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HISTORY 
 
 Q F T K If, 
 
 p i $ p y T 
 
 AMERICA; 
 
 JFROM ITS ORIGIN IN 1754? 
 WRITTEN JN THE YEAR 1774. 
 
 BY JOHN ADAMS, 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 *R!NTED FOR J. STOCKDAL^ 
 
 OPPOSITE 
 
 JSURtlNGTON- HOUSE, PICCADILLY, 
 M DCC LXXXIV. 
 
- 
 
 ft 
 
 
HISTORY 
 
 OP THE 
 
 DISPUTE WITH AMERICA. 
 
 I HAVE intimated my intention of purfu- 
 ing the Tories through all their dark in- 
 trigues and wicked machinations ; and to 
 Ihew the rife arid pfogrefs of their fchemes for 
 nflaving this country; The honour of invent- 
 ing and contriving thefe meafures, is not their 
 due; They have been but fervile copiers of 
 the defigns of Androfs, Randolph, Dudley, and 
 other champions of their caufe towards the 
 clofe of the lafi century. Thefe latter Worthies 
 accompliihed but little ; and their plans had 
 been buried with them, for a long courfe of 
 years, until in the Adminiftrationof the late Go- 
 vernor Shirley, they were revived, by the per- 
 fons who are now principally concerned in car- 
 rying them into execution., Shirley was an en- 
 B 2 terpriziag 
 
 321886 
 
( 4 ) 
 
 man ; and having, mounted, t& 
 matter by what means, to the Chair of this- 
 Province, he faw, in a young growing country ., 
 vaft profpedh opening before his eyes ; and he 
 conceived great defigns of aggrandizing Kim- 
 felf, his family, and his friends. Mr. Hutch- 
 infon and Mr. Oliver, the two famous Letter- 
 Writers, were his principal Miniilers. RufTell,. 
 Paxton, Ruggles, and a few others, were fub- 
 ordinate inftruments. -Among other fchemes,- 
 one was to faife a Revenue in America by a\K 
 thority of Parliament. 
 
 IN order to effect their purpofe, it was ne- 
 ceiTary to concert meafures with the other 
 Colonies. Dr. Franklin, whci was known to be 
 an active, and very abk man, and to have 
 great influence in the Province of Pennfyl- 
 vania, was in Boflon in the the year 1754, and 
 Mr. Shirley communicated to him the profound 
 (ecret, the great defign of taxing the Colonies' 
 by Adt of Parliament. This fagacious Gentle- 
 man, and diftmguilhed Patriot, to his lafting 
 honour, fent the Governor an anfwer in writing, 
 with the following remarks upon his fcheme. 
 Remarks which \vould have difcouraged any 
 honed man from the purfuit. The remarks- 
 %re thcfc. 
 
 " THAT 
 
C * ) 
 
 ' THAT the people always bear the bnrtnen 
 ** belt, when they have, or think they have* 
 *< fome ihare in the dire&iofi. 
 
 ( THAT when public meafures are generally 
 , <c diftafteful to the People, the wheels dfGo- 
 ** vernment muft move more heavily. 
 
 " THAT excluding the people of America 
 (f from all ihare in the choice of a grand 
 " Council for their own defence,, and taxing 
 " them in Parliament, where they have no Re- 
 " prefentative, would probably give extreme 
 ** diflatisfaction* 
 
 " THAT there vtfas no reafon to doubt the 
 * Willingnefs of the Colonifts to- contribute fo^ 
 * c their own defence/ 
 
 ** THAT the People themfelves, whofe all 
 **' : was at ftake, could better judge of the force 
 ts neceflary for their defence, and of the means 
 " for railing money for the purpofe, than a, 
 ./; fc Britiih Parliament at fo great a diftauce. 
 
 " THAT natives of America would be as 
 " likely to confult wifely and faithfully fo 
 " the fafety of their native country, as the 
 
 ff Governorfi 
 
(6) 
 
 ** Governors fent from Britain, whofe objeft 
 
 *' is generally to make fortunes, and then 
 
 f6 return home ; and who might therefore be 
 
 cc exped:ed to carry on the war agamft France, 
 
 *< rather in a way by which themfelves were 
 
 " likely to be gainers, than for the greateft 
 
 * c advantage of the eaufe. 
 
 C THAT compelling the Colonies to pay 
 " money for their own defence, without their 
 " confenf, would fliew a fufpicion of their 
 cc loyalty, or of their regard for their country,* 
 " or of their common fenfe ; and would be 
 " treating them as conquered enemies, and 
 * c not as free Britons, who hold it for their 
 " undoubted right, not to be taxed but by their 
 " own confent, given through their Reprefen 
 " tatives* 
 
 " THAT Parliamentary Taxes, once laid oti$ 
 " are often continued, after the neceffity for' 
 * e laying them on ceafes ; but that if the Colo- 
 *' nifts were trufted to tax themfelves, they 
 Ctf would remove the burden from the people 
 " as foon as it ihould become unneceflary for 
 * them to bear it any longer. 
 
 4C THAT if Parliament is to tax the Colonies, 
 * c their Aflemblies of Reprefentatives may be 
 " difmifled as ufelefs^ 
 
( 7 ) 
 
 ** THAT taxing the Colonies in Parliament, 
 f c for their own defence againft the French, is 
 *< not more juft, than it would be to oblige the 
 f< Cinque Ports, and other coafts of Britain, 
 *< to maintain a force againft France, and to 
 *< tax them for this purpofe, without allowing 
 *< them Reprefentatives in Parliament. 
 
 " THAT the Colonifts have always been in- 
 " directly taxed by the Mother Country (be- 
 " iide.^ paying the taxes neceffarily laid on by 
 *< their own AiTemblies), in as much as they 
 ^ are obliged to purchafe the manufactures of 
 " Britain, charged with innumerable heavy 
 *< taxes; fome of which manufactures they 
 ic could make, and others could purchafe 
 *' cheaper at other markets. 
 
 (( THAT the Colonifts are befides taxed by 
 *' the Mother Country, by being obliged to 
 *< carry great part of their produce to Britain, 
 ^ and accept a lower price than they might 
 * f have at other markets. The difference is a 
 ** tax paid to Britain. 
 
 " THAT the whole wealth of the Colonifts 
 <f centers at laft in the Mother Country, which 
 ?* enables her to pay her taxes. 
 
 " THAT 
 
" THAT the Colonifts have, at the hazard of 
 " their lives aijd fortunes, extended the doml- 
 " nions, and increafed the commerce and riches 
 * of the Mother Country ; that therefore the 
 " Coloniils do not deferve to be deprived of 
 * c the native right of Britons, the right of 
 " being taxed onjy by Reprefentatjyes pliofen 
 * c by themfelves. 
 
 <c TK \T an adequate Representation in Par- 
 f< liament would probably be acceptable to the 
 C( Coloniils, and would beil unite the, views 
 *' and intereils of the whole Empire/* 
 
 THE laft of thefe Proportions feems aot to.. 
 have been well confidered, becaufe an adequate 
 repreientation in Parliament is totally impracti- 
 cable : But others have exhaufted t;hi5 fubjedt, 
 
 WHETHER the Miniftry at home, or the 
 Junro here, were difcouraged by thefe mafterly 
 remarks, or by any other caufe, the projeft of 
 taxing the Colonies was laid afide ; Mr. Shirley 
 was removed from his government, and Mi\ 
 Pownall was placed i-n his flead. 
 
 MR, Pownall was a friend to Liberty, and to 
 ourConflitutiorj, andftemsto have had an aver- 
 fion to all plots againiteitherj and confequently to 
 
< 9 ) 
 
 have given 'his confidence to other perfons than 
 Hutchison and Oliver, who, ftung with envy 
 againft Mr. Pratt and others, who had the lead 
 in affair^ fet themfejLves, by propagating flan- 
 kers againft. the Governor among -the people, 
 >and efpecially am&ng the clergy, to raife dif- 
 pontents, and make him uneafy in his feat. 
 ,And Ppwnall, av^rfe to wrangling, folicited 
 : fcp be recalled j and after fome time, Mr. 
 Bernard was removed from New Jersey to the 
 -Chair of ,tlu$ Province. 
 
 BERNA-RD was the man for the purpofe of 
 >the Juntx* educated in the highefl principles 
 ^f Monarchy, fkiiled enough in law and policy 
 Sq.do mifchiefj ayariciQus,, and needy at the 
 fame time, iiavwig a numereus- family to pro- 
 ^ide for-r-he was an inflrument, fuitable in 
 .every refped: excepj^lng one, for this Junto to 
 .employ. The exception I mean was blunt 
 franknefs, very ep.pefite to that e^utious cun- 
 ning, that .deep diffimulation, to which they 
 had by long practice difciplined themfelves. 
 However, they di<^ not defpair of teaching him 
 .4:his neceiiary artful quality by degrees ; and 
 <the event fhewed they were not wholly unfuc* 
 in their endeavours: to do it, 
 
 C WHILB 
 
WHIXE the War laded, thefe fimple Provinces 
 were of too much importance in the conduct 
 of it, to be difgufted by an open attempt againft 
 their liberties. The Junto, therefore, contented 
 themfelves with preparing their ground, by exr 
 tending their connexions arid correfpondencies 
 in England, and by conciliating tb^ iViendfhip 
 of the Crown Officers occafionally nere, and in- 
 iinuating their defigns as neccffary to be underr 
 taken in fome future favourable opportunity, for 
 the good of the Empire, as well as of the Colonies, 
 
 THE defigns of Providence are infcrutablc* 
 .It affords to bad men conjunctures favourable 
 for their defigns, as well as to good.- The 
 conclufion of the Peace was the moft critical 
 opportunity for our Junto, that could have pre- 
 fented. A Peace founded on the deftru&ion 
 of that fyftem of policy, the moft glorious for 
 the nation that ever was formed, and which 
 was never equalled in the conduct of the Englifh 
 Government, except in the Interregnum, and 
 perhaps in the reign of Elizabeth ; which fyftem, 
 however, by its being abruptly broken off, and 
 its chief Conductor difcarded before it was com- 
 pleated, proved unfortunate to the nation, ? 5 by 
 leaving it linking in a bottomlefs guiph of debr t 
 opprdTed and borne dqwn with taxes. 
 
 A? 
 
C ) 
 
 AT this lucky time, when the Britiih Firiart* 
 cier was driven otit of his wits, for ways arid 
 taeans to fupply the demands upon him, Bernard 
 is employed by the Junto, to fuggeft to him the 
 project of taxing the Colonies by Aft of Parlia- 
 menu 
 
 I DO not advande this without evidence. I 
 Appeal to a publication made by Sir Francis 
 Bernard himfelf^ the laft year, of his own Seled: 
 Letters on the Trade and Government of Ame* 
 jricaj arid the Principles of Laws and Policy ap- 
 plied to the American Colonies^ 
 
 IN the year 1764, Mr; Bernard trdrifmitted 
 tome to different Noblerrien and Gentlemen* 
 four copies of his Principles of Law and Polity^ 
 with a Preface, which proves irieonteflibly^ that 
 the projedt of new regulating the American Co* 
 lonies was not firft fuggefted to him by the 
 Miniftryj but by him to themi-**-The words of 
 this Preface are thefe : w The prefent expec- 
 tation that a new regulation of the American 
 Governments will foon take place* probably 
 arifes more from the opinion the Public has of 
 the abilities of the prefent Miniftryy than from 
 any thing that hai tranfpired from the Cabinet. 
 It cannot be fuppofed that their penetration can 
 vcrlook the neceflity of fuch a regulation, nbr 
 C z 
 
tfreir public fpirit fail to carry it into : executions 
 But it may be & queftiony whether- the prefent 
 is a proper time for this- work ; more m-gent bi^ 
 fine is may aad before it;- lome preparatory 
 fte'ps may be required fo precede it ^ hue thete 
 will orily ferve to poftpone.' As we may exped? 
 that this reformation^ like all others,? will be 
 dppofed by powerful prejudices, it may ftotbe 
 amifs to reafcn with them at leifirte,- add endea* 
 tour to take off their force before they become 
 eppofed to -.Government." 
 
 UPON thefe words r it 15 impoflible riot 
 ferve,- firft, That the Miniilry had never figni- 
 fied to him' any intention of new regulating' the 
 Colonies ; and therefore that it wa-s he who ofFici- 
 oufly pur theriii upcjitJ the purluit of this Wif-k 
 With-a-wi-ip, which h^s lei therii' into fo much 
 mire; -SottlriH^The 'flattery with which he i-n- 
 fiwilates tliefe projects iii-to the mMs of the Mi-- 
 M&ty>y as ittaftcrs'^f -^bfofttt^ Nfeeeifity y w'hfcli 
 their great pSBetritidh could' not fail t 
 ver, nor't-herf great regard to the Publk 
 Third y The-miportur>ity with' which he urges s 
 fpeedy -<imnpiifimaent ^ his p^teftdetl rftV>r- 
 h^ Governments, . And, fourfh y -Hi$. 
 -thefe fcheines would be op-' 
 He~aff<9:s toexpe<ft from power- 
 fill prcjUdkes only, tto^p<>fition which- z\l 
 *':* ; $> 3 America 
 
( '3 
 
 America fays has been dilated by found feafott, 
 true policy, and eternal juftice. The laft thing 
 I fhall take notice of is>' the falfe' infinuation, 
 that fuch ficw regulations wefe theft- generally 
 expected. This is fa abfolutely falfc, that ex- 
 cept Bernard himfelf, arid his Junto, fcarcely 
 any body on this fide the water had any fufpi- 
 ciori of it-^-infornuch, that if Bernard had made 
 public at that time his Preface and Principles, 
 as he fent them to the Mmiftry, it is much ti 
 be doubted, whether he could have lived in this 
 Country; certain it Is, he would have had rui 
 
 friends in this Province, out of the Junto. 
 
