;itt>'!'fl'' >"'«v,//rj,'/^t.VA/'''" ////// '('. f y'(HL <^ — MiMWlW /y,'/..A„ ./J,',A./.,/^ .■^,,„,/,//y . ,^t THE HISTORY OP THE U N ION BETWEEN England and Scotland^ WITH A COLLECTION op ORIGINAL PAPERS RELATING THERETO. By DANIEL DE FOE. WITH An INTRODUCTION, !N WHICH THE CONSEQUENCES AND PROBABILITY OF A LIKE UNION BETWEEN THIS COUNTRY AND IRELAND ARE CONSIDERED. To which is prefixcdj A LIFE OF DANIEL DE FOE, By GEORGE CHALMERS, F. R. S. S. A LONDON: PRINTED FOR JOHN STOCKDALE, PICCADILLY, 1786. ■■} ^ Jo THE LIFE of De F O E. I T is lamented by thofe who labour the fields of Britifli biography, that after being entangled in briars they are too often rewarded with the Icanry produds of barrennefs. The lives of literary men are generally pafTed in the obfcurities of the clofer, which conceal even from friendly inquiries the artifices of fiudy, where- by each may have rifen to eminence. And during the fame moment that the dili- gent biographer fets out to alk for information, with regard to the modes of life, or peculiarity of charadler belonging to writers who have amufcd, or in- r> flrufted their country, the houfe-kceper, the daughter, or grand-child, that \ knew family traditions, drop into the grave. \ !![' Thefe refiedtions naturally arofe from my inquiries into the life of the Author of The History of the Union of Great Britain. Whether he was born on the neighbouring continent, or in this iQand, in London, or the country, is equally uncertain. And whether his name was Foy, or De Foe, is fomewhaC i'^ doubtful. Like Swift, he had perhaps reafons for concealing what would have ^ added little to his confcqucnce. And, as of B'-uler, nothing more can be cer- tainly told in this refpefl, than that, in whatever opulence he may have lived, he left little behind him. If however we may credit the Gazette, Daniel Foe, or De Foe, as he is faid by his enemies to have called himfelf, that he might not be thought an Englilh- man, was boin in London *, about the year 1663. His family were probably dilTtnters-[-, among whom he received no unlettered education ; at leaft it is plain. * It is at length difcovfred, by fearchiiig T/jc Chamberlairi's books, that oui" Author was the fon of James Foe, of the parifii of Cripplegate, London, Citizca and Butcher; who was hirafelf the fon of Daniel Foe, of Elton, in the county of Northampton, Yeoman. Daniel Foe, the fon of James, who obtained his freedom by ferving his apprenticediip with John Levit, Citizen and Butcher, was admitted to his Frc-cdom by birth, on the 25:h of January, 1687-8. ■f In his Preface to " il/jiv Reformation,'" De Foe complains. That fome diflenters had re- proached him, ai if he had faid, " chat the gallows and the gallies ought to be the penalty of going to the conventicle ; forgetting, that I mufl dcfign tohai-c my father, my ivife,Jix innocent children, and niyfef, put into the fame condition." To fuch diflenters, I can only regret, fays he, "Thatwhea I had drawn the piiJlure, 1 did not, like the Dutchman with bis man and bear, write under them, —This ii the man; and this is the bear." De Fes expiefdy admit-, that he was A dissenter, \.\iO\3^ no independent, ffth monarchy ?ian, cr leveller. [De F, Works, edit. 1703. P- 3^^ — '448.] B from 11 THE LIFE from his various writings, thac he was a zealous defender of their principle?, and a ftrenuous fupporter of their policies, before the h'oerality of our rulers ia church and ftate had freed this conduft from danger. He merits the praife due to fincerity in his manner of thinlul i be glad to fie prop^ifed. It is not the King of England alone, but the Avord of England in liie hand of the King, that gives laws of peace and war now to Europe : and thofc who would thus wrcfl: the fvvord ouc O F De F O E. r of his hand in time of peace, bid the fairell of all men In the world to renew the war." Our Author brings the qiu-nion to a narrow compafs : " Firft, I didinguifh between a great army and a f.-nall anr.y : fv-condly, I diftingDidi between an army kept on foot without the confent of Parliament, and an army with confent of Parliament." He, who is defirous of reading this treatift; on an interefting topic, will meet with great ftrength of argumenr, conveyed in very elegant language. When the nation flamed with fadion, and the men of Kent defired TbeCttn- mons " to mind the public more, and their private heats kfs De Foe publifhed, in 1 701, 'The Original Power of the cclletUvc Body of the People of E;gland ex^ amincd and ajferied, Tiiis tinif-fal treatife he dedicated to King William, in a dignified lliain of nervous eloqut-nre. " It is nut the leaft of the extraordi- naries of your Majcfty's charader," fays he, " that, us you are King of your people, fo you are the people's King. This tide, as it is the mofl glorious, lb is It the-moft indifputabie in the world," To the L :rds and Commons he ad- dreflls himfelf in a fimilar tone: The vindication of the original right of all men to the govenmient of themR-lvts, he tells them, is fo far from being a derogation from, that it is a confirmation of your legal authority. And he con- cludes by dechnng his intention is neither for, nor againft either perfon or party: *' As there is but one intereft in the nation," fays he, " I wiih there were but one party, and that party would adhere to unbiafled juftice, and purfue the ho- nour and intereft of England." Every lover of liberty muft be pleafed with the perufal of a treatife, which vies with Mr. Locke's famous trad in powers of reafoning, and is fuperior to it in fuavity of ftyle. At a time when " union and charity, the one relating to our civil, and the other to our religious concerns, were ftrangers in the land," Dc Foe publilhed, in 1 70 1, 7he Freeholders Pica againjl Stockjobbing EU£Jions of Parliament Men^ This is certainly a very perfuafive performance, though, doubtlels, many voters were then influenced by arguments dill more perfuafive. " It is very rational to fuppoff," fays our Author, " that they -who will buy will fell -, or, what feems. more rational, they who have bought mufl ftU. For this feems to be a plain con- fequencCj That he who makes ufe of any clandeftine method to get into the Houfe cf Commons, nniSi have June clandelfine defigns to carry on when he is there" After all, he concludes, that whoever foment the divifions of the nation, put their hands to the nation's ruin : and he therefore recommends it to every honeft Englifli man to ftudy peace, and to purfue it by all proper methods, as nothing, can make us formidable to our neighbours, and maintain the reputation of our nation, but union among ourfelves» How murh foever King WiDiara may liave been pleafed vvith The True-born Englifhmav, he was moft probably little gratified by our Author's Reafons againft « War with France. This argunaent, Jloswing that the French King's owning tk? M THE LIFE (be Prince cf Wales as King of England is no fufficient ground cf a war^ is one of the finert, becaufe it is one of the mod ufcful, tiaCts in the Englifh language. Afier remarking the univerfal cry tes in it, that might have {litwn conliderate men, how niuch the Author had been in jelh He complains how hard it was, that this Jhould not have been perceived by all the town, and that not one mrji can fee it, cither church- man cr d^ffenier. This is, one of the ftrongeft proofs, how much the minds of men were inflamed agiinrt: each other, and how litde the virtues of mutual for- bearance and perfonai kindnefs cxifted amid the clamour of contridiclion, which then ihook the kingdom, and gave rife to fomeof the moft retnaikable events in our annals. During the previous twenty years of his life, De Foe had bufied himfelf uncon- fcioufiy in charging a mine, which now blew himfelf and family into air. He had fought for Monmouth; he had oppcied King J.)rncs ; he had vindicated The Revolution \ he hid panegyrized King William ; he had defended the rights of the colledive body of the people •, he had difplcafed the I'reafurer and the General, by objefting to the Flanders war ; he had bantered Sir Edward Sey- mour and Sir Chriitopher Mofgrave, the Tory-leaders of the Commons ; he had juft ridiculed all the high-flyers in tlieking'om: and he was obliged to feek for flieker from the indignation of pcrfons and parties, thus overpowering; and refiftlefs. A proclamation was iflfued, in January, 1)02-3*, offering a reward of fifty pounds for difcovering his retreat. He was defcribed -j- by the Gazette — " as a middle-fized fpare man, about forty years old, of a brown complexion and dark- * He who is defirous of reading the proclamation, may be gratified by the following copy: St, James's, Jan. lo, 170^-3. Whereas Daniel De Foe, alia: De Fooe, is charged with writing a fcandalous and feditious pam- phlet, entitled, " The fhorteft Way with the Diffenters ;" he is a middle-fized fpare inan, about 40 years old, of a brown complexion, and d^ik-b.own coloured hair, but wears a wig, a honked nofe, a lliarp chin, grey eyes," and a large mold near his mouth, w.ts born in London, and for many ycais was a hofeifaflor, in Freeman's-yard, in Cornhilt, and now is owner of the brick and pantile vvoiks ne.ir Tilbury Fort, in Efltx : whoever ilial! difcover the faid Daniel De Foe, to one of her Majelly's Principal Secretaries of State, or any of hsi Majeil/'s Jui'tices of Peace, fo as he may be apprehended, fhall have a reward of j^.50, which her Majefty has ordered immediately to be paiii vpon fuch difcoveiy. Lond. Gaz. No. 3?79. •^ We may prefutne, that when the pldure of De Foe was d awn, from which the print annexed to THIS wo»K was Cflg^raved, he had growu with years bulkier ia his perfoDjSnd fuller in the face-. brown VUl THE LIFE brown hair, though he wears a wig, having a hook nofe, a fliarp chin, grey eyes, and a large mole near his mouch." Hefoon pub!i(hed Jn Explanation ; though he «* wonders to find there fhould be any occafion for it." " But fmce ignorance," fays he, " has led moft men to a cenfure of the book, and fome people are like to come under the dif- pleafure of the Government for it ; in jurtice to thofe who are in danger to fuffer by it ; in fubmiffion to the Parliament and Council who may be offended at it ; and courtefie to all miftaken people, who, it feems, have not penetrated into the real defign -, the Author prefents the world with the genuine meaning of the paper, which he hopes may allay the anger of Government, or at lead fatisfy the minds of fuch as imagine a defign to inflame and divide us :" and protefting the honefty of his purpofe, he refolved, if the people now in trouble micrht be excufed, to throw himfelf upon the favour of Government, rather than others fliould be ruined for his miftakes. Neither his fubmiffivenefs to the ruling powers, nor his generofity with regard to his printers, was a fufficient ftield from the refentment of his enemies. He was found guilty of a libel, fentenced to the pillory, and adjudged to be fined and imprifoned. When by thefe means, immured m Newgate, our author confoled himfelf with the animating refledion, that having meant well he unjuftly fuffered. He had a mind too adtive to be idle in the f jlitude of a prifon, which is feldom invaded by vifitors. And he wrote a hymn to the pillory, that — Hieroglyphick ftate machin. Contrived to punifli fancy in. In this ode the reader will find faiire, pointed by his fuffcrings, generous fenti- ments, arifing from his fituation, and an unexpeded flow of eafy verfe. For example : The firft intent of laws Was to correal the efFeft, and check the caufe ; And all the ends of punifhment Were only future mifchiefs to prevent : But judice is inverted, when Thofe engines of the law, Inftead of pinching vicious men. Keep honed ones in awe; Tliy bufinefs i?, as all men know, To punifli villains, not to make men ^o. He employed this involuntary Icifure in correcting for the prefs a colleftion of his writings, which, wiih Jeveral things he had no hand in, had been already printed by a piratical printer. He thouglu it a moft unaccountable boKlnef, in him to print tiiat particular bjok called The portejl IFay with the DiJJ'entas, while he lay under ihe public rtfchtment for the fame fa£l. *' And tliough," con- OF De F O E. ]X continued he, " the Government indeed may punifh one criminal, and let another go free ; yet, it fecms a little hard, that 1 (hould fiiffcr for printing a bock, and another print it in the face of the Government to get money by it." In this colleftion of 1703 there are one and twenty treatifes ii) poetry and profe, begin- ning with Ihe True-born Engti/hman, and ending with The Shortejt Way to Peace and Union. While thus confined and thus occupied, our Author "made no reflcflionson the treatment he met with froui the people he luffcred for, or how he was abandoned, even in his fufFcrings, at the fame time that they acknowledged the fcrvice it had been to their caufe." With all his acutcnels of underllandino- and knowledge of life, De Foe did not advert, that a party never proteds the perfon, who does not go all lengths with party. Addifon and Steele knew how to ufe this fecret blotter. While, as our Author tells, he lay friendlefs and diftrefled in the prifon of Newgate, his family ruined, and himfdf without hopes of deliverance, a meflao-e was brought him from a peifon of honour, whom till that time he had not the leafl knowledge of. This was no lefs a perfon than Sir Robert flarley, the Speaker of the Houfe of Commons, who was foon made Secretary of State, and who afterwards became Lord Treafurer and Earl of Oxford. Harley approved probably of the principles and condu(51; of De Foe, and doubtlefs forefaw, that, during a fadlious age, kich a genius could be converted to many ufes. And he fent a verbal mefilige to the prifoner, defiring to know what he could do fir hirn. Our Author readily wrote the ftory of the blind man in the Gofpel, concluding : - — Lord, that I may receive my fight. When tht high-flyers were driven fron'i the eminence which enabled them to do mifchief rather than good, Harley became Secretary of State, iniyc^. He had now frequent opportunities of reprefcnting the unmerited fuffcrincrs of De Foe, to the ^leen and to the Treafurer. Yet, our Author continued four months longer in gaol. The Queen, however, inquired into his circumftances, and Lord Godolphin fent, as he thankfully acknowledges, a confiderable fum to his wife and family, and to him money to pay his fine and the expence of his difchar^e. Here is the foundation, fays he, on which he built his firfl: fenfe of duty to the Queen, and the indelible bond of gratitude to Wisfirji benefa£ior. Gratitude and fidelity are infeparable from an honeft man. *' Let any one fay then," he aflcs, " what I could have done lefs, or more, than I have done for fuch a Queen and fach a benefacftor ?" All this he manfully avowed to the v/orld *, when Qiiecn Anne lay lifelefs and cold as King William, his firft patron, and when Oxford, in the viciffitude of party, had been perfecuted by faftion, and overpowered, though not conquered, by violence. * By his Appeal, in 17 15. C To IE THE LIFE To be relieved from gaol, nuifl: have been a circumilance fjfRcientiy pleafing : bur, to b; employed by fuch minifters, to be approved of, and rewarded, and employed again, while his old enemies the high-flyers were in difgrace, muft have been extremely flattering to a mind at once ardent and grateful. That he was engaged in feveral honourable, though fecret fervices, by the inrerpofit'on of his firft benefaflor -, that he was fcnt abroad, and ran perfonal rifques equal to thofe of a grenadier on the counterfcarp, he himfelf aflurrs us : but of the bufinefs, which our Author did not think fit to explain, no knowledge can now be gained from the filence of the grave. He found leifure, however, to publifh, in 1 705, A Seeond Volume of the Writings ef the Author of the 1 rue-born Englifhman. The fame reafons which formerly in- duced him xo colle5l feme lo-fe pieces, held good, fays he, for proceeding to a fecond volume, " that if I do not, fomebody elfe will do it for me." He laments the fcandalous liberty of the prefs ; whereby piratic printers deprive an author of the native produfl of his own thought, and the purity of his own flyle. It was in vain, he declared, to