STATE OF WASHINGTON LIBRARY CLA UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT LOS ANGELES CRIMINOLOGY. CRIMINOLOGY BY ARTHUR MAC DONALD Specialist in Education as Related to the Abnormal and Weakling Classes, U. S. Bureau of Education; Member of the Medico- Legal Society, New York, and the Anthropological Society, Washington, D. C., and U. S. Delegate to the International Congress of Criminal Anthropology at Brussels, 1892 AN 'INTRODUCTION ,>, DR. CESAR'LC'MBROSO Prtfes*cr of Legal Medicine at the University nf Turin, Italy FOURTH EDITION PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES FUNK & WAGNALLS COMPANY NEW YORK AND LONDON Vita Auctoris. University of Rochester, N. Y., A. B., 1879 ; A. M., 1883. Student of law, 1879-1880. Union Theological Seminary, N. Y. City, graduated in 1883. Harvard University, Post-Graduate Courses, in Phi- losophy, Metaphysics, and Theology, 1883-1885. Johns Hopkins University, appointed * r Fellow in Psychology," 1885. EuropeanStudy, 1885-1888 : ... University, of Berlin; MJsdiciae and 'Experimental .Mfdjtfne.*. v . .?..* .* . .; University of Jjeirfzig, Psycho-PhysicS afld Medicine. .Uftf^ersaty bT Paris, Clinical and Experime'nfcfl Mdi- ' * cfhe. .. t . Universities gf Zflrjqh and \if nn^, Insanity, Hypnij. tism, and Crjnun * J^Vk. pnivers'ty* Worcester* Mass., Deceit Ql&d*. .va beyong the Doctorate") in Crinunologft, ' .^iS^/Sgu., . _ ^ t '.^ ; j United State plneAu of Efti.cati'Ja.hedJliSt in Ed- . ucation as r jia'.ed to the Afcuormul and Weak- ling Classes, 1892. Copyright, 1892, by the FUNK & WAGNA1AS COMPANY. [Registered at Stationers' Hall, Condon, England.] HV DEDICATED TO THE FOUNDER OF CRIMIHOiOQV 307016 INTRODUCTION. BY PROF. CESARE LOMBROSO, OF THE UNIVERSITY OF TURIN, ITALY IT is well that the problem of the science of crim- inal anthropology has been attacked from its most important side, that of the type. When this problem is once' resolved,, it will no longer be pos- sible to deny the organicity of crime, its anatomical nature and degenerative source; and then all the new reforms, such as institutions for incorrigible and insane criminals, will become a necessity. This point, as to the type, is scarcely recognized, even by the most respectable savants. The reasons for this are many: Above all, there are the crimi- nals by occasion or by passion, who do not belong to the type, and should not, for in great part it is the circumstances, and often the laws even, which make them criminals, and not nature. And then some have strange ideas concerning the criminal type. No doubt if the acceptation of the idea of type is carried out in its complete universality, it cannot be accepted; but I have already said in my previous Vlll CRIMINOLOGY. writings that it is necessary to receive this idea with the same reserve with which one appreciates averages in statistics. When it is said that the average of life is 32 years, and that the month least fatal to life is December, no one understands by this that all, or almost all, men should die at 32 years, and in the month of Decem- ber; but I am not the only one to make this restric- tion. In order to show this, I have only to cite the definitions which Monsieur Topinard, himself the most inveterate of my adversaries, gives in his remarkable work. " The type," says Gratiolet, is a "synthetic impression." "The type," says Goethe, is " the abstract and general image," which we de- duce from the observation of common parts and from differences. " The type of a species," adds Isidorus G. Saint-Hilaire, " never appears before our eyes, but is perceived only by the mind." " Human types," writes Broca, " have no real exist- ence, they are abstract conceptions, ideals, which come from the comparison of ethnic varieties, and are composed of an ensemble of characters common to a certain number among themselves." I agree fully with these different points of view. The type is indeed an ensemble of traits, but in re- lation to a group, which it characterizes, it is also the ensemble of its most prominent traits, and those repeating themselves the most often, whence comes a series of consequences which the anthropologist should never lose sight of either in his laboratory or in the midst of the populations of Central Africa, INTRODUCTION. IX Isidorus G. Saint-Hilaire says the type is a sort of fixed point and a common center, about which the differences presented are deviations in a diverse sense and indefinite and varied oscillations a point about which nature seems to play, as an- atomists used to say, and as is said still in the Germanic languages. An example seems useless after a picture so per- fect. Take, however, a series of skulls, a certain one in a good condition of homogeneity, such as, for example, the first series of Auvergnat, which was studied by Broca. This series came from an old mountain cemetery, in a separated locality, reminding us once for all that the skulls represent individuals, with this advantage, that one can handle them at will and measure and arrange them at his ease. Sometimes there are less generic reasons which produce skepticism concerning the type ; and this is ignorance of what the type is really. Thus, it is very strange to see Joly, in his " Young Prisoners," give the portraits of the chief ones, which illus- trate the most complete type, and after this deny the type. Likewise Magnan (" Actes du Congres d'Anthropologie Criminelle de Paris") presents two portraits of seven with the most complete criminal type, and yet he denies its existence. Now, he is certainly acting in good faith, otherwise he would not have presented a document which contradicts his assertions. It is evident that he is in error as to what the type is. The same is the case with Manouvrier, who denied the median occipital fossa, X CRIMINOLOGY. in believing that it was a really nutritive depres- sion. I am glad, however, that the subject is treated in North America, where our school has taken such deep root, and has already found prac- tical applications, as at Elmira. And thus, if the new ideas originating in the Old World shall die there, sterilized by the neglect, not of him who created them, but of him who does not compre- hend them, and shall find in the New World those who will perpetuate them by fertilizing and apply- ing them, so the grape, the fruit of the vine, the first consolation, and the first sin of the Asiatic patriarch will commence to return to us from the New World modified and improved. PREFACE TO SECOND EDITION. IN the first edition of this work, issued some three months ago, a full statement of the purpose of the author was not made. A few of the criti- cisms seem to indicate some misapprehensions. The purpose in the general part is to give the most trustworthy opinions and the results of original investigations. In a subject of such recent develop- ment it would be premature to introduce a system or theory of criminology, or to enter into the philosophy of crime or any form of criminological polemics. There is, therefore, no defined theory advocated. Many problems, including that of the criminal " type," are not considered by the author. In a strict sense, criminology is, of course, not yet a science any more than sociology is ; but it may prove to be an important step in the direction of a scientific study of humanity ; for investigations of normal humanity with scientific instruments and methods can best begin in prison. At least half of the prisoners are as normal as persons outside, and they are much easier reached and much more likely to confess truths that individuals in free life would conceal. The chapter on criminal hypnotism is an en- deavor to present the actual state of the question, which, as might be expected, is indefinite, some- 2 CRIMINOLOGY. times contradictory, and generally unsatisfactory. The author has, however, leaned more toward the Nancy than the Charcot school. The latter at first denied that normal people could be hypno- tized ; but it gradually receded for this position. At present it seems to deny criminal hypnotism ; but such denial does not come from those who have made extensive experiments on the crimino- logical side. The author may be allowed to state that his impressions have been formed by a per- sonal attendance on the courses and experiments of leading investigators in both schools. In Part II., description of the individual and his patho-social surroundings has been the main ob- ject. Whether any such study will solve any problems is more important practically than scientifically yet it is a general scientific belief that truth is always practical, and that it is the most direct method of solving problems, if such be possible with the inadequate knowledge at present attainable. A complete study of a criminal would include his history, genealogy, and all the particulars con- cerning himself and his surroundings previous to and during his criminal act ; also a study of him in the psycho-physical sense, that is, experiments upon his mind and body with instruments of pre- cision, measuring, for example, his thought-time, senses of sight, hearing, touch, taste, smell, press- ure, heat, cold, etc.; also an examination of his organs after death, especially of his brain. It is evident that no one person could make an ade- PREFACE TO SECOND EDITION, 3 quate study of a criminal. The histology of the brain alone with its physiology is more than the life-work of many men could accomplish. Thus, criminology must depend for its advancement upon the work of numerous specialists. Scientific research in nervous diseases and in insanity has taken but a few steps ; yet the close relation of crime to these conditions is well known. / Critics who expect definite conclusions in crimi- / nology reveal their ignorance of the extent of the subject. It is an initiatory step in the experimental , study of individuals themselves and their exact "relations to their surroundings. It is the physio- logical side of social disease as well as the ana- tomical. Both a practical and scientific value of criminology may consist in showing more clearly what normal society is or ought to be ; just as the study of insanity by contrast gives an insight into mental health. The growing interest in criminology, and espe- cially in social science, or, more exactly, social pathology, should encourage all serious students to undertake the investigation of the many vital questions that lie directly before them. Chapter I. has been interpreted by some as materialistic. The author may state that he does not belong to that school of philosophy and was not aware that such an interpretation would be put upon his words. WASHINGTON, D. C. April, 1893. PREFACE. IN Part I. the results of the researches of others mainly have been given. Part II. consists of indi- vidual and typical cases personally studied by the author in penal and reformatory institutions of America. The " type " has been considered from the psychological rather than the physical side. The author takes great pleasure in acknowledging his indebtedness first, and most of all, to Lombroso for his epoch-making work, " L'Homme Crim- inel." Much assistance has also been derived from Dr. Corre's excellent treatise, " Les Criminels," and some of the writings of the following authors have been freely consulted: Bernheim, von Krafft-Ebing, Aubry, Jilles de la Tourette, Laurent, von Holder, Benedikt, and Tenchini. The author, too, was kindly offered every assistance by those in charge of the institutions in which special cases were studied; and he takes great pleasure in acknowl- edging the same. He was also permitted to be locked up with certain criminals whom it was considered dangerous to allow out of their cells. The endeavor has been to follow scientific methods. 6 PREFACE. All personal names in the cases studied, and most of the names of places, have been omitted. The first portion of the bibliography (Part III.) is divided according to languages. The English works treat more of the practical side of crim- inology. The second portion, much of which is taken from Ferri's recent work, "Sociologia Criminale," is arranged under special heads, and refers more directly to the scientific side of criminology. WASHINGTON, D. C, December, 1892. CONTENTS. INTRODUCTION BY PROF. CESARE LOMBROSO. FACES. Criminal type Type scarcely recognized Reasons Criminals by occasion not belonging to type Strange ideas of type Idea of type limited Defi- nitions of Gratiolet, Goethe, Saint-Hilaire, and Broca Type an ensemble of prominent traits Skulls easily arranged Joly's inconsistency Error of Magnan and Manouvrier Deep root of school in America Ideas to return to Europe modified and improved vii-x, Preface 5-6 Preface to Second Edition 1-3 PART I. GENERAL CRIMINOLOGY. CHAPTER I. THE Evotj^lON OF CRIME. Absolute impartiality impossible Descriptive meth- od in science Embryology of crime Phenomena closely allied Taking of life in war patriotic Nature a synthetic whole Lower realms explain higher Acts of nature cruel Equivalents of murder Dependence on histological conditions Equivalents of crime, increase from vegetable to animal Cannibalism Infanticide Irresistible impulse Influence of weather on animals Theft among animals Species of kleptomania In- fluence of alcohol on animals Swindling and deceit of animals Meanness Sense of property Punishment of animals Prehistoric races Man's progress slow Crime the rule Philologi- CRIMINOLOGY. PACES. cal evidence Excessive increase of population Homicides ordained by religion Abortion com- mon Ancient Mexican aristocracy The New Caledonians Custom in Sweden, New Zealand, etc. Celebrity of assassins Idea of property wanting Crime from point of view of savage Natural conservatism Greatest of crimes Brahmins, Arabs, Abyssinians Rudimentary jus- tice Increase of despotism Theft a serious crime Murder a secondary offense Duels first legal forms of punishment Compensation for vengeance Power of chiefs increased Muscular force not sufficient Germs of crime in infancy Frequency of anger in children Ways of mani- festation Children's lying, love, cruelty, and murder Impure/origin of justice Vengeance treme egotism of man. War. . . . 17-35 PHYSICAL SIDE OF THE CRIMINAL. Measdfements of children Anomalies Physically lefective Criminal children Effect of education Minors, normal and criminal Adults Weight Health of different classes of criminals Physi- ognomy First impressions Classification of ex- pressions Ethnic type Murderers, thieves, ped- erasts, swindlers, forgers, etc. Hair Eye Physi- ognomical type Illustrative proverbs Facial muscles Difficult to distinguish recidivists Tat- tooing of sailors, prostitutes, soldiers Causes of tattooing Craniology Comparative study Cranial capacity and intelligence Weight of cranium Semi-horizontal circumference Auric- ular angles, table Curves Cephalic index Brachycephalic most common Vertical and frontal indices Corre's results Cranial anom- alies, table of asymmetry Surroundings and heredity Skeleton and members Homicides, violators, thieves, assassins, idiots Cerebrology Comparative brain weight Anomalies Conclu- sion Inadequacy of present knowledge Recip- rocal influence of brain and cranium Pathology CONTENTS. 9 PACKS. Regularity of prison life favorable Feeble health in thieves Premature senility, agitated life Mortality, table Prostitution Pathological anat- omy, table Valvular insufficiency Liver and stomach 36-69 CHAPTER HI.-^PSYCHOLOGY OF CRIMINALS. General sensibility less M^eoric sensibility greater = sight, hearing Left-haixfedness Anomalies of mobility Blushing Sphygmbgraphy, vascular reaction cases Victors' feeble reflexes Lon- gevity of criminals' Effects of insensibility Moral as great as physical Peculiar acts of criminals Sentiments Instability always present Vanity, extreme cases Vengeance Cruelty and sexuality, lust-murders Wine and gambling Other tendencies, fast life Crime and insanity Sensibility and passions, savagery, impetuosity Vulnerability, analgesia Conduct at execu- tions, fainting, defiant, loquacious Suicide Soldiers Religion of criminals Glaring contra- dictions 70-96 \. ^ N CHAFT^.-'fV. INTELLIGENCE OF CRIMINALS. Below the averagg=**Lac_enaire's testimony Cred- ulousness, levity, lack of foresight Specialists in crime Superstitions Poisoners, species of thieves, assassins Idlers and vagrants Crimin- als of genius Crime rare among scientists and mathematicians Education and crime Poets and artists Per cent, of education in France, Austria, Italy Compared with insane Slang Insight into criminal mind Objects by attributes, phonetic disguise Many synonyms for guards, drunkenness, money Few ideas of criminals Cyiminal hieroglyphics and signatures In Naples and Sicily Two groups Writing of the insane, points over letters Literature of criminals The ancients Descriptions of species of swin- dlers and vagabonds Product of leisure hours Old friends in prison ^Esthetical feeling 10 CRIMINOLOGY. PAOB*. " Tiravallura "Criminal maxims Songs of ven- geance Lacenaire, "To my Love" Bad influ- ence of prison Novice blushes First step taken Bad passions Literary miasma Productions of the insane ..^^c^rv 97-118 S JpF CRIMINALS. Criminality strengthened Savage tendencies de- veloped Vanity Constant purpose Sex Char- acter of association Division of labor Criminal idea of punishment Method of trial Aid of women Feigning epileptic fit The Camorra Hierarchy Aspirants for candidacy Enemy of authority Exposure of life Banquet The " Si " Distribution of "la Camorra" Extortions The tenth part The poor suffer Death penalty/ Determination of guilt Certainty of punishment The Maffia Word Variety of Camorrists Keeping secrets Origin of Maffia Code Pro- tection of the rich Vengeance Anarchy Thieves and assassins Argot " Picciotti " Avoiding detection Whjwrfouse arms 1 19-128 CHAPTER VI. CRIMINAL CONTAGION. Reformation Testimony of Lacenaire Contagion from the press Cases Tropman Reading of novels Significant confession Finer sensibili- ties hardened Weaklings affected Contagion by vitriol or revolver Women Seduction and abandonment Approval of the crowd False heroine Poisoning less employed Progress of science,.. 129-135 CHAPTER VII.- CRIMINAL HYPNOTISM. Violation Lethargic state Semblence of voluntary action Memory confused Simulation Som- nambulism Doubtful offenses Opinion of Jilles de la Tourette Experimental cases Post-hyp- notic states Charcot's case Subject to hypno- tism Danger to hypnotiser Hysterical per- sons Sterno-mastoid muscle Analogue states CONTENTS. II PAGES. Irresistible force Experiment of Lie"gois False testimony through fear Precautions Duty of magistrate Danger of suggesting to witness Determination of suggestibility Criminal sug- gestions Cases of Bernheim Influence of hyp- nosis Indirect influence on other patients Expla- nation of noted case Chambige Subconscious state in love Suggestion, passion irresistible Idio-dynamic automatism Case of young lady and physician Confession of love during som- nambulism Suspicious pregnancy Case of sug- gestible lawyer Double personality Past exist- ence forgotten Arrested for swindling Normal persons at times capricious All degrees of trans- formation The r61e of suggestion in morality Greatest criminals not always most guilty Case of Laurent Krafft-Ebing's case of theft Auto and experimental hypnosis Case of romance Simulated hypnotism . ., ..136-154 CHAPTER Crime a profession Reformation rare Prison or asylum Defective prison discipline deepens criminality False names, coarseness, audacious plots Necessity of severe punishment First stage of insanity Alcoholics seldom thieves Persecu- tive hallucinations Von Holder's classification Crime and insanity, distorted manifestations of mind Criminal inclinations common Civilization and recidivation increase Statistics in Belgium, Prussia, Austria, France Persistency of habitual crime Criminal purposes Prostitutes seldom reform Cellular system in Prussia, Belgium, France Legal notions of crime Increase of crime in young Moral sense Point of view of criminals Moral sense feeble Feelings of crimi- nals Idea of honor Deep remorse a myth Table Confession to justify Lacenaire Confes- sion of the Marquise of Brinvilles Inconstancy and voluptuousness moral metamorphosis Crimi- nals' arguments Two kinds of justice, natural and artificial Thieves' meeting in London Divi- sion of booty Mutual jealousy 155-166 12 CRIMINOLOGY. PACES. PART II. SPECIAL CRIMINOLOGY. METHOD (>|>l^yESTiGATiON. Details Insight into typical cases Repetition the rule Value of single cases Visiting reformato- ries Pure theft, murder and meanness The worst cases Prison environment known Signifi- cance of complaints Order of procedure Pre- vious knowledge of prisoner important Method of interview Abnormal cases Each case pre- sented so as to leave reader independent Im- portance of slight offenses Knowledge about prisoners after leaving prison Advancement In- stitutions useful to society for study Knowledge of causes' first step Degree of cure important Exact knowledge rare N, lambda, E t inion and -Fophisthion. The first angle (A O JB) represents the facial region ; the second (J5 O C) the frontal cerebral region ; the third (C O Z>) the parietal region; the fourth (DOE} the occipital cerebral region, and the fifth (E O F) the region of the cerebellum. The size of these angles does not depend upon the size but upon the form of the cranium; this gives the angles special value. Corre measured 150 craniums of widely differ- ent categories, and confirms the value of these angles. THE PHYSICAL SIDE OF THE CRIMINAL. 49 From this table we see that the frontal angle increases as we rise toward the superior races, but that the criminals stand comparatively low (50.9). Cranium. 1 i c * , 73 c g 9 C U S "rt gf a v .3d u .2"ju 'S'3 ,1 S. &o rt ^ O tuD c ^ 2 & 0. o < H Degs. Degs. Degs. Degs. Degs. Degs. Gorilla 61 58 108 52-5 41.2 59-3 62. ! 36.5 ,8 , 35-7 '37 IAA R 49 3 30 I 4 8 New Caledonians. . | W omen. ! . . . 61.7 36.6 French assassins (22 in number). . . 51-8 50.9 67.1 40.9 29.9 r. ( Men .. . So-3 48.5 54.6 55-4 59-7 59-8 40.1 37-7 30.6 30.1 '54-4 152.9 Modern Parisians . . -j Wo ^ en 1 Quatrefage and Hamy's table. * The nasal orbital angle corresponds to facial projections. ' The total cerebral angle includes the frontal, parietal, and occipital angles, which correspond to the cerebral cranium. In the French assassin the frontal angle is smaller than in the African negro. Orchanski and Heger agree in according to the normal man a superior anterior projection of the cranium. CURVES. Bordier concludes that the parietal region is larger in criminals; Benedikt and Lom- broso find no appreciable difference. CEPHALIC INDEX. This expresses the general form of the cranium; it is less in proportion as the length is greater, and more as the length is less. With some variations, the brachycephalic 4 50 CRIMINOLOGY. cranium is the most common among criminals. Lombroso considers this an indication of a tendency to exaggerate ethnic indices. Corre interprets this more in the sense of arrest of development approaching that of the child. VERTICAL INDEX (diameter drawn from the base to bregma). Lombroso finds no notable differ- ence; d'Ardouin, d'Orchanski, and Bordier make it greater in criminals (comparison in the same race); on the other hand, Heger and Dellemagne find it less. FRONTAL INDEX. Lombroso again finds no no- table deviation, Bordier and Corre find it larger in assassins. (The frontal index expresses the transversal development of the anterior cranial region.) Under the total length of face there is a large predominance in favor of the criminal; this exceeds the simple length, but this is in connection with the development of the jaw, for, according to Ferri, the length of the face, in relation to the height of the vertex to the chin, is much greater in criminals ; this height indicates the relation of the face to the development of the cranium. Also the bizygomatic (maximum breadth) breadth of face is larger in criminals. According to Lombroso, the lowest nasal indices are twice as rare, and the highest are twice as fre- quent in the criminals. Lombroso, Ferri, Orchan- ski, Manouvrier and others agree as to the greater development of the lower jaw among criminals ; THE PHYSICAL SIDE OF THE CRIMINAL. : : : : %*% ! ! : : : ri s) OO*. ON OJ 00 M 4k UJ O\ln U ^J OO Parisians. Ci vi ao Murder Under Sex- ui o>b ual Influence. M M * O* lu o u) Murder Under Di- " O 00 *. M verse Influences. M M O* U) OOW W 01 O>00 o\ b b b Murder and Theft. n o 3 B M g o> w w Murder and Sui- M - o* o o o cide. : : :ff -Bli Murder Premedi- 00 00 tated. " O> U O9- Average. i!!! ! ?! Criminals in Gen- eral p? . v> O S 3 5' 2 ~ 3 PJ 5? 2 3 f> S'g 3 era 3 cr % ? v> ^o o 2. 52 CRIMINOLOGY. Lombroso finds greater orbital capacity in crim- inals, explaining it, as in the case of birds of prey, by the coordination of certain organs as the result of more frequent exercise ; this capacity is still more developed in thieves and assassins. We are indebted to Dr. Corre and others for the following facts : (i) Frequency of the median (or metopic) frontal suture. This character appears with brachy- cephalic heads and may be regarded as indicating inferiority ; (2) the parietal or parietal occipital sutures grow together earlier. Thus, the parietal or occipito-parietal sutures are soon effaced, so the parietal-frontal and temporal ; (3) the notched sutures are the simplest. This anomaly (as an interparietal bone in Peruvians and Negroes) is considered by Anouchine as a sign of inferiority ; it is normal in certain animals and constant in em- bryonic life ; (4) the supernumerary or Wormien bones are frequent in the region of the median posterior fontanelle and of the lateral posterior fontanelles ; (5) other characters are the Hevelop- ment of the superciliary ridges with the efface- ment or even frequent depression of the inter- mediary protuberance ; the development of the mastoid apophyses. These characters are correla- tive with the great development of the temporo- parietal region, which in turn is related to the de- velopment of the jaw ; (6) the backward direction of the plain of the occipital depression, as in infe- rior races, is more frequent in criminals. The under surface of the cranium, where the traces of the convolutions, and of the meningeal vessels are THE PHYSICAL SIDE OF THE CRIMINAL. 53 found, has not been sufficiently studied, to give more knowledge concerning encephalic vasculari- zation. For instance, a fossa, situated on a level of the internal occipital crest, corresponding to an abnormal development of the lobe of the cerebel- lum (occipital fossa) is four times as frequent in criminals as in ordinary men. As the following table gives the results from over 3,000 cases, studied by independent investigators, it deserves special attention. It shows the propor- tion of anomalies found by Lombroso in 66 male and 60 female criminals; also Legge's figures from 1,770 normal craniums, those of Lombroso and Amodei from 1,320 soldiers' bodies and 170 insane. One should note the distinctive cranial anomalies as sclerosis epactal bone, receding forehead, frontal sinuses, supercilliary ridges, oxycephalic craniums, internal nasal suture, facial asymmetry, fusion of the atlas; anomalies of the occipital depression and the occipital fossa in men. As regards sex, the men furnish many more anomalies than the women; al- most double the number; the women exceed in platycephalic craniums, in anomalies of the basilary depression and of the frontal apophyses of the temporal bone and in fusion of the atlas with the occipital bone. Lombroso finds in general, on looking at the anomalies as a whole, a distinctive teratological character from the union of many anomalies in the same cranium, the proportion being 43 per cent., while simple isolated anomalies only show 21 per cent, He admits that atavism does not explain 54 CRIMINOLOGY. the frequent cranial and facial obliquity, fusion and the welding of the atlas with the occipital Table of Asymmetry. MALES. FEMALES. Normal. Criminal. Criminal. Normal. t $ I M Insane. Per Cent. Per Cent. Per Cent. Per Cent. Per Cent. Per Cent. 24.0 50.0 28.0 9.0 68.0 3-8 a-7 14.0 18.0 25.0 9-0 28.0 5.0 0.8 4- 1 31.0 37-o 12. O S9-o 9-0 3- IO.O 31.0 26.0 S-o 46.0 i-7 3-a 3-2 8 i 17.2 *3-3 IO.O 20. 6.8 3-4 100. 8.0 5-i 5-4 26.0 Wormian bones Fusion of atlas with occipital bone 6 8 IO O Frontal Appophyses of the tern- ( S 25.0 6 o 3-4 62.0 6.6 29.0 rg.o 12. O 100. 2-3 67.0 Superciliary ridges and devel- j 0.5 37.0 Traces of the intermaxillary suture 52.0 24.0 3-3 60.0 6 o 6.0 6.0 Prognatisra Projecting zygomaticapophyses. . . 34-o 29.0 34.o 30.0 32.0 7.6 IO.O 6.9 100. .... 6.0 6.0 Projection of the temporal bones. Frontal beak of the coronal suture Depression of the coronal glands. Wormian bone of pterion Anomalies of the occipital fossa.. 27.0 2.0 29.0 16.0 2 -5 43.0 9.0 50.0 23.0 IO.O 6.0 So. 18.0 05 3-0 -5 .... 66.0 Projection of the orbital angle ) 15.0 46.0 7.0 6.9 100. .... bone the plagycephalic cranium and exaggerated sclerosis. THE PHYSICAL SIDE OF THE CRIMINAL. 55 Those anomalies seem to him to result from er- rors in development of the foetal cranium, or from diseases slowly evolving from the nervous centers. But the frequency of frontal sinuses, receding foreheads, developed superciliary ridges and sclerosis makes it probable that men with such a number of cranial anomalies have parallel anomalies in intelligence and feelings for these phenomena are visible alterations in volume and form of the intellectual centers. While one can find many asymmetrical craniums among normal people, and while certain asymme- tries can be due to education, or to the alterations of convolutions through functioual excess or defect, due to physiological or psychological causes; yet these occasional causes are limited. Although one part of the brain can sometimes do the work of another, yet one lobe can hardly supply the place of another. Dr. Corre's opinion is that cranial asymmetry in- dicates a certain state of perturbation in cerebral action, and that when education cannot remedy these defects, there is a large chance for the in- stincts to degenerate into evil impulses, which overrule or suppress the intellectual nature and develop into criminal acts. Yet every asymmetry is not necessarily a defect of cerebral development. For, as suggested above, under the influence of education defect of function can be corrected, cov- ered up, or eradicated. This can be due to com- plex psychological operations. But a functional disease would not, strictly speaking, have a func- 56 CRIMINOLOGY. tional compensation, for this would be understood, according to Corre, only by substitution between two regions exactly homogeneous. According to Corre and Broca, a certain number of cranial de- formations have their origin in the brain. Broca says that every affection which, in the foetus or young child, alters gravely the form of the ence- phalic mass, produces necessarily a deformity of the cranium. When we consider the early surroundings (un- hygienic conditions, alcoholic parents, etc.) of the criminal, where he may begin vice as soon as con- sciousness awakes, malformations, due to neglect and rough treatment, are not surprising. Yet cranial malformation may be frequently due to osteological conditions. But here, still, hereditary influence and surrounding conditions in early life exert their power. Many are scrofulous and rach- itic, which affections modify the osteological struc- ture. In its turn, the cranium forces the brain to a reduction in its development, and iu general nutritional perturbations cause irremediable troubles in the brain. Lacassagne and Clequet say that the head that is symmetrical posteriorly is more developed on the left anterior side, and the head symmetrical anteri- orly is more developed on the left posterior side. There is sometimes a tendency to compensation; if the predominance is parietal, it is counterbalanced to a certain point, by a frontal prominence or occipi- tal, or both. There is a tendency to correction by the relative development of certain opposite regions. THE PHYSICAL SIDE OF THE CRIMINAL. 57 Skeleton and Members. Homicides show a strong development of the osseous system, while thieves and violators have weak skeletons. The assassins generally have a strong physical organization, but some of them merit the double epithet of strong and with little intelligence. Weight, stature, and thoracic develop- ment in connection with small forehead would put a number of malefactors close to pathological be- ings, as Cretins and Idiots ; because in both cases there is often the same coexistence of muscular force and intellectual depression. The bandit of the most brutal kind however is not so weak men- tally, since his muscular force is in service of his cerebral activity, which, although incomplete, is kept awake by his mode of life. The idiot, on the other hand, has little to develop his mental activity. Although a strong physical organization among assassins is the rule, there are some exceptions, as in persons practicing ambush, or where the victim is feeble, or strategy is required. Dr. Corre men- tions a young flirt at Paris, who had assassinated and robbed several lovers, her favorite instrument being the hammer. She was gentle in manner, polite, and of agreeable physique ; but was remark- able for muscular force ; she always dressed in gentleman's attire. The extremities in criminals are often deformed. The hands are large and short in murderers and in those condemned for assault and battery ; they are long and narrow in thieves. Lacassagne found 600 out of 800 criminals with large finger-reach. 58 CRIMINOLOGY. Cerebrology. BRAINWEIGHT. 4. Bischoff, after comparing the weight of 137 brains of criminals with 422 of nor- mal men, obtained no striking difference. Lom- broso, finding an asymmetrical predominance on the right in 41 per cent., and on the left in 20 per cent. (38 per cent, being equal), thinks this is significant, since in physiological asymmetries the two sides are equal. Giacomini found in 42 homicides 20 with right lobe heavier, and 18 with the left lobe heavier; in the four others the two lobes were equal. Topi- nard says that large brains have less convolutions; and small brains more. In this way there is a com- pensation, as in the case of Gambetta, whose brain was small, but finely convoluted. Anomalies. Flesch, out of 50 brains of criminals, did not find one without anomalies. From an examination of 28 brains he found: Alterations of the meninges, to the extent of 50 per cent.; adherences of the pia mater and to the gray substance, 4 per cent.; adherences of the dura mater to the gray substance, 6 per cent.; internal hemorrhagical pachymengitis, 10 per cent.; leptomeningitis in young men, 14 per cent.; tubercular meningitis of the base, i percent.; oedema of the pia mater, 7 per cent.; altheroma of the basiliary arteries, 8 per cent.; spinal hemor- rhagic meningitis, i per cent.; atrophy of the gray substance, i per cent.; cerebral hemorrhage, 3 per cent. These anomalies generally were not accom- THE PHYSICAL SIDE OF THE CRIMINAL. 59 panied with the symptoms that ordinarily follow them. Lombroso thinks that Saltmann, in his observa- tions on the development and gradual multiplica- tion of the motor centers of the cortical substance, shows how the brain can be deeply affected, and at the same time never manifest the symptoms of the disease. In experiments made on new-born dogs and rabbits immediately after birth, electric exci- tation of the gray matter is not capable of exciting a movement. But the centers are little by little distinguished, following the groups of muscles. The defect of these centers in the first periods of life often explain at that time how cerebral diseases can rest latent; if, for instance, there is an arrest of development in one region, the multiplication of regulative centers ceases, but as in foetal life some other centers can perform the functions of all; thus the psychical work, being less divided, is imperfect, and the pathological process rests dormant. In 92 brains of criminals were found in the cen- tral membranes : Opaqueness and adhesions in 10 ; inflammations in 3 ; slight ossifications in diverse parts in i ; osteoma in 3 ; softening in 3 ; points of hemorrhages in 5 ; arterial degeneracy in 4 ; tumors in 3 ; adherence of the posterior horns in i; hemorrhages of the lateral ventricles in 2 ; abcess of cerebellum and cerebrum in 2. Benedikt, from a study of nineteen brains of criminals of different nationalities, finds a typical confluence of fissures ; that is to say, if we regard the fissures as rivers, floating bodies can pass into 60 CRIMINOLOGY. almost all the other fissures ; because bridges be- tween the fissures are wanting. This means that important brain substance is wanting. Rtidinger has shown that brachycephalic and dolicocephalic brains have these characteristics in foetal life. Huschke has shown that negroes' brains belong to this type. Thus the three important fissures of the outer surface, that is the central fissure, the third frontal fissure, and a portion of the inter- parietal fissure have a great tendency to unite with the Sylvian fissure, so that there results not only an anterior and posterior rising branch, but also three other branches, namely, the central fissure, third parietal, and a portion of the interparietal fissure. Benedikt says, " that to suppose that an atypically constructed brain can function normally is out of the question. What we do not know is, why such a brain functions this way and not that ; and why, under certain psychological conditions, it functions just in this way." But Benedikt's results do not seem to be con- firmed by the investigations of others, For in- stance, Tenchini, after examining thirty-two brains of criminals from the prison of Parma, does not find these peculiarities ; yet he does find a greater fre- quency of cerebral anomalies than in normal men. Conclusion. Ou*- knowledge of the criminal's brain as well as of the brain in general is very inadequate, and this in spite of the numerous investigations that have been made. The fact that an individual has THE PHYSICAL SIDE OF THE CRIMINAL. 