or subject, are too vague and 
 uncertain to lead to any definite conclusion. Unless, therefore, 
 further evidence of a distinct character is discovered, this par- 
 
 ^ See Arnoldt, Die Chorpartieen bei Vesp. 1060, 1091, Av. 737, 769, 1058, 
 
 Aristophanes, p. 180 ff., where a list is 1088, Eccles. 290, 301, Thesmoph. 659, 
 
 given of the passages which are assigned Lysist. 321. 
 
 to half-choruses by Rav. and Ven., e. g. ^ See above, p. 278, note i. 
 , Acharn. 1150, 1162, Nub. 563, 595, 
 
VI.] THE DANCING. 283 
 
 ticular question will have to be regarded as an unsettled 
 problem. 
 
 § 6. The Dancing, 
 
 In the ancient Greek drama, as in modern opera, the three 
 sister arts of Music, Poetry, and Dancing, were all brought into 
 requisition. But there was this difference — in the Greek drama 
 the poetry was the principal feature of the performance; the 
 music and the dancing were subordinate. Moreover dancing 
 was seldom introduced by itself as a mere spectacle ; it was 
 mainly used in combination with singing, to interpret and add 
 vividness to the words of the song. The music, the poetry, 
 and the dancing were blended together into one harmonious 
 whole, each part gaining an advantage by its combination with 
 the other two. The dancing of the chorus is the subject which 
 we have now to consider. It was an element of great import- 
 ance in the old Greek drama. Most, if not all, of the choral 
 songs were accompanied by dances of one sort or another. To 
 the Greek mind there was an inseparable connexion between 
 song and dance, and the notion of choral singing unaccompanied 
 by dancing would have appeared strange and unusual. The 
 two arts had grown and developed simultaneously, as appears 
 from the fact that many of the technical terms in metrical 
 phraseology referred originally to the movements of the dance. 
 For instance, the smallest division of a verse was called a 
 'foot.' A verse of two feet was styled a 'basis,* or 'stepping.' 
 The words arsis and thesis, which denoted the varying stress 
 of the voice in singing, originally referred to the raising up 
 and placing down of the foot in marching and dancing. These 
 terms show how closely the two arts of dancing and sing- 
 ing were associated together in ancient Greece. A choreutes 
 who was unable to accompany a song with expressive dance- 
 movements, was looked down upon as an inferior performer \ 
 Dancing therefore, as might have been expected, played a 
 
 ^ Athen. p. 628 E ei Zk rts . . . toX^ f^haxs kmrvyxo-vctiv fxrjZlv \eyoi Karat, r^v 
 opx^OiV) ovTos 5' riv ddoKifios. 
 
284 THE CHORUS, [Ch. 
 
 most important part in tragedy, comedy, and the satyric drama. 
 It was held among the Greeks in the greatest estimation, and 
 there was none of that feeling of degradation about it which was 
 common among the Romans. A man might dance in public 
 without any loss of dignity, provided the dance was of a graceful 
 and becoming character. Sophocles himself, the great tragic 
 poet and fellow general of Pericles, was not ashamed to appear 
 in a dance in one of his own tragedies \ 
 
 At the same time it should be remembered that dancing in 
 ancient Greece was a very different thing from dancing in 
 modern times. It included a great deal more. The word 
 Mancing' in English necessarily implies movement with the 
 feet. It would be impossible in English to say that a man was 
 dancing, if he continued to stand in the same position. But in 
 Greek dancing this was not necessarily the case. The word 
 ^orchesis ,^ which we translate as 'dancing,' had in reality a 
 much wider meaning. Greek dancing originated, according to 
 Plato, in the instinctive tendency of mankind to accompany 
 speech and song with explanatory movements of the body^ 
 It was essentially a mimetic performance. It included, not 
 only all such motions as are denoted by dancing in the 
 modern sense of the word, but also every kind of gesture and 
 posture by which various objects and events can be repre- 
 sented in dumb show. Its principal function was to interpret 
 and illustrate the words of poetry. For this purpose nothing 
 could be more important than appropriate gesticulation. 
 Hence in Greek dancing the movements of the hands and 
 arms played a larger part than the movements of the feet. 
 The same was the case in Roman dancing also. A few 
 quotations will illustrate this fact. Telestes, the celebrated 
 dancer employed by Aeschylus, was said to be able to ' depict 
 events with his hands in the most skilful manner^' Ovid, in his 
 Art of Love, when advising a lover to show off his best qualities 
 before his mistress, tells him to sing if he has a good voice, to 
 
 ^ Athen. p. 20 F. TcXiar-qs, 6 opxrjffToSiddcr/caXos, noXXd 
 
 ^ Plat. Seqq. 816 A. e^ivprj/ce axiP-o-fo-, o-Kpoj? rais X^P^*- '''^ 
 
 ^ Athen. p. 21 P^ koX TeXeais 51 ^ Xeyoficva dtiKvvovaais, 
 
VI.] THE DANCING. 285 
 
 dance ^ if his arms are flexible ^' The flourishes and gesticu- 
 lations with which a professional carver cut up a hare were 
 called ' dancing ' by the ancients ^ Quintilian, speaking of the 
 gestures used in oratory, gravely says that there ought to be 
 a considerable difference between the orator and the dancer; 
 that the gestures of the orator should represent the general 
 sense of the words, rather than the particular objects men- 
 tioned'. The bare fact of his comparing an orator with a 
 dancer is a proof of the vital difference between ancient and 
 modern dancing, and the importance of mere gesticulation in 
 the former. 
 
 The purpose, then, of ancient dancing was to represent 
 various objects and events by means of gestures, postures, 
 and attitudes. In this kind of mimicry the nations of southern 
 Europe are particularly skilful, as may be seen at the present 
 day. The art was carried by the Greeks to the highest per- 
 fection, and a good dancer was able to accompany a song with 
 such expressive pantomime as to create a visible picture of the 
 things described. Aristotle defines dancing as an imitation of 
 'actions, characters, and passions by means of postures and 
 rhythmical movements*/ His language indicates very clearly 
 the unlimited capabilities of Greek dancing. Its general 
 character will be well exemplified by the following account from 
 Plutarch's Symposiaca. Dancing, it is there stated, might be 
 divided into Motions, ^ostures^ and Indications. Motions 
 were of the greatest use in depicting actions and passions. 
 Postures were the attitudes in which each motion terminated. 
 For example, a dancer might halt in such a posture as to 
 suggest Apollo, or Pan, or a Bacchante. Indications__were 
 not mi metic at all, but consisted in merely pointing out certain 
 objects, such as the heaven, the earth, the bystanders. 
 
 ^ Ovid, Ars Am. i. 595 si vox est, sit gestus ad sensum magis quam ad 
 
 canta ; si mollia brachia, salta. verba accommodatus, &c. 
 
 2 Juv. V. 120 structorem interea, ne * Arist. Poet. c. i uai -yap ovtoi (ol 
 
 qua indignatio desit, | saltan tem spectes dpxrjcXTai) dia tuiv axqi^Ti^o^ivojv pv9- 
 
 et chironomunta volanti | cultello, fjujjv fiifiovvTai koi tjOtj Kal itclOt] Kal 
 
 ^ Quint. Inst. xi. 3. 89 abesse enim Trpd^ns. 
 plurimum a saltatore debet orator, ut 
 
2S6 THE CHORUS. [Ch. 
 
 Dancing might be defined as poetry without words. The 
 combination of poetry and dancing, of words and gestures, 
 produced a perfect imitation \ In the above account from 
 Plutarch we have a clear exposition of the Greek conception 
 of dancing as the handmaid of poetry. Its function was to 
 delineate and to emphasise the creations of the poet. This 
 was the part which it played in the Greek drama. It is most 
 important therefore, when speaking of dancing in connexion 
 with the old dramatic performances, to remember the vital 
 difference between the ancient and modern meaning of the 
 words. 
 
 Some few facts have been recorded concerning the history of 
 t^ dancing in connexion with the drama. In the earliest times i t 
 
 consisted main ly of movements with the feet. The use of the 
 hands and arms in dancing, and the introduction of elaborate 
 gesticulation, was a development due to a later period ^ In the 
 old-fashioned dramas of Thespis and his immediate successors 
 dancing necessarily played a very important part. Both tragedy 
 and comedy were at that time mainly lyrical, and the long 
 choral odes were accompanied throughout by dances. The 
 early dramatists, such as Thespis, Phrynichus, Pratinas, and 
 Cratinus, were called ' dancers ' as well as poets, because one of 
 their principal duties consisted in training their choruses in the 
 art of dancing ^. Phrynichus, in an epigram of which two verses 
 are still preserved, boasts of having discovered more figures 
 in dancing than there are waves in a stormy sea ^, The tragic 
 dance of the sixth century, to judge from the specimens given 
 by Philocleon at the end of the Wasps, was of a wild and lively 
 character^. The tone of solemnity, by which it was afterwards 
 distinguished, was due to the innovations of Aeschylus. It was 
 probably in the time of Aeschylus that dancing in tragedy 
 
 1 Plut. Symp. 747 B fol. The three ^ Athen. p. 22 A. 
 
 divisions of dancing are ^opai, o'xi7;*aTa, •* Plut. Symp. 732 F Ka'iroi naX^pv- 
 
 Setfet?. vixos, b tcDv Tpayq^Siaiv ttoiijt'^s, irepl 
 
 ^ Athen. p. 630 B rtpwrrj Se evprjTai avrov (prjaiv on 'Sx^f^ara 5' opxqois roaa 
 
 77 Trepi rovs iro£as Kivrjais t^s Sia rwv fxoi vopev, oaff' kvl irovTO) \ KVfxara 
 
 X^ip^v. ol yap TTaXaiol Tovs TTodas fidWov irouiTai x^'-t^^'^'- ''^^^ ^^^"h- 
 
 kyvjxva^ovTo ev tois dySjcri. ^ Arist. Vesp. 1 474 ff- 
 
VI.] THE DANCING. zHy 
 
 reached its highest pitch of excellence. His long choruses 
 gave ample opportunities for the display of the dancer's skill. 
 Moreover, the training of the chorus was personally super- 
 intended by Aeschylus, and he is said to have himself in- 
 vented a great number of postures and attitudes to be used 
 in dancing ^ To ward s the end of the fifth century the art 
 appears to have^declinelTin significance, along with the general 
 decrease in the importance oT~llYe~chDrus. It began to lose 
 something of Its mimeHc~~chafacter. Plato, the comic poet, 
 who flourished at the end of the fifth century, contrasts the 
 mediocrity of the choral dancing in his day with the excellence 
 of that of a former period. In old times, he says, a good 
 dancer was a sight worth seeing; but the choreutae of the 
 present day stand in a row, like so many cripples, and bawl out 
 their songs, without any attempt at appropriate motions and 
 gestures ^. This deterioration was a necessary consequence of 
 the tendency to thrust the chorus more and more into the 
 background. 
 
 The general character of the dancing in the Greek drama has 
 already been described. As far _as deta i ls are concerned ou r 
 information is very defective^ and only slight indications are 
 to be obtained from the existing plays. It is probable that 
 when the parodoi commenced with a series of anapaests, the 
 chorus only marched in, without dancing. But all parodoi 
 written in lyrical metres were undoubtedly accompanied with 
 a dance. The iambic and trochaic tetrameters, in which many 
 of the parodoi in Aristophanes are written, seem to have been 
 generally intended for choruses which entered running)- and 
 with an appearance of great haste ^. The stasima, or long 
 choral odes between the acts, are said by many of the scholiasts 
 to have been unaccompanied by dancing, and to have been de- 
 
 ^ Athen. p. 21 E. Schol. ad loc. yiypa-rrTaL Se t^ fxerpov 
 
 ^ Athen. p. 628 E wcrr* et tis opxoTr' rpoxaiKov, npocrcpopov rfj twv diojKovTwv 
 
 ev, Oeajx ^v vvv 8e Spuxxiv ovhkv, | dA.A' yepovrcuv anovSfj. ravra 5e ttohiv elojOa- 
 
 (ixrirep dLvSnXrjfCTOi (TTadrjv kcTTwres wpvov- oiv ol ruv dpafxarccv iroirjTai KajfiiKot Kal 
 
 rax. rpayiKoi, (TrdSdv dpofmiojs (ladycum tovs 
 
 ^ Aristoph. Acharn. 204 rfySe irds €1tov, xopovs, 'iva 6 \6yos avvrpixV "^V 5/)a;taTt. 
 
 StWc, KoX Tov avhpa irvvOdvov k.t.X., Cp. Pax 301, 325, Plutus 257. 
 
288 THE CHORUS. [Ch. 
 
 livered by the chorus standing perfectly still \ The statement is 
 no doubt an error, due to false etymology. The stasima, or 
 * stationary songs/ was so called, not because the chorus stood 
 still during their delivery, but because it remained all the time 
 in the orchestra. They were therefore opposed to the parodoi, 
 which were delivered while the chorus was coming in, and to 
 the exodoi, which were delivered while it was going out. That 
 the stasima were accompanied by dancing is proved by several 
 references to dancing which they contain, and also by Aristotle's 
 definition of them, in which nothing is said as to the absence 
 of dancing ^. Only one piece of information has been preserved 
 concerning the manoeuvres of the chorus during the stasima. 
 It is said that while singing the strophe they moved to the right, 
 and while singing the antistrophe they moved back again to the 
 left ; and that during the epode they remained standing in the 
 same position as at first ^ Sometimes, as was previously 
 pointed out, lively odes called hyporchemata were inserted in 
 the middle of the dialogue to mark the joy of the chorus at 
 an unexpected turn of fortune. The dances by which they 
 were accompanied were extremely brisk and energetic, in 
 tragedy as well as in comedy^. The exodoi, or concluding 
 utterances of the chorus, were not usually attended with 
 dancing, but were delivered in recitative as the chorus marched 
 out. There is an exception in the Wasps and the Ecclesia- 
 zusae, which are terminated by the chorus dancing out of the 
 orchestra. But Aristophanes himself remarks that this was an 
 innovation ^. There is no reason to suppose that in tragedy the 
 kommoi, or musical dialogues between actors and chorus, were 
 
 ^ Schol. Eur. Phoen. 202 ; Suidas v. such expressions as the following : Eur. 
 
 araaifiov, &c. Troad. 325 iraWi ttoS' aiOipiov, Electra 
 
 ^ Aristot. Poet. c. 12 araffifiov 5e 859 6es ks x^P^v, Sj <pi\a,'ix^^^ '• Soph. 
 
 fxiXos xo/>o5 t6 dvev dvairaiaTov Kal Ajax 693 ((Ppif epwTi, tiepiyjxpri^ S* avi- 
 
 rpoxaiov. Aesch. Eum. 307 ayi Si) vrofiav. 
 
 Xopov aipcufiev. Arist, Thesmoph. 953 ' Arist. Vesp. 1536 tovto yap ovdels 
 
 opfxa, x^P^'- I fiovcpa Tioaiv, ay Is kvkXov, it<u irapos beSpaKev, \ opxovfxevov octis 
 
 I x^^P^ avvairre x^tpa. Other passages dTrrjWa^cv x'^P^^ rpvycvbwv, Schol. ad 
 
 of the same kind are not infrequent. loc. ei<T€px(Tai yap 6 xopos dpxovfievos, 
 
 ^ Schol. Eur. Hec. 647. ovda^ws bk e^epx^rai: Eccles. 1179 
 
 * The liveliness of the hyporchematic aipeaO' dv<u, iai, eucu. 
 dances, even in tragedy, is proved by 
 
VI.] THE DANCING, 289 
 
 unaccompanied with dancing. But naturally, if this was the 
 case, the dance would be of a quiet and sober kind, consisting 
 more of appropriate gestures and motions, than of dancing in the 
 modern sense of the word. 
 
 During a large part of every Greek play the chorus had 
 nothing to say or sing, but merely stood watching the actors, 
 and listening to the dialogue. It would be absurd to imagine 
 that they remained stolid and indifferent during all this period. 
 Chorus and actors were supposed to form oae harmonious 
 group, and no doubt the chorus followed the events upon the 
 stage with a keen appearance of interest, and expressed their 
 sympathy with the different characters by every kind of gesture 
 and by-play. Occasionally the long descriptive speeches deli- 
 vered from the stage were accompanied with a mimetic dance on 
 the part of the chorus \ The events described by the actor 
 were represented in dumb show by the choreutae. In comedy 
 it was a regular practice to introduce descriptive speeches of 
 this sort, the metres used being iambic or anapaestic tetrameters, 
 which were especially suitable for dancing to. There is an 
 example in the Clouds, where Strepsiades describes his quarrel 
 with Pheidippides. The various phases of the quarrel were 
 represented in dumb show by the chorus, keeping time with the 
 recitative of the actor ^ Again, we are told that Telestes, the 
 dancer employed by Aeschylus, 'danced the Seven against 
 Thebes' so successfully as to bring the various events before 
 the very eyes of the spectators. The statement no doubt refers 
 to the dumb show with which he accompanied the long de- 
 scriptive speeches that abound in that play^ 
 
 Each of the three different species of the drama had its own 
 special kind of dance. The tragic dance was called the ' emme- 
 leia.' It was grave and majestic in its motions, and was one 
 of the two dances approved of by Plato, and admitted into his 
 
 ^ Schol. Arist. Ran. 924 57 Tfpos rbs ^ Athen. p. 22 A 'ApicTTOKXrjs yovv 
 
 prjaeis viropxrjois. (f)T](riv on TeXiarTjs, 6 Alffx^Xov bp- 
 
 ^ Schol. Arist. Nub, 1355 ovtojs x'7^^'?^» ovtojs ^v Ttxv'nrjs, ware kv to) 
 
 IA.670J/ TTpo^ x'^P^^ \eyeiv, ore rod vno- opx^TffOai Toiii 'EirTcL eirt Qrjfias (pavtpcL 
 
 KpiTov SiariOefievov ttjv prjaiv, 6 xo/>o5 iroifjaai ra irpayfiaTa 5i' opxrjcfojs. 
 wpx^iTO. 
 
290 THE CHORUS, [Ch. 
 
 ideal republic '. Some of the postures' or figures in the 
 tragic dance are mentioned by the ancient writers. One of 
 them represented a man in the act of thrusting with the sword ; 
 another depicted a man in an attitude of menace, with clenched 
 fist. The rest are a mere list of names, of which the meaning is 
 uncertain. But it is plain from the existence of such lists that 
 the art of tragic dancing was reduced to a regular system, and 
 that the various attitudes and postures were taught in a methodi- 
 cal manner I We can hardly be mistaken in assuming that as 
 a rule the movements of the tragic dance were slow and deli- 
 berate, and more like walking than dancing in the modern sense. 
 The hyporchematic style, with its wild and lively motions, was 
 only adopted in tragedy on special occasions^ to show the exces- 
 sive joy of the choreutae. The kommos at the conclusion of 
 the Persae gives us a vivid picture of the general style of a 
 tragic dance. The Persian Elders follow Xerxes into the 
 palace, bewailing the ruin of the empire in mournful strains. 
 At each fresh exclamation of grief they fall into some new 
 posture, first beating their breasts, then plucking their beards, 
 then rending their garments, then tearing their hair ; and in this 
 manner they move slowly on through the palace doors ^. 
 
 The comic dance was called the kordax. Its movements 
 were coarse and lascivious, and its general style was suggestive 
 of the phallic songs out of which comedy had been developed. It 
 was a dance for drunken people, and no one but a man without 
 any sense of shame would dance it when he was sober. It was 
 considered vulgar and disgraceful by Plato, and excluded from 
 his commonwealth*. Aristophanes, in the Clouds, takes credit 
 to himself for having abandoned it in that play; but, as the 
 scholiast remarks, he frequently introduces it elsewhere ^ In 
 the comic dances the wildest movements were admissible. The 
 
 1 Plat. Legg. 8i6 A. ^ Aesch. Pers. 1038 foil. 
 
 ^ Suid. V. ii(\>ian6s ; Hesych. v, ^i<pi- * Schol. Arist. Nub. 542 Kop^ koj- 
 
 C^tv; Poll. iv. 105 Koi fji^v rpayiKrjs dp- fitter], ^Tis alcrxP^^ kivci t^v d<T(pvv. 
 
 Xricreojs crx'fjiJ.aTa aiyLi) x^'P> KaXaOioKos, Hesych. v. KopSa^ ; Plat. Legg. p. 
 
