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 BOURASSA 
 DUTY OF CANADA AT THE PRESENT HOUR
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES 

 
 The Duty of Canada 
 
 at the present hour 
 
 BY 
 
 HENRI BOURASSA 
 
 Director of LE DEVOIR 
 
 An address meant to be delivered at Ottawa, in November 
 
 and December, 1914, but twice suppressed in 
 
 the name of "Loyalty and Patriotism" 
 
 PRINTED AT LE DEVOIR 
 
 43, St. Vincent Street. 
 MONTREAL
 
 The Duty of Canada 
 
 at the present hoar 
 
 BY 
 
 HENRI BOURASSA 
 
 Director of LE DEVOIR 
 
 An address meant to be delivered at Ottawa, in November 
 
 and December, 1914, but twice suppressed in 
 
 the name of "Loyalty and Patriotism" 
 
 PRINTED AT LE DEVOIR 
 
 43, St. Vincent Street. 
 MONTREAL
 
 To all fair minded readers : 
 
 The following is practically the text of an address prepared 
 at the request of the People's Forum, of Ottawa, in November last. 
 A few paragraphs have been added and slight corrections made, in 
 order to bring it up to date when it was to be delivered at the 
 Russell Theatre, on the 17th of December 1914- 
 
 In both instances, the speaker was prevented from delivering 
 the address. Intimidated by threats of violence, the members of 
 the People's Forum cancelled their invitation. Hooliganism 
 and rowdyism, led by men bearing the uniform of the King and 
 waving the Union Jack, prevented a peaceful and respectable 
 audience from hearing the speaker, at the Russell Theatre. 
 
 Whether the sentiments and opinions expressed in the 
 address justified this double and successful attempt at stifling 
 Jree speech in this "free" British Country, is left to the calm 
 judgment of fair-minded readers. 
 
 To some it may be of interest to know that this address is 
 almost entirely made up of extracts from the speaker's previous 
 declarations published in Le Devoir, since the outbreak of the 
 war. It contains all the statements which were the object of the 
 fiercest denunciations of the 'loyal' press. It includes also the 
 context giving the true meaning of the writer's opinions as ex- 
 pressed in fact. Thanks to a careful and systematic suppression 
 of that context, the 'loyal' press succeeded in creating the legend 
 of the writer's 'disloyalty', and clamoured for a severe punishment 
 of his 'treachery'. 
 
 The same process was resorted to in regard to other articles 
 published in Le Devoir and dealing with the policy pursued by 
 Sir Edward Grey and the British government previous to the war. 
 These will soon be translated into English and published in pam- 
 phlet form. 1 
 
 1 The Foreign Policy of Great Britain, 1915, at the office of Le Devoir t 
 price: 25 cents. 
 
 775687
 
 The writer can well afford to laugh at the easy game played 
 against him by all dealers in 'cheap loyalty'. The same game 
 was played for all it was worth, at the time of the South-African 
 War. The writer has survived it, and will pass through this one, 
 in the minds at least of those people whose opinions and sympathy 
 he cares for. 
 
 The only serious aspect of the situation is the marked growth 
 of intolerant and arrogant jingoism. There is, for all true 
 Canadians, a danger to be more dreaded than the expansion of 
 German militarism in Europe: it is the moral conquest of Canada 
 by Prussianism under false British colours. 
 
 These brutal attempts at stifling free speech and slandering 
 all Canadians who do not choose to worship the god of blatant 
 jingoism have also a detrimental effect on the good relations 
 between French and English-speaking Canadians. 
 
 Who can deny that, had the writer called himself John Brown 
 or William Jones, and expressed his views in English, the 
 absurd campaign of slander and misquotation to which he has 
 been subjected would never have taken place? He might have been 
 criticised: no sane man would have thought of calling him a 
 'traitor' worthy of the gaol or the scaffold. No one would have 
 suggested the suppression of his paper. 
 
 Since our high-sounding 'patriots' appear to be so much 
 concerned with the triumph of the Entente Cordiale in Europe, 
 they might begin with a certain effort at doing elementary justice 
 to their French-speaking fellow-citizens in Canada. 
 
 HENRI BOURASSA. 
 
 Montreal, January, 1915 
 
 As a fair sample of the spirit of "true British loyalty" 
 which animated the instigators of the movement raised to prevent 
 the delivery of this address, a lithographed copy of the circulars 
 freely distributed to raise the 'patriotism' of the 'loyal' people of 
 Ottawa is annexed hereto.
 
 BOURASSA,THE DIRTY 
 
 Henri Bourassa in his paper, Le Devoir, 
 pursues his contemptible, snaky policy of 
 seeking to deceive the French-Canadians 
 as to the real motives and reasons which 
 impelled England, to enter' this war is 
 endeavoring, as he has been endeavoring 
 for years, to make it appear that there 
 is no honesty among English statesmen 
 and that they are to-day fighting for 
 France and for Belgium not because of 
 any principle but solely for the reason 
 that at the moment, to put it plainly, it 
 suits their selfish motives, and that to- 
 morrow, did it suit them, they would be 
 with Germany and against France. 
 
 We quote extracts from his article, 
 "The Consequences to Canada," as fol- 
 lows; 
 
 "If the Kaiser had given to the 
 British Government the absolute assur- 
 ance that Germany would construct, 
 during the next ten years, no warship, 
 no torpedo boat, no submarine, no 
 Zeppelin, not an English soldier would 
 have crossed the Channel neither to 
 "save" France nor to protect the 
 neutrality of Belgium. 
 
 " English statesmen are not able to 
 be at the same time loyal to their 
 country and faithful to their alliances. 
 On every occasion they have sacrificed 
 international loyalty to their duty to- 
 ward their own country." 
 
 Nor is this all. Speaking of the causes 
 leading up to -the war, Bourassa deliber- 
 
 ately charges the Canadian leaders with 
 having deceived the people of Canada into 
 taking action to help England. 
 
 He states that they have "grotesquely 
 misrepresented the real causes ol the 
 conflict and the true nature of the 
 relations of France and England. 1 ' 
 
 "It was necessary at all costs, (hat 
 this Canadian aid should take an 
 exaggerated, blustering, loud-mouthed 
 form, worthy of the rich and corpulent 
 parvenus who dominate high finance, 
 commerce and the politics of the Can- 
 adian nation. It was necessary that k 
 should profit, above all, boodlers, vam- 
 pires, furnishers of bribes and of election 
 subscriptions, traffickers in boots made 
 out of unseasoned leather and of razors 
 made in Germany. Glory be to the 
 Empire'" 
 
 And so he goes on, this preacher of dis- 
 cord and strife, this snarling Ananias, 
 seeking -to stir up rebellion in the hearts 
 of his French-Canadian readers by making 
 it appear that everything is wrong, every- 
 thing vile, everything corrupt nothing 
 honest, nothing sincere, nothing worthy. 
 
 And this is the man to whom we are 
 asked to give a "courteous hearing" 
 this fomentor of strife, this breeder of 
 rebellion, this hater of all things British, 
 this cowardly misrepresenter of facts 
 this journalistic snake in the grass. 
 KINGSTON STANDARD. 
 
 This man Bourassa is announced to give a public address in 
 
 Ottawa, on Sunday evening. Nov. 22nd, at the Imperial 
 
 Theatre, Bank Street, opposite the Alexandra Hotel. 
 
 Will he get a "courteous hearing?"
 
 t for the Empire's Enemies 
 
 The BOURASSA faction have cast contempt and defiance In 
 the faces of the loyal citizens of Ottawa. Thev are well awarfe of 
 his outrageously false and treasonable utterances since the out- 
 break of the war. They know that his presence In Ottawa is 
 OBJECTIONABLE, OFFENSIVE and EXASPERATING to all 
 loyal citizens, which means the overwhelming majority of our 
 population , yet these abettors oi treason and rebellion are determ- 
 ined to flaunt before us this ARCH TRAITOR OF CANADA, 
 under the hypocritical pretence that "freedom of speech*' de- 
 mands the sound of Bourassa's voice in the Capital, and no one 
 else will do. They cannot plead ignorance, they know that 
 BOURASSA IS A REBEL, and that is the sole reason why they 
 want him. They have thrown down the gauntlet, and we accept 
 the challenge. They are seeking trouble, and they'll find it. Can 
 this nest of traitors overawe and overcome the stalwart loyal men 
 of Ottawa? The police both Civic and Dominion are with us 
 and against the rebels. The militia both officers and men 
 are withjus and against the rebels. The citizens generally, of all 
 races and creeds, are with us and against the rebels. Who then 
 is afraid to TURN OUT AND PUT DOWN THIS OUTRAGE? 
 
 The women suffragists of England have had courage to smash 
 windows and fire buildings and assault persons when it seemed 
 necessary. Are we inferior to them? The Ottawa traitors have 
 declared war on the loyalists, and we must surrender or fight. 
 
 The issue will be decided at the 
 
 Russell Theatre, Wednesday Evening, December 16th 
 
 Admittance fee or no admittance feebe there just the same. 
 
 THE SKULL OF REBELLION MUST BE SMASHED 
 
 Read and pass on to another man.
 
 THE DUTY OF CANADA 
 
 AT THE PRESENT HOUR 
 
 Canada, an Anglo-French community, bound to Great 
 Britain and France by a thousand ties, elhnical, social, in- 
 tellectual and economic, has a vital interest in the preservation 
 of France and Britain, in the maintenance of their prestige, 
 power and action in the world. It is therefore the national 
 duty of Canada to contribute in the measure of her resources 
 and by such means of action as she may command, to the 
 success and above all to the endurance of the combined efforts 
 of France and Great Britain. But if we want our contribution 
 to be effective, if we mean to keep up the effort, we must face 
 with clearsighted resoluteness the grim realities of the situation; 
 we must calculate the exact measure of our means of action, 
 and secure first the internal safety of Canada, before we 
 attempt to settle the^affairs of the world. 
 