6l psychical anomalies, and at the same time cerebral or cranial or both, does not show that either one is the cause of the other, although it may justify a presumption that they are in some way related. For such conclusions are based upon brain an- atomy rather than brain physiology, which is a field about which very little is known. It is easy to conceive that brain circulation, qualitative and quantitative, has as much to do in its effect on the mind as anatomical relations. It is, nevertheless, reasonable to assume, that in the last analysis every physiological irregularity is based upon an anatomical one ; yet the reverse may be assumed also. The probability would seem to be, that the physiological and anatomical mutually act and react one upon the other ; and to decide which is primary is wholly beyond our present knowledge. There is still another difficulty, often over- looked, as to the relation between the craninm and brain. In embryonic life, it is quite probable that the development of the brain has great influence upon that of the cranium, and it is possible, later on at least, that the cranium has equal influence upon the brain. Pathology. In criminals the constitution is rather medium or feeble than strong or vigorous. On account of isolation, regret from want of freedom, a wander- ing life and solitary vices (common in prisons), the constitution may be impaired. On the other hand, some adapt themselves to this life, which is calmer, 62 CRIMINOLOGY. more regular in regimen, and free from temptations to debauch. Yet, on the whole, the depressive action is predominant. Ferrus found in the prisons of Milan and of Clairvaux 1,455 criminals in good health out of 2,153 on their arrival, 471 with fair constitutions and 227 with feeble; of the whole number, 908 at the end of a certain time were in good health, 379 in fair health, and 579 had notably run down in health. Lauvergne says feeble health predominates in thieves in the galleys, and that they are the most numerous class there. In spite of the severities of ancient prisons, quite a number reach an advanced age. Out of 252 in- corrigibles, Corre found 69 from 60 to 70 years of age, and three over 70. At Brest, Toulon, and Rochefort in France (for 1843, 1849, 1853) the pro- portion of deaths was an average of 46.1 per thou- sand; for the same period in France the mortality was 25 per thousand. According to Corre, mortality increases with the age of the person at the moment of entrance, and augments especially after the age of 40. This latter fact indicates less power of adapt- ation to prison life. The proportion of mortality is small in the case of those just beginning adult life, who have scarcely had time to contract per- manent habits, or who while in liberty have known only misery. But in the case of those from 21 to 30, where the physical and moral action takes place in the change of existence, the proportion of deaths increases greatly; it increases till it finds its maximum above 40, when the constitution is THE PHYSICAL SIDE OF THE CRIMINAL. weakened by a premature senility the result of an agitated and irregular life. Those 20 years of age or under show a maximum mortality in the first year of imprisonment; and this maximum is not exceeded in any other period. Between 20 and 30, deaths are more frequent from the second to the fifth year of imprisonment; after- wards the mortality is affected in a less degree by the duration of imprisonment. During 5 to 20 years of imprisonment, there is an increase in mortality of persons from 30 to 40 years of age. Among the condemned after 40 years, the deaths are according to conditions of age rather than duration of imprisonment. In the marine hospital at Brest, from 1844 to 1846, 200 deaths took place, the following table 1 gives the data: u V a 1 3 rt . .j hJ ^ < U tl ^^S g v o"^ .^ JJU IQCU 5'', plices. Sometimes poisoning assumes the form !i'. J ,'' an epidemic, especially witfy woa}en, s . >a, ^ Thieves are fond of showy jcoloiti, *oys, .chains, earrings; they ai>e tbe, m,ost ignorant and credy<- lous of all; they arc cowards, by nature, make int?,- mate acquaintance at first sig-bt, if .one speaks iheir slang; they even fall in with foreigners, travel with them not knowing their language; French- men and Germans sometimes unite. Criminals believe in dreams, omens, and unlucky days; go with prostitutes, their natural friends; associate in bands; they like the noise of large cities, it is their element; they are incapable of working steadily, are bold liars; they are the most difficult to reform, especially the women who are courtesans in addi- tion. Swindlers are superstitious, clever, lustful, more capable of good or bad actions than other crimi- nals; they are bigots and hypocrites, with a soft air, benevolent and vain, and lavish with their ill- gotten money; they are often insane or feign in- sanity. Assassins affect a soft and sympathetic manner, 102 CRIMINOLOGY. and a calmness pervades them; they are seldom given to wine, but very much to gambling and carnal love; among themselves they are audacious, arrogant, and boast of their crimes. Their dex- terity is the result of practice; one kills his victim with the very first blow; when not engaged in their occupation they are gay fellows, and seek especially 'the society 9f the theaters. \Idjte* awd 'vagrants .-are; almost always of a gay and joyous humor; in' prison,' others make clowns of hemseb/es;rk, not so much on account of fatigue as of uniformity of movement in their work, which is caused by division of labor in large factories, and which they cannot endure; many of them rather than labor thus expose their health and life to much more dangerous work. They are not generally passionate to the degree that would lead to crime. Their lazy life and light gaiety have caused them to invent strange trades, such as making sonorous bellows, which produce noises like that of a fight, attracting the crowd and police; another is a great colorer of pipes, or colors rabbits; another dresses flea-bites. One claimed to have 27 professions. He was boot- black, rag-picker, errand runner, public crier, etc., et^. These naturally are experts in slang. Now and then there are criminals with genius, who invent new forms of crime. Vidocq sue- INTELLIGENCE OF CRIMINALS. IOJ ceeded in escaping many times, and caused many villains to fall into the hands of justice. He has "traced out in his memoir a pychology of crime. Criminals are endowed with a particular kind of genius. Noscino, whom no prison in Tuscany could hold more than a month, evaded his keepers after having given them warning. Another has left a manual concerning the art of opening locks. At Sing Sing a prisoner succeeded in establishing a distillery with the remains of fruits and potatoes furnished by the prison, and concealed this for a long time. Generally, how- ever, the criminals of genius lack either the fore- sight or the necessary cunning to carry their proj- ects through to the end; at the root of their character there is a lightness that is sure to show itself. In general their genius is more of a knavish and clever nature; they lack coherence and con- tinuity in mental work; what they have of this is powerful but it is intermittent. Criminals are rare in the scientific world. Many of those accused of crime have not been proven guilty. Peculation may be more than a mere feebleness of character. Sallust and Seneca were accused of this, but without certain proofs. Cre- mani, a " consul " and celebrated criminalist, be- came a forger. Demme, a noted surgeon, was guilty of theft and poisoning. Crime is very rare among mathematicians and natural scientists. Great men, and those in high positions, are often exposed to accusations of every nature by the envy and jealousy of others. 104 CRIMINOLOGY. Lambroso gives the following table as to educa- tion : Delinquents. Normals. (507.) (ioo.) Per cent. Per cent. 1. Analphabets ...... 12 6 2. Elementary instruction . ... 95 69 3. Superior instruction . . . '. 12 27 Here 507 criminals are compared with ioo nor- mal men. The criminals are much below the nor- mals in the two extremes, but not in the elemen- tary instruction. In Austria the lowest per cent, of crime (0.83 to 0.71 per cent.) for 14 years was found to be among those engaged in scientific work. Men of science in general find their investigations a pleasure in themselves, their work requires them to hold rigidly to the criticisms of the true. This training enables them to overcome their passions easier and to see clearer how a criminal action is not only un- just, but illogical and of no profit, because the re- action comes with full force back upon the author of the crime. With poets and artists crime is more frequent; they are dominated more by passion than those engaged in severe inductions or deductions. Among noted poisoners many poets can be named of a certain grade, as Venosca, Lacenaire, Winter. Lafarge, Barre, Lebiez; but their reputation rested more on versification. The artists are led to crime by love or jealousy of their profession more than men of letters are. Cellini was guilty of several murders; another kills his wife to marry again; INTELLIGENCE OF CRIMINALS. 105 but there are few criminals among sculptors, and ' still fewer among architects, perhaps their profes- sion requires more the calm of meditation. Painters abuse alcohol more than other artists. Criminality is more frequent among the liberal professions. In Italy 6. i per cent, of criminals have superior education; in France, 6.0 per cent.; in Austria, from 3.6 to 3.11 per cent.; in Bavaria 4.0 per cent. The proportion is here relatively greater than in the other classes of society; it is easy for the physician to give poison, the lawyer to cause perjury to be committed, and the teacher rape. Illiteracy is extremely common among prostitutes. As compared with the insane; criminals are much more lazy; but what they do has more pur- pose. Education tends to diminish monomania, religious and epidemical insanity, insanity of mur- der, and it gives to crime a less violent and less base appearance. Sallust, Seneca and Demme were not free from the taint of crime, and Lombroso says that Comte, Swammerdam, Pascal, Tasso, and Rousseau were more or less troubled with melancholia and mono- mania. Slang. The recidivists, who are collected together in the large cities, have a language of their own, and while preserving the grammatical type, general assonances, and the idiomatical syntax in use among the people, they change the vocabulary. The greatest and most curious alteration ap- 106 CRIMINOLOGY. preaches that of the slang of primitive languages; it consists in indicating the objects by one of their attributes; thus the " kid " is called " the jumper "; death, "the meagre," "the lean," "the cruel," " the certain." We can, by a study of their slang, obtain insight into their criminal turn of mind. The soul is called " the false"; shame," the red or the bloody "; the hour," the rapid "; the moon, " the in- former or spy"; the street lamps, "the inconve- nient"; the lawyer, " the whitener or washer"; the purse, " the sacred "; blood, " grape-jam "; the prison, " the little saint "; the pawn, " the saint or sacred"; alms or charity, " the pig-iron or sow"; preaching, " the tiresome"; the nun, " the blessed one"; the knee, "the devout one"; the canon, "the brutal one"; the painter, "the creator"; the soup of the prison in Lombardy is called " the bad"; " blond, " means a bottle of white wine; " pale dull color " stands for money; " a dead bot- tle " is an empty bottle; "curly head " is a Jew; " the sounder " is justice; " father sounder " is the judge; wisdom designates "the salt." Another method is to follow the metaphor of a phonetic disguise, thus prophet is " pocket or cel- lar " alluding to its depth; poverty is called " phil- osophy." " To strangle a parrot " is to drink a glass of absinth; the color of both is green. The prostitute is " the hotel of need." " The white nuns " are the teeth. The cravat is " the arch in heaven "; " the bridle " is the chain of the prisoner; " the judge of peace " is the executioner; the col- lege is " the prison." In Lombardy the legs are INTELLIGENCE OF CRIMINALS. 107 called " the little branches "; " ducat " is used for pleasure; "vice" for hunger; "teeth" for the fork. Sometimes the metaphor is worthy to rest in ordinary language. " Juileettiser " to dethrone is in French for drinker, in Spanish for vagabond; a Grecian is one who deceives in the game. Here are some locations with homophonic allusions to certain persons or places: to go toNiort is to deny, (French nier) to go to Rouen is to be ruined (ruin/). Others, as among savages, are made by onoma- topy: "a stroke" is to walk; "tuff" is a pistol; * tic " is a watch. Synonyms are found also: " papa" is the chief of justice; the ninth hour is the " sentinel." There is also a turning of words: Orfevre (goldsmith) is " ophelin"; philanthrope for filou (thief); "Andarea Legnano" is to receive strokes of a club. There is sometimes a double play, phonetic and etymological, as " Martin Rou- nant, gendarme "; Rouen is officer of the police, and the " roue " instrument of execution (wheel or rack); " Erdman " is man-earth, for earthen pot. Other transformations consist only in changing the terminations, in making metatheses, to sup- press or add syllables which obscure the sense of the word, perhaps due to the idea of anything merely new, a characteristic of lazy minds, as in French, friod for froid; " zerver " or " server " or "verser"; in Italian camaro for camorade. For- eign words are a rich source for slang. The Ger- mans borrow from the Hebrew, the Italians from the Germans and French, and the English from I08 CRIMINOLOGY. Italian and Sanscrit. " Furfante " (Italian) means rogue; it refers to a servant whose business it is to strike the convicts; it was borrowed from the Italians by the French ; also " Fuoroba," which is the cry of the galley sergeant to give the signal of a capture; it means without robe. Ancient terms, which have disappeared from the modern lexicons, furnish curious examples: Arton, the bread; lenza, the water; cuba, the house. The French say " to be warm " (Sire chaucT) for to sus- pect (se me"fier). The Spanish say " milanes " for pistol, by allusion to the ancient fabrics at Milan. There is a richness of synonyms for things espe- cially interesting to criminals; 17 different words have been found that indicate the guards; 7 for pocket, 9 for sodomy. The French criminals have 44 synonyms to express drunkenness; 20 for the act of drinking; 8 for wine; that is 72 in all for drink, 19 for water, and 36 for money Criminals have need of good eyes ; they call them " the ardents," " clairs " (clear); " mirettes" (a species of bell flower), " quinquets " (lamps). Criminals tend to animalize things: the skin is for them " the hide"; the arm is a "pinion"; the visage is a "muzzle" a "snout," the mouth is a "beak." They employ negatives voluntarily : to be " vicious " is to be clever; they will not say, " Je suis bien fait," but " Je ne suis pas dejet " (crooked, warped, perverted). In conversation, " ne pas etre me*chant," is equivalent to "etre un imbecile"; they make everything worse; thus to put anything into the form of a corpse is to eat it. In spite of INTELLIGENCE OF CRIMINALS. 109 large possible resources the slang is poor, owing to the few ideas of criminals. Some expressions re- main constant by reason of their sonorousness and bizarre nature. The Germans and Italians call a watch " tick." The analogy of situations account for the numerous similitudes of ideas. Phonetical resemblances are much more rare; they are favored by the inconstance of criminals, who desire either to escape justice or to strike their victim unbe- known, or to obey the vagabond instinct; this causes them to change their residence and carry their expressions from one country into another. The principal cause of slang among criminals is the necessity for the malefactors to escape the vigilance of the police. But just as language is changed according to location, climate, custom, and new conditions, so slang follows the same laws. To a certain extent every profession has its slang. This tendency to form slang among mem- bers of the same trade is strong, especially when the trade is suspicious. Hieroglyphics and Signatures of Criminals. i i CO 9 6 Figure i is a hieroglyphic for theft ; a vertical line crossed by a spiral, figure 3, indicates a theft completed ; the chain on the anchor in figure 4 110 CRIMINOLOGY. shows the direction taken by the thief in escaping; figure 5 is the sign for a tramp or beggar ; figure 2 means, I am afraid of being imprisoned ; figure 6, a player at dice, who loads them. In England, in 1849, a map (" Cadger Map ") was found; it was intended for tramps; the plan of the villages and farms of the country was given, with the following signs attached for indicating the virtues or defects of the proprietors : X = bad (too poor) ; * = very nice gentlemen; n look out for the dog; < = go this way; = very religious people ; = a month in prison to be expected. In Naples and Sicily, where the associations are well rooted, there are a large number of hiero- glyphics. The prostitutes are a " wooden shoe," an allusion to the great abundance of old shoes in the low cellars of Naples; poison is indicated by a serpent; prison, by a cage; brigand, by a belt with dagger; swindling, by a playing- card; a cat hung up is a sure theft; the chief of the guards is a head with a full beard; theft in the country is a bundle of grapes; a fortunate steal is a star or rose; a qualified one is scissors; one in general is a key; the city is a bell; the judge is a scorpion; liberty is a rooster; 5 is a hand; 100 is a leg; 50 is half of a leg. Some of the signs change: the eye means a spy in Central Italy and power in Southern Italy (by allusion to the fascinating force of a bad eye). Evasion is a bird, sometimes it is a horse, and sometimes a revolver being discharged. Lom- broso considers these doubly atavistic, because INTELLIGENCE OF CRIMINALS. JII some reproduce the signs in use among ancient people, and they are the starting-point in the incli- nation of savages to paint their thought in figures, which were gradually transformed into letters. It is generally considered futile to expect to ob- tain a glance into the character through the writ- ing. It is not impossible that the jests of a person, his voice, his manner of pronunciation, his walk, and all phenomena due to the action of certain muscles may give some useful indications as to the state of his character. Although such tactics have been followed too much for curiosity, and so much that is frivolous has been written; yet too much has been claimed, so that whatever is of value has been covered up. Lombroso, after leaving out of account those whose writing was wholly infantile, divides 520 criminals into two groups: ist Group. Homicides, highway robbers, and brigands. The largest part of these write with let- ters lengthened out; the form is more curvilinear and at the same time more projecting, due to the pro- longation of the letters either up or down; in quite a number the cross for the " t " is heavy and pro- longed as is common for warriors and energetic persons. All ornament their signature with small strokes and flourishes; some terminate their names with a sort of hook; with others (assassins) each word ends with a sharp vertical stroke. Of 96 in- dividuals, 36 showed no striking peculiarity. 2d Group: Composed exclusively of thieves who do not make their letters curvilinear, but all 112 CRIMINOLOGY. letters are small; the signature has nothing strik- ing. On the whole the writing is like that of the women. The type for the thieves is a species of hook, a bending of almost all the letters. Of 106, 12 had no peculiarities. The writing of the female homicides resembles that of the assassins in the stronger sex. In general all female criminals ap- proach the masculine type of writing. This is also true of respectable women with some energy. Lombroso suggested to an irreproachable young man in the hypnotic state, that he was a brigand, and his writing changed wholly, he made large letters and enormous " t's." These results have more importance when we compare them with the insane. The insane, with exception of monoma- niacs, have a fine writing, deformed by scrawls, cramped, uneven, with the capital letters where there should be small ones; the letters sometimes have a measured longness, or are ridiculously small and never of the same size. Some maniacs put points over all the letters or between each one; many monomaniacs and partic- ularly all the insane or partially insane, who may be called literary, because they scribble yearly volumes, have the custom of underlining a great number of words or of writing them different from the others and tracing them with great care in or- der to imitate pointed writing. With paralytics and hypochondriacs the first letters of each word are quite indistinct, the last are difficult to de- cipher; all letters are trembling and uncertain and often preceded by shapeless signs, made by a hesi- INTELLIGENCE OF CRIMINALS. 113 tating pen. The " r's " and the " t's " of those having dementia or general paralysis are replaced by " 1 " or even suppressed. The maniacs and those with dementia place words over one another or write them partly in capitals and partly in small letters, repeating the same letters eight or ten times. A large number, especially the monoma- niacs, are not satisfied to follow the horizontal line, but write vertically also and form designs with their words, which resemble pages for topograpical plans. Literature of Criminals. The ancients have as models of criminal litera- ture the obscene books of Ovid, Petronius, and Aretino; but, aside from their contents, they are bad models, being devoid of rhetoric and of a low literary style as in the popular almanacs. In Italy there is the famous " Trattato dei Bianti " (Treatise of Vagabonds); it describes 38 species of swindlers and vagabonds of Central Italy, the most curious of which are the " testa- tors " who feign dying in order to leave their property to others; the " affarfanti " who pretended to have expiated great crimes by cruel penitences; the " formigoti " who are false soldiers returning from false expeditions to Palestine. The " Sbrisci " (sliders), who go naked, pretending to have been captured and maltreated by the Turks; the "ruffiti," false incendiaries, who pretend to have left their homes in ruins. Out of 92 little stories (bought at public places), 8 114 CRIMINOLOGY. Lombroso found 20 which related to crime and thefts; 14 were in verse and 6 in prose. But aside from this literature, there is that com- ing direct from prisoners, the product of long leisure moments and of badly restrained passions. The poems of this kind are very numerous in Spain; and still more so in Russia, where people sing them outside of the prisons. The following is an example: I will pillage the merchant in his store, I will kill the noble in his castle, I will carry off the brandy and beautiful daughter, and the world will know me as a king. One writing of the prison says: " There alone you will find the brothers, there the friends, treas- ures, good repasts, a sweet existence; outside you will be always in the midst of your enemies; if you cannot work you will die of hunger." Such writings indicate how an excessive humanitarian- ism turns the prisons into comfortable hotels. The following shows some sesthetical feeling in criminal nature^ " In the midst of the place of Vicaria, with her tiny hands she makes for me signs. I saw that it was my little mother, and that her eyes flowed like two fountains. Mother, you alone who think of me, I am surrounded by evil Christians. We are in hell, condemned. And you, dear mother, breathe in vain your prayers." Those are in error who deny such feeling to crimi- nals. Les Farias (men who are of the lowest caste of INTELLIGENCE OF CRIMINALS. 115 Indians; objects of contempt) represents a caste devoted to prostitution; they train their children from the sixth year on; if they are not thieves they are strolling actors, tattooers, soothsayers, all quite doubtful professions. Notwithstanding their deep degradation they have composed fine poetry but as far as its content goes, except the song of " Tiravallura," it is very obscene and immoral. Here are some of the morals of their poems: "What you cannot obtain by force, get by strategy. If you know how to put to profit the deceits of others, you will not suffer from hunger. Ally thy- self only with the strong; place thy house near the temple in order to steal by night the offerings. The imbeciles permit themselves to be deceived by appearances; endeavor to profit from them." A jackal, having stolen some chickens, thanked God for favoring him; some one was attracted by his voice, and killed him. Moral: " Take care about confiding in God; the most fervent prayer will not save you from the stroke of a club." Some of the songs show how, in an uncivilized country, crime is considered right, or at least only a trivial sin, which is easy to expiate. The songs of Corsica are almost all works of bandits. They breathe vengeance for the murder of a friend; hatred of enemies, to kill them, and admiration for the murderer. " I have hope for him; God will permit that I avenge myself; my account is all made. I will be conqueror, killed or bound." Il6 CRIMINOLOGY. The writer of this, after killing his victim, sprinkled him with pepper, so as to mark him with his seal. A large part of prison literature is in verse, per- haps because it is more adapted to criminal pas- sions. Lacenaire wrote the following : " To my love : I dream of thee in my happy moments, when o'er my brow shine the most vivid colors ; now, the dream has vanished, and my lot must follow the fatal destiny, which would cast me into the field of cruel death. Wait for me in heaven, thou beautiful immortal one. Curse me, I laughed at your meanness, I laughed at the gods, for you alone invented. Curse me, my soul without feebleness was firm and frank in its atrocities. However this soul was far from being black. I was sometimes kind to the unfortunate for virtue's sake, if my heart had been able to believe, doubt it not, I would have been virtuous." Lacenaire, in his autobiography, tells some truths about the moral life in prison: " If a young man on first entering prison does not learn the slang, and immediately put him- self down to their level, he will be declared unworthy to sit by the side of friends; even the keepers will frown upon him ; he blushes and regrets that he has not been as bad as his com- rades; he dreads their jeers and their con- tempt, for in prison one learns what esteem and contempt mean; this explains why certain men are always happier in prison, because out of prison they receive nothing but disdain. Thus the young man, following his models, in two or three days INTELLIGENCE OF CRIMINALS. 117 learns the slang; now he is no longer a green simpleton; now friends will shake his hands without fear of compromising themselves. The young man blushes if considered a novice; and although he is not yet entirely perverted, the first step has been taken, and he will never stop half way. " When you paint the portrait of a prisoner, it will represent some member of society. Although the prisoner abandons his body to everything, though not always opaque, some among them are trans- parent. The vulgar sand which you trample under foot furnishes a brilliant crystal after it has passed through a burning crucible. Is a mountain known if one has not visited the caverns ? The underground, though distant from the light, is it less important than the outer crust ? We have de- formities and diseases to make us shudder; but since when does horror exclude study, or disease put the physician at a distance ?" In a letter he wrote speaking of himself: " What a torment inac- tion is, for one always accustomed to study ! It holds me in a disgraceful laziness, to petrify in the bosom of misery. I have fear of losing what little intelligence remains to me; all creation is based on motion and work, all nature has horror of inertia, and should the prisoner be an exception to this universal law? Some cry bread, bread; but from the bottom of my solitary cell, I cry work ! work !" Another endeavors to embellish some of his bad actions, to excuse others, and to invoke the fatality Il8 CRIMINOLOGY. of the stars for some. Instead of being repugnant to the accusation of sodomy, he maintained it was a mark of good taste, and that in general crime was permitted to some men, for they were free from the law. Some of the letters and poems of Ceresa, Byron, and Foscolo show traces of the re- morse and violence with which they tried to rid themselves of bad passions. Ceresa was a sodom- ite priest, who paints in vivid colors his struggle against evil. So Byron and Toscolo picture crime and adultery, but are irritated, if taken too liter- ally. Lately it is due to Balzac, Victor Hugo, Dumas, Sue, Gaborian, and Zola, that this miasma has en- deavored to penetrate into literature. But this isolated phenomenon may not always endure; the vain pleasure, the new and better taste which pro- voke parallel odors; should have an antidote in the contempt which is aroused in the mind of the reader True art loves to hover in purity and serenity; and this all the more, when it sees the great contrast around it. (Lombroso.) The literary productions of the insane resemble those of the criminal in autobiographical tenden- cies, in vivacity of complaint and its little details. But the productions of criminals excel by their burning and passionate eloquence. The criminals show less lightness and more originality of form, except when they lose themselves in the play of words or rhymes or homophonies, which the insane always seek. CHAPTER V. ASSOCIATIONS OF CRIMINALS. ASSOCIATIONS of criminals strengthen criminality and engender an evil ferment, which, multiplying anew old savage tendencies, develops them by a sort of discipline, and by the vanity In crime makes criminals commit atrocities which would be repug- nant in many cases, if they were alone. These associations are more abundant in large cities; in general, the more civilized the country the less solid they are, and the less bloody, and are more like political and commercial societies. The pur- pose is almost always to appropriate the property of others; they unite against the laws. Sometimes there are associations for abortion and poisoning. Societies range from pederasty, which gives to vice the appearance of the most delicate virtue, to homicide, committed without any desire of gain, but simply for the pleasure that flowing blood gives; to cannibalism and rape, inspired by religious fanaticism. As to sex, the associations of men are almost the only ones. Women sometimes have associations for poisoning, or serve as receivers of stolen goods, or as indicators or mistresses. The associations I2O CRIMINOLOGY. are composed almost wholly of young and unmar- ried men; many are legitimate children, without instruction, exercising a manual trade, or are in the army. Criminals of education are mostly in large cities; some are of good family; often asso- ciations will be formed in the bosom of non-crimi- nal societies. A band at Paris called the " habits noirs" carried the latest fashion; a captain of the National Guard was commander of another. As to organization, many have an armed chief with dic- tatorial power, and, as in the case of savage tribes, his authority comes from personal qualities. Some- times there is a division of labor; there is an exe- cutioner, a schoolmaster, a secretary, a commercial traveler, and even a priest and physician. All have an unwritten code, which is respected to the letter. The bands of Sicily, Puglia, Lombardy require a majority vote for admission; disobedience of the laws is punished by death; there is a sort of a trial, but the verdict is always unfavorable; one acts as public accuser; the prisoner defends himself; the chiefs of the band are the judges. One of the greatest offenses is to steal lor one's self without giving a part to the society. The revealing of a crime committed with the accom- plices comes next in gravity. In the courts one excused himself for not knowing the misdeeds of his companions, because he would not have been able to have informed himself without disobeying the law. Some bands of Ravenna gave the name of master to their chief, and before committing murder would take the oath over a dagger. Some ASSOCIATIONS OF CRIMINALS. 121 would warn their victims beforehand by symbolic threatenings. Some associations are not allowed to steal in the locality where they live so as to have a safe domicile. If anyone is put in prison for a small offense, they take the precaution to hide nails and files in the cracks of the walls. When they walk with their booty the women go ahead, hold- ing the packages as if they were nursing a child. In another band each had a manual for action, a dictionary of argot, and his particular task. Some imitated epileptics, others the insane, and others deaf-mutes. Some, in feigning an epileptic fit, fall down in a crowded thoroughfare while consorts pick the pockets of those anxious to see the suf- ferer. The most complete organization is the " Ca- morra " in Naples. It is composed of a number of prisoners or former prisoners ; small independent groups are formed ; but under one hierarchy. An aspirant for candidacy (" picciotto ") must prove his courage and show that he can keep a secret. For this reason he mnst wound or kill anyone who would name to him the sect. If victims were wanting, he must fight with one of his future colleagues with a knife. Formerly the task was more difficult ; he was obliged to raise a piece of money, while the Camorrists pierced it with their daggers. The " picciotto " (candidate) must sub- mit to the apprenticeship of two, three, and some- times eight years ; he is under another, who gives him the most fatiguing and perilous things to do, allowing him a few cents once in awhile for 122 CRIMINOLOGY. charity's sake. After he has gained the esteem of his master, by force of zeal and submission, his master calls a meeting, and his reception as a Camorrist is deliberated upon. If received, he must fight again in the presence of the assembly ; he takes the oath over two daggers in the form of a cross : to be faithful to his associates, to show himself in everything the enemy of authority, to have no relation at all with the police, never to denounce thieves, but to have for them a particular affection, as towards people who expose their life continually. After this, a banquet finishes the celebration. Each one can show his grade to a superior and can kill the superior, should he (the superior) wound him dangerously. The Camor- rists are divided into simple members and pro- prietors (veterans and senators of the band); they elect from among the most courageous and richest a chief whom they call " Maestro " or " Si." The "Si" cannot make an important decision, without consulting the electors ; their discussions are as if for life and death. The " Si " has an assistant, a treasurer, and secretary ; he must regulate the dis- putes ; for this he has three weapons ; he must propose punishments, which vary from deprivation of part or all of the booty, to branding or to death; or mercy may be accorded generously in fortunate circumstances by acclamation. But his most im- portant duty is to distribute each Sunday " la camorra " a little vessel or little piece ; this is the product of regular extortions in gambling-rooms or bordells, or it may come from venders of news- ASSOCIATIONS OF CRIMINALS. 