exclaim at the villainy of thefc pradtice?, while no law is left to punifh them. The prefs, faid he, is in a ftreight between two mifciniefs : ift. The tyranny of a licenfer, which has been in all ages a method, fo ill, fo arbitrary, and fo fubjeded to bribery and parties, that it amounts to (hutting up the prefs to one fide, and opening it to the other; adly, The unbridled liberty of invading each other's property ; which is the evil the prefs now cries for help in. As a remedy for all thefe, our Author propoftd, i!l. That every author let his name to what he writes, or that every printer or publifhtr be deemed the author ; 2dly, That no man (hall print another mian's copy ; or, in Englifh, that no printer or bookfeller^a// rob another man's houfe. It is faid, though perhaps without fufRcient authority, that the vigorous remonfirances of Dc Foe procured The * Ail for the encouragement of learning, by vefling thj copies of printed books in the authors or their ajpgns. The vanity of an Adminiftration, which affeded to patronize the learned, concurring with the mutual interefl: of authors and bookfellers, produced at length this falutary law, that our Author alone had called for without fuccefs. De Fee's writings, thus colle£led into volumes, were foon a third time printed, with the addition of a key. The fatirc being now pointed by the fpecification of charaifters, and obfcurities being illuminated by the annexation of circum- flances, a numerous clafs of readers were induced, by their zeal of party, or defire of fcandal, to lock for gratification from our Author's tradts. He is ftudi- 0U3 to complain. That his writings had been moji neglelied of them, -who at the fame time have owned them ufeful. The fecond volume of 1705 begins with A new Difcovery of an old Intrigue, and ends with Royal Religion. • 9 An. ch. 19. This OF De F O E. XI This writer's fruitfulnefs produced, in 1706, 'Jure Dhino, which had been, during fome time, delayed, for /ear, as he declares, of parliamentary cenfure. Of this poem it cannot be faid, as of Thomfon's Liberty, that // was written to prsve what no man ever denied. This fatire, fays the preface, had never been publiflied, though fome of it has been a long time in being, had not the woild feemed to be going mad a fccond time with the error oi' pajfive obedience, and tion-rejijlance. He believes himiclf in no danger of being thought a Jacobite^ whatever he was afterwards. He is rather apprehenfive, that his low-fl.ing ftiould appear as if it carried him too nfcar the quagmire of republicanilni. And becaufe fome men require, fays he, more explicit anfwers, I declare my belief, that a monarchy, according to the prefent confticution, limited by Parlia- ment, and dependent upon law, is not only the beft government in the world, but alfo the beft fur this natiori in particular, mod fuitable to the genius if the people, and the circumjlances of the whole body : A commonwealth can never luit a nation where there is fo illuHrious a nobility and fo numereus a gentry ; whole emulations, factions, and parties, are apt to be too turbulent for fuch a govern- ment. Dryden had given an example, a few years before, of argumentative poetry in his Hind and Panther; by which he endeavoured to defend the tenets of the Church of Rome. Our Author now reafoned in rhyme, through tizelve boc/:s, in defence of every man's birth-right by nature, when all forts of liberty were run down and oppofed. His purpofe is doubtlefs honefter than Dryden's ; and his argument, being in fupport of the better caufe^ is perhaps fuperior in ftrength : but in Ihe Jure Divino we look in vain for The varying verfe, the full-refounding line. The long majeftic march, and energy divine. As an example, read what he fays of the foundation of authority : Society to regulation tends, As naturally as means purfue their ends. The wit of man could never yet invent A way of life without a government: Subordination is the foul of law, And rules of life to rules of living will draw. What need had power to prefcribe the man. Let him go on without it if he can. In the publication of this poem, he was obliged to confider circumftances, as there are fome truths which do not fuit all times. He fupprtfled a lecond volume on the fame fuhjeft, of which he declares, in the languige of tjie Apoftle in another cafe, / have many things to fay j ht you cannot bear them C a now xii THE LIFE now. He who reads the "Jure Bivino, will probably think, that the world fuf- tained no very confiderable lofs by this previous fuppreffion. In the tranquil freedom of the prefent day, when compared with the facflious turbulence of the reign of Anne, we are only aftoniflied, that an author fliould have been fearful of popular odium, and even of parliamentary cenfure, when writing in defence of every man's birlh-rigkt. Our Author was foon after engaged in more important, becaufe much more ufeful, bufinefs. Lord Godolphin fent him to Scotland, on an errand which, as he fays, was far from being unfit for a fovereign to direft, or an honeft man to perform. His knowledge of commerce and revenue, his powers of infinuation, and, above all, his readinefs of pen, were deemed of no fmall utility, in pro- moting The Union. And we fliall find him no incondderable ador in the per- formance of that greateft of all good works. He attended the committees of Parliament, for whofe ufe he made feveral of the calculations * on the fubjeft of trade and taxes. He complains -f-, however, that wlien afterwards fomc clamour was raifed upon the inequality cf the proportions, and the contrivers began to be blamed, and a little threatened a-la-mob, then it was D. F. X made it all, and he was to be ftoned for it. He endeavoured to confute^ all that was pub- liflied by the popular writers in Scotland againft the Union : and he had his fhare of danger, and, as he fay?, he was watched by the mob, in order to know where to find him; had his chamber windows infultcd -, but,, by the prudence of his friends, and God's providence, he efcaped ||. In the n-iidft of this great fcene of bufinefs and tumult, he coUefted the documents, which he afterwards- publiflied for the inftrudion of pofterity, with regard to one of the moft difR^ cult, and, at the fame time, the moft fortunate tranfadions in our annals. How he was rewfrded for all thefc fervices, and all this rifque, he does not tell ; and cannot now be eafily known. He already enjoyed an appointment,, which had been formerly made in confideration of a fpecial fervice of no fmall danger ; yet is there reafon to think, that he had a pen/iun rather than an office, fince his name is not in the red-hook of the Qi^een -,, and he folemnly avers, in his /jppeal, that he had not intereft enough with Lord Oxford to procure him the arrears due to him in the time t/ the former Miniffry. This appointment, what- ever it v/as, he is ftudious to tell, he originally owed to Harley : he, however,, thankfully acknowledges, that Lord Godolphin continued his favour to him * See liis Hiftory of the Union, j). 401. f Ibid. p. 379. J Daniel Foe. He had two names through life ; and even when letters of adminiftration were granted on hie perfonal eflate, fome time after his death, Dc Foe is added with an cthcrwife. Wc might thence infer, that his father's name was Foe, if we had not now better evidence of the fall. % Ibid. 221. \\ Ibid. 239. after OF De F O E. xiil after the unhappy breach that feparated his firft benefador from the Minifter, who for three years continued in power. > The nation, which was thus filled with combuflible matter, burfl into flame, the moment of that memorable feparation, in 1707. In the midft of tliis confla- gration our Author was not inatlive. He waited on Harley, after he had been driven from power, who generoufly advifed him to continue his fervices to the ^een, which he Juppofed would have no relation to perjonal differences among fiaief- men. Godolphin received him with equal kindnefs, by faying, — I always think a man honen till I find to the contrary. And if we may credit De P'oe's aflevera- tions, in the prefence of thofe who could have convicted him of falfehood, he for three years held nt correfpondence with his principal benefaSfor, which the great man never took ill of him. When Godolphin was in his turn expelled, our Author in the fame manner waited on the ex-minifter ; who obligingly f;iid to h\m. That he had tje fame good %vill, but not the fame power to afftfi him : and Godolphin told him, what was of more real ufe, to zvait till he faw things fettled, and then to receive the ^leen's commands from her confidential fervants. It naturally occuired to De Foe, that it was his duty to go along v/ith every Miniftry, while, as he fjys, they did not break in on the conftitution. And who can blame a very fubordinate officer, (if indeed he held an office,) who had a wife and fix children to main- tain with very fcanty means ? He was thus, fays he, caft back providentially OR hia firft bcnefidlor, who laid his cafe before her Majelly, whereby he pre~ ferved his intereft, without any engagement.. De Foe now lived at Newington, in comfortable circumftances, preparing fome works for the prefs, and publifliing 1 he Reviews : in this fuuation he gave and received n-.any wounds, during ihs pen and ink war of that contentious^ period.. And even before the memorable change of the Miniilry in 17 jo, he entered into a truce of honour with Mr.. J.. Dyer, who was engaged in fimilar occupations, that, however they might clafh in party, they may write without per- fonal refledtions, and thus differ ftill, and yet preferve the Chrillian and the gentleman*. But between profeffed controvercills fuch a treaty could only b& perfevered in with Punic faith,. Our * The following letter to Mr. j.Dycr, in Shoe-lane, who was then employee], by theleaders- of the Tories, in circulating news and infmuarions through the couir.ry. will fliew the literary manners of thofe times, and convey fome anecdotes, which are no where tlfe prcferved. The original letter is in the Mufeum, Harl. MSS. No. 7001. fol. 269.. Mr. Dyer, 1 have your letter. I am rather glad to find you put it upon the tryal who was agrre.Tor, than, juftify a thing wh-ch I am fuie you cannot appfove j.and in this I aiTure you \ am far f«jm in-juring, you,, and refer you to the time when long fince you had wrote / imt fed from jufilce : one Sann rjon. XIV THE LIFE Our Author found leifure at length to republifh, in 1712*, a Hiftory of the. Union, which, as he fays, lay longer in the prefs than he expefted -, and which is now publiilied a third time, when a fimilar Union has become the topic of public debate and private converfation. It feems to have been little noticed when it firfl; appeared : for as the preface ftates, it had many difficulties in the way ; many fadions to encounter, and parties to pleafe. The fubjecH; of this work is the completion of a meafure, wliich was carried into effed:, notwithftanding obftrucbions apparently inl'urmountable, and tumults approaching to rebellion j and which has produced the ends dtfigned, beyond expcftation, whether we confider its influence on the Government, or on the happinefs of the governed. The language of this narrative, if it wants the dignity of the great hiftorians mon heing taken up for printing a lihcl, and I being then on a journey, nor the lead cliarge againft me for being concerned in it by any body but your letter: — alfo many unkind perfonal reiledions on me in your letter, nxibcn I 'was in Scotland, on the affair of the Union, and I aflure you ivhen my paper had not in the leaft mentioned you, and thofe I refer to time and date for the proof of. I mention this only in defence of my lafl letter, in which I faid no more of it than to let you fee I did not merit fuch treatment, and could neverthelefs be content to render any fervice to you, tho' I thou£ht myftlf hardly ufed. But to (late the matter fairly between you and I, a ivriting for differing intrejls, and fo poffibly coming under an unavoidable neceflity of jarring in feveral cafes : I am ready to make a fair truce of honour with you, (viz.) that if what either party are doing, or faying, that may clafli with the party we arc for and urge us to fpeak, it (hall be done without naming either's name, and without perfonal rcfleflions ; and thus we mny differ ftill, and yet pteferve both the chriflian and the gentle- man. This I think is an offer may fatisfy you. I have not been defiroiis of giving juft offence to you, neither would I to any man, however I may differ from him ; and I fee no reafju why 1 (hould affront a man's perfon, bccaufe I do not join with him in principle. I pleafe myfelf wiih being the firfl propofer of fo fair a treaty with you, bscaufe I believe, as you cannot deny its being very honourable, fo it is not lefs fo in coming fiill from me, who I believe could convince you of my havinc been the firll and the moll ill treated — for further proof of which I refer you to your letters, Mt the time Iiuas threatened by the Envoy of the King of Stxieden. However, Mr. Dyer, this is a method which may end what is pad, and prevent what is future; and if refufed, the future part I am fure cannot lye at my door. As to your letter, jourpropofal is fo agreeable to me, that truly without it I could not have taken the thing at all ; for it vujuld have been a trouble intoUerable both to you as well as me, to take your letter cvety port, fi.'ll from you, p.nd then fend it to the pod houfe. Your method of fending to the black box, is jud what I defigned to propofe, and Mr. Shaw will doubtlefs tale it of you : if you think it needful for me to fpeak to him, it (hall be done— what I want to know is only the charge, and that you will order it conllantly to be fen t, upon hinting whereof I (hall fend you the names Wifliing you fuccefs in all \h\Rgi {jour opinions of Gofonmcnt cxecptcd) lam. Your humble fervant, Newington, June 17, 1710. Dc Foe. * The fird edition was publilhed in 1709. of OF De F O E. xr of the prefent diy, has greater fweetnefs; if it is not fometimes grammatical, it is always precifc; and if it is thought deftdive in ftrength, it mufl be allowed to poflefs in a high degree an eafy flow of entertaining periods. Con- fidering tlie factioiilntfs of the age, the Author's candour is admirable. He is at o.icc learned and intelligent. And the minutenefs with which he dcfcribcs what he faw and heard o.i the turbulent ftage, where he afted a confpicuous partj is extreaieiy interefting to us, who witli to know what aflually paflTcd, however this circumftantiality may have difguftcd contemporaneous readers. Hiftory is chiefly valuable, as it tranfmits a faithful copy of the manners and fentimenis of every age. This narrative of De Foe is a drama, in which he introduces the higheft peers and the lowtfl: peafants, fpeaking and ading, according as they were each actuated by their charadteriflric pafllons-, and while the man cf tafte is amufed bv his manner, the man of bufincfs may draw in- ftrudlion from the documents, which are appended to the tnd^ and interfperfed in every page. From this publication, which had alone prefcrved his name, had his Crufos entertained us Icfs, our Author was foon drawn to other lucubrations. To efl:ablifli a peace after a glorious war, is one of the hardcfl: tan^cution to the malice of his enemies, who were numerous and powerful. No incon/iderabie people were heard to fay, that they knew the books were againft the Pretender, but that De Foe had difobliged them in other things, and they refolved 10 take this advantage to punifh him. This ftory is. the more credible, as he had procured good evidence to ^^owt the faSfy had the trial come on. He was promp'cd by confcioufnefs of innocence to difend himfdf in prints pending the profecution ; which offended the judges, who feeni to have been fomewhat infcded with the violent fpirit of the times. But, it was happy for our author, that his fir^ benefaSlor was ftill in powrr,. who procured him the Queen's pardon, in December 1713, This acl of liberal juftiee was- produced by the party-vvriter£-i~ of thofe bla(.k and bitter d^ys, as an additional proof of Lord Oxford's attachment to the abdicated family •, while De Foe was faid to be conviifted of abfolutc