 
 
 THE intention of the Junto, was to procurfc 
 a revenue to be raifed in America by Aft of 
 Parliament^ Nothing was further from theif 
 cfefigns and wifhes, than the drawing or fending 
 this revenue into the Exchequer in England, to 
 be fpent there in difcharging the National Debt, 
 and leflening the burdens of the people there. 
 ^-They chofe to have the fingering of the mo- 
 ney themfelves. Their dciign was, that the 
 money ihould be applied, firft in a large falary 
 to the Governor. This wouM gratify Bernard, 
 3nd render him and aH other Governors, not 
 only independent of the people, but ftill more 
 abfolutely a flave to the will of the Minifter. 
 They intended Ukewife a falary for the Lieute- 
 nant- 
 
tenant-Governor. This would appeafe MnHufc 
 chinfon. In the next place, they intended a fa- 
 kry to the Judges of Common Law, as well as 
 Admiralty. And thus the whole Government* 
 executive and judicial^ was to be rendered wholly 
 independent of the people, (and their Repre- 
 fentatives rendered ufelefs, iniignificant, and everr 
 burthenforne) and absolutely dependent upon, 
 and under the direction of the will of the Mini- 
 Her of State. They intended further to new 
 model the whole Continent of North America j 
 make an intire new divifion of it into diftind:,- 
 though more extenlive and lefs numerous Co- 
 lonies, to fweep away ail the Charters upon the 
 Continent, with the deftroyirtg beforn of an Act 
 of Parliament, and reduce all the Governments 
 to the plan of the Royal Governments, with a 
 Nobility in each Colony, not hereditary indeed, 
 at fir ft, but for life. They did indeed flatter the 
 Miniflry and people in England, with diftant 
 tiopes of a revenue from America, at fome fu- 
 ture period, to be appropriated to national ufes 
 there. But this was not to happen, in their minds, 
 for fome time. The Governments mufl be new 
 modelled, new regulated, reformed firfl, and 
 then the Governments here would be able and 
 willing to carry into execution any Acts of Par- 
 liament, or nieafures of the Miniflry, for fleecing 
 the people here to pay debts, or fupport pen-* 
 
 fionars 
 
( 5 ) 
 
 fioners on the American Eftablifliment, or bribe 
 Electors, or Members of Parliament, or any 
 pth?r purpofe that a virtuous Miniftry cou!4 
 defire. 
 
 as ill-luck would have it, the Britifti Fi- 
 nancier was as felfiih as themfelves, and inftead 
 of raifing money for them, chofe to raife it for 
 Jiimfelf. He chofe to get the revenue into the 
 Exchequer, becaufe he had hungry cormorants 
 enough about him in England, whofe cawings 
 were more troublefome to his ears, than the 
 croaking of the ravens in America. And he 
 thought if America could afford any revenue at 
 all, and he could get it by authority of Parlia- 
 ment, he might have it himfelf, to give to his 
 friends, as well as raife it for the Junto here, to 
 fpend themfelves, or giye to theirs. 
 
 I WILL proceed no further without producing 
 my evidence. Indeed, to a man who was ac- 
 quainted with this Junto, and had an opportu- 
 nity to watch their motions, obferve their 
 language, and remark their countenances, for 
 thefe lafl twelve years, no other evidence is ne- 
 celTary : It was plain to fuch perfons what this 
 Junto was about. But we have evidence enough 
 now under their own hands, of the whole of what 
 was faid of them by their oppofers, through this 
 whole period. 
 
GOVERNOR BERNARD, in his letter, July n, 
 1 764, fays, " That a general reformation of the 
 * 6 American Governments, would become not 
 " only a deniable but a neceffary meafure."* 
 What his idea was, of a general reformation of 
 the AmericaivGQverDnients, is to be learnt from 
 his Principles of Law and Polity, which he fenc 
 to the Miniftry in 1764. I ftaljl felett a fevyof 
 them in his .own words .: 
 
 
 
 His 2pth propoiirioa is,' ^ The rule that a 
 V Brhilh fubjeft {hall not be bound by laws, or 
 *-* liable to. ta^es^, }^ut what he has CQnfented tQ 
 " by his Reprefentatives, mufl: be confined to 
 " the inhabit^U : of Great Britain only, and is 
 " not ftridlly ;uue even there. 30, The par- 
 *' liament of Great Britain, as well from its 
 ^ lights of Sovereignty, as from occafional exL? 
 * c gencies, has a right to make laws for, and 
 " impofe tax;es upon its fubjeSs in its external 
 * c Dominions, although they are not reprefent- 
 " ed in fuch Parliament, gut, 31. Taxes im- 
 " poied upon the external Pominions 3 ought to 
 ** be applied to the ule of the people from whom 
 " they are raifed, 3Z. The Parliament of Great 
 ^ Britain has a right and. duty to take care to 
 " provide for the defence of the American .Gp- 
 " lonies v efpeeially as fych Colooies are unable 
 '< to defend tbeaafclves, 33. The Parliament 
 
 "of 
 
( "7 ) 
 
 * c of Great Britain has a right and a duty to take 
 " care, that provision be made for a fufficient 
 " fupport of the American Governments. Be- 
 caufe, 34. The fupport of the Government 
 " is one of the principal conditions upon which 
 " a Colony is allowed the power of Legiflation. 
 " Alfo, becaufe, 35. Some of the American Co- 
 '*' lonies have ihewn themfelves deficient in the 
 *' fupport of their feveral Governments, both. 
 * f as to Sufficiency and Independency." 
 
 His 7 jth Proportion is, " Every American, 
 " Government is capable of having its Confti- 
 " tution altered for the better. 76. The grant* 
 " of the powers of Governments to American 
 " Colonies^ by Charters, cannot be underftood 
 " to be intended for other than their infant or 
 " growing flates. 77. They cannot be intend- 
 f< ed for their mature ftate, that is, for perpe- 
 cc tuity, becaufe they are in many things uncon- 
 cc flitutional, and contrary to the very nature of 
 * c a Britifh Government. Therefore, 78. They 
 " muft be confidered as defigned only as tem- 
 porary means for fettling and bringing for- 
 ward the peopling the Colonies, which being 
 effected, the caufe of the peculiarity of their 
 " Conftitution ceafes. 79. If the Charters can 
 ic be pleaded againfl the authority of Parlia- 
 *' ment, they amount to an alienation of the 
 D " Dominions 
 
** Dominions of Great Britain, and are, in effeclfy 
 a&s of difmembering the Britifh Empire,, 
 and will operate as fuch, if care is not taken 
 to- prevent it. 83^ The notion which has 
 heretofore prevailed, that the dividing Ame- 
 rica into- many Governments, and different 
 modes of Government, will be the means to 
 prevent their uniting to revolt,; is- ill-found- 
 ed ; fince, if the Governments were ever fo* 
 much confolidated, it will be neceffary rx> 
 have fo 1 many diflincl States, as ta make a 
 union to revolt impracticable. Whereas, 84, 
 The fplitting America irito- many fmall Go* 
 *' vernments, weakens the Governing Power,, 
 and ftrengthens that of the People, and there- 
 by makes revolting mote probable, and more 
 practicable. 85. To prevent revolts in fu- 
 *' ture times (for there is no room to fear them 
 * e in the prefent) the moft effectual means would 
 cc be to m-ake the Governments large and re- 
 <c fpedtable, and balance the powers of them*. 
 *' 86. There is m> Government in America at 
 *' prefent, whofe Powers are properly balanced ; 
 " there not being in any of them a real and 
 " diftindt third Legiilative Power,, mediating 
 te between the King and the People, which i& 
 cc the peculiar excellence of the Britifh Confti- 
 * c tution. 87. The want of fuch a third Legii- 
 " lative Power adds weight to the Popular, and 
 
 f( lightens 
 
 tc 
 
< '9 > 
 
 ** lightens the Royal Scale, fo as to deftroy 
 " the balance between the Royal and Popular 
 " Powers.. 88. Although America is not now 
 fc (and probably will not be for many years to 
 " come) ripe enough for an hereditary Nobili- 
 i ty, yet it is now capable of a Nobility for 
 " life, 89,. A Nobility appointed by the King 
 46 for life, and made Independent, would pro- 
 ci bably give ltre$gth and liability to the Ame- 
 *< rican Governments, as effectually as an here-. 
 " ditary Nobility does to that of Great Britain,, 
 f ' 90, The reformation of the American Go- 
 * ( vernments ihould not be controuled by the 
 " prefent boundaries of the Colonies; as they 
 ** were moftly fettled upon partial, occafional, 
 (c and accidental considerations, without any 
 " regard to a whole, 91, To fettle the Ame* 
 " rican Governments to the great eft poffible 
 <c advantage, it will be neceflary to reduce the 
 " number of them ; in fome places to unite and 
 " confolidate, in others to feparate and trans,- 
 <c fer; and in general to divide by natural 
 f ' boundaries, inilead of imaginary lines. 92, 
 " If there ihould be but one form of Govern- 
 " ment eilablilhed for alj th-e North American 
 " Provinces, it would greatly facilitate the re- 
 " formation of them ; fince, if the mode of 
 " Government was every where the fame, 
 *' people would be more indifferent under what 
 
 D 2 " divifioo 
 
' c division they were ranged. 93. No objec- 
 C tions ought to arife to the alteration of the 
 <e boundaries of Provinces from Proprietors, on 
 account of their Property, only fince there is 
 " no occafion that it fhould in the leaft'affedfc 
 *' the boundaries of Properties. 94. The pre- 
 (e fent diftinction, of one Government being 
 " more free, or more popular th?n another, 
 " tend to embarrafs and to weaken the whole ; 
 '* and fhould not be allowed to fubfift among 
 " people fubject to one King and one Law, and 
 " all equally fit for one form of Government. 
 e< 95. The American Colonies, in general, are, at 
 * this time, arrived at that ftate which quali- 
 " fies them to receive the moft perfect form of 
 <f Government., which their fituation and rela- 
 " tion to Great Britain, make them capable of. 
 *' 96. The people of North America, at this 
 *' time, expedt a revifal and reformation of the 
 " American Governments, r.nd are better dif- 
 " pofed to fubmit to it, than ever they were, 
 * c or 'perhaps ever will be again. 97. This is 
 <c therefore the proper and critical time, to re- 
 " form the American Governments upon a ge- 
 *' neral, conftitutional, firm, and durable plan ; 
 * c and if it is not done now, it will probably 
 " every day grow more difficult, till at laft it 
 *' becomes impracticable.'* 
 
 Now 
 
Now let me afk yon if the Parliament of 
 Great Britain had all the natural foundations of 
 authority, wifdom, goodnefs, juftice, power, in 
 as great perfection as they ever exiiled in any 
 body of men lince Adam's fall : And, if the 
 Englifh Nation was the moft virtuous, pure, and 
 free that ever was, would not fuch an unlimit- 
 ed fubjedion of three millions of people to that 
 Parliament, at three thoufand miles diftance, be 
 real flavery ? There are but two forts of men 
 in the world, freemen and flaves The very de- 
 finition of a freeman, is one who is bound by 
 no Law to which he has not confented. Ame- 
 ricans would have no way of giving or with- 
 holding their confent to the Acts of this Parlia- 
 ment ; therefore they would not be freemen. 
 But, when luxury, effeminacy, and venality are 
 arrived at fuch a Shocking pitch in England ; 
 when both Electors and Elected are become one 
 mafs of corruption ; when the Nation is oppref- 
 ed to death with Debts and Taxes, owing to 
 their own extravagance, and want of wifdom, 
 what would be your condition under fuch an 
 abfolute fubjection to Parliament ? You would 
 not only be flaves but the moil abject fort of 
 flaves to the worfl fort of matters ! 
 
 MINISTERIAL Writers, confcious that the 
 people of this Continent have the utmofl abhor- 
 rence 
 
fence of Treafon and Rebellion, labour to avail 
 them 1 elves of the, magic in thefe words.- But 
 their artifice is vain, -The people are not to be 
 intimidated by hard words, from a neceflary de* 
 fence of their. Liberties :^Their attachment to 
 their Constitution, fo dearly purchafed by their 
 own, and their Anceftors blood and treafure ; 
 their averfion to the late Innovations ; their hor- 
 ror of Arbitrary Power and the Romifh Religion, 
 are much deeper rooted than their dread of rude 
 founds, and unmannerly language. They do 
 &ot want the advice of an honeft Lawyer, (if 
 fuch an one could be found,) nor will they be 
 deceived by .a difhoneft one. They know what 
 offence it is to affemble armed, and forcibly obr 
 ftrudfc the courfe of Juflice.-r-They have been 
 many years confidering and enquiring ; they 
 have been inftrudted by Minifterial Writers and 
 their friends, in the nature of Treafon, and the 
 confequences of their own principles and a&ions, 
 They know upon what hinge the whole difpute 
 turns. That the fundamentals of the Govern- 
 ment over them, are difputed ; that the Mini- 
 iler pretends, and had the influence to obtain 
 the voice of the lafl Parliament in his favour ; 
 that Parliament is the only Supreme, Sovereign, 
 Abiblute, and Uuncontroulable Legiflative over 
 all .che Colonies; that therefore the Miniit.er, 
 and all his Advocates, will call Refinance tQ 
 
 Afts 
 
Ats of Parliament, by the names of Trea&rt 
 -and Rebellion* But at the fame time, they 
 know, that in their own opinions, and in the 
 opinions of all the Colonies, Parliament has no 
 authority over them, excepting to regulate their 
 Trade ; and this not by any principle of Com* 
 nion Law, but merely by the confent of the Co- 
 lonies, founded on the obvious neceffity of a 
 Cafe, which was never in contemplation of that 
 Law, nor provided for by it; that therefore 
 they have as good a right to charge that Mini- 
 fler with Treaibn and Rebellion. For, if the 
 Parliament has not a legal authority to over- 
 turn their Conftitution, and fubjed: them to fuch 
 Acts as are lately paired, every man, who ac- 
 cepts of any Commiffion, and takes any fleps 
 to carry thofe Acts into execution, is guilty of 
 overt Ad:s of Treafon and Rebellion again!! his 
 Majefly, as much as if he Ihould take arms 
 againft his troops, or attempt his facred life. 
 They know that the refifhmce againft the Stamp 
 Adfc, which was made through all America, was, 
 in the opinion of the Minifter, High Treafon ; 
 and that Brigadier Ruggles, and good Mr.. 
 Ogden, pretended at the Congrefs at New 
 York, to be of the fame mind, and have 
 been held in utter contempt by the whole 
 Continent ever fince : becaufe in their own opi- 
 aign, that Refiilance was a noble jftand againil 
 
 Tyranny, 
 
( 24 ) 
 
 Tyranny, and the only oppofition to it which 
 could have been effectual. That if the Ameri- 
 can refiflance to the Acl: for deftroying your 
 Charter, and to the Refolves for arrefling per- 
 fons here and fending them to England for trialy 
 is Treafon, the Lords and Commons, and the 
 whole Nation, were Traitors at the Revolution; 
 