123 papers, from hackmen, or beggars ; or from prisoners who were the first field of cultivation and furnish still the best revenue. Upon entering prison, the unfortunate must pay, " 1' huile pour la madone " (" Madonna "), he then gives a tenth of all his possessions, and he must pay for drinks and food, for gambling, for selling or buying, and for sleeping on an easier bed. The poorest ones are ruined by these extortions ; they are sometimes forced to sell part of their ration and some of their scanty clothes, should they wish to smoke a pipe or have a party ; if they did not wish to gamble, they would be compelled to, for gambling is the principal revenue of the Camorrist. Their code is not written or formulated but is followed with ex- actness. The Camorrist cannot kill a comrade without permission from the chief ; but in revenge he can make away with anyone else, with the hope of establishing his reputation. A Camorrist can suspend an inferior from five to eighteen days. Anyone is condemned to death who betrays the society, or who kills or steals without the order of the chiefs, or steals a part of the " camorra," or violates the wife of a chief, or refuses to commit a murder when he has received the order, or attempts to change the statutes of the association, or shows himself cowardly, in which case anyone in the society has the right to strike him, provided he does it in the presence of two witnesses. In the other cases the society is called together to pro- nounce the judgment. If there are doubts as to the fidelity of a col- 124 CRIMINOLOGY. league, they send him a plate of macaroni before condemning him; if he refuses to eat it (from fear of poison perhaps), they feel certain of his guilt, and his condemnation is solemnly pronounced; fate (the lot) indicates the apprentice, who shall execute the sentence. Sometimes two men are chosen, one to commit the murder or to strike the prescribed blow, the other to take upon himself the respons- ibility of it and to endure the pain; this latter pro- cedure was to obtain advancement; this would give him a heroic name as a martyr of honor. These sentences are executed with strict punctual- ity, as may be seen from the following circum- stance. In 1876 among those imprisoned at the fortress of " Ischia," was Joseph of Liberto. He came (moaning) to make to the governor of the castle the following statement: " In the part of the castle assigned to the convicts, aCamorrahad been established for some time, and to my misfortune I found myself one of the chiefs. Among the laws is found this one, which is to compel all the con- victs to pay us ten centimes (2 cents) a day. A cer- tain Raso would not submit to this. We, the chiefs of the Camorra, have voted unanimously to put him to death, but the lot fell to me to strike Raso. I accepted, I should commit the crime this morning. But on reflection at the sad consequences of such a deed, the cause of which would be insignificant (only a few centimes), I restrained my arm and went out of the castle. I beg of you to isolate me, for my comrades, after this treachery, would kill me without pity," But there are cases of mercy. ASSOCIATIONS OF CRIMINALS. 12$ A young girl, whose lover had been condemned to death by the Camorra for refusing to pay his con- tribution, asked for his pardon, and it was accorded to her with Olympian majesty. Between societies wholly different, disputes are referred to the chief of a third party. If his decision is not satisfactory to both adversaries, they are at liberty to resort to arms. TheCamorrist is the judge of his compatriots as to gambling or quarrels ; he maintains order in the houses of prostitution and prisons, favoring those who have paid their dues. In turn, he holds the taxes furnished by the prison; he lays aside a reserve fund which serves to prevent the killing of the poor, unfortunate one, who has been completely stripped; this also helps to maintain him in still greater subjection. The aged Camorrists and their widows receive a regular pension, The Maffia. The word " Maffia" originates from the stone quarries, called " Maffie," where bad subjects used to hide themselves. The " Maffiosi," or members of the society, are a variety of the old Camorrists, perhaps on account of their great tenacity in keep- ing a secret, a quality proper to Semitic- races; perhaps also from their extension into the higher classes of society. This society springs from a feudal organization. The members follow their code faithfully, and apply it with vigor. Here are some of the principal articles: To keep absolute silence concerning the crimes of which they are 126 CRIMINOLOGY. witnesses, and to be ready to give false testimony in order to cover up traces; to give protection to the rich, for many reasons; to defy public force at all times and everywhere, and always to be armed; to fight a duel for the most frivolous motives, and not to hesitate to stab treacherously; to avenge at any price injuries received, even if one is intimately related to the offender. Whoever is found want- ing in any of these respects is declared " infamous," which means that he should be killed without delay, even if in prison; there, if weapons to strike him are wanting, one should suffocate him in the pail for excrements. If a member receives an order to give himself up to death, knowing the condemnation to be irrevocable, he stoically obeys. Before killing a comrade, one notifies him by draw- ing a cross on his door, or by shooting a pistol at his house. Lombroso has seen many escape death by imploring to be shut up alone in a prison cell. If mutual denunciation or anarchy were allowed, such a society of bloodthirsty men could not exist for long as an organization. It is other- wise natural that a body of men living together for some time, adopt a special mode of life. The laws of criminal societies are sometimes violated by their authors ; this gives us an idea of an organization holding a place between anarchy and despotism as is the case among many ravage peo- ples. It is the habit of thieves to steal from one another, and for assassins to choke one another. The Camorra and Maffia are varieties of low brig- ASSOCIATIONS OF CRIMINALS. 127 andage. They like to be distinguished from other criminals ; to share one another's joys, to wear a certain kind of uniform. Like ordinary rascals they have their argot : they say " sleep " for death ; " cats " for war ; " ruby " for eye ; "tic- tac " for a revolver ; they call themselves " com- panions," as French criminals are called " friends." The member of the "Camorra" and of the Maffia has his principal domicile in the prison. He is implacable in his enmities. One of them wishing to avenge an offense and feeling himself the weaker one, kept his vengeance for fifteen years, until at last his adversary was condemned to death ; then he petitioned the Naples Court and obtained the favor of filling the office of executioner. Another, near the point of death from consumption, hearing that one of his comrades was making offensive pro- posals as to his account, immediately left his bed, went to the tavern, killed his comrade, and died a few moments after from the extreme effort. Among the officers of the Camorra at Naples at one time there was a surgeon charged to disarticu- late the fingers of the " picciotti," so that they might be more expert at stealing. There is a code of a band of criminals formerly at Paris ; the articles of this code and the manner of operating are somewhat as follows : To avoid so dressing as to aid in detection ; not to have shoes which make a noise ; to walk backwards wherever the foot leaves any mark ; to take lodging under an assumed name ; to leave neither the real nor assumed name upon a card or book ; not to have 128 CRIMINOLOGY. a mistress in a serious way, but only temporarily; not to make known for a moment to one's mis- tress the secrets of the society ; not to employ arms except in cases of extreme necessity, as where, for example, the criminal is recognized, or the victim takes to flight or begins to cry out ; the code indicates when arms should be used. CHAPTER VI. CRIMINAL CONTAGION. REFORMATION from prison life in the majority of cases would seem to be a myth. Lacenaire, the celebrated criminal, has said that a young man in prison, on hearing of the adventures of the others, begins to regret that he was not a greater criminal himself. The young man, surrounded for a long time with murderers, poisoners, thieves, violators, and pe- derasts, leaves the prison with a blunted, if not extinguished, moral conscience; for it must be re- membered that the company is not always so re- pulsive, as many criminals have both winning ways and pleasant manners. Contagion from the Press. This indirect contagion is as certain as the direct, which comes from surroundings, often from in- fancy. Aubry gives several cases in illustration: A woman of Geneva, Switzerland, in 1885 killed her four children, then tried to commit suicide. In her autobiography were these words: " As a woman did it, which was in the newspaper." In 1 88 1 a lad of 15 years stole from his patron; 9 CRIMINOLOGY. when the money was spent he found a child and stabbed it in the abdomen, and as he cut its throat he said: " I have often read novels, and in one of them I found the description of a scene parallel to this which I have executed." A young man of 23 years commenced in Sep- tember of 1880 to steal frem his patron; in No- vember he bought a revolver; in June, on the xyth, at about half past nine in the evening, he walked by a group of several persons without speaking to them; scarcely had he passed, when he thought he heard sneering and hallooing, in which he could distinguish, "Raise it"; he turned and fired five times without saying a word, wounding two; a little farther on he saw another individual sitting on a bank, noticed that he was alone, passed him four or five steps, and then turned and fired; his victim died soon afterwards; such are the facts of his crime. In his autobiography was the following: " The consequences of crime are advantageous to society. There is a certain number of the population (and they are the most numerous) who buy newspapers simply to read the exceptional occurrences. If we suppress crime there are no more buyers, and con- sequently no more employed to work at the rag- trade. I do not wish to lose my liberty for trifles. I have always had horror of imprisonment, and I much prefer capital punishment. Lacenaire is a splendid man, a powerful individuality; his work leads to enormous deductions. Shall I finish as Lacenaire ? My conscience answers, possibly. Poet, CRIMINAL CONTAGION. 131 thief, assassin, a singular gradation; but I have gone half way, it would be stupid to arrest a career which promises such good results." This man was deficient in moral education. In- telligent as he was proud and ambitious, he had ex- perienced illusions; at one time he had attempted suicide; later, under the influence of bad reading, he had debased his judgment, and composed a morality for his own use, and thus became a subject of undoubted perversity. Tropman, the celebrated criminal, who killed a family with poison and pick-ax, confessed that the cause of his demoralization was the reading of novels. By living in this imaginary world he developed a strong passion for heroes of the prison who recover honesty with the spoils of their victims and die administrators of some charity. The read- ing about crime, and the seeing it illustrated in newspapers, are, of course, not the only elements that render one apt to commit crime, but still these are of great importance as factors. If this happens in the case of those of relatively sound mind, the influence is still worse on the weak-minded, insane, and the cranks. On November 4, 1825, a woman laid her child on its back across the bed; with one hand she seized its head, which hung over the part of the bed, and with the other hand she sawed its neck so quickly that the child had not time to utter a cry. This was noised about in all Paris. A few days after, a mother of four children came to the doctor who had directed the consultation in regard to the murderer, and said: "I am in most terrible 132 CRIMINOLOGY. despair since hearing of this murder. I am tor- mented by the devil to kill the youngest of my children. I fear I cannot resist it. Will you recom- mend me to Dr. Esquirol that he may admit me into his hospital ? " It was done, and she recovered. Another woman, who had recently given birth to a child, having heard of this same murder was taken with a monomania for homicide; she struggled against it; finally she asked her husband to have her shut up. Two other cases are positively known to have been caused or occasioned by the knowl- edge of this one murder. It is at first with repul- sion that one hears of the details of crime, but with repetition there gradually comes an indifference to the whole matter. Then one may begin to look complacently upon crime. The publication of these cruel details tends to harden the finer sensi- bilities in most persons, and in many weak ones can lead to overt acts. As before referred to, it is just those persons, numerous in every community, who, morally weak or on the borders of insanity or insane, or sometimes eccentric, are affected most by the detailed publication of crime in popular form, as is common in the newspapers. Contagion by Vitriol or Revolver. Contagion here is sufficiently frequent. A woman employs the vitriol to satisfy her vengeance; the details are published in the newspapers; another woman in like situation finds this method conve- nient. Such cases are where the woman wishes to disfigure, but not to kill. CRIMINAL CONTAGION. 133 r The classical cases are those of seduction and abandonment. A young man makes the acquaint- ance of a young girl of the lower classes; he prom- ises marriage, but time passes and his passion goes out. Often the social customs do not permit marri- age with one of a lower class; the young man marries another; a natural feminine jealousy springs up; first to kill him, but that requires courage, and, besides, she does not really hate him, but she has heard about vitriolizing; this would be convenient. She reads of a case in the newspaper; there was a gra- cious acquittal. Besides, if she disfigures her former friend, his present wife will not like it; perhaps would not wish to have anything more to do with him; then he would return to her. This seems to her a capital thing to do. She may get renown for it also; the newspapers like to print racy articles. Revolver. Those who use the revolver, although more dangerous, are not perhaps of so mean or low a nature as those who employ vitriol; the latter class move in a lower grade of society. A married woman in the higher society was indignant at odious stories circulated about her life when she was a young girl; a woman and a man were the parties who were talking thus about her. First she tried to take justice into her own hands; then she had the man brought before the court for false testimony; he was condemned for two years; but he appealed, the case was delayed; in departing from the court, 134 CRIMINOLOGY. as he went out, she discharged six balls; he was taken to the hospital and died; the journals gave columns daily to the case, giving personal details as to the accused; she was acquitted with the applause of the crowd and the journals. In a few days the following conversation took place between another man and his wife: " If you were one of the jury, what would you have done ? " "I would have acquitted her," answered the husband. Then the wife began to sob. "Why do you cry ?" asked the husband. " Ah," with exultation she said, " I am glad you are a man of soul." This same wo- man, later on, was followed by an architect of note; becoming exasperated by his importunities and declarations of love she finally shot him. The cause was the making a heroine out of the first woman by the public and press, Poisoning. The crime of poisoning came to France from Italy. Poisoning was done with a bouquet, with a pair of gloves, with a letter, and even with a torch; Pope Clement VII. was killed with a candle ; in the second half of the reign of Louis XIV. this form of crime was prevalent; the striking thing was that the great majority of cases were among the nobility. Poisoning is now on the decline, as indicated in the following table, given by Aubry: From 1825 to 1830 there were 150 cases; 1830-35, J 45; 1835-40,221; 1840-45,250; 1845-50,259; 1850- 55, 294; 1855-60, 281; 1860-65, 181; 1865-70, 165; 1870-75, 99; 1875-80, 78. For the last 25 years CRIMINAL CONTAGION. 135 the decrease is a marked one, owing to new processes and to the progress of science in finding the least traces of toxical substances in the organ- ism; thus poisoning tends to disappear while general criminality seems to increase. This period coincides with the epoch when chemical discover- ies began. CHAPTER VII. CRIMINAL HYPNOTISM. ALMOST all the crimes committed by hypnotizers on those hypnotized are violations or outrages of modesty. In the lethargic or cataleptic state, the subject is easily influenced; here also somnambu- lism offers some dangers. The affective sentiments towards the hypnotizer are strongly manifested in many cases; the subject, isolated from the entire world, only sees the hypnotizer. It is easy to comprehend the danger to one in a mental state like this. At this point the actions of a person might seem voluntary, and so not constitute a crime, but the hypnotizer or magnetizer who profits in the somnambulism from similar disposi- tions of mind, is guilty of the crime of violation. In the state of lethargy one does not remember on awaking what transpired in this stage of the sleep, or the recollection is so confused that the testi- mony cannot be trusted. There is also a lucid lethargy, a still less degree of hypnosis. This state is important when the question of simulation arises, but in this state the recollection can gener- ally be trusted. In some cases of violation the victim passes from lucid lethargy to complete leth- CRIMINAL HYPNOTISM. 137 argy; certain things are remembered, while others are confused or forgotten. Somnambulism can serve for the committing of a voluntary abduction, one might say: the indivi- dual is plunged into lethargy, and his totally unconscious state serves to carry him away. Cer- tain magnetizers of India were accustomed to employ this means to rob children. When there is a bodily and mental passivity, it almost always takes place in the lethargic state. A dishonest hypnotizer, owing to the remembrance of the facts of real life in the somnambulistic state, can gain knowledge from his subject that he could not if his subject were in his ordinary state. Giraud, Teulon, and Liebeault give cases of this kind. Gil- les de la Tourette speaks of not always receiving an answer to every question, but some even falsify to cut short the importunity of the suggestion. As to offenses against morals, including confidences and confessions, there is much doubt; and, accord- ing to Gilles de la Tourette there need be no great apprehensions from the misuse of hypnotism in such cases, for the cases of this nature that are cited are simply and purely experimental. In actual life the difficulties are so great that a crime in the line of confidences or confessions would soon be detected; the hypnotizer also would be easily found out. Also, in post-hypnotic states, where murder can be committed that was sug- gested during the hypnotic condition, the magnet- izer or hypnotizer would soon be detected. Here is a supposed case given by Charcot: "A" desires 138 CRIMINOLOGY. to take revenge on " B." " A" has a patient whom he can put into the somnambulistic condition. He suggests to his subject to go and kill " B," com- manding him at the same time not to recall any- thing in the second hypnotization. Experiment- ally this is realized, but the conditions are not the same in actual life, for the magnetizer would be sure to be found out. What does " A" do ? At the hour suggested, while in hypnotic state, the patient now in his natural or ordinary state, has a thought (unknown to him until present time) that he must kill " B." He arms himself and does it, no matter where he finds him. Of course, he is totally unaware that any such order was given him in the hypnotic condition. The patient is, of course, arrested. What does he say ? Nothing, or rather he tries to exculpate himself. To do it, he must invent a story out of whole cloth; but this would soon fall to pieces. It would not be long before he would be shown to be a neuropathic person, or hysterical, or easily hypnotizable; the patient would soon suspect that his magnetizer had suggested this to him, and would have no reason to keep silent as to a man who had taken such advantage of him. "A" would be sure to be caught. It would be much safer for a magnetizer to do the murdering himself. But there are dan- gers for the honest and upright hypnotizer; there are cases where a hysterical person accuses the magnetizer of abusing her or violating her. This comes from pure imagination, or malice, or some ulterior purpose, for the character of those hypno- CRIMINAL HYPNOTISM. 139 tized is not always beyond question, and it is not difficult to see how an honest hypnotizer might be made to suffer severely. Sometimes women of doubtful reputation go to be hypnotized for the very purpose of blackmail and scandal, and it is a legal platitude that a jury will believe a woman's story where she claims her virtue is at stake much easier than the testimony of a man. Violations are pos- sible both in the lethargic and somnambulistic states. In both states forgetfulness of what passed during the sleep occurs on waking up; neverthe- less, if the crime is committed in the somnambu- listic state, the memory of it can be recalled at the time of a second hypnotization. The criminal can make use of both states. The evidence of violation in either of these states is circumstantial. After examining the physical state of the plaintiff, and finding that she is hysterical, the expert should now see if she is hypnotizable; and, if easily so, whether a complete insensibility can be obtained. In the case of simulators who can be hypnotized, one must see if their sleep is deep enough to permit a crime. Many hypnotizations are generally neces- sary. The consciousness of the violation can exist at the time, and also the memory of it after awak- ing; the victim can will to cry, and yet be unable to. The simulators can make the claim that, in in their sleep, they willed resistance, but could not carry it out. They are mostly hysterical persons. At this stage, convulsive attacks are the great cri- terion of the neurosis. Brouardel says that, however good the ability to 140 CRIMINOLOGY. simulate, it is impossible when one provokes the contraction of the sterno-mastoid muscle, or of a group of muscles enervated by the same nerve, or when the experiment of colors in vision is tried. Violation in the somnambulistic state may take place with or without violence. There are states analogue to the hypnotic, caused by a wound on the head or natural somnambulism. Hysteria dom- inates in most of such cases ; natural somnambu- lism is a transformation. Suggestion can take place in hysterical somnambulism as well as in hypnotic, but crimes are more frequent in the latter state. Pressure over the hysterical zone can cause one to sleep, and commit a crime. Sometimes there is unconsciousness of the crime, or want of resist- ance owing to intellectual feebleness. This is also true in case of idiots or imbeciles, who are brutally treated by those who are paid to protect them. As to moral responsibility, it must be borne in mind that artificially caused somnambulism produces extreme cases, where the act suggested is imposed with irresistible force ; that nothing is done in pro- found sleep which may not have its analogue in the waking state ; that hypnotic sleep exaggerates physiological automatism ; it does not create it ; that between the fatal suggestion and the absolute voluntary determination all degrees may exist ; that to analyze all the suggestive elements which intervene (in our absence) in the acts which we believe issue from our initiative, is impossible. Li- geois, Professor of Law at Nancy, France, hypno- tized a woman, and by suggestion (with false fire- CRIMINAL HYPNOTISM, 141 arms) caused her to shoot another person ; being asked immediately why she did it, she confessed with entire indifference ; she had killed him, because he did not please her. When asked, if it was not Ligeois, who had suggested the idea to her, she answered, no; she did it spontaneously; she is "alone guilty." Many profound sleepers are susceptible to post- hypnotic suggestions, which have been known to have taken place not only many days and weeks after they were suggested but even as long as years. False testimony through suggestion is suffi- ciently frequent, and in the case of a child in court, who through fear testifies falsely, because questions are so put as to threaten the child if the desired answer is not given. Bernheim suggests these precautions : (i) The testimony of false accusers is not so per- sistent in memory ; the impression is not so con- tinuous ; recollection is latent or obscure ; (2) the magistrate should ask questions without pressing the witness or indicating his own opinion ; one should not resort to suggestion in order to obtain confessions, as he may suggest the confession he desires ; (3) testimony can be suggested by one witness making affirmations with force and con- viction and recounting the facts in the presence of other witnesses ; for some are influenced, accept what is said, and form an image of the event through imitation. For this reason each witness should be questioned alone, and it should be cer- tain that in their previous conversations no 14* CRIMINOLOGY. reciprocal suggestion has taken place. The agree- ment of several witnesses is not always an argu- ment in favor of the truth, even when witnesses are honest, because in this case there can be un- conscious suggestions. Nothing is more false than the saying, " Vox populi, vox Dei " ; (4) the en- lightened magistrate can measure the suggestibil- ity of a suspected witness by skillful questions, can appear to accept what the witness says, insist on the incidents and add to them, suggesting de- tails, which will betray the suggestibility of the witness if he confirms these details. He says, for example : " You said when ' X ' took your money, you let a piece fall, and picked it up again. You remember the circumstance ? " If the accuser falls into the trap and confirms the suggestion, the question is by this fact determined ; (5) a medical examination, in the majority of cases, can deter- mine if one has to do with a suggestible person ; one generally can cause catalepsy by simple affir- mation, and in some persons hallucinations can be produced. Human imagination is open to good and bad impressions ; not all criminals are crimi- nals; not all falsehoods, falsehoods ; there are those who mystify not only others but themselves with- out knowing it. Criminal Suggestions. Certain suggestible persons falsify in good faith. It is easy to create fictitious remembrances, which may be called retroactive hallucinations, or false testimony. I say to one in his natural sleep: CRIMINAL HYPNOTISM. 143 (Cases from Bernheim). " I know why you do not sleep now; your neighbor coughs and sings, opens the window, fixes the fire, all the patients complain." I awake this person a few moments afterwards. He rubs his eyes, thinks he awoke spontaneously; remembers nothing. Then I say: " You sleep, then, all the day." "No," he answers, "but I cannot sleep in the night." Why ? " " On account of patient in bed No. 6. He was probably sick; he coughed, sang as if in delirium. I don't know what possessed him; he went to open the window." " Is it true ? You must have dreamed." A " All the patients heard him ; they can tell you." Then his imagination was worked upon, and new souvenirs were created. " But the other patients have not complained. What did No. 4 say to him?" " Four said to close the window, and not to make a noise." " Then what happened ? " " No. 4 got up and went to him, and they struck one another." " And what did the sister do ? " " She could not silence them." " Did the director come ? " " He came in a blue dressing-gown, and said he would put them both out to-day." 144 CRIMINOLOGY. Operator said: "That is not true, you dreamed it." Patient answered: " I did not dream it, because I was awake." Another experiment: (Bernheim) I suggested to one subject in the hypnotic state that my colleague was a photogra- pher, and had come at four o'clock the day before to take his photograph, and that he (subject) had paid two francs. On awakening the subject was convinced, but what is to be noted is that three other patients, who were awake at the time, affirmed they were present and saw my colleague take the photograph. I said it was not so, but their convic- tion remained. By questions it was easy to amplify the suggestion by their autosuggestion from a ficti- tious memory. Another case, very suggestible and hypnotizable. Operator says: " Henritte, I met you yesterday at Stanislas Place! You were in singular circumstances. What happened when I saw you ? " Operator repeats the question and looks at her. Her face changes; she reflects, turns red, and says: " I dare not say." " You must tell me." " I was struck," she says in a low voice. "By whom?" " By a workman." "Why?" Silence. She is ashamed and does not wish to confess. CRIMINAL HYPNOTISM. 145 " Come, tell me." She whispers in Operator's ear: " I did not wish to go with him." Operator looked at her severely. " Henritte, you are falsifying. Why did he strike you ? " She became pale, confused, and, covering up her face, began to cry. " Tell me what you did yesterday." " I wanted to steal his watch." "And then?" " I was led to the police-station." The poor girl was overcome with shame. Oper- ator effaced the remembrance by saying: "You will not remember it any more." The retroactive hallucination was extinguished. Since criminals are easily suggestible, such experi- ments are not without instruction. Thus take the following case: A young woman of the best society and of high morality, fond of her husband and children, was accustomed to receive visits from a young man, a friend of the family. One day she was found in an isolated pavilion of her garden, naked, and dead from the effects of a bullet wound; the body had been outraged. The young man had fainted at her side, wounded by a pistol. Coming to, he nar- rated that the young woman being desperately in love had given herself to him, on condition that they both should not survive her dishonor. He had sworn to kill her and kill himself afterwards. Is this account true ? The young man impressed everyone with frankness. Most persons considered 10 146 CRIMINOLOGY. it an act of foolish love. It is well known how pas- sion can mislead the most honest natures. Accord- ing to the young man the crime was planned im- mediately before its execution, but at this time also the poor woman wrote a calm and serene letter to one of her family; she spoke of her household af- fairs, her children, and the young man in a simple and natural way, which indicated a tranquil spirit. This would have been hardly possible had she been conscious of the events soon to follow. She was an exemplary woman; modest, good, timid, affec- tionate, and never passionate. She was, however, suggestible. One day fixing her eyes upon a silver spoon, she fell into a hypnotic state. She did not like Chambige, she was afraid of him. But how shall it be explained ? It might be said that Cham- bige was alow assassin, who after having cowardly violated and assassinated a woman, had invented this story to pose as a hero in a love tragedy. But the facts do not bear this interpretation out. Chambige impressed his comrades as superior; he had little moral sense; he had a sensual thirst, and drank from all sources without scruple. But he had the frankness of his convictions; he produced this impression before the jury, but as a man without heart and without prejudice, and not an impostor, violator, or murderer. Explanation (Bernheim) : Chambige sees Madame Grille, he desires to have her; she does not love him, but still is dominated and fascinated by him. She had a vague fear of him. It is easy to under- stand how by his allurements, and declarations CRIMINAL HYPNOTISM. 147 she could fall into a hypnotic state, as in the case of the spoon, and loose her personality. Chambige working upon her facile imagination, could im- pose another consciousness, suggest a sexual ex- citation which she could not resist. Chambige could do all this, thinking that she loved him truly, without knowing anything at all about hypnotism. Her normal state did not love him, but her sub- conscious state did. Returning to her normal con- sciousness Madame Grille would not remember anything. Thus on the morning of the crime, the victim wrote her letter in the greatest of tranquil- ity; an instant afterwards Chambige could have suggested to go to the pavilion, then came a foolish passion, an irresistible excitation. If the poor woman had made him promise to kill her after her seduction to save her from dishonor, it would be the moral sense surviving in her hypnotic state, as an old hereditary feeling or by education, which could not be put down; her normal conscience could be dominated, but not extinguished, in the somnambulistic state; but the passion suggested overcomes it for the time. She is not herself. That which characterizes somnambulism is not sleep, there is a somnambulism awake, conscious- ness exists, but it is another state of consciousness in which the faculties of reason are lessened or absent; the faculties of imagination, the idio-dy- namic automatism constructs the scene. The sub- ject is not himself. Case (Bernheim) : A young lady of good family very intelligent, of sweet and affectionate char- 148 CRIMINOLOGY, acter, was hypnotized by a young physician for hysterical crises. Each time she passed into somnambulism; during these attacks she confessed her love which she had for him (she had married contrary to her will). The physician became her lover during this somnambulistic state. In her normal state she remembered nothing. Becoming pregnant, she did not suspect it, not having had any relation with her husband for a year. When she finally discovered the real nature of her trouble, she became anxious, lost her head, and at partu- rition her insanity was complete. Later on she re- covered, but never suspected her physician. These facts in this case show how the somnambulistic state, natural or provoked, modifies the passions, instincts, and character, and diminishes resistance to evil temptations. We give another case of double personality re- lated before the Academy of Sciences at Paris : A lawyer, thirty-three years of age, was hysterical and very hypnotizable. A noise, a whistle, or reflec- tion of a looking-glass upon his eyes could put him into a hypnotic sleep. One day he was trying a case; the judge fixed his eyes upon him ; he stopped short and slept. In these conditions he presented a double personality : he forgot his past existence and entered into another condition ; he went and came, traveled, made visits, and bought things. When suddenly he returned to his first condition, he was wholly ignorant of what had passed in his other state. One day, after an altercation with his brother-in-law, he had an attack which made his CRIMINAL HYPNOTISM. 