Jacobitlfm, contrary to the tenor of his life, and the purpofe of his writings. He himfelf faid farcaftically, that they might as well have made him a Mahometan. On his tomb-ftone it might have been engraved. That he was the firft Englilhrnan, who had been obliged to afk a royal pardon, for writing in favour of the Hanover fuccefTion. " No fooner was the Queen dead," fays he, " and the King, as right re- quired, proclaimed, but the rage of men encreafed upon me to that degree, that the threats and infults were fuch as I am unable to exprefs. Though I have ■written nothing fince the Queen's death ; yet, a great many things are called ■* The pamphlet? mentioned in tlie text, were filled with palpable banter. He recommend* the rretendtr, by laying, That the Prince ivouht confer en every one the pri-vitegc of luearing '-.vooJiti Jl/oeiy and at the fame time eafe the nobility and gentry of the haxaril and cxfcnct of winter journits ti> Parliament. t See Boyer's Poiiiical State, &c OF De F O E. XIX by my name, and I bear the anfwerers infults. I have not fecn or fpoken with the Earl of Oxford," continues he, " fince the King's landing, but once; yet, he bears the reproach of my writing for him, and I the rage of men for doing it." He appears indeed to have been, at that noify period, flunned by factious clamour, and overborne, though not fubdued, by unmerited obloquy. He probably loft his original appointment, when his firll; benefador was finally expelltd. In- flead of meeting with reward for his zealous fervices in fupport of the Proteftant fuccefllon, he was on the acceflion of George I. difcountenanced by thofe who had derived a benefit from his pen. And of Addifon, who was now exalted into office, and enjoyed literary patronage, our Author had faid, in his Double WeU come to the Duke of Marlborough — Meecetias has his modern fancy ftrung. And fixed his penfion firft, or he had never fung. "While thus infulted by enemies, and difcountenanced by power, our Author publiHied his Appeal to Honour and Jujiice, in 17 15; being a true Account of his Condii3f in public Affairs. As a motive for this intrepid meafure, he afffdingiy fays. That, " by the hints of mortality and the infirmities of a life of lorrow and fatigue, 1 have reafon to think, that I am very near to the great ocean of eternity, and the time may not be long ere I embark on the laft voyage : where- fore, I think I (hould even accounts with this world before I go, that no flanders may lye againft my heirs, to difturb them in the peaceable poflefilon of their father's inheritance, his cliarafter." It is a 'circumftance perhaps unexampled in the life of any other writer, that before he could finifh his Appeal, he was ftruck with an apoplexy. After languifhing more than fix weeks, neither able to goon, nor likely to recover, his friends thought fit to delay the publication no longer. " It is the opinion of mofl who know him," fays Baker, the publiOier, "that the treatment which he here complains of, and others of which he would have fpoken, have been the caufe of this difalter." When the anient mind of De Foe reflefted on what he had done, and what he had fuftered, how he iiad been rewarded and perfecuted, his aged heart melted in defpair. Whoever reads his Appeal will meet with paflfages of great vigour, and paragraphs of equal weaknefs. His fpirit, like a candle ftruggling in the focket, blazed and funk, and blazed and funk, till it difappeared at length in darknefs. While his ftrength remained, he expoflulated with his adverfaries, in the fol- lowing terms of great manlinefs, and inftruftive intelligence : — " It has been the difafter of all parties in this nation, to be very hot in their turn, and as often as they have been fo, I have differed with them all, and ever muft, and fhall do fo. I'll repeat fome of the occafions on the Whig fide, becaufe from that quarter the accufation of my turning about comes. " Thefirfl time I had the misfortune to differ with my friends, was about the year 1683, when the Turks were befieging Vienna, and the Whigs in Eilgland, D z generjlly XX THE LIFE genci-jlly fcejk'.ng, were for the Turks taking it; which I, having read the hi;lory of the cruelty and perfidious dealings of the Turks in their wars, and how they had rooted out the name of the Chriftian religion in above threefcore and ten kingdoms, could by no means agree with ; and though then but a young man, and a younger author, I oppofed it, ani wro:e agaiuft it ; which was taken very unkindly indeed. " The next litnj 1 differed with my friends, was when King James was wheedling the Diflenters to take off the penal laws and ttft, which I could by no means come into. And as in the firif I ufed to fay, I had rather the Popifh Houfe of Auflrii fhould ruin the Proteftants in Hungaria, than the Infidel Houfe of Ottoman (hould ruin both Proteftant and Papift, by overrunning. Germany ; fo in the other, I told the Diflenters, I had rather the Church of England fliould pull our clothes off, by fines and forfeitures, than the Papifts fiiQuld fall both upon the Church and the Diflenters, and pull our fis.ins off, by fire and faggot. *' Tbe next difference I had with good men, was about the fcandalous pradlice of occafiOuul conformity, in which I had the misfortune to make many honefl: men angry, rather becaui'e I had the better of the argument, than becaufe they difliked what I faid. " And now I have lived to fee the Diffenters themfelves very quiet, if not very well pleafed with an ad of Parliament to prevent it. Their friends indeed laid it on ; they v.'ould be friends indeed, if they would talk of taking it off again. " /Igain, I had a breach with honeft men for their male-treating King Wil- liam ; of which I fay nothing : becaufe, I think, they are now opening their eyes, and making what amends they can to his memory. " The fifth dfference I had with them, was about the treaty of partition, in- which many honelt men were miftaken, and in which I told them plainly then, that they would at laft end the war upon worfe terms ; and fo it is my opinion they would have done, though the treaty of Gertruydenburgh had taken place. " The fixlb time I differed with them, was when the old Whigs fell out with the modern Whigs ; and when the Duke of Marlborough and my Lord Godolphia were ufed by the Obfervator in a manner worfe, I confcfs, for the time it lafted^ than ever they were ufed fince; nay, though it were by Abel and the Examiner : but the fuccefs failed. In this difpute my Lord Godolphin did me the honour tOi tell me, I had ferved him and his Grace alio, both faithfully and fuccefsfully. But his Lordfliip is dead, and I have now no tellimony of it, but what is to be found in the Obfervator, where I am plentifully abufcd for being an enemy ta my country, by a(fling in the intereft of my Lord Godolphin and the Duke o£ Marlborough. What weathercock can turn with fuch tempers as thefe ! OF De F O E. xxi *' I am now in the fevenlh breach with thern^ and my crime now i:, llut I will not believe and fay the fame things of the Q«een, aud tlic late Trcafurer, whicli I could not believe before of my Lord Godolphin and the Duke of Marlbo- rough, and which in truth I cannot believe, and therefore could not fay it of either of them ; and which, if I had believed, yet I ought not to have been the man that fliould have laid ir, for the reafons aforefaicL " In fuch turns of tempers and times a man mult have been ten-fold a Vicar of Bray, or it is impofilble but he muftone time or other be out with every body. This is my prelent condition, and fcr this I am. reviled with having abandoned my principles, turned Jacobite, and what not :. God judge between me and thcfii men I Would they come to any particulars with me, what real guilt I may have, I would freely acknowledge; and if they would, produce any evidence, of. the bribes, the penfions, and the rewards 1 have taken, I would declare honeftly,. whether they were true or no. If they would give a lift of the books which they, charge me with, and the reafons why they lay tl^em at my door, ! vvould acknow- ledge any miftake; own what I have done-, and let them know what I have not- done. But thefe men neither fiiew mercy, nor leave room for repentance, iiv which they ad not only unlike their !Maker, but contrary to his exprefs com- mands *." With the fame independence of fpirit, but with greater modefty of manner,, our Author openly difapproved of the intemperance, which v/as adopted by Government, in 1714, contrary to the original purpofe of George I. " It is* and ever was my opinion," fays De Foe, in his- Appeal, "■ that moderation is the only virtue by viihich the tranquillity of this nation can be preferved; and everi- the King himfelf (1 believe his Majefty will allow me that freedom) can only, be happy in the enjoyment of the crown, by a moderate adminillration : if he. fhould be obliged, contrary to his known difpofition, to join with intemperate, councils, if it does not lelTen his fecurity, I am perfuaded, it will leflVn his. fatisfaiflion. To attain at the happy calm, which is the confideration that fhould. move us all, (and he would merit to be called the nation's phyfician, who could prefcribe the fpecific for it,). I think I may be allowed to fay : a conquel} of parlies. * The mofl folema .ifleverations, and the moft un^nfwerable arguments of our Author, were not, after all, btlieved. When Mr. Charles King re|)ublifhed, a few years afterwards, Ihe.BritlJJr Merchant, he without a fcruple attributed The Mercator to a hireling writer of a weekly paper' called The Revie-M. And Anderfon, at a Hill later period, goes further in his Chronology of< Gommerce,. and names De Foe, as the hireling writer of The Mercator and other papers in favour of the Fiench treaty of trade. We can now judge with iha impartiality of arbitrators : on the one- hand, there are the death-bed declaration and living challenge of De Foe ; on the other, the mere furmife and unauthorized alfertion of King, Anderfon, and others. It is furely time to free our- ielves from prejudices of every kind,, and to difregard the found of names a nnwch as the falfehoods. of party. willn xxii THE LIFE will neve f do it ; a balance of parties may.'" Such was the political teftament of De Foe; which, it had been happy for Britain, had ic been as faithfully ex- ecuted, as it was wifely made. The year 1715 may be regarded as the period of our Author's political life. Fadion henceforth found other advocates, and parties procured other writers to dilTcminate their fuggeftions, or to propagate their falfehoods. De Foe now lived, difcountenanced and diftrefled, at Newington, and comforted only by a wife, whom he loved, and by fix children, whom he had taken great pains to educate. In this retirement he is fuppofed to have written the well-known Life and furprijing Adventures of Rohinfon Crufoe; the firft part of which was publifhed in 17 19, and the fecond before the end of the year. The reception of it was po- pular, and the fale was great: for the ftory, fays the preface, " was told with modefty and ferioufncfs, and with religious application of events to the ufes, to which wife men always apply them ; the inftrudtion of others, by example, and the juflification of Providence in all the different circumftances, during the fufFcrings of this world." The attention is fixed either by the fimplicity of the narrative, or by the variety of the incidents ; the heart is amended by a vindication of the ways of God to man, and the underftanding is informtfd by various inftances of the fuperiority of the ufeful over the ornamental arts : the young are inftrucfted, while the old are amufed. Robinfon Crufoe had fcarcely drawn his canoe afhore, when he was attacked by his old enemies, the favages. He was aflailed firll by Ihe Life and Jlrange adventures of Mr. D De F — , of London, bofier ; who has lived above fifty years by him f elf, in the kingdoms of North and Souih Britain. In a dull dialogue between him, Crufoe, and his man Friday, our Author's life is here lampooned, and his misfortunes ridiculed. But he who had been ftruck by apoplexy, and who was now difcountenanced by power, and enchained by penury, was no fit objeft of an Engliflman's fatire. Our Author declares when he was himfelf a writer cf fatiric poetry, "that he never reproached any man for his private infirmities, for having his houfe burnt, his fhip.s cafl: away, or his family ruined; nor had he ever lampooned any one, becaufe he could not pay. his debts, or dif- fered in judgment from him." Pope has been juflly cenfured for puifuing a vein of fatire extremely difllmilar. And Pope placed De Foe in the fame diftich with Tutchen, in -1 he Dunciad, when our Author's age and infirmities were greater and his comforts Icfs. He was aflfaulted, fecondly, in 1719, by An Epinle to D De F-e, the reputed Author of Robinfn Crufoe. " Mr. Fje," fays the leucr-writer, " I have perufcd your pleafant ftory of Robinfon Crufoe; and if the faults of it had extended no further than the frequent folecifms, loofenefs, and incorrednefs of ftyle, improbabilities, and fometimes impofTibilities, I had not given you the trouble of this Epillle." This critic, who renewed Ms angry attack, when the fecond volume appeared, has all the dulnefs. OF De F O E. xxiir dulnen:, withcfut the acumen, of Denni?, and all his n-ialiguiiy, without hir intentions of reformation. 'The Life of Crujoe has paflcd through fevtntcen editions, and has been tranllated into other languages, while the criticifm dropped into oblivion. How De Foe employed his latter years, it is now impoffible to know. If he publiflied The Family htjtrucior and The Plan of Cammerce, with other fmaller irad;s, which are attributed to him, it may be (ruly affirmed, that his old age was ufefully I'pent. He died, in Apiil 173 i, within the parilh of St. Giles's,. Cripplegate, London, at an age, if he was born in 1663, when it was time to prepare for bis laft voyage. He left a widow, Sufannah, who did not long furvive him v and fix fens and daughters, whom he boafts of having educated as well as his circumftances would admit. His Ion Daniel is faid to have emi- grated to Carolina : of Benjamin, his fecond fon, no account can be given. His daugluer Sophia's beauty married, her to Mr. Henry Baker, the refpedlable author of fome valuable treatifcs on natural hiftory,. whofc collef^tions were fold by Pacer- fon» in March 1775. His daughter Maria married one Langley. But, Hannah and Henrietta probably died unmarried, fince they were heirclTes only of a name,, which did not recommend them. De Foe probably died infolvent •, for, letters of adminiftration on his goods and chattels were granted to Mary Brooke, widow^. a crtditrix, in September 1733, after fummoning in official form the next of kin to appear *. — Of his petty habits it is now impoffible to tell more than he has thus told himfelf-j-: "God, I thank thee, I am not a drunkard, or a fwearer^ or a whore-mafter, or a bufie-body, or idle, or revengeful-, and though this be true, and I challenge all the world to prove the contrary, yet, 1 muft own I fee fmall latisfadion in all the negatives of common virtues •, for though I have not been guilty of any of thefe vices, nor of many more, I have nothing to^ infer from thence, but Te Deum laudamus.'" He fays himfelf— ConfelTion will anticipate reproach, He that reviles us then, reviles too mucli : All fatire ceafes, when the men repent ; 'Tis cruelty to lalh the penitent. It is no eafy taflc to afcertain the value, or the titles of many of our Author's writing", if we except thole which he correcTted himfelf and publiflied in his life- time. His poems, whether we regard propriety of ientimcnr, or fweetnefs of numbers,, may without much lofs of pleafure, or profit, be refigned to thofe, *■ The above-mentioned particulars w«re difcov«red by feaiching ibe-boofes acDodors Commons*. f. In the preface to &V Rffarmation* whoj. 3(X1V THE LIFE, ice. who, in imitation of Pope, poach in the fields of obfolete poetry for brilliant thoughts, felicities of phrafe, or for happy rhymes. De Foe's ecclcfiaftical pamphlets may be relinquifhed to the perufal of ihofe who delight in ecclcfiafti- cal polemics. Bur, his tracts, political and commercial, the lovers of