 X^tp KaTanprjvfjs, ^vXov TrapaKrj^pis, dtirX^, 816 A ; Theoph. Char. 6. 
 Oepfiavarpis, Kv^iGrrjOis, Trapafirjvai rer- ^ Arist. Nub. 540 oiiSe Kophax ciA- 
 
 Tapa. Kvaev, 
 
VI.l THE MUSIC. 291 
 
 chorus, at the end of the Wasps, when encouraging the sons of 
 Carcinus to fresh exertions, bid them ^ whirl round like tops, 
 and fling their legs up into the sky/ Occasionally the circular 
 dance of the dithyrambic chorus was adopted in comedy \ 
 
 The dance used in the satyric drama was called the ' sikinnis.* 
 It was mainly a parody and caricature of noble and graceful 
 dances, and was very violent and rapid in its movements. One 
 of the postures used in the satyric dance was called the owl, 
 and is variously explained by the old grammarians as having 
 consisted in shading the eyes with the hands, or in turning 
 the head to and fro like an owl ^ 
 
 § 7. The Music. 
 
 The music of a Greek play was simple in its character, and 
 altogether subordinate to the poetry. As Plutarch remarks, it 
 was a sort of seasoning or relish, the words being the main 
 attraction ^ Any comparison therefore between a Greek play 
 and a modern opera, as far as the music is concerned, must be 
 entirely illusive. In the first place all Greek choral singing 
 was in unison. The use of harmony in musical compositions 
 was unknown to the Greeks. Even in modern times Greek 
 Church Music has retained the practice of chanting in unison. 
 Consequently the general style of the music in a Greek drama 
 must have been exceedingly simple and severe compared with 
 the intricate combinations of modern music. In the second 
 place, the music was fitted to the words, instead of the words 
 being subordinated to the music. Each note of the music 
 corresponded to a separate syllable of the verse, and the time 
 of the music was determined entirely by the metre of the verse. 
 The ode was chanted in unison, syllable after syllable, by the 
 whole body of the choreutae. The modern practice of adapting 
 
 ^ Arist. Vesp. 1529 aTp60€i,rrapaPaiv€ 630 A ; Dion. Hal. A. R. vii. 72 ; Phot. 
 
 kvkXcv KOI ycKXTpiffov (XeavTov, \ pinre v. aKwirevfia. 
 
 aK€\os ovpaviov /3e/i)3t«fs lyyeveffOcuv, ^ Plut. Symp. 71 3 C rb Se fiekos Kal 
 
 Thesm. 953 oppta, x^P^'- 1 >^ov(pa irocriv, rbv pvdfibv uffircp 6\pov km tS> \6ya}, koI 
 
 ay' €S kvkKov, \ x^'/^t ovvanre x^^P°-' M 'f**^' o-^to. TtpoacpipiaOai. 
 
 2 Poll. iv. 99, 103 ; Athen. p. 629F- 
 
 U 2 
 
29 a THE CHORUS, [Ch. 
 
 the words to the exigencies of the music, and making different 
 parts of the chorus sing different words at the same time, was 
 altogether unknown. Hence it is probable that the words of a 
 Greek chorus were heard with considerable distinctness by the 
 whole audience. When all the singing was in unison, and the 
 notes of the music corresponded to the syllables of the verse, 
 there was no reason why this should not be the case. In 
 modern choral singing the poetry is so far sacrificed to the 
 music, that even the general drift of the words cannot usually 
 be distinguished with much clearness. But this could never 
 have been the case in the ancient drama, where the lyrical 
 portions of the play often contained the finest poetry and the 
 profoundest thoughts of the whole composition. The choreutae 
 were doubtless made to sing with great precision and distinct- 
 ness of utterance ; and this training, combined with the simple 
 character of the music, would make it possible for the words 
 of an ancient chorus to be heard without difficulty. In the 
 third place, the instrumental accompaniment was limited in 
 amount, and was never allowed to predominate. The flute 
 or harp simply gave the note, but otherwise was kept quite 
 in the background. In lyrical, as opposed to dramatic, poetry 
 there was a tendency for the flute to overpower the voices. 
 Pratinas, in a lyrical fragment still preserved, complains of this 
 practice, saying that 'the Muse has made Poetry the mistress : 
 let the flute play the second part ; it is but the servant of Poetry ^ ! * 
 These words, which only refer to a tendency in the lyrical poets 
 of the time, are significant as showing the Greek conception 
 of the relative position of instrument and voice in choral singing. 
 In the Greek drama, as already remarked, the instrumental 
 portion of the music was altogether subordinate ; and the 
 music as a whole was made subservient to the words and 
 the poetry. 
 
 The scales in which Greek music was written were called 
 Modes or Harmonies, and differed from one another, not only 
 according to the intervals between the notes, but also in respect 
 
 ^ Pratinas apud Athen. p. 617 B rav avXus \ varepov xo/)CV€tcu- kox yap kad' 
 doi5av KaTiffracre Tliepls fiaaiKtiav 6 S' virrjptTas. 
 
VI.] THE MUSIC. 293 
 
 of the particular style of music with which they were respectively 
 associated. This was a peculiar feature of the Greek musical 
 system. Every Mode had a special kind of metre and of melody 
 appropriated to itself, and a composition in a given Mode was 
 necessarily of a certain well-defined character. . The difference 
 between the several Modes was very much the same as that 
 between various kinds of national music in modern times. For 
 example, an air in the Phrygian Mode bore the same sort of 
 relation to one in the Lydian as a lively Swiss song bears to 
 a plaintive Irish melody. Of the various Modes used in Greek 
 music the tragic poets selected those which were most suited 
 to their purpose. The Dorian and the Mixolydian Modes 
 were the two most commonly employed in tragedy. The Do- 
 rian was majestic and dignified in style ; the Mixolydian was 
 pathetic. The one was used in the solemn and profound 
 choral odes, the other in cases where deep emotion had to be 
 expressed \ Besides these two principal Modes, certain others 
 were occasionally employed. The old Ionic Mode was severe 
 and sober, before the degeneracy of the Ionic nation had 
 altered its character. It was therefore well adapted to tra- 
 gedy, and was used by Aeschylus ^ The music of the 
 Phrygian Mode was passionate and enthusiastic, and was 
 first introduced into tragedy by Sophocles '. The Hypodorian 
 and the Hypophrygian Modes were only employed in the 
 songs of the actors upon the stage, and not in choral odes. 
 The reason was that the style of their music was better 
 suited to realistic acting, than to choral singing \ Sometimes 
 a few notes of instrumental music were inserted by them- 
 selves, at intervals in the choral songs, as a sort of refrain. The 
 'phlattothrat,' which recurs in the parody of Aeschylus* lyrics 
 in the Frogs, is an instance of such a refrain, the instrument 
 used being the harp. The flute was also employed in the same 
 way. Such refrains were called ' diaulia ' ^ 
 
 1 Plut. Mus. 1 1 36 D-F. 5 Arist. Ran. 1286 ff.; Hesych. v. 
 
 ^ Heracleid. ap. Athen, p. 625 B ; Siavkiov o-norav kv toTs ficKeffi fiera^v 
 
 Aesch. Suppl. 69 'laovioiai vo/xoioi. Trapa^aXXri fxeXos tl 6 iroirjTTjs napacioj- 
 
 ^ Vit. Soph. p. 8 Dindf. rr-qaavros tov x^f ov. 
 * Aristot. Prob. xix. 30. 48. 
 
294 THE CHORUS. 
 
 During the latter part of the fifth century the character of 
 Greek music underwent a considerable change. The severity and 
 simplicity of the music of the Aeschylean period was succeeded 
 by a style in which softness, variety, and flexibility were the 
 prominent features. The author of the movement was the 
 celebrated musician Timotheus\ His innovations were re- 
 garded by the philosophers and old-fashioned critics as so 
 many corruptions of the art of music, and as a proof of the 
 growing effeminacy of the age^ In one of the comedies of 
 Pherecrates the person of Music is made to complain of the 
 treatment she has received at the hands of various composers, 
 and ends her complaint by charging Timotheus with having 
 outraged and insulted her more than any one else had done, 
 and compares his florid melodies to the ^ intricate movements of 
 ants in a nest \' The new kind of music was very generally 
 adopted by the later tragic poets, such as Euripides and Aga- 
 thon, and is frequently ridiculed by Aristophanes \ Euripides 
 appears to have foreseen from the first that the new style would 
 soon become popular. On a certain occasion, when a novel 
 composition by Timotheus was loudly hissed in the theatre, he 
 told him not to be discouraged by his temporary want of 
 success, as in a few years he would be sure to have every 
 audience at his feet^ The prediction was verified by the 
 result. 
 
 ^ Suid.v.Ti/i(5eeos. Plut. Mus. 1135D. * Arist. Ran. 1301 foil., Thesm. 100 
 
 "^ Suid. 1. c. T^v dpxaiay liovaiK^v lirl fJLvpixrjKos arpa-novs, rj ri dianivvpirai ; 
 
 TO ixaKaKWTfpov fxeTrjyayiv. Schol. ad loc. w? AcTrra Kal dynvKa dva- 
 
 3 Pherecrat. Cheiron. frag. I (Mei- Kpovofievov fiikr] tov 'Aydeojuos' Toiavrai 
 
 neke, F. C. G. ii. p. 326) aSoJv iKxpa- yap at twv pivppLrjKOJV 6801. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE AUDIENCE. 
 
 § I. Composition of the Audience. 
 
 The theatre of Dionysus at Athens, during the period of 
 the Lenaea and the City Dionysia, presented a spectacle 
 which for interest and significance has few parallels in the 
 ancient or the modern world. On these occasions the city 
 kept universal holiday. Business and politics were forgotten ; 
 the law-courts were closed ; even prisoners were released from 
 gaol, to enable them to partake in the general rejoicings. The 
 deity in honour of whom the festivals had beeji established was 
 Dionysus, the god of wine, and the type of the productive power 
 of nature. The various proceedings were in reality so many 
 religious celebrations. But there was nothing of an austere 
 character about the worship of Dionysus. To give freedom 
 from care was his special attribute, and the sincerest mode of 
 paying homage to his power was by a genial enjoyment of the 
 various pleasures of life. At this time of universal merriment 
 the dramatic performances formed the principal attraction. 
 Each day soon after sunrise the great majority of the citizens 
 made their way to the southern slopes of the Acropolis, where 
 the theatre of Dionysus was situated. The tiers of seats rising 
 up the side of the hill were speedily filled with a crowd of nearly 
 thirty thousand persons. The sight of such a vast multitude 
 of people, gathered together at daybreak in the huge open 
 amphitheatre, and dressed for the most part in white, or in red, 
 brown, yellow, and other rich colours, must have been exceed- 
 
296 THE AUDIENCE, [Ch. 
 
 ingly striking and picturesque. The performances which 
 brought them together were not unworthy of the occasion. 
 The plays exhibited at the festivals of Dionysus rank among 
 the very noblest achievements of Greek genius. For beauty of 
 form, depth of meaning, and poetical inspiration they have 
 never been surpassed. The point of unique interest about the 
 Greek drama is the superlative excellence of its productions, 
 combined with the fact that it was essentially a national amuse- 
 ment, designed for the entertainment of the great mass of the 
 citizens. It would be difficult to point to any similar example 
 of the whole population of a city meeting together each year to 
 enjoy works of the highest artistic beauty. It is seldom that 
 art and poetry have penetrated so deeply into the life of the 
 ordinary citizens. Our curiosity is naturally excited in regard 
 to the tone and composition of the audiences before which a 
 drama of such an exceptional character was exhibited. The 
 object of the following chapter will be to bring together and 
 present in one view all the available information upon this 
 subject. 
 
 At the Lenaea, which was held in the winter, when travelling 
 was difficult, the audience consisted almost exclusively of natives 
 of Athens. The City Dionysia came about two months later, at 
 the commencement of the spring, and attracted great crowds of 
 strangers from various parts of Greece. Representatives from 
 the allied states came to pay the annual tribute at this season of 
 the year. It was also a favourite time for the arrival of am- 
 bassadors from foreign cities; and it was considered a mere 
 matter of politeness to provide them with front seats in the 
 theatre, if they happened to be in Athens during the celebration 
 of the City Dionysia \ In addition to these visitors of a repre- 
 sentative character, there were also great numbers of private 
 individuals, attracted to Athens from all parts of Greece by the 
 magnificence of the festival, and the fame of the dramatic exhibi- 
 tions. Altogether the visitors formed a considerable portion of 
 the audience at the City Dionysia. One of the great aggrava- 
 tions of the offence of Meidias was that his assault upon 
 1 Dem. de Cor. § 28. 
 
VIT.I COMPOSITION OF THE AUDIENCE, 297 
 
 Defnosthenes was committed in the presence of 'large multi- 
 tudes of strangers \' Apparently the natives of foreign states 
 were not allowed to purchase tickets for the theatre in their 
 own name, but had to get them through an Athenian citizen ^ 
 
 The composition of the purely Athenian part of the audience 
 is a subject upon which a great deal has been written, the prin- 
 cipal difficulty being the question as to the admittance of boys 
 and women to the dramatic performances. In the treatment of 
 this matter scholars appear to have been unduly biassed by 
 a preconceived opinion as to what was right and proper. Un- 
 doubtedly Athenian women were kept in a state of almost 
 Oriental seclusion. And the old Attic comedy was pervaded by 
 a coarseness which seems to make it utterly unfit for boys and 
 women. For these reasons some writers have gone so far as 
 to assert that they were never present at any dramatic perform- 
 ances whatsoever ^ Others, while not excluding them from 
 tragedy, have declared that it was an impossibility that they 
 should have been present at the performances of comedy'*. 
 But the attempt to draw a distinction between tragedy and 
 comedy, in regard to the admission of boys and women to the 
 theatre, will not bear examination. If they were present at 
 one, they must have been present at both. The tragic and the 
 comic competitions frequently took place upon the same days, 
 and succeeded one another without any interval ; and it is diffi- 
 cult to suppose that, after the tragedies were over, a large part 
 of the audience had to be turned out before the comedies could 
 begin. Moreover, if women and boys had been present at the 
 tragedies, they would of necessity have been spectators of the 
 satyric dramas, which were nearly as coarse as the comedies. 
 It is useless therefore to endeavour to separate tragedy from 
 comedy in the consideration of this question. 
 
 As a matter of fact the evidence upon the subject, if con- 
 
 ^ Dem. Meid. § 74. thumskunde ii. p. 391 ; Bergk, Griech. 
 
 "^ Theophrast. Char. 9 koI ^kvois Se Literatur. iii. p. 49. 
 avTov Oeav dyopdaas firj bovs rb {iipos * E. g. Bernhardy, Griech. Litterat. 
 
 Btojpuv. ii. 2. p. 132 ; Bockh, Trag. Princip. p. 
 
 ^ E. g. Bottiger, Kleine Schriften i. 37 ; Meineke, Menand. et Philem. Reliq. 
 
 p. 295 ff. ; Wachsmuth, Hellen. Alter- p. 345. 
 
298 THE AUDIENCE. [Ch. 
 
 sidered without prejudice, makes it practically certain that th^re 
 were no restrictions of the kind suggested. The audience at 
 the dramatic performances, whether tragic or comic, was drawn 
 from every class of the population. Men, women, boys, and 
 slaves were all allowed to be present. The evidence from 
 ancient authors is too copious to be accounted for on any other 
 supposition. There are three passages in Plato which in them- 
 selves are almost enough to decide the question. In one place, 
 speaking of poetry in general, and more especially of tragedy, 
 Plato says it is a kind of rhetoric addressed to ' boys, women, 
 and men, slaves, and free citizens without distinction.' In 
 another place, where he is treating of the management of his 
 ideal republic, he says there will be no great readiness 
 to allow the tragic poets to 'erect their stages in the market- 
 place, and perform before women and children, and the general 
 public' A passage of this kind would have very little point, 
 unless it was intended as a condemnation of the prevailing prac- 
 tice. In a third place he declares that if there was a general 
 exhibition of all kinds of public amusements, and the audience 
 were called upon to state what they were most pleased with, the 
 little children would vote for the conjuror, the boys for the comic 
 poet, the young men and the more refined sort of women for the 
 tragic poet \ These three passages of Plato are hardly con- 
 sistent with the supposition that the drama was a spectacle 
 which boys and women were never allowed to witness. 
 
 In addition to the above evidence there are also several 
 places in Aristophanes where boys and women are referred 
 to as forming part of the audience. They must therefore 
 have been present at the performances of the Old Comedy. 
 For instance, in the Clouds Aristophanes prides himself on 
 having refrained from introducing the phallus ' to make the boys 
 laugh.' In the Peace he says that 'both the boys and the men ' 
 ought to wish for his victory in the contest, because of his bold- 
 ness in attacking Cleon. In another part of the Peace, when 
 some barley is thrown among the male part of the spectators, 
 
 1 Plat. Gorg. 502 B-E, Legg. 817 A-C, 658 A-D. 
 
VII.] COMPOSITION OF THE AUDIENCE, 299 
 
 Trygaeus remarks that the women have not got any'. Other 
 passages of the same kind might be quoted. That women were 
 present at the New Comedy is proved conclusively by a letter of 
 Alciphron, in which Menander is supposed to be writing to his 
 mistress Glycera. In this letter he says that nothing is dearer 
 to him than to be crowned with the ivy of Dionysus, as victor in 
 the comic contest, 'while Glycera is sitting in the theatre and 
 looking on^' Other pieces of evidence are as follows. In 
 Lucian's dialogue Solon tells Anacharsis that the Athenians 
 educate their sons by taking them to tragedies and comedies, 
 and showing them examples of virtue and vice, so as to teach 
 them what to imitate and what to avoid ^. In the Frogs there is 
 the well-known passage in which Aeschylus taunts Euripides 
 with the immorality of his plays, which have caused women of 
 refinement to commit suicide from very shame. If women were 
 never present at the performance of the tragedies of Euripides, 
 there would be very little meaning in the reproach *. Then again 
 we are told that when Alcibiades was choregus, and ' entered the 
 theatre ' dressed in a splendid purple robe, he was admired ' not 
 only by the men, but also by the women ^.* The shameless 
 person in Theophrastus smuggles his sons into the theatre 
 with a ticket which belongs to some one else. The miser never 
 takes his sons to the theatre except when the entrance is free ^ 
 The regulation of Sphyromachus, providing that men, women, 
 and courtesans should sit apart from one another, can hardly 
 have referred to any place but the theatre"^. The cumulative 
 effect of all these passages is difficult to resist. It is impossible 
 to explain them all away by far-fetched interpretations. Even 
 the story of the effect produced by the Eumenides of Aeschylus 
 upon the audience— of the boys dying of fright and the women 
 having miscarriages — such a story, though in itself a foolish 
 
 ^ Aristoph. Nub. 537-539, Pax 76=, ifvxP'^v. •^^Xwaiv, ws bpas, rd -naihia. 
 
 766, 962-967. Cp. also Arist. Pax 50 ^ Alciphron, Epist. ii. 3. 
 
 €70; Se rbv Xo-^ov 76 rolai iraidiois ... ^ Lucian, Anachar. 22. 
 
 (ppdaoj; Eupolis, UpoairaKrioi, fr. 2 * Aristoph. Ran. 1050, 1051. 
 
 (Meineke, Frag. Com. Gr. ii. p. 521) ^ Athen. p. 534 C. 
 
 'Hpa/fAfts, TovT eari aoi \ to oKWfifi ^ Theophrast. Char. 9 and 13. 
 
 doiX-^h Kal m.eyapiKdv ml a<p65pa j '' Schol. Aristoph. Eccles. 22. 
 
300 THE AUDIENCE. [Ch. 
 
 invention, could hardly have originated unless women and boys 
 had been regularly present at the theatre \ That they were 
 admitted at a later period is proved by the direct evidence of 
 inscriptions in the theatre of Dionysus, which show that in 
 Hadrian's time seats were specially reserved for priestesses and 
 other women ^. This fact would not of course be conclusive 
 evidence as to the custom which prevailed in the classical period 
 of Athenian history. But as far as it goes, it tends to confirm 
 the conclusions based upon the evidence of ancient authors. 
 