149 second personality appear ; he went to visit his uncle, broke many objects, tore his books and manuscripts, contracted debts, and was taken be- fore the court for swindling and condemned. All his recollections, effaced in the normal state, re- turned in the somnambulistic state. Such cases are perhaps more frequent than we suppose, because they are not recognized as a pathological anomaly, when anaesthesia is complete. Anaesthesia, when incomplete, makes the diagnosis difficult, as the idea of somnambulism does not come to the mind. We all know persons whose lives are full of inconsequences and contradictions; their conduct is irreproachable; their character is timid, they are reserved in their manners, sensible in their actions, etc. Then from time to time the disposition is modified; they become capricious, extravagant, go against their instincts, and commit reprehensible acts; after a time the normal state reappears. All degrees can exist, from a simple change of disposition (perceptible only to intimate friends) to the complete transformation of the moral being. This transformation can be a mental disease, as periodic melancholia, intermittent dip- somania, or transitory insanity. All mental diseases are in reality states of modified consciousness. The extreme degrees only attract our attention ; the light degrees we attribute to capriciousness or a sickly state of feeling. It is clear how a suggestion realizes psychical modifications; gaiety and sadness are alternately produced, there is a calm, then a passionate, dis- 150 CRIMINOLOGY. position, a spirit of obedience or the opposite, an affection or a hatred. These facts are not without importance to the magistrate, the moralist, and the philosopher. In the broad sense of the word sug- gestion may play a role in our acts, good or bad. The greatest criminals are not always the most guilty. Dr. Laurent gives a case of complicity in theft, where hypnotization is negative in results as to gaining a confession from the accused: for the present state of our knowledge does not permit us to know whether the person hypnotized obeys his conscience or his will, which holds him under its dependence. The following conversation took place while the accused was in the hypnotic state: L. "You are accused of complicity in theft." "I am innocent." L. " You knew, however, that the horse and car- riage had been stolen." " No, No," said patient with energy, " I didn't know anything about it." L. "You knew it." " I swear to you, I did not." L. " I tell you, you did know it." " No," said patient more softly. L. " I assure you that you knew it, you knew it." " Yes, I knew it." L. " Is it certain you knew it ? " " I knew it." L. " You did not know that the carriage had been stolen." "Yes, I knew it." CRIMINAL HYPNOTISM. 1$! L. " No, I tell you; you did not know anything about it." " No, I did not know anything about it." Case of theft (Kraff t-Ebing) : The patient was sad and quiet; her head was supported on her arms; she did not respond always when spoken to. The eyes were vague, as in a dream, not perceiving ob- jects or persons near by. The experimenter sat opposite her and looked at her; suddenly the pa- tient took a special physiognomical expression. She heard a noise of a watch placed in the pocket of the physician; she approached the physician with adroitness, unhooked the watch and hid it in a hole in her arm-chair. Likewise she took four other watches from the other physicians and hid them in a flower-pot, then she took a book to read, and kept on knitting. Krafft-Ebing produces in her the state of autohypnosis. She did not react to the different excitations of the sense organs, ex- cept that some measures of a song played threw her into catalepsy. When one of the physicians jingled some money, she sought the pieces with avidity, and put them into her pocket. The same effect was produced when keys were shaken; not being permitted to take them, she grasped at them, struck the person who had the keys, gained poses- sion of them and hid them in a pan. Then she took up her book to read. The objects were re- taken by their owners. When transformed into the normal state, she knew nothing of what oc- curred. On the next day, regarding a brill- iant watch, she passed into the experimental- 15* CRIMINOLOGY, hypnotic state, and the phenomena characteristic of the continuation of the autohypnotic state, in which she was the day before, were repeated. She sought for the things hid and became agitated. In passing the hand in front of the patient, the ex- perimental-hypnotic state was produced; she be- came tranquil and apathetic; in this state, she per- ceived the watch, but made no effort to take pos- sesion of it. In her natural state she was not ab- normal in any way. A Case of Romance (Gr asset). A young hysterial girl of fourteen years entered the hospital on account of menstrual irregularities. Later on, she was discovered to be pregnant. This created much surprise since she was modest in manner, and of a good family. During the last days of May, 1889, according to the young girl's account, which was given in tears, a peddler came to her home to sell some cloth, and as women will talk, her mother in somewhat extended conversa- tion, mentioned the fact, that her daugther, was unfortunate, in spite of her healthy appearance, having attacks and losing consciousness. The peddler seemed to be interested in this; he prom- ised to return with some other things. A few days afterward, he came, but seeing the mother leaving the house pretended not to see her, and came, find- ing the daughter alone. She said, " I will go and find my mother." He said, "There is no use "; and then seized her. She fell into one of her fits and lost consciousness and remembers nothing CRIMINAL HYPNOTISM. 153 that took place. The poor mother confirmed all this as related by the daughter. The patient was hypnotized, and in this state gave exactly the same facts, of which she said she was the victim. This left little doubt as to the cause of the T? re g- nancy. On the 30th of December, 1889, two months before parturition should occur, pains appeared; and the patient attributed it to a fall on the stairs; but it was soon evident that parturition was at term. This was not only a surprise but a decep- tion. The patient was hypnotized, but when a severe uterine contraction took place she opened her eyes immediately and screamed, and declared she could not rest when put to sleep. As the visit of the peddler was at the end of May, the child should have been born at the end of February in- stead of December. It was beyond dispute that conception took place at the end of March, and not of May. It was found that the young lady had a lover, unknown to her family. At the second menstrual defection, to furnish an honor- able excuse to her mother, she invented her story. This she confessed. Another fact follows : Since in the hypnotic state she repeated exactly the same story, and in the pains of delivery the sleep ceased, the hypnotic sleep itself was a simulation. This she confessed. She was again hypnotized, and anaesthesia was complete. Then it was an- nounced to her suddenly that it was useless to con- tinue her deception; immediately she opened her eyes, placed her hand over her face and went away 154 CRIMINOLOGY. crying. It is therefore clear that the hypnotism was to a great extent a simulation. That a fixed look provoked a light degree of hypnosis, accom- panied by insensibility, is possible, but most of the tacts during the sleep were simulated. Equally simulated were the spontaneous attacks affecting the form of the sleep. The fascination was admirably simulated. For a long time she pretended that all came from her own personal imagination, but later said that she had frequently seen a domestic hypnotized. Here is a hysterical person, in which simulation would appear impos- sible, who for the sole pleasure of being interest- ing, and of having need of hypnotism to justify her pranks, commenced before her physician to simulate hypnosis; later having a lover and becom- ing pregnant, she utilized this to accuse an inno- cent person and make herself the victim. This case shows the necessity of prudence, as it is easy to see how she could have accused her family physician falsely. All acts of a hypnotiz- able hysteria are not necessarily by suggestion; all acts need not necessarily be attributed to the neurosis. A hysterical person can be a " roue"." CHAPTER VIII. RECIDIVATION. THE recidivists, or habitual criminals, may find nothing detestable in crime, but make it a trade like any other, or commit crime with an idea of vengeance for injustice suffered. The reformation of a recidivist is rare. Dismissed from home they carry on their trade together, going into more serious crime, as in the case of a thief who, when surprised, strikes a fatal blow. If they do not succumb in prison from tuburculosis or heart dis- ease, they find their way to the asylum. It is often observed that the asylum is for them a faint hope of healing their bad tendencies. Sometimes attacks of acute mania or melancholia have a good influence, but more often, after one attack of acute insanity, they conserve their criminal tendencies. The better natures choose less dangerous criminal acts, as swindling, etc., but generally sink lower and lower. Some, where prison discipline is poor, become much worse by associating with others. Both sexes practice deception of every kind, as forgery, perjury, stealing and concealing stolen goods, etc. The men do not fear to rob, to set fire, to murder, when the opportunity is favorable. 156 CRIMINOLOGY, The women are less frequently found committing acts of this kind; they are mistrustful, lying, cun- ning, revengeful, lazy, and often give false names. In prison they are inclined to coarseness, boldness, defiance, resistance, refusal to work, and willful spoiling of their clothes and other effects (not un- common with the insane). They like to stir up their fellow-prisoners to plots of the most auda- cious sort. Severe punishment is necessary to restrain them; they resemble much the normal insane, so that one can regard them as in the first stage of insanity. The secondarily insane, before their insanity is apparent, are often given to steal- ing, deceiving, forging, counterfeiting, concealing, etc. Murders are infrequent, and almost only occur when the persecutive hallucination is pres- ent. Those addicted to alcohol are generally light offenders; they are seldom thieves. Those with hereditary mental weakness are given more to crimes of unchastity. Those with acute forms of insanity as mania, melancholia, or progressive paralysis, are soon brought to the asylum. The recidivists are somewhat of a mixed class (von Holder) : (ist) They consist of those who have a positive tendency to insanity or epilepsy; (2d) those whose family antecedents plainly lead them to crime; and (3d) those whose morality and feeling of honor through training and environ- ment are destroyed. Criminal phenomena and the manifestations of insanity bring nothing new; they are nothing further than distorted or diseased manifestations RECIDIVATION. 157 of mental activities, which by themselves are pres- ent in every man; but by some they develop in one or the other direction. No one is sure that his mental soundness cannot be endangered through outer or inner troubles, or that he can escape inclinations which might lead to crime. Von Holder gives the following data: In Italy the recidivists condemned by the court were in 1878 13 per cent; in 1882 they increased to 22 per cent. In France they were but 10 per cent, in 1826; in 1867, they had increased to 42 per cent., and in 1879 to 50 per cent. Thus the recidivists increase in number as civili- zation advances. In Belgium in 1869-71 they reached 70 per cent. In Prussia, from 1871 to 1877 the number of condemned who had already been once in prison ranged between 77 and 80 per cent, for men, and between 74 and 84 per cent, for women. In Austria, from 1860 to 1864, 33 per cent, were recidivists; in 1868-71 they reached 59 per cent, for men and 51 per cent, for women. The influence of heredity will be seen from the number of comparatively young recidivists, as shown by the following statistics. In France, out of 1,000 recidivists: 67 had not reached the age of 1 6; 204 were from 16 to 21 years of age; 284 from 21 to 30; 215 from 30 to 40; 206 from 40 to 60; 20 from 60 to 70; and 4 were more than 70 years of age. The persistence of those who continue to fall is shown from the following: The number of recid- ivists arrested for the first time in France is 45 158 CRIMINOLOGY. per cent, of the total number; second time, 20 per cent.; third time, u percent.; fourth time, 7 per cent.; fifth time, 4 percent.; sixth time, 3 percent.; seventh time, 2 per cent.; eighth time, 2 per cent.; ninth time, i per cent.; loth and more times, 5 per cent. The preceding facts show how this habitual backsliding is confined to a small number of per- sons. Out of 6,108 prisoners liberated in 1878, 2,413 (39 per cent.) were taken back within two years ; 27 per cent, of those arrested in Paris in 1880 had been condemned four times within ten years. Some have as their sole purpose to gain an easy living in prison ; sometimes they take no pre- cautions as they desire one or two years in prison to repair the dilapidated condition of their health ; on entering prison, they are welcomed by their old friends. One, who by small thefts had reinstated himself for the fiftieth time, found himself in a cellular prison instead of a mere jail ; he said com- plainingly, " Justice has defrauded me ; they will not have a chance to take me again in this country." Very few prostitutes ever reform ; sometimes they go into convents, but only to ameliorate their condition. Improving the food of the prisons will not lessen the number of recidi- vists. In Prussia the cellular system has not ha a good influence on the recidivists ; the number has increased from 60 to 70 per cent.; in Belgium the increase has been 78 per cent. ;-here the cellular system has been in force for a number of years. In RECIDIVATIOIT. 159 Spain, out of 2,249, I >5^9 were returned for the same deed ; 933 were thieves, 429 murderers. In France and Sweden one-third of the recidivists are thieves and vagrants j these facts are not in har- mony with some legal notions as to the morality and responsibility of criminals, leaving out of con- sideration those who are so by passion or occasion. It is important to observe that these kinds of crime which furnish the largest number of the re- cidivists are those which are noticed from infancy. In a single year in Paris 30 assassinations, 39 homi- cides, 3 parricides, 2 poisonings, 114 infanticides, 4,212 cases of assault and battery, 25 incendiaries, 153 violations, 80 obscene crimes, 458 thefts, 11,862 simple thefts, were committed by young people. Moral Sense in Reactivation. A certain criminal said to his comrades in prison: " If we were millionaires we would continue our trade." This perhaps is the feeling of the great majority of the habitual criminals. The moral sense is radically defective, if not incomprehensible to them. A thief of Milan said: " I do not steal, I only take from the rich that which they have too much of; and do the merchants do otherwise ? Why, then, should I be accused, and they left un- disturbed ?" Another said with open face: "I do not imitate my companions who make their mis- deeds a mystery; far from that, I am proud of them; I steal, it is true, but never less than two thousand francs; to attack so large an amount seems to me less a theft than a speculation." l6o CRIMINOLOGY. Another said: " If I had not stolen, I could not have enjoyed myself, I could not even have lived; we are necessarily in the world; without us what need would there be of judges, lawyers, jailors? It is we who give them a living." Another said to his judge, " We are necessary, God put us in the world to punish the stingy and bad rich; we are a species of plague from God. And besides without us what would the judges do?" Another justifies the violence used in a robbery: "We bound them for our own safety, as the jailor does, when he puts the handcuffs on us; it was their turn; to each his turn." Another after sending a man to kill his enemy, compared his act to that of the ancient Romans who took vengeance by blood, when their honor was offended. The recidivist not only believes that he has the right to steal, murder, and throw the blame on others, who do not permit him to act as he likes; but he is proud of it. An assassin who kills out of vengeance thinks he does an honorable action, if not heroic. " B " who had been given to highway robbery from his youth, and who in company with another had killed several men complained of being sentenced to twenty years. " Ten is sufficient, for if I killed as many at that time, I performed my duty." "But you killed women, also?" To this he replied: "They well merited it, they tried to escape." The remorse that knaws the conscience of a crim- inal, is a myth. The worst men conduct them- RECIDIVATION. 161 selves the best in prison, knowing that they will be better treated if they appear to have the best feel- ings. Thompson, out of 410 assassins, did not find a sincere case of repentance. Ferri studied 780, and found only 3.4 per cent, who showed repent- ance or who manifested any feeling in recounting their deeds. The homicides and assassins had a smal- ler proportion (1.2 per cent.) than the bandits, ruf- fians, and especially the thieves (4.1 per cent); 10 per cent, showed a complete absence of remorse by their effrontery. In general more than one-third are without remorse as shown by indifference and effrontery in the acknowledgment or recital of their crimes. In the following table, the large per cent, of indifference, impudence, and excuse making is suggestive. 1 DEPORTMENT Total. Assassins and Homicides. Highway Robbers, Thieves, Pick- pockets. Those who simply confessed Per cent, a 6 Per cent. o 8 Per cent. o 8 * 6 * 698 366 If they see the justice of their punishment, they confess their faults to benevolent persons; they feel the need of pouring out their hearts, to justify ii l62 CRIMINOLOGY. themselves before the world by reasons which men always find to defend themselves. Although their denials are to avoid condemna- tion, yet they show no feeling as to an offended moral sense. Ferri, in examining 700 cases, found that 42 per cent, of the great criminals (homicides, assassins, and highway robbers), and 21 per cent, of the lower criminals (thieves, pickpockets, and swindlers), obstinately denied their crime. A prisoner will not infrequently protest his innocence, deplore his misfortunes, abandon himself, and in a few minutes afterwards in a hilarious freak will show beyond a doubt his guilt. An important fact is, that those recidivists never pity their victim, but deride and calumniate him. The habitual criminal thinks that his trade is a fine thing as well as a pleasure to him ; one being asked whether he ever struck anyone, said, " I am no butcher " ; but to the objection that he took pocket-books he ex- claimed, "Ah yes, but what a beautiful thing." Although some seem to repent, it is more to make profit of philanthropic illusions about themselves. Lacenaire, after his first condemnation, wrote to his friend for protection and money : " Alas ! there is nothing to do but to repent, you can do a good deed and have the satisfaction of saying : ' I brought one back from the evil way, for which he was not born,' for without you I would still be en- gaged in an infamous career." A few moments after writing these lines he committed a theft and planned an assassination ; on the scaffold he said he never knew what remorse was. RECIDIVATION. 163 Another prisoner refused wine when offered him, because he said its color reminded him of his brother whom he had killed ; but he obtained wine slyly from his fellow-prisoners, and when one of them was not disposed to give him wine, he threat- ened them saying, " I have killed four like you and I will kill a fifth." Sometimes the remorse is only the fear of death or religio'us fear which takes the form of repentance. The Marquise of Brinvillers passed for a model of penitence, at the last moment she wrote to her husband : " I die an innocent woman, and it is owing to my enemies." She was a parricide and fratricide. When her confessor induced her to change the terms of this letter, she felt herself so incapable to think otherwise, that she requested him to do it for her. Conducted to execution, she avowed that ideas of voluptuous- ness and vengeance possessed her to the present moment. Alluding to her husband she repeated " Could he live longer with people who have pur- sued me out of hatred ? " Lombroso calls attention especially to a case of moral metamorphosis : A man of forty years, after twenty years in prison, had a religious hallucina- tion and believed himself charged with a mission in honor of the Virgin, who appeared to him in his cell. This idea took away all traces of criminal tendencies, and made him an apostle and philan- thropist. A criminal can quite frequently understand what is wrong, but he does not give the same weight to his bad actions. One wrote after his first assassi- 164 CRIMINOLOGY. nation : " I hope they will pardon me for this childishness." Another, having assassinated a man for money, on marching to the scaffold murmured: " Make a man die for such a little thing !" The judge said to a criminal: "You will not deny that you stole a horse?" He replied: "How could you call that a theft ? Would you have the leader of a band go on foot?" Some would diminish the villainy of their acts on account of their good in- clinations, as in the case of the assassin, who carried on his trade in order to provide for his wife and son. Thieves are conscious of their fault, but they consider the bankrupt more guilty than them- selves although he is often unmolested. A thief said: " There are two kinds of justice; the natural, which he himself practiced in giving to the poor part of the objects stolen by him; the artificial justice, which the social law protected, but for which he cared nothing." While the criminal has some idea of justice, yet it is more a matter of thought than feeling owing to his passions and bad habits which choke it. A criminal, speaking of an assas- sination committed by himself, which fact was not known at the time, said: "That will not escape the guillotine." Rich thieves and prostitutes seek to keep their children from following their career. From these examples it is clear that the one great lack is feel- ing; the idea of what one ought to do and the will- power to do it are quite different, and the criminal decidedly lacks the will-power. The expression, RECIDIVATION. 165 " Honesty among thieves," shows in them the idea of justice; but the use of the justice to be unjust. There is vanity back of it also; they are proud to mention it. In a meeting of thieves in London, one of their number (condemned twenty-six times), was received with great applause; he was sent out to get some money changed, not returning soon it was the sentiment of the meeting that they would kill him if he did not bring the money back; to their great joy he returned; they were proud of him. This good side of the criminal's feelings enables society to correct them. It is not intel- lectual teaching that brings a good result so much as a rational direction of the passions. Lombroso mentions Anderson, one of the most dangerous criminals, who was transformed into a lamb when he was employed at subduing savage bulls; but when returned to prison in chains he was a terror to all. The division of the booty is generally done with strict justice. Some prisoners were left to them- selves on an island; the leaders of two rival par- ties formed a code of laws which was barbarous and severe, but enforced with strictness. For in- stance, one had stolen a goat, and tried to get off on a fine, but the criminal, who was judge, cried: " The goat is not to be paid for with money, but with blood." Another was thought to have aided him, but he proved an alibi; he was excluded from the legislative organization of which he was a member, the tribunal not wishing any of its mem- bers to be suspected. But this kind of justice is forced and temporary. l66 CRIMINOLOGY. Criminals are often very untrue to their com- panions and parents. A denunciation is a dis- grace, if it is made to their injury; but they do not fail to denounce others; this is the cause of continual riots and vengeance among them. They inform on one another to help themselves along or to aggravate each other when they are jealous, so as not to be the only ones to suffer; they have ac- complices, so that if caught they will not be the only ones condemned to death; they consider themselves in good fortune to be consulted by the police, and often display the greatest zeal to have a friend arrested, if they have to invent the facts. The chiefs of the brigands are despotic. PART II. SPECIAL CRIMINOLOGY. SPECIAL CRIMINOLOGY. METHOD OF INVESTIGATION. THE method of special criminology is to study a few cases as thoroughly as possible. In a new field of empirical study the investigation of details is indispensable, if there is to be any attempt at scientific treatment. The reader may in addition gain an independent insight into typical cases, and the method of treatment in our penal institutions. The value of a single case lies in the fact, that repetition is the rule in crime. And for this reason the study of single cases is probably the best method of gaining a definite knowledge of the causes, difficulties, and remedies for crime. The method of gathering the facts is by visiting differ- ent reformatories and prisons. The superintendent or warden was asked to name the purest murderer, the most habitual thief, and the meanest person generally among the prisoners under his charge. One aim is to study only those cases, about which enough is known, to place their real nature beyond a doubt. The cases selected, therefore, are among the worst, and are the most confirmed in their species of criminality. We have given in detail the complaints and other 1 70 CRIMINOLOGY. records of each case investigated, with the addi- tional testimony, gathered from the officers. These facts are of more scientific value than those gathered outside of prison, because they are not only more trustworthy, but the environment of the prisoner is more definitely known. Each com- plaint generally represents many repetitions of the same offense ; for an officer naturally refrains from making complaints, as he may get the ill-will of the prisoner ; which adds difficulties to the duties of both. Our order of procedure is: (ist) To decide upon the cases to be investigated ; (zd) to copy all the records of the institution ; (3d) to interview all the officers who had knowledge of the prisoner through experience ; (4th) to interview and examine the prisoner himself. By copying the records one becomes familiar with the facts, and is thus better able to question the officers to the point. After this the investi- gator will probably be well prepared to interview the prisoner. He should not let the prisoner know beforehand that he knows anything about him. This is the safest way to avoid errors and decep- tions, for the prisoner is easily caught in a lie, and often becomes so bewildered, that he finally con- cludes to tell the truth as best he can. Some cases are so abnormal, and they falsify so easily from habit, that they are unconscious of it at times. Or they may be too lazy or indifferent to tell the truth. It is not advisable to contradict a prisoner, but to permit him to continue until his own words METHOD OF INVESTIGATION. 171 Involve him in additional confessions. In making requests that might not be granted by the prisoner, it is advisable to defer them to the last ; for the better one knows a criminal, the more open the criminal becomes, and is more willing to act ; otherwise one may get his ill-will, which makes further investigation difficult, if not useless. The indulgence of the reader is asked in giving so many details, that in themselves may seem un- important, but the object has been to present each case fully and exactly as it is, so that the reader can be wholly independent of the writer in form- ing his judgment. It must be borne in mind, how- ewer, that a slight offense in the " complaints," as the leaving of a utensil out of place, can indicate the exact time when the prisoner begins to relax his will to reform; while a good report signifies a new resolution of the will. Thus the series of complaints record the moral pulse-beats of the pris- oner. It is also true, that what might seem a very slight offense outside of prison is not so within; for in every well-regulated reformatory institution, there is a minimum of temptation to do wrong and a maximum of continuous restraint to do right, so that the inmate may be gradually educated in the formation of good habits, which are his surest safe- guard on release. Our endeavor has been to investigate the cases as thoroughly as possible, and we trust that this may give some idea and suggest others that may lead penal and reformatory institutions to take more care in gaining knowledge of the previous 17* CRIMINOLOGY. life of the criminal, especially concerning his career after leaving the prison, and also in carefully re- cording his daily life while under their care, thus imparting useful knowledge to society at large. For if there is to be any advancement in the knowledge of crime, it lies in the direction of the study of the criminal himself. Our institutions, then, should afford facilities for such study, the very object of which is to furnish a trustworthy basis for the prevention and repression of crime. A clear idea of the causes of criminality is the first rational step towards its cure. And if the cure be possible only to a certain degree, the approximate determination of this degree would be of great practical importance. Some of these cases may indicate in general the small amount of exact knowledge there is about human beings in society, since with a comparatively large number of data, one is unable to give more than an opinion as to the real cause of the crime; but this should discourage no one, as it is due mainly to our present need of more exact methods of investigation. It would seem, then, for the present, that criminological studies should be directed towards the investigation of individual criminals as mem- bers of society and the race. And it is in the psychology of the criminal that the most important results can be reached. His feelings and thoughts in general and especially at the moment of his crime reveal to us most of all his true condition. After this individual study, one may pass to the METHOD OF INVESTIGATION. 173 broader fields of criminal sociology and anthro- pology. The thorough study of one single individual in the social organism, be he criminal or not, may suggest a method, for the beginning at least, of a scientific sociology. CHAPTER I. PURE MURDER. CASE "A." THE term " Pure Murder " refers to those cases in which the innate tendency to take human life is predominant. Murderers are more honest than other classes of criminals. They are not infre- quently chaste in character; some will steal only when severely pressed, for they are not thieves by nature. In the very essence of thieving there is an element of cowardice, but the murderer requires quite the opposite characteristic. Whether a mur- derer by nature is a cannibal born into modern civilization, as a rudimentary member, or a creat- ure developed from his surroundings, is unde- cided. Yet it is difficult to comprehend how he could be wholly one or the other; for if he is said to be a creature of circumstances, how is it that he is influenced for the wrong unless there is some- thing already in him to be influenced. The question is, then, not whether a criminal is so by nature or by circumstances, but rather to which element his crime can be principally attributed. The cause of murder can lie not only in positive characteristics, as courage and force of will, but in the want of characteristics, such as a lack of re- pulsion in injuring others or even one's self. PURE MURDER. 175 A classical case of pure murder is where a fel- low-prisoner killed his comrade while snoring too loud. The case of least provocation that we have seen was that of a man who pierced the abdomen of an intimate friend with a very small, slender knife- blade. His friend, raising up his vest, said: "Why, you stabbed me, John; there is blood there." With that John made three or four more punctures, from the effects of which the man died. As they had no quarrel at all, it would seem that the murderer merely had a curiosity to stick the knife into some- thing. That pure murderers seem to be unconscious of any repulsion is evident from the following case: A consumptive, of about sixty, who was on his death-bed, was asked by the doctor why he killed his mother with an ax. " Ah," he said, " My father died, and I thought I would take me place in the family." The idea was, that his father used to beat his mother, but that he had performed this function better still. Another case is that of a life prisoner, who had been in a dungeon for years. He had killed several men, and would not hesitate to take the life of prison-officers, all of whom were afraid of him. He had only one friend in the world, and that was the "doctor." It was perfectly safe to go into his cell when the doctor introduced one as his friend. At the time of the visit he happened to see a certain prison-officer, and a volume of epithets followed. Then he pointed out the five or six bullet-wounds that he had received in a row with the officers. " Rascals 176 CRIMINOLOGY. and cowards," he growled, grinding his teeth. He said: "I came from Ireland, where I had also killed some men, but in America punishment is a great deal harder. I was going to a ball with ' me ' girl one evening, and a policemen tried to arrest me; he insulted 'me 'girl and I knocked him ' inside out ' (killed him), but I did not run away, I went to the ball." During his trial, being very easily angered, he nearly cleared the court- house, and was almost bled to death by wounds from handcuffs, etc., used to subdue him. In the course of conversation he said: " Doctor, I would have killed a man in the hospital had he not been under your charge." This man was honest in character, and was chaste toward women. He would give his life up for the " doctor." Anyone he liked he would do anything for; anyone he hated he would kill with- out the least repulsion. There was something heroic in him, notwithstanding his ferocity. As already observed (Chapter I., Part I.), man In the savage state was forced to look upon the stranger as an enemy, which generally proved to be true. But the little child also seems to show traces of this murderous tendency. For it would hesitate none the less to bite its nurse or strike its mother did these acts cause their death. Fortu- nately this propensity is generally corrected, but should it persist, and surroundings be favorable for its growth, suh a child could develop into a murderer. As an illustration we shall study the case of "A," PURE MURDER. 177 who was twelve or thirteen years old when he com- mitted the act that made him known. That " A " may speak for himself, we give ver- batim his autobiography. Autobiography of "A." " According to my life I will write from about when I was 7 or 8. My parents treated me right till I was ii years old. I went to school right along for about 2 months, and then I ran away from school. So then my parents sent me to the Asylum. There my course was not very well. I had a great many black marks against me there. I staid for 2 years 2 weeks and 2 months. Then I was sent back home, and behaved myself for i month. Then again I did not go to school as usual; so my parents sent me back to the insti- tution. There I staid a long time. Then I was called up by the superintendent of the place and asked if I would like to live in the country. I said I would, so he said he would let me go. " My first wrong deed I done was to steal an apple from an Italian's stand. I went home with the apple, and my mother asked me where I got it. I said I bought it for one cent. She asked me where I got my money; I said from my saving's bank. She asked how I got the money from the bank. " I hung my head and did not want to tell then. She asked me what was the matter; I said nothing. She said why do you hang your head so; I said for nothing. 