 THEY know that all America is united in fen- 
 timent, and in the plan of oppofition to the 
 claims of Adminiflration and Parliament. The 
 Junto in Bofton, with their little flocks of Ad- 
 herents in the Country,- are not worth taking 
 Into the account ; and the Army an'd Navy, 
 though thefe are divided amongft themfelves, 
 are no part of America : In order to judge of 
 this Union, they began at the commencement 
 of the Difpute, and run through the whole 
 courfe of it. At the time of the Stamp Ac!, 
 every Colony exprefled its fentiments by Re- 
 folves of their Affemblies ; and every one agreed 
 that Parliament had no right to Tax the Colo- 
 nies. The Houfe of Reprefentatives of the 
 .. MafTachufet's Bay, then confilted of many per- 
 fons, who have fince figured as Friends to Go- 
 vernment ; yet every' Member of that Houfe 
 concurred mod chearfully in the Refolves then 1 
 pafied. The Congrefs, which met that year at 
 New York, exprefled the fame opinion in their 
 
 Refolvesy, 
 
Refolves, after the Paint, Paper, and Tea Aft 
 was patted. The feveral Aflemblies expreiTed 
 the fame fentiments, and when your Colony 
 wrote the famous Circular Letter, notwith- 
 (landing all the mandates and threats, and ca-? 
 joling of the Minifler and the feveral Governors, 
 and all the Crown Officers through the Conti- 
 nent, the Aflemblies, with one voice, echoed 
 their entire approbation of that Letter, and their 
 applaufe to your Colony for fending it. In the 
 year 1768, when a non-importation was fug-* 
 gefled and planned, by a few Gentlemen at a 
 private Club, in one of our large Towns, as foon 
 as it was propofed to the Public, did it not 
 fpread through the whole Continent ? Was it 
 not regarded like the Laws of the Medes and 
 Perfians, in all the Colonies ? When the Paint 
 and Paper Act was repealed, the Southern Co- 
 lonies agreed to depart from the Afibciation in 
 all things, but the dutied Articles ; but they 
 have kept ftricftly to their Agreement againft 
 importing them, fo that no Tea has been im- 
 ported into any of them from Great Britain to 
 this day. In the year 1770,, when a number of 
 perfons were ilaughtered in King-ftreet, Boflon, 
 fuch was the brotherly fympathy of all the Co- 
 lonies, fuch their refentment againil an hoilile 
 Adminiflration, that t|ie innocent blood then 
 E fpilt, 
 
fpilt, has never been forgotten, nor the niur-e 
 derous Minifler and Governors, who brought 
 the Troops here, forgiven by any part of the 
 Continent, and never will be, When a certain 
 maflerly Statefman invented a Committee of 
 Correfpondence in Boflon, did not every Colo- 
 ny, nay every Country, City, Hundred and 
 Town upon the whole Continent, adopt the 
 meafure I had almofl faid, as if it had been 
 a Revelation from above, as the happiefl means 
 pf cementing the Union, and adting in concern? 
 What proofs of Union have been given iince 
 the lafl March ! Look over the Refolves of the 
 feveral Colonies, and you will fee that one im- 
 derflanding governs, one heart animates the 
 Whole Body. AiTemblies, Conventions, Con- 
 greffes, Towns, Cities, and private Clubs and 
 Circles, have been actuated by one great, wife, 
 active, and noble fpirit, one maflerly foul a 
 animating one vigorous body. 
 
 THE Congrefs at Philadelphia have expref- 
 fed the fame fentiments with the people of 
 New England ; approved of the opposition to. 
 the late innovations ; unanimoufly advifed us to 
 perfevere in it, and allured us, that if force is 
 attempted to carry thefe meafures againft us, 
 all America ought to fup.port us. Maryland 
 
 and 
 
t *7 ) 
 
 fend the Lower Counties on Delaware, have 
 already, to Ihew to all the world their approba- 
 tion of the meafures of New England, and their 
 determination to join in them, with a genero- 
 fity, a wifdom and magnanimity, which ought 
 to make the Tories confider, taken the power 
 of the Militia into the hands, of the people^ 
 without the Governor or Minifler; and efta- 
 bliihed it, by their own authority, for the de- 
 fence of the MafTachufets, as well as of them- 
 felves. Other Colonies are only waiting, to fee 
 if the neceffity of it will become more obvious* 
 Virginia, and the Carolinas, are preparing for 
 military defence, and have been for fome time* 
 When we confider the variety of climates, foils, 
 religions, civil governments, commercial inte- 
 refts > &:c. which were reprefented at the Con- 
 grefs, and the various occupations, educations, 
 and characters, of the Gentlemen who compofed 
 it ; the harmony and unanimity which prevailed 
 in it, can fcarcely be paralelled in any aflem- 
 bly that ever met* When we confider, that 
 at the Revolution, fuch mighty queftions as, 
 Whether the Throne was vacant or not ? And, 
 Whether the Prince of Orange Ihould be King 
 or not ? were determined in the Convention 
 Parliament, by fmall majorities of two or 
 three, and four or five only* the great ma- 
 E 2f jorities, 
 
jorities, the almoft unanimity with whi'eh aM 
 great queftions have been decided inyourHoufe 
 of Reprefentatives, and other AfTemblies, and 
 efpeeially in the Continental Congrefs, cannot 
 be confidered in any other light than as the 
 happiefl omens ; indeed, as providential difpen- 
 fations in our favour, as well as the clearefl de- 
 monflrations of the cordial, firm, radical, and 
 indiiToluble union of the Colonies* 
 
 THE grand aphorifrri of the policy of the 
 Whigs has been, to unite the people of Amen- 
 ta, and divide thofe of Great Britain. The re- 
 verfe of this has been the maxim of the Tories, 
 viz. to unite the people of Great Britain, and 
 divide thofe of America* All the movements, 
 inarches, and counter-marches of both Parties, 
 on both fides of the Atlantic, may be reduced 
 to Qne or the other of thefe Rules. I have 
 ihewn that the people of America are united 
 more perfectly than the moft fanguine Whig 
 could ever have hoped, or than the moft timid 
 Tory could have feared. Let us now examine 
 whether the people of Great Britain are equal- 
 ly united againil us. For, if the contending 
 Countries were equally united, the profped: of 
 fuccefs in the Quarrel would depend upon the 
 comparative wifdom, firmnefs, ftrength, and 
 
 other 
 
C *9 ) 
 
 mher advantages of each other. And, if fuek 
 a comparifon was made, it would not appear to 
 a demonflration that Great Britain could fo ea- 
 fily fubdue and conquer. It is not fo eafy a 
 thing for the moft powerful State to conquer a 
 Country a thoufand leagues off. How many 
 years time, how many millions of money did it 
 take, with five and thirty thoufand men, to con- 
 quer the poor Province of Canada ? And after 
 all the battles and victories, it never would 
 have fubmitted without a capitulation, which 
 fecured to them their Religion and Properties* 
 
 BUT we know that the people of Great Bri- 
 tain are not united againfl us. We diftingurfh 
 between the Miniflry, the Houfe of Commons, 
 the Officers of the Army, Navy, Excife, Cuf- 
 toms, 8cc. who are dependent on the Miniftry, 
 and tempted, if not obliged, to echo their 
 voices ; and the Body of the People. We are 
 allured by thoufands of Letters from perfons of 
 good intelligence, that the Body of the People 
 are Friends to America, and wifh us fuccefs in 
 our flruggles againfl the claims of Parliament 
 and Adminiflration. We know that millions 
 in England and Scotland, will think it unrigh- 
 teous, impolitic, and ruinous, to make war upon 
 HS. We know that London and Briftol, the 
 
 two 
 
two greateft Commercial Cities in the Empire^ 
 have declared themfelves in the moft decilive 
 manner, in favour of our Caufe : So explicitly^ 
 that the former has bound her Members under 
 their hands to affift us; and the latter has cho- 
 fen two known Friends of America, one attach- 
 ed to us by principle, birth, and the- moil ar- 
 dent aifediion ; the other an able Advocate for 
 Us on feveral great occafions. We know that 
 many of the mofl virtuous and independent of 
 the Nobility and Gentry are for us, and among 
 them, the beft Bifhop that adorns the Bench, as 
 great a Judge as the Nation can boafl, and the 
 greateft Statefman it ever faw* We know that 
 the Nation is loaded with Debts and Taxes, by 
 the folly and iniquity of its Minifters, and that 
 without the Trade of America, it can neither 
 long fupport its Fleet and Army, nor pay the 
 intereit of its Debt* 
 
 BUT we are told, that the Nation is now unit- 
 ed againfl us; that they hold they have a right 
 to Tax us, and Legislate for us, as firmly as we 
 deny it. That we are a Part of the Britilh Em- 
 pire ; that every State mufl have an uncontroul- 
 able power co-extenfive with the Empire ; that 
 there is a little probability of ferving ourfelves 
 by ingenious diminutions between external and 
 
 internal. 
 
( 3' ) 
 
 internal Taxes. If we are not a part of the 
 State, and fubjeft to the fupreme authority of 
 Parliament, Great Britain will make us fo ; 
 that, if this opportunity of reclaiming the Colo^ 
 pies is loft, they will be difmembered from the 
 Empire ; and although they may continue their 
 allegiance to the King, they will own none to 
 the Imperial Crown. 
 
 To all this I anfwer, That the Nation is not 
 fo united that they do not fo univerfally hold 
 they have fuch a right ; and my reafons I have 
 given before. That the terms, " Britilh Em- 
 pire," are not the language of the Common Law, 
 but the language of News-papers and Political 
 Pamphlets. That the Dominions of the King 
 of Great Britain has no uncontroulable power 
 co-extenlive with them I would afk by what 
 Law the Parliament has authority over Ameri- 
 ca ? By the law of God, in the Old and New 
 Teftament, it has none By the Law of Nature 
 and Nations, it has none By the Common 
 Law of England, it has none. For the Common 
 Law, and the authority of Parliament founded 
 on it, never extended beyond the four feas. 
 By Statute Law, it has none ; for no Statute was 
 made before the fettlement of the Colonies, for 
 this purpofe ; and the Declaratory Adt made 
 
 in 
 
in 1*766, was made without our confent, by a 
 Parliament which had no authority beyond the 
 four Teas. What religious, moral, or political 
 Obligation then are we under, to fubmit to 
 Parliament as a Supreme Legiflative ? None 
 at all. When it is faid, that if we are not fub- 
 jed: to the fupreme authority of Parliament, 
 Great Britain will make us fo, all other Laws 
 and Obligations are given up, and recourfe is 
 had to the Ratio ultima of Lewis XlVth, and 
 the fuprema Lex of the King of Sardinia ; to the 
 law of brickbats and cannon balls, which can 
 be anfwered only by brickbats and balls. 
 
 THIS language, " The Imperial Crown of 
 Great Britain/' is not the ilile of the Common 
 Law y but of Court Sycophants. It was introduced 
 in allufion to the Roman Empire, and intended 
 to inlinuate,that the Prerogative of the Imperial 
 Crown of England was like that of the Roman 
 Emperor, after the maxim was eflabliihed, 
 qiwd principi placuit Legis habetvigorem, and fo 
 far from including the two Houfes of Parlia- 
 ment in the idea of this Imperial Crown, it was 
 intended to infinuate that the Crown was abfo- 
 lute, and had no need of Lords or Commons, 
 to make or difpenfe with Laws. Yet even thefe 
 Court Sycophants, when driven to an explana- 
 
C 33 ) 
 
 ticm, never dared to put any other fenfe upon 
 the words Imperial Crown, than this, That the; 
 Crown of England was independent of France, 
 Spain, and all other Kings and States in the 
 ivorld; 
 
 WHEN Minifierial Writers fay, That the 
 King's Dominions muft have an uncontroulable 
 Power, eo-extenfive with them, I afk whether 
 they have fuch a Power or not ? Arid Utterly de- 
 ny that they have by any Law, but that of Lewis 
 the XlVth, and the King of Sardinia. If they 
 have not, and it is neceffary that they fhould 
 have, it then follows, that there is a Defedt in 
 what he calls the Britifh Empire : And how 
 jfhall this Defedt be fupplied ? It cannot be 
 fupplied confidently with reafon, juftice, poli- 
 cy, morality, or humanity, without the confent 
 bf the Colonies, and fome new plan of connec- 
 tion. But if Great Britain will fet all thefe at 
 defiance, and refort to the Ratio ultima, all Eu- 
 rope will pronounce her a Tyrant, and America 
 never will fubmit to her, be the danger of dif- 
 fcbedience as great as it will; 
 
 BUT there is no need bf any other Power than 
 
 that of regulating Trade ; and this the Colonies 
 
 ever have been, and will be, ready and willing 
 
 to concede to her. But ihe will never obtain 
 
 F from 
 
( 34 ) 
 
 from America any further corrcefiion while 
 
 WE are then" afked, " For what fhe protected 
 " and defended the Colonies againft the Marr- 
 f e time Power of Europe, from their firfl fet- 
 * c tlement to this day 1" I anfwer, for her own 
 intereft ; beeaufe all the profits of our Trade 
 centered in her lap.-^-But it ought to be remem* 
 bered, that her Name, not her Purfe, nor hef 
 Fleets and Armies, ever prote&ed us, until the 
 laft War; and then the Minifter who conducted 
 that War informs us, that the Annual Millions 
 from America enabled her to do it* 
 
 Wfi are then afked, for What fhe purchafed 
 New York of the Dutch ? I anfwer,- ihe never 
 <lid. The Dutch never owned it ; were never 
 more than Trefpaffers and Intruders there ; and 
 were finally expelled by eonquefl. ^It was 
 ceded, it is- true, by the Treaty of Breda ; and it 
 is faidinfome Authors, that fome other territory 
 in India was ceded to the Dutch in lieu of it. 
 But this was the tranfadtion of the King, not of 
 Parliament, and therefore makes nothing to the 
 argument. But admitting, for argument fake, 
 what is not a fuppofeable cafe, That the Nation 
 ihould be fo funk in iloth, luxury, and corrup- 
 tion, as to fufier their Miniiler to perfevere ia 
 
 his 
 
( 35 ) 
 
 fcis mad blunders, and fend fire and fvvord againft 
 us, how ihall we defend ourfelves ? The Co- 
 lonies, fouth of Pennfylvania, have no men to 
 fpare, we are told. But we know better.r-We 
 know that all thofe Colonies have a back coun- 
 try, which is inhabited by an hardy, robufl 
 people, many of whom are emigrants from New 
 England, and habituated, like multitudes of 
 New Englandmcn, to carry their fuzees or rifles 
 upon one Shoulder to defend themfelves againft 
 the Indians, while they carry thei-r axes, fcythes., 
 and hoes upon the other, to till the ground.- 
 Did not thofe Colonies furnHh men the laft 
 War ?-! Did not Virginia furnlfh men, one re*- 
 giment particularly, equal to any regular regi- 
 ment in the fervice }> But " have you arms and 
 ammunition*?" I anfwer, we have^ but, if we 
 bad not, we could make a fufficient quantity 
 of both. What ihould hinder ? We have ma^ 
 ny manufacturers of fire-arms now, whofe arms 
 are as good as any in the world. Powder has 
 been made here, and may be again, and fo may 
 falt-petre. What ihoxild hinder ?- We have 
 all the materials in great abundance, and the 
 procefs is very fimple. But if we neither had 
 them, nor .could make them, ive could import 
 them. But " the Britiih Navy." Aye, there's 
 the rub. But let us confider. How many 
 Ihips are taken to blockade Boflon harbour ? 
 F a How 
 
How many fliips can Britain fpare to carry on 
 this humane and political War, the objed: of 
 which is a pepper-corn ? Let her fend all the 
 fliips ihe has round her Ifland. What if her 
 ill-natured neighbours, France and Spain, fliould 
 ftrike a blow in their abfence ? In order to. 
 judge what they could all do, when they arrived 
 here, we fhould consider what they are all able 
 to do round the Ifland of Great Britain. We 
 know that the utmoft vigilance and exertions of 
 them, added to all the terrors of fanguinary 
 Laws, are not fufficient to prevent continual 
 fmuggling into their own Ifland. -Are there not 
 fifty bays, harbours, creeks, and inlets, upon 
 the whole coail of North America, while there 
 is one round the Ifland of Great Britain ? Is it 
 to be fuppofed then, that the whole Britilh Na- 
 vy could prevent the importation of arms and 
 ammunition into America ? 
 