 No doubt at first sight it appears a very startling fact that 
 women and boys should have been spectators of the Old 
 Comedy. But it should always be remembered that the come- 
 dies performed at the festivals of Dionysus were a portion of 
 a religious celebration, which it was a pious duty to take part 
 in. Ribaldry and coarseness were a traditional element in the 
 worship of Dionysus, handed down from rude and primitive 
 times, and were not lightly to be dispensed with. The Greeks 
 in such matters were thoroughly conservative.. It was a feeling 
 of this kind which caused the satyric drama to be developed 
 side by side with tragedy, in order that the old licentious merri- 
 ment of the satyrs might not be utterly forgotten. The coarse- 
 ness of the Old Comedy, being a regular part of the celebrations 
 in honour of Dionysus, might be witnessed by boys and women 
 without degradation, though their presence at similar scenes in 
 real life would have been regarded in a very different manner. 
 Where the worship of the gods was concerned, the practice of 
 keeping women in strict seclusion was allowed to drop into 
 abeyance. Women and even girls were present at the phallic 
 processions in honour of Dionysus ^ Their appearance on such 
 occasions we^^regarded as a mere matter of course. It need 
 not therefore surprise us that women and boys should have been 
 present in the theatre at the performances of the Old Comedy. 
 
 Whether they were ever present in large numbers is a further 
 question. Even those writers who admit that their presence 
 
 ^ Vit. Aeschyli, p. 4 Dindf. ^ Aristoph. Achar. 241-246; Menand. 
 
 2 Corp. Inscr. Att. iii. 282,313, 315, Frag. Incert 32 (Meineke, P'rag. Com. 
 
 .316, 321, 322, 324, 325, 333, 342, 343, Gr. iv. p. 243). 
 345, 350. 351, 354, 361, &c. 
 
VII.] COMPOSITION OF THE AUDIENCE. 301 
 
 was not prohibited by law, generally add that the more respect- 
 able women would in all probability keep away \ But the only 
 authority for such a notion is to be found in a couple of 
 passages in Aristophanes, which represent the husband as 
 present in the theatre, while the wife was at home ^ There is 
 nothing so unusual in an occurrence of this kind as to warrant 
 any sweeping conclusions. Some people must necessarily have 
 remained at home, from the mere fact that the theatre would not 
 have been large enough to contain the whole population of 
 Athens, if men, women, and children had all been present. But 
 it is hardly probable, for the reasons already stated, that there was 
 anything disreputable in a woman visiting the theatre. Re- 
 formers like Aristotle were in advance of ordinary public opinion 
 in their feelings about such matters. There is a passage in 
 Aristotle's Politics which is of great interest as showing the 
 general sentiment on the subject '^. Aristotle expresses a strong 
 opinion that boys should be prevented from seeing or hearing 
 any piece of coarseness or indecency. Even if such ribaldry is 
 an essential feature in the worship of any particular deity, he 
 says that only men should be allowed to be present. The men 
 should pay the proper homage to gods of this character on behalf 
 of themselves, their wives, and their children ; but boys should 
 not be permitted to be witnesses of comedies and similar spec- 
 tacles. This passage, in which Aristotle is combating the prevail- 
 "ing practice of the times, is an additional proof that boys were 
 present at the performance of comedies, and shows clearly that 
 when the worship of the gods was concerned ordinary public 
 opinion did not consider such spectacles improper. 
 
 ^ E.g. Miiller, die Griech. Biilmen- ^ Aristot. Pol. vii. 17 ljri;ufA.€S ;tei/ oSi/ 
 
 alterthiimer p. 291. carco rols dpxovai fxrjOkv fxrjre dyaXfjia 
 
 ^ Aristoph. Av. 793~79^ ^' "^^ )"^'" A"?'"* ypa(prjv elvai toiovtoov vpd^ccuv 
 
 Xctojv Tis vfiMV hariv oaris TV7xai/€i, | /iiixijaiv^el fir) irapciTKn OeoTs toiovtois oh 
 
 KaO' opa rbv dvbpa t^s yvvaiKOS (V KalrovTOoOaapLovavoUdojaLV ovopLOS' irpos 
 
 PovXevTiKw, I ovTOS av irdXiv Trap' vpLWV Se tovtois d(pir](Tiv 6 vopios roiis exovras 
 
 rrTepvyicras dviinaTO, \ dra Pivrjaas Ikh- -qXiKiav irXiov vpoarjKovaav koi virep 
 
 6eu avdis av KaOe^ero. Thesm. 395- avrcoy nal refivctiv KalyvvaiKwv TifxaXcpetv 
 
 397 wct' ev6vs (iai6vT€s diro tcuv 'iKpiajv | roiis $eovs. roiis 8e veajrepovs ovt' id/X' 
 
 VTTofiXiiTova Tjixds, aKOTTovvTai r (vOecos \ Pcou ovt€ KO}pL<^hia% O^ards vopioOeTrjTioy. 
 Hr) /xoixos evSov ■§ ris dnoKtKpv/xfiivos. 
 
^oa THE AUDIENCE, [Ch. 
 
 Besides women and children it appears that slaves were oc- 
 casionally present at the theatre. Plato in the Gorgias mentions 
 slaves as one of the classes before which the tragic poets will not 
 be allowed to perform in his ideal commonwealth \ The shameless 
 man described by Theophrastus takes the ' paedagogus ' to the 
 theatre, along with his sons, and crowds them all into seats which 
 did not really belong to him^ It is not however probable that 
 the number of slaves among the audience was ever very great. 
 Their presence would depend upon the kindness of their masters. 
 But the two passages just quoted prove that there was no law 
 to prevent their attendance. 
 
 § 2. Price of Admission, 
 
 The dramatic entertainments at Athens were provided by the 
 state for the benefit of the whole people. The entrance was 
 originally free, and every man was allowed to get the best seat 
 he could. But as the drama was extremely popular from the 
 very first, the struggle for seats caused great disturbances. 
 People used to come and secure places the night before the per- 
 formance began ; citizens complained that they were crowded 
 out of the theatre by foreigners ; blows and fights were of fre- 
 quent occurrence. It was therefore decided to charge a small 
 entrance fee, and to sell all the seats in advance. In this way 
 the crush of people was avoided, and as each man's seat was 
 secured for him, he was able to go to the theatre at a more 
 reasonable hour^ The price of a seat for one day's perform- 
 ance was two obols. The same price appears to have been 
 charged for all the different parts of the theatre, with the excep- 
 tion of the reserved seats for priests, officials, and other dis- 
 tinguished persons *. ■ A gradation of prices, according to the 
 goodness and badness of the seat, would probably not have been 
 
 ^ Plat. Gorg. 502 D. between the reserved seats for distin- 
 
 2 Theophrast. Char. 9. guished persons, and the ordinary two- 
 
 ^ Schol. Lucian. Tim, 49 ; Suidas v. obol seats. The passage in Plat. Apol. 
 
 OeoupiKov. 26 D, which has often been quoted to 
 
 * Dem. de Cor. § 28 dW' ev toTv prove that some seats cost a drachma, 
 
 ^voTv d^oXoTv kOfwpovv dv. This pas- has probably no reference to the theatre. 
 
 sage shows that there was no alternative See above, chap. iii. p. 106. 
 
VII.] PRICE OF ADMISSION, 303 
 
 tolerated by the democracy, as giving the rich too great an 
 advantage over the poor. 
 
 Until the time of Pericles every man had to pay for his place, 
 although the charge was a very small one. But the poorer 
 classes began to complain that the expense was too great for 
 them, and that the rich citizens bought up all the seats. 
 Pericles therefore, in order to gratify the democracy, passed 
 a measure directing that every citizen should have the price 
 of the entrance to the dramatic performances paid to him by the 
 state. The sum given in this way was called ' theoric ' money. 
 The law is described as if it was of universal application, but it 
 is probable that in Pericles' time, and for many years afterwards, 
 only the needy citizens applied for the theoric grants The 
 amount given to each man is sometimes said to have been 
 a drachma, sometimes two obols. There is no doubt that the 
 entrance fee for one day's performance was two obols. If 
 therefore a drachma was given, it must have been for a festival 
 at which the performances in the theatre lasted three days. 
 The amount of the theoric grant would of course vary according 
 to the length of the festival ^. It is well known that in later 
 times this system of theoric donations developed into the most 
 scandalous abuse. Grants of money were given to the citizens, 
 not merely at the Dionysia, but at all the other Athenian festivals, 
 to provide them with banquets and means of enjoyment. The 
 rich claimed the grant with quite as much eagerness as the poor. 
 The military revenues were impoverished in order to supply the 
 theoric fund ^ At first, however, the donations were limited to 
 the dramatic performances at the Dionysia. 
 
 ^ Ulpian. ad Dem. Olynth. i. p. 13 ; hvoTv dPoXotv (Oewpovv dv. Ulpian , on 
 
 Plut. Pericles p. 157 A. Dem. Olynth. i. p. 13, is mistaken in 
 
 ^ The amount of the grant is given as asserting that of the two obols one was 
 
 two obols by Suidas, Photius, and Etym. for admission to the theatre, the other 
 
 Mag. V. OeojpiKov ; by Libanius, Hypoth. for refreshments. The Schol. on Dem. 
 
 ad Dem. Olynth. i. p. 8 ; and by Schol. de Cor. § 28 also erroneously states 
 
 Aristoph, Vesp. 1118. It is given as a that the price of admission was one 
 
 drachma by Schol. Lucian. Tim. 49; obol. 
 
 and by Photius, Suidas, and Harpocrat. ^ Liban. Hypoth. ad Dem. Olynth. 
 
 s.v. OeojpiKCL. That the amount was two i. p. 8 ; Ammonius, de diff. vocab. v. 
 
 obols for a single day is proved by the dfojpSs; Dem. de Cor. § 118, Philipp. 
 
 passage in Dem. de Cor. § 28 Ij/ toiv iv, § 38, 
 
304 THE AUDIENCE. [Ch. 
 
 The receipts from the sale of places in the theatre v/ent to the 
 lessee. The arrangement in this matter was a peculiar one. 
 The lessee was a person who entered into a contract with the 
 state, by which he undertook to keep the fabric of the theatre in 
 good repair, and in return was allowed to take all the entrance 
 money. If he failed to keep the theatre in good condition, the 
 state did the necessary repairs itself, and made him pay the 
 expenses. He had to provide reserved seats in the front rows 
 for distinguished persons, and it is uncertain whether the state 
 paid him for these seats or not. For all the other portions of 
 the theatre he was allowed to charge two obols and no more \ 
 
 § 3. The Distribution of the Seats. 
 
 When the theatre was full the audience numbered close on 
 thirty thousand persons ^. As to the arrangement of this 
 enormous mass of people some few facts are known, and some 
 inferences may be made ; but the information is not very com- 
 plete. The great distinction was between the dignitaries who 
 had reserved seats in the front, and the occupants of the ordinary 
 two-obol seats at the back. A gradation of seats with descending 
 prices was, as previously stated, unknown to the ancient Athe- 
 nians. The privilege of having a reserved seat in the theatre 
 was called 'proedria,' and was conferred by the state ^ From 
 the large number of persons who enjoyed the distinction it is 
 clear that several of the front rows must have been reserved ; 
 and this conclusion is confirmed by the inscriptions in the 
 theatre, which show that seats were assigned to particular in- 
 
 ^ The lessee was generally called at the Peiraeeus engage to keep the 
 apxtT€KTa}v (Dem. de Cor. § 28), be- fabric in good repair ; (2) Dem. de 
 cause part of his contract was to look Cor. ^ 28 rj diav fj.T) Karavuiiai rov 
 after the buildings of the theatre. He apxireKTOva avroTs KcXevaai ; (3) Ulpian. 
 was also called OearpoirwX'qs (Poll. vii. ad Dem. Olynth. i. p. 13 wcrre Xa/xPdveiv 
 199), from the fact of his selling seats ; ... 5vo dPoXovs, ha . . . tov S' aWov -nap- 
 and OeaTpojvTjs (Theophrast. Char, 11), excti' excuat to) dpxt''"«''f'''0''' '''oy ^edrpou. 
 from the fact of his having taken the ^ See above, chap. iii. p. 122. 
 theatre on lease. The nature of the ^ Schol. Aristoph. Equit. 572. Pol- 
 arrangement with the lessee may be lux, iv. 121, states rather doubtfully that 
 gathered from (1) Corp. Inscr. Att. ii. the Tr/ooeSpm in the theatre might also be 
 573, in which the lessees of the theatre called irpurov ^vXov. 
 
VII.] THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE SEATS, 305 
 
 dividuals as far back as the twenty-fourth tier from the fronts 
 The recipients of the honour, or at any rate the more prominent 
 of them, were conducted in a solemn procession to the theatre 
 each morning by one of the state officials ^. 
 
 Foremost among the persons who had seats in the front rows 
 were the priests and religious officers connected with the dif- 
 ferent divinities. That they should be distinguished in this 
 manner was only in keeping with the essentially religious 
 character of the ancient Greek drama. An inscription referring 
 to the theatre at the Peiraeeus, and belonging to the third or fourth 
 century b.c, mentions the priests specially by name as the most 
 conspicuous members of the class who had the ' proedria ' ^ 
 The inscriptions upon the seats in the theatre at Athens, which 
 represent for the most part the arrangement that existed during 
 the reign of Hadrian, place the matter in a very clear light. 
 They enable us to determine the occupants of fifty-four out of 
 sixty-seven seats in the front row; and it is found that of 
 these fifty-four persons no less than forty-five were priests, or 
 ministers connected with religion. Similarly, in the rows imme- 
 diately behind the front row, a large number of places were set 
 apart for the different priests and priestesses ''. Such was the 
 arrangement in the time of Hadrian, and there can be little 
 doubt that it was much the same in its general character during 
 the period of the Athenian democracy. 
 
 Among state officials the nine archons and the ten generals 
 had distinguished places in the theatre. In Hadrian's time the 
 archons occupied seats in the front row, and it is probable that 
 this position was assigned to them from the earliest period. 
 The generals were in some prominent part of the theatre, but the 
 
 ^ Corp. Inscr. Att. iii. 303-384. Hesych. v. I'c/xijo'eis Qkav 'AOtjvcuoi tcLs 
 
 ^ Corp. Inscr. Att. ii. 589 shows that ev to) Oiarpw KaOeSpas, xf^rjipiafxaTi veve- 
 
 in the Peiraeeus the demarch used to fjnj/jievas irpoibpias iepevaiv. 
 
 conduct the persons honoured with * Corp. Inscr. Att. iii. 240-298. 
 
 proedria to the theatre. A similar prac- Fifty- two thrones in the front row have 
 
 tice was no doubt observed at Athens. been preserved, with the inscriptions 
 
 ^ Corp. Inscr. Att. ii. 589 koI elffa- upon them ; and it is quite clear that 
 
 76x0; avTov 6 Srifiapxos eh to Otarpov two other thrones must have been re- 
 
 tcaOattep hpeis Kal tovs aWovs oh dedorai served for the two remaining Thesmo- 
 
 57 irpoedpia trapd TldpaUuv. Cp. also thetae. 
 
306 THE AUDIENCE. [ch. 
 
 exact place is not known. The snob in Theophrastus was always 
 anxious to sit as near to them as possible \ Ambassadors from 
 foreign states, as was previously pointed out, were generally 
 provided with front seats, on the motion of some member of the 
 Council. Demosthenes is taunted by Aeschines for the exces- 
 sive politeness which he showed to Philip's ambassadors on 
 an occasion of this kind. The lessee of the theatre at the 
 Peiraeeus, as appears from an inscription still extant, was 
 ordered to provide the ambassadors from Colophon with re- 
 served places at the Dionysia. The Spartan ambassadors 
 were sitting in ^ a most distinguished part of the theatre ' when 
 they considerately gave up a place to an old man for whom 
 no one else would make room^ The judges of the various 
 contests sat together in a body, and would naturally be pro- 
 vided with one of the best places in the theatre ^ The orphan 
 sons of men who had fallen in battle received from the state, 
 in addition to other honours, the distinction of ' proedria.' The 
 same privilege was frequently conferred by decree upon great 
 public benefactors, and was generally made hereditary in the 
 family, descending by succession to the eldest male representative. 
 An honour of this kind was bestowed upon Demosthenes \ 
 
 With the exception of the reserved places in the front rows, 
 the rest of the auditorium consisted of the ordinary two-obol 
 seats. Concerning the arrangements adopted in this part of the 
 theatre a few details have been recorded. It appears that spe- 
 cial portions of the auditorium were set apart for the different 
 classes of the community. There was a particular place for the 
 members of the Council of Five Hundred, and another place for 
 the Ephebi, or youths between the age of eighteen and twenty ^. 
 The women were separated from the men, and the courtesans 
 sat apart from the other women ^. It is probable that all the 
 
 ^ Corp. Inscr. Att. iii. 254-260; ^ See chap. i. p. 46. 
 
 Aristoph. Equit. 573-576 ; Theophrast. * Aeschin. Ctesiph. § 154; Plut. X 
 
 Char. 5. Orat., prephisms I and II, p. 851 A-F. 
 
 ^ Aeschin. Fals. Leg. § tii, Ctesiph. ^ Schol. Aristoph. Av. 795 ; Poll. iv. 
 
 § 76; Dem. de Cor. § 28; Corp. Inscr. 122 fiov\(VTi/cdv fiSpos rod Bedrpov ml 
 
 Att. ii. 164 ; Cic. de Senect. § 63 ; Val. hcprjfiiKov. 
 Max. iii. 5. e Schol. Aristoph. Eccles. 22. 
 
VII.] THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE SEATS. 307 
 
 women sat at the back of the theatre, at a long distance from the 
 stage. Foreigners also seem usually to have been confined to the 
 back seats \ The amphitheatre of seats was divided into thirteen 
 blocks by the passages which ran upwards from the orchestra. 
 It is a very plausible conjecture that in the arrangement of 
 the audience each tribe had a special block assigned to it. Not 
 that there was any correspondence between the number of the 
 blocks and the number of the tribes. The blocks of seats were 
 thirteen from the first : the tribes were originally ten, and were 
 only raised in later times to twelve and thirteen. If therefore 
 particular blocks were really appropriated to particular tribes, 
 there must have been from one to three blocks unappropriated 
 during a considerable period of Athenian history. But the 
 recent excavations in the theatre afford grounds for inferring 
 that there was a connexion between certain blocks and certain 
 tribes, and the thing is not improbable in itself^ The tribal 
 divisions played a large part in the various details of Attic ad- 
 ministration, and an arrangement by tribes would have greatly 
 facilitated the process of distributing the enormous mass of 
 spectators among their proper seats. 
 
 Before leaving this part of the subject it may be useful to 
 give a complete list of the priests and officials for whom the 
 front row was reserved in later times. It is still possible, as 
 
 * Aristoph. Pax 962-966 koI toTs tribe Erectheis, is in the first block from 
 
 OearaTs pinre tuiv KpiOwv. OI. ihov. \ the eastern end ; the second, erected by 
 
 TP. Uo)Kas tjSt} ; OI. vi) rbv 'Epixrjv, the tribe Acamanthis, is in the sixth 
 
 ware ye \ ... ovk (Otiv ovdels oaris ov block from the eastern end ; the third, 
 
 Kpid7]v ex^'- I "I^* ''^X o* fwaiKes 7' erected by the tribe Oeneis, is in the 
 
 iKafiov. Alexis, TwaiKOKparia, fr. I sixth block from the western end (C.I. A. 
 
 (Meineke, Fiag. Com. Gr. iii. p. 402) iii. 466-468). Thus the place of each 
 
 kvTavOa irepl ttjv effxaTrjv Set /cepKida | statue in the series of blocks corre- 
 
 vftas KaOi^ovffas Oecvpeiv ws £eVas. sponded exactly with the place of the 
 
 2 In the central block, on the third tribe in the official list of tribes. It is 
 
 step, was a statue of Hadrian, of which therefore a highly plausible conjecture 
 
 the basis is still preserved, erected in that, in addition to the statue of Hadrian 
 
 112 A. D. hy the Areopagus, the Council in the central block, there were twelve 
 
 of Six Hundred, and the people of other statues erected by the twelve tribes 
 
 Athens (C. I. A. ii. 464). Besides this, in the remaining blocks ; and that each 
 
 the bases of three other statues of tribe had a special block appropriated 
 
 Hadrian, erected by different tribes, are to itself. See Benndorf, Beitrage zur 
 
 still in existence. They are all on the Kentniss des att. Theaters p. 4 ff. 
 second step. The first, erected by the 
 
 X 2 
 
3o8 
 
 THE AUDIENCE. 
 