 Whether Canada has or has not a strict obligation to 
 help, directly or indirectly, the cause of France and England, 
 one fact is indisputable : the effects of this tremendous conflict 
 will be deeply felt in Canada as in the rest of the world. It 
 will be particularly disastrous in Canada on account of certain 
 local and accidental causes : intense immigration in late years, 
 exclusive dependence upon British capital, extravagant spe- 
 culation, excessive borrowings by public bodies and indivi- 
 duals, etc., etc. Canadians are just on the point of realising 
 how poor Canada is, financially speaking. They are just 
 beginning to perceive that they have been living extravagantly 
 on borrowed money, which they are called upon to pay back 
 at the very moment they are unable to do it. The crushing 
 weight of the burden will be increased in proportion to our
 
 direct contribution to the war: the larger that contribution 
 the greater the strain upon our meagre financial resources, 
 not to speak of the stoppage of our industries and the weaken- 
 ing of our military forces, which may be needed to preserve 
 internal peace. (*) 
 
 If a general collapse is to be avoided, these aspects of the 
 situation call for the immediate attention and co-operation of 
 all men of good will. And they must be viewed primarily 
 from the point of Canada's interests. 
 
 Canada first , 
 
 To some, the Empire is all and every thing; others 
 think of France only; another category, logical but narrow 
 in their Canadian exclusiveness, see nothing beyond the 
 borders of Canada: they seem to ignore our most conspicuous 
 world's responsibilities. 
 
 These various feelings indicate a singular absence of a 
 truly national patriotism. They show a marked contrast 
 with that strong and practical sentiment which binds in one 
 solid mass the people of other countries, the moment the 
 vital interests of the nation are at stake. Since the outbreak 
 of the war, the country has been flooded with "patriotic" 
 speeches and writings; but those words have been followed with 
 very few deeds for the good of Canada. 
 
 This marks all the difference between the thoughtful 
 action of sovereign peoples, masters of their destinies, conscious 
 of their responsibilities, and the thoughtlessness of a child- 
 nation, deprived of international status, unable to measure 
 the consequences of its actions and even to foresee the reper- 
 cussion of the movements of other nations, including that 
 from which it depends. 
 
 (*) In his address before the Canadian Club of Montreal, on the 14th 
 of December, the Finance Minister, Mr. White, stated that the war budget 
 will require an annual borrowing of $100,000,000, till the war is over. 
 This is equivalent to the total yearly expenditure of the country, for all 
 national purposes. It does not include the war pensions, a large portion 
 of which will be paid, for many years, to residents of the United Kingdom.
 
 Everyone speaks of the duties of Canada to Great Britain 
 or France. Who has thought of the duties of Canada to 
 herself ? 
 
 It may be objected that it is too late to consider the 
 question: the parliament and people of Canada have decided 
 upon it, emphatically and unanimously; the active participa- 
 tion of Canada in the European war is settled; to pursue that 
 participation with full strength and celerity is all that remains 
 to be done. 
 
 The answer to that objection is that it is never too late for 
 nations or individuals to think of the consequences of their 
 actions. 
 
 We are yet at the beginning of the war. If, as generally 
 asserted and as decreed by parliament with apparent unani- 
 mity, Canada is bound to share actively in this war, it is 
 assuredly the duty of the Canadian government to make our 
 participation as efficient as possible, and to minimise the grave 
 effects of that participation upon the economic and social life 
 of the country. 
 
 It is also the duty of all citizens to help the government 
 with such advice and information as may guide its movements. 
 In all national crises, the government is not to be considered as 
 a mere group of politicians of doubtful or diverse ability, tem- 
 porarily invested with authority. The men in office represent 
 the power of the nation. They ought to be enlightened, in- 
 formed and advised. They must even be supported till they 
 are guilty of betrayal. National accord demands the adjourn- 
 ment of party quarrels and acrimonious discussions; it does 
 not however impose silence in face of danger,- nor complicity 
 in any crime or error; nor does it call for any sacrifice of 
 principle. 
 
 Economic aspects of the war 
 
 When a country means to make war, or to share in war, 
 the first duty of its rulers is to take the necessary steps to 
 keep up the economic life of the country. "Battles are won 
 with pounds sterling as much as with bullets", as was very
 
 10 
 
 truly said by the genial Chancellor of the Exchequer. That 
 they are won with wheat sheaves still more than with gold, he 
 might well have added, had he not meant, of course, that 
 with her enormous wealth and reserve of gold, Great Britain 
 is well able to purchase corn and other foodstuffs. 
 
 There is something ludicrous and painful at the same 
 time in contrasting the ineffectiveness of war preparation in 
 Canada with the practical and effective methods followed in 
 the countries of Europe. 
 
 In France and England, not to speak of Germany 
 where it was carried to the point of perfection , no single 
 regiment was put on foot, no man-of-war despatched for 
 action, before the most elaborate and effective measures had 
 been adopted and put into execution in order to maintain the 
 credit of the country and its financial institutions, to provide 
 for the storing of foodstuffs, to prevent the cornering of food 
 and the rise of prices, to keep up the trade and industries of 
 the country, and even to profit by the exclusion of German 
 trade from foreign markets. 
 
 In this peaceful, mercantile and rural community, apart 
 from a few measures of finance, nothing has been done,except 
 a tremendous display of wordy patriotism, with a view to 
 enlisting as many men as possible, fit or unfit for warfare. 
 
 The determination of the Canadian Government, as 
 enunciated in Winnipeg by the Solicitor General, is to bankrupt 
 Canada to save the Empire. Considering that practically all 
 the creditors of Canada are London bankers, and that the 
 British government is most anxious to maintain the credit of 
 the United Kingdom, the execution of that patriotic program 
 would hardly contribute to the strength, glory and prestige of 
 the Empire. (*) 
 
 (*) In his address above referred to, Mr. White has fortunately 
 sounded a different note: "In order, said he, to meet our interest payments 
 abroad, sustain our share of the burden of the war and promote to the 
 greatest possible degree prosperity throughout the Dominion, it is the duty 
 of all Canadian citizens to co-operate in producing as much as possible of 
 what can be used or sold. For Canada at this juncture the watchword of 
 the hour should be: PRODUCTION, PRODUCTION, and again PRO- 
 DUCTION". 
 
 Were I not afraid of compromising the Finance Minister in the eyes of 
 'loyal patriots', I might say that this conclusion, and most of the Minister's
 
 11 
 
 As a fitting example of the sound views held upon the 
 economic aspect of war in countries where the sense of res- 
 ponsibility prevails, Canadians may well meditate on the atti- 
 tude taken by the most authoritative journal in France upon 
 the intervention of Japan in the European conflict. According 
 to a dispatch published in the Montreal Gazette, on the 14th 
 of December, Le Temps "intimates with caution that Japan's 
 needs are mainly financial, since she requires immense sums 
 for the development of China to which her attention is directed 
 since her failure to obtain an entry into more distant markets." 
 
 By the military intervention of Japan on the battleffields 
 of Europe, France would have more to gain than any of the 
 nations allied against Germany. Yet the most thoughtful 
 Frenchmen, who know that the credit of their country would 
 be seriously affected by a financial crisis in Japan, would rather 
 see her stay at home. What sensible Canadian would dare 
 assert that Canada's military intervention in Europe can equal 
 .what Japan's would be, or that Canada running bankrupt 
 would hurt less the credit and strength of the United Kingdom 
 than Japan's financial stress can affect the money power of 
 France ? 
 
 To keep up the credit and the prosperity of Canada, 
 first, for the sake of Canada, and, secondly, for the benefit of 
 Great Britain and her allies, ought to be the main object of 
 every level headed and truly patriotic Canadian. 
 
 It is but a few weeks since one of the most authoritative 
 London journals, the Westminster Gazette, was obliged to 
 remind us that we could render better service to the Mother- 
 land and the Empire by growing wheat than by raising 
 soldiers. (*) 
 
 speech, is but a synopsis of all that has appeared in LE DEVOIR since the 
 outbreak of the war. It is to be hoped that the sensible and truly patriotic 
 views of the Finance Minister will prevail over the bankruptcy program of 
 the Solicitor General. 
 
 (*) "A good many Canadian farmers find it difficult to leave their 
 farms for the front. They may rest assured that by staying in Canada and 
 growing wheat for us in 1915, they will perform a very real service to the 
 Empire". ("Westminster Gazette", quoted in the Montreal "Star", 
 Oct. 9th, 1915).
 
 12 
 
 In the first weeks of the war, one of the most thoughtful 
 and practical statesmen of the Empire, Lord Milner, warned 
 Great Britain, the British Empire, and the world at large, of 
 the dire menace of famine, which is sure to follow in the foot- 
 steps of war. 
 
 Famine next year 
 
 Famine has ever been the hideous twin sister of war. 
 
 In numbers of combatants, the present war surpasses 
 everything heretofore recorded in history. Within a few 
 months 20,000,000 men will be fighting. From all indications, 
 the decisive victory of one or the other of the rival coalitions 
 is still far distant. To the victors as well as the vanquished, 
 it will cost, in men and money, a price beyond all precedents 
 and the most extravagant pre-calculations. 
 
 What will then be the situation of the world ? 
 
 The total yield of corn in the world is 650,000,000 
 quarters. Of this, 530,000,000 is grown in the countries now 
 at war, not including Turkey. 
 
 Of the 20,000,000 men now or soon to be engaged in 
 fighting, a considerable proportion, probably the majority, 
 belong to rural classes. Another large number were employed 
 in carrying on industries connected with agriculture: farm 
 implements, chemicals, fertilisers, sugar, dairy, etc., etc. 
 Ten, twelve, fifteen million people, heretofore employed in 
 producing or helping to produce the essentials of life, will do 
 nothing, for months or years perhaps, but help devastate the 
 patrimony of the world. 
 
 Suppose war were stopped this winter a most improba- 
 ble not to say impossible conjecture what would be the 
 yield of corn next year? The first crop, sown in the fall of 
 the year, is mostly grown in the countries now at war. The 
 second crop, maturing in summer, comes principally from 
 America, North and South. How many fields have been put 
 under crop, this autumn, in France, Belgium, Germany 
 Austria and Russia not to speak of Roumania, Bulgaria and 
 the magnificent plains of Lombardy, all of which may be cut
 
 13 
 
 to-morrow by trenches and transformed into vast grave- 
 yards? And consequently, how much bread will mankind 
 have to eat from the spring to the fall of 1915 ? 
 