that liberty, which he ably defended, and the friends of that trade, which he liberally explained, muft wifli to fee refcued from oblivion, and republifhed without the contamination of matter, lefs engaging and inftruftive. Dryden and his Contem- poraries had brought Dedications into difgrace by the fulfomcnefs of their flattery and the fervility of their ftyle. The Dedications of the prefent day have abfurdly run into the contrary extreme. But the writers, who are permitted to dedicate their works to royal patrons, ought to perufe De Foe's dedicatory epiftles to King William and Queen Anne; wherein they will find dignity of fcntiment and delicacy of pralfe, conveyed in language, at once elegant and inftruftive : his Dedications to The HiHory of the Union of England and Scotland would alone juftify this remark. N I S. TO THE Q^ U E E N. M A D A M, IT is the gloiy of your MAJESTY'S reign, tliat all your great adions, and all your great defigns, whether abroad in arms, or at home in council, have a mani- feft, vifible, and profeffed tendency to the peace and UNION of all your fubjeds. And, Madam, as Heaven delights in the upright defires of his creatures, when they feek to anfwer the end of'his providence, in exalting them to their refpedive Nations in the world ; fo we may without prcfumption infer, that the fincerity of your Majesty's intentions for the glory of eternal Wifdom, and the happinefs of your people, tho' it may not be called the caufe of our bleffings, yet it may be part of the reafon why we have thofe bleffings in your reign. How elfe fhall we account for the juft difappointments of former attempts of this kind, which GOD in his inextricable counfel has not thought fit to blefs, but as was fdid of his own people of old, becaufe their hearts were not right with him, neither were they flcdfaft in his covenant ? It was without doubt on very good grounds that your MAJESTY fo often ex- prefled your earneft defires to fee this great affair of the UNION finiflied- — The fe- licity of a nation united, that had been- fo long and fo often at the greateft diftance as to intereft and afFedion, could not but recommend itfelf to your MAJESTY. It would be worth their while who oppofed this UNION, and ftill refufe to own the advantage of it, to look back upon the years of blood, and the terrible devada- tions thefe two fider nations fufFered in the days of their feparation; let them examine the hiftory of the paft ages, let them enquire there for the particulars of three hun- dred and fourteen battles, and calculate the blood of a million of the bravefi men in Europe, loft in the fenfelefs feuds of thefe two nations. Let them view the fpoils of the borders, not yet repaired, the monuments of the nobility flain in the field, which yet remain ; let them vifit the ruined caftles, the demolifhed fortifications, the depopulated towns, the gentlemen's feats left in heaps, which yet appear — were all the -inconveniences of the UNION, which the moft uneafy people can fuggeft, to be allowed, yet, that an end is put to blood and ra- pine, XXVI DEDICATION. pine, that the fword is taken out of the hand of the fpoiler, that we lliall no more be cutting the throats of our brethren, is worth giving their bleffing to your MA- JESTY and the UNION for, and muft be acknowledged to the happy period of this treaty. Nor is this all, but whatever lofs fome may allege Scotland fufFers in this UNION, in matters of commerce, in removing her parliaments, in leffening the conflux of her nobility and gerwry to Edinburgh, in taxes,, and in carrying away her people, things which time may remedy and repay her for with interc tl ; yet this the moft prejudiced man in Scotland muft acknowledge they have in exchange, and which, if they know how to value it, is worth all they have paid or can pay for it ; I mean Liberty in its due and beft exterit, religious and civil. I doubt nor, Madam, but as liberty is fecured to Scotland by the UNION, fo the good people of Scotland (hall in time arrive to a differing tafte of liberty by the fame UNION, and ihall learn to know how to prize it; and as they learn to value liber- ty more, fo they will more and more blefs God and your MAJESTY for the UNION, which has removed them at once from a ftate of bondage to their Gover- ■nours, and from the petty tyranny of their own conftitution, to be made one with the freed nation in the world. Thofe that complain of this UNION in the little articles of commerce, and on pretence of it)equalities, in which they never fail of redrefs in parliament, as often as they apply themfelves for it, fliould do well to look back upon the days of cruelty and perfecution, when the gaols were filled with their citizens, and the places of execution covered with the blood of their miniflers, when their church was tram- pled under foot, and they had no liberty to worfhip God according to their con- fciences : even in the felicity of a Revolution eftablifhment, they had no fecurity, that thefe times fhould not return upon them; but by the UNION, they fee themfelves unalterably eflablifhed, their church-government made a fundamen- tal of the conftitution, and the very church of England engaged to preferve it intire. If their eyes are open, they may read their fafety in the rage and defperation of their enemies, who have no room to iavade them, hut in rebellion againft your MA- JESIY ; who infult the church of Scotland and your MAJESTY'S authority to- gether ; and none are found daring tp open their mouths againft them, but thofe that with the fame breath blafphemc your royal eftablilhment, and wickedly worfhip an invading ufurper. It ought to be the comfort as it is the honour of the church of Scotland, that hsr fafety, and your MAJESTY'S authority, have the fame eftablifhment, are linked together by the indiflblvablc bonds of the fame UNION, have the fame enemies,, and the fame friends, and in all probability niuft have the fame du- ration. No DEDICATION. xxvU No human power can alter the eftablilliment of the church of Scotland, but they muft diffolve the UNION of the two kingdoms; and in fuch diffolution would of courfe follow the unravelling the proteflant fucceflion, and overthrowing the Re- volution upon which the prefent conftitution and your MAJESTY'S ro)al dignity iseftablifhed. This alone, if rightly confidered, would flop the complaints of all thofe people in Scotland, who, however they may be otherwife diffatisfied with the UNION, have yet a true value for the fafety of their religion, the eflablifliment of tiieir church, and their deliverance from perfecution. And there is no queftion but in time the juft refledion on thefe things will pre- vail upon men of honefty in all parts of your MAJESTY's dominions, to acknow- ledge the happinefs and advantages of the UNION, tho' at prefent the artifice of their enemies, rather than any real mifchiefs felt by it, have filled their mouths with complaint. As their religious liberty is thus fecured, fo civil liberty is an immediate and vi*~^ fible effed: of this great tranfadion : all the invafions of ignorant magiflrates, privy- council ufurpations, abufing the royal authority, and the perfonal tyranny of the gen- try over jhe commonalty, is, if they pleafe, depofed by this UNION : Scot- land is now in no bondage but what is merely voluntary ; owing to their want of a tafte of liberty, and their ignorance of the advantages of it ; things, which time and experience will not fail to remove, and Scotland Ihall hereafter be reckoned .amongft thefe free people that all the world envies. Porterity, MaJam, muft own to your MAJESTY's memory, all that they meet with in the UNION, that is peaceable, eafy, and advantageous ; and the nations that are yet to be born will blefs your very name, when they lee the effeds of it to them and their children. That Fadion will be ever heaving and ftruggling. Envy raging, Slander bnrking,- and Hell plotting againft this UNION, and againft every happy event that proceeds from it, is rather a teftimony for, than an argument againft it. It could not be expeded that any kind of people, whofe hopes, or gain, or intereft, or party fub- lifted in the diforders and convulfions of their native country, fliould fmile upon this undertaking : the interefts of popery, tyranny, French ufurpations, and fpurious fuc- ceflion, received a mortal ftab by this UNION; and therefore canntit but make war againft it upon all occafions. If proteflants, if men of honeft defigns and good principles are found com- plaining of, or regretting the UNIOxN, it is only fuch whofe private prejudices are built upon the errors of their judgment ; or whofe eyes it has not yet pleafed God to open to the true intent and defign of your MAJESTY in bringing it to pafs. But as it is to be hoped, thofe prejudices Ihall in time be removed, and all honeft men ^X\IA DEDICATION. men Ihall fee the public good in tl;e UNION; fo there has ahvays been this happy difference, even in the diflike of thefe nr.en to tlie UNION, and that of other people— that thefe objeded againftcircumftanccs, thofe againft effentialt— thefe have their little fcruples as they fear the UNION may interfere with their civil or religious interefts, thofe abhor the very thing UNION, and oppofe it as luch, and as it tends to the peace and profperity of both nations. The truth of this diftindion appeared moft evidently in the affair of the late in- vafion, when joy and fatisfaftion appeared in the very countenances of the Jacobite oppofers of the UNION, from the view they had of the overthrow of the conflitu- tion by a French and Popilh ufurpation ; while the other, like faithful fubjeds to your MAJESTY, prepaied to defend even that very UNION they difliked, ho- neftiy laying afide their private prejudices, to join in the public defence of your MAJESTY and their country, and thereby approved themfelves both good Chriftians, and good fubjefts, to the glory of your MAJESTY'S government, and to the confulion and difappointment of your enemies. May It plsafe your J.IAJESTY, As the UNION bears your royal charatfter to pofterity, fo no hiftory of it can be perfedt without \our name in it's frontpiece : the world muft have your MA- JESTY'S Zeal for, and concern in this great tranfadion of UNION made par- ticularly known ; or no hiilorian can be juft in the relation, nor can poflerity form any ideas in their minds, of the manner how it came to pafs. Your wife and faithful counfellors afTiIled, managed, and formed this mighty embrio -, but the conception, the thought of UNION, the paffion for it's com- pleating, the vehement dt fires of finifhing it noiv, were originally your MA- JESTY'S own, and to thefe we owe all the vigour and application of your able mi- nifters, the compliance of your parlia'-nents, and the general ftrain of popu- lar inclination, which was unexpededly found in both nations for the bringing it to pafs. The humble Author of thefe (heets, Madam, having, amidfl a throng of difaflers and forrows, been honoured by your MAJESTY, in being rendered ferviceable to this- great tranfadion, and having pafied thro' all the hazards, tumults,and diforders of that critical time, in his humble endeavours to forward the glorious dcfign of your MA- JESTY, for your fubjeds profperity, thinks himfelf doubly rewarded, in having the honour to lay this account of thefe things at your MAJKSTY's feet — In your majesty's clemency, all the imperfcdions of the performance will find pardon — under your MAJESTY'S protedion, the truth, of the narration fhall oppofe itfelf to all the falfc fuggeftions of parties and prejudice, on which foever fide they ap- pear — and in your MAJESTY'S juft and merciful adminiftration, all the advan- tages DEDICATION. XXIX tages which the Author of this work has foretold to this nation by the UNION", Ihal] in their feafon be made good. Your majesty's faithful fubjefts have nothing remaining to make them conipleatly happy under fo mild and juft a government, but by a general UNION of affedtion,juft, peaceable, and virtuous inclinations, to improve the UNION of the conftitution, and make it produce all the bleflTed efflds which your MAJESTY and all good men pray for — This as it fliall be an honour to your MAJESTY'S government, and thelafting happinefs of your people, is the conftant labour Of, May it pleafe your MAJESTY, Your MAJESTY'S moft dutiful and obedient fubjeft and fervanf,, DANIEL De F O E,. T O J TO HIS GRACE AM E Duke of Queenlberry and Dover, Marquis of Dumfrlesfliire and Beverly, Earl of Drumlanrig and Sanquhar, Vifcount of Nith, Tor- thorwald and Rofs, Lord Dowglafs of Kinmount, Midlebie and Dor- nock, and Baron of Rippon, one of Her MAJESTY'S Principal Se- cretaries of State, and Knight of the Mod Noble Order of the Garter, &c. MY LORD, WHEN poflerity fhall look back on the great tranfaftion of the UNION of thefe kingdoms,— when by juft refiedtion on the temper, the conduft, and the conftitution of the people, the circumftances of the times, with the intcreft and ftate of other nations at that time, they Ihall fee into fome of the difficulties which neceflarily attended fo ftupendous a work ; it will be moft natural to enquire, by v\hore management, and under whofe condudt it was carried on. When her MAJESTY, in her fpeech to the Parliament, at the conclufion of the UNION, was pleafed to fay, that it fliould be mentioned hereafter to the honour of thofe who were concerned in bringing it to pafs ; it cannot be doubted, but your Grace had the firft place in her Majelly's thought. The particulars of the UNION cannot be difcourfed of, much lefs can any hif- tory of it be tranfmitted to pofterity; but mention muft be made of your Grace's part in it : all our accounts will be full of the hazards you run, the infults and af- fronts you received, the dangers your perfon was expofed to in the faithful difcharge of the high truft your royal Miftrefs put into your hands. The companion your Grace fliewed for the poor enraged people, who by their warmth and fury againfl: the UNION expofed ihemfelvcs to the law, and to your juft rcfentment, are reflimonies of a moderation and temper particularly fitted for a work of UNION — a mind qualified for peace, and that firft having made an abfolute conqueft of your own paffion, was not to be moved by the extremes of others. This, my Lord, is a teftimony, not only of your Grace's capacity for the greateft and niceft concern of this age ; but of her Majefiy's fingular wifdom and penetra- tion in fingling out your Grace from among the whole body of the nobility, for a truft DEDICATION. xxxi trud on which the effcntial article of her Majefl:y's glory, and all Britain's fafety, Co much depended. If triumphs were allowed to thofe generals who fubdued by force of arm? the bar- barous nations to the obedience of the Human empire, if their victories which were imprefled with blood, and which at beft confifted in devatlalion of kingdoms, and dellroying nations, were the fubjec^ of the flourifliing orations, and heroic poems of the learned men of that age; how much more jutl are the triumphs of peace, and the [iraifes of fuch vidories which i)revcnt deftruftive wars, and lay folld foun- dations for the lafting tranquillity of nations ? Here are no witl(.)ws and orphans, whofe private tears IclFen the public joy, and whofe fighs for the lofs of their neareft relations flain in the dear-bought vidtory, lliali drown the acclamations they fhould make for the profperity of their country. Peace and UNION challenge every man's joy ; their nature is fuited to every thing that's fafe and calm, and their confcquences never fail to be ieen in plenty and prol- gerity, if the fault be not their own. There is no ciueilion, but that among that illuftrious body, the nobility of Scot- land, there were many to be found, whofe zeal for her Majefty's fervice-, whofe good- will to the UNION, whofe fincere aim at the fervice of their country, fliould juftly recommend them in fuch a choice : but had the perfon entrufted here been adorned with the higheft qualities, yet without the moft felf-denying moderation, the coolefl courage, and the moft paffive refolution, it had been all to no purpofe. It is impoffible to exprefs, tho'l was an eye-witnefs to it all, thro' what difficulties your Grace paffed in