 [Ch. 
 
 already stated, to determine the occupants of fifty-four out of 
 the sixty-seven seats ; and the arrangement, with a few excep- 
 tions, is that of Hadrian's time\ The list of names is not 
 
 ^. 
 
 ^f ■^v'^^.at^^s^, 
 
 without interest, as it enables us, better than any description, 
 to form a general conception of the sort of arrangement which 
 
 ^ Corp. Inscr. Alt. iii. •240-298. Papers of the American School of 
 
 There is a very full account of the Classical Studies at Athens vol. i. p. 
 
 inscriptions on the thrones in Wheeler's 152 ff. 
 article on the Theatre of Dionysus, in 
 
VlL] THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE SEATS. 309 
 
 was probably adopted at an earlier period. It also affords a 
 curious glimpse into the religious side of the old Athenian life, 
 and helps us to realise the variety and multiplicity of priests, 
 deities, and ceremonials. In the very centre of the front row, 
 in the best place in the whole theatre, sat the priest of Dionysus 
 Eleuthereus, on a throne of elaborate workmanship. A repre- 
 sentation of the throne is here inserted \ As the theatre was 
 regarded as a temple of Dionysus, and the drama was a cele- 
 bration in his honour, it was only fitting that his priest should 
 occupy the most conspicuous and distinguished position. There 
 is a reference to the arrangement in the Frogs of Aristophanes, 
 in the scene where Dionysus is terrified by the goblins in Hades, 
 and desperately appeals to his own priest for protection ^. Of 
 the thirty-three seats to the left of the priest of Dionysus the 
 occupants of twenty are still known, and were as follows : — 
 
 Priest of Zeus the Protector of the City. 
 
 The Sacrificer. 
 
 The Hieromnemon^ 
 
 Priest and Chief Priest of Augustus Caesar. 
 
 Priest of Hadrian Eleuthereus. 
 
 Chief Archon. 
 
 King Archon. 
 
 Polemarch. 
 
 The Six Thesmothetae. 
 
 The lacchus-carrier*. 
 
 The Sacred Herald. 
 
 Priest of Asclepius the Healer. 
 
 Fire-bringer from the Acropolis^. 
 
 Priest of the People, the Graces, and Rome. 
 
 Holy Herald and Priest. 
 
 ^ The illustration is taken from chap. iii. p. 162). The significance of 
 
 Zeitschrift fiir bildende Kunst vol. xiii. the Oriental figures has not yet been 
 
 p. 196. On the back, of the chair are explained, 
 
 depicted two Satyrs, holding a bunch of ^ Aristoph. Ran. 297. 
 
 grapes. In the front, underneath the ^ I. e. the representative of Athens at 
 
 seat, are two Oriental figures, engaged the Amphictyonic Council, 
 
 in a fight with winged lions. On the * I. e. the priest who carried the 
 
 arms of the throne are figures of Cupids, lacchus, or sacred statue of Dionysus, 
 
 setting cocks to fight. The appropriate- at the Eleusinian procession, 
 
 ness of the Satyrs, as a decoration in the ^ I. e. the priest who looked after the 
 
 theatre of Dionysus, is obvious. The sacrificial fire in the temple of Athene 
 
 cocks, no doubt, refer to the annual on the Acropolis, 
 cock-fight held in the theatre (see above, 
 
310 THE AUDIENCE, [Ch. 
 
 All the thrones to the right hand of the priest of Dionysus 
 have been preserved, and were occupied by the following per- 
 sons : — 
 
 Interpreter appointed by the Pythian Oracle K 
 Priest of Olympian Zeus. 
 Hierophant. 
 
 Priest of Delian Apollo. 
 Priest of Poseidon the Nourisher. 
 
 Fire-bringer of the Graces, and of Artemis of the Tower. 
 Interpreter chosen from the Eupatridae by the people for life. 
 . Priest of Poseidon the Earth-holder and Poseidon Erectheus. 
 Priest of Artemis Colaenis. 
 
 Priest of Dionysus the Singer, chosen from the Euneidae. 
 Bullock-keeper of Palladian Zeus. 
 
 Priest of Zeus of the Council and Athene of the Council 2. 
 Priest of Zeus the Deliverer and Athene the Deliverer. 
 Priest of Antinous the Dancer, chosen from the Company of Actors^. 
 Priest of Apollo Patrons. 
 
 Priest of Dionysus the Singer, chosen from the Company of Actors. 
 Priest of Glory and Order. 
 Priest of Asclepius, 
 Priest of the Muses. 
 Priest of Zeus the god of Friendship. 
 Priest of the Twelve Gods. 
 Statue-cleanser of Zeus at Pisa. 
 Priest of the Lycean Apollo. 
 Statue-cleanser of Olympian Zeus in the City. 
 Priest of the Dioscuri and the Hero Epite^ius*. 
 Priest of Heavenly Nemesis. 
 Priest of Hephaestus. 
 Priest of Apollo the Laurel- wearer. 
 Priest of Dionysus of Aulon. 
 The Stone-carrier ■"'. 
 Priest of Theseus. 
 
 Bullock-keeper of Zeus the Accomplisher. 
 Priest of Demeter and Persephone. 
 
 The priests enumerated here were the principal dignitaries 
 in the Athenian hierarchy. Behind them sat a large gathering 
 
 ^ He was one of the three Exegetae, PovXevTrjpiov. 
 
 or Interpreters of sacred law, and was ^ This Antinous was a favourite of 
 
 appointed by the Pythian oracle. A Hadrian's, and was drowned in the 
 
 second was chosen by the people from Nile, and afterwards deified, 
 
 the Eupatridae, and also had a seat in ^ Unknown, 
 
 the front row. ^ probably an official who carried a 
 
 "^ They were the guardians of the sacred stone in some procession ; but 
 
 fiovKij, and their altars were in the nothing is known about him. 
 
VII.] VARIOUS ARRANGEMENTS. 311 
 
 of inferior priests and priestesses. Their presence in such num- 
 bers at performances Hke the Old and Middle Comedy affords 
 a curious illustration of the religious sentiment of the Athenians, 
 and indicates clearly that the coarseness of the early comedy, 
 and its burlesque representations of the gods and their adven- 
 tures, did not constitute any offence against religion, but formed 
 an appropriate element in the worship of Dionysus. 
 
 § 4. Various arrangements in connexion with the Audience. 
 
 The performance of plays began soon after sunrise, and 
 continued all day long without intermission. There was no 
 such thing as an interval for refreshments ; one play followed 
 another in rapid succession \ Apart from direct evidence upon 
 the subject, it is manifest that, considering the large number of 
 plays which had to be gone through in the time, any delay would 
 have been out of the question. Consequently the spectators 
 were careful to have a good meal before starting for the theatre ^ 
 There was also a plentiful consumption of wine and various light 
 refreshments in the course of the actual performances. The 
 time for such an indulgence was during the tedious portions of 
 a play, but when one of the great actors came upon the stage, 
 the provisions were laid aside, and the audience became all 
 attention ^ 
 
 The theatre must have presented a bright and festive appear- 
 ance. Crowns were worn in honour of Dionysus by the express 
 command of the oracle \ The gaily-coloured dresses of the 
 spectators would add greatly to the brilliancy of the scene. At 
 the same time the comfort of the audience was not very much 
 
 * Aeschin. Ctesipb. § 76 aiia t^ '7A*«/'? irpwrov ■^pio'TijKOTes Kal vencoKores kPd- 
 
 ■^yeiTO Tois rrpiafi^aiv els to Oearpov. bi^ov km rT)v diav. 
 
 Dem, Meid. § 74 hyw 5' vn kx&pov ^ Philochor. ap. Athen. \.c. irapa hi 
 
 vijcpovTOS) 'icvOfv, k.t.X. Aristoph. Av. tuv dyuiua iravTa olvos aiiTois djvoxoeiro 
 
 786-789 avTix vfiwv Tuiv OeaTUJV ei tis koI rpayfifiara irapfcpipeTO. Aristot. 
 
 ^u viroTTTepos, | efra ireivaiv tois x^po^^'' ^th. Nic. x. 5 Kal kv tois OeaTpois ol 
 
 Twv Tpaywhwv TjxOeTO, \ kKTrrofxevos av TpayrjfxaTi^ovTfs, orav (pav\oi 01 dyouvi- 
 
 ovTOS ripioTTjaev k\6ajv oiKaSe, | Kdr av (ojjievoi wai, Tore frnXiar avTo Spa/ffiv. 
 f liirXrjfrOets k<p' fj^ids avOis av KaTkiTTaTO. * Philochor. ap. Athen. 1. c. kox 
 
 2 Philochorus ap. Athen. p. 464 E kcTicpavojuivoi kOewpovv. Dem. Meid. 
 
 'AOrjvaioi tois ^lowaiaKOis dyojoi Td {xlv § 52. 
 
312 THE AUDIENCE. [Ch. 
 
 consulted. The seats were of stone, and without backs ; and the 
 people had to sit there all day long, packed together as closely 
 as was possible. Rich men brought cushions and carpets with 
 them. Aeschines draws a contemptuous picture of Demosthenes 
 escorting Philip's ambassadors to the theatre in person, and 
 arranging their cushions and spreading their carpets with his 
 own hands. The toady in Theophrastus, when he accompanies 
 a wealthy man to the theatre, is careful to take the cushion out 
 of the slave's hands, and to insist upon placing it ready for his 
 patron \ But luxuries of this kind were confined to the richer 
 classes, and the common people were probably contented with 
 the stone seats. 
 
 There was no shelter from the sun. The theatre faced to- 
 wards the south, and was entirely uncovered. But as the 
 dramatic performances took place at the end of the winter, or 
 early in the spring, the heat would not usually be excessive. 
 Probably the sun was in most cases very welcome. If however 
 any shelter was required, hats appear to have been worn, though 
 the Athenians generally went bare-headed except upon a jour- 
 ney ^ It has been suggested that small awnings were sometimes 
 erected upon rods by individual spectators for their own con- 
 venience, and that the ' purple cloths ' which Demosthenes 
 spread out for Philip's ambassadors were awnings of this de- 
 scription ^ But it is most improbable that anything of the kind 
 was permitted, at any rate during the period of the democracy. 
 Such awnings would have seriously interfered with the view of 
 the persons immediately behind. 
 
 To keep order among a gathering of about thirty thousand 
 persons, crowded together in a comparatively small space, must 
 have been a matter of some difficulty. Certain officers called 
 
 ^ Aeschin. Ctesiph. § 76, Fals. Leg. cut in the stone for the reception of 
 
 §111; Theophrast. Char. 2. rods, to support small awnings; but 
 
 "^ Suidas V. ApaKOJV virb rwv Alyivrj- they date from Roman times, and their 
 
 TcDi/ €v TO) Ofdrpof, knippixpavTojv avrai purpose is not quite certain. The 
 
 cTTi 7^v K€<paX-qv TTtraaovs v\(iovas Koi ^oiviKidts mentioned by Aeschines 
 
 XiToivas Kal Ifxaria, direirviyr}. (Ctesiph. § 76) were probably coverlets 
 
 ^ In one or two places in the theatre or carpets. 
 of Dionysus holes appear to have been 
 
VII.] CHARACTER OF ATTIC AUDIENCES. 313 
 
 ' staff-bearers ' were stationed in the theatre for the purpose \ 
 Disturbances were not infrequent, and arose from various causes. 
 Sometimes the rivalry between two choregi resulted in actual 
 violence. For example, on one occasion, when Taureas and 
 Alcibiades were competitors in a dithyrambic contest, a fight 
 broke out between them, in the course of which Alcibiades, 
 being the stronger man of the two, drove Taureas out of the 
 orchestral That the feeling between the choregi often ran 
 very high has already been pointed out in a previous chapter. 
 Disputes about seats were another fertile source of disturbance. 
 With the exception of the front row, the individual places were 
 not separated from one another, but the people sat together on 
 the long stone benches. Such an arrangement was very likely 
 to cause confusion. Demosthenes mentions the case of a highly 
 distinguished citizen, who ran great risk of being put to death, 
 owing to his having forcibly ejected a man from his seat. Per- 
 sonal violence in the theatre was regarded as a crime against 
 religion, and was strictly prohibited. If any dispute arose, the 
 proper course was to appeal to the officers ; and the man who 
 took the law into his own hands was guilty of a capital offence ^. 
 
 § 5. Character of Attic Audiences. 
 
 The Athenians were a lively audience, and gave expression to 
 their feelings in the most unmistakable manner. The noise and 
 uproar produced by an excited crowd of thirty thousand persons 
 must have been of a deafening character, and is described in the 
 most uncomplimentary language by Plato *. It was exceedingly 
 difficult for the judges to resist such demonstrations, and to vote 
 in accordance with their own private judgment. The ordinary 
 modes of signifying pleasure or disgust were much the same in 
 ancient as in modern times, and consisted of hisses and groans 
 on the one hand, and shouts and clapping of hands on the other \ 
 The Athenians had also a peculiar way of marking their dis- 
 
 ^ Called pa$So(f>6poi (Schol. Aristoph. * Plat. Legg. 700 C. 
 
 Pax 734), and pal3dovxoi (Pax 734). ^ Dem. Meid. §§ 14, 226; Alciphron, 
 
 ^ Andocid. Alcibiad. § 20. Epist. iii. 71. 
 ^ Dem. Meid. §§ 178, 179. 
 
314 THE AUDIENCE. [Ch. 
 
 approval of a performance by kicking with the heels of their 
 sandals against the front of the stone benches on which they 
 were sitting'. Stones were occasionally thrown by an irate 
 audience. Aeschines was hissed off the stage, and ^almost stoned 
 to death/ in the course of his theatrical career. There is an 
 allusion to the practice in the story of the second-rate musician, 
 who borrowed a supply of stone from a friend in order to build 
 a house, and promised to repay him with the stones he collected 
 from his next performance in public ^. Country audiences in the 
 Attic demes used figs and olives, and similar missiles, for pelt- 
 ing unpopular actors ^ On the other hand, encores were not 
 unknown, if particular passages took the fancy of the audience. 
 Socrates is said to have encored the first three lines of the 
 Orestes of Euripides^. 
 
 If the Athenians were dissatisfied with an actor or a play, 
 they had no hesitation about revealing the fact, but promptly 
 put a stop to the performance by means of hisses and groans and 
 stamping with the heels. They were able to do so with greater 
 readiness, as several plays were always performed in succession, 
 and they could call for the next play, without bringing the enter- 
 tainment to a close. In this way they sometimes got through 
 the programme very rapidly. There is an instance of such an 
 occurrence in the story of the comic actor Hermon, whose play 
 should naturally have come on late in the day ; but as all the 
 previous performers were promptly hissed off the stage one after 
 another, he was called upon much sooner than he expected, and 
 in consequence was not ready to appear ^ If the tale about the 
 comic poet Diphilus is true, it would seem that even the authors 
 of very unsuccessful plays were sometimes forcibly ejected from 
 the theatre ^ 
 
 A few scattered notices and descriptions, referring to the 
 
 ' Poll. iv. 122 TO iikvroi TO. \lw\ia have been the word used; cp. Xen. 
 
 rah ■mkpvais Karafcpovdv impvoKOfTiiv Symp. ix. 4 ct'yua St kPowv av6is. 
 
 eXfyov kiroiovv Se rovTo onoTf Tiva ^ Poll. iv. 88. he word for hissing 
 
 (K0dKoi(v. an actor off the stage was eftPdWciv ; 
 
 ^ Dem. Fals. Leg. § 337 ; Athen. p. to be hissed off was kKvivTuv. See 
 
 245 E. Dem. de Cor. § 265, Poll. iv. 122. 
 
 ' Dem. de Cor. § 262. « Athen. p. 585 F. 
 
 * Cic. Tusc. iv. § 63. M6i$ seems to 
 
VII.] CHARACTER OF ATTIC AUDIENCES. 315 
 
 spectators in the Athenian theatre, show that human nature 
 was very much the same in ancient times as at the present 
 day. Certain types of character, which were generally to be 
 met with among an Attic audience, will easily be recognised 
 as familiar figures. There was the man of taste, who prided 
 himself upon his superior discernment, and used to hiss when 
 everyone else was applauding, and clap when every one else was 
 silent \ There was the person who made himself objectionable 
 to his neighbours by whistling an accompaniment to tunes 
 which happened to please him^ There were the 'young men 
 of the town,' who took a malign pleasure in hissing a play off 
 the stage ^. There were the people who brought out their 
 provisions during the less exciting parts of the entertainment \ 
 There was the somnolent individual who slept peacefully through 
 tragedies and comedies, and was not even waked up by the noise 
 of the audience going away ^ Certain indications show that the 
 employment of the claque was not unknown to Greek actors and 
 poets. The parasite Philaporus, who had recently taken up the 
 profession of an actor, and was anxious about the result of his 
 first public appearance, writes to a friend to ask him to come 
 with a large body of supporters, and drown with their applause 
 the hisses of the critical part of the audience. Philemon, in 
 spite of his inferior talents as a comic writer, is said to have 
 frequently won victories from Menander by practices of this 
 kind ". 
 
 The character of the Athenian audience as a whole is well 
 exemplified by the stories of their treatment of individual poets. 
 Although they were willing to tolerate the utmost ribaldry upon 
 the stage, and to allow the gods and sacred legends to be bur- 
 lesqued in the most ridiculous fashion, they were at the same 
 time extremely orthodox in regard to the national religion. Any 
 atheistical sentiments, and any violations of their religious law, 
 were liable to provoke an outburst of the greatest violence. 
 
 i Theophrast. Char. 11. * Aristot. Eth. Nic. x. 5. 
 
 2 Theophrast. Char. I.e. *' Theophrast. Char. 14. 
 
 ^ Alciphron, Epist. iii. 71 iVa, kov ti * Alciphron, Epist. iii. 71 ; Aul. Gell. 
 
 \dOQ}fi€v arroacpaXivm, fxrj Xdfiri xwpav N. A. xvii. 4. 
 rd daTiKOi fiapdKia kXw((iv ^ avpimiv. 
 
3J6 the audience, [Ch. 
 
 Aeschylus on one occasion was nearly killed in the theatre 
 itself, because he was supposed to have revealed part of the 
 mysteries in the course of a tragedy. He was only saved by 
 flying for refuge to the altar of Dionysus in the orchestral 
 Euripides also caused a great uproar by beginning his Mela- 
 nippe with the line, 'Zeus, whoever Zeus be, for I know not 
 save by report,' &c. In a subsequent production of a revised 
 version of the play he altered the line to ' Zeus, as is reported 
 by truth,^ ' &c. In the same way sentiments which violated the 
 moral feeling of the audience were received with intense in- 
 dignation, and sometimes resulted in the stoppage of the play. 
 The Danae of Euripides is said to have been nearly hissed off 
 the stage because of a passage in praise of money ^ On the 
 other hand, wise and noble sentiments excited great enthusiasm. 
 Aristophanes was rewarded with a chaplet from the sacred olive 
 because of the splendid passage in which he counsels mercy to 
 the disfranchised citizens. Sophocles is said to have been 
 appointed one of the generals in the Samian expedition on ac- 
 count of the excellent political wisdom shown in certain passages 
 of the Antigone ^. The partiality of the Athenians for idealism 
 in art is shown by the reception which they gave to Phrynichus* 
 tragedy of the Capture of Miletus, an historical drama in which 
 the misfortunes of the lonians were forcibly portrayed. So far 
 from admiring the skill of the poet, they fined him a thousand 
 drachmas for reminding them of the miseries of their kinsfolk, 
 and passed a law forbidding the reproduction of this particular 
 play'. 
 
 The enthusiasm of the Athenians for the drama was un- 
 bounded. Nowhere was the theatre more crowded. In the 
 words of one of the old historians they 'spent the public 
 revenues on their festivals, w^ere more familiar with the stage 
 than with the camp, and paid more regard to verse-makers than 
 
 ^ Aristot Eth. Nic. iii. 2, and Eu- Gr. Frag. p. 363. 
 stath. ad loc. * Vit. Aristoph. (Dindf. Prolegom. 
 