 If rulers and peoples, in countries distant from the fields of 
 battle, do not take immediately the most energetic and 
 exceptional measures to meet the exigencies of the situation, 
 misery and hunger will soon be the hard fate of a vaster 
 number of human beings than has ever been mentioned in 
 history. For the world at large it will be far worse than war. 
 The actual fight is and will remain confined to Europe and 
 small portions of Asia and Africa. The plague of famine will 
 strike the whole world. 
 
 In drawing the attention of the people of Great Britain to 
 that peril more threatening than war, Lord Milner has given 
 proof of his true and intelligent patriotism. At the very time 
 other British statesmen were starting, with moderate success, 
 their campaign of oratory to stimulate the enlistment of 
 troops, he did not hesitate to urge the enlistment of an army 
 of rural labourers. In his opinion Great Britain should put, 
 next year, 6,000,000 acres under wheat crop, instead of 2,000, 
 000 as she has now. If it is considered necessary for the United 
 Kingdom, directly engaged in the European conflict, to treble 
 her rural army at the risk of sending to the battlefield a number 
 of troops hardly superior in number to the small Belgian army, 
 how far more urgent and practical would it be for Canada to 
 follow Lord Milner's advice! 
 
 Now, what has been done in Canada in that respect? 
 What could be done ? What should be done ? 
 
 "Get back to the Land!" 
 
 "Get back to the Land!" Such is the timely and pressing 
 advice given by many patriotic politicians and publicists, 
 though in no greater hurry to go and till the soil than they are 
 of shouldering their muskets for war, in spite of their tremend- 
 ous efforts to induce other people to enlist. 
 
 The advice is excellent; but if it is to be followed by any 
 large number of unemployed city dwellers, it requires some-
 
 14 
 
 thing more than verbal commendations. In so far as it 
 applies to the great rural provinces west of Lake Superior, 
 where the production of wheat could be increased on the largest 
 scale, the situation has been aptly illustrated in a cartoon 
 published in the Grain Growers' Guide. One unfortunate city 
 man, attracted by the cry: "Get back to the Land!" starts in 
 search of a farm lot. He climbs to the top of a telegraph post 
 along the track of the Canadian Pacific Railway. As far as 
 his sight can reach, he is unable to find one single foot of free 
 land. On each lot is planted a post with a sign: "Canadian 
 Pacific Railway Lands", "Hudson's Bay Company Lands" , 
 "Canadian Northern Railway Lands" and the whole series 
 of grabbing firms and so-called Colonisation Societies, created 
 during the last quarter of a century by our politicians, much to 
 their own profit. At the foot of the telegraph post, a patriotic 
 cur yaps and yelps to its heart's content: "Get back to the 
 Land!" 
 
 The cornering of land 
 
 Those powerful corporations, Hudson's Bay Company, 
 Canadian Pacific Railway, Mackenzie and Mann, and many 
 others, have accumulated colossal wealth at the expense of the 
 country. From the State, federal, provincial or municipal, 
 they have received innumerable subsidies, supplied by the 
 consumers and ratepayers of Canada. Why do they not put 
 gratuitously at the disposal of unemployed Canadians a 
 portion of the vast domains they have received as a gift at the 
 hands of the people of Canada ? Some of the heads of those 
 corporations, in possession of great personal wealth, pose as 
 "pillars of the Empire". Out of their shareholders' treasury, 
 of course, they have subscribed substantial contributions to 
 the Patriotic Fund. To their employees and labourers they 
 have imposed a further contribution to the same Fund, already 
 too large for its destination. At the same time, they have 
 thrown on the streets a large number of their dependents.' (*) 
 
 (*) The contrast between the English conception of true patriotism 
 and ours was strikingly illustrated by a significant incident. One of the
 
 15 
 
 They might have shown their patriotism in a more effective 
 way by endeavouring to solve the problem of unemployment 
 and stimulate the production of foodstuffs. Had they put 
 under cultivation their vast waste lands, they could have kept 
 at work the numerous labourers they have thrown on public 
 charity. Should 'they persist in doing nothing to help in this 
 crisis, the government and parliament of Canada have a strict 
 duty to bring them to task. In England, where respect for 
 private property and freedom of trade have been brought 
 to the extreme, the government has not hesitated to deal 
 summarily with all attempts at cornering foodstuffs. Firms 
 and individuals who tried that profitable operation have been 
 virtually despoiled of their accumulated goods. Is it not as 
 legitimate and urgent to put an end to the cornering and 
 unproductiveness of land? Foodstuffs come from the soil. 
 It is the duty of the people of Canada to draw from their soil 
 the largest production possible, in order to keep the cost of 
 food at a proper level for the consumers of Canada, and increase 
 the supplies of those nations of Europe for which we profess 
 so much friendship and loyalty. 
 
 Unemployment and food production 
 
 If the government and parliament are sincere in their 
 wish to help Great Britain, France and Belgium, if they really 
 want to bring our people back to the land, to diminish un- 
 employment and misery, and stimulate the production of food, 
 they have a clear duty to perform: let them put the State, 
 temporarily at least, and without disbursement, in possession 
 of a portion of the immense waste lands cornered by the 
 
 large firms of London, enjoying the patronage of Queen Alexandra, sub- 
 scribed /2,000 to the Patriotic Fund. At the same time the salaries of 
 its employees were reduced. This being known, the subscription cheque 
 was returned to the firm with notice that the patronage of the Queen 
 Dowager was withdrawn. In Canada, a large portion of the Patriotic 
 Fund has been 'sponged' in that manner. Our Shylocks, far from being 
 condemned by public opinion, are lauded to the skies as models of true 
 patriotism. Some of them will reach the Senate and their names will 
 soon appear on decoration lists. True, they are also generous subscribers 
 to electoral funds. Patriotism is still the refuge of scoundrels.
 
 16 
 
 C.P.R., the C.N.R., the Hudson's Bay Company and the 
 multitude of real estate companies, most of which include 
 among their directors, shareholders and profit grabbers, a 
 large portion of our patriotic statesmen, politicians and 
 publicists. That being done, efficient and strong measures 
 should be adopted to enlist and organise the "civil army". 
 This was the first care of the Patriotic Committee in France; 
 it was immediately followed with practical action and fruitful 
 results. The unemployed of our large cities should be enrolled 
 and put in active service on the land. That army should be 
 equipped with building material and farm implements made 
 in Canada, with horses and cattle, seed, etc. Naturally, it 
 cannot be hoped that this work could be accomplished without 
 a certain waste of money and boodle, though less, I think, 
 than in the raising of an army; for, in military organisation, the 
 exigencies of "loyalty" and "patriotism" forbid any enquiry 
 into, or the slightest comment upon, the profitable operations 
 performed under shelter of devotion to the Empire. 
 
 Such or similar measures of practical patriotism should 
 have- been taken the very first day war was declared, whether 
 Canada participated in it or not. They have been rendered 
 more imperative on Account of, the enormous expenditure 
 connected with our participation, and the consequent increase 
 of the economic disturbance of the country. Were they adopt- 
 ed immediately, in spite of the deplorable loss of so many 
 weeks of precious time, numerous and fruitful results would 
 accrue. 
 
 The results 
 
 First, the production of food being largely increased, 
 both the consumers of Canada and those of the allied nations 
 would be partially protected against the frightful inflation of 
 prices which is bound to take place within a few months. 
 
 Last year, the government and parliament thought it 
 necessary to create a Commission of enquiry in order to 
 ascertain the cause of the then growing cost of living. Is nothing 
 to be done when the people of this country are face to face with
 
 17 
 
 the certainty of a much higher cost synchronising with general 
 stagnation in business, unemployment of labour and financial 
 stringency ? 
 
 The second good result of these measures would be the 
 decongesting of large centres. The burden upon municipal 
 exchequers and private charity would be materially alleviated. 
 Thousands of unproductive consumers, threated with hunger 
 and misery, an easy prey to the temptations of debauchery 
 and disorder, would be turned into active and contented pro- 
 ducers. Let there be no dilusion: if nothing is done in that 
 sense, there will be riots in more than one Canadian city, 
 before one year or even six months are over. 
 
 A third result would be to stimulate several industries, 
 now at a standstill. 
 
 The construction of cottages, barns and stables would 
 require building material of various sorts: timber, lumber, 
 bricks, cement, corrugated or galvanised iron-sheeting, etc., 
 etc. Most of those articles would come from our soil and 
 forests, and pass through the various manipulating processes 
 of our factories. Before they were used by the rural producer, 
 their extraction and fabrication would have given bread to 
 the woodman, the brickmaker and the factory labourer; our 
 carrying trade would be enhanced by their transportation. 
 
 Those farm implements, shovels picks, axes, etc., would 
 be the output of our factories. 
 
 In August last, the Massey-Harris firm, excluded from 
 its vast European markets, temporarily threw out of employ- 
 ment 5,000 Canadian employees and labourers. If the 
 Federal government, with the help and co-operation of the 
 governments of Alberta, Saskatchewan and Manitoba, under- 
 took to stock five, ten or fifteen thousand new farms, the farm 
 implement factories could keep running during the whole 
 winter and save from misery thousands of Canadian men, 
 women and children. 
 
 And what about the permanent and ultimate result? 
 By the placement, in the midst of the virgin prairie, of ten or 
 fifteen thousand 'new homesteads, the State expenditure 
 would be eventually paid back a hundredfold. This would be 
 true national colonisation, far more useful than the wholesale
 
 18 
 
 import of foreign immigrants, carried on at a very high cost 
 for the last fifteen years. A similar effort could be attempted 
 on a smaller scale, in their respective spheres of action, by 
 the governments of Ontario, Quebec, New Brunswick and 
 British Columbia, where vast stretches of land could be 
 opened to settlement. 
 