this nice affair, between what rocks you fleered, what precipices you trod on, what contraries you reconciled, the lead deviation in any of which had' pullied your Grace and the whole nation upon irrecoverable fbipwreckand difaftcr— > more courage on one hand had precipitated all, and yet the leaft grain of fear had funk the very foundation : to be angry, even when no man living could be pleafed, to be- in the leaft moved by the moft violent extremes, to fliun the moft apparent mifchiefs, to decline the greateft difficulties, any of thefe bad ruined thevvhole profpedt* Even thofe people who pretended to oppofe your Grace in the matter of the trea- ty, confefs the honour of finifhing the UNION to be yourGrace's due ; fiiite they look on the choice of your Grace to that work as their chief difafter, declaring whaS' they hate to hear repeated, viz:, that no man in Scotland but yourfelf could have done it.. Thofe that purfuing different fchemes, and having. remote views, pretended to carry on principles of UNION, but of other and imperfetl natures, came into ihisj- not upon convidion of it's being better laid than their own ; but becaufe, when they found your Grace had efpoufed it, th^y forefaw it would be done withoiit them. The moft violent enemies of UNION as Awh, and whofe particular avcrfion to • the profperity of Britain, . the. E.evolu:ion and proteftant fuccefiion; was the crigir nal- xxxli DEDICATION. nal of tbeir oppofition to the treaty j who boafled always of it's being impracflicable ; who had fucrefsfuUy broken all the meafures formerly taken in order to a treaty, and particularly had infulted her Majefly in baffling the lafl — took the alarm at your Grace's firfl: appearance in this afTair ; this taught them to double their endeavours, to call in the affiftance of all their friends, to ftir up their politics, and ufe all the force of wit and artifice in management of parties to oppofe it — and this at lafl: taught them how to defpair. If the enemies of the UNION were thus alarmed at your Grace's appearing in the caufe of the nation's peace ; if they learnt to defpair from the fenfe of your Grace's powerful influence, and exquifite conduift ; the fame extreme in joy and fa- tisfaction pofleffed the friends of that great undertaking : Her Majefly and the whole nation grounded their hopes of fuccefs, next to God's blefling, upon your Grace's wifdom and prudence in managing, moderation in bearing, fkill in contriving, and vigour in profecuting every flep of this weighty affair. Heaven has faid Amen. The blclTing of fuccefs has joined, and the event has teftified the truth of thefe obfervations — what well-wifliers feared as impoffible, what enemies boafted as impradticable, what the nations at home doubted, and the na- tions abroad fcarce dreamed of, has been finifhed, to the furprife of Europe, the con- fufion of tyranny and jacobitifm, to the infinite fatisfaflion of her Majefly, and to the joy of the beft friends of Britain's happinefs. As then your Grace has gone thro' all the rough parts of this tranfidiion, as you have fharcd the envy, the fury, the hatred, and all the hazards that attended it ; it is meet pofterity, when they come to fee farther into the advantages of the UNION, than perhaps we can now do, fhould know, and be put in mind too, to whofe labours they are indebted. This gives your Grace a title to thefe fheets, in which the humble Author endea- vours impartially to recite the matter of faft, without favour or refpeft : indeed the greatefl panegvric on your Grace's condudl in the Union, is, the truth of fatft ; and 'tis your Grace's honour, and the particular honour of the Author of thefe flieets, that in an impartial relation of thefe tranfaftions, and fetting every thing in it's true light, he gives the greateft lulb'e to your actions, fince no art can add to the native beauty of the whole. I am, May it pleafe your Grace, Your Grace's moft humble, and mofl obedient fervant, D. DcFOE. A N Jii S o A Y , CONTAINING A FEW STRICTURES O N T H E UNION OF SCOTLAND with ENGLAND; AND ON THE PRESENT SITUATION OF IRELAND. BEING AN INTRODUCTION TO DE FOE'S HISTORY OF THE UNION. By J. L. D E L O L M E, Adv. LONDON: PRINTED FOR JOHN STOCKDALE, OrPOSITE BURLINGTON HOUSE, PICCADILLY. MDCCLXXXVII. Cnteccu at ^tationeris pill* C ■ 3 AN ESSAY Containing a kw Stridures on the Union of Scotland with England, and on the prefent Situation of Ireland. By J. L. D E L o L M E, Adv. '^ j ^ H E Ifland of Great Britain extends over nine degrees of latitude, -*- viz. from the 50th to the 59th, reaching therefore as far north as Stockhohn and St. Peter{burg or very near. Of thefe nine degrees England comprehends five, reckoning to Carlifle, — and fix, reckoning to Berwick; the Englifh territory flretching northwards in a point, and indenting with the Scottifh counties as far as that town. Scotland ex- tends over four degrees of latitude. This northern part of Great Britain, forming a contiguous country nearly three hundred miles in length, and one hundred and fifty broad, had from very remote times been united into one kingdom. Being thus united under one Head, it had been able to refift the efforts of all thofe Powers who had at different times fubdued the fouthern part of the Ifland. And at the time of Edward the Fir ft, that is, about two B hundred a Stri^ures on the Union ivith Scotland. hundred years after the Norman Conquefl-, and four hundred years after the feven Saxon fovereignties had been united into one monarchy, Scotland fliU continued to form an independent, diftind kingdom. The king we have jufl: mentioned, Edward I. was the firfi: king of England who manifefted a fettled defign to fubdue Scotland, and unite it to his crown: he was the more particularly allured to this, by the fuccefsful ifllie of his expedition into Wales, and the conquell: he had been able -to make of that principality. An extremely favourable opportunity moreover offered itfelf to Ed- ward. The crown of Scotland had become vacant, by the death of the late Sovereign without leaving iflue. Two Candidates, fprung from the Royal family, laid claim to it. The decifion of the difpute was referred to Edward I. by the two Claimants, and likewife by the body of the Scottilh nobles, w!io were become apprehcnfive of a civil war among themfclves, Edward, under pretence of proceeding with greater folemnity, invited the two Candidates, and the principal perfons of the Scottifh nobility, to meet iiim at Noriiam, in Northumberland, where he was at that time encamped with an army. Having thus got all the important perfons of Scotland in his power, he proffered, on a hidden, in iiis own behalf, a claim of fovereignty and liege fuperiority over the kingdom of Scotland ; and before he futtcred either the Candidates or t!)e Scotti(h nobles to depart, he compelled them to recognize his claim, ;uKi take an oatis of ft\;lty to him. About a year afterwards he gave ills award on the difpute ; ai'id before he put the fnccelsful Claimant (John Baliol) in pon'cihon of tlie kingdom, -lie compelled him to re- new his oath of fealty to iiim, and to bind hlmfelf<*to pertorming in future tt)t,' diiTcrci.t (crvices which the feud.d la^^s ufnally impofcd -Upon Viirt'als, luch as obeying lumrfions, giving military aid, &c. Conditions • SlriSfures q?i the Ujiim tvith Scoitan^T^ s • Couclitlotis that had been fubmitted to, amidft fuch circumftaiicey, tJ'ere npt hkely to be aftervvarcis very faithfully executed. The failure of the Scottilh king in performing thofe engagements that h.id thua beei,i forced upon him, induced Edward to invade Scothmd. He was fo fuccefsfu! in this expedition, as both to defeat liis new Vaflal, and tn.ake him his prifoner. He carried him to London, where he kept him confined in the Tower; leaving, in the mean time, an EnglWh Governor, fupported by an Englifli military force, in Scotland. The Scots took arms a fecond time, under the conduct of that re* nowned leader, William Wallace: but, after a feries of confidcrablc fucceiTes, they lod: the great battle of Falkirk, in which Edward commanded in perfon ; and Scotland was again brought under fub- jedlion. Encouraged by the natural ftrength of their country, the Scots rofe a third time, and, fallying from their mountauis and hidden faflnefles, drove the Englifh garrifons before them. Edward led another army into Scotland. He was again fuccefsful, and carried his conquefls in this third expedition, as well as his refentment, farther than he had done before. A fourth time the Scots took arms ; and Edward was once more marching a powerful army in order to reduce them, with a fettled re- iblution to annihilate every remnant of refiftance and oppofition in Scot- land, when he on a fudden fell fick, and died on the borders, in the fixty- nlnth year of his age. Edward, on his death-bed, had recommended to his fon Edward II. to profecute the war againft the Scots, till that country were corhpletely fubdued. This prince, as foon as he was fully fettled on his throne, B 2 undertook ij Sirldiures on the Union with Scotland. undertook an expedition agaiuft Scotland in perfon. But the fortune of war here favoured the Scots in their turn. They defeated Edward II. at Bannockburii, near Stirling. The vi6lory they obtained over him was fo decifive as to have been compared by hiftorians to that won by Wil- liam the Conqueror at Haftings. This victory fecured the Scots againft any farther attempt from Eng- land during that reign. But the fucceeding king, Edward III. foon re- fumed in his turn the defign of conquering Scotland; and he difplayed in his different enterprizes againft tlie Scots, a degree of adlivity and earneftnefs equal to that manifefted by king Edward I. And, to fliy the truth, the conqueft of Scotland was a projedt which ambition very naturally fuggefted to an Englifh king. The dread of hoftilities from fo numerous a Nation, fettled in the fame Ifland in which his own kingdom was fituated, kept him in a ftate of continual uncertainty or anxiety, and cramped the execution of his defigns either for overcoming his rebellious barons and fubje(fl:3 at home, or for profecuting his foreign wars and conquefts. The very indepen- dency, befides, of fo confiderable a part of the ifland in which he reigned, feemed to caft difcredit on his name in his own kingdom, and was a blot upon the reputation of his power and his arms, on the continent. At the fame time, the aim of an Englifh king, in a war with Scot- land, was not barely to wreft a few territories from that country, but to conquer the whole abfolutely, — to reduce the king to the quality of a fubjefl. This defign was even openly avowed by the Englifh kings j and, in order to forward the attaining of it, they had fet up a claim (as hath been above obferved) of liege fuperiority aiid feudal fovereignty 6 over StriSlures on the Union ivith Scotland. e over that kingdom. Now, fuch a claim produced the efFe£l of making peace almoft imprafticable between the two kings of England and Scotland. In fad, a claim of that tendency admitted of no compro- mife, nor could be qualified in a Treaty. Another hurtful conlequence of this claim of a liege fuperiority in the Engli(h kingdom, was, that it united the whole body of the Scottifh nobility into a conftant hoftile confederacy againft England. For, had the claim fet forth by the Englifh kings fucceedcd to be efta- bli(hed, the Scots nobles mufi:, from the flation of peers and hereditary counfellors to an independent Sovereign, have funk into the condition of Vaflals to a Vaflal. With the Eni|,lifti Nobles they muft have been fatisfied to rank as Commoners. And in regard to the Englifti Nation at large, they muft have flood in the predicament of a fubordinate inferior People. A flate of perpetual war accordingly became the confequence of the fituation in which the two kingdoms flood in regard to each other. The treaties between them never were treaties of abfolute peace, but only truces for a time, during which each Nation was watching for proper opportunities, and preparing either for frefli attacks or for ■defence. The kings of England were fupported in their enterprlzes againft Scotland, by the fuperior wealth and populoufnel's of their kingdom. The Scots were aflifted in their refiftance by the natural obftacles with wTiich their country abounded, by the lakes and hills with which it is interfperfed, by the deep inlets of the fea with which it is interfeded, and alfo by the really great extent of the country; all which circum- ftances together made it next to impofiible for a conqueror to penetrate every part of it. The feverity of the weather in that northern latitude, during 6 Stri^tires en the Unw;2 zvlt/j Scotland. during a confiderable part of the year, was another kind of natural de- fence. And to all thefe advantages in favour of Scottidi independence, we muft very likely add other peculiar caufes, arifing from the internal polity of the Scots, and their manner of living among themfelves. All thefe circumftances, combined together, niuft have polTeQecl great efficiency : for, notwithftanding the advantage in almoft every pitched general battle, remained decifively, to all appearance, on the fide of the Englifli ; yet, it happened in the iffue that the Scots had only been difperfed; their main ftrength remained unbroken.; ■ and on t-he firfl; favourable opportunities they were able to tally again in great numbers from behind their lakes and mountains, and to drive once more their invaders out of the country. The projed of the conqueft of Scotland, which had been begun with fo deep a policy, as well as purfued with fo much vehemence and fpirit by king Edward I. was, as hath been above mentioned, refumed both by his fon and grandfon, Edward the Second and Edward the Third. All the Englifh kings who fucceeded thefe, continued to fet up the claim of feudal fuperiority over the kingdom of Scotland ; and moll of them endeavoured to make the fame good ^by, military enterprizes. The wars between the two nations continued till the reign of Edward tlie Sixth, whofe uncle the duke of Somerfet, protedVor of the kingdom, gained the battle of Pinkies againft the Scots : that was tl:^e, laft battle fought between the two nations before the Union of the crowns. A lively defcription of the lafting contefts. that took place betwqen the EngliHi and the Scots, is contained in the following paflage of an -liillorian. *' And now (the reign of Edward I.) began the conteft between the -"two nations, which fpilt more Chriftian blood, did more mifchief, «♦ and Strmures on the Union with Scotland. n *' and continued longer than any wars that we read of between any *' two people in the world. For all the kings which preceded for *' three hundred years toge'tlief, even to the blefled union of them by *' king James I. had their (hare more or lefs in the quarrel. And " though Engknd,- being much the greater and Aronger nation,, had '♦"^ the .