 2 Plut. Amator. 756 C; Nauck, Trag. de Com. p. 12) ; Arg. to Soph. Antig. 
 Gi. Frag. p. 405. 5 Herod, vi. 21. 
 
 Senec. Epist. 115; Nauck, Trag. 
 
VIT.] CHARACTER OF ATTIC AUDIENCES. 317 
 
 to generals \* The speeches of Demosthenes are full of com- 
 plaints in the same strain. The eagerness with which dramatic 
 victories were coveted, and the elaborate monuments erected to 
 commemorate them, have already been referred to in a previous 
 chapter. It was not however till the middle of the fourth cen- 
 tury that the devotion to this and similar amusements grew to 
 such a height as to become a positive vice, and to sap the 
 military energies of the people. The Athenians of the fifth 
 century showed that enthusiasm for art and music and the 
 drama was not inconsistent with energy of character. As a 
 matter of fact the very greatest period of the Attic drama is also 
 the period of the political supremacy of Athens. 
 
 As far as intelligence and discrimination are concerned, the 
 Athenian audiences were probably superior to any audience of 
 the same size which has ever been brought together. Their 
 keen and rapid intellect was a subject of frequent praise among 
 the ancients, and was ascribed to the exhilarating influence of the 
 Attic climate ^. They were especially distinguished for the re- 
 finement of their taste in matters of art and literature, and for the 
 soberness of judgment with which they rejected any sort of florid 
 exuberance. That they were keenly alive to the attractions of 
 beauty of form and chastened simplicity of style is proved by the 
 fact that Sophocles was by far the most successful of their tragic 
 poets. Though Euripides became more popular among the 
 later Greeks, Sophocles in his own lifetime obtained far more 
 victories than any other tragic writer ^ At the same time it is 
 easy to form an exaggerated idea of the refinement of an Attic 
 audience. They were drawn from all classes of the people, and 
 a large proportion were ignorant and uncultured. Plato speaks 
 in the most disparaging terms of them, and charges them with 
 having corrupted the dramatic poets, and brought them down to 
 
 1 Justin. 17. 9. The passage was rum semper fuit prudens sincerumque 
 very likely from Theopompus. iudicium, nihil ut possent nisi incor- 
 
 2 Dem. Olynth. iii. § 15 kox ^vuvai ruptum audire et elegans ; § 27 ad 
 iravTOJV vp.iTs b^vraroi to. ^rjOevra. Cic. Atticorum igitur aures teretes et religio- 
 de Fato § 7 Athenis tenue caelum, ex sas qui se accommodant, ii sunt existi- 
 quo acutiores etiam putantur Attici. mandi Attice dicere. 
 
 ^ Cic. Orat. § 25 (Athenienses) quo- 
 
3i8 THE AUDIENCE. 
 
 their own leveP. His evidence is perhaps rather prejudiced. 
 But Aristotle, who had much greater faith in popular judgment, 
 is not very complimentary. He divides the theatrical audience 
 into two classes, the refined and cultured class on the one hand, 
 and the mass of rough and ignorant artisans on the other. One 
 of his objections to the profession of an actor or musician is that 
 he must accommodate himself to the level of the ignorant part of 
 his audience^. He mentions examples in the Poetics of the low 
 level of popular taste, from which it appears that the average 
 spectator in ancient times was, like his modern counterpart, 
 fond of 'happy terminations.' He cared little for the artistic 
 requirements of the composition ; his desire was to see virtue 
 rewarded, and vice punished, at the end of a play. Then 
 again, a large part of the audience, Aristotle remarks, were so 
 ignorant as to be unacquainted with the ordinary facts of my- 
 thology, which formed the basis of most tragedies. In judging 
 a play, they paid more regard to the actor's voice than to the 
 poet's genius ^. At the same time, in spite of depreciatory cri- 
 ticisms, it must be remembered that the true criterion of a 
 people's taste is to be found in the character of the popular 
 favourites. The victorious career of Sophocles, lasting over 
 more than fifty years, is a convincing proof of the fact that, at 
 any rate during the fifth century, the dramatic taste of the 
 Athenians was altogether higher than that of an ordinary 
 populai audience. 
 
 ^ Plat. Legg. 659 B, C. ^ StTrX^j/ re t-^v avaraaw txovoa KaSdncp 
 
 ^ Aristot. Pol. viii. 7 end 8' Oearfis 1) 'OSvaafia Kal TeKcvruiaa l£ kvavTias 
 
 SiTTos, b fxev kkcvOepos Kal Treiraidevf^efos, roTs peXTioai Kal xf'Voo'tv. SoK(r be 
 
 o 8e (popTiKoi Itf ^avavcrwv Kal OrjTwi' Kal eivai irpwrr] dia t^v tu)v Oedrpctiv doOe- 
 
 aWojv Toiovrojv avyKeifj,(Vcs, ibid. 6 6 veiav, aKoXovOovai yap ot iroirjTal Kar' 
 
 yap Ocarrjs (popriKos $jv fierafidWeiv ivx^v iroiovvrfs tois OcaraTs. Ibid. c. 9 
 
 ciu9e rrjv /xovffiK-fjv, ware koI tovs t^x^l- (of the old legends) Ittci Kal rd yvwpipa 
 
 Tos rovsTTpbs avTov fieKeruiVTas avrovs t€ oXiyois yvuipifjcd kariv, dXX' ofxcos evcppat- 
 
 iroiovs Tivas ttoki. vei irdvTas. Id. Rhet. iii. I eKii p-eT^ov 
 
 ^ Aristot. Poet. c. 13 5(VTepa 8' ■q dvvavrai vvv tmv iroirjTdiv 01 vnoKpirai. 
 trpwrr] Keyopiivr] virb Tivuv kari avaraffis 
 
APPENDIX A. 
 
 The information concerning the dates at which the plays of the 
 great Attic dramatists were produced, and the success which they 
 met with in the competitions, is derived from various brief notices, 
 which occur mostly in the Arguments prefixed to the different plays, 
 and which were ultimately derived from Aristotle's Didascaliae, or 
 from other collections of the same kind (see chap. i. p. 6;^). A 
 complete list of these notices is here appended : — 
 
 472 B.C. 
 Arg. Aesch. Persae : *En\ Mevcovos rpayabcov AlaxiiXos ivUa $ti/et, 
 Uepaats, FXavKto, IIpoiir]d€7. 
 
 467 B.C. 
 Arg. Aesch. Septem : *Edi8dxdr) em eeayevidov oXvuniddi orf . ivUa 
 Aaio), OldiTTobi, 'Ettto, eVt Qrj^as, 2(j)i,yyl o-aTvpiKrj. devrepos ^Apiarias Ucpa-e'i, 
 TavToXa, UaKaia-Tois (TaTvpiKois rots nparivov Trarpos, rpiros TloXvcppadpcov 
 AvKovpyeia TCTpakoyiq. 
 
 458 B.C. 
 
 Arg. Aesch. Agamemnon : 'EdiddxOrj t6 dpafxa eVt apxovros ^CKoKkiovs, 
 
 oXvpniddi oydoTjKoar^ erei 8evTep(p. TrpcoTOs AI(t\vXos 'Aya/xe/ij/ovi, Xorjcfiopoii, 
 Evp.€vl(n, UpcoTcl auTvpiKa. ixoprjyei SevoicXris *A(j)idv€vy. 
 
 455 B.C. 
 
 Vit. Eurip. p. 4 Dindf. : "Up^aro di dibdaKdv (6 EvpiTTiBrjs) eVt KaXXiov 
 apxovTos KUT oXvpmdda rra erei a, TTpSnTOV b' edida^e rds IleXiddas, ore koi 
 rpiros iyivero. 
 
 438 B.C. 
 
 Arg. Eur. Alcestis : ^EbihdxOr} inX VXavKivov apxovros oXvfimdbi TTf'. 
 TTparos rjv 2o(fiOKXi'is, devrepos Evpnridrjs Kprjaaais, *AXKpaia>vi ra dia "^axjndos, 
 TrjXecfico, ' AXKrjcrridi. 
 
 431 B.C. 
 
 Arg. Eur. Medea : ^Ediddx^r) eVl Uvdobiiipov apxovros Kara rr]V oyborj- 
 KOcrrt]V ijSdofiTjv 6Xvp.Trid8a. Trpcoros Ev^opioiVy devrepos 2o(f)OKXrjs, rpiros 
 Evpmibijs MT)8eia, ^iXoKrrjrTjf AiKrv'i, Qepiara^s o-arvpois, ov crci^erac. 
 
 430 B.C. (?) 
 Aristid. vol. ii. p. 334 Dindf. : 2o(f)OKXr]s ^iXoKXeovs fjrraro €U ' AOrjvaiois 
 TOP OldinovVf S) Zcv Ka\ deoi. 
 
3^0 APPENDIX A, 
 
 428 B.C. 
 Arg. Eur. HippolytUS : 'EStSa^^'J.cVi 'Afieivovos apxovros oXvixmddi oyBoT)- 
 KocrTji i^dofiT], e ret TerapTW. Trpcoros ^vpinidr]<:, bevTcpos lo(fiS)v, rpiros "lav. 
 
 425 B.C. 
 Arg. Arist. Acharnenses : 'ESiSdx^/? in\ ElBvvov apxovros iv Arjvaiois bia 
 KaWio-rpdrov' Ka\ Trpatros rjv. devrepos Kparivos Xet/ia^o/xci/ois* ov (r<i)^ovTai. 
 rpiros EviroXts l>iovp,r}viais. 
 
 424 B.C. 
 Arg. Arist. Equites : *EdiBdxdr] r6 dpap.a eVl ^rparoKkeovs apxovros 
 brjfioo-ia fls Arjvaia, bi avrov rov ^Apiarotpdvovs. 7rpa>ros iviKa' devrepos 
 Kparivos 2arvpois' rpiros * Api(Trop,evr]s 'YXo:/)opois. 
 
 423 B.C. 
 Arg. Arist. Nubes : Al 7rp5>rai Ne^eXat iv aa-rei idibaxBrja-av em apxovros 
 *ladpxov, ore Kparivos fxlv iv'iKa Uvrivrj, ^Afxeiyj^las 8e Kovva. 
 
 422 B.C. 
 Arg. Arist. Nubes : Ai Se devrepai Ne^eXat cVi ^Apeiviov apxovros. Arg. 
 Arist. Vespae : 'Ediddxdrj eVi apxovros *Ap.€iviov dia ^iXcovtbov els Arjvaia' 
 Ka\ evUa nparos. devrepos rjv ^iKcovidrjs Upodycovij AevKcov Tlpeo-^ea-t rpiros. 
 
 421 B.C. . 
 Arg. Arist. Pax : ^EvUrjo-e be ra bpdpan 6 TTOirjrrjs erri apxovros 'AXKatov, 
 ev acrrei. rrpMros EvnoXis KoXa^i, bevrepos 'Apicrrocfidvrjs Elprjvij^ rpiros AevKcov 
 ^pdropcri. 
 
 415 B.C. 
 Ael. Var. Hist. ii. 8 : Kara rrjv rrptarrjv Ka\ evevrjKoa-rrjv oXvinridba .... 
 avrriyoivia-avro dXXrfXois ISevoKXrjs kol Evpnribrjs' Ka\ Trpcoros ye rjv SevoKX.^s, 
 oaris Tvore ovros ecrriv, Olbinobi Ka\ AvKdovi Ka\ Baif;^at9 Ka\ ^Addfiavn aarvpiKM. 
 rovrov bevrepos Evpinibris rjv ^AXe^dvbpco Kal UaXafirjbei Ka\ Tpmaai Ka\ Stcrv^o) 
 aarvpiKw. 
 
 414 B.C. 
 Arg. Arist. Aves : 'Ebibdxdrj enl Xa^piov bia KaXXiO-rpdrov ev aarei, os rjv 
 bevrepos rols "Opvia-i, irpoaros ^AfieiyJAias Koifiaa-rals, rpiros ^pvvixos MovorpoTTO). 
 
 412 B.C. 
 Schol. Arist. Ran. 53 : 'H be *Avbpopeba oyboa erei npoeia-riXdev. 
 Schol. Arist. Thesm. 1012 : awbebiboKrai yap rfi 'EXevrj. 
 
 411 B.C. (?) 
 Arg. Eur. Phoenissae : ^EbtbdxOrj enl TSlavaiKpdrovs apxovros oXvfimdb 
 
 nparos bevrepos Evpmibrjs, rpiros 6 Olvo/iaos 
 
 Ka\ XpuaiTTTTOs Kal ^oivKraai Kal . . . aarvp ov aa^erai. 
 
APPENDIX B, 321 
 
 409 B.C. 
 Arg. Soph. Philoctetes : *E8i8ax^»; tVi TXavKi-mTOV, rrparos Tfv 2o(f)OKKTis. 
 
 408 B. C. 
 Schol. Eur. Orest. 371 : np6 yap AioKXtovSy e</)' ov top 'Opearrjv eStda^e. 
 
 405 B.C. 
 Arg. Arist. Ranae : 'EdiddxOr] inl KaXXiov rov ixera 'AvTiyePTj dia ^iKcopidov 
 els Ar)paia. 7rpa>T05 rjV ^pvpixos bevrepos Movaais' UXdrcop rpiros KXeo^wi/rt. 
 
 — B.C. 
 Schol. Arist. Ran. 67 : Ovto) yap Ka\ al AiSao-KaX/at (f)€pov(Ti, reXevrr)- 
 aaPTos 'EvpiTTibov top vIop airrov bedidax^PCH' 6fia>pvfxop ip aaTCL *l(ptyeP€iap 
 TTjP ip AvXcdiy *AXff/xai''ora, BaKxa^. 
 
 401 B.C. 
 Arg. Soph. O. C. : Top iirl KoXcopa Oldinoda ini TercXfVTijKOTL rw irdmra 
 So^okX^s 6 vibovs ediba^ep, vlos coi' ^AplcrTcopos, iiri ap^opTos MiKoypos. 
 
 388 B.C. 
 Arg. Arist. PlutUS : *Ediddx6T) eVi apxopros *ApTnrdTpoVj dpTaya>Pi^ofi€Pov 
 avTa NiKoxdpovs p-ep AdK(oatp,*ApiaTOfxepovs de'Adp.rjTtOjT^iKocjicbPTOsde'Adoi- 
 pidi, AXkuiov 6e IlacrKpdTj. 
 
 APPENDIX B. 
 
 Our knowledge of the Athenian drama has been very much 
 increased in recent years by the discovery at Athens of a large 
 number of inscriptions relating to dramatic contests. A complete 
 collection of all the inscriptions which bear upon this subject will be 
 found, admirably edited by Kohler, in the Corpus Inscriptionum 
 Atticarum, vol. ii. pt. 2. p. 394 foil. A selection of the most import- 
 ant of them is here appended. They are all copied from Kohler's 
 collection, with the exception of the second on the list, which was 
 only discovered in 1886, and is published in the *E(f)rjp.ep\s *ApxaioXo- 
 yiKT] for that year (p. 269 foil.). 
 
 I. List of victors in the four contests at the City Dionysia. 
 
 I. 
 
 [Se]i/oKXei8i/s ixoprjyei, Before 
 
 [Mjdyi/T/s ibidaoTKfP. 45^ ^* ^• 
 
 'rpay(o8a>Pf 
 
322 
 
 APPENDIX B, 
 
 nepiK^s Xo\ap{yev5) (X^prjiyfi), 
 Aio-xvXos £[8]i8a(rKe[i/]. 
 
 2. 
 ['EttI $iXo]fcXeovff, 458 B. C. 
 
 fOtj/Jjjts naidoyv, 
 
 ArjfxodoKOS exoprjyci. 
 
 'iTnrodcovTis dvdpSiv^ 
 
 EvKTrjfxau 'EXev((nVto?) fX°Pv{y^^)- 
 
 Ka>iJ.(ob5>Vj 
 
 BvpvicKeibrjs ixopriyei, 
 
 Ev(l)p6vios ibiba(rK€. 
 
 TpaycobayVj 
 
 SfVOKkrjs *A<l)ibva(los) ^X^pviy^')} 
 
 Alaxv^os cbidaa-Kev. 
 'EttI "A^pavos, -^57 B. C. 
 
 ^Ep€xBrj\s TraidaVj 
 
 Xapias ^AypvXrjidev) €xopr]{yei), 
 
 AecdVTis dv8pci)Vj 
 
 AeivoarpaTOS €xoprj{y€i). 
 
 K(op(o8S)V, 
 
 [f>]p'7r["]» 
 
 3- 
 
 Ilaia.[yi€vs e'xopjjyei], 
 
 OS e6[iSa(rKej/]. 
 
 [TpayQ)]tSc5i/, 
 
 r (ojv naiavi€[ys ix^prjyei], 
 
 [Me^veKpcLTrjs idi^daa-Kevjf 
 [vTT^OKpLTrjs Mvvv[iaK05], 
 l^EyV A\Kalov, 421 B.C. 
 
 'IttttoOcovtIs TTaidcOVj 
 'Apiarapxos AcKefXeevs) cxop^{yet). 
 AlavTLS dvbpcov, 
 Ar}p,oa6€VT]s ixoprjyei. 
 
 [ ^xop]v[y^''l 
 
 M€Vavbpo[s ] ^X^prjyfi, 
 
APPENDIX B. 
 
 3^3 
 
 VTTo[KpiTJr)\yj KXeavdpo^s]. 
 'Etti QeodoTov, 386 B. C. 
 
 'AvTio)(ls Tra/Scoi', 
 
 Evriy€TT]s HaXk^rfjvevs [ixoprjyei], 
 Alyrjts dv8pS>p, 
 Idaav KoXXvrevs e^^op^ytt. 
 
 5- 
 
 Middle of 
 
 Aio<pav 1^. . . . €)(oprjyfi\. 
 
 fourth cen- 
 
 KeKpcms [avdpcovj, 
 
 tury B. c. 
 
 OpTjrap [MeXiTei/s e;^opi5y6iJ. 
 
 
 KQ)/xa)8[a)i'], 
 
 
 Ai07rei[dr]s exoprjyei], 
 
 
 UpoK\€[idr]s €dldaaK€u\. 
 
 
 Tpay(od[S>p'], 
 
 
 6. 
 
 ['eJttI ' ApL(rT[o](f)dpovs, 
 
 330 B. c. 
 
 Olp[r)ts] naibco^pj, 
 
 
 Tos [•Axa]pi/[€Uff exop.7(y€i)]. 
 
 
 ['l7r]7ro^a)j/Tt? ai/[5]p[a>i/]. 
 
 
 . ... OS [rieip'^aie^vs e;(o/)^(yei)]. 
 
 
 II. Record of tragic contests at the City Dionysia. 
 [TraXataJ* Nf[o7rToXf/ios] 
 ['l^iyeji/eia Ei'[pi7ri]8o[i;J* 
 [7roj7(rai)]* ' Aa-rvM/ias 
 ['A;(t]\Xer, VTre^KpipcTo) QeTTaXos' 
 *A6dp.aPTij vne{KpipfTo) Neo7rrdX[e^os]* 
 ^Ap~\Tiy6pr], V7re(Kpip€To) ' A6qp68(o[pos]' 
 \_Ev]dp€TOS [fiev(repoff)] TevKpa, 
 [vTrjei^KplpeTo) * A6r)p68copos' 
 ['Axi]X[X]6t, [v7re(KpiVeTo)] QeTToKos' 
 
 [ et], v^ne^KpipeTo) NeJon-ro'Xe/ioy 
 
 [ t]pl{tos) [njeXidaiPf 
 
 [yTr((KpLpeTo) NeoirrjoXefios' 
 'OpeoTTj^i, VTrei^KplvcToj * A6i]jv^6d(oposy 
 Av[yj7], vTrfi^KpiPiTo) 0€TT[aXd]ff* 
 xmo{KpiTTis) f^eoTTToXefjios ipiK^aj. 
 Y 2 
 
3^4 
 
 APPENDIX B, 
 
 'ETTt 'NiKOfxdxoV a-aTvpi(Ka>)' 34° ^' ^^ 
 
 TijxoKKrjs AvKOVpyco' 
 
 irdKaia' Neo7rTdXe/x[_osJ 
 
 'OpecTTT? EvpiTTidov' 
 
 [7r]o);(ra/)* 'Ao-rvSa/xas 
 
 IlapdevoTraito, vire^Kpivero) 9eT[raXos]' 
 
 rAuKaJoi/t, virei^Kpivero) Neo7rroXe[/iosJ* 
 
 okX^s 8ei;(rfpos) ^pi^cp^ 
 
 ^vTrei^KpiveTo)^ GerraXds* 
 
 [Oi5i]7ro8i, VTTe{Kpiv€To) Neo7rrdX[e/Lto9]" 
 
 [Evapjeros Tpliros) 
 
 r'AXK/A]e[oi/Jt, virei^KpiviTo) Qerrc^osY 
 
 ?;, vne{KpiveTo) Neo7rrd[Xe/A0sJ* 
 
 rv7ro(KpiTjJs) GeJrraXos eVixa. 
 ['EttI GeoJ^paoTOu* (raru[pi(K«)]* 339 ^- C- 
 
 $opKia-[t]* 
 
 [TraXaia . . . d]oTp[aro?] 
 