 BUT what will you do for difcipline and fub- 
 ordination ? I anfwer, we will have them in as 
 great perfection as the regular troops. If the 
 Provincials were not brought in the laft War 
 to a proper difcipline, what was the reafon ? 
 Becaufe regular Generals would not let them 
 fight, which they ardently wiflied, but employ- 
 ed them in cutting roads. If they had been al- 
 lowed to fight, they would have brought the 
 
 War 
 
( 37 ) 
 
 War to a conclufion too foon. The Provincial* 
 did fubmit to Martial Law ; and to the Mutiny 
 and Defertion Ad: the laft War ; ' and fuch an 
 Ad may be made here by a Legislature, which 
 they will obey with much more alacrity than 
 an Ad of Parliament. 
 
 THE Militia are commanded through the 
 Province, not by men who procured their com- 
 millions from a Governor, as a reward for mak- 
 ing themfelves pimps to his tools, and by dif- 
 covering a hatred of the People ; but by Gen- 
 tlemen, whofe eflates, abilities, and benevolence, 
 have rendered them the delight of the foldiers; 
 and there is an efleem and refped for them vi- 
 fible through the Province, which has not been 
 ufed in the Militia. Nor is there that unfleadi- 
 nefs that is charged upon them. In fome places, 
 where Companies have been fplit into two or 
 three, it has only ferved, by exciting an emu- 
 lation between the Companies, to increafe their 
 martial fpirit and fkill. 
 
 IN a land War, this Continent can defend it- 
 felf againfl all the World. We have men 
 enough ; and thofe men have as good natural 
 underitanding^ and as much natural courage as 
 any other men. If they were wholly ignorant 
 now, the ymight learn the Art of War. But at 
 
 fea, 
 
C 38 ) 
 
 fea, we are defencelefs. A Navy might burn our 
 fea-port towns. What then ? Three hundred 
 and fifty thoufand Land-holders will not give 
 up their Rights, and the Conftitution by which 
 they hold them, to fave fifty thoufand inhabi- 
 tants of maritime towns. Will the Miniiler 
 be nearer his market, after he has burnt a beau- 
 tiful town, and murdered thirty thoufand innor 
 cent people ? So far from it, that one fuch 
 event would occafion the lofs of all the Colonies 
 to Great Britain for ever.- It is not fo clear that 
 our Trade, Filhery, and Navigation, could be 
 taken from us. Some perfons, who underftand 
 this fubje&, are of a different opinion. ^They 
 think that our Trade would be increafed. But 
 I will not enlarge upon this fubjedl, becaufe I 
 wiih the Trade of this Continent may be con- 
 fined to Great Britain ; at lealt as much of it as 
 can. do her any good to reftrain. 
 
 THE Canadians and Savages are brought in. 
 Although we are feniible that the Quebec 
 Aft has laid a foundation for a fabric which may 
 be formidable, if not ruinous to the Colonies in 
 future times, yet we know that thefe times are 
 yet at a diftance ; at prefent we hold the power 
 of the Canadians as nothing. But we know 
 their difpofitions are not unfriendly to us. The 
 Savages will be more likely to be our friends 
 
 than 
 
( 39 ) 
 
 than our enemies : But if they fhould not^ wfc 
 know well enough how to defend ourfelves 
 againft them* 
 
 Is the three-pence upon Tea our only grie* 
 vance ? Are we not in this Province deprived 
 of the privilege of paying ourGovernors, Judges? 
 Sec. Are not trials by Jury taken from us ? 
 < Are we not to be fent to England for trial ? 
 Is not a Military Government put over us ? 
 Is not our Conflitution demoliihed to the foun- 
 dation ? Have not the Miniilry fhewn, by the 
 Quebec Bill, that we have no fecurity againfl 
 them for our Religion, any more than our Pro- 
 perty, if we once fubmit to the unlimited claims 
 of Parliament ? * But this is fo grofs an attempt 
 to impofe on the moft ignorant of the people, 
 that it is a lhame to anfwer it. 
 
 Obfla Principits-^Hi^ the fhoots of Arbitrary 
 Power in the bud, is the only maxim which can 
 ever preferve the Liberties of any People. 
 When the People give way, their deceivers, be- 
 trayers, and deftroyers, prefs upon them fo faft, 
 that there is no refilling afterwards. The na- 
 ture of the encroachment upon the American 
 Conftitution is fuch, as to grow more and more 
 encroaching. Like a cancer, it eats fafter and 
 fafter every hour. The Revenue creates Pen- 
 
 fioners, 
 
( 40 ) 
 
 fioners, and the Penfioners urge for more 
 nue. The people grow lefs fteady, fpirited, and 
 virtuous, and the feekers more numerous and 
 more corrupt, and every day increafes the cir- 
 cles of their Dependants and Expectants, until 
 Virtue, integrity, public fpirit, fimplicity, fru- 
 gality, become the objects of ridicule and fcorn j 
 and vanity, luxury, foppery, felfifhnefs, mean* 
 nefs, and downright venality, fwaHow up the 
 \vhole fociety; 
 
 THE prefent calamity feems to be nothing 
 more nor lefs, than reviving the plans of Mr.- 
 Bernard and the Junto* Surely this Party are^ 
 and have been^ rather unpopular. -The popular 
 Party did not write Bernard's Letters^ who fo 
 long ago prefled for the demolition of all the 
 Charters upon the Continent, and a Parliamen- 
 tary Taxation, to fupport Government, and the 
 Administration of Juft-ice in America. The po- 
 pular Party did not write Oliver's Letters, who' 
 Enforces Bernard's plans ; nor Hutchinfon's, who 
 pleads with all his eloquence and pathos for 
 Parliamentary Penalties, Miniilerial Vengeance^ 
 and an Abridgement of English Liberties. 
 
 THERE is not in human nature a more won- 
 derful phenomenon, norinrhe whole theory of it 
 a more intricate fpecuktlon, than the fniftingsy 
 
 turnings^ 
 
(40 
 
 turnings, windings, and evaiions of a guilt/ 
 eonfeience. 
 
 THE ftill ridiculous attempts of the Tories, 
 to throw off the blame of our calamities from 
 themfelves to the Whigs, remind me of the 
 ftory in the Old Teftament : When Jofeph's 
 brethren had fold him to the lihmaelites for 
 twenty pieces of filver, in order to conceal their 
 own avarice^ malice, and envy, they dip the 
 coat of many colours in the blood of a kid, and 
 fay that an evil beaft had rent him in pieces and 
 devoured him. 
 
 HOWEVER, what the fons of ffrael intended 
 for ruin to Jofcph^ proved the falvation of the 
 family ; and I hope and believe that the Whigs 
 will have the magnanimity, like him, to fup- 
 prefs their refentment, and the felicity of faving 
 their ungrateful brothers, 
 
 THERE was never any pretence of railing a 
 Revenue in America before the cldfe of the 
 war ; and when the claim was firit fet up, it gave 
 an alarm, like a warlike expedition againlt us. 
 True it is, that fome duties had been laid be- 
 fore by Parliament, under pretence of regu- 
 lating our trade, and, by a collufion and com- 
 
 G bination. 
 
( 4* > 
 
 filiation, between the Weft-India Planter* and! 
 the North-American Governors, fome years be- 
 fore, duties had been laid upon molafics, &c. 
 under the fame pretence, but in reality merely 
 to advance the value of the eftates of the Plant- 
 ers in the Weft-India Iflands, and to put fome 
 plunder,,, under the name of Thirds of Seizures, 
 into the pockets of the Governors.* But thefc 
 duties,, though more had been collected in this 
 Province than in any other in proportion, were 
 Sever regularly colle&ed in any of the Colo- 
 nies.- So that the idea of an American Reve- 
 nue, for one purpofe or another, had never, at 
 this time, been formed in American minds* 
 But the Minifterial Writers fay, " She,. Great 
 " Britain, thought it as reafonable that the Co- 
 " lonies fhould bear part of the national bur- 
 ** then, as that they fhould fhare in, the aa* 
 *' tional benefit.." 
 
 UPON this fubjeft Americans Rave a great deal 
 to fay. -The National Debt, before the la ft- 
 war, was near an hundred millions. Surely 
 America had no fhare in running into that debt.* 
 Where is the reafon then that fhe fhould pay 
 it,?* But a fmall part of the fixty millions fpent 
 in the laft war was for her benefit. Did not fhe 
 bear her full fhare of the burden of the laft war 
 
 i* 
 
( 43 ) 
 
 in- America? Did not this Province pay twelve 
 fliillings in the pound in taxes, for the fupport of 
 it; and fend a fixth or feventh part of her fons 
 into adual fervke; and, at the conclusion of 
 the war, was ihe not left half a million Sterling 
 in debt ? Did not all the re$ of New-England 
 exert itielf in proportion? What is the reafou 
 that the Mafiachufets has paid its debt, and 
 the Britilh Minifter, in fourteen years of peace, 
 has paid fo little of his ? Much of it might 
 have been paid in this time, had not fuch ex- 
 travagance and peculation prevailed, as ought 
 to be an eternal warning to America, never to 
 trull fuch a Minifter with her money. What 
 is the reafon that the great and necefTary vir- 
 tues of Simplicity, frugality, and ceconomy, 
 cannot live in England, Scotland and Ireland, 
 as well as in America ? 
 
 WE have much more to fay fVdL Great Bri- 
 tain has confined all our trade to herfelf. We 
 are willing She Should, as far as it can be for the 
 good of the Empire. But we fay that we ought 
 to be allowed as credit, in the account of pub- 
 lic burdens and expences, fo much paid in 
 taxes, as we are obliged to fell our commodi- 
 ties to her cheaper than we could get for them 
 at foreign markets. This difference is really a 
 
 G 2 tax 
 
( 44 ) 
 
 tax upon us, for the good of the Empire.? 
 We are obliged to take from Great Britain, 
 commodities that we could purchafe cheaper 
 elfewhere. This difference is a tax upon us, 
 for the good of the Empire. We fubmit to 
 this chearfully, but infift that we ought to have 
 credit for it, in the account of the expences of 
 the Empire, becaufe it is really a tax upon us, 
 * Another thing. I will venture a bold afler- 
 tion : The three million Americans, by the 
 tax aforefaid, upon what they are obliged to 
 export to Great Britain only, what they are 
 obliged to import from Great Britain only, and 
 the quantities of Britifh manufactures, which in 
 thefe climates they are obliged to confume, 
 more than the like number of people in any 
 part of the three kingdoms, ultimately pay 
 more of the taxes and duties that are appa- 
 rently paid in Great Britain, than any three mil- 
 lion fubjects in the three kingdoms.- All this 
 may be computed, and reduced to flubborn. 
 figures by the Minifter, if he pleafes. We can- 
 not do it. We have not the accounts, records, 
 &c. Now let this account be fairly flated, and 
 I will engage for America, upon any penalty, 
 that fhe will pay the overplus, if any, in her 
 pwn conftitutional way, provided it is to be 
 applied for national pur^ofes, as paying off the 
 
 National 
 
( 45 ) 
 
 National Debt, maintaining the Fleet, &c. not 
 to the fupport of a Standing Army in time of 
 peace, Placemen and Peniioners, &c, 
 
 BESIDES, every farthing of expence which 
 has been incurred, on pretence of protecting, 
 defending, and fecuring America, fince the laft 
 war, has been worfe than thrown away ; it 
 has been applied to do mifchief. Keeping an 
 army in America, has been nothing but a 
 public nuifance, 
 
 FURTHERMORE, we fee that all the public 
 money that is. raifed here, and have reafon to 
 believe all that will or can be raifed, will be 
 applied not for public purpofes, national or 
 provincial, but merely to corrupt the fons of 
 America, and create a faction to deftrpy its in- 
 tereft and happinefs. 
 
 THE authority of Parliament was never ge- 
 nerally acknowledged in America. More than 
 a century iince, the Maffachufet's and Virgi- 
 nia both protefted againfl even the Act of 
 Navigation ; and refufed obedience, for this 
 very reafon, becaufe they were not reprefented 
 in Parliament, and were therefore not bound 
 and afterwards confirmed it by their own 
 
 Provincial 
 
( 46 ) 
 
 Provincial Authority. And from that time 
 to this, the general fenfe of the Colonies has 
 been, that the authority of Parliament was 
 confined to the regulation of trade, and did 
 not extend to taxation or internal legifla- 
 tion. 
 