12 1 78 CRIMINOLOGY. " Then I went from home and was lost. When they found me they took me back home. When I got inside the house my father asked me where I was; I would not tell him. so he said to me if I did not tell he would thrash me, and still I would not tell, so he went and got the boot-jack and said, 'Are gou going to tell ?' But I would not; and so that night I got a good sound thrashing. " I will now describe my parents in regard to their doings. Just before I left home, my mother, broth- ers, and sisters were good to me, and I will mention them more than my father. He used to drink a great deal. Every night when he came home drunk we had to get out of his way, or something would go sailing through the room. But one night I did not get out of his way; I was not a-going to either, for I just was a-going to see what he was a-going to do. He came in the door and I was sitting by the window. He just walked right over to where I was and jerked a hole right through my ear. I commenced to cry. He asked me what was the matter. As soon as he saw my bloody ear he got a piece of black ' sucking ' plaster and put it on the back of my ear. My father was the cause of my mother's death. He came home drunk one night, and my mother was sitting in the parlor sewing at some one of the boys' pants; he picked up a flat-iron and hurled it at my mother; it did not strike her; she looked about and could not tell where it came from. She then saw my father pick up a stove-poker. He walked up to my mother and hit her with it; left PURE MURDER. 179 a severe wound, and she was in bed about one month before she died. My father would drink continuously, but there was no more trouble in the house. " I was then sent from home to the Asy- lum. From there I went to , and received a good education in schooling. I went to school in summer and stayed at the farm in winter. I am going to try to be a better boy hereafter. "When I was in I did a great many things that were wrong. The man I was with used to send me to the field to work, and I used to lay down in the field and go to sleep. I used to sleep by the hour, and sometimes half a day, if he did not come to see if I was working. If I was not, he would pick up a corn-stock and whip me about the field. He would set me at pulling weeds at an early hour. I would pull for two or three hours steady and then lie down. If I did not get enough I would lie down all day, if he would let me. " I was with of County, , and stayed for one month. I used to go and tease the sheep he had; then I would chase the hogs about the pen and the chickens about the barn-yard. I used to steal eggs of all kinds. When he told me to go up to the " Old Home " out in the field and feed the cows I would not go; I would lay down and go to sleep. I left that place because the man did not like me nor I him. " The next place I went to was County, . The man's name was . He had a l8o CRIMINOLOGY. very nice farm, indeed. I liked him very much. He treated me as he would one of his own boys, and I treated him as any ordinary white person should. There was one fault between us, and that was I would not do the work decent; and that was the reason I left him, although he was a very nice man. I liked him and he did me. " The next place was in . I staid with Mr. for two months. I liked it first-rate. I used to run the windmill at his place every day, pumping a big tank full of water. The worst of it was I did not like to watch it. I had to herd from 15 to 20 head of cows and drive them; had to fetch them from the pasture every morning and night. I had to tend 12 horses, feed and water them every morning, noon, and night. " The next place I went was in County. There I stayed with Mr. for three months steady. I did a great deal of work there. I had to plow, sow, reap, harrow, drag, had to help gather the harvest in, going about a quarter of a mile before we reached the field. There was where I did so many things in killing his animals. As I told you what I killed I need not mention it here. I will try to behave myself hereafter. Then I went to , where I took a place with , staying for three good solid months. I did not like his treatment. In the winter time he would not let me have mittens on my hands; he would set me to clean the horse and cow stables when it was bitter cold, without anything on my hands to keep them warm or on my feet. Sometimes he would PURE MURDER. l8l come into the barn and see me standing still, not working; he would ask me what I was doing; I would say, trying to warm my hands; then he would say, you clean out these stables or I'll thrash you. "Then he would come again and catch me not working; then he would get the tugs or driving- rein and thrash me, and besides he would make me 'jerk ' a wagon ' bed ' of corn without anything on my hands. I would have to unload it and pick another load before I got anything to eat; some- times three loads before and after dinner. If I did not do my share of work he would say, you can't have anything to eat. He was a hard man with me, when I hit his wife with my fist for plaguing me. If she had not been teasing me I would not have struck her. I said to his wife, ' Now, just stop your fooling or else there will be trouble,' but she would not; so I struck her a good blow in the face, and she did stop; but she told her husband, and that night I got a good thrashing. " The next place I went to was at , where I stayed with five months, and liked it first- rate. I used to do all the chores about the barn, and help in the housework along with the other work. I don't remember doing anything wrong there. His wife was a good lady, and I liked her very much indeed, she never gave me much trouble at all. " The next place I went was . There I hired out to a man that kept a livery stable. I did l82 CRIMINOLOGY, first-rate work, and got my board and clothes. When I was there a week I got a new suit of clothes, and had a splendid time of it. " The next place I went was . There I stayed for a few days and caught a ' blind bag- gage,' and rode on it till I reached a station about ten miles south of . Then I got on a freight train and held it right through to Chicago. I stayed there about a week. I used to help to load steamships for pretty near six days. Finally I stole a ride on a boat going from Chicago to Mil- waukee. There I came nearly getting arrested for stealing a ride on the boat. Then the mate said, 'Get off this boat.' I said, ' No I wont, not for such a thing as you or anyone like you '; so he went and got a policeman. The policeman said, ' I will give you till one o'clock to get out of town.' But I was rowing in one of the boats on the side of the shore of Lake Michigan for at least two hours after the policeman told me to get out of town. I swore at the mate, and told him I would break his face for him if I caught him on land. He dare not set foot off the boat for fear of get- ting hurt. I went back to Chicago and there stayed for three days more. Then I got on another boat and went to Buffalo about three days; then took a freight train, and slept on a load of sheep for one night; when I got out of the car I was about fifty miles from Buffalo on one of the roads running through Pennsylvania. I had to work my way part of the time, and the con- ductor gave me a ride in his caboose for over 100 PURE MURDER. 183 miles. I had to keep out of sight for fear; if I was caught I might be arrested, and the conductor might have been discharged. I walked for three days, stopping only for resting and eating; then I caught a freight train, going very slow, about a half a mile from Scranton, and riding from there to Jersey City, I walked to Hoboken, taking a boat across the river, I walked down to Grand street, and started to find my folks, but after inquiring for them I stayed in New York city two hours; then taking a boat I went across the river to Brooklyn. There I began my search with a gang of Brooklyn boys to help me hunt up my parents. We went to a large drug-store and asked to take the directory to find a man's name and place where he lived. We found a good many with the same name as my father. We went to these places, but did not find the right one; but still we looked, but no traces could be found; but I remember of one in East Brooklyn, but I did not have time to go over there, because I was taken by a minister to the Home. I stayed there one month. I did not work in the house. The work I did was cutting wood and helping in the engine-room. I got my dinner at i P. M. sharp, sometimes not till 1.30 p. M. I liked it first-rate there; it was a very good place. Then I went to , where Mr. came after me. I went to his place on Christ- mas noon, where I got a good meal. The next morning, when I got up, I went out to the barn and did all the chores the best I knew how; then went to the house and did what was needed there; 184 CRIMINOLOGY. then I went mto the yard and fed the chickens and turkeys. Then came noon; I went out and fed and watered the horses and cattle; then rumished around a little, and doing something once in a while. When I was not doing anything I would think of something to do. If I could not think of something I would go in the house and read. I stayed at the house in summer and went to school in winter. We used to have fine times; we had lots of fine coasting and sliding down a hill half a mile long. I would ride down on a sled. But one day was a sad one for one of the boys in the school-house. I stole his sled and ran off to town with it; I had a lot of fun with it, then gave it away, and had some fun with the boy I gave the sled to; then went down to the railroad depot. I had a talk with Mr. , con- ductor of the road, and then with the man in the station or the telegraph operator; then went out of the station and stole another sled for to pay the boy for the sled I stole on him. I then went back with the sled I stole to town, and gave it to him. The boy's father came up to the barn where I was doing chores; he said to me, ' Where is the sled you stole from my boy.' I told him I left it in town; then he said, ' You get the sled or you will pay for it,' I said all right. Then he asked me when I was going to get it; I said this afternoon; if I could not get the sled, I would get a new one. So I started for town right after dinner, and got in town by two o'clock; there I stayed pretty late; as I was going up the hill with the sled in my PURE MURDER. 1 8$ arms I went down the back way through the back road. I thought I would not be heard or seen, but I was mistaken. As I approached the barn- yard I saw the father of the boy I stole the sled from and his hired hands. Then I went up to the house and went to bed in the hack under the wagon-shed. The next morning old came in the shed, and gave me a poke with a stick he [the man he worked for] always carried when he went to milk the cows. When I woke up I made a groan and then turned out. I did the chores, then went into the house and got some breakfast, I went by the stove and got warm a little, then went upstairs and dressed myself in my best suit of clothes, then went downstairs and bid them good-bye. Then I started on my journey for New York. I walked from to , a distance of 25 miles. " As I was going along the road I met two teams coming along the road. After we passed the teams I started snow-balling a lady of about 65 or 70 years old; then she said she would get me ar- rested; that got me mad, I did not like it, because she said she would have me arrested. I saw a few stones ahead of me on the ground; I picked up three or four stones. Then she caught up with me; I then started and ran ahead about six rods, then fired one of the stones at her; I then kept it up until I had bruised her very badly. Then I ran on to and caught a train going to . I did not want to go on the train, but the station-keeper put me on. Then when the con- 186 CRIMINOLOGY. ductor came for my ticket, I said that I was a poor boy without any home, and wanted to go to New York city. But he gave a me ride to ; when I got in I slept in the 2d Precinct Station- house. I told the police that I was a poor boy and had no home; had been away from home for four years, and had been all around; and they made a collection for me and I got $1.50. Then I went down to the State Board of Charities, and asked the head man of the house for a pass to New York city. " He sent a man with me to the depot and gave me the pass. I took the pass and got on the train, and was going for New York city. When I reached New York I was asked by a detective what my name was. I told him what it was; he said that father and mother were looking for me. Then he said I will take you there; I said all right. Good-bye." FROM THE RECORDS OF THE INSTITUTION. History of "A." Received May, 1889; assault ist degree, Court Oyer and Terminer ; plead guilty. Father, Catholic ; intemperate ; mother, dead; step- mother, Catholic; habits, unknown. No insanity or epilepsy in family; don't know about her father ; one brother imprisoned on Blackwell's Island. Step-parent, mother has heard nothing of his parents since they surrendered him six years a g > grandfather, German; reads and writes; longshoreman ; grandmother, American ; educa- PURE MURDER. 187 tion unknown, family very poor; don't know why father was arrested. Facts as to "A." He has known no residence; home wretched; Protestant; no previous arrest; home life till six years ago; Asylum and country were places he was at; very little moral sense. He was placed in Asylum six years ago by his parents. Two years later he was sent to Illinois and placed with ; then placed successively with four dif- ferent farmers; remained with the last one the longest (about a year); was in Illinois about four years altogether; came away from last place and started for New York, stealing rides; looked in vain for his people, and was after a few days taken up by the Society of and sent to . He remained a month or more and then ran away, and on the same day he struck a woman with a stone, stealing up behind her. They had ridden to- gether in a farmer's sleigh; she was an old woman; the assault was unprovoked. They had chanced to fall together on a country road. Age, January, 1889, 15 years. Health good; blue eyes; quality medium; fair, light brown, clothing good; com- plexion fair. On admission: weight, 44.90 kilos.; height, i,494mm.; chest, 711-762 mm. February, 1890: weight, 48.07 kilos.; height, 1,549 mm.; chest, 685-762 mm. May, 1890: weight, 48.97 kilos.; height, 1,574 mm.; chest, 736-812 mm. Previous education, 3d Reader, long division; assigned to 3d grade, 2d division; previous occu- 188 CRIMINOLOGY. pation, farm boy; assigned to tailor shop. First badge earned October 5, 1889; time, 21 weeks; 6 complaints. Second badge, March 22, 1889; time, 24 weeks; 5 complaints; total, n complaints. Complaints against "A," 1889. June 28, by Watchman: Out of his dormitory continually to make a disturbance; crawling along the upper tier to other dormitories (3 weeks). 1 July 20, by Tailor: Not doing his work, when other boys come and get their clothes fixed; plays with them, (2 weeks). Aug. 5, by Watchman: Lying down on the floor outside of his dormitory; talking to other boys; also, Saturday night, throwing down differ- ent articles he brought from the tailor shop (3 weeks). Sept. i, by Hallman: Stole a book (" St. Nicho- las ") from the school-room and gave it to . Sept. 8, by Watchman : Standing or lying partly out of his door; talking in a loud tone to boy . I have repeatedly had to spe?k to this boy in regard to talking; have had him on the floor; he will not obey the rules; talked Friday and Saturday night (punished with a strap). Sept. 24, by Watchman : Report this boy for throwing a short, heavy stick (called a " nib ") from his dormitory door at me. I saw the stick coming, and the direction from his door; he denies it; boy 1 3 weeks added to his time of confinement in institution. PURE MURDER. 189 sleeps next to him; other side is ; one of these boys surely threw it; witnesses (i week). Nov. 16, by Hallman: For disorder in the hall, throws rags (at boys and ). Dec. 4, by Watchman: Found in another boy's dormitory under the bed; hiding soon after the first count was taken (3 weeks). 1 Dec. 12, by Superintendent: Refusing to do as told; striking at me with a broken knife when I attempted to punish him (punished with a strap). Dec. 20, by Military Instructor: Running around sleeping-hall and striking boy in face, without provocation (punished with a strap). March 8, 1890: Disorderly conduct. May 5, 1890, by Hallman: For not scrubbing clean, and not taking care of his , and stealing a book from Mr. (2 weeks). Sept. 4: Caused trouble in his company by inter- fering with the other boys. Oct. 15: Throwing a dipper on the store-room floor. March 3, 1891: Released. Home and emploj'- ment were found for him with some farmers, where "A" remained till March n, when we ran away from them, taking some of their property. Since this time he has not been heard from. 1 3 weeks added to his time of confinement in institution. 190 CRIMINOLOGY. Testimony. The Tailor says: " Disagreeable to other boys." Yard-keeper says: " Makes unreasonable re- quests; becomes angry, strikes a boy; yet came with a reading paper, which had been given to him, and wanted me to read it first; has heard that he put a string around his finger to make it black in order to get out of work." Physician: " Only in hospital once " (nothing serious). Hallman: "Raises his temper easy; does not care how he does his work; boys and some of the officers say he is a " little off"; I don't report the boy, as it will do no good; has not improved on his scrubbing work for nine months. I said he would have to go to superintendent. He an- swered: ' I don't care; I will go down and tell him I did my work good enough.' " Mr. , Teacher: " Tried to hang him- self; too familar with me; saw my watch-chain and said: 'I will have that watch and chain.' This he did three or four times; but after a reprimand he ceased to be familiar." Professor of Drawing says : " He is a little below the average in his work, and a good boy." Mr. , School Principal : " Nervous, impul- sive; he will look at you with glaring eyes when reproved; dreamy way about him." Mrs. , Teacher: " Good scholar; industrious; best in arithmetic (three months in this depart- ment). I never had any trouble with him; never PURE MURDER. 19! had to speak to him, to correct him; half of the boys I never speak to at all, that is to say: ' turn around and study ' etc.; he was a little behind, but caught up; he told of killing the woman as though he would not like to have us tell about it; but with no air of vanity, no animation in his face; he said he would never do it again." Miss , Teacher: " Very good boy in school; did fairly in all studies, but better in arithmetic; perceives quickly; never got angry; great boy to read papers ('Golden Days,' etc.); was six months under me." Carpenter: " No mechanical ability; no natural affection or feeling for any injury he inflicts; he struck a boy in the yard; the boy did not retort, but ' A ' simply grinned; if he is disorderly and spoken to about it, he acts indifferent; he has not shown the least sign of anger or viciousness, as gritting his teeth; when disorderly he acts as if he was not bright, just indifferent; never reported him him because he did not seem vicious. When he struck the boy, he said, ' I was only fooling '; he said to me he had no reason at all for stoning the old woman; he felt like it and stoned her; he did not feel bad about it at all, and had no remorse; this he said when he first came here; never saw him playing much with the boys; ever since here, he has not varied from being indifferent, and doing things thoughtlessly; never caught him in a lie; if asked what he did wrong for, he will say, ' Well I don't know.' No hilarity in the boy, he grins a little; does not talk loud, seems uneasy; difficult I9 CRIMINOLOGY. for him to remain still. He tied a handkerchief so tight around his neck that he was purple; he said he wanted to choke himself to death, as the fellows said, he told them so. I think he was trying to show the boys what he could do, to ' scare ' them. When I call him up for disorder there are ' spells '; he has a staring look, and if I ask him a question he does not seem to notice it, then in an instant he seems to come to himself (he has a vacant look when in the ' spells ' ) and understands what was said to him; this spell endured about a quarter of a minute; frequently those spells come on (glare, hesitating, and looking) but not always when spoken to. When reprimanded sharply sometimes, he did not have these spells, he first looks down, then into my eye (glaring) bends his head simply; a short reprimand produced no fear or scowl, but in every case a sameness, that is he looks up and down slowly as if he was planning something; but he confesses everything; most peculiar boy in this institution in his actions that is, a sameness in his actions, manner, motions, etc. My opinion is that the boy would not hesitate a moment to take his life, no idea of what is beyond the act." The Steward: " His make-up is not first-rate; at times, when I would correct him, he would stand and look down and turn his eyes, acting as a boy going to be insubordinate; he would show fullness of the face, that he was angry, a peculiar form of anger, having the air of sullenness and rank temper, different from the other boys; he does not talk much when angry. This spell would last as PURE MURDER. 193 long as you talked to him; once I corrected him, he showed a good disposition, but could not be called an obedient boy; towards the latter part of the time he was with me he told me his crime; said it was without provocation on a highway, that he broke her wrist; he did not appear sorry for it; told me her name and age; he is not a bright boy; not with the other boys much; a boy somewhat a little silly was with him some; the boys ' pumped ' him and after that dropped him, as they usually do, and so the half-silly fellows were with him a little; after a while he used to play ball a little. I think he would do injury; he is not a good boy in any sense. He had spells, so I did not trouble him; he was reported three or four times to me for striking boys; he denied it; he would come up good and cheery when called; once he was surly, and the more I talked to him the worse he became; he was not impudent, nor did he talk up quick; he muttered something at that time." Watchman : " He was with me about four months; at times he became excited and hardlj r knew what he did; he looked wild out of his eyes. He often wet his bed; I called him three times a night; he got better; at times he was cranky; hard boy to wake up, had to shake him; he would stare at me when I called him; he would act as if he were mad, and after an hour he would say I will try and be a good boy hereafter; he has asked me to forgive him. He was not bad intentionally. I think he has lied to me. He said he would be a good boy, but did not want to be reported. He '3 IQ4 CRIMINOLOGY. ran upstairs, I reprimanded him, and he threw a stick (nib) at me." Watchman (2d Division): "He. has been under me about a year; he is a little ' off '; he has thrown things around the hall quite often, but not so much now; have to call him three times every night, at 10, 12-15 and 2 to go to the water-closet; he wakes up with difficulty ; have caught him running around fooling with other boys; when reprimanded he promises he won't do it any more, but if he has a 'pout' (ill-tempered) he will not say he is sorry; he is no coward; sometimes talks back; he would deny things he had done, and sometimes long afterwards he would admit it, but did not want to get reported; his chum is , who is surely ' off '; the other boys call him a fool." Chaplain: "His people are not attendants at church; while in Home of was not at Sun- day-school; this is about all the religious instruc- tion he has had; here he has taken interest in the temperance work, signing the pledge; he came to me several times about this; has attended our prayer-meetings regularly, is a very close listener. He says ' I don't want to be a drunkard, I want to sign now.' " Military Instructor: " He has been a good sol- dier, is an intelligent one; has made no mistake that I know of." Superintendent: " When being reprimanded in my room, thinking he would be whipped; he started to run into the sleeping-hall, then he stopped and drew a knife out of his pocket. I said , call- PURE MURDER. 195 ing his name; and he said, ' Lock me up, lock me up, I will give knife up, if you wi!5 lock me up.' I got him into a dormitory and got the knife away from him; he ran, breaking away from me into the yard and up into the other sleeping-hall; and get- ting a club, he chased the boys out. The military officer went to get the club away from him, but he struck at him; when, however, taken hold of. he ceased resisting; his eyes shone like a wild beast's. I whipped him for that and he cried a little; has not been very disobedient since; this occurred after he had been here some time, when he ceased to be a quiet boy." The Superintendent of another institution, *n which " A " was formerly, says: " He was a heedless, disobedient boy while here; he showed no very serious misconduct, but simply little petty mean- nesses; he was disagreeable to his teacher and others, no special traits distinguished him from a hundred other boys here. We always have quite a large number of boys whose foolish conduct and wanton acts indicate a lack of good sense and a streak of meanness." Another Superintendent says: " There was noth- ing special to attract attention during his (' A's ') short stay." The District Attorney of the county in which " A " was tried says: " He is as bright as he is bad; he is bad only in one way, and that is in his desire to hurt somebody; he was indicted for as- sault in the first degree; he met an old, fat lady in the street, knocked her down with stones, then 196 CRIMINOLOGY. jumped on her and pounded her head with stones; broke her wrist, etc.; he is a fair-looking boy as you ever saw; but seems to have spells. Every man in jail was afraid of him, for he would throw things at them in unconquerable fits, and he was so small that they would not touch him; and, ex- cept in those spasms, was a general favorite. I write you, because if that boy can be cured, he will make a very bright man." In a letter, " A " wrote to another boy formerly in the institution he says: " Dear Sir I now take the pleasure of writing you a few lines. I am in good health ; I hope you are the same. The weather is very delightful up here; I believe that Mr. is going to leave us, but I hope he don't go, for if he would I would not like it. I am still in the ' Scrub- bing Gang ' (lowest grade), they could not hire me to go out of it for anything When you write to me, tell me what you have done. The first thing when you got home, did you start for the woods ? I would like to know. From your friend No. . " The farmer with whom "A" lived last (before his crime) says: " As to the assault on the old lady: They were riding on a sleigh and they both got off at ; and she went one way and he the other. Then he ran ahead of her and got a stone and threw it and knocked her down; then pounded her and broke one of her arms. Some one, I do not know who it was, came to her assistance; he ran and took the cars for , where he was ar- rested. She was under the Doctor's care for a long time. I do not know whether she is alive or PURE MURDER. 197 not. The boy is a bad boy; he was with me about four months, and I was glad when he left. Before he went he had been going to school, and he acted so with the scholars that it was unendurable. He stole one of their sleds and sold it, and he took a knife to my wife, but it was before anything else had happened; he was not angry; so we did not do anything about it. I am sorry he is such a boy, for he is a bright boy." The physician says he was called to see the old lady; he treated her "for a broken arm and a bruised back, which was about as bad as her arm; her face was somewhat cut and scratched." Examination of "A." " I began school when I was four years old, and went about six years. One of my brothers used to hit me with his fist; I would not touch him, for I was afraid he would tell my mother. I hit him out of spite once. Another of my brothers treated me all right; another pretty well; did not like my step-mother, she used to whip me too much. My father quarreled with my real mother, would pound her with his fist; was always drunk then. He would not do it again, if I was home; did not hit her the three months I was there; if he had, there would have been a stick of wood flying at him. I do not want to go home; would not step inside of the door, because I am afraid I would get my head knocked off. I would not have left home had my father not got drunk; would run away and then be afraid to return, so, in order to eat, some 198 CRIMINOLOGY. other boys and I would steal old iron and zinc, and sleep near the foundries inside of some of the things where it was warm; I would miss school, and was sent to one or two institutious, and then out West; I wanted to run around and see the country. I left Mr. -, because he did not like me; tramped around for nearly two years, I guess; while at Chicago, broke into cars and got some- thing to eat; I always carried a knife with me to keep larger tramps from pitching on to me. I killed the horse of one farmer with a club; also at another time a cow and a sheep, I wanted to get even with the farmer for whipping me; I would have killed the farmer, but he was too big; I don't like to see a cow killed, because it should live as well as we. I went through Pennsylvania, because I wanted to see the country; was interested in the coal mines. I went to New York and stayed about a month, and was sent out into the country again. I did not like the place; the man whipped me with a ratan, but not very hard; a boy teazed me at school by calling me names, so I stole his sled and brought another back in its place. The man I was with I did not like, so I left him. Going along the road I met an old woman, and walked with her a half an hour; then we got into an empty sleigh and rode about fifteen minutes; the man with the sleigh turned off on another road, so we got off. I saw some large icicles in the trees and began to knock them down with snow-balls. Then I thought it would be fun to throw at the old lady. I threw them pretty swift; she called me names, PURE MURDER. 199 said she would have me arrested before night; I threw two more snow-balls. Two teams came along and I stopped throwing snow-balls, because they would catch me. The snow-balls did not hurt her for they only hit her shawl. I was getting angry; I threw three small stones; only the third one hit her on the arm; she said she would have me arrested. I saw a bare place where there were some stones, I ran ahead to it, crossing a road ; she ran down this road to get away from me. I ran across lots after her; she slipped down on the ice; I threw larger stones at her, threw them under-hand as I could do it swifter, two of the stones were large, about five inches long and two inches thick, I kicked at her, but hit the bundle of clothes; the stones made gashes on her head, the big stone broke her wrist. I saw some one running up from the station, so I stopped and ran away." On closer questioning the following was brought out : Q. Why didn't you throw all the stones at her ? A. Because I did not want to waste them on her so quick; she screamed each time, and I kept on just to hear her scream for the fun of it, to get even with her. Q. Why didn't you jump on her with your feet instead of your knees ? A. Because I did not want to go too fast. Q. Why did you not get right over her and throw the big stones right down on her harder? A. I could throw them under-hand easier, jerk them. 200 CRIMINOLOGY, Q How did you feel all this time? A. I felt dizzy all the time after I threw the first snow-ball; I kept a-going to keep myself from falling down and hitting some one or something else. When I ran away I had the same dizziness about ten minutes, and then fell down tired out ; then in three minutes I was all right again. I commenced having dizziness in the head right after I got angry; I cannot control myself; can stand some fun from the boys, but soon I get angry and mean to kill them. I threatened the superintendent with a knife because I thought he was going to punish me ; I meant to kill him. I had no dizziness while killing horse, cow, and sheep to get even with the farmers ; sometimes I get angry without feeling dizzy. Saying she would have me arrested made me angry ; these spells last about an hour. When I drew the knife on the superintendent, and struck the club at the military officer, I did not have any dizziness, but got mad. When I become dizzy I try to kill, sometimes, I say, it is just for the fun of it ; but I really want to kill. I just as leave die as not, and go and see my mother. If I killed anyone they would hang me, so I would die. I wanted to kill the old woman, but was not thinking of being killed myself at that time. I did not want to get caught, or I would have killed her by throwing the stones at her head. I wouldn't have cared if they had killed me at this time. I don't hardly feel I am to blame. I know I am to blame for killing the old woman. I began to feel I was to blame PURE MURDER. 2OI after I came to this institution. I never read books about murder, I could not say how I got the idea, it simply comes to me. Q. Did you try to kill yourself once ? A. I went into the rag-room where there" was a closet in which lime w 1 there' was a* window -cord ; but the cloVet wa^ locked. My mother was' dead, I did not war,t to livb, I bad no friends. I took a black linen thread and' trfetf to^lvahg ' myself ; it only cut ray 'f r o,rbits, 96im.'; .distance between ou$er tqiiaers of eyes, 90 mm.; 'distance between inner corners of eyes, 32 mm., --width between prot. malaria, u^/hlpp.^'wifit^^tween gonia, 96 mm.; distance from chiii ta hair, 158 mm. ^distance from ctibi 'toor'oet pf nose, 108 mm 1 ;,; distance from chin to base jof ci)OEs^-, 56< Kin}!; idjst.an'ce from chin to mouth, 50 mmi. ; : distance ffom chin to tragus, 95 mm.; distance from tragus to root of nose, 97 mm.; length of ear, 61 mm.; length of nose, 47 mm.; elevation of nose, 49 mm.; width of nose, 31 mm.; width of mouth, 42 mm.; thickness of lips, 15 mm.; horizontal circumference of head, 540 mm.; ver- tical circumference of head, 349 mm.; sagittal cir- cumference of head, 368 mm.; angle of profile, 60 mm. Color of eye, gray; color of hair, light. There was an observed flatness to the eyelids. Conclusion. "A " is a case of pure murder ; his anomaly or abnormality consists in a lack of repulsion to taking life. He is no coward, nor wanting in will power ; his intelligence is above the average, yet he is at times stubborn and lazy and mean, although he may be partly unconscious of this latter element. He acts oddly at times. His idea of justice seemed to be " getting even " with every- PURE MURDER. 203 one. He is unaware of how his want of repulsion to killing appears to others. Many boys neglect their work and are whipped, but they do not kill cows and horses to " get even." The dizziness of "A " might suggest epilepsy, but the fact that he is never unconscious and remembers everything is against such a theory. Spells of anger, where self-control is lost, are not uncommon, and one will strike with the hand or throw something, but sel- dom go further, unless there is a radical defect somewhere. Given a boy who becomes angry easily, losing self-control, who at the same time lacks repulsion to taking life, and whose surround- ings have been favorable to bring this element out, and the case of " A " is a clear one. That such a boy is dangerous is self-evident. Considering his early and evil surroundings it is questionable how far he is to blame for his murderous acts. It is doubtful, if he should be allowed to be free in the community, even under the most favorable condi- tions, for his training has been such that he is angered very easily. To speak to him cross or to punish him is probably the worst thing that can be done. He may out-grow this murderous ten- dency by experience in the community ; but can the community afford, or has it the right to make, such experiments as expose its members to danger ? " A " was at large when last heard of. CHAPTER II. PURE THEFT. THEFT is the most common crime, and the most difficult to correct. The spirit that predominates in actual life is the utilitarian, and the strongest form of this is the commercial impulse, or the love of possession. The wide extent of this sentiment naturally ex- poses it more to infringement ; and this is one of the chief reasons, perhaps, why theft is the most common crime. But the habit of theft, unlike most crimes, is generally acquired very gradually, and for this reason it is the most developed and the most persistent form of crime. A thief is almost always incorrigible, for he is continually exposed to temptation except in prison, and even ther, he will keep up his habit. The thief is almost always a liar, because this is the easiest and most practical method of defense. He is generally liberal by nature, especially with the money of others, and for this reason is always popular with fast women. The general idea that thieving is taking what does not belong to us, is a good definition. As cases of habitual or pure thieving, we give the following: PURE THEFT. 