 [ Et']pt7ri[Soi']' 
 
 III. Record of tragic contests at the Lenaea. 
 
 [n]etp[i^do), ], 
 
 VTrei^Kpivero) * 
 
 v7ro(^KpLTr)s) [ eviKoj. 
 
 'Em ['Ao-TV<^tXov ] 419 B, c. 
 
 "Aya[pefxvoui, , ], 
 
 w[e(Kpii'eTo) ]• 
 
 'iipa[K ], 
 
 Qr)(T€7, , 
 
 v7r\j(^Kpip€To) ]' 
 
 VTToi^KpiTTjs) [ eVlKOJ. 
 
 'Ett* 'Apx[lov ] 418 B. C. 
 
 Tvpoi, T , , 
 
 vne(^KpiV€To) AvcriKpaT^rjsJ' 
 
 KaWiorpaTos , 
 
 *Afi(j)iK6xco, *I|to[i/i], 
 
 vTre(KpLV€To) Ka\Xnr7rl[pr}sj' 
 
 [y7rjo(KpLTr]s^ KaWnnrl^drjs ivUaj. 
 ['Ett' *a]vt[l]4)[S)]vto5 2 417 B.C. 
 
APPENDIX B, 
 
 IV. Records of Comic Contests. 
 
 I. 
 
 [ ri^ra^Tos) . . . aJori'St, 
 
 ['Ai/ri^ai/jyjff TrefiljrTos) *Ai/ao-G>^o(/Liei'ots), 
 
 [y7ro(KpiTfj5) .... JcDj/UjUOff ivLKa. 
 ['Errt At] ori/xon* 2t/uv\off 
 
 a-iq, v7re(^KpLveToj * Apiarofiaxos' 
 
 Aiodapos dcvijepos) NcKpoi, 
 virei^KplveTo) * ApicrTopaxos' 
 Aiodoopos rpiiros) Maivo/iei/a)[t], 
 v7re(Kpiv€To) Kr}(f)L(nos' 
 [^oi]i/ifc[tS]»;9 r6(Taproy) HorjTe't, 
 ^vneljcplvero^ ]»;s* 
 
 2. 
 
 [Tifi]o(r[Tparos Aur[povfievQ)], 
 vTT€{Kpiv(To\ AioyeiTtov' 
 vno^KpiTr]^) Kpdrr)s iviKa. 
 
 'EttI 2vfip.dxOV OVK €y[€V€ToJ. 
 
 'EttI Qeo^evov ovk [eyeVfro]. 
 'ETTt Zanvpov [TraXatSj* 
 
 *EpaTa)i/ Me ' 
 
 TTOTy^rai)* Aati* 
 
 3- 
 
 ['Etti TraXatfi]' 
 
 M • 
 
 [7rojj(Tai)]' KpiTcdv *E(J)c(Tlois, 
 [ujTre (KpiVero) Sox^tXos' 
 Hapdfjiovos Nat'ayw, 
 
 V7Ti{Kplv€T0) *OVT](riflOS' 
 
 Tipoa-Tparos ^iXoiKeiG), 
 vve(^<piv€To) KaWia-Tparos' 
 ^(oyevrji ^iXoSeo-TTOTO), 
 vire{Kpiv€To) 'EKaralos' 
 ^i\r)p,ciiv vea^repos) MiXtjalq, 
 vn€(Kpiv€To) Kpdrrjs' 
 VTToijcpiTris) *Oi'rj(Tip.os iviK^aj. 
 
 3»5 
 
 353 B.C. 
 
 About 
 
 190 B. C. 
 
 About 
 180 B.C. 
 
326 APPENDIX B. 
 
 Ettj 'Epfioyevov ovk [eye'^vero. 
 'EttI Tifxr](Tidv\aKTOs' TrjaXaia' 
 
 ^ikoa-rparo^s 'ATTOfcXeJto/icVet no(r€t[5i7r7rov]' 
 
 Trorjiraiy i^^VP^) 
 
 xmeijcpivcTo^ 
 
 4. 
 
 [napajfxovos XopijyovvTi, About 
 
 [t»7r€(Kpii'€ro)] Movifxos' 1 7° ^- ^• 
 
 [vTrJo^KpiT)^?) KpiToBrjfios iviKa. 
 ['EJttI EvvIkov ovk eyeve^Toj. 
 'Etti SevoKKiovs' 7raXat[a]' 
 
 Moi/t/xoff ^ao-jMart Mei/[di'Spoi;]' 
 
 Trorjfjaij' Hapdpovos TeOvrjKas is, 
 
 VTT({KpiviTo) Aa/iCOJ/' 
 
 KplTCOV AiTcoXw, 
 
 V7re(Kpiv€To) Movifxos' 
 
 BioTTOs UorjTei, 
 
 VTr€(jcpiP€To) Adpav' 
 
 Aa/xTTVToy , 
 
 VTTc^Kpivero) Ka 
 
 ^ETriK^^paTTjs ], 
 
 vne^jcpivfTo) ]. 
 
 5- 
 
 ['Etti] Ev€p[y OVK eyevero]. About 
 
 ['eJtti 'EpaaTo[y ovk eyeWro]. 165 B, C. 
 
 'EttI no(rei[Sa>i/iou ovk eyeverol. 
 
 'Em *Apia^To\a' TraXata]* 
 'HpoK 
 
 6. . 
 
 [xm€{KpiveTo) Ka^d]pixos' About 
 
 ['E7r]iye[i/]?7ff Avrpou/McVo), 160 B.C. 
 
 V7r€(^Kpip€To) Ka^eipcxos' 
 VTru(^<piTf]s) NiKoXao? ej/i/ca. 
 Etti AvBearrjpiov ovk €yevf\Tol. 
 Etti KoXXto-rpaTov ou/c eycVerroJ. 
 *E7rt MvqaiOiov' TraXata* 
 
APPENDIX B. 3^7 
 
 Aa/xcoi/ ^CKaQrjvalco ^6Xi7r7r[i5oi;j' 
 Tro^rjrai'y ^tXoAcX^s: Tpavfiariay 
 v7rf(Kpii/fTo) KaWiKpdrrjs' 
 Xaiplcov AvTOv KaTa\//"€u8o/z e[i/G)], 
 VTre (^KplvcTo^ Adpcav' 
 TlfXO^CVOS 2vPKpvnTov^TLJ, 
 VTr(( KpiueTci) KoXXtKpdrj/s* 
 ' AyadoKXrjs '0/xoi'oia[t], 
 [i;7r€(KpiWro) Nt/coXjaoy' 
 
 V. Lists of tragic and comic poets, and tragic and comic actors, 
 with the number of their victories at the Lenaea and the City 
 Dionysia. 
 
 1. Tragic poets, with their victories at the City Dionysia. 
 
 I. 
 
 [Ai](rxv[Xos . . . .] 
 [. . .]eTr]s I 
 [noX]v0pa(r/i[a)i' . . .] 
 
 [. . . .JlTTTTO? I 
 
 [2o<^o]kx^s Arm 
 
 TOS I . . 
 
 ['Api(rTi]as ... 
 2. 
 [Kap/ci vos A I 
 "A(rr]v8dp.a5 r[ll]l 
 [GeoJSeKras TM 
 ['A^ajpeus 1 1 
 [ (ov]\ 
 
 2. Comic poets, with their victories at the City Dionysia. 
 
 I. 
 
 [Sf]l/o'<^lXo5 I 
 
 [Tj^yXexXeiS?;? f 
 
 *ApCOTOIl€Vl]S I I 
 
 Kparivos III 
 ^epeKpdrqs 1 1 
 "EpfiiTTiros 11 II 
 <^pvvixos 1 1 
 
3J»8 APPENDIX B, 
 
 MvpriKos I 
 [E{f\noXis 1 1 1 
 
 2. 
 
 JJpoKKeLSrjs I 
 M[6V]ai'Spoff I . . . 
 
 <E»[lX]l5/M0)I/ 1 1 1 
 
 ['A7r]oXXdSa)po[s . . .] 
 Ai<jii\os 1 1 1 
 ^LXmnidrjs II... 
 NiKoarparos . . . 
 KaWiddrjs I 
 'A/>i«j/[ia]ff I 
 
 3. Tragic actors, with victories at the Lenaea. 
 
 Qeobcopos 1 1 1 1 
 "limapxps n 
 ['AJ/ueiJ/ias I 
 Y kv\bpo(T64vr]s I 
 [Neo]7rroXe/xo5 I 
 [GeTTajXos 1 1 
 
 4. Comic actors. 
 
 ['Ap/o-rjo)!/ 1 1 1 1 
 'n.a\p\piva>v I 
 AvKcov 1 1 
 .,^ N[a]vo-tK[par)7S . . .] 
 
 ['Afi](Ptx[dpr)s . . .]. 
 
GREEK INDEX. 
 
 dyopd, 1 06, 126. 
 dywvfs XvTpivoif 43. 
 aOXov, 86. 
 alyeipov 6ia, 106. 
 aloopai, 189. 
 dvaPaOfxoi, 194, 
 dva^aiveiv, 103, 144. 
 dvaSiSdffKdv, 92. 
 avdnaiffTa, 245. 
 dvdiraiaroi, 266. 
 dvameapLa, 194. 
 dvSpStv xo^os, 14, 18. 
 dvreiTippijfiay 244. 
 di/Ttxo/«a, 281. 
 dirayyiWfLv, 88. 
 ttTr' alyeipov Oea, 106. 
 ttTTo ftrjxavrjs, 191, 193. 
 diTO/tpiveaOai, 203. 
 dTToA.axfrJ', 45, 47. 
 dpi(TTepo(TTdTT]s, 270, 271. 
 
 dpXlTiKTOW, 304. 
 
 dpxo^v, 86. 
 aS^ts, 314. 
 auAata, 195. 
 avXrjTal dvSpes, 1 4. 
 auAT^Tijs, 272. 
 avXos, 244, 292. 
 «^ts. 1 35 J 176. 
 
 B. 
 
 fidepov, 108. 
 
 Papvarovos, 249. 
 
 /3^/ia, 132, 141. 
 
 pofiPuv, 249. 
 
 fiovXevTiKov, 301, 306. 
 
 PpovreTov, 194. 
 
 ^a)/xos, 132, 133, 154, 183. 
 
 yepavos, 193. 
 ypafinai, 135. 
 ypafifxareiov, 45, 47. 
 ypafifjLaT€vs, 97. 
 ypacpai, 170, 183. 
 
 A. 
 
 5eiK7]\iKTas, 256. 
 56t£€ts, 286. 
 Se^ioardTrjs, 270, 271. 
 SfVTepaywvio'T'^s, 77. 
 SfVTepocrTdrrjs, 271. 
 Srjfmpxos, 305. 
 Sia^wfxara, 120. 
 SiacK€vr], 93. 
 SmvAtoj/, 293. 
 StSao'/faAfroj/, 79. 
 SiSaCKaXia, 21, 80, 205. 
 8iSacrKa\ia dffTiKrj, 10, 21. 
 SiSaffKaXla Arfvcu/crj, 2 1 , 36. 
 SidaaKaXia rpayiKr}, 21, 80. 
 Ai8a<TKa\iai, 26, 63, 75. 
 SiSacTKoXiav KuBuvai, 45. 
 dildcKaXos, 74, 75, 80, 81. 
 StSdcr/fctr TpaywUav, 39, 80. 
 diOvpapL^os, 14, 198. 
 Atovvo-ta rd dariKd, 10. 
 Aioj'utrta rd Iv darei, 10, 30. 
 AjovvcTja rd Itti Arjvaio), 
 Aiovvcria tcL nar' dypovs, 43. 
 Aiovvaia rd jxeydKa, 10, 30. 
 SjttA^, 290. 
 Siareyia, 170. 
 Sixopia, 281. 
 
 kyicuK\r)6poVf 185. 
 
33^ 
 
 GREEK INDEX, 
 
 l^^KXrina, 185, 193. 
 
 its darv Kadiivai, 10. 
 
 els d(TTV KaraXfyeaOai, 43. 
 
 elcTKVKXeiv, 188, 
 
 €l(TKVK\r]fia, 185. 
 
 eiaodos, 135. 
 
 kK^aWuv, 314. 
 
 eKK\r]cria kv Aiovvcrov, il. 
 
 kKKVKXuv, 185, 188. 
 
 eKKVfcXrjfjut, 182, 185. 
 
 fKirinTUV, 314. 
 
 fKffKeva TTpoaoina, 221. 
 
 IX€os, 103, 145, 198. 
 
 eixfids, 240. 
 
 Cfi^drrjs, 224. 
 
 61' acTTei StSdo-zcetJ/, 10. 
 
 |j/ Tori/ Svoo/ o^SoA-ou', 302. 
 
 «fo8o?, 245, 272. 
 
 i^uarpa, 189. 
 
 iTTt Aijvaiq} dyuv, 10, 36, 105. 
 
 kirnrdpoSos, 276. 
 
 kvippTjfia, 244. 
 
 fvrjfiepfiv, 50, 59, 205. 
 
 €v(pojvia, 247. 
 
 kcpanris, 228. 
 
 kip-q^iKov, 306. 
 
 kdjpTjim, 189. 
 
 Cy7<5r, 269. 
 ^cDi'ai, 120. 
 
 H. 
 
 ^yefidjv, 271. 
 ■^fjLiKvKXiov, 126, 194. 
 ■^ pilar p6^iov, 194. 
 iimX^piov, 275, 281. 
 
 e. 
 
 0€a, 297. 
 
 06a Tra/j' alydpqt, 106. 
 
 eidodai, 88. 
 
 Oearris, 126. 
 
 eiarpov, 109, 113, 318. 
 
 OearpoiTuXrjs, 304. 
 
 OeaTpwvijs, 304. 
 
 0eoA.O7eroy, 193. 
 
 0€os djTo prjxavfjs, 191, 193. 
 
 deppavarpls, 290. 
 
 OecvptKSv, 303. 
 
 0t;/x€'Av, 133, I4i» I54> 155- 
 
 J. 
 
 lafxPciov, 242. 
 
 'laoi'tot vofjioi, 292. 
 
 i'Sm qcrixara, 278. 
 
 r/f/)ta, 104, 105, 107, 124, 301. 
 
 IpxiriopiaOai, 83. 
 
 lfjiaTiop.io9coTai, 83. 
 
 ipdriov, 266. 
 
 KaOdpaiov, 89. 
 Ka6e(ea6ai, 45. 
 fcadl^eiv, 45. 
 tfati/oi Tpaywdoi, 30, 40. 
 Kaivos dyoov, 30. 
 KaXaOioKos, 290. 
 Karafiaiveiv, 144. 
 Kara fiXrj para, 170. 
 KaraXiyeiv, 244. 
 KaraXoyq, 244. 
 Kararopi], 1 1 4. 
 Kfpapos, 172. 
 KcpavvoffKOTTeiov, 194. 
 
 /C€/3/ftS, 120, 305. 
 
 KivTjcns, 251. 
 KX&piapL^os, 244. 
 KXipaKes, 147, 194. 
 KXipaKTTJpes, 147. 
 KoOopvos, 224. 
 
 KOpCpOS, 243, 278. 
 
 Koviarpa, 126, 154. 
 Kopda^, 290. 
 Kopv(paios, 271. 
 /fpd577, 193. 
 fcpao-nediTTjs, 271. 
 /f/)tT77S, 44, 45, 46. 
 Kpovais, 243, 
 KvPhrijais, 290. 
 kvkXios x^pos, 14. 
 
 KobpLOS, 14. 
 
 Kupxphoi, 14, 18, 37, 42, 43, 133, 249. 
 
 Xapvyyi^ojv, 249. 
 XavpoaTaTrjs, 270. 
 XrjKvOi^ojv, 249. 
 A.-yi/ata, 9, 52. 
 Arjvaiov, 105. 
 \o7€roj/, 133, 141, 146. 
 
GREEK INDEX. 
 
 331 
 
 M. 
 
 fxeya\o(pojvia, 247. 
 
 fjiiXos, 242. 
 
 fieTCLffTacis, 276. 
 
 fiirpov, 242. 
 
 fiTjxavrj, 181, 182, 183, 189. 
 
 fiTjxavoTTOios, 189, 192. 
 
 fxTfioi, 132, 154, 155. 
 
 Aita^os, 53. 
 
 fiovq)5ia, 243. 
 
 fiovcriK'fi, 294. 
 
 fivpfXTjKia, 294. 
 
 Ixvpf^TjKos OLTpaitoSf 294. 
 
 N. 
 
 vefi-qaeis Okas, 6, 305. 
 
 ve/irjcreis vrroKpiTwv, 77, 83. 
 
 yt/far, 55, 66. 
 
 i/t/fay CTfi Ajjvalqf, 36. 
 
 i/j^t; dariKr], lO. 
 
 i/t/f?; ArjvaiK-fi, 36. 
 
 feros, 297. 
 ^KpiC^iv, 290. 
 ^Kpia/xos, 290. 
 £vAou rrap&K-qxpis, 2 90. 
 
 O. 
 
 o/epiPas, 88, 141, 224. 
 opxnois, 251, 284. 
 bpxnar-qs, 285. 
 dpxrjffroSiSdcrKaXos, 284. 
 opxnffTpa, 106, 126, 132, 133, 135, 141, 
 147, 151, 154, 155. 
 
 n. 
 
 Tra/)' aiydpov Oca, 104, 1 06. 
 irapafiaiveiv, 126, 275. 
 irapAPacis, 92, 244, 261, 275. 
 irapa^rjvai rerrapa, 290. 
 ■napaftaraXoyq, 243, 245. 
 irapaitiracixa, 139, 170, 175, 195. 
 Trapaaicfivia, 132, 149, 154, 175. 
 TtapaaKTjviov, 213. 
 Ttapaardrrjs, 271. 
 vapaxoprjyrjfia, 212. 
 irdpoSos, 135, 176, 189, 273, 278. 
 TTCTrAao'/iej'ow, 248. 
 
 irepiaKTOi, 1 70, 175, 181, 182. 
 
 irepi^Ofxfiaiv, 249. 
 
 Trepi^oj/xa, 265. 
 
 'tW, 53. 64, 170. 
 
 ■noiKiKov, 226. 
 
 7ro/x7ri7, 14, 37, 42. 
 
 7rpod7cu»', 88. 
 
 wpoeSpia, 304, 305. 
 
 TTpoXoyos, 200. 
 
 Trpos x°P^^ \ey(iv, 244, 289. 
 
 trpoaicqviov, 14I, I47, 170, 195, 271. 
 
 ■trpooojitiiov, 237, 266. 
 
 npvTCLveis, 45. 
 
 TTpoiraywviarris, 170, 175. 
 
 irpwTov (v\ov, 107, 304. 
 
 irpcoTOcrTaTTjs, 271. 
 
 iTTCpvoKOTreiv, 314. 
 
 irvppiXKTToi, 15. 
 
 P. 
 
 pa^Sovxoi, 313. 
 ^a^Zo<p6poi, 313. 
 ^^(Tts, 200, 244, 289. 
 
 ffarvpiKov, 20. 
 
 acLTvpoi, 265. 
 
 ffiyfia, 114, 126. 
 
 <^'A*^ X«t>» 29. 
 
 (T/fjyi/l^, 139, 147, 151, 154, 170, 189, 
 
 195. 
 ffierjvoypofpia, 170. 
 ffKOJirevpLa, 29I. 
 ardo't^ioi', 278, 279, 288. 
 GTi(pavovv, 52. 
 (XToixos, 126, 141, 269. 
 arpotpiiov, 194. 
 ffxrjf^CLTay 284, 286, 290. 
 