 Intensive cultivation 
 
 The production of vegetables, eggs and poultry could be 
 largely increased in the neighbourhood of large towns. Around 
 Montreal alone, thousands of acres of land laid waste by the 
 real estate craze of late years could be turned back to their 
 previous state of useful production. A similar situation exists, 
 I am sure, around Toronto, Winnipeg and most Canadian 
 cities. The municipal authorities should be legally empowered 
 to take hold temporarily of those lands and induce a good 
 number of unemployed labourers to put them under intensive 
 cultivation. The cost of city life would thereby decrease, and 
 thousands of people be kept in comfort instead of having to 
 seek refuge in the various homes of public charity. 
 
 Through all the Eastern provinces, the growing of wheat 
 could also be stimulated and largely increased at very little 
 cost. Wheat production has been gradually abandoned in 
 these provinces. Why? Largely, of course, on account of 
 the fall in prices after the opening of the vast prairies of the 
 West. This will be practically overcome next year by the 
 abnormal rise of prices. The second cause is the exhaustion 
 of those substances in the soil specially needed for the germina- 
 tion of wheat. If a bag or two of good wheat-seed were dis- 
 tributed to the owner of every farm, the soil of which was 
 once capable of wheat growing, with a proportionate quantity 
 of such chemicals as the nature of the soil may demand, it 
 would be comparatively easy to raise in the Eastern provinces 
 of Canada a sufficient quantity of wheat for their own con- 
 sumption. The consumers of Great Britain France and Bel- 
 gium could then get the benefit of the whole of our Western 
 crop, which could be nearly doubled.
 
 19 
 
 The production of pease, .barley and maize could be 
 stimulated in a similar way. 
 
 "Keep the factories running" 
 
 In order to face the grave situation confronting the 
 country,' another series of practical measures should have 
 been devised and could yet be adopted with a view to keeping 
 up industrial production and fostering the export of manu- 
 factured goods. Naturally, to be fruitful, such measures 
 require the active co-operation of public powers and leaders in 
 finance, industry and trade. In this respect, as in the matter 
 of agricultural production, there has been much talk but very 
 little action. Just as the unemployed were advised to get 
 back to the land without anything being done to give them land 
 and help them in putting those lands in a state of production, 
 likewise, our talking economists have limited their activities to 
 empty words: "Capitalists, keep your factories running" 
 "Consumers, curtail your expenses, and buy nothing but home- 
 made goods." Very good mottoes, no doubt; but the pious 
 and patriotic warning to be frugal and buy nothing but home 
 made goods, is singularly weakened by the knowledge .that the 
 Canadian volunteers were supplied, at the expense of Canada, 
 with razors made in Germany and purchased at a cost consider- 
 ably higher than the retail price before the war ! 
 
 As to the demand that factories be kept running, it must 
 not be forgotten that factories cannot be operated with patrio- 
 tic expostulations: manufacturers need money as well as raw 
 materials; they need also a consuming market for their goods, 
 and means of transportation to reach those markets. (*) 
 
 (*) If the Finance Minister is sincere in his desire to stimulate in- 
 dustrial production in Canada, he will undoubtedly see that the Canadian 
 banks, so stiff and so sparing in their advances to national trade and 
 industry, do not export $109,000,000 of Canadian savings as a subscription 
 to the latest loan of the British government. This foolish step would be 
 the more unjustifiable that the -British loan of $1,750,000,000 was much 
 over-subscribed in London. If the Canadian banks have $100,000,000 to 
 spare for investment abroad, they surely could make use of it to stimulate 
 national production.
 
 20 
 
 What England did 
 
 The contrast between the highly patriotic and effective 
 measures taken in England to keep up and even enhance the 
 trade and industry of the United Kingdom, and the complete 
 inaction of Canada, is simply lamentable. It was brought 
 under vivid light in an interview given to the Montreal Gazette, 
 on the 7th of September last, by Mr. P. G. Donald, delegate of 
 a large section of the iron-mongers of Great Britain. 
 
 The moment war was declared, the men interested in the 
 vast trade connected with the steel and iron industries set 
 themselves to immediate action, with a view not only to keep 
 up their business but also to snatch that of their German 
 rivals. They besieged the government Board of Trade till 
 they got what they wanted. Then they immediately started 
 to look for new fields of operation all over the world. 
 
 It is a favorite pastime among colonials to laugh at the 
 "sluggish and clumsy Englishman", at his inaptitude for turn- 
 ing a sharp corner and facing a new and unexpected situation. 
 In ordinary circumstances, the criticism may be well founded; 
 but in time of national crisis, the English, as the French, the 
 Germans or the Americans, as the citizens of all sovereign 
 states, conscious of their responsibilities, arise from their 
 apathy and take without delay all measures tending to place 
 their country and themselves in a position enabling them to 
 support the extraordinary burdens imposed by circumstances. 
 In Canada, a country under tutelage, rulers and leaders of 
 public opinion rest content with making patriotic speeches and 
 pouring out inflamed prose. Business men catch the craze 
 and do nothing. The only activity displayed is that of the 
 political bloodsuckers, boodlers and corrupt publicists, who 
 speculate on the childish patriotism of the nation, the equip- 
 ment of troops and the gathering of patriotic subscriptions. 
 
 In forty-eight hours, the delegate of British trade, without 
 waiting for the arrival in London of alert American agents, 
 had prepared his calculations, packed his trunks and started 
 for Canada. 
 
 He wanted to take advantage of the emergency session 
 of parliament; but parliament, having voted millions for the
 
 21 
 
 war, had prorogued after singing "God Save the King", without 
 giving a thought to such measures as could have helped the 
 manufacturers, labourers and consumers of Canada to face 
 the terrible crisis which confronts the country. 
 
 On his arrival in Canada, Mr. Donald meets our manu- 
 facturers and offers them good bargains; but their calculations 
 are not yet made. Finding that prices may be higher here 
 than in the United States, he suggests an export premium to be 
 paid by the government in order to make up the difference. 
 
 He has an interview with our minister of Commerce, 
 member of the Imperial Commission appointed three years 
 ago to enquire into the natural resources of the Empire and 
 promote inter-imperial trade. In Sir George Foster he finds 
 "a remarkably shrewd man, who saw the whole case and all 
 its points". But the minister says he is powerless and can 
 do nothing till parliament is called again in four months' time. 
 
 Why wait four months ? 
 
 "Four months' time!" says Mr. Donald. "In four months' time 
 Canada may have lost her chance to get the trade that the Germans have 
 lost. The United States is not so slow. They started their representatives 
 for England immediately after the outbreak of war with patents and sam- 
 ples of stuff with which they hoped to replace articles formerly supplied by 
 Germany. They are certain to get a great deal of business. 
 
 "Besides, why wait for four months instead of acting now and getting 
 your working men at work that much earlier. It seems to me an idle waste 
 of time when faced with an opportunity that will pass. Another argument 
 used to me was that they could not borrow money at this time. That is 
 ridiculous. If they have an acute stage of unemployment, they will have 
 to borrow money anyway to tide over the depression. The better way is 
 to coin Canada's own resources, and there is a market for it, if they are 
 willing to take the necessary steps to get it. For example, suppose that 
 a bounty of $1 a ton was paid on exports derived from iron, that might be 
 just the difference between being able to compete successfully with Ameri- 
 can manufacturers, and not being able to. On ten thousand tons I would 
 say that at least $250,000 would be expended in wages, so that as a result of 
 such a small expenditure they would get a full return in extra taxes because 
 of the new business, and save the expenditure of five, ten or fifteen times 
 as much to meet the situation created by an enormous amount of un- 
 employment."
 
 22 
 
 In order to vote a war budget of $50,000,000, soon to be 
 trebled, it was found urgent to call parliament in extraordinary 
 session; but to convene parliament in order to make an 
 advance of $10,000 to a national industry, stimulate the trade, 
 and transportation agencies of Canada, give food to Canadian 
 labourers and their families, and alleviate the sufferings of the 
 Canadian people, is neither urgent nor useful ! 
 
 To send thirty, forty, fifty or one hundred thousand Can- 
 adians to risk their lives for the United Kingdom, who sends 
 to the front less than fifteen per cent of her troops, fifty, one 
 hundred or two hundred millions are not too much. But to 
 pay $10,000 as the initial step to enable a thousand Canadians 
 labourers to earn $250,000 in wages, thereby giving subsistence 
 to four or five thousand Canadian people, Faugh ! This is too 
 mean a preoccupation for our bombastic and gigantic Empire 
 Saviours. 
 
 Then, what profit would accrue therefrom to politicians 
 and their suppliers? On army equipments, on boots made 
 with raw cowhide, the soles of which split at first use, 
 on razors made in Germany and paid at double the price, on 
 coats and blankets burned by the thousand, on slaughtered 
 horses, on permits of leave sold to the troopers, fat profits are 
 made. Fie upon matters which bring nothing! 
 
 The bonus policy 
 
 Whether the measure proposed by Mr. Donald was the 
 proper one to adopt, I am not prepared to say. The merits 
 or the demerits of the proposal could have been discussed in 
 parliament, after a prompt and thorough enquiry by technical 
 experts. Short of such enquiry and discussion, Mr. Donald's 
 argument remains that the proposed policy has fostered the 
 trade of Germany and the United States. A similar policy 
 was adopted and maintained in Canada during many years 
 the only difference being that the bonus then paid on certain 
 iron and steel products went up to $4 a ton ,while the premium 
 suggested by the British delegate could have stood, he thought, 
 at the low figure of $1 a ton.
 
 23 
 
 The bonus policy remained in force in Canada so long as 
 it was thought necessary to keep up the value of the heavily 
 watered stock of certain corporations in which a large number 
 of politicians of both parties were interested, as holders of 
 shares and debentures many of which had been received in 
 exchange for "special services". A premium of $4 to enrich a 
 handful of politicians is excellent. A premium of $1 to give 
 food to thousands of Canadian workingmen, women and 
 children, to bring to the industries and trade of Canada the 
 benefits theretofore reaped by the Germans and now snatched 
 by the Americans, is not worth considering. 
 