 BUT it has been faid, Ads of Parliament 
 for regulating our internal polity were fami- 
 liar. This I deny.i So far otherwife, that 
 the Hatter's Adt was never regarded the Adb 
 to deftroy the Land Bank Scheme, railed a 
 greater ferment in this Province than the 
 Stamp Act did, which was appeafed only by 
 paffing Provincial Laws directly in oppolition 
 to it. The Act againft Slitting Mills, and 
 Tilt-hammers, never was executed here. - 
 As to the Poftage, it was fo ufeful a regu- 
 lation, fo few perfons paid it, and they found 
 fuch a benefit by it, that little oppofition was 
 made to it ; yet every man who thought about 
 It, called it an ufurpation. Duties for regulat- 
 ing Trade we paid, becaufe we thought it juft 
 and neceffary that they ihould regulate the 
 Trade which their power protected. As for 
 Duties for a Revenue, none were ever laid by 
 Parliament for that purpofe until 1764, when, 
 
 and 
 
( 47 ) 
 
 and ever fince, its authority to do it has been 
 
 conflantly denied. 
 
 THERE is ambiguity in the word Subordina- 
 tion. The Whigs acknowledge a Subordina- 
 tion to the King, in as ftrict and ftrong a fenfe 
 as the Tories. The Whigs acknowledge a vo- 
 luntary Subordination to Parliament, as far as 
 the regulation of Trade. What degree of Sub- 
 ordination, then, do the Tories acknowledge an 
 abfolute dependance upon Parliament, as their 
 Supreme Legiflative, in all cafes whatfoever, 
 in their internal polity as well as taxation ? 
 This would be too grofs ; for there . is nobody 
 here who will expofe his understanding fo much 
 as explicitly to adopt fuch a fentiment. 
 
 " THE Whigs were fenfible that there was 
 " no opprefllon that could be feen or felt." 
 The Tories have fo often {aid and wrote this to 
 one another, that I fometimes fuCpedt they be- 
 lieve it t6 be true : But it is quite otherwife. 
 The Caftle of the Province was taken out of 
 their hands, and garrifoned by regular foldiers ; 
 This they could fee ; and they thought it indi- 
 cated an hoftile intention and difpolition towards 
 them. They continually paid their money to 
 Collectors of Duties ; this they could both fee 
 and feel. An holt of Placemen, whofe whole 
 
 bufinefs 
 
C 48 ) 
 
 fmfinefs it ivas to colled: a Revenue, were con- 
 tinually rolling before them in their chariots : 
 Thefe they faw; Their Governor was no longer 
 paid by themfelves^ according to their Charter^ 
 but out of the new Revenue, in order to ren- 
 der their Aflemblies ufelefs, and, indeed, con- 
 temptible. The Judges Salaries were threaten- 
 ed every day to be paid in the fame unconflitu- 
 tional manner. The dulleft eye-fight could not 
 but fee to what all this tended, viz. to prepare 
 the way for greater innovations and oppreffions. 
 They knew a Minifter would never fpend his 
 money in this way, if he had not fome end to 
 anfwer by it* Anpther thing they both faw and 
 felt : Every man of every character, who, by 
 voting, writing, fpeaking, or otherwife, had 
 favoured the Siamj> Ad the Tea Ad:, and 
 very other meafure of a Minister or Governor, 
 who they knew was aiming at the definition of 
 their form of Government, and introducing 
 Parliamentary Taxation, was uniformly, in 
 fome department or other, promoted to fomc 
 place of honour and profit for ten years to- 
 gether ; and on the other hand, every man 
 .who. favoured the people in their oppoiition to 
 thofe innovations, was deprefTed, degraded and 
 perfecuted, as far as it was in the power of the 
 Government to do it. 
 
 Tais 
 
< 49 > 
 
 THIS they confidered as a fyftematical mean* - 
 ef encouraging every man of abilities to 
 efpoufe the caufe of Parliamentary Taxation, 
 and the plan of deftroying their Charter Pri- 
 vileges; and to difcourage all from exerting 
 themfeives in oppofition to them. This they 
 thought a plan to enflave them, for they unl* 
 formly think that the deftrudion of their Char* 
 ter, making the Council aud Judges wholly 
 dependent on the Crown, and the People fub 
 jeft to the unlimitted power of Parliament, as 
 their fupreme Legislative, is flavery. They 
 were told that the Miniftry and their Governors 
 together, had formed a defign to enilave them, 
 and that when once this was done, they had 
 the higheft reafon to expecl: Window-taxes, 
 Hearth-taxes, Land-taxes, and all others. And 
 that thefe were only paving the way for re- 
 ducing the country to Lordihips. Were the 
 People miftaken in thefe fufpicions ? Is it not 
 now certain, that Governor Bernard, in 1769, 
 had formed a defign of this fort ? Read his 
 Principles of Polity-^-and that Lieutenant Go- 
 vernor Oliver, as late as 1768 or 9, enforced 
 the fame plan ? Read his Letters,. 
 
 IT is true, that the People of this country in 
 
 general, and of this Province in fpecial, have 
 
 an hereditary apprehenfiou of 3 and averfion to 
 
 H LordfliipS 
 
( '50 ) 
 
 Lordiliips Temporal and Spiritual. Their an- 
 ceftors fled to this wildernefs to avoid them ; 
 they fuffered fufficiently under them in England; 
 and there are few of the prefent generation 
 who have not been warned of the danger of 
 them, by their fathers or grandfathers, and 
 enjoined to oppofe them. 
 
 IT is curious to obferve the conduct of the 
 Tories towards the Clergy. If a Clergyman 
 Breaches againft the Principles of the Revo-, 
 lution, and tells the People, that upon pain of 
 damnation they mufl fubmit to an eflablifhed 
 Government, of whatever character; the Tories 
 cry him up as an excellent man, and a wonder- 
 ful preacher ; invite him to their tables, procure 
 him Miffions from the Society, and Chaplain- 
 {hips to the Navy, and flatter him with the 
 hopes of Lawn Sleeves. But, if a Clergyman 
 preaches Chriflianity, and tells the Magiilrates, 
 that they were not diflinguiihcd from their 
 Brethren for their private emolument, but for 
 the good of the People ; that the People are 
 bound in confcience to obey a good Govern- 
 ment, but are not bound to fubmit to one that 
 aims at deftroying all the ends of Government 
 Oh Sedition ! Treafon ! 
 
 THE 
 
( 5' ) 
 
 THE Clergy in all ages and countries, and in 
 this in particular, are difpofed enough to be on 
 the fide of Government, as long as it is toler- 
 able : If they have not been generally in the 
 late Adminiilrations on that fide, it is a de- 
 monflration that the late Adminiflration has 
 been univerfally odious^ 
 
 THE Clergy of this Province are a virtuous, 
 fenlible, and learned fet of men. 
 
 IT is the duty of the Clergy to accommodate 
 their Difcourfes to the times ; to preach againft 
 fuch fins as are moil prevalent, and recom* 
 mend fuch virtues as are moll wanted. For 
 example, if exorbitant ambition and venality 
 are predominant, ought they not to warn their 
 hearers againit thefe vices ? If public fpirit 
 is much wanted, fhould they not inculcate this 
 great virtue ? If the rights and duties of 
 Chriftian Magiltrates and Subjects are dif 
 puted, fhould they not explain them, fhew 
 their nature, ends, limitations and reftridtions ? 
 
 LET me put a fuppolition : Juftice is a great 
 Chriflian, as well a$ Moral Duty and Virtue, 
 which the Clergy ought to inculcate and ex- 
 plain. Suppofe a great man of a parifh fhould 
 for feven years together receive 600 pounds 
 H 2 flerling 
 
t 5* ) 
 
 tlefling a year, for difcharging the duties ol f 
 an important Office, but during the whole time 
 ihould never do one a<ft, or take one flep 
 about it. Would not this be great injuilice ta 
 the Public 2 And ought not the Parfon of that 
 'pariih to cry aloud' and fpafe not, and Ihew 
 fuch a bold tranfgreflbr his lins ? Shew that 
 jujftice was due to the Public as well as to an 
 individual; and that cheating the Public of 
 four thoufand 'four hundred pounds fterling, 
 is at leaft as great a fin as taking a chicken 
 from a private hen-rooft, or perhaps a watch 
 from a fob ! 
 
 WE are told, " It is an univerfal truth, that 
 ec he that would excite a Rebellion, is at heart 
 <f as great a Tyrant as ever weilded the iron 
 " rod of oppreillon." Be it fo ; we are not 
 exciting a Rebellion. Oppofition, nay open, 
 avowed reiiftance by arms, againft ufurpation 
 and lawlefs violence, is not Rebellion by the 
 law of God, or the land. Hampden, RuiTel, 
 Sidney, Somers, Holt, Tillotfon, Burnet, 
 Hoadley, &c. were not tyrants nor rebels, al- 
 though fome of them were in arms, and the 
 'others Undoubtedly excited refinance againfl 
 "the Tories. Remember the frank Veteran ac- 
 'knowledges, that " the word Rebel is a con- 
 <c vertible'term."' 
 
 As 
 
C 53 ) 
 
 As a charge againft the Aflembly of 
 chufets, it has been faid, that one fet of Mem- 
 bers in Committee, had always prepared ths 
 Refolves, &:c* This is not true ; but if it was,, 
 what would it prove ? Only that this fet of 
 men were thought by the Houfe the fitteft for 
 that purpofe. Can it ever be otherwife ? Will 
 any popular Aflembly chufe its worfl Members 
 for the beft fervices? Will an Aflembly of 
 Patriots chufe Courtiers to prepare votes 
 againft the Court ? No refolves againft the 
 claims of Parliament or Adminiftration, -or the 
 meafures of the Governor (excepting drofe 
 againft the Stamp Ad:, and perhaps the anfwers 
 to Governor Hutchinfon's fpeeches upon tkc 
 fupremacy of Parliament) ever pafled tkrougk 
 the Houfe, without meeting an obftacle. The 
 Governor had, to the laft hour of the Houfe'* 
 exiftence, always fome feekers and xpebants 
 in the Houfe, who never failed to oppofe, and 
 offer the beft arguments they could, and were 
 always patiently heard. That the lips of the 
 diflentients were fealed up ; that they fat in 
 filence, and beheld with regret, meafures they 
 dared not oppofe, are groundlefs fugg&ftiou^ 
 and grofs reflections upon the honour or cou- 
 rage of thofe Members. The debates of this 
 Houfe were public, and every man who has 
 
 atteaded 
 
C 54 ) 
 
 attended the gallery, knows there never wal 
 more freedom of debate in any Affembly. 
 
 THE treatment this Province has received re- 
 Ipecting the Agency, fmce Mr. Hutchinfon's 
 Adminiftration commenced, is a flagrant ex- 
 ample of injuflice* There is no law which re* 
 quires the Province to maintain any Agent in 
 England, much lefs is there any reafon which 
 neceffarily requires, that the three branches 
 ihould join in appointment. In ordinary times, 
 indeed, when a harmony prevails among the 
 branches, it is well enough to have an Agent 
 conflituted by all ; but in times when the 
 foundations, of the Conilitution are difputed, 
 and certainly attacked by one branch or the 
 other, to pretend that the Houfe ought to join 
 the Governor in the choice, is a palpable ab- 
 furdity. It is equivalent to faying, that the 
 People fhall have no Agent at all ; that all 
 communication between them and their So- 
 vereign fhall be cut off; and that there fhall 
 be no channel through which Complaints and 
 Petitions may be conveyed to the Royal Ear ; 
 becaufe a Governor will not concur in an Agent, 
 .\vhofe fentiments are not like his ; nor will an 
 Agent of the Governor's appointment be likely 
 to urge accufations againft him with any dili- 
 
 * gcncc 
 
( 55 ) 
 
 gence or 2eal, if the People have occafion td 
 complain againft him. 
 
 EVERY private Citizen, much more every 
 Reprefentative Body, have an undoubted right 
 to petition the King; to convey fuch Petitions 
 by any Agent, and to pay him for his fervice. 
 Mr. Bernard, to do him juftice, had fo much 
 regard to thefe principles, as to confent to the 
 payment of the People's Agents, while he {laid. 
 But Mr. Hutchinfon was fcarcely feated in the 
 Chair as Lieutenant Governor, before we had 
 intelligence from England, that Lord Hillf- 
 borough told Dr. Franklin, he had a letter 
 from Governor Hutchinfon, foliciting an in- 
 ilrudtion againft cpnfenting to the falary of the 
 Agent. Such an inftruttion was accordingly 
 foon fent ; and no Agent for the Board or Houfe 
 has received a farthing for fervices iince that 
 time, although Dr. Franklin and Mr. Bollan 
 have taken much pains, and one of them ex- 
 pended confiderable fums of money. There is 
 a meannefs in this play that would difgrace a 
 gambler : A manifeft fear that the truth ihould 
 be known to the Sovereign or the People. 
 Many perfons have thought, that the Province 
 plight to have difmifled all Agents from that 
 time, as ufelefs and nugatory ; this behaviour 
 amounting- to a declaration, that we had no 
 
 chance 
 
( 56 > 
 
 c&arrce or hopes of Juftice from fuch a 
 
 Mimiler. 
 
 BUT this Province, at leaf! as meritorious as 
 , has been long accuflomed to indignities 
 amd injuftice, and to bear both with unparaL* 
 Med patience : Others have purfued the fame 
 method before and fince, but we have never 
 fceard that their Agents are unpaid. They 
 mould fcarcely have borne it with fo much re-r 
 Sgnatkm,. 
 
 NERO murdered Seneca, that he might pull 
 p; virtue by the roots ; and the fame maxim 
 governs the Scribblers and Speechifyers on the 
 ide of the Minifler. Jt is fufficient to difcover, 
 that any man has abilities and integrity, a 
 Isrve of virtue and liberty ; he mufl be run 
 dfown at all events^ Wituefs Pitt, Franklin > 
 too many others. 
 
 FROM the date of our Charter, to the time of 
 l&.e Stamp Adt, and indeed fince that time (not- 
 withftamding the mifrcprefentations of our 
 Otarter-conftkution, as too popular and repub- 
 lican) ths Council of this Province have been 
 generally oa the fide of the Governor and the 
 Fb'erogative. For the truth of this, I appeal 
 .fa our whole hiftory and experience. The art 
 
 and 
 
( 57 > 
 
 and power of Governors, and efpecialiy the ne*. t 
 gative, have been a flronger motive on the one 
 hand, than the annual election of the two 
 Houfes on the other. In difputes between the 
 Governor and the Houfe, the Council have ge- 
 herally adhered to the former,, and in many- 
 cafes have complied with his humour, when 
 fcarcely any Council by Mandamus upoii this 
 Continent Would have done it. 
 