 T. 
 
 rd aTTo T^s aKTjvrjs, 243, 278. 
 
 TO, l/f Twi' afia^uv CKdifipuiTa, 9. 
 
 Tcuvta, 53. 
 
 Ta/ims, 45. 
 
 rd(poi, 183. 
 
 rerpaXoyia, 20, 21, 26. 
 
 TerpdfJteTpov, 242, 244. 
 
 T^xviTT^s, 204, 252, 289. 
 
 TpaycpSoi, 14, 18, 30, 37, 42, 133, 249. 
 
 rpaywhSiv x^poi, 35- 
 
 T/)d7r€Ca, 103, 133- 
 
 rpiXoyia, 26. 
 
33^ 
 
 GREEK INDEX. 
 
 rpiirovs, 14, 15, 1 14. 
 rpiTOS dpiffTepov, 2 7 1. 
 TpiTOffTaTTjs, 271. 
 rpvyqidoi, 288. 
 
 T. 
 
 vSpia, 45. 
 VTToSiSaffKaXos, 81. 
 viTOKpiveo9ai, 203. 
 VTToKpicris, 205. 
 viroKpiTqs, 77, 139, 
 
 206. 
 vtropxT^ftaTi/fo?, 278. 
 vvopxrjcns, 289. 
 vrrocTK'fjviov, 146. 
 iKpdafxaTa, 170. 
 
 ^aWiKa, 198. 
 (papvyyi^ctiv, 249. 
 ^apvyyivSrjv, 80. 
 (poiviKides, 313. 
 <})Opai, 286. 
 
 Xap^jvioi KXipLaKcs, 194. 
 XCtp KaTatrp-qvrjS, 240. 
 X^ipiSes, 226. 
 
 51, 170, 199, 203, 
 
 XITOUV, 226. 
 
 XtTWj/ dpL<pi[ji.aK\os, 233. 
 
 XiTcbv /xaXAcuTos, 233. 
 
 XiTWi' xo/JTaroj, 233. 
 
 Xoes, 9. 
 
 Xopayds, 271. 
 
 XopevTTjS, 80, 103, 269. 
 
 XopTl-i^iv, 82, ^ 
 
 XoprjyeTv avSpdcri, 14, 1 1 5. 
 
 Xoprjyeiv Ko^pwdois, 53. 
 
 Xopijyuv iraiai, 1 1 4. 
 
 Xoprjyeiv rrj (pvXfj, 15. 
 
 Xoprjyeiv Tpaywhois, 15. 
 
 Xoprjyiiov, 79. 
 
 Xoprjyia, 50. 
 
 Xo/)777^s, 45; 75, 82, 86, 261, 271. 
 
 XOpo\iKTT]9, 79. 
 
 Xopbv alreiv, 70. 
 Xopbv SiSovai, 66. 
 xopbv elcrdyeiv, go. 
 Xopov rvyxdviiv, 66. 
 Xvrpoi, 43. 
 
 >F. 
 
 j/zaX/s, 135. 
 
 lf/l\€VS, 271. 
 
 n. 
 
 ySefoj/, 87, 88, 109. 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 A. 
 
 Acoustics, attention paid to, 159. 
 
 Acrae, theatre at, 117. 
 
 Acting, importance of voice in, 245. 
 Musical training necessary for, 248. 
 Mode of enunciation used in, 249. 
 Gestures used in, 250. 
 
 Actors, contests between, 55, 57. Im- 
 portance of protagonist, 56. Repro- 
 duction of old plays by, 58. Ori- 
 ginally chosen by the poets, afterwards 
 by the state, 76. Paid by the state, 
 83. Tamper with the text of old 
 plays, 97. Meaning of the term 
 * actor,' 197. Gradual introduction 
 of, 198 ff. Number of actors in tra- 
 gedy, comedy, and satyric drama, 
 200. Effect of small number of, 201. 
 Rise of the actor's profession, 204. 
 Increase in importance of, 205. 
 Distribution of parts among, 207. 
 Changes of costume by, 209. Cos- 
 tume of tragic actors, 216 fif.; of 
 comic actors, 235 ff. ; of satyric ac- 
 tors, 231 ff. Importance of the voice 
 in, 245. Musical training of, 248, 
 Style of Greek acting, 249. The 
 Actors' Guild, 251. Privileges of, 
 252. Social position of, 254. Gene- 
 ral character of, 255. Celebrated 
 actors, 255 ff. 
 
 Aegis, worn by Athene, 227. 
 
 Aeschines, called the * rustic Oenomaus,' 
 
 42. Hired by Socrates and Simylus, 
 
 43. As tritagonist, 210. His acci- 
 dent at Collytus, 255. Taunted by 
 Demosthenes, 254. 
 
 Aeschylus, his first appearance as a 
 dramatist, 16, 107, 123. His Oedi- 
 podeia, 16, 24. His Oresteia, 17. 
 His Lycurgeia, and Promethean tri- 
 logy, 17, 24. Trilogies and tetra- 
 
 logies of, 22 ff. Number of his vic- 
 tories, 47. Records concerning his 
 Oresteia, 60, 64. Exhibits at an 
 early age, 67. Actors of, 76. Trains 
 his choruses, 81. Reproduction of 
 his plays, 94. Text of his plays, 95, 
 97. Not popular in later times, 98. 
 His statue in the theatre, 160. Scenery 
 in his plays, 166. Invents scene-paint- 
 ing, 170. Invents stage decorations, 
 183. Introduces the second actor, 
 199. Ceases to act in person, 204. 
 His Persae, 216. Invents the tragic 
 mask and costume, 219, 223. Intro- 
 duces the cothurnus, 224. His cho- 
 ruses, 259, 262. Designs the dress 
 for the Erinyes, 264. Improves the 
 tragic dance, 286. His Eumenides, 
 299. Nearly killed for impiety, 316. 
 
 Agathon, his first victory, 91. At the 
 Proagon, 145. His choruses, 261. 
 Adopts the new style of music, 294. 
 
 Agyrrhius, commissioner of the treasury, 
 
 54- 
 
 Aixone, comedies at, 42. 
 
 Alcibiades, corrupts the judges, 49. 
 Assaults Taureas, 86, 313. Admired 
 for his beauty, 13, 299. 
 
 Alexander, the Great, wishes to build a 
 stage of bronze, 1 59. 
 
 Alexandria, literary supremacy of, 29. 
 
 Altar, in the orchestra, 132. On the 
 stage, 184. 
 
 Ambassadors, provided with front seats, 
 296, 306. 
 
 Anapaests, given in recitative, 244. Of- 
 ten delivered by the coryphaeus, 279. 
 
 Anapiesma, the, 194. 
 
 Anaxandrides, never revises his come- 
 dies, 93. 
 
 Andronicus, victorious in the Epigoni, 
 58. 
 
 Anthesteria, the, 42. 
 
334 
 
 GENERAL INDEX, 
 
 Antichoregi, 86. 
 
 Antisthenes, his success as choregus, 
 50, 82. 
 
 Aphareus, engages in eight contests, 29. 
 Exhibits at the Lenaea, 39. A rhe- 
 torician as well as poet, 81. 
 
 Apollonius, disregards tetralogies, 27. 
 
 Applause, mode of expressing, 313. 
 
 Araros, son of Aristophanes, 69. 
 
 Archilochus, invents recitative, 243. 
 
 Archinus, commissioner of the treasury, 
 
 54- 
 
 Archons, the, granted the proedria, 305. 
 The archon basileus, 65. The archon 
 eponymus, 65. 
 
 Aristarchus, disregards tetralogies, 27. 
 
 Aristerostatae, the, 270, 271. 
 
 Aristias, competes with Aeschylus, 16, 
 25. 
 
 Aristodemus, the actor, 252, 255, 257. 
 
 Aristophanes (the grammarian), 26. His 
 Arguments, 64. 
 
 Aristophanes (the poet), competes at 
 the City Dionysia, 30 ; and at the 
 Lenaea, 36, 40. Story about his 
 Clouds, 51. Third in a certain con- 
 test, 54. Exhibits at an early age, 
 67. Entrusts his plays to others, 68. 
 His Ecclesiazusae, 90. Proud of his 
 originality, 92. His Frogs much ad- 
 mired, 92. Scenery in his plays, 169. 
 Discards the phallus, 235 ; and the 
 kordax, 290. Honoured with a chap- 
 let from the sacred olive, 316. 
 
 Aristotle, makes no mention of tetralo- 
 gies, 26. His Didascaliae, 63. Cen- 
 sures extravagance in choregi, 83. 
 His opinion concerning the deus ex 
 machina, 191. His definition of act- 
 ing, 247, His opinion about actors, 
 255. His definition of dancing, 285. 
 His remarks about the admission of 
 boys to comedies, 301. His descrip- 
 tion of Attic audiences, 318. 
 
 Arsis, 283. 
 
 Artists of Dionysus, 204. 
 
 Aspendos, theatre at, 150. 
 
 Assembly, in the theatre, 91 ff., 162, 
 163. 
 
 Astydamas, his conceit, 161. 
 
 Athenodorus, the actor, 207, 255, 257. 
 
 Audience, the, representative character 
 of, 3. Enthusiasm for the drama, 3, 
 
 316. Overrules the judges, 51. At 
 the Lenaea, 296. At the City Diony- 
 sia, 296. Includes women, boys, and 
 slaves, 297 ff. Distribution of seats 
 among, 304 ff. Price of admission, 
 302. The proedria, 304. Occupants 
 of the front row, 307. Comfort of, 
 311. Regulations for keeping order 
 among, 313. Their mode of express- 
 ing pleasure and disapproval, 314. 
 Characteristics of, 315. Their ortho- 
 doxy, 316. Their intelligence and 
 taste, 317. 
 
 Auditorium, shape of, 113. Interior 
 of, 117. Passages in, 119. Size of, 
 122. In the theatre at Athens, 1 1 3 ff. 
 
 Awnings, not used in early Greek 
 theatres, 160, 312. 
 
 B. 
 
 Back- wall, the, 149. 
 
 Basis (metrical term), 283. 
 
 Birds, chorus of, 267. Their mode of 
 
 entrance, 271. 
 Boys, admitted to the theatre, 297 ff. 
 Bronteion, the, 194. 
 
 C. 
 
 Callimachus, the grammarian, 64. 
 
 Callippides, the actor, 251. Stories about 
 him, 256. 
 
 Callistratus, exhibits plays of Aristo- 
 phanes, 69. Not an actor, 78. 
 
 Carpets, in the theatre, 312. 
 
 Changes, of scenery, 178 ff. Of costume, 
 209 ff. 
 
 Chariots, on the stage, 184. 
 
 Charon's Steps, 193. 
 
 Chionides, 8. 
 
 Chlamys, the, 226. 
 
 Choerilus, 7. Number of his plays, 8. 
 Competes with Aeschylus, 16, 107, 
 123. His improvements in masks, 
 217. 
 
 Choregi, how appointed, 71. Their 
 age, 72. Scarcity of, 73. Assigna- 
 tion of poets to, 73. Duties of, 79. 
 Rivalry between, 86. 
 
 Choregia, abolished, 73. Expenses of, 
 82 ff. 
 
GENERAL INDEX, 
 
 Z?,^ 
 
 Choreutae, their appetite, 80. Delivery 
 of words by single choreutae, 280. 
 Decline in the excellence of, 287. 
 
 Chorus, granted by the arch on, 66. 
 Training of, 79. Paid by the cho- 
 regus, 82. Its dresses supplied by 
 the choregus, 83. Cost of different 
 kinds of choruses, 84. Appearance 
 on the stage, 152. Supposed plat- 
 form for, I54ff. Gradual decline of, 
 259. Its size in tragedy, comedy, 
 and the satyric drama, 262, Its cos- 
 tume in tragedy, 264; in the Old 
 Comedy, 266. Rectangular arrange- 
 ment of, 268. Its mode of entrance, 
 269. Irregular entrances of, 272. 
 The parodos, 273. Its formation when 
 in the orchestra, 274. Manoeuvres of, 
 275. Delivery of words by the whole 
 chorus, 277 ; by the coryphaeus, 279 ; 
 by single choreutae, 280; by half- 
 choruses, 281. Decline of choral 
 dancing, 286. Accompanies actors' 
 speeches with mimetic dances, 289. 
 Sings in unison, 292. 
 
 Chorus trainer, paid by the choregus, 
 82. 
 
 Chytri, the, 43. 
 
 City Dionysia, meaning of the name, 
 10. Date of, II. Character of the 
 proceedings at, 11. The procession 
 at, 13. Contests at, 14. Tragedy at, 
 16 flf. Comedy at, 30 ff. Order of 
 contests at, 33 ff. Compared with 
 the Lenaea, 41. Proclamation of 
 crowns at, 89. Tribute displayed at, 
 89. Orphans paraded at, 89. 
 
 Claque, the, 315. 
 
 Oleander, actor of Aeschylus, 76. 
 
 CI eon, terror inspired by, 235. 
 
 Cock-fight, in the theatre, 162, 309. 
 
 Collytus, dramatic performances at, 42. 
 
 Comedy, first institution of contests in, 
 8, 30. At the City Dionysia, 30 ff. 
 Number of poets and plays in the 
 comic contests, 31. At the Lenaea, 
 40. Actors in, 200. Costume of 
 actors in, 235 ff. Size of chorus in, 
 263. Costume of chorus in, 266. 
 Dances used in, 290. Its connexion 
 with religion, 300. 
 
 Conjurors, in the theatre, 163. 
 
 Contests, the dramatic, confined to the 
 
 Dionysia, i, 9. Managed by the 
 state, 2. Universal prevalence of, 4. 
 First institution of, 6 ff. Tragic con- 
 tests at the City Dionysia, 15 ff. 
 Comic contests at the City Dionysia, 
 30 ff. Tragic contests at the Lenaea, 
 37 ff. Comic contests at the Lenaea, 
 40. The judges in, 44 ff. Prizes for, 
 52 ff. Contests between actors, 55 ff. 
 Records of, 59. Commence at day- 
 break, 89, 311. Preceded by a sacri- 
 fice, 89. Order determined by lot, 
 89. Announced by a trumpet, 90. 
 
 Coryphaeus, the, 271. 
 
 Costume, of the actors, 216 ff. Of the 
 chorus, 263 flf. Tragic masks, 217 ff. 
 Tragic dress invented by Aeschylus, 
 223. The cothurnus, 224. The tra- 
 gic tunic, 225. The tragic mantle, 
 226. Head-coverings, 227. Special 
 costumes in tragedy, 227. General 
 character of the tragic costume, 228 flf. 
 Costume of satyric actors, 231. Cos- 
 tume of actors in the Old Comedy, 235. 
 Costume of actors in the New Comedy, 
 236 ff. Costume of the tragic chorus, 
 263 ; of the satyric chorus, 265 ; of 
 the comic chorus, 266. 
 
 Cothurnus, the, 224. Not worn in sa- 
 tyric dramas, 232. 
 
 Council, special seats for the, 306. 
 
 Courtesans, special seats for, 306. 
 
 Crane, the, 192. 
 
 Crates, actor to Cratinus, 78. 
 
 Cratinus, number of his victories, 62. 
 Refused a chorus by the archon, 67. 
 Employs Crates as his actor, 78. 
 Called a 'dancer,' 80, 205, 286. 
 
 Crowns, proclaimed at the City Diony- 
 sia, 89, 162. Bestowed on victors at 
 the contests, 90. Worn by kings, 
 228; by messengers, 228; at ban- 
 quets, 311. Worn by the spectators, 
 311. 
 
 Cushions, in the theatre, 312. 
 
 D. 
 
 Dancing, importance of in the Greek 
 drama, 283. Its mimetic character, 
 284. History of, 286. How far em- 
 ployed in the drama, 287. Used as 
 an accompaniment to speeches from 
 
33^ 
 
 GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 the stage, 289. The tragic dance, 
 289. The comic dance, 290. The 
 satyric dance, 291. 
 
 Delivery, different modes of, 241 ff. 
 Louder in tragedy than in comedy, 
 249. More rhythmical than in modern 
 times, 249. Delivery of the choral 
 part, 2 76ff. 
 
 Demosthenes, his dream, 50. Supplies 
 his chorus with golden crowns, 83. 
 Complains of the amount spent on 
 choruses, 85. His remark about 
 actors, 247. Assaulted by Meidias, 
 6, 297. 
 
 Deus ex machina, 190, 
 
 Deuteragonist, 207, 208, 211. 
 
 Deuterostatae, 271. 
 
 Dexiostatae, 270. 
 
 Diaulia, 293. 
 
 Dicaeogenes, his meanness, 50. 
 
 Didascalia, meaning of the word, 63. 
 The comic didascaliae, 37. 
 
 Didaskalos, 80. 
 
 Diodorus, exhibits two comedies at one 
 contest, 32. 
 
 Dionysius, exhibits at the Lenaea, 39. 
 
 Dionysus, his statue in the theatre, 87. 
 His temples, no, 160. His priest, 
 
 309. 
 
 Diphilus, ejected from the theatre, 312. 
 
 Distegia, the, 172. 
 
 Distribution, of the parts among the 
 
 actors, 210 ff. 
 Dithyrambic contests, 14, 37 note. 
 Doors, leading to the stage, 173 ff. ; to 
 
 the orcnestra, 140, 146. 
 Dorian Mode, the, 293. 
 Drop-scene, the, I94ff. 
 
 Eisodoi, the, 135. 
 
 Ekkyklema, the, 185 ff. 
 
 Eleusis, dramatic performances at, 42. 
 
 Emmeleia, the, 289. 
 
 Encores, 314. 
 
 Entrances, to the orchestra, 135. To 
 the stage, 173 ff. Regulations con- 
 cerning the entrances, 176. 
 
 Ephebi, place the statue of Dionysus in 
 the theatre, 87. Their seats, 306. 
 Receive their shields and spears in 
 the theatre, 163. 
 
 Epidaurus, the theatre at, 102. Shape 
 of the auditorium in, 115, 116, 117, 
 121. Size of, 122. Date of, 124, 
 141. Seats at, 125, The stage in, 
 127, 141, 142. Plan of, 130. The 
 orchestra in, 140. View of the pro- 
 scenium in, 147. 
 
 Erinyes, the chorus of, 264, 272. 
 
 Eubulus, entrusts his plays to Philip, 
 70. 
 
 Eumenes, Portico of, 160. 
 
 Euphorion, produces plays of Aeschy- 
 lus, 96. 
 
 Eupolis, exhibits at an early age, 68. 
 Entrusts one of his plays to Demos- 
 tratus, 70. 
 
 Euripides, his Alcestis, 17, 20. His 
 Medea, 17. His Hippolytus, 18. 
 Defeated by Xenocles, 18 ; by Nico- 
 machus, 48. His Iphigeneia in Aulis 
 and Bacchae, 18, 21, 96. Reproduc- 
 tion of his tragedies in later times, 
 28, 99. His first play, 39. Exhibits 
 a new tragedy at the Peiraeeus, 42. 
 Number of his victories, 48. Exhi- 
 bits at an early age, 67. His actor 
 Cephisophon, 76. Trains his own 
 choruses, 81. Text of his plays, 95, 
 97. His popularity, 99. His statue 
 in the theatre, 160. Scenery in his 
 plays, 168. His use of the deus ex ma- 
 china, 191. Often introduces children 
 on the stage, 214. Character of his 
 tragedies, 229. His choruses, 260. 
 Adopts the new style of music, 294. 
 Predicts the speedy popularity of 
 Timotheus, 294. Charged with writ- 
 ing immoral plays, 299. His Mela- 
 nippe, 316. His Danae, 316. 
 
 Exodoi, not usually accompanied by 
 dancing, 288. 
 
 Exostra, the, 189. 
 
 Extra performers, 212 ff. 
 
 Fig-Branch, the, 192. 
 
 Files, in choruses, 268. 
 
 Flute, the, regularly used in the drama, 
 
 245- 
 Flute-players, how assigned in the 
 dithyrambic contests, 74. Paid by 
 the choregus, 83. 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 ?>Z1 
 
 Foreigners, confined to the back seats, 
 307- 
 
 G. 
 