^o6d' fortune often to overcome, yet it was with fo great ex- '** peiice- 6f blobdy ti:me', . and treafure, that what Hie got coft more "than it tvas wbiith':; the Scots being never fo fully fubdued, but that *' they were foon for recovering their liberties again, and that with *• fuccefs. So that Providence may feem to have decreed no union " fhould' be' firm bet weeri:thefe two nations, that was made by force; *' but only fuch as (hould be produced by peace and the milder way of « flicceffion." It'may be added, as a conclufion, that the Scots were able to the lafl: to affert the independence of their kingdom. They had not even loffc ' any part of their territory when their \%ars with the Englifh became to be terminated. It was rather the reverie : for, their kingdom was ad- vanced' on this fide of the boundary of the antieut kingdom of Scotland, vvhich is formed by the northern Pidls wall, which runs from the vici- nity of Edinburgh towards Glaigow ;. and they were poiTefled, at the epoch we mention, of three fourth paits of tlie territory that l;es be- tween that wall, and the fouthern wall built in the vicinity of Nevv- callile by Kardrian ; which territory had more than once been wholly in the polleffion of the Englifh. The hmit between England and Scotland, at the time of the nccefiion of James the Firif, ran, as it now does, in an oblique direftion acrofs the fpace contained betv/een thcfe two WEllsjalmoft reaching, near Carlifle, to tliat on the louth. At Siridlures on the Union with Scotland. At length James the firfl: acceded to the crown of England. He was great great grandfon to king Henry VII. by his daughter Margaret, who had married James IV. of Scotland. His grand-father James V. was confequently nephew to king Henry VIII. and firfl coufin to the late queen Elizabeth : there was no nearer heir to the Englifh crown. By the acceffion of that prince to the Etiglifh crown, an end was put to the bloody ftruggles, and the contefls in the field, between the Eng- lifh and the Scots. But, at the fame time, a ftruggle of another kind arofe. A controverfy now took place between the two Nations for the advantages accruing from the prefence of the common Sovereign, and the pofleflion of the feat of the government. From the king of England now being a Scotfman, from the Scota having given a king to England, after having been able through a long courfe of years to affert their independence, the advantage, as to the article of honour, was undoubtedly on the fide of the Scots. But then the real advantage, in that kind of contention, foon turned out to be in favour of the English, in confequence of the common Sovereign choof- ing to take up his refidence among them : a choice to which he was led by the fuperior importance of the Englilh kingdom ; not to men- tion the more regular government, and greater degree of obedience to royal authority, that prevailed in it. Loud complaints foon arofe in Scotland about the ftagnation of their trade, caufed by the removal of the feat of their government, about the draining of their money out of the country, about their being fub- je£ted Si nil tires on the Union with Scotland. p jested to Engllfli influence, &c, &c. The English, on the other hand, wanted to keep to thcmfelves all the advantages they had acquired ; they weic befides fomewhat anxious to (hew, that, for being ruled by a Scottilh king, they did not confider themfelves as being become fub- jedts to Scotland. The Englilh parliament refufed to give a declaration for naturalizing the Scots in England, thereby denying them, as far as they could, the benefits of an equal trade; and, above all, a great out- cry was raifed in order to hinder them from obtaining places of profit and truft, and, in fliort, preferment of any kind. — T/jey JJ^all eat our Commons bare and make us lean, foon became to be the jire- tended univerfal apprehenfion. Refleftlons on the poverty of the Scots, refounded from all quarters. And the Scots, in their turn, were not behind hand, we may fuppofe, in alfo devifing national reproaches, and contumelious retaliations, on the Englifli, among themfelves. We are informed of feveral of the national refleftions thrown upon the Scots in England, in the very Speeches of King James the Firft to the Englilh Parliament, in which he endeavours, with remarkable good- nature, to anfwer the reproaches that were caft upon the Scottifh Na- tion. He alfo earneftly recommended, in thefe Speeches, an Union of the two Nations : moreover, endeavouring to juftify himfelf on account of the favour he had at firfV fhewn in his Court to feveral of the Scot- ti(h Nobility ; which favour, by the by, does not feem to have been either very partial, or very extenfive. The following is an extraft from one of his Speeches, in the year 1607. " I owe no more to the Scot- *' tiflimen than to theEnglifh ; I was born there, and fworn here ; and " now I reign over both. Such particular perfons of the Scottish Na- " tion as might claim any extraordinary merit at my hands, I have *' already reafonably rewarded; and I can aflbre you that there is none '♦ left for whom I mean extraordinary to ftrain myfelf, further than in ** fuch ordinary benefit as I may equally befcow, without mine own C " hurt. lo BtriElures on the Union with Scotland. " hurt, upon any fubjed of either Nation ; in wliich cafe no King's " hand fliould ever be fully clofed. To both I owe juuice and pro- " tedion ; which, with God's grace, 1 fliall ever equally balance. For " my .liberality, I have told you of it heretofore. My three firft years " were to them as a Chriflmas : I could not then be miferable. Should " I have been overfparing to them, they might have thought Jofeph «' had forgotten his brethren, or that the King had been drunk with his " new Kingdom. But fuits go not fo cheap now as they were wont. " Neither are there fo many fees taken in the Hanaper and Petty-bag " for the Great Seal, as hath been done. If I did refped the Englifh *' when I came firft, of whom I was received with joy, and came as in " a hunting journey ; what might the Scottifh have faid, if I had not " in fome meafure dealt bountifully with them, who fo long had *' ferved me, and fo fir adventured themfelves with me ? I have given " you now four years proof fince my coming; and what I might have " done more for raifuig tlie Scottifli nation, you all know. The longer •'• I live, the lefs caufe I have to be acquainted with them ; and fo the .*' lefs caufe of extraordinary favour towards them." — From the above extra£l the reader will perhaps conclude that fufficient juftice has not been done to James the Firfl, either as a Speaker, or a Writer. However, notwithftanding the fpeeches and exhortations of James, the Englifh Parliament continued fullen and obftinate ; and that Prince at length lound he had no other means toaflift his Scottifh fubjefls, except his prerogative, and his perfonal power to grant preferment, and privileges refpefling trade; which power, in thofe days, was «nder no limitation in regard to individuals. To which it may be added, that he caufed the Judges to give a declaration,' importing, that \\\Q pojl-nati oi Scotlaiid, that is to fay, thofs perfons who were born in that Kingdom after the acceflion of the King to the'Englifli Crown, were of courfe naturalized. The Englifli Parliament had fliewn a reluiftance to declare even that. It StrlElures on the Union with Scotland. 1 1 It may, at the fame time, be mentioned, as being fome juQification of the condu6l of the Englifh Parliament, that the Scots, in their anfwers or declarations concerning the propofed Union of the two Nations, manifefled too great a determination to adhere to their ou n national diftindtions and inftitutions. In the midft of this mutual national rivalftiip and oppofition, King James enjoyed a fecu re power: each Kingdom reciprocally fupplying the means of keeping the other in awe and fubje6llon. The Englifh would not, perhaps, have lived fo quiet as they did, under a King that had been fent them from a Nation whom they profeffed to defpife, if that King had not at the fame time derived a capital perfonal weight among them, from the profpe£l of the ailiflance of that fame Nation, who was fettled on their borders, in the fame Ifland with themfelves. And the turbulent anarchical fpirit that had ever diftinguifhed the Scots, mufl: needs have been greatly repreffed by a fenfe of the vaffc increafe of the perfonal power of their King ; who, it muft be at the fame time confefled, could not be reproached with having been want- ing in his endeavours to ferve their Nation at large. An idea of the eafy manner in which the King of Scotland was now able to govern his native Kingdom, may be formed from the following paffage, which is extracted from the fame Speech above quoted. <* This I muft fay of Scotland, and I may truly vaunt it : here I fit, " and govern it with n-,y pen : I write, and it is done. And, by a " Clerk of the Council, I govern Scotland now, as others could not *' do by the fword." The reign of Charles I. exhibited a fcene quite different. The fpirit of reciprocal national oppofiiion gave way, in each Kingdom, to con- cerns of another Nature. An union was now formed between the G 2 *' Engli^ la Str inures on the Union with Scotland. EiigliHi and Scottifli Nations : It was at the expence of the Royal Authority. Hiftorians have obferved that the great internal change of clrcum- ftances that had taken place in England, about the times of Charles the Firft, had rendered the fituation of the King very difficult ; but they have not taken fufficient notice how much this difficulty was far- ther increafed by the acceflion of another Kingdom. To have two Kingdoms to manage at once: the one (Scotland) fiUl of the fpirit of turbulence and reillefsnefs, — and the other perfeftly well difpofed to imitate the example, — was a taflc infinitely beyond the (kill of Charles fuccefs fully to compafs. An union, as hath been above obferved, was formed between the two Nations, againft that King. And he may be faid to have been himfelf at fome pains to bring it about. The Scots well informed of the difcontents that prevailed in England, where no Parliament had been called for above ten years, and being even fccretl y invited from that kingdom, rofe in arms firll: this was in the year 1639. They rofe again in the year 1640. The Englifh Parliament, the fame which was afterwards denomi- nated the Long Parliament, was at that time called. The defign of the Kiiig in fummoning that Parliament, was to obtain afliflance againfl the Scots. But the Parliament, when it met, fided with them. They voted pay to the Scottifh army. And it was while that army lay en- camped in the Northern Counties of England, and in a manner under the protedion of the cannon of the Scots, that the Englifli Parliament obtained to be declared perpetual, — that the Earl of Strafford and Arch- biftiop Laud were impeached, — and thofe provifions in general were made (fome excellent, fome otherwife) to which Hiftorians have given the appellation oi the famous motions of the year 1641. It was alfo. dur- ing Siritlures on the Union ivith Scot J and. 12 Ing the fame period of the prefe/ice of the Scottifh army, that the Englilh Parllarrieiit began thofe preparations which were loou to enable them to ri(b up in arms in their turn. In the year 1642, the civil war began in England. The Scottish army, who had been paid off the year before, but had never been completely dilhanded, again affembled and accepted Englifh pay. They marched into England. And as that army had, in the preceding years, ferved to countenance the political meafures of the Englifh Par- liament, fo it now countenanced their mihtary enterprizes, and flruggles in the field. The King, being driven by ill fuccefs to extremity, took his refuge into the army of the Scots, who lay encamped at Newark. But they proved true to their Englifh Confederates, and delivered up the King's perfon to them. The evtnts that followed are well known. The King loft his life at Whitehall. The Scots, in the iflue, quarreled with their Englifh Al- lies, or rather with the prevailing party in England. They attempted,, after the death of Charles the Firft, to give affiftance to his Son Charles the Second, whom they proclaimed King of Scotland. They main« tained a doubtful and bloody conflidl for a few years. And they were at length brought under fubjedion to the Englifh Commonwealth. In the year 1660 Charles the Second was reflored. The fpirit of national oppofition between the two Kingdoms, became to be again in fome degree revived in his reign. And it contributed to fecure that King's authority, in the fame manner as it had formerly ftrengthened the power of James the Firfi:. The family prepoflefTions of Charles the Second had like, however, to have led him into wrong fteps and dangerous miftakes in his government of Scotland: the Earl of Lau- derdale poiiited out to him what his policy ought to be, in the manage- ment of his two diftindt Kingdoms. James 14 SiriBures on the Union with Scotland. James the Second had fo little wlfdom as again to unite the two Nations into ferious complaints againft: him. His very remarkable want of policy proved fortunate to both Countries; and he was expelled without any blood being fhed. The Englirti Parliament raifed William the Third to the Throne of England, And fo fincere were the Scots in their conjunfllon with the Englifh at that time, fo completely did they forget their national rival- fliip and hatred of Englifh influence and Councils, that they accepted, without hefitation, that King whom the Englifli Nation pointed out to them. The Prefbyterian Se£t and party, in Scotland, in fad decided every thing in favour of William. The continued prevalence of that party, and their remarkable zealous fpirit, during the whole reign of that Prince, proved very ufeful for fecuring his power, firft in Scotland, and confequencially in England.' The favourable fituation of affairs in Scotland enabled him in great meafure, no doubt, to furmount the great difficulties he experienced from the reftlefs fpirit by which his Englifli Kingdom was influenced, combined with tlie dangerous claim that continued to exift upon his Crown, and the fmall degree of love that was in general borne to his perfon. In the reign of Queen Anne, the fpirit of national antipathy and rlval- fhip again got jppermofl in both kingdoms. One advantageous cir- ^ cumftance at leaf! had followed from the mifconduft of the Kings of the Houfe of Stuart; which was, that the fpirit of antipathy between the two Nations had been in great meafure fet afide, or at leafl- had never been carried to any degree of aftivity, except perhaps during the firft year? of the reign of James the Firft in England. But foon after the acceffion of Queen Anne, the notions of national rivalftiip broke out afrefii, with a degree of vehemence fuperior to any thing that had taken place in any former period. The "^ Siriclures on the Union ivith Scotland. i^ The fpirit of national oppofitioii Iiad even began to be manlfefted during the laft years of the reign of William the Third. It had been very remarkably exerted in Scotland in the edabliniment they made of that Company that was to form a Settlement at Darien, on the Spanifh Main. The avowed defign of that Company was to enable Scotland to rival the trade and wealth of England in a few years. Tlie project completely mifcarried, after endangering a war with Spain and other Eu- ropean powers, befides behig produdlive of much heat and controverfy between the two Nations. Several circumftances concurred in Queen Anne's reign to invite the "exertions of the national oppofition. In the fiifl place, it mud be confefled that the complaints of the Scots, conlidered as a diftin^l Nation and Kingdom, were not without fome foundation : the removal of their Government from its feat among them, was certainly attended with prejudice to individuals. In the fecond place, that .party in Scotland who began about thofe times to build their claims to popu- larity, on their oppofition to England and Englifli councils, were en- couraged both by the confiderable rcfiftance which the Government in England was then beginning to meet from the Jacobite party, and by the- great need in which it ftood of the co-operation and affiftance of the Scottiih Parliament. In order to underftand what is here faid of the fitu^tion of the Englifti Government in regard to the Scottilh Parliament, it is to be obferved, that the A6t by which the Crown had been fettled upon Queen Anne, reached no farther than that Princefs and her iifue. After the death of the Duke of Gloucefler, her only remaining child, it became neceflary to make another Settlement. An A61 to that effedl was accordingly pafled about the end of the reign of King William the Third, by which the Crown was fettled on the Houfe of Hanover. But no fuch A(5l was palled in, Scotland. A provifion for fettling the Scottilh i^ 'Slrlclures on the Union with Scotland. Scottifli Crown was yet to be made In the beginning of the rciga of Queen Anne ; nor was any Settlement made in fa6l untill the A£t of Union. This fituation of affairs gave great advantages to that party in Scot- land who were at the head of the oppofition againil England. The Scottifli Parliament were, in reahty, poflefled of a power legally to in- troduce again the expelled family of Stuarts into Great Britain, ai>d procure a formidable eftablifliment to it. The Son of James the Se- cond, backed with the flrength of a Kingdom that had, for a long fcries of years, proved a match for England, fupported by foreign aux- iliaries, and abetted by one half, perhaps, of the Englifti Nation them- felves, might have been able, after a great effufion of blood, to enrich his followers with Englifli forfeitures. The danger was great. It was mofl ferioufly dreaded in England at the time. And the fenfe the Scots entertained of the fituation of pub- lic affairs and of their advantages, caufed the fpirit of oppofition to England, and of national rivalflilp, to be carried, in Scotland, to a degree of vehemence, as hath been above mentioned, much beyond any thing that had taken place in any former reign. The following extradt from Bifhop Burnet's Hijlory of his own Time, will give the reader an infight into the general dilpofition of the People in that Country, at the period we mention. •' A national humour of rendering themfelves a free and independent "Kingdom did fo inflame them, that, as there were a majority of *' feventy in Parliament on their fide,, they feeme^l capable of the mofl: ** extravagant things that could be fuggefted to them* All was " carried with great heat and niuch vehemence ; for, a national hu- « mour of being independent on England, fermented fo fliongly among " all forts of people without doors, tliat thofe who went not into every * Burnet's Iliilory of his own Time, Vol. V. p> 164. 