 BUT in the time of the Stamp Ac% it was 
 found proactive of many mifchiefs and dan- 
 gers, to have Officers of the Crown, who were 
 dependant on the Miniflry^ and Judges of the 
 Superior Court> whbfe offices were thought in- 
 compatible with a voice in the Legislature, 
 Members of CcHinciK 
 
 IN May 1765, Lieutenant Governor Hutchin- 
 fqn, Secretary Oliver, and Mr. Belcher, were Offi- 
 cers of the Crown ; the judges of the Superior 
 Court, and fome other Gentlemen who held com- 
 millions under the Governor, were Members of 
 Council, Mr. Hutchmfon was Chief Juftice and 
 3 Judge of Probate for the flrft county, as well 
 as Lieutenant Governor and a Counfellor; too 
 many offices for the greateft and befl man in the 
 world to hold, too much bulinefs for any man 
 to do; befides that, thefe offices were frequently 
 I clalhing 
 
C 5S ) 
 
 clashing and interfering with each other> /Tw6* 
 other Juflices of the Superior Court were Coim* 
 fellors, and riearly and clofely connected with 
 him by family alliances. One other Juftice was 
 Judge of Admiralty during pleafure. Such d 
 jumble of offices never got together before in 
 any Englifh Government. It was found, in 
 ihort, that the famous Triumvirate, Bernard, 
 Hutchinfon, and Oliver, the ever-memorable, 
 fecret, confidential Letter-writers, had by de- 
 grees, and before the People were aware of it, 
 erected a Tyranny in the Province* Bernard 
 had all the executive, and a negative in the Le- 
 giflative : Hutchinfon and Oliver had elevated 
 to the Board fuch a collection of Crown Officers, 
 and their own relations, as to have too much 
 influence there : And they had three of a family 
 on the Superior Bench, which is the Supreme 
 Tribunal in all caufes civil and criminal, vefled 
 with all the powers of the King's Bench, Com- 
 mon Pleas, and Exchequer, which gave them 
 power over every acl of this Court. This Jun- 
 to, therefore, had the legiflative and executive 
 in their controul, and more natural influence 
 over the judicial, than is ever to be truited in-, 
 any fet of men in the world. The Public, ac- 
 cordingly, found all thefe fprings and wheels in 
 the Conftkution fet in motion to promote fub- 
 CiifSon to the Stamp Act, and to difcountenance 
 
 refiflancse 
 
refiftance to it ; and they thought they had a 
 violent preemption, that they would for ever 
 be employed to encourage a compliance with 
 all Minifterial meafures, and Parliamentary 
 claims, of whatever character they might be, 
 
 THE defigns of the Junto, however, were 
 concealed as carefully as poflible. Mofl per- 
 fons were jealous ; few were certain. When 
 the AfTembly met in May 1766, after the Stamp 
 At was repealed, the Whigs flattered them- 
 felves with hopes of peace and liberty for the 
 future, Mr. Otis, whofe abilities and integri- 
 ty, whofe great exertions, and moft exemplary 
 facrifices of his private interefl to the public 
 fervice, hacl intitled him to all the promotion 
 which the People could beftow, was chofen 
 Speaker of the Houfe. Bernard negatived the 
 choice. It can fcarcely be conceived by a 
 Itranger, what an alarm this manoeuvre gave 
 to the Public. It was thought equivalent to a 
 declaration, that although the People had been 
 fo fuccefsful as to obtain a repeal of the 
 Stamp Aft, yet they muft not hope to be quiet 
 long, for Parliament, by the Declaratory Aft, 
 had aiTerted its Supreme Authority, and new 
 taxations and regulations ihould be made; 
 every man who Ihould dare to oppofe fuch 
 I a projects, 
 
( 60 ) 
 
 projects, let his powers or virtues, his family 
 or fortune be what they would, fh'ould be 
 furely cut off from all hopes of advancement. 
 The Electors thought it high time to be upon 
 theh guard. All the foregoing reafons and 
 motives prevailed with the Electors ; and the 
 Crown Officers, and Juftices of the Superior 
 Court, were left ou.t of Council in the new 
 choice. Tliofe who were elected in their 
 places were all negatived by Bernard, which, 
 \vas confidered as a freih proof, thac the Junto, 
 ft ill perfevered in their defigns of obtaining a 
 Revenue. 
 
 '< THE Governor," fay Miniflerial Writers^ 
 ( could do little or nothing without the Coun- 
 t cil, by the Charter," " If he called upon a 
 " Military Officer to raife the Militia,- he was 
 <c anfwered, they were there already, &c." 
 The Council, by the Charter, had nothing to do, 
 with the Militia. The Governor alone had all 
 authority over them. The Council, therefore, 
 are not to blame for their conduct. If the 
 Militia refufed obedience to the Captain Gene- 
 ral, or his fubordinate Officers, when com- 
 manded to aflift in carrying into execution the 
 Stamp A<3:,or in difperfing thofe who were op- 
 poling it, does not this prove the univerfal fenfe 
 
 and 
 
aod refalution of the People not to fubmit to k ? 
 Did not a regular army do more to James the 
 Second ? If thofe over whom the Governor had 
 the moft abfolute authority and decifive in* 
 fluence, refufed obedience, does not this fhew 
 how deeply rooted in all mens minds were the 
 abhorrence of that power which was ufurping 
 over them ? " If he called upon the Council 
 f* for their affiflance, they muft firil enquire 
 ?' into the caufe." An unpardonable crime, 
 no doubt ! But is it the duty of a middle branch 
 pf legiflature, to do as the firfl ihall command 
 them implicitly, or to judge for themfelves ? 
 Is it the duty of a Privy Council to underftand 
 the fubjedt before they give advice, or only to 
 lend their names to any Edift, in order to make 
 it lefs unpopular ? It would be a ihame to an- 
 fwer fuch obfervations as thefe, if it was not for 
 their wickednefs. Our Council, all along, 
 however, did as much as any Council could 
 have done. Was the Mandamus Council at 
 New- York able to do more, to influence the 
 People to a fubmiffion to the Stamp Acl: ? Was 
 the Chair, the Board, the Septennial Houfe, 
 with the affiltance of General Gage and his 
 troops, able to do more in that City, than our 
 Branches did in this Province" ? Not one iota, 
 could Bernard, his Council, and Houfe, if 
 
 they 
 
they had been unanimous, have induced fub* 
 miflkm. The People would have fpurned them 
 all, for they are not to be wheedled out of 
 their Liberties by their own representatives, 
 any more than by ft rangers. * s If he wrote 
 " to Government at home to ftrengthen his 
 *' hands, fome officious perfons procured and 
 " fent back his letters/' At laft it feems to 
 be acknowledged, that the Governor did write 
 for a military force, to flrengthen Government. 
 For what ? To enable it to inforce Stamp Aets^ 
 Tea A&s, and other internal regulations, the 
 authority of which the People were determined 
 never to acknowledge. 
 
 BUT what a pity it was, that thefe wort / 
 Gentlemen could not be allowed, from the 
 deareft afFe&ion to their native country, to 
 which they had every poffible attachment, to 
 go on in profound confidential fecrecy, pro- 
 curing troops to cut our throats, Adts of Par- 
 liament to drain our purfes, deflroy our 
 Charters and Affemblies, getting eftates and 
 dignities for themfelves and their own families, 
 and all the while moil devoutly profefling to 
 be friends to our Charter, enemies to parlia- 
 mentary taxation, and to all peniions, without 
 being dete&ed ! How happy ! If they cpuje! 
 
 bavq 
 
Kavc annihilated all our Charters, and yet have 
 been beloved, nay deified by the People, as 
 friends and advocates for their Charters. What 
 mafterly Politicians ! To have made themfelves 
 Nobles for life, and yet have been thought 
 very forry that the two Houfes were deprived 
 of the privilege of chuiing the Council* How 
 fagacious, to get large penfions for themfelves, 
 and yet be thought to mourn^ that peniions 
 and venality were introduced into the country ! 
 How fweet and pleafant ! To have been the 
 rnoft popular men in the community^ for being 
 {hunch and zealous DiflenterSj true-blue Cal- 
 vinifts, and able advocates for public virtue 
 and popular government* after they had in- 
 troduced an American Epifcopate, universal 
 corruption among the leading men, and de- 
 prived the People of all fhare in their Supreme 
 Legiflative Council ! I mention an Epifcopate; 
 for although I do not know that Governors 
 Hutchinfon and Oliver ever directly folicited 
 for Biihops, yet they mull have feen, that 
 thefe would have been one effect Very foon, of 
 ^ftabliihing the unlimited authority of Par* 
 liament. 
 
 I AGREE, that it was not the perfons of Ber- 
 nard, Hutchinfon, or Oliver, that made them 
 obnoxious^ but their principles and practices* 
 
 And 
 
( 64 ) 
 
 And I will agree, that if Chatham, Camderi* 
 and St Afapfy (I beg pardon for introducing 
 thefe revered names into fuch company^ and 
 for making a fuppoiition which, is abfurd) had 
 been here^ and profecuted fuch fehemes, they 
 tVdiild have tnet with contempt and execration 
 from this Peoplei But, when it is faid, a That 
 *' had the intimations in thofe Letters been at* 
 *' tended to> we had now been as happy a 
 *' People as good Government cduld make us;'* 
 fc it is too grofs to make us angry* We can do 
 nothing but fmile. Have not thefe intimations 
 been attended to ? Have not fleets and armies 
 been fent here^ whenever they were" requefted ? 
 Have n6t Governors, Lieutenant-Governors^ 
 Secretaries, Judges, Attorney-Generals, and 
 Solicitor-Generals falaries, been paid out of the 
 revenues as they folicited ? Have not taxes 
 been laid and continued ? Have not Englilh 
 Liberties been abridged as Hutchinfon defired ? 
 Have not " penalties of another kind" been 
 inflidted, as he defired ? Has not our Charter 
 been deftroyed, and the Council put into the 
 King's hands, as Bernard requefted ? In ihott* 
 almoft all the wild pranks of this defperate 
 Triumvirate have been attended to and adopt* 
 ed, and we are now as miferable as tyranny 
 caa make us* 
 
 THAT 
 
( 65 ) 
 
 THAT Mr. Hutchinfdn was amiable and ex- 
 femplary in fome refpedts, and very umimiable and 
 unexemplary in others, is a cef tain truth ; other- 
 wife he never would have retained fo much po- 
 pularity on the one hand, nor made fo perni- 
 eious a ufe of it on the other; His behaviour, 
 in feveral important departments, was with abi- 
 lity and integrity, in cafes which did iiot afTedl 
 his political fyftem ; but he bent all his offices 
 to that. Had he continued ftedfail to thofe 
 Principles in Religion and Government, which 
 in his former life he profefied, and which aldnd 
 had procured him the cdnfidence df the People, 
 and all his importance, he would have lived and 
 died refpedred and beloved^ and have done ho- 
 nour to his native country ; but by renouncing 
 thefe principles, and that cdndudt which had 
 rnade him arid all his Anceilors reipedtable, his 
 character is How confidered by all America, and 
 the belt part of the three kingdoms, ndtwith- 
 Handing the countenance he receives from the 
 Miniflry, as a reproach to the Province that 
 gave him birth, as a man who by all his aftions, 
 aimed at making himfelf great^ at the expence 
 of the Liberties of his native country < * This 
 Gentleman was open to flattery in fo remark* 
 able a degree, that any man who would flatter 
 him was fure of his friendlhip, and every one 
 would not was fure of his enmity, He 
 K 
 
( 66 ) 
 
 was credulous, in a ridiculous degree, of every 
 thing that favoured his own plans; and equally 
 incredulous of every thing which made againft 
 them. His natural abilities, which have been 
 greatly exaggerated by perfons whom he had 
 advanced to power, were far from being of the 
 firfl rate. His induflry was prodigious. His 
 knowledge lay chiefly in the laws, and politics, 
 and hiilory of this Province, in which he had a 
 long experience. Yet with all his advantages, 
 he never was matter of the true character of his 
 native country, not even of New England and 
 the MarTachufets Bay. Through the whole 
 troublefome period lince the lafl war, he mani- 
 feflly miftook the temper, principles, and opi- 
 nions of this People. He had refolved upon a 
 Syftem, and never could or would fee the im- 
 practicability of it. 
 
 IT is very true that all his abilities, virtues, 
 interefts, and connections, were infufficient ; but 
 for what ? To prevail on the People to acquiefce 
 in the mighty claim of Parliamentary Autho- 
 rity ? The Conftitution was not gone. The 
 luggeftion that it was, is a vile ilander. It had 
 ^s much vigour as ever, and even the Governor 
 had as much power as ever, excepting in cafes 
 which affe&ed that claim. cc The fpirit," fay 
 the Miniflerial Writers, " was truly republic 
 
C 67 ) 
 
 can." It was not fo, in any one cafe what 4 
 ever, any further than the fpirit of the Britilh 
 Conftitution is repyblican.Even in the grand 
 fundamental Difpute, the People arranged them- 
 felves under their Houfe of Reprefentatives and 
 Council, with as much order as ever, and con- 
 dueled their oppofition as much by the Confti- 
 tution as ever. It is true, their Conftitution 
 ivas employed againil the meafures of the Junto, 
 which created their enmity to it. However, I 
 have not fuch an horror of a republican fpirit, 
 which is a fpirit of true virtue, and honeft in- 
 dependence ; I do not mean on the King, but on 
 Men in Power. This fpirit is fo far from being 
 incompatible with the Britifh Conftitution, that 
 it is the greateft glory of it; and the Nation has 
 always been moft profperous when it has moft 
 prevailed, and been moft encouraged by the 
 Crown. I wifh it increafed in every part of the 
 world, efpecially in America ; and I think the 
 meafures the Tories are now purfuing, will in- 1 
 creafe it to a degree that will infure us in the 
 end Redrefs of Grievances, and an happy Re* 
 conciliation with Great Britain. 
 