 Our trade goes to the United States 
 
 Repulsed at Ottawa, the British delegate went to New 
 York. His orders, in addition to others of the same nature, 
 from England, France and Russia, will keep the Pittsburg 
 factories in full blast during eighteen months. American 
 industries will be benefited, American capital will grow, 
 American labour will be employed, American men and women 
 will be fed. Meanwhile, our politicians will keep crying out 
 to the unemployed of Canada: "Enlist for the Empire, so that 
 we may purchase boots, uniforms and blankets. When you 
 walk barefooted along the roads of Europe, remember that 
 your broken boots have been to us a good source of profit. 
 When you sleep in trenches filled with snow or water, remind 
 yourself of the ten per cent commission, kept for the Patriotic 
 or Boodle Fund, on the price paid for your thin blankets. 
 When you shave, don't forget that those German made razors 
 have cost to Canada but double their price. Glory to the 
 Empire!" 
 
 Being asked whether Canadian industries could not get 
 later on the benefit of his or similar offers, Mr. Donald frankly 
 warned us against such delusion: 
 
 "If arrangements are made by British merchants with United 
 StateS manufacturers for the supply of this they cannot break con- 
 tracts already made"
 
 24 
 
 This is clear and peremptory. It is true British honesty. 
 Thanks to that high standard of commercial honour, and also 
 to their bold conceptions, their executive energy and constant 
 care of their interests, the British of Great Britain have become 
 the masters of the world's finance and trade. 
 
 Let it be well understood by our manufacturers, traders 
 and workingmen : if they have lost the benefit of millions worth 
 of British trade, it is not due to the "stupidity" of the British 
 or their "indifference to the colonies", but to the incapability 
 and corruption of our politicians, and the "stupid indifference" 
 of our business men. 
 
 "Imperial sentiment" and business 
 
 Another striking passage of that remarkable interview 
 is that in which the British delegate gives the measure of the 
 "Imperial sentiment" of the London traders. "If the United 
 States man offers to sell us what we want for $30 a ton and 
 the lowest price the Canadian manufacturer can sell for is 
 $35 a ton, I do not think the British merchant could let Imperial 
 sentiment guide him to the extent of buying the Canadian article." 
 
 Some may feel indignant at this new evidence of British 
 "selfishness". I don't. It is, tq my mind, a splendid lesson 
 of true patriotism given with admirable candour. It forms a 
 wholesome contrast with the stooping hypocrisy of some of 
 our dealers in jingoism. This true Englishman tells us 
 plainly: "We think of ourselves first; do the same, and let us 
 try to make a bargain profitable to both". 
 
 In their dealings with the "sister nations" of the Empire* 
 the people and traders of Great Britain apply the principles 
 practised by the British government in their relations with 
 foreign powers and colonies alike. 
 
 To France and Germany, to Belgium and Russia, Sir 
 Edward Grey, in the last days previous to the war, held this 
 invariable language: We will keep peace or make war, accord- 
 ing to our interests. Great Britain will either support one and 
 fight the other, or remain neutral, according to the exigencies 
 of her situation and at such time as her interests are involved.
 
 25 
 
 To the manufacturers of Canada, the British trade delegate 
 says : We will deal with you if it pays us. But if we can make 
 more profits by dealing with Americans, we will trade with 
 them. 
 
 Once more, it is clear, loyal and peremptory. Far from 
 having any spite against those masters of trade and finance, 
 we should thank them for the practical lessons and examples 
 they give us free of charge. Instead of taking towards the 
 Motherland and the Empire the ridiculous attitude of fervid 
 and trembling lovers, we should lea"rn from the British to look 
 after our own interests and do profitable business. 
 
 Army supplies 
 
 As regards army supplies, the Imperial government, 
 whose overflowing treasury enables them to lend without 
 interest $50,000,000 to Belgium and $4,000,000 to Servia, 
 could well afford to make a slight sacrifice in placing a larger 
 share of their orders in Canada in preference to the United 
 States. To the soldiers supplied to Great Britain we pay four 
 times as much per day as the British government give to 
 Tommy Atkins; nor should it be forgotten that four-fifths of 
 the "Canadian" troopers are British-born immigrants, who 
 should normally serve in the British army. Besides, Canada, 
 who already pays to the London bankers a good interest on 
 $500,000,000 and over, is on the point of increasing her national 
 debt by $100,000,000 or $200,000,000 in order to help Great 
 Britain with a large number of troops, thereby enabling her 
 to spare so much of her blood and money. The Imperial 
 government could also take into account the fact that whilst 
 Canada supplies them gratuitously not only with troops but 
 with flour and cheese as well (which can hardly find room in 
 the over-filled docks and warehouses of London, Liverpool, 
 Glasgow, Hull and Bristol), there is actually more misery and 
 unemployment in Canada than in the United Kingdom. 
 
 But as regards trading companies or individuals, it is 
 another matter. 
 
 As clearly pointed out by Mr. Donald, if the London trader, 
 guided by Imperial sentiment, purchased Canadian products
 
 26 
 
 at a higher price than that asked by the Americans for the 
 same articles, "someone else would come over, get the cheaper 
 article, and he would not continue in business long." 
 
 Bully for him! This is the thought and word of a true 
 merchant, a true Englishman, a true patriot. 
 
 The ''shopkeepers" of England 
 
 Lord Rosebery once said how stupid it was for English- 
 men to take offence at N*apoleon's saying: "England is a 
 nation of shopkeepers". 
 
 To her shopkeepers, still more than to her statesmen, 
 sailors and soldiers, England owes her wealth, strength and 
 glory. They are the true "pillars of Empire". 
 
 Why? Because the 'shopkeepers' of England, not 
 satisfied with making of their shops the centre of the world's 
 supplies, never lose sight of the collective interests of British 
 trade, the basis and mainspring of British power. In spite of 
 their individual rivalries and competitions, British traders 
 never fail to unite to a man in order to maintain their common 
 interests against those of the rest of the world, foreign and 
 colonial alike. 
 
 That collective action is not confined to mercantile 
 interests. More than once England was saved by the patriot- 
 ism, energy and combined efforts of her 'shopkeepers'. 
 
 When the traders of the City combined to put a check on 
 the loan negotiated by Philip II with the Bank of Genoa, the 
 expedition of the Great Armada was postponed to the following 
 year, and England was saved from foreign invasion or attack. 
 When those same traders prepared the return of Charles II , 
 they saved their country from anarchy and militarism. 
 
 When Pitt in distress appealed to the voluntary subscrip- 
 tions of the British people to pay the foreign legions fighting 
 against Napoleon, the movement was headed and kept up by 
 the merchants of the City. 
 
 The great Corsican had good reason to hate the 'shop- 
 keepers' of P^ngland: their patriotism and their gold crushed 
 his power more effectively than Wellington's grenadiers.
 
 27 
 
 May Heaven give us business men imbued with one 
 hundredth part of the patriotic 'selfishness' of the British 
 traders, and ready to do for Canada what the 'shopkeepers' of 
 London are always prepared to do for their country! 
 
 What -remains to be done 
 
 A precious time has been lost, rare opportunities were 
 missed; yet it is not too late to do something. In all likelihood, 
 the war will last long. If we have failed to do our duty at the 
 start, let us prepare to amend matters in the near future. To 
 counteract the sinister influence of the politician who thinks 
 of nothing but party interests, and party funds gathered 
 under the shelter of patriotism and devotion to the Empire, 
 let all true Canadians take the matter in their own hands and 
 show themselves as truly patriotic, active and practical as the 
 British or French have shown themselves. 
 
 Of course, the millions lost to Canada by our own neglect 
 cannot be recovered : as was well said by Mr. Donald, we cannot 
 expect the British trader to break his word to the American 
 manufacturer just to save us from the consequences or our 
 own stupid inactivity. But many good business operations can 
 yet be carried out in England, France and Russia, to the mutual 
 advantage of Canada and the allied nations. Canadian 
 commercial agents should be sent at once to those countries 
 with the object of securing a multitude of orders which, in- 
 stead of going to neutrals, would bring profit to our labour, 
 trade and industry. 
 
 Transportation rates 
 
 A third point calls for the immediate attention of all 
 Canadians who are willing to help effectively the allied nations 
 and keep up the economic life of our own country; and that 
 is, the control of our sea-going trade, of foodstuffs especially. 
 
 On that point again, the Englishman has shown himself 
 wider awake than our own politicians and traders to the exigen- 
 cies of the situation. Mr. Donald has called the attention of
 
 28 
 
 the Canadian government and people to the anomalous condi- 
 tions of our shipping trade : 
 
 "There has to be some arrangement by which you get better shipping 
 terms. Do you know that the freight from Antwerp to Montreal is eight 
 shillings and from Montreal to London twenty shillings a ton? What is 
 that doing but giving foreign trade an unfair advantage and penalising 
 the Canadian manufacturer ? Is that patriotic ? That state of things should 
 change. It is not necessary, either. I know it costs much more to load and 
 unload ships than to transport the cargo from one port to another. The 
 cost of transportation is relatively small. I may illustrate that by telling 
 you that, while the freight from Antwerp to Montreal is eight shillings, 
 that from Antwerp to London is five shillings six pence. Two shillings and 
 six pence represents the difference of all the rest of the way across the 
 Atlantic. The freights from New York are much cheaper than from here, 
 again placing a hardship on the Canadian manufacturer". 
 
 Is it credible that our trade with Antwerp should get 
 the benefit of rates lower by 60% than those to and from 
 Liverpool ? 
 
 Most of our trade via Antwerp is trade with Germany. 
 It was stated recently by one of the chief officials of the most 
 important milling concern in Canada, that a large proportion 
 of the wheat and flour exported from Canada in the last two 
 years is now stored in German granaries and warehouses. 
 
 Canada feeds the Germans 
 
 We have heard much, during those two years, of the 
 'German menace 1 . It was urged, by men who pretend to have 
 long foreseen the danger, that Canada ought to meet it by 
 increasing the naval forces of the Empire. Would it not have 
 been just as practical to take some measures to prevent the 
 enemies of the Empire from storing food at Great Britian's 
 and our own expense? Even to-day, why does not Canada 
 follow the example of Australia and take efficient measures to 
 prevent our food supply from going, via New York and 
 Rotterdam, to feed the 'barbarians' so fiercefully denounced 
 by our patriots ? Thanks to the improvidence of our Saviours 
 of Empire and the greediness of some of our traders, many
 
 29 
 
 of whom have largely and ostentatiously"~subscribed to. 
 Patriotic Funds, the men who are now shooting down Brit- 
 ish troopers and, in a few weeks, will take Canadian volunteers 
 as their mark, are fed with the produce of the soil of Canada! 
 