205 CASE " B." HISTORY FROM RECORDS OF INSTITU- TION. Received July 25, 1887; offense, petit larceny, age, n ; eyes, brown; clothing fair; resides with parents; never in the almshouse; at police court of on complaint of ; weight, 34 kilos ; height, 1,371 mm., hair, brown; education, 2d Reader; previous arrests, two or three for stealing and staying out; never in orphan asylum, but in re- form school; three months ago was in Catholic pro- tectory and assigned to knitting department ist division. Parents: father, intemperate, dock-labor- er; he does not know whether any of them were arrested; no step-father or step-mother; father, Irish Catholic; family consisting of two boys and two girls. June 20, 1889, height, 1,428 mm.; in chest, 723 mm. April 2, 1890, he was intrusted to the care of his mother. June 21, 1890, recommitted by police court for petit larceny. Weight, 41 kilos; height, 1,485 mm.; clothes, good. Complaints. 1888 May 14: Leaving the line while returning from chapel last Sunday morning; not going on the yard (pleads guilty, case held open). May 21 : Running around the yard with two others, shouting and making all the noise they could; would not come when called; refused to go on parade; kept running until I caught and locked them up. (Sunday, pleads guilty.) 206 CRIMINOLOGY. May 22, by Watchman: Disorderly in the yard, kicking stones up against the shop windows while on parade (punished with a strap 5 blows, i week, pleads guilty). May 23: In company with other boys entered knitting shop; machines tampered with; a few articles were missing (5 to 10 strokes with a strap, 8 weeks). ' May 31: Throwing his window-frame out of the door; spoken to many times about being disorderly (5 blows with a strap, i week, pleads guilty). July 4: Disorderly in sleeping-hall while he sup- posed I was absent (i week). 1 July 15: Loud and disorderly after whistle was blown for parade; crowding where there was no room for him, and when asked to go to another place did not do it until I insisted on it, then he was very insolent; also fought with another boy (pleads guilty). July 16: Disorderly in wash-room and training- room almost every day (5 blows with strap). July 21 : Leaving dormitory and going to others; also generally disorderly; impossible to keep him in his dormitory (pleads guilty). July 26: Talking in dining-room in defiance of repeated orders (i week). Aug. 5: Talking in dining-room; admits it, says he was asking a boy for some water. (Admon- ished to be more careful.) Aug. 28: Taking the plate of hash, and refusing 1 Added to time of stay in institution. PURE THEFT. 2Q"J the rest of the boys to have any; would not stand up (i week). Sept. 6: Disorderly on parade; scuffling on the bench in the yard. Sept. 17: Burglarizing with another boy while on parade. ' Sept. 1 8: Kicking another boy (excused with reprimand). Sept. 19: Throwing a hat about the sleeping-hall and lying about it (reprimanded). Sept. 19: Talking at the table and giving impu- dence. Sept. 21 : Swearing in the yard, when in the scrubbing gang. , Oct. 4: Disorderly in the hall, threw water on another boy. Oct. 10: Disorderly in the hall (reprimanded). Oct. 15: Disorder and rankest impudence (rep- rimanded). Oct. 17: Out of his dormitory (locked up). Oct. 31: Throwing soap in lavatory; denies the charge. Nov. 5: Making remarks and using gestures while the girls were passing through the yard (one week). Nov. 13: Talking at supper-table (one week). Nov. 22: Talking on parade in lavatory (one week). Nov. 25: Rank impudence and insubordination; demanded a ticket to hospital in impudent man- ner, he was told to wait and see Mr. K., was very impudent (punished with strap ; one week). 30* CRIMINOLOGY. Dec. 15: Talking in school-room, after cautioned to stop kept talking (one week). Dec. 18. Not obeying the whistle; loud and noisy, disorderly generally (punished with strap; one week). Dec. 20: Making water out of the window at 6.30 A. M.; let him off once before; did not go to closet at all (one week). Dec. 29: Going to bed with his clothes and stockings on, which I had forbidden; admits it (one week). (In an interview he said he was cold and so kept dressed.) 1889 Jan. 9: Talking on parade in lavatory; ad- mits (two weeks). Jan. 15: Stealing a pair of 2d badge pants from boy " S." (four weeks). Jan. 16: Going to bed with clothes on; admits (two weeks). Jan. 22: Inattention on parade (reprimanded). Jan. 23: School-room offense (eight weeks). Jan. 29: Tearing blankets in dormitory. Feb. i: School-room offense (one week). Feb. ii : Using vulgarity in W. C. to another boy (reprimanded). Feb. 16: Stealing books from Mr. L.'s school- room (punished with strap). March 30: Throwing bread at dining-room table; admits (punished with a strap). April 12: Disorderly in W. C. April 16: Fooling with another boy (held open). April 22: Does not scrub clean. April 28-29: Having four keys in his pocket and PURE THEFT. 209 tobacco; one key fitting drawer in an officer's room, which has been opened several times and articles taken out (punished with strap). May 2: Out of order on all parades; extremely impudent to company commander. May 22: Leaving his work without permission; comes into the hospital dining-room (repri- manded). May 31: Disorderly in ranks, when boys were marching to dormitory, getting out of his place, and insolent when spoken to about it (held open). June 17: Not scrubbing clean; admits it (held open). June 25: Disorder on parade when marching to school, fooling with a ball (two weeks). June 26: Stealing money and food from paint- ers in shop (punished with strap). June 27: Going into boys' dormitory for plun- der; got under the bed; I told him to come out, and he would not do so. Admits, except plunder (three weeks). Oct. 5: Hanging about in the hall court intend- ing to steal; he repeated this after I had driven him out; he ran through the South house to escape, when detected second time (held open). Oct. 22: School disorder (held open). Oct. 24: In bathroom without permission; ad- mits (held open). 1890 Jan. 23: Going into "B.'s" dormitory; ad- mits (held open). Jan. 30: Going to bed with his trousers on, I put him on the floor and he was very impudent and 14 2IO CRIMINOLOGY. abusive and positively refused to do what I told him ; admits it (under lock and key for one weeK). Feb. 28: Very disorderly in his dormitory, whis- tling through his hands. Aug. 29: Talking at the table and disorderly and impudent. Sept. 2: Disorderly; talking at the table. Sept. 26: Refused to go to the superintendent when requested; throwing a chair at the officer and calling him a g d liar. Sept. 27: Detected in taking putty off of some freshly glazed windows. 1891 Jan. 12: Impudent to an officer; telling him to shut up and get out. He escaped by scaling the wall and was recap- tured; he gave his guard the slip at the depot, but was captured again. He was placed in con- finement, but succeeded in getting out; search high and low was made for him until he was found by one of the other inmates in the top of a tree late in the evening. After attempting to escape day after day he was finally transferred to the peni- tentiary. Testimony of Officers. Yardman: " ' B ' is a good boy; gets along with me very well. I let him wear a tie of mine one Sunday for being a good boy. I have to trust the boys a great deal; ' B ' has not stolen but a few things; he does not feel like taking from me." Hallman: " He gets into a room and steals with- PURE THEFT. 211 out anyone seeing him; I seldom see him steal; he is a good boy to work; when bad, he wants to go here and there, he won't stay at his work, roves around; he has been under me six or eight months; he disobeyed at first, but afterwards with a little pressure he would mind better; he likes to fight. I never saw him cry; he learns quickly; I saw him stealing beans and caught him." A Teacher: " I had him one or two weeks; he was very lazy, tried to get out of his work the best he could; talked to the boys in school a great deal, did not talk back very much. He got into my desk and took some lead pencils." Another Teacher: " He is a little villain; does not bother me much more than the other boys at table; a vicious kind of a boy; he turned upon me one time, he would not stop his talking; he kept muttering; I took him by the collar, and he kicked me when I took him out, I had hold of him with one hand." Another Officer: " He was under me, but never gave me any trouble, never stole anything from me." A Teacher: " He wrote a note to another boy about his teacher, and signed a boy's name whom the teacher liked very much. He tries to steal something almost every day; I always find some- thing in his pockets that he has stolen." A Teacher: " He has tried my patience very much; he is bright and peculiar; very stubborn and self-willed, and inclined to take anything in his reach; he never broke into my desk; he would 213 CRIMINOLOGY. take things from the boys and lie about it; he is disagreeable, he lies, is sulky, no matter how you treat him; he is a fighter; he is perfectly lawless, one of the worst boys I had; he never struck any boy, he is quiet at times, never saw him cry. I have seen him very angry; his face becomes red; he is a good scholar. Since his return his conduct is better the three days he has been under me; he has been absent three or four weeks; he won't talk much; he is a bright-appearing boy, but he is stubborn and is a daring fellow." Watchman: " His behavior is generally bad most of the time, running out of his dormitory and throwing things around the yard and hallooing; he is impudent and saucy; I do not suspect he has bad habits; he uses vulgarity with the other boys; he steals from the other boys; he has admitted it. I have seen him punished and then he cried; never saw him cry except this time; he has the wildest look when he does cry. I have seen him hit other boys with his hand; most of the boys do not hit one another; he is not a coward; some boys are afraid of him, but he is not afraid of a boy, no mat- ter how big he is. He was under me about a year and a half; he got into bed with his clothes on, be- cause sometimes they have to wait a half an hour before they go to water-closet; he had more bed clothes than the other boys, or he would have stolen from the other boys' beds. He appears to have some control over the other boys; the boys do not hate him; he gets angry, and they like to see him angry, but he fights them. He got into PURE THEFT. 313 one of the officers' rooms, cut open a satchel, and took out some things, but not everything." Teacher in Painting and Graining: " I never saw him take anything; he has admitted every- thing I have accused him of, at first he would say nothing; afterwards he would admit it; his actions were off-handed, he did not want to say anything then; everything that had been taken was at- tributed to him; he hates to have anyone question him. When I talked to him he cried, probably be- cause he did not want to leave the shop. He has been under me about eight months; he will make a good workman, is very accurate in mixing col- ors; has good taste; decided in his answers after he knows a thing; he doesn't talk much; he thinks he knows all about badness and malignity; he has improved in his work; if he is going to deny a thing he would do it at once; he never stole a thing from me, although it was easy for him; he never tried to escape." Military Instructor: " ' B ' is a good soldier by nature, and a bad soldier, because indifferent; has no enthusiasm for anything. I have punished him two or three times. He has more nerve and pluck than any other boy I ever saw; thought of punish- ment has no effect on him; he takes it indiffer- ently; but the last time I gave him seven blows, and he said, ' O, Mr. let me go, and I won't do it again'; he denied it up and down the first and second stroke; the fifth or sixth time he ad- mitted his guilt. After this I made him promise me not to steal for a straight month, and he ac- 214 CRIMINOLOGY. complished it, and was taken out of the scrubbing gang; he has an indomitable will and enthusiasm if you can get at him in the right way. I have never had any other particular trouble with him; he has not been impudent to me. I have known him to take a whipping in order to shield another boy; he never tells on other boys. He is a boy who would sacrifice to do you a favor," Chaplain: "He is not religious by nature; his moral sense seems to be dead; he is well behaved in chapel; he gives his name regularly for con- fession, which is voluntary; he was in the class preparing himself for his first communion depriv- ing himself of spare time for two days in the week for three or four months; in the meantime he pre- pared his catechism lessons; while with me he was very correct, but would steal when away; he is not very talkative even when locked up. He began to cry when I said ' My little fellow '; he cried the time I separated the candidates; he tried his best; he studied his catechism earnestly, got. a boy to help him as he could not read well; it was a great dis- appointment to him not to succeed; there is no question about his sincerity in this." Superintendent: " I have whipped him four or five times; he generally denies the charge at first. I never punish a boy until he admits the charge; I give him a few days to think it over; he has asked me to whip him instead of locking him up; after thinking it over a day or two he generally admits the charge; during whipping he acts very sour, he will always cry, which is from anger I think, be- PURE THEFT. 215 cause afterwards he would act sorry or surly. I have given up punishing him with a strap; it is no use. After he broke into the officer's room, he de- nied it for six days, and cried and was fighting mad; when mad, he shakes his head in a threaten- ing sort of way. I caught him running around, and called him up to the office and searched him, and found on him some bronze that Mr. D. had; Mr. D. was called to see it, and ' B ' said ' I hope you don't think I took this bronze '; and he stood and cried as if accused falsely; one night he stayed out, he gave no reason for it (when a man is miss- ing it may keep the officers up all night); he stole something this night; he said he did not want to escape, which is probably true." Interview with "B" " B " is not talkative. He was gradually drawn into a conversation. He says: " I am fifteen years of age. When about five I went to The Sisters School, I had stole some liq- uorice, and five weeks after was arrested by the de- tectives. I once caught a ride to Cleveland simply to take a ride, and stole a ride back; went to to ride on the water for that day: paid 15 cents for passage I went to the public schools. They used to whip me at the Catholic school for talk- ing My father whipped me for staying out late. Father does not drink, my mother did not treat me badly. As complained of by watchmen here, I did look around, but I do not know why I like to look around. I like school and paint-shop here. / steal 2l6 CRIMINOLOGY. because when I see a thing I want I like to get it. I am more apt to get ten dollars in here than outside. I went to bed with my clothes on because it was cold. I chew tobacco, I like it (cried and sobbed); they whip me here, I deserve it, but it did not do me any good, because he (superintendent) did not whip me hard enough; my father whips me hard- er and hurts me more, he whips me with a strap. They cannot make me do a thing unless I want to do a thing by whipping me, and so whipping me harder does me no good. I am going to do as well as I can here (cried again). I have a brother older than I; he never was arrested, he is better than I because he did not want to do bad things. I went into officer's room to get some tobacco I got a cigar; not for to get into the room, but for to chew. After I get out of here I would like to go to work. I don't remember making jests at girls; I have a good memory. At home I used to come in at nine or ten o'clock at night, I would go out at six or seven in the morning. I would stay out in our shed; I did not go in the house because I was afraid of being whipped. Three times (doubt- ful) were all I ever stayed out for fear of being whipped. I never stole anything but candy (doubt- ful). It is about the same to get along here as outside. When in Cleveland I slept in a car during the summer. No man ever hit me very hard. I often feel good, certainly I do." Physical Examination : Vegetative functions, nor- mal; circulation, good; respiration, 16; diges- PURE THEFT. 217 tion, perfect; anomalies, same; girth of thorax, 27^ to 30 inches; girth of waist 25^ inches; girth of thigh, i6}4 inches; girth of calf of leg, n^ inches; weight, 89 Ibs. , Physician of Institution. Craniological Examination : Width of head, 152 mm.; length from glabella to occ. protuberance, 173 mm.; maximum length of head, 173 mm.; width above tragus, 142 mm.; width between zyg. arches, 128 mm.; width between external edges of orbits, no mm.; distance between outer corners of eyes, 91 mm.; distance between inner corners of eyes, 34 mm.; width of prot. malaria, 98 mm.; width of gonia, 95 mm.; distance from chin to hair, 145 mm.; distance from chin to root of nose, 99 mm.; distance from chin to base of nose, 61 mm.; distance from chin to mouth, 43 mm.; distance from chin to tragus, 113 mm.; distance from tragus to root of nose, 101 mm.; length of ear, 64 mm.; length of nose, 46 mm ; height of nose, 38 mm.; elevation of nose, 13 mm.; width of nose, 29mm.; width of mouth, 42 mm.; thickness of lips, 17 mm.; horizontal circumference of head, 533 mm.; vertical circumference of head, 330 mm.; sagittal circumference of the head, 304 mm.; nationality, Irish; nationality of father, Irish; nationality of mother, Irish; occupation, worked in can factory; color of eye, brown; color of hair, dark. Remarks: Ears projected very much; head is not symmetrical,' right side of head in parietal region 2l8 CRIMINOLOGY. is considerably larger than left side; the boys had noticed this; he had trouble with fitting hats; he is slender in form. Conclusion. "B" generally admits everything after he is whipped or talked to; and pleads guilty. He is dirty and indecent at times. Although not talk- ative, when aroused he is given to swearing and impudence and has manifested pride in his knowl- edge of evil. He is sincere in his desire to be religious, but his passion for stealing is still stronger. He feels the desire for things he cannot have and so steals them, and especially from per- sons he does not like. He has ability, power, and tenacity, but his passion for stealing determines their direction. Hereditary influences seem to be at the basis of this stealing, yet his early surround- ings are adequate to account for much of it. The fact that lately he has been moved to the peniten- tiary for insubordination would indicate that there is little hope of his reformation. He seemr; to be a case of what might be called approximately pure theft. He should never be let out upon the com- munity until there is reasonable certainty that he will not steal; for, as he grows stronger, his bravery and tenacity can make him a very dangerous thief or burglar. There is a possibility of his outgrow- ing his stealing impulse, but little probability. Physically he seems to be equal to, if not supe- rior to the average boy, and the anomaly is the lack of symmetry in the posterior part of his cranium. PURE THEFT. 219 CASE "C." FROM RECORDS OF INSTITUTION. Sept. 5, 1885, " C " was received into a reforma tory institution at the age of 20. His crime was grand larceny in the scond degree. Antecedents: No insanity, epilepsy, nor dissipation; he had a goo'd common-school education, and had been in the high school. His family were very well to do. His father was a real-estate broker worth some $80,000. There were no papers found on " C." June 16, 1886, it was found that " C " had previously served a term in another institution. " C " denied it, but the superintendent of the other institution recog- nized his photograph, although there he was under another name. Owing to this, " C " admitted he had falsified, but still denied being under an assumed name. " C " said he always lived at home till the date of his marriage a year ago. He claimed to know only through fractions when in school. He said, as to his work, that he was a Hall typewriter, copying at $12.00 a week with ,5.*Yoo. Signed (another false name). March 2, 1890: Letter to Superintendent. As you have put me in a higher grade it would seemingly go to show that you haven't even yet given up all hope of accomplishing my reformation, though you have declared me incorrigible. If this is true, wouldn't it have been better to have left me in the PURE THEFT. 229 3d grade ? " C " has now been in the reformatory nearly five years. Craniology : April 23, 1890: "C" was 23 years of age: Width of head, 152 mm.; length from gla- bella to occ. prot., 191 mm., maximum length of head, 191 mm.; width of tragus, 139, mm.; width be- tween zyg. arches, 130, mm.; width between exter- nal edges of orbits, 115 mm.; distance between outer corners of eyes, 91 mm.; distance between inner corners of eyes, 30 mm.; width of gonia, 96 mm.; distance from chin to hair, 179 mm.; distance from chin to root of nose, 108 mm.; distance from chin to base of nose, 61 mm.; distance from chin to mouth, 42 mm.; distance from chin to tragus, 141 mm.; distance from tragus to root of nose, 117 mm.; length of ear, 60 mm.; length of nose, 55 mm.; height of nose, 47 mm.; elevation of nose, 26 mm.; width of nose, 32 mm.; width of mouth, 52 mm.; thickness of lips, 17 mm.; horizontal circum- ference of head, 570 mm.; vertical circumference of head, 360 mm.; sagittal circumferense of head, 360 mm.; nationality, American; father and mother, American. Physical Examination (by Physician of Institu- tion}: Occupation, typewriter; born April 23, 1867, father and mother American; father's occupation, merchant; father died of cerebral apoplexy; mother living; "C" most resembles father, his general health good, has had jaundice and skin eruptions; a g e > 2 3 years; weight, 55.5 kilos.; height standing, 1,692 mm.; height sitting, 918 mm.; height knee, 425 mm.; height pubes, 812 mm.; height navel, 3O CRIMINOLOGY. 993 mm.; height sternum, 1,365 mm.; girth neck, 830 mm.; girth chest, 830 mm.; girth chest, full, 878 mm.; girth knee, right, 348 mm.; girth knee, left, 348 mm.; girth calf, right, 331 mm.; girth calf, left, 328 mm.; girth ankle, right, 210 mm.; girth ankle, left, 210 mm.; girth instep, right, 238 mm.; girth instep, left, 238 mm.; girth up. arm, right, 280 mm.; girth up. arm, left, 281 mm.; girth elbow, right, 252 mm.; girth elbow, left, 253 mm.; girth ninth rib, 775 mm.; girth ninth rib, full, 834 mm.; girth waist, 720 mm.; girth hips, 872 mm.; girth thigh, right, 472 mm.; girth thigh, left, 472 mm.; breadth head, 153 mm.; breadth neck, 113 mm.; breadth shoulders, 393 mm.; breadth waist, 247 mm.; breadth hips 321 mm.; breadth nipples, 195 mm.; shoulder-elbow, right, 360 mm.; shoulder-elbow, left, 354 mm.; elbow-tip, right, 456 mm.; elbow-tip, left, 455 mm.; length of foot, right, 256 mm.; length of foot, left, 257 mm.; length horizontal, 1,706 mm.; stretch of arms, 1,741 mm.; capacity lungs, 3.7; strength lungs, 4.9; strength back, 156.0; strength legs, 195.0; strength chest, 34.0; girth fore-arm, right, 260 mm.; girth fore-arm, left, 260 mm.; girth wrist, right, 162 mm.; girth wrist, left, 163 mm.; depth chest, 171 mm.; depth abdomen, 188 mm.; b. strength up. arms, 8; r. strength fore-arm, 25.0; 1. strength fore- arm, 24.0. Total: Development, fair; condition, good; vision, 20; hearing, good; pilosity, medium; color hair, brown; eyes, blue. The physician says that there is little illness of PURE THEFT. 231 any description; besides the affections marked, there is gonorrhoea. There is absence of evidence, of disease in circulatory and respiratory systems. The pulse is 68, and respiration 18. There is noth- ing to point to troubles in the abdominal viscera; no renal disease; no disease of the genito-urinary apparatus. " C " is somewhat anaemic, but no more so than would naturally appear in the case of an individual who has been indoors for a length of time. With the exception-of a few acne spots on the body, the cutaneous system is in good condition. In brief, the physical examination yielded nega- tive results, as far as discovery of pathological conditions. Organic (vegetative) and volitional functions are well performed. " C " would pass as a healthy individual, and if presented for life insurance, would be considered a good risk. Testimony of those having charge of "C." An Officer says: "' C ' took a pair of shoes out of the shop about seven months ago. I saw them on his feet a few minutes after he took them; he was out in the yard at the time; he did the finish- ing of shoes; I asked him in regard to the shoes; I followed him to his room to make sure. He was going to be a drum-major, and said Mr. , the hallman, always gave the drum-major this kind of shoes. He was previous in his action here. This is all I have ever seen him do; his work is pretty good; he has been under me about a year; after he was returned from parole, he was absent three months, being put in third grade; he has no 333 CRIMINOLOGY. chums, as far as I know. He is previous, and a little officious; this is a characteristic of a prisoner. I heard that he did a little bit of forgery while out on parole. I didn't know what he was brought here for. That is one thing I pay no attention to." An Officer says: "I heard him mumbling; I called him over; his lips were livid; he said it was not necessary (to call him); he never paid any more attention all the evening. He is below the average; he will do anything some day. I would not trust him as to killing a man, from the way he acted. I was keeping order; that night it seemed difficult for him to control his temper." An Officer says: " I don't know as I have seen him do anything out of the way. ^He is a pretty ' slick ' fellow. I have seen him provoked, but no exhibition of temper. I was over him about four months in brush-shop. He did his work first- class." An Officer says: " He worked under me about four years ago; he was one of the best men I had, yet he had a sheepish way. One night in school he showed temper; he was all right in the band; he was a determined man; has considerable brains. Two convicts said he was sent to prison for a year; he has never attracted much attention here because his conduct was very good. I think he is a habitual criminal; he is not a coward. Toughest men are always in the foundry, because it is the hardest work; it develops a man physically. I have no confidence in "C" at all; he would run away if he could." PURE THEFT. 233 Superintendent says : "'C' was in N.; he was punished, but was 'cute enough to cause an inves- tigation, and have, as a result, one of the keepers ousted. The newspapers were full of it. He de- nied being in N., but finally admitted it after a letter arrived here addressed to his real name. He said he lied because it might help him; he was given a good position on parole, and ingratiated himself into the confidence of his employer." Interview with " C". Q. How long have you been here? A. Four years and ten months. Q. Do you like it here? A. (Laughs.) Q. Where did you live previous to coming here? A. In City. Q. What did they send you here for? A. Grand larceny. Q. What was the special charge brought against you? A. Taking clothing. Q. How soon after it was taken was the theft discovered? A. Soon after; they caught me with the property on my person. Q. Have you been to Reformatory at Y.? A. Yes, sir. Q. How long? A. Eighteen months Q. How did you like it there? A. About the same as I like here. 234 CRIMINOLOGY. Q. Why were you sent there? A. Putting obstruction on railroad track. Q. What made you do that? A. Because the devil was in me. Q. There must have been some other reason? A. Well, I had a spite against the railroad com- pany. Q. Did they discharge you? A. No; I was not in their employ. They put me off the cars up in the Adirondack region. Q. Why? A. Oh, I lost my ticket and the conductor put me off up there. Q. Were you in the employ of the railroad com- pany? A. No; I was a passenger and lost my ticket. Q. And the conductor would not believe it? A. He would not or did not want to. He had punched my ticket twice previously, and I told him so, but he would not have it, and put me off twelve miles from any habitation. Q. That was the reason you did that? A. Yes, sir. Q. How was your record up at Reformatory at Y.? A. All right, except on one occasion. Q. How long were you out of there? A. A year and a half. Q. Did you get into any other place? A. No, sir. Q. Were you ever in T.? A. No, sir. PURE THEFT. 335 Q. What can you give as a reason for having taken those clothes? You were not poor, were you ? A. No, I was " tight " at the time. Q. Would not your father or mother give you money? A. I was not living at home. Q. Why not? A. Because they would not have me live the way I was living and live at home. Q. How were you living with women? A. Yes, sir. Q. Was it a young woman about your own age? A. Yes, sir; a little younger. Q. You were not married? A. No; was simply living with her. Q, Did you ever live with any other woman? A. No, sir. Q. Did your family want you to live with them? A. Oh, yes! They wanted me to live with them, but wanted me to give up the woman. Q. Didn't that cost you something living with the woman? A. Yes. Q. Had you, before going to Y., ever taken any- thing? A. Well, yes; I had stolen apples, etc. I had never been convicted of any crime though. Q. Well, you might not have been convicted, but did you ever steal anything? I want to see why you do this. A man doesn't learn to steal at one time instantly, It is a gradual process it comes 236 CRIMINOLOGY. on gradually. Did you ever steal anything from your mother? A. Oh, yes; out of the pantry, etc. Q. Well, that is the beginning. Some people stop there and others don't, but go on. Did your mother tell you not to take things out of the pantry? A. Yes, sir. Q. Did your father ever whip you? A. Not much. Q. When he did, how did he do it? A. Not so hard as my mother did. Q. Did he whip you with a stick? Have you any complaint as to how you were treated by your parents? A. Oh, no. Q. Do you like the " girls "? A. Yes; this thing all comes from my associa- tions. Q. How do you account for the other boys (your brothers) not doing the same? A. Well, they always lived at home and I haven't. Q. Why did you not live at home? A. Well, I had a roving disposition. Q. You like to travel? A. Yes. Q. Have you been out West? A. A little ways. Q. Did you ever " tramp it "? A. No, sir. Q. Have you any sisters ? PURE THEFT. 237 A. No, sir. Q. How many brothers ? A. One. Q. What is he doing now? A. He is in the navy. Q. Would you not like to go into the navy? A. I was in it, but got tired. Q. Do you get tired of things quickly ? A. I do when they don't agree with me. I liked the navy well enough, but for one thing. The rations they served were worse than prison rations. Q. Prison rations are pretty good though ? A. I don't think so. Q. Well, you have been accustomed to better food than most men that come here, have you not ? A. Yes, I guess I have. Q. Consequently you notice the difference more than they do. Do you think they reform boys here, or don't you? I only want your opinion; nobody touches a man for his opinion. A. Well, I don't know. I Q. What would you suggest about reforming a boy ? If you were going to have an institution, how would you run it ? If you had a fellow like yourself, and was trying to make him " straight " so he would not "run off the track," how would you do it ? A. I should have the men that are put over the inmates different from what the prison keepers are generally. Q. What is the matter with keepers generally ? A. All the keepers I have ever seen cannot be 238 CRIMINOLOGY. looked up to by the men under them as their supe- riors they do not feel that they are superior to them. Most of the keepers here whom we associate with, ten chances to one we feel to be beneath us, or, at least, not above us. I think prisoners ought to come in contact with better men than the prison keepers we have here. I think the majority of keepers are hired more for political reasons than because of fitness or anything else. Q. If you were going to give a reason for your " running off the track " once in awhile, you would say it was your associations ? But you need to be pressed, don't you ? If you had not been pressed for money, would you have taken this clothing ? A. No, sir. Q. When you first took these clothes what were your feelings ? A. Well, I took them when I was drunk. Q. How much had you been drinking ? Could you walk straight? A. Oh, yes ; I was never so drunk I couldn't walk straight. Q. Were you drunk when you put obstructions on the track ? A. No. It was done in a moment of revenge. I was sorry I did it after I got away from the spot, but I knew it was too late to get back and remove them before the train came on. Q. Was anyone with you ? A. No, sir. Q. You were not in the habit of having many associates, were you ? PURE THEFT. A. No, Q. You have had one or two ? A. Not for any length of time. Q. Did you ever do anything else besides this ? Did you ever get into tight circumstances and be pretty strongly tempted, and for some reason or another did not do it ? Do you remember any of those circumstances, when you were pressed by temptation to do something, whether you did it or not? A. I think there have been times in my life when I would have done " little " things. Q. When you get pressed, you occasionally fail to tell things just straight, don't you. That always goes with the other ? A. Well, a person don't like to talk about some things too freely. Q. Yes, but I would not say anything about it ; I just want to find the reason for it all. You get angry occasionally, do you not? A. Yes, sir. Q. What makes you angry? Does it make you angry if a man calls you a name? A. No, not in here it wouldn't. A fellow gets used to it in here and sees that it is only a sort of by-word. Q. Suppose a man called you names outside, what would you do? A. If it was a bad one I would make him take it back, but I would not go so far as killing him. Q. When you get angry do you turn red or white? 340 CRIMINOLOGY. A. Red. Q. Your face feels warm, doesn't it? A. Yes, sir. Q. Are you sure you turn red? A. Well, I feel the blood rush to my face. But when I was guilty of any wrong act and was caught at it I turn white. Q. When you are caught at anything do you feel mad? A. Well, no; I think I do afterwards, though. Q. Do you ever remember any time in your life when your mother told you she would whip you if you did a certain act, and you did it and told a lie about it to get out of the whipping? A. I don't think I was whipped enough. I was often told I would be whipped if I did a certain thing, and after doing it was not whipped. So if I did a thing I would not have any reason for deny- ing it as I was pretty sure not to be whipped. Q. What do you think is the cause of your telling things crookedly once in a while ? A. I think it commenced at school. I used to be with a lot of other school-boys, and we might do something one day, and when questioned about it by the teacher would lie because afraid to tell the truth, and after a while would not tell the truth, not because afraid, but didn't want to. Q. You are going to get out of here soon, are you not ? A. Yes, 64 more days. Q. Do you think you are going to stay out' A. I hope so. PURE THEFT. 