 " GOVERNOR Hutchinfon," we are told, 
 f< ftrove to convince us, by the principles of 
 Jf Government, our Charters, and Acknowledg- 
 
 K 2 " meats, 
 
( 68 ) 
 
 ** ments, th^t our Claims were inconMent whfr 
 *' the Subordination due to Great Britain." 
 
 SUFFER me to introduce here a little Hiltory. 
 In 1764, when the Syflem of taxing and new 
 modelling the Colonies was firft apprehended, 
 Lieutenant Governor Hutchinfon's friends ilrug- 
 gled in feveral fucceffive Seflions of the General 
 Court, to get him chpfen Agent for the Pro- 
 vince at the Court of Great Britain. At this time 
 he declared freely, " That he was of the fame 
 " fentiment with the People, that Parliament 
 *< had no right to tax them; but differed from 
 *' the Country Party only in his opinion of the 
 *' policy of denying that Right in their Peti- 
 <c tions, &c." I would not injure him ; I was; 
 told this by three Gentlemen who were of the 
 Committee of both Hpufes to prepare that Pe- 
 tition, that he made this declaration explicitly 
 before that Committee. I have been told by 
 Other Gentlemen, that he made the fame decla- 
 ration to them. It is poffible that he might 
 make ufe of expreffions fludied for the pur- 
 pofe, which would not ilrictiy bear this con- 
 ftrudtion. But it is certain, that they under- 
 ftood him fo, and that this was the general 
 opinion of his fentiments until he came to the 
 
 THB 
 
( 9 ) 
 
 THE Country Party faw that this afpiring ge* 
 plus aimed at keeping fair with the Mmiftry, 
 by fupporting their meafures ; and with the Peo- 
 ple, by pretending to be of our principles ; am} 
 between both to trim himfejf up to the Chair, 
 The only reafon why he did not obtain an elec- 
 tion at one time, and was excufed from the fer? 
 vice at another, after he had been chqfen by a 
 fmall Majority, was, becaufe the Members knew 
 he would not openly deny the right, and allure 
 his Majefty, the Parliament, and Miniftry, that 
 the People never would fubmit to it. For the 
 fame reafon he was left out of Council. But he 
 continued to cultivate his popularity, and to 
 maintain a general opinion among the People, 
 that he denied the right in his private judgment; 
 and this idea preferved moft of thpfe who con- 
 finued their efteem for him. 
 
 BUT upon Bernard's removal, and his 
 taking the Chair as Lieutenant Governor, he 
 had no further expectations from the People, 
 nor complaifance for their opinions. In one of 
 bis firft fpeeehes he took care to advance the 
 Supreme Authority of Parliament. This afto- 
 niflied many of his friends. They were heard 
 to fay, " We have been deceived. We thought 
 he had been abufed; but we now find what has 
 
 been 
 
( 70 ) 
 
 been faid of him is true. He is determined to 
 join in the defigns againfl this country/' After 
 his promotion to the Government, finding that 
 the People had little confidence in him, and 
 Ihewing that he had no interefl at home to fup- 
 port him, but what he had acquired by joining 
 with Bernard, he determined to ftrike a bold 
 ftroke, and, in a formal fpeech to both Houfes, 
 become a Champion for the unbounded Autho- 
 rity of Parliament over the Colonies. This he 
 thought would lay the Miniflry under an obli- 
 gation to fupport him in the Government, or 
 elfe to provide for him out of it ; not confider- 
 ing, that Hating that queftion before that Af- 
 fembly, and calling upon them as he did to dif- 
 pute with him upon it, was fcattering firebrands, 
 arrows, and death, in fport, 
 
 THE Houfe thus called upon, either to acr 
 knowledge the unlimited Authority of Parlia- 
 ment, or confute his arguments, were bound 
 by their duty to God, their Country and Pofte- 
 rity, to give him a full and explicit anfwer. 
 They proved inconteftibly, that he was out in 
 Jus fats, inconfiftent with himfelf, and in every 
 principle of his law he had committed a blun-f 
 der. And although this country has fuffered 
 fevere calamities in confequence of this fpeech, 
 
 yet 
 
( 7' ) 
 
 yet I hope they will not be durable ; but his 
 ruin was certainly in part owing to it. Nothing 
 ever opened the eyes of the People fo much to 
 his defigns, excepting his Letters. If it was 
 out of his power to do us any more injuries, I 
 ihould wifh to forget the paft ; but as there is 
 reafon to fear he is flill to continue his, labours 
 againft this country, although he is out of our 
 fight, he ought not to be out of our minds. 
 This country has every thing to fear, in the 
 prefent flate of the Britiih Court, while the 
 Lords Bute, Mansfield, and North, have the 
 principal conduct of affairs, from the intrigues 
 of that man. 
 
 WE are then told " that Difaffection to Great 
 <e Britain was infufed into the Body of the Peo* 
 " pie." The leading Whigs have ever fyfte- 
 matically, and upon principle, endeavoured to 
 preferve the People from all difaffedtion to the 
 King on the one hand, and the Body of the 
 People on the other; but to lay the blame 
 where it is juftly due, on the Miniilry and their 
 inllruments. 
 
 WE are next conducted into the Superior 
 Court, and informed " that the Judges were 
 f* dependent an the annual grants of the Ge- 
 
 " neral 
 
c< nefal Court; that their falaries were fmail in 
 fc proportion to the falaries of other Officers of 
 f lefs importance ; that they often petitioned 
 " the Affembly to enlarge them, without fuc- 
 " cefs, and were reminded of their .depend- 
 ec ence; that they remained unfhaken amid the 
 " raging tempefts, which is to be attributed 
 ** rather to their firmnefs than fituation." 
 
 THAT the falaries were fiiiall, murt be allowed; 
 but not fmaller in proportion than thofe of other 
 Officers. All falaries in this Province have been 
 imall. It has been the policy of the country 
 to keep them fo > not fo much from a fpirit of 
 parfimony, as an opinion, that the fervice of the 
 Public ought to be an honorary, rather than a 
 lucrative employment J and that the great men 
 ought to be obliged to fet examples of fimpli* 
 city and frugality before the People. 
 
 BUT if we confider things maturely^ aild make 
 allowance for all circumftances/ I think the 
 country may be vindicated. This Province., 
 during the lafl war, had fuch overbearing bur- 
 dens upon it, that it was neceffitated to eco-- 
 nomy in every thing. At the peace fhe was half 
 a million fterling in debt. She thought it the 
 belt policy, to get out of debt before ihe railed 
 
 the 
 
( 73 ) 
 
 the wages of her fervants, and if Great Britain 
 had thought as wifely, Ihe would not now have 
 had one hundred and forty millions to pay, and 
 flie would never have thought of taxing 
 America. 
 
 Low as the wages were, it was found that 
 whenever a vacancy happened, the place was 
 folicited with much more anxiety and zeal than 
 the kingdom of Heaven* 
 
 ANOTHER caufe which had its effect was 
 this : The Judges of that Court had almoft al- 
 ways enjoyed fome other office. At the time of 
 the Stamp Act, the Chief Juflice was Lieutenant 
 Governor, which yielded him a profit ; and a 
 Judge of Probate for the County of Suffolk, 
 which yielded him another profit ; and a Coun- 
 fellor, which, if it was not very profitable, 
 gave him an opportunity of promoting his 
 family and friends to other profitable offices ; an 
 opportunity which the country faw he moft 
 religioufly improved. Another Juftice of this 
 Court was a Judge of Admiralty ; and another 
 was Judge of Probate for the County of Ply- 
 mouth. The People thought, therefore, that as 
 their time was not wholly taken up by their 
 Offices, as Judges of the Superior Court, there 
 L was 
 
( 74 ) 
 
 was no reafon wliy they ihould be paid as much 
 as if it had been. 
 
 ANOTHER reafon was this : Thofe Justices had 
 not been bred to the Bar, but taken from Mer- 
 chandize, Hufbandry, and other occupations ; 
 had been at no great expence for education or 
 libraries ; and therefore the People thought that 
 equity did not demand large falaries. 
 
 WHETHER all thefe arguments were fuificient 
 jto vindicate the People for not enlarging their 
 -falaries, I {hall leave to you, my friends, whofe 
 right it is, to judge. ^-But that the Judges pe- 
 titioned " often" to the Affembly, I don't re- 
 member, I knew it was fufpedted by many, 
 and confidently affirmed by fome, that Judge 
 Ruffell carried home with him in 1766, a Pe- 
 tition to his Majefty, fubferibed by himfeif 
 and Chief Juftice Hutchinfon at lead, praying 
 liis Majefly to take the payment of the Judges 
 into his own hands ; and that this Petition, 
 together with the folicitations of Governor 
 Bernard, and others, had the fuccefs to pro- 
 cure the Ad: of Parliament, to enable his Ma- 
 jefty to appropriate the Revenue to the fupport 
 of the Adminiftration of Juitice, &c. from 
 whence a great part of the preient calamities of 
 America have flowed* 
 
 THA-T 
 
( 75 ) 
 
 THAT the high Whigs took care to get them-" 
 felves chofen of the Grand Juries, I do not 
 believe. Nine tenths of the People were high 
 Whigs; and therefore it was not eafy to gel?' a 
 Grand Jury without nine Whigs in ten in iti : 
 And the matter would not be much mended by* 
 the new Adt of Parliament. The Sheriff muft 
 return the fame fet of Jurors, Court after Court, 
 or elfe his Juries would be nine tenths of them 
 high Whigs flilL Indeed the Tories are fo en- 
 venomed with malice, envy, rage, and difap- 
 pointed ambition, that they would be willing,' 
 for what I know, to be Jurors for life, in 
 order to give verdicts againft the Whigs.* 
 And aiany of them would readily do it, I doubt 
 not, wk<heut any other law or evidence, than 
 what they foumd in their own breads. The 
 fuggeflion of Legerdemain, in drawing the 
 panics of : Pet;t Jurors out of the box, is fcan- 
 dalous. Human wifdorn cannot devife a 
 method of obtaining Petit Jurors more, fairly, 
 and better fecure.d againfi a poffibility of cor- 
 ruption of any kind., than that eftabliflied by 
 our Provincial Law. They were drawn by 
 chance out of a box, in opeji Town Meeting, to 
 which the Tories went, or might have gone, as 
 well as the Whigs, and have feeh, with their 
 pwn eyes, that nothing unfair ever did or 
 could take place. If the Jurors confifted of 
 L 2 Whigs, 
 
( 76 ) 
 
 Whigs, it was becaufe the Freeholders were 
 Whigs ; that is, honeft men. 
 
 cc 
 
 C 
 
 THE Judges pointed out feditious libels, 
 on Governors, Magiftrates, and the whole 
 '* Government, to no effect. They did fo. 
 <c -But the Jurors thought fome of thefe no 
 C 5 libels, but folemn truths. At one time I 
 " have heard that all the news-papers for feve- 
 <( ral years, the Mafiachufets Gazette, Mafia* 
 *' chufets Spy, &c, were laid before a Grand 
 V Jury at once. The Jurors thought there were 
 f multitudes of libels written by the Tories, 
 " and they did not know who they Ihould 
 '' attack if they prefented them ; perhaps 
 t( Governor Bernard, Lieutenant Governor 
 Cf Hutchinfon, Secretary Oliver poflibly the 
 ^ Attorney General. They faw fo many difn 
 t ficulties they knew not what to do. 
 
 <c WE are told, the Whigs once flattered 
 " themfelves they ihould be able to divide the 
 " Province between them." I fuppofe it is 
 meant, that they Ihould be able to get the 
 honourable and lucrative Offices of the Province 
 into their hands. If this was true, they would 
 be chargeable with only deiigning what the 
 Tories have actually done ; with this difference, 
 -that the Whigs wQuld have done it by faving 
 
 the 
 
( 77 ) 
 
 the Liberties and the Conftitution of the Pro- 
 vince whereas the Tories have done it by the 
 deftrudtion of both. 
 
 WITH regard to the Tea, the cafe is ihortly 
 this : The Eaft-India Company, by their Con- 
 tradt with Government, in their Charter and 
 Statute, are bound, in confideration of their 
 important profitable privileges, to pay to the 
 public Treafury a revenue, annually, of four 
 hundred thoufand pounds fterling, fo long as 
 they can hold up their dividends at twelve per 
 cent, and no longer. 
 
 THE miftaken policy of the Miniftry, in ob- 
 flinately perfifting in their claim of Right to Tax 
 America, and refuiing to repeal the duty on 
 tea, with thofe on glafs, paper, and paint, had 
 induced all America, except a few Merchants 
 in Boflon, mofl of whom were clofely connedb- 
 ed with the Junto, to refufe to import tea 
 from Great Britain ; the confequence of which 
 was a kind of ftagnation in the affairs of the 
 Company, and an immenfe accumulation of tea 
 in their {lores, which they could not fell. This, 
 among other caufes, contributed to afFed: their; 
 credit, and their dividends were on the point 
 of falling below twelve per cent, and confe- 
 <juently the Government was upon the point of 
 
 loling 
 
c: 73- > 
 
 loflng 400,000!. fterling a year of revenue. 
 Trie Company folicited the Miniflry to take off 
 the duty in America ; but. they adhereing to 
 their plan or Taxing the Colonies, and eflablilh- 
 ing a precedent, framed an Ab to enable rhe 
 Company to fend their Tea directly to America. 
 This was admired as a mailer-piece of policy* 
 Ie was thought they would accomplifh four 
 great purpofes at once ; eftabliih their pre- 
 cedent of taxing America ; raiie a large revenue 
 there by the duties ; fave the credit of the 
 Company, and the 400,000!. to the Govern- 
 ment. The Company, however, were fo little 
 pleafed with this, that there were great debates 
 among the Directors, whether they ihould 
 rifque it, which were finally determined by a 
 majority of one only, and that one the Chair? 
 irun ; being unwilling, it is faid, to interfere in 
 the depute between the Miniiler and the Co? 
 s, and uncertain what the refult would 
 b- , and. this fmali majority was not obtained, 
 as it is faid, until a fuiTicient intimation was 
 given that the Company ihould not be lofers. 
 
 thefe defigns were made known, it 
 ared, that American Politicians were not 
 to be deceived ; that their fight was as quick 
 and clear as the Minifter's; and that they were 
 as fteady to their urpofe, as he was to his. 
 