6 *' hot SiriBures on the Union wii/j Scotland. i^j *< hot motion that was made, were looked on as the betrayers of their « Country ; and they were fo expofed to popular fury, that fome of <* thofe who ftudied to flop this tide, were brought in danger of their " lives. The Preibyterians were fo overawed with this, that thougli *' they wifhed well to the fettling the fucceflion, they durft not openly <* declare it. The Dukes of Hamilton and Athol led all thofe violent ** motions; and the Nation was ftrangely inflamed *." This difpofition of men's minds in Scotland alfo became to be far- ther encouraged by the doubtful ftate of the war in which England was at that time engaged againfl France, which, in the beginning of it, was looked upon as doubtful, and very dangerous, on account of the confe- quences which misfortunes might have produced at home, and of the affiftance which France, if fuccefsful, might have been able to give to the Stuart party. The Leaders of the Scottish oppofition came at once to meafures of great violence. A Parliament was fummoned in Scotland in the year 170^. A letter from the Queen was read, defiring them to provide for the fettling of the Crown in their Country, in cafe the Queen fhould leave no ifi'ue ; and the Settlement that had paffed in England was propofed. Inftead of adopting this, the Scottifli Parliament refolved that pro- vlfions fhould firft be made for fettling the rights and liberties of the Scottifh Nation, independent on EngliQi interefts and councils ; and moreover declared, that, until thefe provlfions were agreed upon, the Succeflbr to the Scottilh Crown fhould not be the fame Perfon that was polfeffed of the Crown of England : they alfo added other articles to their regulations, by which the whole authority of the Crown in Scot- land was to be transferred to the Parliament, or to a Council named by i-t, which was to govern during recefs. * Vol. V. p. 227. D The i8 Stridlures on the Union ivith Scotland^ The Ad was rejedted by the Queen, It was refumed the followhig yeiir (1704) with IXiych the fame claufes, efpecially in regard to the fettling.of the Cjcown. .The Miniftry in England, overawed by the fituatiou, of affiiirs both in SQOtla^nd and abroad, and in England too, advifed her Majefty, at that time-, to give her confent to tlie Aft. None of thofe great fuccefles, that ended after- wards in crufliing the power of France, had been yet ob.tained at fche^ time of pafling the A£t of the Scottifh P;arliameni w€ i^entiot; *. This A£t was called in Scotland the ASi cf Security. It wa^ in i^eaw lity a Bill of exclulion againft the Pofleffor of the Crown of England, Provifions of an aftually hoflile nature had been alfo added to this Adl ; for, by one of the articles, an order was made for arming and train-, ing the Subjeds, and putting them in a pofture of defence. The Englifh Parliament having met not long afterwards, the Lords, addreffed the Queen, " That fhe would give orders for fortifying NeiC'^ cq/i/e, Berwick, Carlijle, and Hull, and that the Militia of the four " Northern Counties might be provided with arms ; and that a com- «' petent number of regular troops might be kept upon the northern "borders of England,, and in the north of Ireland -f ; and that the "Jaws might be put in execution againft the Papifts." A Bill was paffed a few weeks afterwards in both Houfes, which was intitled. An ASl for fecuring the Kingdom of Rnghnd from the dangers that might arifc from fevered Ails lately faffed in the Parliament of Scotland. By it it was enacted, that the Natives of the Kingdom of Scotland Ihould be reputed as Aliens, unlefs the Succeffion to the Crown of Scotland be fettled on the Princefs Sophia of Hanover, and her Heirs, being Proteftants. Provifions were alfo made for intercepting the trade from Scotland to thofe Countries that were at war with England : (it may be obfcrvcd that the Scots had expreflly paffed an Ad for * Sec Burnet, aniio 1704, t Bcing^expofed to invafion from Scotland. Trade SlyiSiures 6n the Vnton nv'ith Scothmd, 19 Trade with France) ; and Chriftmas of the following year was the day fixed for the A61 to take place, unlefs, as is above faid, the Scots chofe "before that time to fettle the Crown on the Houfe of Hanover, The fame A£l alfo empowered the Queen to name Commiliioners for a Treaty of Union. By the two oppofite ASl for empowering her to name Commiffioners for Engr land-j SlrtSiures on the Union with Scotland. 2i land was pafled. The prevalence of that violent party fpirit that has been above defcribed, continued to obftrudl, efpecially in Scotland, tlie accom- plifliment of the defign for fome years. At length, in the year 1706, effedual fteps were entered upon for framing a Treaty ; and Commif- fioners met at Whitehall for that purpofe. They were thirty-two from each Country ; all named by the Queen : the Scottlfli Parliament hav- ing given up the claim they had till then infifted upon, to name their own. Commiffioners. Thefe Commiffioners agreed about articles. Thefe Articles were ratified by the two Parliaments of England and of Scotland ; and formed the Treaty by which the two Kingdoms became United. The Articles, in favour of the Englifh in that Treaty, were, I. That by which it was enaded that the Englilh Parliament fhould be fole Parliament for Great Britain, and that the Reprefentatives of Scotland fhould come and incorporate with it. II. The Crown of Scotland was fettled on the Houfe of Hanover^ being at the fame time for ever annexed to the Crown of England. III. Scotland was made fubjed to the paying, in future, the fame taxes as were to be laid in England (fbme limitations excepted). The Articles, in favour of Scotland, were, I. A complete and perpetual naturalization of Scottifh fubjedls in. England.. II. The whole tax upon land, in Scotland, colledlvely taken, was fettled for ever to be only the fortieth part of the amount of the fame tax in England (the exa£l rate is as 48 to 2000). HI. The Scots were allowed to fend forty-five Reprefentatives to the Parliament of Great Britain, and fixteen to the Houfe of Peers: in all' fixty-one. It may be obferved that Edward the FirfV, during the fliort time he was mafter of Scotland, and during the forced Union he theni made of the two Kingdoms, had allowed the Scots only ten Reprefen- tatives: that number was accordingly fent; the Reader may fee their 6 names 22 StriSlures on the Umott ivUh Scoiliind. names In the Parliamentary Hijlory of England. And the Englifh Commonwealth had allowed the Scots only thirty Reprefentative?, when a fecond forced Union of Scotland took place, after the conqueft that was made of it by Cromwell and his Generals. IV. The Peers of Scotland were allowed to enjoy in England all the privileges of the Englifh Peerage, and precedence over all Peers of Great Britain created after the Union : the right of voting in Parliament, and of fitting upon the Tryals of Peers, excepted ; thefe latter rights being confined to the fixteen Deputies fent by the Scottifh Nobility. Since the Treaty of Union, fome farther regulations concerning Scot- land have been made by the Parliament, which it may not be amifs to mention here. In the firft: Place, the Privy Council of Scotland was abohflied foon after the Union : it had been left in the power of the Parliament of Great Britain to continue, or fet it afide. About four years after the Union, it was refolved in the Houfe of Lords, tliat Scottish Peers, created Peers of Great Britain fince the Treaty, were not to be admitted to lit, or vote, in that Houfe : the Duke of Hamilton, who was created Duke of Brandon in the year 171 1, was accordingly not allowed to take his feat. The refolve was grounded on the flriul letter of the A£t of Union : only fixteen Scottifh Peers were to vote. This conflrudlion had fome fpirit of jealoufy in it: it put the Scottifh Peers in a more difadvantageous lituation in regard to receiving honour from the Crown than Scottifh Commoners, who were undifputably allowed to be capable of being called to the Houfe of Peers by the Crown. Tliis refolve was altered a few years ago. The eldefl Sons of Scottifh Peers were alfo to be excluded from a feat in the Houfe of Commons. A vote to that effedl was pafTed in the year 1710: it was grounded on the exclufion that was alfo formerly given StriSlures on the Vnion ivlih Scotland. 23 given to them ip the Parliament of Scotland. This vote has been fet ^ide not many ye^ns fince. la the year 1709 an A£l was pafTed for making treafons and the tryal of them the fame in Scotland as. in England. The law of Scot- land was more arbitrary. By the A<51: abovementioned a Grand Jury is to find the Bill, and the Petty Jury are to be unanimous in their verdi£l. The law is not fo in Scotland in cafes diiferent from treafon : they have, for inftance, no Grand Jury in cafes pf ordinary criminal profecutions. Laftly, the Heretable Offices, Superiorities, Heretable JiirifdiSlions, and Jurifdicfions for Life, whicli conferred a power of life and death on a very great number of petty Lords and Chieftains, in Scotland, in their refpe£tive difl:ri£ts, were fet afide by an Adl of Parliament pafl'ed in the year 1746. The continuation of thefe tyrannical perfonal privileges and Jurifdiftions, had been exprefsly flipulated in the Atft of Union.:, it being the 2,0th Article of it.. However, the Parliament thought that the juftice and national importance of the provifion were to juflify the infraction made by it to the Treaty of Union. The oppofition ralfed: by the Proprietors of thefe Jurifdidions was overruled : and they were compelled to receive a compenfation in money : it was faid that only their property was meant to be fecured in the Adl of Union. Mofl: of the People of Scotland might be faid, in fa£l, to have acquired no indi- vidual freedom, nor even advantage, by the Treaty of Union,, until the palhng of the AiSl we mention.. The feudal Tenures of land by ward- holding and Knight-fervice, together with their incidents and cafualties^ which were another fource of oppreflion upon a numerous clafs of in- dividuals, were alfo aboliflied at that time. The general advantages which accrued to each Kingdom, refpec- tively, from the Act of Union, may be fummed up as follows : England, by the Treaty of Union, acquired the advantage, That an extenfive inlet and fettlement for foreign enemies was fhut. Land hof-- tilJties • 24 Strictures on the Union with Scotland. tilities and warfare were at the fame time put an end to, through the whole ifland. And England found herfelf fenced by the Sea on every fide. At the period itfelf in which the Union took place, England derived from it the capital prefent advantage of excluding from every part of Great Britain, a family that had a mod dangerous claim upon her Crown : a claim which continued to be refpefVed by a very numerous part of her own People. The A£t of Union was to prevent the re- newal of thofe fcenes which had attended the ftruggles between the Houfes of York and Lancafter. Scotland, being likewife confidered as a feparate Kingdom, acquired by the A£t of Union, all the advantages of Englifh trade and naviga- tion. She cannot, perhaps, be faid to have been gainer in regard to the rate according to which (he bears the burden of public taxes; though the cafe is generally reprefented fo. Scotland now pays the fame ex- tenfive excifes, cuftoms, and ftamp duties, that are paid in England. She is eafed in regard to the land-tax ; but that is no extremely confi- derable objeft, in comparifon to the whole of thofe abovementioned. It may at the fame time be faid, mofl: likely with truth, that the in- creafe of both their internal trade and their navigation, does more than enable Scottifh fubjeds to bear their increafed burden. Scotland has acquired the fame advantages as England, as to perpe- tual peace within the whole Ifland in which fhe is fituated. The abo- lifhment of the fpirit of rivalfhip againft the neighbouring Kingdom, may alfo perhaps be reckoned as an advantage in favour of Scotland. At the time when the Union was efteded, England had fo mightily increafed her national power and ftrength, in confequence of the changes that had of late years taken place in the politics of Europe, that Scotland, as a feparate Kingdom, was left behind, out of all pro- portion in that refpedt. A fpirit of national flruggle and oppofition, and Stn^ures on the Union with Scotland. 2q and notions of rivalrtiip, could not, in future, be produdive of happi- nefs to any individual in Scotland, And laftly, the Scots, through the A6t of Union, have gained the advantages of greater individual freedom, and of a better Government among themfelves. As a conclufion it may be added, that the Union of the two Nations was followed by a circumftance very favourable to the full fettlement of that new model of Government which was introduced by it. A few years after the Treaty took place. Great Britain became at peace with France and the whole world, and continued fo till about the year 1 740, that is for thirty years ; two contefts of fliort duration with Spain ex- cepted. From the year 1740, to the year 1775, or thereabouts, when the American ftruggles began, Great Britain was engaged in no fo- reign war, but what ferved to ftrengthen her internal Government, in- flead of weakening it. This was a fpace of full fixty years fince the Union : a fpace of time long enough, though not perhaps too much fb, for rooting out fuch violent prepoffeffions and affeflions for certain .models of Government, as are chiefly grounded on party-fpirit. ^t IRELAND. i6 StriSiures on the Jiate of Ireland. IRELAND. IRELAND forms the third branch, or limb, of the Britifh domi- nions in Europe; and though a feparate Ifland, lies fufficiently near Great Britain, to be confidered as an adjacent Country. There feems, however, to have been little intercourfe between Ire- land and England, previous to the reign of Henry the Second. There is no account left of any English Settlement having been made in that Ifland before that period ; though feveral Colonies of Norwegians and Danes, were found, who had formerly fettled on different parts of the coaft. They chiefly inhabited the environs of Waterford and Lane- rick, and were in fubfequent times called OJlmen by the EngliHi. In the reign of the Prince abovementioned, Henry the Second, aa attempt on Ireland was made for the firft time, from the Engijfli qoafi'^ Hiftorians have given to the expedition from England that then took place, the name of Conqueft of Ireland : they have afcribed the ho-- nour of it to King Henry the Second; and have moreover conferred upon him and his Succeflbrs from that period, a rightful cbim. to the- dominion and obedience of Ireland and its Inhabitants. The fadl is, however, that only a Settlement was made on the Irllb ^oafl, of the fame nature as thofe whicli have been formed fince on the coafts of Africa, Afi3, or America. The firll: Adventurers