 "Is that patriotic?" could well ask that sturdy English 
 trader. 
 
 The usurers of London who corner gold have been branded 
 by Lloyd George as supporters of the enemy. Are not those 
 Canadian politicians and traders, who feed the enemy, traitors 
 to the Empire? 
 
 The question of maritime transportation rates should be 
 taken up immediately and dealt with in the most energetic 
 manner. Of course, the difficulty is largely increased by the 
 fact that the British government has taken over for imperial 
 service a large number of our so-called 'Canadia'n' vessels, 
 and thereby struck a terrific blow to Canadian trade and 
 industry. This in itself constitutes a direct and substantial 
 contribution to Imperial service, of which very little has been 
 heard so far. 
 
 But since we are deprived of a large portion of what we 
 deluded ourselves into calling our mercantile navy, could we 
 not follow the example of the United States ? Could not our 
 statesmen, jurists and leading business men put their heads 
 together and devise some means by which Canada could con- 
 trol her sea-going trade and prevent Germany from getting 
 our foodstuffs in preference to, or even in competition with, 
 England, France or Belgium, the cause of whom we pretend, 
 with such display of oratory, to have espoused so heartily? 
 
 Canada helps German armaments 
 
 Some Ontario journalists have discovered recently that 
 the Krupp factories are supplied with nickel extracted from 
 our mines at Sudbury. 
 
 The fact was pointed out, more than five years ago, by 
 Mr. Olivar Asselin, who demonstrated that the British and 
 Canadian governments could put a stop to all German naval 
 construction. If the parliament of Canada had then expro-
 
 30 
 
 priated the Sudbury mines and cornered the production of 
 nickel in Canada for the sole use of British shipbuilders, even 
 at a profit to Canada, it would have done to the British Empire 
 a far greater service than by building six dreadnoughts or 
 sending 100,000 untrained men to the front. 
 
 Why was it not done ? Why was it not suggested by the 
 British Admiralty ? For the simple reason that the enormous 
 profits derived from the patented use of nickel in the making 
 of armour-plates and cannons were controlled by a pool which 
 included the German shipbuilders and their English rivals. 
 The stoppage of German naval construction and of the making 
 of German heavy artillery might have spared us this war and 
 kept Canada and the whole Empire at peace; but it would 
 have curtailed the enormous profits derived by the share- 
 holders of Vickers-Maxim, Cammell- Laird, Armstrong- Whit- 
 worth, as well as those of the great German firm at Essen, to 
 which these British firms are, in fact, financially allied. 
 
 What is the results? The German bullet that will 
 pierce the forehead or the breast of our Canadian boys has 
 been hardened with Canadian nickel; the shrapnel which 
 brings slaughter and untold sufferings to thousands of British 
 and Canadian soldiers has been rendered more deadly because 
 of the use of Canadian nickel in the making of German 
 cannons. 
 
 The high-sounding patriots, now so busy with their 
 mouth and their pen at urging other people than themselves to 
 go and fight for the Empire, might well have thought of this 
 long ago. 
 
 Criminal neglect 
 
 As may be seen, there was and there is still more than 
 one means of helping the cause of the allies and fighting their 
 enemy. (*) 
 
 ( *) Had it not been beyond the purview of this lecture, I might have 
 added that Canada could also every materially help the British government 
 by loosening the restrictions placed upon Hindu immigration. The Colonial 
 Secretary, Mr. Harcourt, has recently appealed to both the Canadian and 
 Australian governments to do sometning in order to relieve the feeling of
 
 31 
 
 That such measures have not been taken or seriously 
 discussed from the first is easily explained by the utter lack of 
 experience, in matters of war, on the part of our public men 
 and people in general. But as time goes on, the men respon- 
 sible for the welfare and security of Canada - - and this 
 includes not only the men in public office, but all leaders in 
 finance, trade, etc get the full benefit of the example set to 
 them, not only by Great Britain and France, or by the United 
 States, but also by smaller nations like Switzerland, Holland 
 or Denmark. Their neglect is becoming criminal. It suggests 
 the suspicion that in order to serve certain sinister interests, 
 they will do nothing to prevent or alleviate the financial distress 
 of the country or the miseries of the poorer classes. 
 It will more than nullify the effectiveness of our 
 military demonstration. It is tantamount to a betrayal of the 
 cause of the allies and of the vital interests of Canada as well. 
 
 The number of men 
 
 As to the number of men, it is more than doubtful if the 
 Canadian government acted wisely in pledging themselves to 
 send to the front one, and perhaps two or three hundred thou- 
 sand men. Such an effort surpasses, in proportion, what is 
 being done by Great Britain herself. In his parliamentary 
 statement of the 17th of September, Lord Kitchener declared 
 that the total number of British forces then at the front was 
 "rather more than six divisions of infantry and two divisions 
 of cavalry". That was equivalent to about eighty-five 
 thousand men; let us say one hundred thousand. 
 
 If Canada sends 100,000 men, out of a population of 
 8,000,000, the United Kingdom, with its 46,500,000 people 
 
 unrest and irritation in India over the exclusion laws of the white colonies. 
 In June last, one of the men highest in authority, in the India Office, told 
 me that if Canada could see her way to make some concessions to India, 
 "it would be worth, for the preservation of the Empire, all the dreadnoughts 
 and super-dreadnoughts Canada may build". If nothing is done, and 
 promptly done, in that matter, there will be trouble before long in India. 
 The attitude of the ultra-loyalists of British Columbia, upon that question, 
 is a striking example of the fallacy of so-called Imperial 'unity' and 'co- 
 operation'. It shows the shallowness and hypocrisy of many professions 
 of 'devotion to the Empire'.
 
 32 
 
 should keep at least 600,000 men at the front. This is 
 precisely double the figure which Lord Kitchener, on the 25th 
 of August, indicated as the total to be reached by the month 
 of February or March. 
 
 What are the available military resources of the United 
 Kingdom ? 
 
 Before the war broke out, the Regular Army stationed in 
 the British Isles counted in round numbers 300,000 men; 
 the Territorial, a trifle less. In his last speech in the House, 
 on the 16th of November, Mr. Asquith declared that 700,000 
 new recruits had joined the Regulars, and 300,000, the Terri- 
 torials. This would place the total land forces of the United 
 Kingdom at nearly 1,600,000 men, out of which less than 
 fifteen per cent are fighting at present on the battlefields of 
 Europe. 
 
 The Ulster volunteers 
 
 Another significant figure is that of the Ulster volunteers 
 who have joined the colours. On the 17th of September, 
 according to the Montreal Star's special correspondent, only 
 5,070 had then enlisted. Their number is now estimated at 
 ten to twelve thousand. In July last,' Sir Edward Carson 
 boasted of having at his disposal more than 100,000 men, 
 enlisted, equipped and armed, ready to shoot at the British 
 flag. In other words, out of 100,000 Ulstermen, willing to 
 fight against Great-Britain, less than 15% have enlisted to 
 fight for Great-Britain. It looks as if "devotion" to the Empire 
 was still less conspicuous in 'loyal' Ulster than in 'disloyal' 
 Quebec; not to mention the fact that, according to the same 
 source of information (Montreal Star), Sir Edward Carson 
 was very reluctant in handing over his arms and ammunitions 
 to the Imperial authorities. 
 
 If the financial outlay is taken into account, the lack of 
 proportion between the effort of Great Britain and that of 
 Canada is still greater. The wealthiest nation on earth pays 
 to her soldiers, in war time, from one shilling six pence to two 
 shillings per day; Canada, poor and heavily indebted as she is,
 
 33 
 
 pays $1.10 per day to her volunteers, more than eighty per 
 cent of whom, born in the British Isles, ought normally to 
 serve in the British army and get the pay of their brothers in 
 the United Kingdom. 
 
 What conclusion is to be drawn therefrom? That the 
 government and people of Great Britain are remiss in duty? 
 No, far from it; but perhaps they have better calculated the 
 possibility of their effort. Perhaps also have they been less 
 preoccupied with the number than with the value of their 
 troops. 
 
 As early as the 25th of August, Lord Kitchener declared 
 his determination to "have an army in the field which in 
 numbers will not be less than in quality and not be unworthy 
 of power and responsibility of the British Empire." 
 
 In a country deprived, as England is, of the system of 
 conscription, to organise in a few days an army strong in 
 number and quality is no easy matter. The bravery of the 
 soldiers is not the sole factor of a modern army: technical 
 science on the part of officers, strength and efficiency of 
 weapons, training, discipline and proper equipment of troops, 
 all these count for much. In Lord Kitchener's thought, the 
 best service Great Britain can render France and Belgium, the 
 safest way to do honour to the British Empire, is to send to the 
 front nothing but excellent troops, well armed, equipped and 
 trained. 
 
 Training and equipment of troops 
 
 - 
 
 Canada is far worse prepared with war equipment than 
 England herself, inferior as Britain may be in that respect to 
 all continental countries. Yet, our ministers do not seem to 
 have given a single thought to those considerations, which 
 have weighed so heavily upon the mind of the British War 
 Secretary. They seem to have thought only of one thing: 
 raise quickly a big number of recruits. Out of the thirty-one 
 thousand volunteers gone, and of the twenty thousand now 
 being enlisted, how many are prepared to do honour to Canada, 
 and maintain the power and responsibilities of the Empire?
 
 34 
 
 How have they been trained ? How armed, clothed and- 
 shod? 
 