 This 
 
( 79 ) 
 
 This was thought by all the Colonies to be 
 the precife point, of time when it became ab- 
 folutely necefTary to make a {land. If the tea 
 ihould be landed, it would be fold ; if fold, the 
 duties would amount to a large fum, which 
 would be initantly applied to increaff the 
 friends and advocates for more duties, and to 
 divide the People ; and the Company would 
 get fuch a footing, that no oppofition after- 
 wards could ever be effectual. And as foon as 
 the duties on tea ihould be eilabliihed, they 
 would be ranked among Poll-office fees, and 
 other precedents, and ufed as arguments both 
 of the right and expediency of laying on 
 others, perhaps on all the neceiTaries, as well 
 as conveniences and luxuries -of life. The 
 whole Continent was united in the fentiment, 
 that all oppofition to parliamentary taxation 
 muit be given up for ever, if this critical mo- 
 ment was neglected. Accordingly, New-York 
 and Philadelphia determined that the (hips 
 Ihould be lent back ; and Charleflown, that the 
 tea fhould be ilored and locked up ; this was 
 attended with no danger in that city, becaufe 
 they are fully united in fentiment and affedtion, 
 and have no Junto to perplex them. Boflon 
 was under great difficulties. The Confignees 
 at New-York and Philadelphia moft readily 
 refigned. The Confignees at Boflon, the chil- 
 dren, 
 
dren, coufins, and moil ultimate connexions 6f 
 Governor Hutchinfon, refufed. I am very 
 forry that I cannot ftira fingle flep in develop- 
 ing the caufes of my country's miferies, with- 
 out {tumbling upon this Gentleman. But fo it 
 is. From the near relation, and merit intimate 
 connection of the Confignees with him, there 
 is great caufe of jealoufy, if not a violent pre- 
 fumption, that he was at the bottom of all this 
 buiinefs ; that he had planned it, in his Con- 
 fidential Letters with Bernard, and both of them 
 joined in fuggefting and recommending it to 
 the Miniftry. Without this fuppofition, it is 
 difficult to account for the obitinacy with, 
 which the Confignees refufed to refign, and the 
 Governor to let the vellel go. However this 
 might be, Boflon is the only place upon the 
 Continent, perhaps in the world, which ever 
 breeds a fpecies of Miianthropos, who will 
 perfift in their fchemes for their private intereft, 
 with fuch obftinacy, in oppofition to the 
 public good ; difoblige all their fellow citizens 
 for a little pelf ; and make themfelves odious 
 and infamous, when they might be refpedted 
 and efleemed. It muft be laid, however, in 
 vine' a^ on of the Town, that this breed is 
 fp iefly by the Junto The Confignees 
 
 \v:?uld not refign; the Cuftom-houfe refufed 
 clearances ; Governor Hutchinfon refufed pafies 
 
 by 
 
by the Caltle. The queftion theii was, with. 
 many* whether the Governor, Officers and 
 Confignees fhould be compelled to fend the 
 ihips hence ? An army and navy was at hand, 
 and bloodihed was apprehended. At laft, 
 when the Continent as well as- the Town and 
 Province, were waiting th ifTile of this deli* 
 beratibn with the utmoft anxiety, a number of 
 perfons, in the night, put them out df fufpenle, 
 by an oblation to Neptune* 
 
 " THE revenue was hot the cohfideratioii 
 *< before Parliament." Let who will it. But 
 if it was not, the danger to America was the 
 fame; I take ho notice of the idea of a mono- 
 poly* If it had been only a monopoly (though 
 ill this light it XvOuld have been a grievance) it 
 would not have excited, nor in the opinion of 
 any one, juftified the ftep that was takeri. It 
 was an attack upon a fundamental principle of 
 the Conftitution, and upon that fuppofition was 
 refilled, after multitudes of petitions to no 
 purpofe ; and becaufe there was no tribunal in 
 the Conftitution, from whence redrefs could 
 have been obtained. 
 
 ALL men are convinced that it was imprac- 
 ticable to return the tea, and rendered ib by 
 Mr. Hutchinfon and the Boilon Confignees. 
 M Whether 
 
( 82 >, 
 
 Whether to have ftored it would have anfwered 
 the end, or been a lefs rnifchief than drowning 
 it, I fhall leave to the judgment of the Public. 
 The other Colonies, it feems, have no fcru-ples 
 about it ; for we find that whenever tea arrives 
 in any of them, whether from the Eaft India 
 Company, or any other quarter, it never fail* 
 to fhare the fate of that in Boflon. All men 
 will agree, that, fuch fleps ought not to be taken, 
 but in cafes of abfolute neceffity, and that fuch 
 neceffity muft be very clear. But moft people 
 in America now think, the deftru&ion of the 
 Boflon tea was abfolutely neceflary, and there- 
 fore right and jufh It is very true, they fay, 
 if the whole People had been united in fentU 
 ment, and equally liable in their refolution^ not 
 to buy or drink it, there might have been a 
 reafon for preferving it ; but the -People here 
 were not fo virtuous or fo happy. The Britilh 
 Miniflry had plundered the People by illegal 
 taxes, and applied the money in falaries and 
 penfions, by which devices they had iniidiouHy 
 attached to. their party, no inconfiderable num- 
 ber of pcrfons, fome of whom were of family, 
 fortune, and influence, though many of them 
 were of defperate fortunes; each of whom, how- 
 ever, had his circle of friends, connections and 
 dependants, who were determined to drink tea, 
 both as evidence of their fervility to Adminiftra- 
 
 tion, 
 
tion, and their contempt and hatred of the 
 People, Thefe it was impoffible to reftrain 
 without violence, perhaps bloodfhed; certainly 
 without hazarding more than the tea was 
 worth. To this tribe of the wicked, they fay, 
 muft be added another, perhaps more nu- 
 merous, of the weak, who never could be 
 brought to think of the confequences of their 
 adtions, but would gratify their appetites, if 
 they could come at the means. What num- 
 bers are there in every Corhmunity, who have 
 no providence or prudence in their private 
 affairs, but will go on indulging the prefent 
 appetite, prejudice or paffion, to the ruin of 
 their eftates and families, as well as their own 
 health and characters ! How much larger is the 
 number of thofe who have no forefight for 
 the Public, or confideration of the freedom of 
 poiterity ! Such an abftinence frorri the tea, as' 
 would have avoided the eftablifhmcnt of a pre- 
 cedent, depended on the unanimity of the 
 People a felicity that was unattainable. Muft 
 the wife, the virtuous, and worthy part of the 
 Community, who conftituted a very great ma- 
 jority, furrender their liberty, and involve their 
 pofterity in mifery, in eomplaifance to a de- 
 teftable, though fmall party of knaves, and a 
 defpicable, though more numerous company 
 of fools? 
 
 M 2 IF 
 
( 84 ) 
 
 IF Bofton could have been treated like other 
 places,- like New-York and Philadelphia, the 
 tea might have gone home from thence as it 
 did Sfrpm thofe cities. That inveterate, dcf- 
 perate Junto, to whom we owe all our calami-: 
 ties, were determined to, hurt us in this, as in 
 all other cafes, as much as they could. It is to 
 fce hoped they will one day repent, and be for^ 
 given ; but it is very hard to forgive without 
 repentance. When the news of this event ar- 
 rived }n England, it excited fuch paffions in the 
 Minifter as nothing could reflrain ; his refent- 
 ment was kindled into revenge, rage and mad- 
 ncfs ; his veracity was piqued, as his mafter* 
 piece of Pplicy proved but a bubble : The b^nt- 
 IJng was the fruit of a favourite amour, and no 
 wonder that his natural affedtion was touched, 
 when he faw it difpatched before his eyes, 
 His grief and ingenuity, if he had any, were 
 affe&ed at the thought that he had trailed the 
 Eafl India Company, fo much nearer to de-* 
 ftru&ion, and that he had rendered the breach 
 between the Kingdom and the Colonies almoft 
 irreconcileable ; his fhame was excited becaufe 
 Oppofition had gained a triumph over him, and 
 the three kingdoms were laughing at him for 
 hi? obitinacy and his blunders : Inilead of 
 'ng the Company, he had haftened its ruin : 
 Inftead of eftablifhing the abfoiutcand unlimited 
 
 fovereignty 
 
( 8s ) 
 
 fqvereignty of Parliament over the Colonies, he 
 had excited a more deciii ve denial of it, and refill- 
 #nce to it. An ele&ion drew nigh, and he dread- 
 ed the refentment even of the corrupted elc&prs. 
 
 IN this ftate of mind, bordering on defpalr, 
 he determines to flrike a bold ftroke. By at- 
 tacking all the Colonies together, by the Stamp 
 Act, and the Paint and Glafs Act, they had 
 been defeated. The Charter Conflitution of the 
 MafTachufets Bay had contributed greatly to 
 both thefe defeats. Their Reprefentatives were 
 too numerous, and too frequently elected, to be 
 corrupted; their People had been ufed to con- 
 fider affairs in their Town-meetings : Their 
 Gounfellors were not abfolutely at the nod of a 
 Minifler or Governor ; but were, once a year, 
 equally dependant on the Governor and the two 
 Houfes. Their Grand Jurors were elective by 
 the People ; their Petit Jurors were returned 
 merely by lot. The Junto rightly judged, that 
 by this Constitution the People had a check on 
 every branch of power; and therefore, as long 
 as it lafted, Parliamentary Taxations, &c. could 
 never be infprced. 
 
 BERNARD publifhes his Select Letters, and 
 his Principles of Polity : Hireling Garretteers 
 
 were 
 
were employed to fcribblc millions of liesagainffc 
 us, in pamphlets and news-papers ; and Setters 
 employed in the cou'ee-houfes, to challenge or 
 knock down all the advocates for the poor Maf- 
 fachufets. It was now determined, inflead of 
 attacking the Colonies together, though they 
 bad all been equally oppofed to the plans of the 
 Minifhy, and the claims of Parliament, and 
 therefore, upon minifterial principles, equally 
 guilty, to handle them one by one; and to be- 
 gb with Bofton and the Mafiachufets. The 
 deir.rucl.ion of the tea was a fine event for fcrib- 
 biers- and fpeechifyers to declaim upon; and 
 these was an hereditary hatred of New Eng- 
 land, in the minds of many people in England, 
 on account of her non-conforming principles. 
 It was likewife thought there was a iimilar 
 jeatoufy and ammofity in the other Colonies 
 2 gain ft New England; that they would there- 
 fore certainly defert her; that fhe would be in- 
 timidated, and fubmit ; and then the Minifter, 
 among his own friends, would acquire immor- 
 tal honour^ as the moft able, fkilful, and un- 
 daunted itatefman of the age. 
 
 THE Port Bill, Charter Bill, Murder Bill, 
 Quebec Bill, making all together fuch a fright- 
 ful ;yitem :.+ would have terrified any People 
 
 who 
 
who did not prefer liberty to life, were all con- 
 certed at once : But all this art and violence 
 have not fucceeded. This People, under great 
 trials and dangers, have difcovered great abili- 
 ties and virtues, and that nothing is fo terrible 
 to them as the lofs of their liberties. If thefe 
 arts and violences are perfifted in, and flill 
 greater concerted and carried on againil them, 
 the world will fee that their fortitude, patience, 
 and magnanimity, will rife in proportion, 
 
 THE Whigs faw their ruin connected with a 
 compliance with the terms of opening the 
 Port. They faw the ruin of their Country 
 connected with fuch a compliance, and their 
 own involved in it : But they might have eaiily 
 voted a compliance, for they were undoubtedly 
 a vail majority, and have enjoyed the efteem 
 and affection of their fellow Haves to their laft 
 hours : Several of them could have paid for the 
 tea, and never have felt the lofs. They knew 
 they muft fuffer vaitly more than the tea was 
 worth ; but they thought they afted for Ame- 
 rica and pofteruy, and that they ought not to 
 take fuch a flop with out the advice of the Co- 
 lonies, They have declared our caufe their 
 awn that they never will fubmit to a prece- 
 dent in any part of the United Colonies, by 
 
 which 
 
( 88 ) 
 
 which Parliament may take away wharfs and 
 other lawful eftates, or dcmoliih charters ; for 
 if they do, they have a moral certainty, that in 
 the courfe of a few years, every right of Ame- 
 ricans will be taken away, and Governors and 
 Councils, holding at the will of a Minifter, will 
 lie the only Lcgiflatives in the Colonies* 
 
 IF xve recollect how many States have loft 
 their liberties, merely from want of communi*- 
 cation with each other, and union among them-* 
 felves, we fhall think that the Committees of 
 Correfnondence may be intended by Providence 
 to accomplifh great events. What the elo- 
 quence and talents of Demoiihenes, could not 
 effedt, among the States of Greece, might have 
 been effected by fo fimple a device* Caflile^ 
 Arragon, Valencia, Majorca, &c* all com-, 
 plained of oppreflion under Charles the Fifth ; 
 flew out into tranfports of rage, and took arms 
 againft him But they never confulted or com- 
 municated with each other, -They relifted fe* 
 parately, and were feparately fubdued* Had 
 Don Juan Padilla, or his wife, been polFeffed 
 of the genius to invent a Committee of Corre- 
 fpondence, perhaps the Liberties of the Spanifh 
 Nailon might have remained to this hour- 
 
 THE 
 
THE People are told, that " they have been 
 " infidioufly taught to believe that Great Bri- 
 " tain is rapacious, cruel, and vindictive, and 
 " envies us the inheritance purchafed by the 
 * fvveat and blood of our anceftors." The 
 People do not believe this they will not be- 
 lieve it : On the contrary, they believe if it was 
 not for fcandals constantly tranfmitted from this 
 Province by the Tories, the Nation would re- 
 drels our grievances* Nay, as little as they 
 reverence the Miniftry, they even believe that 
 the Lords North, Mansfield and Bute, would 
 relieve them, and would have done it long ago, 
 if they had known the truth. 'The moment 
 this is done, cc Long live our gracious King, 
 " and happinefs to Britain!" will refound from 
 one end of the Province to the other : But it 
 requires a very little forefight to determine, 
 that no other plan of governing the Province 
 and the Colonies, will ever reflore a harmony 
 between the two countries, but defifling from 
 the plan of taxing them, and interfering with 
 their internal concerns, and returning to that 
 fyftem of Colony Administration, which nature 
 dictated, and experience for one hundred and 
 fifty years found ufefuh 
 
 F I N 1 S. 
 
v 
 
 lre AT i o N g 
 
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 J. STOCKDALE, oppofite BURLINGTON- 
 HOUSE, PICCADILLY. 
 
 Jujl Publijhtd in One l r olums Odavo^ containing 32.4. 
 , Boards, Price ^s. 
 
 I. A Complete and Authentic DETAIL of the 
 jf\. feveral DEBATES in the HOUSE of 
 COMMONS on the EAST INDIA BILL, o,n 
 Thursday the 2yth of November ; on Monday the 
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NEW PUBLICATION S, 
 
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 4. AN ARGUMENT to prove, That it is the 
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 By JOHN EARL of STAIR. 
 
 By the fame Author. FACTS and their CON SET 
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 '? Suffer trfe little Children to come unto me, and 
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 .Still let her not defpair of happineis : 
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 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY 
 
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