24! Q. Well, when you went out on parole you thought you were going to stay out, didn't you ? A. I think I would have done so if I Q. What was the trouble ? A. Well, I left my employment and had permis- sion to do so from the gentleman who has charge of the paroled men in Z., and the superintendent heard about it, and I had not written to him about it, and he issued a warrant and brought me back. But that has not held me here. It was, however, what made me lose my parole. Q. There is a complaint recorded here against you about tearing up a report. What made you do that ? A. Well, a short time after I came here the superintendent put me to work in the office. The office men were allowed to come up as soon as they got through eating their dinner and could take a book from the library and read it. I was a new man, and we had a librarian who was a " fresh " sort of a fellow. I saw the other fellows go up and take a book and I did the same. He then came over and said "You want to leave them books alone." I said " I don't want to do anything of the kind; all the other fellows take them and I will." He said he would give me a report, and I said for him to do so and be . I got mad as well as he did. The other clerks tried to fix it up, and finally he said he would let it all go if I would apologize. My temper was up, and I would not apologize. He then went over, and made out a report for using insulting language. I went over and tore it up. 16 343 CRIMINOLOGY. Q. You do not do anything out of. the way unless you are pressed ? A. No, I am not a thief by heart or anything like that. Q. Well, how do you account for it that when another fellow is pressed he don't steal, and when you are pressed, you do? A. Well, he may be a little more conscientious than I. Q. How does it come about that he has more conscience? A. I don't know; I never saw two men situ- ated the same way and one do different from the other. Q. There are many fellows who are tempted to steal, but never do. Why are you tempted though? A. Well, in this last case I saw no way of getting out of it. Q. It was the " girls " that brought you here, was it not? A. Oh, I would probably have come here whether I had been with the girls or not. I did crooked things before little things. Q. What were they? A. At school, for instance, I would play truant and steal apples. Q. Then your mother would ask you if you were at school, and you would say you had been? A. Yes, sir. Q. How long did you go to school? A. I went to school from the time I was six to sixteen years old. PURE THEFT. 243 Q. Where did you go when you left your parents? A. To Q. How were you treated there? A. I was allowed to do as I pleased. Q. What did you do there besides going to school? A. When I was about 14 years old I got acquainted with two other boys about my own age, and the relatives I lived with would not let me out at night, and as the places those fellows and myself wished to go to couldn't be visited in the daytime, I would get out of the window after the family were asleep and go down to the city with them till about 12 o'clock. Q. How would you get in? A. I had a back way that was not used. I could go down in the cellar and up through that way. Q. Where did you go with these fellows? A. To the theater or to saloons. Q. What did you do in saloons? A. Play pool and billiards. Q. The girls didn't bother you then? A. Not until I was about 15. Q. What else did you do besides going to saloons and theaters? A Go off down the river. Q. What did you do there? A. Used to go down to friend's house and play cards there. I got acquainted with girls there. Q. What kind of girls were they always " straight "? 244 CRIMINOLOGY. A. No, there was nothing straight about them. Q. Did you go with those girls then ? A. No, I had nothing to do with them then. Q. Were they young factory girls ? A. They were simply country girls. Q. Were they " loose " ? A. Yes. Q. How did you come to go with women ? A. I think that is rather delicate grounds now, etc. Q. Who did the tempting ? A. I think she did. Q. After that, did you get going with other girls ? A. Oh, yes. I had been initiated then, and any- way was always rather amorous. Q. How many girls do you think you have been with that way since ? A. About half a dozen. Q. When you went with girls did you pay them were they half prostitutes ? A. We'll, I never took up a girl in the street for this. I got acquainted with one and sort of fell in love with her. Q. Would you stay in your room or in hers ? A. Neither ; we would go to a hotel. Q. Is that the custom in " X." ? A. Oh, yes. Q. What was you doing nights at this time ? A. Going around with the boys. PURE THEFT. 245 Q. What was the value of the ticket you had when you were put off the train ? A. $2.50. Q. Were you going home ? A. Yes. Q. Did you put the obstruction on right after you were put off ? A. Yes, right after. Q. Did it obstruct anything ? A. I did not intend to wreck the train. The thought came into my head to put it on the straight run and not on a curve. I wanted to catch the conductor. I only wanted to delay the train and put them to trouble. Q. What did you put on the track ? A. I put on two ties, wedge shape, and a lot of cobble stones and sand. Q. What was your object in filling it up that way ? A. So it would take a lot of time to clear away, thus causing a delay. Q. How do you account for taking these clothes ? A. I took them because I was short of money, but don't think I would have done it if I had been sober, because I could have gotten all the money I wanted from mother. Q. How did you get it ; was it in a store ? A. No, it was in the house where I stopped. Q. How did they find out about it ? A. As soon as I did it I left the house. That is what created suspicion. 246 CRIMINOLOGY. Q. Had you paid your board bill ? A. Oh, yes; but I hadn't said anything about leaving. I left a note for the girl to meet me at a certain place, and they saw her going out and they stopped her and wanted to know where I was. She told them all right enough, and then they told her to wait a minute. She didn't know I took the things. So they got an officer and came over and arrested me. Q. Do you think they suspected you and her your relations ? A. No, we lived as man and wife. Q. Did you live together long enough not to be spooney ? A. Oh, I wasn't that sort of a fellow. Q. What was the value of those things what did they claim they were worth ? A. I don't know; somewhere about $50. Q. Whose were they ? A. A man who boarded there. Q. The idea was that you could get the money easier that way, and you did so, not thinking you would be caught ? A. I had just been out on a drunk, and I wanted the money pretty bad. Q. What did you want the money for ? A. I wanted to give it to somebody up-town. Q. Was it a debt ? A. No; I wanted to aid a friend of mine up- town. Q. Why did you go to such extreme measures to get money to lend him ? PURE THEFT. 247 A. Because the party had done things for me, though he never went to such extremes. I thought at the time that this person who owned these things hardly ever came down to the house from which I took them. I thought I could get them back by the next day without his knowing they had been taken. I expected money the next day or so, and could have put them back again. I only wanted the use of the money for the time. Q. How long ago is this? A. Five years ago. Q. How long have you been in the habit of drinking? A. Ever since I went to live at . Q. What did you drink? A. Beer. Q. What else ? A. Whisky. Q. How often have you been drunk ? A. Only when I went out in the evening with these people. Q. How often did you get a little " off " not drunk necessarily, but just a little "off"? A. I don't know. I only got drunk once so bad that I couldn't go home. Q. How often did you ever get so that you would put the wrong end of a cigar in your mouth ? A. I never got that bad. Q. How does it affect you ? A. I cannot explain the feeling. I feel pretty good, that is all. . Q. What are you disposed to do when you are 248 CRIMINOLOGY. under the influence of liquor ? Are you disposed to go with girls ? A. Not so much as usual. Q. Are you disposed to fight ? A. No; only disposed to go around and " see the sights." Q. Have you ever used anybody else's name while in this condition ? A. Forgery do you mean ? Q. Yes. I think one of the complaints against you is that. I don't know the exact circumstances, but you will probably remember them. A. No, not that I can remember. Q. How did they prove this forgery ? A. Why, the superintendent wrote for the check, looked at it, and was convinced. Q. Did you talk with him about it ? A. Yes, before he got the check. Q. Have you told him you did not write it ? A. Yes, I told him my side of the story. He said he would look it up. Q. You don't know what he thinks ? A. Well, he thinks he knows a man's character, and he won't change his opinion. Q. What was the trouble about your work down there ? A. He was not paying me enough. Not near as much as I could make at stenography. He kept me working about four days, and laid me off, two every week. Q. He seems to think he was deceived by you ? A. I don't know why. PURE THEFT, 249 Q. Was that the main trouble about the employ- ment that you did not get enough money ? A. Yes, that and not keeping me at work. He was continually " laying me off." I could not aver- age over $7 or $8 a week. Q. Did you get tired of the position? A. Oh, I liked it well enough. The only trouble was about the money. Q. What did you do then? A. I left and went at newspaper work. Q. You got a little impatient, didn't you? A. Well, yes. Q. You like to rove about, don't you? A. Yes, but I don't mean that I like to change my employment. Q. Have you wanted to change your employ- ment here? A. Yes, to something that would benefit me. They claim to teach you trades here, but they don't. I remember one instance. A man I was working for took a man from here, who had learned the machinist's trade. When he got there he told him to make out a list of tools he would require, and he would get them for him. The fellow couldn't do it, but sent up to the foreman here for a list, which they never sent him. Q. Well, you would say the cause of your being here is the circumstances you were placed in? A. Yes, sir. Q. What do you intend to do after you get out? A. I intend to go out of the United States. Q. You haven't any money t 250 CRIMINOLOGY. A. I can get some money easy enough. I want to go where there are no prisons. Q. You can't find such a place. A. Well, you know if a fellow goes to work in a shop and his fellow-workmen find he has been in a prison they won't let him work. Q. Do you blame them? A. No, it is a natural feeling, but I want to get where I am not known. Q. You don't expect to get back in prison again? A. No; I think not. Conclusion. "C"is capable of behaving himself in prison, and most of his disorder is voluntary. He seems to have no physical anomaly of any kind. He is an interesting case, and somewhat exceptional in that he has good parents, in good circumstances. As he confesses in the interview, he is not so "conscientious" as others, his anomaly is psy- chological; he has an innate tendency to crooked things, or we may say, he has less power of resist- ance to temptation than the average boy. As is evident, he is much above the average intelligence. He is probably incorrigible. The last report about him, that he is trying to live by his wits in a city, is very unfavorable in its outlook. As he had served his maximum term, he could not be kept longer. That his record was very good during three months before his time of release shows his capability to do right; but it seems to be by force of will rather than by his natural disposi- PURE THEFT. 25 1 tion. While conditions always have their influence, the defect is in the man in this case rather than in the conditions. It seems to us that he should have been paroled and not released entirely, for this would be an additional inducement for him to keep straight, which he certainly needs. HISTORY OF CASE " D." Testimony as to " Z>." Officer says: "When in a reformatory 'D* escaped several times; one time he walked out with a dinner-pail as a child of a citizen; being returned for larceny, he behaved well and was dis- charged. Later he was sent to the penitentiary for three years for stealing from freight cars; he escaped from here in the guise of a workman; he was returned to reformatory for burglary, but under another name; being recognized he was obliged to serve out his penitentiary sentence; after this he broke into a store, was caught, but escaped from the jail, was retaken, and almost escaped again; he set the jail on fire, and tried to escape, but was held by the jailer's wife; afterwards, however, he escaped; was sent to the penitentiary for stealing a horse; he stabbed the night watchman, and was sent to State prison for five years; but he escaped on the way there. " At the time he was indicted for the burglary of a horse he was 31 years of age and with no occu- pation. ' D ' declares that he will kill Detective '' should he live out his sentence; he was very 25* CRIMINOLOGY. demonstrative in hack on way to public station. He lived once with Mrs. H., who left a good husband and three or four children in order to live with him; another time he entered a store and stole neckties, charms, lockets, etc. ' D ' is a Frenchman." Dr. says: " ' D ' is a stock-liar, an ingenious inventor, and a good writer; he wrote one or two columns in a large newspaper of a supposed inter- view with me; he had the facts and technical terms correct; he will do anything for me; he is genial and pleasant and well-behaved in prison; he has no fear. ' D ' told me his wife lived near . I believe he really intends to quit his former ways." A lady says: "'D' stayed with his mother op- posite us; his parents were orderly people. He hid under a stoop in the town for a week or so, no one could find him. He got into a stable and stole a horse, loaded a gentleman's furniture in the wagon, and drove away as fast as he could. Everybody was afraid of him in town." Interview with "D." "D" says: "Whipping may do a young man good, but it is of little utility after he has grown up. "Old criminals free from alcoholism do not set up the young to crime. I have made up my mind to quit, and so have no objection to talk. I have always had a passion for invention, and instead of borrowing money, as I could have, I stole it in order to carry out my inventions. This is the real cause of all my stealing, for which I get the credit of twice the amount I have ever done. After a PURE THEFT. 253 fellow gets a reputation nobody will believe him when he tells the truth; so it is easy to convict him. I was accused falsely of stealing a dollar from a negro woman in the next cell ; she was afraid of being searched and asked me to keep a dollar for her. Finding a flaw in my indictment, they decided to get up a new one, and so they got the negro woman to swear that I stole the dollar, and on that I went up to the penitentiary for six months. " I never stole very much money; I did not have an idea of earning much money, never looked out for that; was beaten out of a good patent at . I am a fool for stealing money, and also for hav- ing escaped many times; the feeling outside is very disagreeable, for I was suspicious of every- body, so much so that I would not recognize an old friend whom I had fallen in love with when a boy, until after telling me many things about my early boyhood, she finally showed me her finger that she had broken when we were sliding down hill together. That was the only thing that con- vinced me. I do not enjoy stealing; every time I steal, I have a repulsion to it; but the idea of get- ting means to satisfy my inventive idea over- comes me. I could get out of most any place." (" D " here showed the writer the iron bars in his cell window that he had sawed almost through, having filled the space made by the saw with brown bread, being the color of the bars). " I can pick most any lock; I opened the Sheriff's safe the other day in twenty minutes after a so-called 254 CRIMINOLOGY. expert had worked at the combination lock all the afternoon without success. " I always carried a pistol but never shot a man. I would shoot in the air to scare a man." (The prison officer said he never heard of "D " injuring anyone.) " I would rather be hung than have a life sentence. I should like electricity as a method of punishment. I could have got out of prison any time." (" D " was at time of punishment deprived of knife and fork; a spoon was considered a con- cession, for fear he might use it as a tool to escape. He was obliged to return the spoon after each meal.) " I have an invention to keep burglars from getting into stores at night. I think it will be a success. After ten years in prison, on being discharged, I was no more than out of the gate, when I was presented with a number of old indict- ments, and so I am in jail now. I hold Wines's idea of reformation as given in reprint; but I do not take much stock in theology, yet I respect a sincere man. I detest thieves and detest myself. " Sometimes it takes me a week to get up cour- age to steal; I need pressure; I might be called a coward for this reason. I never dared enter a place if anyone was in it, or if I was afraid of meeting anyone there. I have been accused of stealing chickens, but never have fallen quite so low as that. I sometimes would aid the prison officers in making a reputation. I agreed to hide in a hole under a flat stone in the prison yard, I was fed like a king; every officer said that I had escaped except this one officer who maintained PURE THEFT. 255 that I was in the prison; he had kept the men on the wall day and night so long that they had voted him a fool; it would have been his plan to have de- ceived me and get the glory, by showing that he was right after all in maintaining that I was in the prison, but he did not arrange well enough. This officer was afraid he might lose his position through change of administration, hence his scheme. If an officer once has the ill will of prisoners, it is very hard for him to gain it back. I do not want to have my head measured, I have no interest in it; I admit it is prejudice, although I would oblige you as much as I can. I have never had a photograph taken. I do not see I am any more a thief than those outside of prison, and I don't see why you have come to me. I have been unlucky, and also a fool not to steal in other ways, by forging paper or many ways like the ' kid- glove ' thieves outside; and as long as society allows those to parade our streets, I have very little conscience about stealing, I never stole more than a hundred dollars at a time, but those fellows steal their thousands. I do not want my head measured; they measured my height once, and my wife blamed me for that. I cannot write my biog- raphy just now, I do not want to write till I know I am free. If I am released I will write it for you. I often change my name, giving that of letters in my pocket. A prisoner bet me once that I could not get out that night. At dinner-table I took a knife and a few cold potatoes to my cell, when it was late and the guards had come to the conclu- 256 CRIMINOLOGY. sion that all was safe, I nicked the knife on the iron slats of my bedstead to make teeth, and then, with the candle behind a screen and by the moist- ure from the cold potatoes, I gradually tempered the knife sufficiently so I could saw the iron bars of my cell window, and thus I escaped." Since this interview " D " has been released, has secured employment at good wages, and is doing well. But he has failed to write his biography; he has been written to, but no reply has been received. At present (1892) "D" is being tried on a charge of being a professional burglar. Conclusion. " D " is a sort of criminal genius, especially in his ability to escape, and also in his faculty for inven- tion. His extreme cautiousness is evident. He is very agreeable and modest in manner, but can be irritated, probably owing to the fact that his man- ner of life has been a severe strain upon his sensi- tive nervous system. He blushed quite frequently during the conver- sation, and did not seem to like his reputation for being a genius in crime. He has little vanity, when compared with criminals in general. He has a clear insight as to the foolishness of crime; but it must be confessed that this idea has come some- what late, as he is about forty years of age. While he has a very strong passion for invention, there is an extreme feebleness in resisting the temptation to lying and crookedness. Environ- ment will not account for his criminality. CHAPTER III. PURE MEANNESS. THERE are very few who do not manifest the quality of meanness occasionally, either as an ex- pression of dislike or retaliation. The term " pure meanness" is intended to be applied to those indi- viduals who hate almost everyone around them, and who persist in displaying it in the form of meanness. The relation of this condition to that of crime is very close, and the one is generally fol- lowed by the other. CASE E. MISS " E." FROM RECORDS OF INSTITUTION. Received April 30, 1887, from a court of special sessions in , for being a disorderly child: Age, 15 years; weight, 86 pounds; height, 1,066 mm.; blue eyes; light brown hair; light, sallow complexion; poorly clothed; reads in 2d Reader; cannot write; has stepmother; own mother was a half-breed Indian; step-mother in penitentiary; " E " lived at house until 12 years old; one of her sisters lived there also; has two half-brothers in orphans' home somewhere; Protestant; American parentage; father works in saw-mill. Complaints. 1888 Dec. 4, by a Teacher: Disorderly in her classes and impudent when reproved (locked out of school). '7 258 CRIMINOLOGY. Dec. 14, by Dressmaker: Doing poor work; feign- ing ignorance of all kinds of sewing, which she understands (isolation). Dec. 28, by Night Watchman: Quarreling, pull- ing another girl's hair out by the handful, scratch- ing her face, and calling her vile names (deprived of afternoon recreation). 1889 Jan. 12, by Dressmaker: Talking and dis- order at table, during past week twice a day (i week). Jan. 25, by Laundress: She and Miss F. appropri- ating to their own use handkerchiefs belonging to first-division girls, also contention in the breakfast- room (a weeks). Feb. 9, by Teacher A.: Talking in a vulgar man- ner for the benefit of her class about the things she saw on her sleigh-ride (whipped). Feb. 21, by Laundress: Impudent every day (locked in her room till 23d Feb.). Feb. 24, by Teacher B.: Disorder in chapel; when motioned to, continued to laugh throughout the service; was spoken to, and replied in an insolent manner; said she usually behaved much worse. March 4: Disposition never good for more than half a day at a time; she apologized to teacher (offense overlooked). March n, by Dressmaker: Laughing, talking, and general disorder at table twice every day (i week). April 5, by Dressmaker: Talking and disorder at table twice every day (2 weeks). April 12, by Laundress: Quarreling hourly; neg- PURE MEANNESS. 159 lecting her work to meddle with that of others; playing pranks during my temporary absence, and exasperating insolence (whipped, April 15). May 19, by Caretaker: Defiantly disorderly in the dormitory long after bedtime, and so disturb- ing every one (May 20, whipped). July 27, by Caretaker: Being very uneasy, al- ways spilling the water or tea and talking without cessation (i week). Aug. 8, by Laundress: Daily quarreling with Miss H. on play-ground, impudent (i week). Aug. 17, by Dressmaker: Diabolical conduct for three days in succession (confined in her room one week). Sept. 6: Throwing kisses at the boys as they pass through the yard. Sept. 14: Using profane language (4 weeks). Sept. 19, by Dressmaker: Defiance and impu- dence. " I will and I won't," common expressions (the Lodge). 1 Sept. 20, by Dressmaker: Poor work; impudence before the whole division. Oct. 5, by Dressmaker: Always ready for a fight and exhibition of temper (2 weeks; just released from Lodge on parole, upon most earnest promises of good behavior, violated every day). Oct. 6, by Laundress: Disorder at breakfast (no breakfast Sunday morning, Oct. i2th). Oct. n, Caretaker: Impudent and trying to 1 Place of confinement. 6o CRIMINOLOGY. attract attention of boys during recreation hour (Oct. 1 4th, no more recreation for the week). Oct. 19, Dressmaker: Tearing her work when it does not go to suit her; impudence as usual (Oct. i gth, the Lodge). Dec. 5, Caretaker: Making noise with the dishes; talking at table (Dec. Mth, i week). 1890 Jan. 4, by Teacher: Worst possible con* duct at school (Jan. 4th, expelled from school and put in the Lodge). Jan. 6, by Night-watch: Vulgar language at play. Jan. 8, by Dressmaker: Exhibiting her temper by breaking her machine needle; slamming her work around and dishes at meals (Jan. loth, caused by penalty of Jan. 4th). Jan. 31, by Housekeeper: Talking and disturb- ing after locking (Jan. 3ist, i week). April n, by Dressmaker: Insubordination every day for the past week (she is a fit subject for the lunatic asylum). May 3, by Dressmaker: Studying how to break every known rule; incorrigible (confined to her room). May 22, by Dressmaker: Disorderly everywhere; throwing articles in anger; defiant, willful, and lazy (rest cure). June n, by Dressmaker: Talking and disorderly at dinner (2 weeks). June 16, by Dressmaker: Furious anger because she could not go to A.'s funeral; disorderly and insolent in dining-room; perfectly reckless of law and order in the department; a "tantum" lasting PURE MEANNESS. 36 1 several hours ; her power of annoying baffles description (4 weeks). June 20, by Dressmaker: Open rebellion during five days; breaking every well-known rule; saying she never " feared any one in her life, and she never would " (4 weeks) . Since June 20 till Oct. 2, 1890, when Miss " E " was discharged, there were verbal complaints almost daily which, summed up, would be under the head of general insubordination with abusive and profane language, etc. After Miss " E " had been home with her father six or eight weeks, he wrote that she was beyond his control; that he had obtained seven or eight places for her in families, but no one would keep her. As Miss " E " was of age, no quarterly reports to the institution could be required of her. She wrote but one letter (soon after her discharge) to the institution, the motive of which seemed to be to give information of the festive life she was lead- ing in her own town, and, she would have it thought, under her father's care. Testimony as to Miss " E.' 1 Superintendent: "She does not want to sit still; is restless; was seriously sick with diphtheria and very irritable after that; wants to get mad; has 'cheek' in contemptible way; she is always at war with the conditions; very active; speaks clearly, speech flows easily; swears just like boys, and uses obscene words; does not care for boys so much; she is not sneaky, but acts openly and defiantly; 262 CRIMINOLOGY. she is not a thief; never caught her actually steal- ing a thing; always pale when she is mad, she wants to be noticed; she has a trick of calling for something else after she has eaten all she wants; it is refused, then she flies into a passion; she does not throw anything, she does not destoy her prop- erty; she never attacked any of the officers; but has attacked the girls; she does this when excited by jealousy; she never tries to escape or talks about it; she has grown worse in more frequent attacks and especially during her sickness; and is better in making some effort to be good. Her medical cer- tificate put down her character as questionable; she has had one miscarriage; she was going to pray to God to help her to confess; she admits having connection with a man, but denies the miscar- riage." Chaplain: "Miss'E* admitted leading an aban- doned life; her mother was a prostitute; she was adopted by Mrs. , then by Mrs. L., then by Mrs. S. remaining a year, then by Mrs. H., then by uncle; entire family are morally bad; she ran away from her aunt, and made bad people her compan- ions, she has a fiery disposition bordering on in- sanity; she became a little interested in the relig- ious meetings; she was very angry because she could not go with the girls to join the church. She cried when I talked with her about her tem- per; she said she could not control herself, but did not cry when relating her history. She said: 'I can't even wear a badge, I try, but everybody seems to be against me. I liked handiwork, but did not PURE MEANNESS. 263 want to sew, I want some nice easy place in a nice family, where I will have little work and an easy time.' " Interview with Miss " ." "My mother was a run-about; she brought a man, and said he was my father; she went with another man, also; my father treated me well some- times; my uncle used to whip me. I can't help it, I always tell the truth; the strap never takes anything out of me. I feel my face burn when I get angry. I am disobedient; I have the most patience at my work. My uncle whipped me six times; my mother hit me with a big iron spoon when I was two years old. My grandpa would slap me hard; he threw his boot at me once; he struck me across the back with a box ; my Uncle J. used to tie me to the bedpost and whip me with a strap, letting the buckle hit me, this made me spunky; my Uncle J.'s wife would talk vulgar. Charlie A., married man, he was not a good man, I don't want to tell what he did to me, all the way I can express it is that he spoilt my character; his wife was a good woman, they were poor. When I get angry I don't know what I am saying, my sister was adopted because mother was not a nice woman to bring up children. My mother went with other men; they used to rent me out when I was thirteen; bringing men into the house, charging 25 cents." Cr analogical Examination. Width of head, 146 mm.; length from glabella to occ. prot., 173 mm.; maximum length of head, 173 mm.; width above 264 CRIMINOLOGY, tragus, 127 mm.; width between zyg. arches, 122 mm.; width between external edge of orbits, 90 mm. ; distance between outer corners of eyes, 80 mm.; distance between inner corners of eyes, mm.; width between prot. malaria, 97 mm.- width between gonia, 80 mm.; distance from chin to hair, 127 mm., distance from chin to root of nose, 96 mm.; distance from chin to base of nose, 62 mm.; distance from chin to mouth, 41 mm.; distance from chin to tragus, 104 mm.; distance from tragus to root of nose, 91 mm.; length of ear, 57 mm.; length of nose, 41 mm.; height of nose, 38 mm.; elevation of nose, 15 mm.; width of nose, 28 mm.; width of mouth, 45 mm.; thickness of lips, 10 mm.; horizontal circumference of head, 533 mm.; vertical circumference of head, 329 mm.; sagittal circumference of head, mm.; angle of profile, 63; nationality of father, American; nation- ality of mother, American; occupation, none; color of eye, bluish gray ; color of hair, light. Remarks: general symmetrical head ; assimilation, fair. Physical Examination (by Physician of Institu- tion) : All functions, normal; circulation, good; heart, normal; respiration, 17; pulse, 70; digestion, perfect ; no anomalies ; girth of thorax, 787 mm.; girth of waist, 609 mm.; girth of calf of leg, 310 mm.; weight, 42.18 kilos; physical anom- alies, none. A utobiography. "The first of my life I went to live with my grandmother, and she was not a good woman, and PURE MEANNESS. 26$ she taught me wrong things when my father was not there, and she had a son that was very bad, and would insult me often, and if I would say any- thing to him my grandmother would whip me, and I would not dare to tell my father for fear of get- ting another whipping; and I lived like that for about six years, when my grandmother died, and then I lived with my uncle; and he used to scold and whip me when his wife was there, and when she was gone he would insult me. He would say, If you dare to tell Martha, I will whip you till you can't stand on your feet; and so you see I was small and did not dare to tell my father, and then my Aunt Mary wanted me to live with her, and take care of her baby; and I went there and she did not get me anything to wear, nor paid me a cent, and then it made me angry, and then I said if I could not get paid for honest work I can be paid for dishonest work, and so I did, and then I went down to H., and stayed to some houses and went wherever I wanted to, and when I got tired of that I went back to my father's and told him I wanted a place to work and then I went to C., and lived with Mrs. B., and she was very kind to me; and in a short time Mr. and Mrs. S. from A. came after me to live with them, and after I had been there a short time my mother came after me and I would not go with her, and when she saw I would not go she tried to get some men to steal me at night when I would go to some of our neighbors; and then I wrote and told my father and he came and took me to H. where he boarded 266 CRIMINOLOGY. and was there awhile; and then I thought I could do as I pleased, and then I came to where I am writing this. That is all I can remember about myself now." Signed by Miss " E." " Mr. Mac Donald You say you wanted to know what would help me, the only thing that will help me is to have my father and mother live together and me live with them, now I have told you all I have done and what would make me a good girl. Please excuse my writing for I have had a little trouble 1 in my department this morning, so this is all." Signed by Miss " E.'' Conclusion. It is quite evident, that the early surroundings of this girl are sufficient to account for her meanness and criminality. Had she had good bringing up, she no doubt would have been a disagreeable and spunky girl, but not a criminal. In her interview she was pleasant and is not un- prepossessing, and one could hardly suspect that she was what she was. It is not difficult to proph- esy her future. HISTORY OF " F " (FROM RECORDS OF INSTITUTION). Received Feb. 22, 1890; offense, petit larceny; complainant, grandfather; plea, guilty. Father, American; intemperate; no insanity or epilepsy in family; father was a lumberman; he reads and writes; father was arrested for getting 1 The " trouble " was a fight. PURE MEANNESS. 267 money on a check, and convicted and sent to State prison; mother is a hotel cook; parents are sepa- rated; " F " resided with grandparents seven years; attended Sunday-school with grandparents; never arrested before; sent here for forging his grand- father's name to a request for money addressed to the boy's aunt; he obtained four dollars; age, 15 years July 12, 1889; blue eyes; strong and well; a little coarse; brown hair; fair clothing; dark com- plexion; weight, on admission, 132 Ibs.; May, 1890, 137 Ibs.; height, on admission, 5ft. 4^ in.; May, 1890, 5 ft. 5 in.; chest, on admission, 33-35 in.; May, 1890, 32-36 inches; education, 4th Reader; deficient in arithmetic; previous occupation, canal driver. Complaints. 1890 March 24, by Teacher: Replying to a re- quest to keep still at table in an impudent and vul- gar manner; at first he denied it; but said after- wards he might have misunderstood what he said (admits, reprimanded). April 4, by Patrolman: Scuffling with other boys in the yard; very disorderly to-day; pays no atten- tion to any warnings (admits, held open). April 7, by Patrolman: Scuffling and boxing with the boy "K."; throwing him down and tearing his clothes; had to speak to him Sunday after- noon. April 27, by Gardener: Disobedient, saucy, and unruly to his captain; could not be corrected by him, bad conduct all day (5 weeks). 268 CRIMINOLOGY. April 30, by Teacher: School-room offense with nine others (each one i week). May 2: Striking the boy in front of him in the neck (4 weeks). May 7: Using vile language at the supper-table, because the bread was not passed (admits; 3 weeks). May 8, by Blacksmith: Left the shop this morn- ing to go to ist A. drill, but went to the water- closet, from where he had just come; I gave orders to go to drill. May 9, by Watchman: Going into R dormi- tory this morning. May 13, by Patrolman: Disorderly on parade; running across the seats in water-closet (admits). May 19, by Carpenter: For disorder in W. C. (admits). June 5, by Watchman: Talking across the hall and fooling with boy "S."; told him to obey; he refused (3 weeks). Testimony as to " JR." Chaplain: " F " is not an attendant at church; was in school till 12 years of age, since then he has worked on canal in summer and been idle in win- ter; he was a periodical attendant at Methodist church; his home training was very poor; he for- merly used tobacco, but has abstained for a year; he uses profane, language. He was idle when arrested. His family don't attend church; his grandparents do; " F's " father is a habitual drunkard; not arrested; the boy's record is bad; PURE MEANNESS. 