 Gates, leading to the orchestra, 134. 
 Generals, the ten, their seats in the 
 
 theatre, 305. 
 Gestures, most important in the Greek 
 
 drama, 250. Restrained in character, 
 
 251. 
 Gladiatorial combats, in the theatre, 
 
 163. 
 Guild, the Actors', 251 ff. 
 
 H. 
 
 Hadrian, his statues in the theatre, 161. 
 
 Harmonies, the, 292. 
 
 Harp, the, occasionally employed in the 
 
 drama, 245. 
 Hats, worn by the spectators, 312. 
 Head-coverings, for the actors, 227. 
 Hemichoria, 280. 
 Hemikyklion, 194. 
 Hemistrophion, 194. 
 Hermon, the actor, 258, 314. 
 Himation, the, 226. 
 Horses, on the stage, 184. 
 Hypodidaskalos, 81. 
 Hypokrites, use of the word, 196. Its 
 
 derivation, 203. 
 Hypophrygian Mode, the, 293. 
 Hyporchemata, 278, 288, 290. 
 Hyposkenion, the, 146. 
 
 I. 
 
 Iambic tetrameters, given in recitative, 
 244. 
 
 Iambic trimeters, spoken without musi- 
 cal accompaniment, 241 . 
 
 Ikria, the, 104, 107. 
 
 Ion, of Chios, his remark about virtue, 
 20. His present to the Athenians, 
 91. 
 
 Ionic Mode, the, 293. 
 
 lophon, exhibits plays of his father 
 Sophocles, 69. 
 
 Judges, in the dramatic contests, their 
 number, 44. Mode of selection, 45. 
 The process of voting, 47. Value of 
 
 their verdicts, 48 ff. Sometimes cor- 
 rupted and intimidated, 48. Afraid 
 of the audience, 51. Their seats, 
 306. 
 
 K. 
 
 Kataloge, 245. 
 
 Katatome, the, 114. 
 
 Keraunoskopeion, the, 194. 
 
 Kerkides, the, 120. Assigned to par- 
 ticular tribes, 307. 
 
 Klepsiambos, the, 245. 
 
 Kolpoma, the, 228. 
 
 Kommos, the, 243. Accompanied by 
 dancing, 288. The kommos in the 
 Persae, 290. 
 
 Konistra, the, 126. 
 
 Kordax, the, 290. 
 
 Kraspeditae, 271. 
 
 Krepis, the, 225. 
 
 Laurostatae, 270. 
 
 Lenaea, the, meaning of the name, 10, 
 
 36. General character of, 36. Tragic 
 
 contests at, 37. Comic contests at, 
 
 40. Less important than the City 
 
 Dionysia, 41. 
 Lenaeum, the, performance of dramas 
 
 at, 105. Chosen as the site for the 
 
 theatre, no. 
 Lessee, the, 304. 
 Leucon, 32. 
 Licymnius, victorious in the Propompi, 
 
 58,_ 247. 
 Logeion, the, 141. 
 Lucian, ridicules the tragic actors, 229, 
 
 247- 
 Lycurgus, the orator, his law concerning 
 the Anthesteria, 43. Institutes dithy- 
 rambic contests at the Peiraeeus, 54. 
 His law for preserving the text of 
 the great tragic poets, 97. Completes 
 the theatre, 108, 125, 137. 
 
 M. 
 
 Magnes, 8. 
 
 Mantineia, the theatre at, 115. 
 
 Market-place, dramatic performances in 
 
 the, 104. 
 Masks, invention of, 217. Results of 
 
33^ 
 
 GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 the use of, 217. The tragic mask, 
 219. Different kinds of tragic masks, 
 220 ff. The mask of Silenus, 232. 
 The masks in the Old Comedy, 235. 
 The masks in the New Comedy, 237 ff. 
 Worn by the choruses, 264. 
 
 Mechane, the, 189 ff. 
 
 Megalopolis, the theatre at, 115. Its 
 size, 122. 
 
 Meidias, corrupts the judges, 49. His 
 assault on Demosthenes, 86, 297. 
 Interferes with Demosthenes' chorus, 
 252. 
 
 Meletus, his Oedipodeia, 26. 
 
 Menander, reproduction of comedies of, 
 33. Defeated by Philemon, 49, 315. 
 His statue in the theatre, 161. His 
 desire for distinction as a dramatist, 
 299. 
 
 Miitiades, his statue in the theatre, 161. 
 
 Mitra, the, 227. 
 
 Mixolydian Mode, the, 293. 
 
 Modes, the, 292. 
 
 Monodies, 243. 
 
 Mummius, 159. 
 
 Music, in the Greek drama, 291 ff. 
 Simple in character, 291. Subordi- 
 nated to the poetry, 292. The Modes, 
 or Harmonies, 293. Deterioration in 
 Greek Music during the fifth century, 
 294. 
 
 Mute characters, 83, 213, 214. 
 
 Mynniscus, actor to Aeschylus, 76. 
 Calls Callipides an ape, 251. 
 
 N. 
 
 Neoptolemus, the actor, 247, 252, 255, 
 
 257. 
 Nero, competes in tragic contests, 247. 
 Nicias, as choregus, 50, 86. 
 Nicostratus, the actor, 244. 
 
 O. 
 
 Obelisks, on the stage, 184. 
 
 Odeum, the, used for the Proagon, 87. 
 Formerly used for performances by 
 rhapsodists and harp-players, 162. 
 The Odeum of Pericles, 160. 
 
 Okribas, 141. 
 
 Orange, the theatre at, 140, 150. 
 
 Orchesis, 284. 
 
 Orchestra, the, importance of in Greek 
 theatres, 104, 151. The orchestra in 
 the market-place, 106. Its name, 
 125. Comparative size in Greek and 
 Roman theatres, 126. The orchestra 
 in the theatre of Dionysus, 128 ff.; 
 in the theatre at Epidaurus, 180 ff. 
 Character of in early times, 131. 
 Pavement of, 132. Position of altar 
 in, 132. The gutter, 135. Marked 
 with lines, 135. Strewed with chaff, 
 135. Hermann's view concerning, 
 
 154- 
 Orphans, paraded in the theatre, 89, 
 
 162. Have the proedria, 306. 
 Ovid, his advice to lovers, 285. 
 
 P. 
 
 Parabasis, delivered partly in recitative, 
 244. Position of chorus during, 275. 
 
 Parachoregemata, 2 1 2 ff. 
 
 Parakataloge, 243. 
 
 Paraskenia, 149, 213. 
 
 Parastatae, 271. 
 
 Parmenon, the actor, 258. 
 
 Parodoi, or entrances to orchestra and 
 stage, 135. 
 
 Parodos, or entrance song, 273. Given 
 by the whole chorus, 277. Generally 
 accompanied with dancing, 287. 
 
 Passages, in the auditorium, 1 19 ff. Into 
 the orchestra, T33ff. 
 
 Peiraeeus, the, dramatic performances 
 at, 42. Theatre at, 115, 117. Date 
 of theatre at, 124. Stage in theatre 
 at, 127, 142. Orchestra in theatre at, 
 132. 
 
 Periaktoi, 181 ff. 
 
 Phaedrus, stage of, 109, 128, 13S. 
 
 Phallus, worn by comic actors, 235 ; by 
 satyrs, 265. 
 
 Pherecrates, censures the music of Ti- 
 motheus, 294. 
 
 Philemon, reproduction of his plays, 33. 
 Defeats Menander, 49, 315. 
 
 Philip, son of Aristophanes, 70. 
 
 Philippides, reproduction of his plays, 
 
 33. 
 Philocles, writes a Pandionis, 25. 
 Philonides, exhibits various plays of 
 
 Aristophanes, 31, 69. Not an actor, 
 
 78. 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 339 
 
 Phlya, dramatic performances at, 42. 
 
 Phlyakes, Comedy of the, 234. 
 
 Phrygian Mode, the, 293. 
 
 Phrynichus, his first victory, 7. Called 
 a ' dancer,' 80, 286. His capture of 
 Miletus, 93, 316. Introduces female 
 masks, 217. Skilful in inventing new 
 dances, 286. 
 
 Plato (the philosopher), writes a te- 
 tralogy, 26, His opinion of Attic 
 audiences, 52, 313, 317. Excludes 
 tragic poets from his republic, 105 ; 
 also actors, 247. Praises the tragic 
 dance, 289. Disapproves of the kor- 
 dax, 290. His remarks about the 
 drama in connexion with boys and 
 women, 298, 
 
 Plato (the poet), sells his comedies, 69. 
 His remarks on the decline of choral 
 dancing, 287. 
 
 Plutarch, his description of Greek 
 dancing, 285. His remark about 
 music, 291. 
 
 nyx, the, stone seats at, 1 07. Disused 
 as a meeting- place for popular as- 
 semblies, 162, 163. 
 
 Poets, number of at the different dramatic 
 contests, 19, 28, 30, 31, 38,40. Age 
 of, 67. Produce plays in other 
 persons' names, 6 8 if. Originally also 
 stage-managers, 69, 80. Assigned to 
 the choregi, 73 ff. Act in their own 
 plays, 204. 
 
 Polus, his salary, 255. Stories con- 
 cerning, 256. 
 
 Polycleitus, architect of the theatre at 
 Epidaurus, 116. 
 
 Polyphradmon, his Lycurgean tetralogy, 
 16. 
 
 Portico, m the auditorium, 121. Of 
 PZumenes, 160. 
 
 Posidippus, reproduction of his plays, 33. 
 
 Praecinctiones, 121. 
 
 Pratinas, number of his plays, 8. Com- 
 petes with Aeschylus, 16, 107, 123. 
 Called a ' dancer,' 80, 286. Com- 
 plains of the flute-players, 292. 
 
 Price, of admission, two obols, 302. 
 Granted by the state to needy citizens, 
 
 303- 
 Priestesses, their seats, 305, 311. 
 Priests, their seats, 305, 309 ff. 
 Privileges, enjoyed by actors, 252. 
 
 Prizes, for choregi, 53, 90. For poets, 
 54, 90. For actors, 55. 
 
 Proagon, the, 87. 
 
 Pro bole, the, 91. 
 
 Production, of a play, 66 ff. Conceal- 
 ment of the poet's name, 68 ff. 
 F'ormerly managed by the poet him- 
 self, 69 ff. Posthumous production of 
 plays, 96. 
 
 Proedria, the, 304. Conferred on 
 priests, 305 ; on archons and generals, 
 305 ; on various other persons, 306. 
 
 Prologue, the, 273. 
 
 Proskenion, the, 141, 170. 
 
 Protagonist, his importance, 56, 208. 
 Parts taken by him, 210, 211. 
 
 Ptolemy, the Third, a collector of 
 manuscripts, 97. 
 
 Puppet-shows, in the theatre, 163. 
 
 Pythian games, dramatic performances 
 introduced into the, 9, 
 
 Q- 
 
 Quintilian, his statement about Aeschy- 
 lus, 95. His comparison of the orator 
 and the dancer, 285, 
 
 R. 
 
 Ranks, in choruses, 268. 
 
 Recitative, how far employed in the 
 
 Greek drama, 243 ff., 276. 
 Records, of dramatic contests, 59 ff. 
 
 Erected in or near to the theatre, 161, 
 Refrains, 293. 
 
 Refreshments, in the theatre, 311, 
 Religion, its connexion with the drama, 
 
 5 ft-, 300- 
 
 Reproduction of old tragedies, 28, 96; 
 of old comedies, 32, 98 ; of plays of 
 Aeschylus, 94. By the actors, 58, 
 92 ff. Almost unknown during the 
 fifth century, 92. Favourite tragedies 
 in later times, 98 ff. 
 
 Revision of plays, 93, 
 
 Rural Dionysia, the, 42. 
 
 Salamis, dramatic performances at, 42. 
 Salaries, of the actors, 255. 
 Sannio, the chorus-trainer, 81, 252, 
 Satyric drama, at the City Dionysia, 19. 
 
 Z 2 
 
340 
 
 GENERAL INDEX, 
 
 Its relation to tragedy, 24. Decline 
 in the importance of, 28. Number 
 of actors in, 201. Size of chorus in, 
 263. Costume of satyric actors, 231 ff. ; 
 of satyric choruses, 265. The satyric 
 dance, 291. 
 
 Satyrs, costume of, 265. 
 
 Satyrus, the actor, 99. 
 
 Scene-painting, 170. 
 
 Scenery, occasionally supplied by the 
 choregus, 84. Simple in character, 
 164. Gradual introduction of, 165 ff. 
 Number of scenes not large, 168 ff. 
 Scene-painting, 1 70. Mechanical 
 arrangements for scenery, 171 ff. 
 Entrances to the stage, 174. Regu- 
 lations concerning the entrances, 176. 
 Changes of scene, i78ff. The peri- 
 aktoi, 181 ff. Stage-properties, 183. 
 The ekkyklema, i85ff. The exostra, 
 189. The mechane, 189 ff. Various 
 contrivances, 192 ff. 
 
 Seats, originally of wood, 104. In the 
 theatre of Dionysus, 1 1 7 ff. Price of 
 feats, 302. 
 
 Shepherds, on the stage, their costume, 
 227. 
 
 Side-wings, 148. Called paraskenia, 149. 
 
 Sigma, a name for the orchestra, 125. 
 
 Sikinnis, the, 291. 
 
 Simylus, the actor, 43, 249. 
 
 Skene, origin of the terra, 104. Various 
 meanings of, 139, 170. 
 
 Slaves, admitted to the theatre, 297 ff., 
 302. 
 
 Soccus, the, 240. 
 
 Socrates (the actor), 43, 249. 
 
 Socrates (the philosopher), an admirer of 
 Euripides, 42. His behaviour during 
 the performance of the Clouds, 235. 
 
 Solon, witnesses a performance by 
 Thespis, 7. 
 
 Solos, by actors, 243. 
 
 Song, used in lyrical passages, 243, 276. 
 
 Soothsayers, their costume on the stage, 
 227. 
 
 Sophocles, competes with Euripides, 17. 
 Number of his victories, 20, 47, 62, 
 Abandons the practice of writing 
 tetralogies, 25. Defeated by Philo- 
 cles, 48. Never third in a contest, 
 54. Refused a chorus by the archon, 
 67. Exhibits at an early age, 67. 
 
 Entrusts plays to his son lophon, 69. 
 His actor Tlepolemus, 76. Writes 
 for the actors, 76, 207. Appears 
 occasionally on the stage, 81, 205. 
 His conduct after the death of Eu- 
 ripides, 87, The text of his plays, 
 95, 97. Popular tragedies of his, 
 99. His statue in the theatre, 160. 
 Scenery in his plays, 168. Said to 
 have invented scene-painting, 170. 
 Introduces a third actor, 200. Pre- 
 vented from acting by the weakness 
 of his voice, 204. Invents the krepis, 
 225 ; and the curved staff, 228. In- 
 creases the size of the chorus, 262. 
 Appointed general, 316. His popu- 
 larity, 317, 318. 
 
 Sparta, the theatre at, 122. 
 
 Speech, used in the delivery of iambic 
 trimeters, 241, 276. 
 
 Sphyromachus, his regulation about the 
 seats, 299. 
 
 Staff- bearers, 313. 
 
 Stage, height of, 141, I54ff. Com- 
 parative size in Greek and Roman 
 theatres, 142. Dorpfeld's theory con- 
 cerning, 142 ff. Steps leading up to, 
 147. Supported by the hyposkenion, 
 146. The back-wall, 149. Intended 
 for the actors, 150. Used occasionally 
 by the chorus, 152. Its height during 
 the fifth century, 158. 
 
 Stage-buildings, in the theatre of Dio- 
 nysus, 136 ff. Long and narrow in 
 shape, 139. The fa9ade, 140. The 
 side-wings, 148. 
 
 Stage-properties, 183 ff. 
 
 Stasima, movements of chorus during, 
 275. Delivered by the whole chorus, 
 277. Accompanied with dances, 287. 
 
 Statues, in the theatre, 160, 161. On 
 the stage, 183. 
 
 Steps, between orchestra and stage, 147. 
 
 Stropheion, the, 194. 
 
 Sword-swallowers, in the theatre, 163. 
 
 Syrtos, the, 226. 
 
 T. 
 
 Taureas, assaulted by Alcibiades, 86, 
 
 313- 
 Tauromenion, the theatre at, 149. 
 Telestes, dancer employed by Aeschylus, 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 341 
 
 284. Dances the Seven against 
 Thebes, 289. 
 
 Temples, of Dionysus, no, 160. 
 
 Termessus, the theatre at, 1 1 7. 
 
 Tetralogies, 2 iff. Invention of, 21. 
 Character of, 23. Disuse of, 25. 
 Meaning of the term, 26. 
 
 Text, of old plays, officially preserved, 97. 
 
 Theatre, the Greek, general character 
 of, I02. Originally of wood, 103. 
 Site of the old wooden theatres at 
 Athens, 104. Shape of the audi- 
 torium, 115 ff. Passages in the audi- 
 torium, 121. Size of different Greek 
 theatres, 122. The orchestra, 125, 
 135. The eisodoi, 133. The stage- 
 buildings, 139 ff. The stage, 141. 
 The hyposkenion, 146. Steps to 
 stage, 147. Side- wings, 148. Back- 
 wall, 1 49. Acoustic properties of, 1 59. 
 
 Theatre, of Dionysus at Athens, history 
 of the, 107 ff. Its site, no. Plan 
 
 . of, 112. The auditorium, 113 ff. 
 Date of the auditorium, I23ff. The 
 orchestra, 1 28 ff. The stage-buildings, 
 I36fr. The stage, 146, 158. Statues 
 and monuments in, 160 ff. Buildings 
 near, 160, Its various uses, 162 ff. 
 
 Themistocles, victorious in a dramatic 
 contest, 53, 60. His statue in the 
 theatre, 161. 
 
 Theodectes, engages in thirteen contests, 
 28. Victorious at the Lenaea, 39. 
 A rhetorician as well as poet, 81. 
 
 Theodorus, excellence of his voice, 248. 
 Stories about him, 257. 
 
 Theognis, the tragic poet, 95. 
 
 Theologeion, the, 193. 
 
 Theoric money, the, 303. 
 
 Thesis (metrical term), 283. 
 
 Thespis, the inventor of tragedy, 7. 
 Called a ' dancer,' 80, 286. Acted 
 his own plays, 204. Said to have 
 used masks, 217. 
 
 Thessalus, the actor, 255, 257. 
 
 Thoricus, the theatre at, 42. 
 
 Thrasyllus, his dream, 58. 
 
 Thrones, in the theatre of Dionysus, 
 date of, 125. Throne of the priest of 
 Dionysus, 308. 
 
 Thymele, name for the altar in the 
 orchestra, 132 ; for the orchestra 
 itself, 133; for the stage, 155. Wie- 
 seler's view concerning it, 155. 
 
 Timotheus, the author of the new style 
 of music, 294. 
 
 Tombs, on the stage, 184. 
 
 Tragedy, date of first institution of 
 contests in, 6. At the City Dionysia, 
 16 ff., 27 ff. At the Lenaea, 37. 
 Number of actors in, 200. Costume 
 of actors in, 216 ff. Size of chorus in, 
 262. Costume of chorus in, 262. 
 The tragic dance, 289. 
 
 Training, of the chorus, 80 ff. 
 
 Tribes, the Attic, dithyrambic contests 
 between, 14, 15. Have no connexion 
 with the dramatic contests, 1 4. Certain 
 blocks in the theatre appropriated to 
 them, 307. 
 
 Tribute, displayed at the City Dionysia, 
 89, 162. 
 
 Trilogies, 21 ff. 
 
 Tripods, the prizes in the dithyrambic 
 contests, 53. 
 
 Tritagonist, the, 207, 208, 211. 
 
 Tritostatae, the, 271. 
 
 Trochaic tetrameters, given in recitative, 
 244. 
 
 Tunic, of tragic actors, 225. Of satyric 
 actors, 232. 
 
 Turban, worn by Darius, 228. 
 
 V. 
 
 Voice, importance of in the Greek 
 drama, 245. Its strength more re- 
 garded than its quality, 246. Train- 
 ing of the voice, 248. 
 
 W. 
 
 Windows, in the back-scene, i73« 
 Women, admitted to the theatre, 227 ff. 
 Their seats, 307. 
 
 Xenocles, defeats Euripides, 18. 
 
 Z. 
 
 Zeno, his remark about actors, 247. 
 
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