 The dismissal by the Imperial authorities of two hundred 
 Canadian officers from the first contingent is rather conclusive 
 evidence of the levity with which that contingent was or- 
 ganised. (*) 
 
 Naturally, the total lack of experience of our Ministers, 
 in war matters, the long standing and complete neglect of all 
 preparations to make of our militia an efficient force of defense, 
 have to be taken into account. Many errors, light or grave, 
 ought not to be brought as a charge against the Minister of 
 Militia and the officers in charge of the Val Cartier Camp. 
 But that very lack of competency and preparation imposed 
 upon them the duty of confining their effort to their ability 
 and the means of action at their disposal. Nothing could 
 excuse them from looking to essentials: a good choice of 
 officers and men, 'the discipline of troops and their proper 
 equipment. 
 
 On the conduct and discipline of troops, such a "loyal" 
 paper as V Action Sociale had to denounce the misconduct of 
 a large number of soldiers. According to that journal, the 
 peaceful inhabitants of Quebec had come to the point "of 
 doubting whether they should not take means to protect 
 themselves as well as their wives and daughters" against the 
 enterprises of the defenders of the Empire. "At LeVis, the 
 
 (*) The significance of that fact is the more serious that the British 
 Army is in sore need of capable officers. As early as the 25th of September, 
 one of the military experts of the "Times", gave this note of warning, 
 which justifies entirely what I wrote in "Le Devoir", to the great scandal 
 of our mouth and pen warriors: 
 
 "An army cannot be improvised at a moment's notice; and instances in 
 which improvisation has been attempted in the past have been lamentable 
 failures. Experienced officers are dubious concerning the armies which 
 England is now raising at home because they do not think they will be ready 
 to fight in the field for eighteen months, and then only if they have been 
 trained by professional officers, the numbers of whom are limited and are 
 being constantly decreased by losses in action. 
 
 "The question of officers is a serious one. An examination of our 
 casualty list shows we have lost already over 1100 officers, in killed, wound- 
 ed or missing. This is two out of every five among those at the front. 
 
 "More officers" is the constant call from the front and several hundred 
 have been sent; but obviously this cannot be kept up forever and each 
 officer sent is one less instructor for the new troops. We must not allow 
 ourselves to become megalomaniacs and place in the field regiments which 
 are unfit to defend the honor of our armies".
 
 35 
 
 Tramway Company had been forced to enlist special guards 
 to prevent drunken soldiers from rendering themselves 
 masters of the tram-cars." 
 
 In two hours time, I have met, in the streets of Quebec, 
 a larger number of inebriated soldiers, calling loudly at all 
 by-passers, men or women, than in two weeks time, in Ger- 
 many, Belgium and France; and during those two weeks, I 
 have seen at least half a million soldiers, Prussian, Bavarian, 
 Walloon, Flemish, French, English, Scotch or Irish. I have 
 seen them in the camps, at railway stations, in barracks, along 
 the roads, on duty or out of duty. Everywhere their conduct 
 was beyond reproach. 
 
 Does it mean that the Canadian contingent contained a 
 larger proportion of debauched men than the armies of 
 Europe ? No; and what we read of the horrors of the war 
 proves the contrary. But evidently discipline here was 
 defective, even when it could be most easily exercised. 
 
 If the leaders of our small army were incapable of pre- 
 venting such abuses in a peaceful and friendly country - 
 Quebec is presumably not yet to be considered as a conquered 
 land is it not to be apprehended that in the excitement of 
 war, in the enemy's country, our soldiers may forget that they 
 bear the honour of Canada and the Empire, and are called 
 upon to repress and not to imitate German barbarism? (*) 
 
 As to the military training of our troops, it is to be hoped 
 that it has been thought of, and that those young men shall 
 not be sent to slaughter before they have learned how to use 
 their arms and adapt themselves to the conditions of modern 
 warfare. 
 
 (*) The disgraceful scenes which prevented the delivery of this 
 lecture in Ottawa have amply justified this appreciation of undisciplined 
 soldiery. On that occasion, two thousand peaceful citizens had the dis- 
 gusting spectacle of a howling rabble led by soldiers bearing the colours 
 of the King and making use of the Union Jack, alternately to wipe their 
 noses and to give the signal to every fresh start of rowdyism. One soldier, 
 separate from the others, a veteran from South Africa and an invalid, 
 endeavoured to secure some kind of peace and order. He was hooted down 
 by the other militia men and their mob. Drunken soldiers kept on howling 
 and fighting in the streets and tramways, to the great annoyance of the 
 'loyal' people of Ottawa. The "Free Press" had to denounce them, just 
 as "L* Action Sociale" in Quebc.
 
 36 
 
 As to their equipment, I have mentioned some of the 
 grossest 'errors' made: burned uniforms, slaughtered horses, 
 boots with split soles, razors made in Germany and purchased 
 at a fabulous price, etc. The rigorous attention of the military 
 authorities and of parliament will have to be called upon 
 these. (*) 
 
 For the time being, it is sufficient to state that the 
 government and parliament of Canada having decided to 
 support Britain, France and Belgium with military help, they 
 must regard it as their strict duty to see that our intervention 
 in the war is useful, honourable and effective. 
 
 It is all very well for politicians and journalists, not one 
 of whom will see German howitzers nearer than three thousand 
 miles off, to shout: "Let us send 100,000, 200,000 men!" If 
 they fill the camps and the trenches of the allies with untrained 
 men, it will be a nuisance to France, obliged to feed them, and 
 to England who endeavours to send to the front nothing but 
 soldiers of the first quality. To send to the front ill-equipped 
 or insufficiently trained troops, is to send them to a certain 
 and useless death. It is murder pure and simple. 
 
 Let us hope that the thought and example of Lord Kit- 
 chener, a first-class administrator as well as a valiant soldier, 
 will instil in the minds of our newly made war politicians one 
 salutary thought : They have a more imperious duty than that 
 of sending many men to fight while they stay quiet at 
 home. That duty is to send such troops only as can serve 
 
 (*) The first intimation of those scandalous operations appeared in 
 "Le Devoir". Naturally, it was considered by the 'loyal' people as further 
 evidence of my 'disloyalty'. On the 10th of December, the following 
 appeared in the Montreal "Star" : 
 
 "Investigation of the complaints made of the quality of the boots 
 supplied to the First Contingent show that many of them were amply 
 justified, inferior leather being used and flagrant tricks of the trade em- 
 ployed to give a superficial appearance of good workmanship to shoddy 
 material and glaring make-shifts. One firm in particular has been con- 
 victed of these "get-rich-quick" methods, but the facts are all known in 
 Ottawa and it is to be presumed that adequate safe-guards will be taken 
 in future". 
 
 What will be the outcome? In Europe, the perpetrators of similar 
 crimes would be summarily dealt with. In Canada, being large pur- 
 veyors to party funds, they will likely go to the Senate and be knighted. 
 In this happy country of 'British liberty and civilisation', the 'traitor' to 
 the Crown is not the scoundrel who robs the Crown, but the honest man 
 who denounces robbery.
 
 37 
 
 usefully the cause that Canada has espoused, and dispute 
 dearly their lives to the enemy. 
 
 Sir Robert Borden, I am happy to say, has expressed a 
 similar view in his speech before the Toronto Canadian Club, 
 on the 5th of December. (*) 
 
 The duty of "French Canada" 
 
 With regard to the decision of parliament to bring Canada 
 into this war, I have little to say at present, except this, that 
 the question should never have been placed on the ground of 
 races. 
 
 To make a direct and special appeal to the French Can- 
 adians, because French and English are fighting side by side 
 in Europe, is to pave the way to most dangerous possibilities. 
 If the French Canadians are led to believe that they have a 
 special duty to perform, because of the casual co-operation of 
 their two "motherlands", as England and France are now 
 called in the Province of Quebec where will they be the day 
 England is again the enemy of France, as she has been during 
 seven centuries, as she was yet in the days of Fashoda ? 
 
 If this unfortunate appeal to racial feelings is persisted in, 
 let it be done at least with something akin to truth and 
 justice. 
 
 All sorts of nasty comments have been passed upon the 
 small proportion of French Canadians enlisted at Val Cartier. 
 If this and all future Canadian contingents are to be classified 
 by races and nationalities, a distinction should be established 
 not only between French and English-speaking volunteers, 
 but also between Canadian-born and British-born. If all 
 British-born soldiers were counted out from the first contin- 
 gent, it would be found that French-speaking Canadians 
 enlisted in larger proportion than English-speaking Canadians. 
 Out of less than 6,000 Canadian-born recruits, over 2,400 
 
 ( *) Also at Amherst, N. S., on the 17th of December, where the Prime 
 Minister is reported in the Montreal "Gazette" as having stated that "it 
 would be detrimental to the success of British arms to send men to the 
 battle lines unless properly trained".
 
 38 
 
 were French. If English Canada is to be credited with all the 
 English-speaking soldiers gone from Canada, then French 
 Canada has the right to count to her credit all the Frenchmen 
 and Belgians, residents of Canada, who have joined their 
 colours or enlisted in their native lands. They are Canadians, 
 just as much as the newcomers from the British Isles. It 
 may be objected that, under the military laws of France, all 
 Frenchmen living in Canada were obliged to go and serve. 
 But apart from the fact that those laws could not reach them 
 here, the objection has no value in the mouth of those Im- 
 perialists who claim that all Canadians have a strict duty to 
 participate in this war. 
 
 Whatever the duty of Canada in this grave contingency, 
 that duty commands the whole of the Canadian people, 
 irrespective of race, creed or language. 
 
 Constitutional aspect 
 
 Another point of great importance has been raised, in 
 connection with Canada's participation in the war. It has 
 been stated, in Parliament and out of it, that Canada, as 
 part of the British Empire, is in duty bound to participate 
 actively in every conflict in which Great Britain may be drawn. 
 
 That doctrine is contrary to all traditions, to the basic 
 principles upon which rests our constitution, to the long 
 standing agreement between the motherland and her self- 
 governing colonies. 
 
 Canada, as a mere irresponsible dependency of Great 
 Britain, has no moral or constitutional obligation, nor any 
 immediate interest in the present war. 
 
 Great Britain has entered the conflict of her own free 
 will, in consequence of her entanglements in the international 
 situation. She has framed her policy and decided her action 
 with a sole view to her own interests, without consulting her 
 colonies or considering in any respect their peculiar situation 
 and local interests. 
 