269 his grandparents did all they could to bring him up right; but the characters of his father and mother were said to be bad." Interview with u F" " F " says: " I wanted to get four dollars to go down to W. to get work, so I ' pulled ' my grand- father. My father used to whip me for lots of things; sometimes he would kick me all over; he would whip me three or four times a year. My grandparents are poor, so they sent me here. I in- tended to behave myself, but they would not be- lieve it. My grandparents treated me all right. My father and mother separated at the time I was nine years old; my father never hit my mother; and never hit me when she was around. I was about 6 years old when I was sent for the first time from my parents. My father would whip me when I would not give him what money I had. I did not think my forging would turn out like it did. I intended to pay it back. My father was in prison three years; another boy told me how to forge; he said my parents would not arrest me. I never stole anything in my life. I went to five or six different places and came away of my own accord and then told my grandparents that they sent me home for a little while; after that, I would go to other relatives and visit awhile and help them if they wanted me to. I got mad quite c f ten. I don't get mad at the officers, but at the boys. I used to get mad at the boys before I came here. I was always getting mad, I was always liked (?) by 270 CRIMINOLOGY. the boys, they asked me to go with them. I never got mad first. My mother left my father because he spent the money for drink. I would stay at each place about a month, and then leave of my own accord, I would tell my relatives that I did not like it; did not like to work there." Craniological Examination. Width of head, 142 mm.; length from glabella to occ. prot., 194 mm.; maximum length of head, 194 mm.; width above tragus, 127 mm.; width between zyg. arches, 120 mm.; width between external edge of orbits, 102 mm.; distance between outer corners of eyes, 89 mm.; distance between inner corners of eyes, 32 mm.; width between protaria malaria, 140 mm.; width between gonia, 85 mm.; distance from chin to hair, 178 mm.; distance from chin to root of nose, 120 mm.; distance from chin to base of nose, 80 mm.; distance from chin to mouth, 32 mm.; dis- tance from chin to tragus, 125 mm.; distance from tragus to root of nose, 106 mm.; length of ear, 57 mm.; length of nose, 45 mm.; height of nose, 40 mm.; elevation of nose, 15 mm.; width of nose, 29 mm.; width of mouth, 45 mm.; thickness of lips, 16 mm.; horizontal circumference of head, 571 mm.; vertical circumference of head. 365 mm.; sagittal circumference of head, 358 mm.; angle of profile, 648; maximum distance from chin to back of head, 255 mm.; forehead retreats somewhat; large and thick-set body; fairly proportioned; flat nose. Physical Examination (by Physician of Institu- tion): Vegetable functions, normal; circulation, PURE MEANNESS. 271 good; respiration, 16; digestion, good; anomalies, none; girth of thorax, 33/^-36 inches; girth of waist, 29 inches; girth of thigh, 20^ inches; girth of calf of leg, 14 inches; weight, 142 Ibs.; pulse, 74. Conclusion. Surroundings evidently made this boy a crimi- nal, and drunkenness gave the initiatory. The boy is rather dull and slow generally and very unprepossessing in appearance. GENERAL PRACTICAL CONCLUSIONS. As to the directly practical side of crime and its prevention, the State has made and is making ex- periments. But sociological experience of this nature requires much time and numerous tests in order to warrant trustworthy conclusions; and at best they are tentative in nature, for social science is in its formative period. Yet there is ground for making certain practical conclusions that may be called probable : First: It is detrimental financially, as well as socially and morally, to release prisoners when there is probability of their returning to crime; for in this case, the convict is less expensive than the ex-convict. Second: The determinate sentence permits many prisoners to be released, who are morally certain to return to crime. The indeterminate sentence is the best method of affording the prisoner an opportunity to reform, without exposing society to unnecessary dangers. 7 2 CRIMINOLOGY. Third: The ground for the imprisonment of the criminal is, first of all, because he is dangerous to society. This principle avoids the uncertainty that may rest upon the decision as to the degree of freedom; for upon this last principle some of the most brutal crimes would receive a light punish- ment. Fourth: The publication in the newspapers of criminal details and photographs is a positive evil to society, on account of the law of imitation; and, in addition, it makes the criminal proud of his record, and develops the morbid curiosity of the people. And it is especially the mentally and morally weak who are affected. Fifth: It is admitted by some of the most intelli- gent criminals, and by prison officers in general, that the criminal is a fool; for he is opposing him- self to the best, the largest, and the strongest por- tion of society, and is almost sure to fail. As to the scientific study, cure, and prevention of crime, it may be said, in brief, that the method of the scientific study of criminals is a thorough investigation of the criminal himself, both psycho- logically and physically, so that the underlying and constant cause of crime can be traced out. There is no other rational road to the prevention and repression of crime. Whatever the remedy, the causes must be studied first. Negative results are as important as positive, to science. If it should be shown that some crime is incurable, CRIMINOLOGY. 3>ja ;;, "; , Voigt, Rev. F. M. Crime and Criminals, p.p. ,246-250. 1888. Walker, C. I. Needed Amendments in Criminal Procedure,-- PP. 365-372. 1876. ,VJ /.; ,v. , Ward, Dewey & Co. (the Lessees).'; o Thcl*exasrS!ate*Perti- tentiary, pp. 235-240. 1874. Warner, Charles Dudley. Education as a Factor in Prison Reform, pp. 232-240. 1884-85. Warner, Charles Dudley. The Extirpation of Criminals, pp. 270-280. 1886. Washburn, Emory. Criminal Law Reform, pp. 346-355. 1876. Watkins, E. C. Aid to Discharged Prisoners, pp. 261-269. 1889. Watson, Wm. Whether Crime Ought to and Can be Ex- tirpated by Society? pp. 199-204. 1874. Wayland, Francis. Child-Saving Legislation, pp. 38-49; Discussion of, pp. 49-61. 1891. Wayland, Francis. Criminal Law Reform, pp. 1 13-122. 1888. Wayland, Francis. Criminal Law Reform (Report of Com- mittee); Discussion of, 1892. Wayland, Francis. Incorrigible Misdemeanants, pp. 225- 229 ; Discussion of, pp. 229-236 ; Dipsomaniacs, pp. 237-241. 1887. Wayland, Francis. On Certain Anomalies in Criminal Ju- risprudence, pp. 225-232.' 1884-85. 302 CRIMINOLOGY. Wayland, Francis. The Duties of a Prison Warden, pp. 125-127 ; Discussion of, 128-133. l %&7- Wayland, Francis. The Incorrigible ; Who He Is, and What Shall be Done with Him, pp. 189-197. 1886. Wayland, Francis. The Pardoning Power, pp. 35-54. Wayland, F.raacis.. Tht.-Phjsical Care of the Prisoner, pp. 134-138; Discussion of, pp. 138-154.. 1887. Wayland, Rev. H. L. The Obstacles to Prison Reform. 1 892. Wells, ( X. A. Ir.dustrial and Art Education in Prisons, pp. 93-97; Discussion of, 97-101. . 1^8^-85. Wey, Dr. H. D. A Plea for Physical Training of Youthful . Criminals, gp. 18,1-19;^ , j388. V/ey, Dr, P.. p.. .Criminal- Anthropology, pp. 274-290; Dis- cussion Of. pp. 290-291. 1890. Wey, Dr. H. D. Report of the Committee on the Work of the Prison Physician ; Discussion opened by Dr. Causman. 1892. Williams, Mrs. L. P. Prison Work in NasHville, pp. 141- 144. 1889. Wines, E. C. An International Congress on Penitentiary and Reformatory Discipline, pp. 253-266. 1870. Wines, E. C. Annual Report on the Penal and Reforma- tory Institutions of the Union for the Year 1873, PP- 273-466. 1874. Wines, E. C. Imprisonment of Witnesses, pp. 358-361 ; Discussion of, pp. 563-565. 1876. Wines, E. C. Report on the International Penitentiary Congress of London, July, 1872; to which is Appended the Second Annual Report of the National Prison Asso- ciation of the United States for 1873. Government Printing Office, Washington, D. C., 1873. Wines, E. C. Report on the Labors of the Permanent In- ternational Penitentiary Commission in Brussels, pp. 574-581- 1874- BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CRIME. 303 Wines, E. C. The Death Penalty : Is it Commanded by the Bible? pp. 403-408; Discussion of, pp. 551-557. 1876. Wines, E. C. The Present Outlook of Prison Discipline in the United States, pp. 15-20. 1870. Wines, E. C. Transactions of the Fourth National Prison Congress at New York. 1876. Wines, Rev. F. H. American Prisons in the Tenth Census, pp. 251-281. 1888. Wines, Rev. F. H. Conditional Liberation ; or the Parol- ing of Prisoners, pp. 114-130. 1886. Wines, Rev. F. H. Criminological Results in the Census of 1890. 1892. Wines, Rev. F. H. Religious Aspect of the Prison Ques- tion (a sermon), pp. 34-45. 1889. Wines, Rev. F. H. The County Jail System, pp. 426-445 : Discussion of, pp. 567-570. 1876. Woodworth, Rev. James. On the Need of Special Training for the officers of Prisons and Reformatories, PP- 384-393- 1870. Woolsey, Theodore D. Report of the Standing Committee on Police, pp. 120-138; Discussion of, pp. 148-156. 1874- Wright, Edward S. Registration of Criminals, pp. 73-78 . Discussion of, 78-81. 1888. Wright, E. S. Some Features of Prison Discipline. 1892. Wright, Dr. D. F. The Sanitary Aspect of Prison Work in Tennessee, pp. 235-241. 1889. Wright, Carroll D. The Relation of Economic Conditions to the Causes of Crime ; Discussion opened by H. F. Wadlin. 1892. Yvernes, Emile. Present State of Penitentiary Legislation in Europe (translation), pp. 467-484. 1874. 304 CRIMINOLOGY. PERIODICAL AND PRESS LITERATURE. Act of Murder; Increase of Homicide. N. Y. World Oct 30, 1892. 5000 words. Aids of Science in Detecting Crime. Chamb. Journ. 53 : 161, Alexander, J. W. Crime and Poverty in Cities. Princeton Rev. 17: 606. Allen, J. H. Juvenile Delinquency. North Amer. Rev. 79: 406. Allen, J. H. Penalty of State Crimes. Christian Examin. 79: 282. Amos, S. Crime and Civilization. Fort. Rev. 2: 319. Andrews, A. Crime in i8th Century. Colburn's New Month. Mag. 105:78-175. Andrews, Wm. P. Do Reformatories Increase Crime ? Christ. Register Dec. 24., 1891. 750 words. Andrews, Wm. P. Increase of Crime by " Reformatory " Prisons. Forum Oct., 1891. Andrews, Wm. P. The Prevention of Crime. Hartford and English Methods. Boston Transcript Aug. 20, 1892. 1 200 words. Andrews, Wm. P. Reformatory Prisons as Schools of Crime. Forum April, 1892. A Plea for Law (Against Mob Vengeance). Memphis Commercial July 17, 1892. 1,050 words. Are Criminals Insane? Albany Press July 24, 1892. 1,000 words. Arnold, R. A. Prison Labor. Fraser's Mag. 78 : 769. A Study in Prisons ; Great Penal Institutions. Boston Her- ald Aug. 29, 1892. 10,000 words. At the Penitentiary, Employment and Peculiarities of Crimi- nals. Brooklyn Eagle Aug. 14, 1892. 3,000 words. BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CRIME. 305 Author of " Scenes from a Silent World." The Treatment of Criminals in Modern Greece. Blackw. Mag, July, 1892. Bache, Rene". Tortures for Children. Child Slavery in New York, etc. Hartford Times Aug. 27, 1892. 2,500 words. Bailie, William. The Production of Crime. Liberty July 31,1892. i, 300 words. Baker, T. B. L. Results of Reformatories in England. Journ. Statis. Soc. 23 : 427. Baker, T. B. L. Statistics of Crime in England. Journ. Statis. Soc., 23 : 427. Balch, W. B. Police Problem. International Review 13:507. Bangs, Wm. McKendree. State Reformatories for Women. Chautauquan June, 1892. Banks, Louis A. Crimes Against Working-Girls. Our Day Oct., 1891. 1,900 words. Barnard, C. F. Mary Carpenter on Treatment and Refor- mation of Convicts. Christ. Exam. 78 : 250. Beardsley, J. J. Convicted by a Dream. Lakeside Mo. 6: 10. Beaton, P. Crime in the Army. Good Words n : 595. Beccaria^ on Crime and Its Punishment. Old and New 10 : 245. Bellingham, H. Irish and English Crime. Cath. World 34: i. Bemis, E. W. The Prison System in Tennessee. Congre- gationalist Nov. 10, 1892. 1,200 words. Berry, James. The Heads of Criminals, Boston Herald May 22, 1892. 2,000 words. Bertillon, J. Anthropometric Identification of Criminals. The Times April 23, 1890. Bertillon System ; in Maryland Penitentiary. Bait. Newt Aug. 21, 1892. 1,500 words. 20 306 CRIMINOLOGY. Bigelow, Henry. New and Pathetic Side of the Famous Train Robber Sensation in Tulane County, etc. S. F. Examiner Sept. 25, 1892. 7,000 words. Binsse, L. B. Reformatory a Protectory for Prodigal Sons. Cath. World. 42 : 577. Bishop Fitzgerald on Lynching. Editorial in N. Y. Inde- pendent June 2, 1892. 900 words. Bishop, J. B. Contract Labor System in New York State. Nation 40 : 194. Bittinger, J. B. Crime of Passion and Reflection. Presb. Quar 2 : 219. Bittinger, J. B. Education and Crime. Luth. Quar. 5 : 481. Bittinger, J. B. Responsibility of Society for causes of Crime. Princ. Rev. 43 : 18. Black, R. W. Vice and Immorality. Internal. Jour. Ethics July, 1891. Blake, E. V. Spontaneous and Imitative Crime. Pop. Sci. Mo. 15 : 656. Borden Murder Case. Editorial, Foster's Wk. Dem. Aug. 19.1892. i, 200 words. Borden Murders (Strange Crimes). N. Y. Press Aug. 14, 1892. 8,000 words. Bowring, J. Prison Labor. Theol. Rev. 5: 415. Bowen, F. Prison Discipline. North Amer. Rev. 66 : 145. Boy Criminals. Editorial in Phila. Nor. American Sep. 10, 1892. 600 words. Boys Behind the Bars. Life in the Pennsylvania Industrial Reformatory. N. Y. Press June 25, 1892. 2,100 words. Bramwell, Lord. Crime and Insanity. 1 9th Cent. 18: 893. Brigandage in Italy. Editorial, N, Y, Sun Oct. 2, 1891. 900 words. Brigham, C. H. Prison Reform. Unita. Rev. 5 : 422. British and Germans Stealing Natives in Australia. N. Y. People Sep. 25, 1892. 800 words. Brockway, Z. R. Criminal and the State. Forum 2 : 262. BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CRIME. 307 Brockway, Z. R. Indeterminate Sentences in New York. Amer. Journ. Soc. Sci. 13 : 156. Brockway, Z. R. Needed Reforms in Prison Management. North Amer. Rev. 1 37 : 40. Brockway's Report on Management of Elmira Reformatory. Science 7 : 207. Brockway, Z. R. Reformation of Prisoners. Amer. Soc. Sci. Jour. 6 : 144. Brockway, Z. R. The Elmira Reformatory. Fortn. Rev. May, 1892. Brooks, B. S. Detective Police. Dublin Rev. 50 : 1 50. Browne, E. C. A Colony of Murderers, Calcut. Rev. July, 1890. Brush, Augustus A. How to Prevent Crime. Lend-A- Hand Feb., 1891. Buchanan, Jos. R. Prison and Free Trade. Fall River Globe Aug. n, 1891. 1,900 words. Buddington, Z. B. The Prisoner, (A Poem.) Harper's Mag. 49 : 36. Burnet, W. Peeps into Prisons of Paris. Good Words 15 : 601. Burnet, W. Prisons of Paris. Good Words 15 : 601. Bury (de), S. B. The Problem of Crime in France. Con- tem. Rev. Aug., 1892. Butler, N. M. Competition of Convict Labor. Science 7 :68, 117,143- Butler, N. M. Problem of Convict Labor. Science 7:28. Byrnes, Thomas. City Traps for Country Boys. Youth's Companion Nov. 3, 1892. 1,000 words. Cable, G. W. Convict Lease System in the Southern States. Century 5 : 582. Call, S. F. Juvenile Crime. (Editorial.) Oct. 6, 1892, 750 words. Cameos from Prison Life. Month 37 : 239. 308 CRIMINOLOGY. Canoinco, Tancred. Prison Reform. Sanitarian Aug., 1892. i.ooo words. Capital Punishment. Editorial, Seattle Post-Intelligencer Aug. 13, 1892. i, 050 words. Carpenter, Mary. Visit to Prisons of Ireland. Once a Week 5 : 656. Case, Mrs. L. O. Women as Prisoners. Topeka Capital Sept. ii, 1892. i.ooo words. Causes of Crime in New Jersey. Editorial, Phila. Inquirer Sep. 20, 1892. 1,000 words. Census of Homicide. Seattle Post-Intelligencer Nov. 2, 1892. Chadwick, E. Police Force and Prevention of Crime. Eraser's Mag. 77: i. Chambers, W. Crime in Scotland ; How Investigated. Fortn. Rev. 2 : 79. Chambers, W. Dealing with Criminals. Chamb. Journ. 56: 273. Chandler, Joseph R. Outlines of. Penology. Reprinted from Penn. Monthly, pp. 25. Philadelphia, 1875. Chicago Female Thugs. Chicago Times Oct. 2, 1892. 1,000 words. Chinese Murder Societies in San Francisco. Lincoln Call Sept. 4, 1892. 1,700 words. Christine, Geoffrey W. Mysterious Murders. Desert News Aug. 29, 1892. 2,600 words. Church, A. A. Prison Bread. Nature 19: 387. Clark, Dr. Daniel. Crime and Responsibility. Amer. Journ. Insanity April, 1891. Clay, J. Crime and Church-Going, Intemperance and Crime. Journ. Statis. Soc. 20 : 22. Clay, J. Crime as Affected by Good and Bad Times. Journ. Statis. Soc. 20 : 378. Colby, J. F. Disfranchisement for Crime. Amer. Journ. Soc. Sci. 17 : 71. BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CRIME. 309 Collin, C. A. Moral Education in Prisons. New Eng. lander 45 : 473. Convict Contract System. Editorial in Deseret News Aug. 22, 1892. 800 words. Convict Labor. Editorial, N. O. Times-Democrat Aug. 18, 1892. i, 1 50 words. Convict Labor Problem. Editorial in Mobile Register Aug. 19, 1892. 700 words. Convict Labor. Providence Journal Aug. 23, 1893. 1,000 words. Convict Labor. Youth's Companion Jan. 7, 1892, 750 words. Cooley Outlaw Gang. N. Y. Sun Aug. 14, 1892. 7,0*0 words. Corning, J. W. Criminal Anthropology (Discussions at Recent Congress). Christ, Regis, Sept, 15, 1892. i ,600 words. Correction of Juvenile Criminals. Edin. R. 101 : 383 West R. 30: 137 Good Words. 22: 458. Crapsey, E. Casual Criminals. Galaxy 1 1 : 827. Crapsey, E. Criminal Case in Russia. Galaxy 8 : 345. Crapsey, E. Private Detectives. Galaxy n: 188. Crime and Credulity on the Continent. Dub. Univ. Mag. 45 : 27- Crime and Criminal Law in France. London Quarterly 8: 92. Crime and English Law. Victoria Mag. 23 : 68-240. Crime and Its Consequences. Dub. Univ. Mag. 34 : 383. Crime and Its Prevention. London Mag. 23 : 246. Crime and Nationality, Editorial, N, Y, Post July 28, 1802. 1,300 words. Crime and Socialism. Editorial, in To-day Aug. 27, 1891. 1,100 words. Crime and Suicide in England. Spect. 64 : 585. 1890. Crime in Fiction. Blackw. Mag. Aug., 1890. 310 CRIMINOLOGY Crime and Its Treatment. Editorial in London Sat. Rev. Oct. 29, 1892. i, 200 words. Crime in Cities and the Police. Editorial in Providence Jour. Feb. 16, 1892. 1,200 words. Criminality, A New. A Study of Alcoholism by E. P. P. St. Louis Globe-Dem. Feb. 21, 1892. 3,700 words. Crime and Criminal Law in the United States. Edin. Rev. July, 1892. Crime and Its Punishment. Eraser's Mag. 20 : 689. Crime, Its Causes and Punishment, Bradstreet's July 30, 1892. i, 800 words. Crime and Its Causes. Editorial in N. 0. Times-Dem. Aug. 28, 1892. 1,000 words. Criminological Literature. Sat. Rev. 70 : 265. 1890. Criminal of the Future. Spect. 54 : 232. 1890. Criminal Law of the Future. Jour. Sci. 16 : 591. Croft, H. Taylor's Treaties on Prisons. Canad. Jour. (New Series) 4 : 286. Crofton, Sir W. Prevention of Crime by the State. Good Words 1 6 : 204. Crofton, Sir W. Prisons. Fraser's Mag. 87 : 101. Crofton, Sir W. Supervision of Habitual Criminals. Good Words 1 6 : 433. Cruel and Unusual Punishment. (Case of O'Neil vs. State of Vermont.) Editorial in Seattle Post-Intelligencer May 1 6, 1892. 2,700 words. Cummings, C. A. Reformatory Institutions. Nor. Amer. Rev. 86 : 60. Curiosities of Criminal Law. Leis. Hour 50 : 58 ; 31 : 282, 533. Curry, D. Increase of Crime. Methodist Q. Rev. 45 : 609. Dana, Rev. M. M. G. Preventive Work and a Model School. Lend-A-Hand April, 1891. Danger in New York Streets. Gangs of Young Criminals. N. Y. Press Aug. 7. 2,500 words. BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CRIME. 311 Davit on Imprisonment. Spect. 58 : 82. Delboef, J. On Criminal Suggestion. Monist, April, 1892. Delvin, R. T. Prison Labor. Overland Mo. (new series) 7 : 54- Dooley, E. T. Treatment of Juvenile Delinquents. Over- land Mo. (New Series) i : 211. Douglass, Frederick. Lynch Law in the South. Nor. Amer. Rev. July, 1892. Drake, J. M. Prison Life, Adventurous Escape from. Mag. Am. Hist. 14 : 404. Dudley, Oscar L. The Illinois Training-School for Boys Lend-A-Hand May, 1891. Dugdale, R. L. Origin of Crime in Society. Atlan. Mo. 48:452,735; 49:243- Dunton, Larkin. Moral Education. Education, Vol. xi, Nos. 7, 8, 9, 10. 1891. Dupuy, E. A. Convict's Tale. Knickerbocker Mag. 37 : 219. Dutton, H. Increase of Crimes Against Life. New Eng- lander 2 : 346. 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Cornhill Mag. 46 : 74- BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CRIME. 313 Fyfe, J. H. Crime and Criminals. Good Words 4 : 97. Gale, C. E. N. At Police Headquarters; Pathos and Humor. Frank Les. Wk. Oct. 13, 1892. 2,600 words. Gerry's Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children, N. Y. World July 19, 1892. 4,000 words. Gilbert, W. Boys as Criminals, Pica for. Good Words 7 : 279- Gilbert, W. Discharged Convicts. Good Words 8 : 622. Giles, A. H. The Police of Calcutta. Calcut. Rev. Jan., 1889. Gilman, N. P. Humane Education and Prevention of Crime. Lend-A-Hand April, 1890. Gilmour, John H. Indian Justice. S. F. Chronicle July 24, 1892. i, 900 words. Godkin, E. L. Prison Discipline. Nation 9 : 206. Godkin, E. L. Criminals and the Law. Nation 8 : 106. Gould, S. B. The Murder in the Briider Strasse. Belgravia 61 : 41. Green, Anna K. The Borden Murder Case. N. Y. World Aug. 21, 1892. 2,500 words. Greenwood, F. W. P. Prison Discipline. Christ. Exm. 1 6 : 25. Gregory, R. Crime and Education. National Rev. 6 : 772. Griffis, W. E. Japanese Prisons. Overland Mo. 1 5 : 289. Hacker, J. Land Robbery. Truth Seeker Dec. 12, 1891. 700 words. Hale, Edward E. Increase of Crime. Lend-A-Hand June, 1890. Hale, Edward E. Moral Education in the Schools. Lend-A- Hand June. 1890. Hale, Edward E. Rev. Oscar C. McCullock, Lend-A-Hand Jan., 1892. Hall, Mrs. M. R. Reform Schools. West. Jour, and Civil- ian 9 : 430. 314 CRIMINOLOGY. Halley, G. How to Treat Crimes and Criminals. Kansas. Rev. 7 : 67. Hammick, J. T. Judicial Statistics of Crime in England. Jour. Statis. Soc. 30 : 375. Hamilton, A. Me L. Scientific Detection of Crime. Apple- ton's Jour. 15 : 825. Hamilton, Gail. Comparison of Case of Lizzie Borden with that of Mrs. Maybrick. Boston Journ. Sep. 30, 1892. I, loo words. Hamilton, Gail. The Maybrick Case. N. Y. Tribune Oct. 28, 1892. 3,400 words. Hammond, W. A. Involuntary Impulses to Crime. No. Amer. Rev. 135 : 422. Hands of Murderers. St. Louis Globe-Democrat July 10, 1892. 2,600 words. Hardy, A. E. Gathorne. Examination of Prisoners. Na- tional Rev. 3 : 591. Hayti's Horrible Prison. N. Y. Times July 20, 1891. 1,800 words. Hazlitt, W. C. Catalogue of Prison Literature. Bibliogra- pher 6 : 70. Hibbard, George S. Criminals and Crimes. 2oth Cent. May 26, 1892. 1,400 words. Hibbard, George S. Prison Discipline. Nor. Ar>er. Rev. 47 : 452. Hill, A. English Industrial Schools. Contem. Rev. 41 : 106. Hill, E. Scheme for Extinguishment of Crime. Am. J. Soc. Sci. 17:99. Hill, E. Prevention of Crime. Jour. Statis. Soc. 25 : 497. Hill, Governor. The Pardoning Power. Nor. Amer. Rev. Jan., 1892. Hincks, W. Mary Carpenter on Treatment and Reforma- tion of Convicts. Canad. Jour, (new series) 10 : 412. Hoare, H. E. Homes of Criminal Classes. National Rev. I. : 824. BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CRIME. 315 Holland, F. W. Prison Discipline in England. Christ. Exm. 74 : 232. Holmes, O. W. Automatism and Crime. Atlan. Mo. 35 : 466. Holmes, Lizzie M. Cradle of Crime. Fall River Globe June 7, 1892. 1,300 words. Hopkins, T. Visit to the House of Correction. Dub. Univ. Mag. 90 : 550. Hopkins, Florence M. Kansas Prison Life. Chicago Inter- Ocean Nov. 6, 1892. 2,700 words. Horsley, J. W. A Month's Prison Notes. Sunday Mag. 15:321- Horsley, J. W. Inscriptions from Walls of Prisons. Sun- day Mag. 15 : 170. Hosmer, M. Dinner in a State Prison. Lippinc. Mag. 17 : 497- How Society is Protected by Reforming the Youthful Crim- inal. Boys at St. Cloud Reformatory, by G. St. Paul Pioneer Press Sept. n, 1892. 4,000 words. Howells, W. D. Visit to a Police Court. Atlan. Mo. 49 : i. Hutter, E. W. Crime in the United States, Increase of ; Its Cause and Cure. Evang. Rev. n : 61. Immigration and Crime. Editorial in Argonaut Sept. 26. 1 892. i ,000 words. Insanity, Relation of Crime to. Editorial in N. O. Picayune, Jan. 17, 1892. 650 words. Insanity and Criminal Responsibility. Editorial, Medical and Surgical Reporter Aug. 20, 1892. 1,000 words. Insanity and Crime. Editorial in Brooklyn Times Aug. 31, 1892. i, ooo words. In the Museum of Crime. (Mulberry street, New York Police Headquarters.) N. Y. World Sept. 25, 1892. 1,300 words. Ireland, Dr. Wm. W. (Scotland). Is Criminal Anthropology a Science ? Medico-Legal Journ. June, 1891. 316 CRIMINOLOGY. Ives, C. A. and Others, Prison Labor. Amer. Journ. Soc. Sci. 1 8 : 306. Jacobi, A., Wey Wm. C., Sherman, B. F. Capital Punish- ment (Report). Sanitarian July, 1892. Jacox, F. Criminals Imperfect. Bentley's Miscellany 54 : 486. Jakes, H. Reparation to Innocent Convicts. Pop. Sci. Mo. 25 : 508. Jarves, J. J. Prisons of Paris and their Prisoners. Har- per's Mag. 7 : 599. Jeffrey F. Prison Discipline. Edin. Rev. 30 : 463. Johnson, B. B. Supremacy of Law. Lend-A-Hand July, 1892. 1, 800 words. John Smith in Jail; His Fare in Model Prison of America. Bost. Herald Oct. 2, 1892. 4,000 words. Juvenile Convicts. Editorial, Omaha Bee Oct. 23, 1892. 2,500 words. Juvenile Crime and Destitution. Chamb. Jour. 12 : 281, 247. Juvenile Delinquency. Eclect. R. 91 : 200; 99 : 385 Edin. R. 94 : 403 Irish Q. 5 : 773 Prospective R. 2 : 297; 10: 69. Juvenile Delinquents. Christ. Obs. 54 : 193 Treatment of Irish Q. 4: i. Juvenile Delinquents, Treatment of. A Symposium by I. C. Jones, E. T. Gerry, C. L. Brare, R. H. Clarke, W. F. Barnard, C. T. Lewis, Samuel Colgate, and Matron of Wilson Indus. Sch. N. Y. Independent March 3, 1892. 14,000 words. Juvenile Depravity. Eclect. R. 91 : 200 Sharpe's Lon. Mag. 9 : 223 Hogg's Instructor 2 : 148-398; 3 : 40- 330 Remedies for. Hogg's Instructor 4 : 300. Juvenile Society in Danger from Children. Prospective Rev. 9: 165. J. W. The Secret of the Assassins. Calcut. Rev. July, 1890. BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CRIME. 317 J. W. M. Crime in Italy ; Connection with Politics. N. Y. Post Nov. 12, 1892. 2,400 words. Keatinge, O. Reformatory Schools English Waifs. Cath. World 37 : 408. Kellogg, D. O. Prison Discipline. American 1 1 : 22. Kennard, Caroline A. Progress in Employment of Police Matrons. Lend-A-Hand Sep., 1892. King Case (Effect of Pardon on Populace). Editorial, Mem- phis Sun. Times Aug. 14, 1892. 800 words. Kleptomaniacs. N. Y. Commer. Advertiser July 18, 1891. 3,200 words. Knight, A. G. Flaw in Convict System. Month 39 : 548. Knight, A. G. Prisons of Paris under the Commune. Month 37 : 22. Konoplitski, Dimitri. The " Naked Command." Some of Russia's Prison Horrors. St. Louis Chronicle June 1 8, 1892. 2,500 words. Krapotkin, Prince. French Experience in Prisons. I9th Cent. 19 : 407. Lambert, Henry. The Study of Crime. Its Causes, etc. Boston Transcript Aug. 13, 1892. 4,000 words. Lanciani, Rodolfo. Gambling and Cheating in Ancient Rome. Nor. Amer. Rev. July, 1892. Langerfeld, E. Competition of Convict Labor. Science 7 : 1 68. Lanin, E. B. Russian Prisons : The Simple Truth. Fortn. R. Lathrop, R. H. Prisoners, a Story. Harper's Mag. 67 : 503- Laurie, Annie. The Whittier Reform School, no Bars, no Locks, etc. S. F. Examiner Sept. 25, 1892. 4,000 words. Lea, H. C. Pike's .History of Crime in England. Nation 19: 60. Leffingwell, A. Prison Reform, Problem of Our Time. Internal. R. 14 : 353. 318 CRIMINOLOGY. Levi, L. Crime in England in 1857-76. Journ. Statis. Soc. 43 : 423- Livermore, A. A. Abolition of Prisons. Unitar. R. 34 : 237. (S.) Lombroso, Cesare. A Study of Mobs. Chautauquan June, 1892. Lombroso, Cesare. Illustrative Studies in Criminal Anthro- pology. Monist Jan. 1891. Lombroso, Cesare. The Physiognomy of the Anarchists. Monist April, 1891. London and French Police. Sat. R. 54 : 47. Lossing, B. J. Prison Shops. Patter. Amer. Mo. 6: I. Lundeborg, A. Negro Lynching, a Foreigner's View of It, 2oth Cent. Sept. 8, 1892. 1,300 words. Lynching in New York. N. Y. Sun June 11, 1892. 1,400 words, Lynching of Colored People in the South. Boston Tran- script June 24, 1891. 1,000 words. Lynching the Southern Negro. Editorial by J. F. 2oth Cent. Aug. 4, 1892. 950 words. Lynch Law in the South. 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Waverley Mag. Nov. 12, 1892. i, 500 words. Martin, J. B. Civilization and Crime. Humanitarian Sep., 1892. Matet, A. Intoxication and Crime. Sanitarian Sep., 1892. McCallum, A. R. Juvenile Delinquency and the Glasgow Plan of Cure. Journ. Statis. Soc. 18 : 356. McCann, J. E. The Rogues' Gallery, Male and Female Criminals. Frank Les. Wk. Aug. n, 1892. 1,200 words. M'Clean, Wm. Arch. How Crimes are Created. N. Y. 2oth Cent. Nov. 5, 1891. 1,200 words. M'Clean, Wm. Arch. How Criminals are Made. 2Oth Century Jan. 7, 1892. 1,100 words. McClelland, Sophia. Criminals the Product of Hereditary Degeneracy. Med. Record 42 : 96-100. 1892. McFarlane, D. H. Crime Against Property and Person, Inequality of Sentence. Macmil. Mag. 45 : 404. McGee, J. G. Origin and Cure of Crime. Cath. World 18 : 55. McKee, John M. Is Crime Increasing ? Pub. Opinion Oct. 29,1892. 700 words. McKee, J. M. Where Reform is Needed. Cumb. Q. 4 : 353. 445- McKenna, F. A. F. What Fills our Jails. Cath. World May, 1892, 320 CRIMINOLOGY. McKnight, Geo. H. The Death Penalty. Churchman June 25, 1892. 1,700 words. Meason, M. L. Detective Police. iQth Cent. 13 : 765. Meason, M. L. Experience with Detectives. Belgravia 19 : 490- Meason, M. L. French Detectives. Macmil. Mag. 45 : 296. Meason, M. L. Police of London. Macmil. Mag. 46 : 192. Medical Experts on Criminality. N. Y. Herald May 22, 1892. 4,500 words. Meredith, E. A. Compulsory Education in Crime in Prisons. Andov. Rev. 4 : 125. Meyrick, A. S. Difficulties of Prison Discipline. Internal. Rev. 1 1 : 234. Meyrick, A. S. Improvements in Prison Discipline. Inter- nat. Rev. 10 : 306. Michell, T. Statistics of Crime in Russia. Journ. Statis. Soc. 27 : 369. Mitchell, W. Industrial Training Ships and Reformatories. Good Words 27 : 766. Modern Brigands. N. Y. Journal Oct. 30, 1892. 2,000 words. Monteagle, Lord. Crimes Act. English, igth Cent. 17 : 1,072. Morrison, J. H. Prison Discipline. Christ. Exm 44 : 273. Morse, E. S. 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Chronicle Oct. 2, 1892. i, 500 words. Oswald, Felix L. Prison Problems. Open Court Sep. 29, 1892. 2,600 words. Paris Police. St. Louis Post-Dispatch Sep. 25, 1892. 1,250 words. Parkhurst's Plan. Criticism by a European Traveler. N. Y. Journal Oct. 30, 1892. 2,500. Parkman, F. Prison Discipline. Christ. Exm. 27 : 381. Paroling First Offenders. Editorial in St. Louis Republic Aug. 13, 1891. 850 words. Pascoe, C. E. Prisons of England. Appleton's Journ. 12 : 457-584. Peckard, J. L. Why Crime is Increasing. North Amer. Rev. 140: 466. Peck F. Official Optionism Concerning Prisons. Con- temp. Rev. 46 : 72. Peirce, B. K. Prevention and Reform of Juvenile Crime. Meth. Q. 32:601. Pennsylvania Journal of Prison Discipline and Philanthropy. 1847-1893. Pentecost, Hugh O. Legal Homicide at Sing Sing. 2oth Cent. July 16, 1891. 1,700 words. Pentecost, Hugh O. Nineteenth Century Tortures (Danne- mora Prison). Editorial in 2oth Cent. Feb. 18, 1892. 700 words. Perkins, F. B. Rights of Convicts. 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Parma, 1887. Tenchini. Varieta numeriche delle vertebrc coste in nor- mali e delinquenti. Parma, 1888. 26 ANTHROPOMETRY. *r * i * ^& "Afcoirialie in 151 minofre'nni de'tenuU. Arch, psich. Belftlcow. Studi antropometrici sugli" omicidi. Arch. psich. nevrcf.di Kcw'al \frbEki. "1884. Bjurtillon. Fcrnie'du i\ez. Re"uc d'Anthr. Mars, 1887. Paiivlfle. Mensuration des pouces ches les; crijyiinels. Bull. Sot. Anthr., Paris, 7891. c \ ]J t Fere\ Varictfcs trorphol du pavilion de 1'oreille humaine. Revue d'Anthr.' 1886.' Ferri. Studi comparati di antropometria criminale e nor- male. Arch, psich ecc. 1881. Ferri. Studi comparati di antropometria su 1,711 delin- quenti, pazzi e normali. Arch, psich. ecc. 1882. Frigerio. L'oreille externe, 6tude d'Anthrop. Crim. Archives anthr. crim. 1888. Furlani, Prampoleni e Ferri. Studi sui caccrati. Arch. psich. ecc. 1881. Gradenigo. II padiglione dell' orecchio nei normali, alienali e delinquenti. Giorn. Ace. Med. Torino, 1889. Gradenigo. 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Zavaldi. Antropometria in 23 delinquenti. Riv. Care., 1874. Zonga. Studio antropologico, su 25 delinquenti. Riv. Care., 1878. PHYSIOGNOMY. Bordier. Photographies des criminels. Bull. Soc. Anthr. Paris, 1882. Carminati. Se i delinquent! abbiano una fisonomia speciale. Sal6, 1875. Casper. MGrder-Physiognomien. Viert. f. gericht. Med. 1854. Cougnet. Sulla fisonomia dei delinquenti. Arch, psich. 1880. H6ment. Les causes scientifiques de la physionomie me"m. Acad. Soc. Moralese et Polit. Paris, 1887. Marro e Lombroso. Album di criminate tedeschi. Arch. psich. pag. 127. 1883. Marro e Lombroso. Fisionomie delle donne criminali id. pp. 370. 1883. Mayor. Notes pour servir a une iconographie des Cesars au point de vue anthropologique. Rome, 1885. Tebaldi. Sulla fisonomia ed espressione studiate nelie loro deviazioni, with atlas. Verona, 1884. CRIMINOLOGICAL CONGRESSES. Actcs du premier congres international d'anthropologie criminelle. Rome, 1886-87. Aguanno (D'). II II. congr. d'antr. Tribuna giudiz. Napoli, 1889. Andries. Resconto del II. Congresso Antrop. crim. Ri- vista economica di Atene die. 1889. Andries. Der zweite intern. Congr. f. crim. Anthrop. Naturwiss. Wochenschr. Berlin, 1890. Benedikt. Der Congress fur Kriminalanthropologie in Rom. Wiener Mediz. Presse. 1886. Benedikt. Aus der Pariser Congresszeit. Wien, 1889. Brusa. II III. Congr. penitenz. e quello d'antrop. crim. a Roma. Riv. penale, agosto. 1886. tongresso (II) penitenziario e antropologico di Roma. Re- port di giurispr. Bellinzona, 1886. Correvon. Lettres sur le III. Congres Penitentiaire Inter- national. Journal des Tribunaux. Lausanne, 1886. Desjardins. Bull. Soc. Gen. des prisons. 1888. Ferri. L'anthropologie criminelle en 1885. Revue sciontif. 9 Janv., 1886. Ferri. II II. congr. intern, d'ant. crim. Arch, psich. X. 1889, Frigerio. Resoconto sul Congresso e sul Espos. d'Antrop. Crim. Alessandria, 1886. Gauckler. Le Congres d'anthrop. Crim. 4 Paris. Revue Critique de Legisl. 1880. Impallomeni. 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Des mesures applicables aux incorrigibles et de I'autorit6 apte a en fixer le choix. Benedikt, Moritz. Apercu des applications de 1'anthro- pologie criminelle. Benedikt, Moritz. Les suggestions criminelles et la re- sponsabilite p6nale. Berillon. Les suggestions criminelles et la responsabilit6 p6nale. Boeck (de), et Otet P. Les prisons-asiles et les re*formes pe'nales qu' elles entrainent. Coutagne, H. De 1'influence des professions sur la crimi- nalite. id. (rapport). Dallemagne, Jules. Etiologie fonctionelle du crime. Drill, Dimitri. Des principes fondamentaux de I'Scole d'anthropologie criminelle, Gauckler, M. E. De 1'importance respective des 616- ments sociaux et des elements anthropologiques dans la determination de la penalit^. Gamier, P. De la ndcessite de considerer 1'examen psycho-moral de certains pr^venus ou accuses comme un devoir de 1'instruction. Hamel (van), G. A. Des mesures applicables aux incor- rigibles et de 1'autorite' apte a en fixer le choix. Huz6, E. et Warnots, Leo. Existe-t-il un type de crim- inel anatomiquement de"termin6 ? Jelgersma. M. G. Les caracteres physiques intellectuals et moraux reconnus chez le criminel-n sont d'origine pathologique (rapport), 408 CRIMINOLOGY. Ladame. L 'obsession du meurtre. Liszt (von), Franz. Apergu des applications de' 1'anthro- pologie criminelle. Magnan. L'obession criminelle morbide. Manouvrier, M. L. Questions pralables dans 1'etude comparative des criminels et des honngtes gens. Maus, I. Des mesures applicables aux incorrigiblcs et des autorit6s aptes a en fixer le choix. Rode (de), L6on. L'inversion g^nitale et la legislation. Ryckere (de). Le signalament anthropometrique. Tarde. Les crimes des foules. Thiry, Ferdnand. Des mesures applicables aux incor- rigibles et de I'autorit6 apte a en fixer le choix (rap- port). Poisin, A. Suggestions criminelles au delfctueuses et responsibility pnale (rapport). Zerboglio. Per il congr. d'antr. crim. Gazz. letter. Torino, 1889. Zerboglio. Deuxieme congr. d'anthr. crim. Archives anthr. cr. Sept., 1889. Zerboglio. Actes du deux congres intern, d'anthrop. crim. Lyon, 1890. INDEX. Abortion, 24 Abyssinians, 28 Alcohol, 2 1 ; wine and gambling. 88; effects on savages, 97 Alcoholism, 89; relation to theft, 156 Amadei, 73 America, 5, 176 Animals, influence of weather on, theft of, 20; meanness of, 22; tendency to kill, 180, 198 Anouchine, 52 Antecedents of thief, case " C," 219 Arabs, 28 Ardouin (d*), 50 Assassins, 25, 47, 49, 57, 82-83, 101-102, 160-162 Associations, of criminals, 119-128; bad, 243 Astros (d"), 68 Asymmetry, 54 Atavism, 46 Aubry, 5, 129 Autobiography, of murderer "A," 177-186: of case of meanness " E," 264-265 Auvergnat, ix Benedikt, 5, 59, 60 Bernheim, 5, 141, 143, 144, 147 Bertillon, 42 410 INDEX, Bibliography, English works and literature, 275-331; Congresses of the National Prison Association of the United States, 287-303; periodical and press literature, 3