 The territory of Canada is not exposed to the attacks of 
 any of the belligerent nations. An independent Canada
 
 39 
 
 would be to-day in absolute safety. The dangers to which her 
 trade may be exposed result from the fact that she is a British 
 possession, subject to the consequences of British policy and 
 the risks of a military intervention decided by the Imperial 
 government upon their exclusive authority and responsibility. 
 It is therefore the duty of Britain to defend Canada, and not 
 the duty of Canada to defend Britain. Such was the 
 doctrine laid down in 1854, in 1862, in 1871, by Sir John A. 
 Macdonald, Sir George Cartier, Sir Alexander Campbell. 
 It still holds good, in law and in fact. 
 
 Besides, in protecting the territory and trade of her 
 colonies, Great Britain makes sure of her own subsistence. 
 
 The profits of Great Britain 
 
 Of all the nations involved, Great Britain runs the least 
 danger and will, at all events, derive from the war very 
 substantial profits. The overwhelming superiority of the 
 British navy is demonstrated beyond the most optimistic pre- 
 calculations. The only real danger to be apprehended is the 
 piecemeal destruction of the large British naval units by 
 German sub-marines and torpedoes. This would be the 
 penalty paid by the British people for their obstinacy in 
 sticking to the building of dreadnoughts. It is close on three 
 years since Lord Charles Beresford denounced the dread- 
 nought policy as a "craze" and a "betrayal of the national 
 confidence and of the security of the Empire". It was but 
 last summer that Sir Percy Scott wrote of the passed utility 
 of the dreadnought. , But as a large group of English capital- 
 ists, in partnership with German shipbuilders, pocketed fair 
 dividends from the building of dreadnoughts, the "crazy" 
 policy was maintained. Canada was even invited to take a 
 share in it. 
 
 During the first month of the war, two hundred German 
 merchantmen were seized by British warships. This alone 
 represented a clear profit of $350,000,000 t'o British navy men. 
 
 The British flag already floats over most German colonies. 
 While simple Canadians dream of nothing but battles and 
 slaughters, most of them three thousand miles off
 
 40 
 
 British traders go the world over and prepare to snatch every- 
 where the trade heretofore carried on by the Germans. 
 
 On the continent, according to Lord Kitchener's statement 
 on the 25th of August, the British government has decided 
 to send and maintain a force not to surpass 300,000 men in 
 six months time. 
 
 Suppose those figures were doubled, .and admitting that 
 a large portion of those troops is of the very best, what is that 
 effort in comparison with the alignment of at least 3,000,000 
 French soldiers, 4,000,000 Germans, 5,000,000 to 7,000,000 
 Russians, and even 200,000 or 300,000 Belgians ? 
 
 The real contribution of Great Britain in this war is her 
 magnificent navy: she keeps the trade routes of the world 
 open to herself and her allies. 
 
 Principles of Imperial defence 
 
 Both in the policy pursued before the war and in the 
 measures taken to insure the safety a-nd prestige of the United 
 Kingdom during the war, the British government have looked 
 upon British interests as their sole inspiration and object. 
 
 If Canada is to assume the heaviest responsibilities of 
 nationhood, even before she enjoys its prerogatives, she could 
 not do better than to follow the example of England. 
 
 The first duty of the Canadian Government in this 
 crisis was therefore to consider the supreme interests of 
 Canada, without ignoring, of course, the obligations arising 
 from the suzerainty exercised by the United Kingdom over 
 all British possessions. 
 
 Those obligations are not derived from a mere theory in 
 constitutional law: they have been clearly defined by the 
 Imperial authorities in 1854, in 1862, and at various other 
 times. They form the basis of a well understood agreement 
 between the British and Canadian governments. 
 
 Under the terms of that agreement, never cancelled, 
 never amended, the United Kingdom, having exclusive control 
 of the foreign policy of the Empire, is bound to provide alone 
 for its general defence; and the colonies, self-governing or not,
 
 41 
 
 .have no other duty than that of contributing, in the measure 
 of their resources, to the defence of their respective territories. 
 
 Upon that principle, the various Militia Acts of Canada 
 were passed. 
 
 In conformity with that understanding, Sir John A. Mac- 
 donald refused, in 1885, I think, to supply Canadian regiments 
 for Imperial service. 
 
 To safeguard the same principle, the Laurier government 
 introduced the so-called no-precedent clause in the Order-in- 
 Council under which Canadian volunteers were enlisteH for 
 the South African war in 1899. 
 
 In the latest official document containing the views of the 
 Imperial authorities upon the whole problem of Imperial 
 defence, the following propositions were emphatically stated: 
 
 "2. The maintenance of sea supremacy has been assumed as the basis 
 of the system of Imperial defence against attack from over the sea. This is 
 the determining factor in shaping the whole defensive policy of the Empire, 
 and is fully recognised by the Admiralty, who have accepted the responsibi- 
 lity of protecting all British territory abroad against organised invasion from 
 the sea To fulfil this great charge, they claim the absolute power of disposing 
 of their forces in the manner they consider most certain to secure success, and 
 object to limit the action of any part of them to the immediate neighbour- 
 hood of places which they consider may be more effectively protected by 
 operations at a distance". 
 
 "4. It is scarcely necessary to point out that the system of defence for 
 the whole colonial Empire must take fully into consideration the special 
 
 conditions of the various colonies 
 
 The defence of Canada, with its long land frontier, obviously requires to be 
 treated on a different basis from that of the small island of St. Helena". 
 
 "19. . . .Doubtless a time will come when the increasing strength and 
 resources of the self-governing Colonies will enable them to materially 
 assist the mother-country, by placing at her disposal for operations in any 
 quarter of the globe bodies of troops formed from the excellent material of 
 strong, self reliant Colonists, but at present the development of their own vast 
 territories in time of peace, and the effective protection of them in time of war, 
 is undoubtedly the best contribution the Colonies can offer to Imperial de- 
 fence" ....(*) 
 
 (*) Memorandum of the Colonial Defence Committee, December 
 31st 1896.
 
 42 
 
 Those propositions have never been disallowed or modified 
 by the British authorities. They stand by themselves, against 
 any obligation on the part of Canada to contribute to Imperial 
 wars outside her own territory. 
 
 Besides, Canada is still in the inferior situation of having 
 no word to say in the Councils of the Empire, which decide 
 whether the Empire is in peace or at war, and control the 
 whole naval and military forces of the Empire. That position 
 has been rightly described by Sir Robert Borden as intoler- 
 able. '(*) True, much has been said about the admittance of 
 a Canadian representative to the Committee of Imperial 
 Defence. But although one member of the Canadian Gov- 
 ernment, Mr. Perley, was present in London when the Im- 
 perial authorities discussed the issues which brought us into 
 this war, we have it from Sir Robert Borden himself that the 
 Canadian Government was not consulted by the British 
 ministers. (**) 
 
 The example of South Africa 
 
 Therefore, had the Canadian government conformed 
 themselves to the sole obligations resulting from our colonial 
 status and to the strict exigencies of Imperial defence, they 
 would have merely followed the example of the Union of 
 
 ( *) "If Canada and the other Dominions of the Empire are to take 
 their part as nations of this Empire in the defence of the Empire as a whole, 
 shall it be that we, contributing to that defence of the whole Empire, shall 
 have absolutely, as citizens of this country, no voice whatever in the Coun- 
 cils of the Empire touching the issues of peace or war throughout the 
 Empire? I do not think that such would be a tolerable condition. I do 
 not believe the people of Canada would for one moment submit to such a 
 condition". ('Debates', House of Commons, November 24th, 1910 
 col. 227). 
 
 (**) "Having regard to the fact that there was not an opportunity for 
 the Government of the United Kingdom to consult with the governments 
 of the overseas dominions, as they would have done had time permitted..." 
 (Debates, House of Commons, (unrevised), August 19th, 1914. col. 3 
 and 4). 
 
 During the ten days which preceded the'declaratipn of war, SirEdward 
 Grey was in constant communication, not only with his colleagues, but also 
 with all the representatives of the Foreign Powers. How is it that he had 
 no 'time' or 'opportunity' to consult with the representative of Canada in 
 London, who happened to be a member of the Canadian government]? 
 Sir Robert Borden should have explained.
 
 43 
 
 South Africa: they would have organised the defence of the 
 territory of Canada and rendered to the British Crown, within 
 that territory, all services possible. That duty would have 
 been accomplished, I trust, without borrowing $35,000,000 
 from the Imperial Treasury, as was done by the Botha gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 It may be objected that the Union of South Africa is 
 exposed to internal troubles, and also to attacks from the 
 scant German troops quartered in the German colonies of 
 South Africa. But in other circumstances, the danger and 
 burden of Canada would be infinitely greater. Suppose a war 
 arose to-morrow between Great Britain and the United 
 States: Canada would then bear the brunt of the fight. It 
 would be our duty to resist the attack, even if that war was 
 the result of British policy, as in 1774 and 1812. That work 
 would be greatly facilitated if all Canadians, instead of dis- 
 cussing so much their so-called Imperial obligations, united to 
 perform their national duty by fortifying the harbours and 
 shores of Canada and making of their militia a true body of 
 national defence instead of a recruiting ground for Imperial 
 troops. 
 
 Conclusion 
 
 But in the present conflict, Canada had to consider a 
 broader duty than her 'Imperial' obligations. She had to 
 think of her relations with the world at large. 
 
 The government and parliament having taken the full 
 responsibility of their action, every one ought, for the time 
 being, to consider only the immediate object of our inter- 
 vention: the free and voluntary help given by Canada to 
 Great Britain, France and Belgium. Even if it is thought 
 that the form of that help is not the most proper to reach the 
 object in view, the time has not come to pass judgment or 
 condemnation. 
 
 But to suggest and promote all measures tending to render 
 more effective the action of Canada, and above all to help the 
 country in sustaining the effort, is not only legitimate: it is an 
 imperative duty. This I have endeavoured to do: I do not 
 
 repent ' HENRI BOURASSA
 
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