were two* private Gentlemen, Fitz Stephens, and Fitzgerald. They crolled the- Irifh channel with about three hundred men; and they were foon aftec followed by Earl Strongbow, with twelve hundred more. If the Irifh had been united under one King, or common Leader, as the Scots were, when Edward 1. attempted the Conquefl; of Scotland, or St'rlSHires en the Jlate of Ireland. i^- or If the Englirti adventurers had, on their firft landing, alarmed the whole Irifh Nation, by loudly proclaiming a defign of unlverfiil indif- criminate invafion and dominion, as the fame Edward the Firft did it is not to be doubted that tliey would foon have been overpowered by numbers, in the fiime manner as the Englifh ganifons left by- Edward the Firft in Scotland, were overpowered and diiven out of tho Country. But Ireland, at the time we are fpeaking of, was divided into a very- great number of independent dillridts, that had little more conne6tioa with each other than what arofe from mutual neighbourhood. And thofe Irifh who lived on the Northern or Weftern fide of the Idand, did not care much who inhabited, or made fettlements, on the fouthenx or eaftern coaft. The Englifli adventurers, befides, found friends in the Country to whom they were welcome, as hath been the cafe in all the Settlements made by Europeans in remote parts of the World : they even had been exprefsly invited by an Irlfli Chieftain who was pofTefled of the oppofite Ihore (his name was Mac-Dermot) : they were to aflift him in a war in which he was then engaged ; and Earl Strongbow was to marry his daughter. The military operations of the little Englifh army, and of the Irifli Ally who had invited them over, proved fuccefsfulj and the Adven- turers were rewarded for their afiiftance by having lands allotted to them in the Country. They formed a Settlement, or Colony, in the neighbourhood of Dublin. The report of the advantages which Fitz Stephens, Fitzgerald, and Earl Strongbow, had met with, reached England. A few more adven- turers followed, in order to partake of the fuccefs ; and among them at length, was no lefs a perfon than King Henry the Second himfelf, who chofe to come over, to give countenance to the Colony" formed by feis Suhjeifls. This Prince proved ftill more welcome to the Irilli than E z the 28 StriSlures on the Jlate of Ireland. the Adventurers who had preceded him. As he had brought only five hundred men with him, he caufed no alarm. The IriOi Chieftains were flattered to fee fo important a Man as the King of the great Ifland that lay on the oppofite fide of the channel, to have come among them to pay them a vifir. They reforted to him from feveral parts of the Country, and were proud to make alliance and treaties of amity with him; fome even agreed to pay him an annual tribute, for the honour of his future countenance and correfpondence. It may be obferved, that Henry the Second gave the IriHi Chieftains the title oi Kings % and fthis ftile continued to be ufed by his Succeflbrs fo late as eighty years afterwards, if not later: the following expreffions are to be found in a letter fent by Henry III. to one of thefe Irifli Chieftains. " The King •' to King Thomond, greeting." (Rex, Regi Thomond^ falutem.) Henry the Second, after flaying about five months in Ireland, with- drew, well fatisfied with his expedition, and leaving his Subjedls iiv pofleffion of fome diftridls on the eaftern coaft. Such was the firft fettlement made by the Englifh in Ireland, and the firfl: origin of the prefent dominion of the Englifh Crown over that Country, From the time we mention, till the 36th year of the reign of Edward the Third, that is, during a fpace of an hundred and fifty years, no at- tempt was made from England to extend the pofleffions that had been acquired in Ireland. At the period we mention, the Englifh Settle^ ment, that is, that part of it which was governed by the Englirti Law, and recognized the King's authority, was not extended beyond what ' 5t was in the beginning. It was rather the reverfe; and the jE«^/^ Pale, as it was called, only reached, at the time of King Edward III. to a few miles around Dublin ; though an hundred and fifty years^ as is abovefaid, had elapfed fince the firll fettlement. This flraitening of the EiigUfli Pale had been owing to two caufes. In the firft place, the hoftilities committed by the Settlers againll the dif- ^ trlds- StriSlures on the Jiafe of Ireland. in tri<5i:s by which they were furrounded, had ralfed an alarm and a con- federacy agahifl: them, which the firft Adventurers did not meet with. In the fecond place, the fuccelTors to thofe perfons of Enghfh blood, or race, who had obtained lands at fome diflance up the Country, had gradually renounced their dependance on the primary Settlement, as they ceafed to want its fupport : which has been the cafe with all Co- lonies, whenever they have ceafed to derive advantage from a con- nection with the Mother Country : and they had even in procefs of time adopted the drels, the language, and the laws, of the native Irilh. Thefe Englifh families, now transformed into Irifh inhabitants, were moreover particularly jealous to oppofe the extenfion of the P^/r, and the farther fpreading of the EngliHi law. They held their lands by IriOi tenures, and by the Brehon or Irifti law ; which, in regard to mat- ters of defcent, totally differed from the law of England. Now, if the Englilh law had been fuffered to prevail, they muft have been difpof- feffed, and compelled to give up their lands to other perfons. In order to fecure themfelves ftill farther, znd more completely difclaim any con- Be(Stion with the Englifh law, they had even affumed Iiifh furnames^ fuch as Mac-Ton's, Mac-Morice^ Mac-Gibbon, Sec. At the period we have abovementioned, the 36th year of the reign of King Edward III. an expedition into Ireland was projeded in Eng- land. The Leader was Lionel, Duke of Clarence, lecond Son to the- Kiiig. The motive that induced this Prince to undertake the expedi- tion, was this. He had married the heirefs to William Bourke, fur- uamed the Red Earle, the greateft landholder among thofe perfons of Englifh blood who had fettled up the Country, and rendered themfelves independent on the Englilh Pale and Government. After the death of the Red Earle^ the next m.ile heirs had claimed his eflates, conformably to the Irifli law, and had parcelled them among themfelves ; which was alfo conformiible to the fame law. Duke Lionel claimed thefe fame ^o Sir inures on the Jl ate of Ireland* fame lands In right of his Wife, grounding his claiiti on the English Common law ; and his coming over to Ireland, was in order to expel that Tribe, or Sept, or Family, or Clan, who had put themfelves in pof- leffion of them. The expedition was, in fafb, undertaken againft the Irifti law, and all thofe perfons of Englifli blood who had adopf^d it. Duke Lionel even ufed fo little policy as openly to avow his hoftile intentions in general, and forbade all perfons of Englifh race to approach his camp. He accordingly met with an nniverfal oppofition out of the limit of the Englifli Pale ; and as he had only brought an inconfiderable force with him, he was compelled to withdraw. Before he finally left the Country, however, he held a Parliament at Kilkenny, while he was encamped there ; and got that famous Statute to be palled which is known by the name of the Statute of Kilkenny, This Statute is very remarkable: the above account of Duke Lionel's expedition has been purpofely given, in order to have an opportunity to lay the principal articles of that Statute before the reader : it (hews that tyrannical laws are an old evil In Ireland. It was recited in the preamble, that the Englhh of the Realm of Ireland, before the arrival of Duke Lionel, were become mere Irifh in their language, names, apparel, and manner of living; had rejeded the Englifh law, and fubmitted to thofe of the IriHi, with whom they had united by marriage-alliance, to the ruin of the general weal. It was therefore ena£led that marriage, and gofllpred, with the Irifli, (hould be punished as high treafon. If any Man of Englifh race fliall ufe an Irifli name, the Irifli language and apparel, or ride without faddle, &c. his tenements fhall be fcized. U any one claims the Irifli or Brehon Jaw, he fliall be adjudged a Traitor. It was made penal for perfons of Englifh race, to allow the Irifh to creaght or graze upon their lands; or to entertain any of their Mmarels, Rhymers, or News^tellers, &c. &c. This Sir/Slures on the Jtaie of Ireland, ^r This Statute of Kilkenny has been greatly praifed by Sir John Davis, and other Writers, on account of its tendency to reform the degenerate EnglLfh : tliis was the ufual appellation given to thofe Englifli who, after fettling up the Country, had adopted the Irifh laws and cufloms. The fa6t is, that it was no more than a peevifh and revengeful expref- fion. of the refentment Duke Lionel ftlt from the oppofitlon he had met with, and the lofs of thofe lands he had come over to claim. The Statute was not to have any obedience paid to it, out of the fmall com- pafs of the Englifli Pale» It was, in reality, a declaration of perpetual war againft thofe perfons and Chieftains of Englifh race, who were fettled up and down the country, and had been, more or lefs, neceffi- tated to adopt the Irifh cufloms aad laws.— Thus ended the fecond. expedition into Ireland. The third expedition was undertaken not long afterwards, by King- Richard the Second. This Prince landed in Ireland with a very con- fiderable army : but he does not feem to have entertained any ferious defign ; any defign, iu fliort, except tliat of a fplendid excurfion and aaiufement. The Iriih Chieftains afled in regard to Richard in the fame manner as they had done with Henry the Second. Though they were un- willing to give up their lands and cattle to foreign adventurers, and to adopt laws which they neither underftood, nor were ufed to, they were proud to fee an Englifli King among theai. As Richard was willing to exhibit his greatnefs and. magnificence to them, fo, they were de- firous to diiplay their coufequence and their urbanity.. They flocked to the King's Court from all quarters. No lefs than feventy-five inde- pendent Iri(h Chiefs the King admitted to his perfon, and entertained with great fplendour. The Earl of Ormond, who fpoke die Irifli lan- guage, and Henry Cafl:il, who had married an Irifli Lady, officiated as Interpreters. Four of the Chieftains, O'Nial, O'Connor, O'Brien, and Mac-Murchddy were feated at the King's table, clo:hed in robes of Hate^ 2 Stridlures on the Jlate of Ireland. ftate. Some were knighted. They, at firft, objected to the offer ; al- ledging that every Irifh Lord, or King, was knighted, or made a war- rior of, when feven years of age: but being told that they were now to be made fo, conformably to the pradice adopted among all the fa- mous Nations of Europe, they fubmitted to the ceremony with much gratitude. It is to be obferved that all thefe favours were (hewn only to native Irifti Chieftains. During thofe feafts and entertainments which the King continued for fome time to carry on at Dublin, the degenerate Enolifh, great and little, kept at diftance : none durft come near Dublin or the Courts They were under the terrors of the Kilkenny Statute. However, the young King was not come over with a defign to fhew feverity to any perfon. He obferved, witla good-nature, in regard to the degenerate., or rebel., Englifh, that they had poffibly re- ceived but too much provocation ; which had driven them to feek for the alliance of the Irifh. After flaying fome months, Richard thought of putting an end to his magnificent journey ; and he departed, with- out having increafed the Englifli Pale and the fphere of the Englifh laws, or having manifefied any intention about it. From the reign of Richard the Second no exifnedition was attempted from England into Ireland, till the reign of Queen Elizabeth ; in the latter years of whofe reign Ireland was univerfally fubdued by force, as will be mentioned hereafter. During this whole period, which contained about two hundred years, a conflant ftate of warfare continued to take place between the Englifh Colony or Pale, a:id the whole Country befidesj with fome intervals however of intermiflion, as to adual Iioftilitles. The Colony were at confla!;»t war with the native Irifh, in confe- quence of their colonial laws and provlfioiis, according to which the Infh were confidered as perpetual Outlaws. The Courts of Juftice er.eifled within the Pale, allowed them no remedy in cafes of trefpafTes committed Stri^uns on the Jlale of Ireland. 23 committed agaiiift them ; nor did they adjudge puniflimcnt for flaying a native Irifh *. The Colony were in a flate of perpetual war with the degenerate Knglifli, in confequence of the Statute of Kilkenny, wliich, as hath been above recited, had made llich degeneracy HigliTreafon and Death. The impotency of this Statute, and in general the iinpolicy of the meafures purfued by the Directors of the Colony affairs, both in regard to the native Irifh, and the degenerate Englifli, foon became confpi- cuous. An alliance and confederacy took place between thefe, of a clofer nature than formerly. And the confequence at length was, that - the Settlement became to be fo flraitened, that thofe who were pof- fefTed of land on the borders, were necefiitated to buy peace from the furrounding Chieftains, having agreed to pay them an annual ftipend, v/hich became to be a fettled tribute, known by the name of Black- rent. Notwithflanding its weaknefs, the Englifh Colony continued how- ever to exifl, — partly becaufe it was well known, that, had an univer- ial combination taken place to efFeft its final expulfion, it would have received fufiicient afli fiance from England to make the attempt both difficult and dangerous, — and partly, becaufe the Settlement was, in itfelf, equal in point of flrength to any of the numerous Lords, or Chieftains, who domineered over the Ifland. The Colony, in fa£t, continued to defend itfelf by the fame means which thofe Chieftains * When a Man had been killed, and the accufed party pleaded that the Man was an Triih-man, the cafe was brought to the iflue whether the Man killed was of Trifli, or Englifh, race. Sir John Davies has quoted two curious Latin records. By the -firn; it appears that one IVilliams, who had killed 6-ne Roger, obtained his quietus, on proving that this Roger, notwithflanding the Englifh name he had alTumcd, belonged to the \n{h Sept, or Tribe, furnamed O'Hederifcals. The other record gives tlie inflance of one Laureyu, who was fentenced to be hanged, for killing one Galfred Dovedal, who was proved, on the tryal, to be of Enghlli race. See Davia, p. iii, ua. F 11 fed 34 St figures on the fate of Ireland, ufed among themfelves : that is to fay, by making alliance at fbmc times with feme of them, and at other times with others ; whether they were Iri(h, or degenerate English : occafionally fetting afide the provifions relative to the Irifry, and forgetting the Statute of Kilkenny, as circumllances made it necefl'ary. On the other hand, there were reafons why the Englifli Colony did not extend their acquifitions, nor availed themfelves of the advantages they might have perhaps poffefled to that effe£l. In the firft place, they continued to receive no afliflance from Eng- land, whofe Government was either engaged in Continental and Scottifh expeditions, or was diftrafled at home by rebellious infurreflions, and civil wars^ In the fecond place, the Eiiglifh Colonics began in time to quarrel among themfelves, in their own diftrii^:. In the fame manner as a di- vjfion had in former years been effeded between Englifh Subjects, and the degenerate Englilh, fo a divifion now took place in the Colony, between Englifli Subje£ls of race or blood, and Enghfli Subjects of birth, that is, thole who were born in England, and had lately emigrated, or rather immigrated, into Ireland. Their difTentions went even fo far, that two oppofite Parliaments were once to be feen fit- ting in different places, anathematizing each other, and promulgat- ing oppofite contradiftory laws, to be obferved by Englifli Subje£ls in Ireland. It may be obferved that fome of the EngliOi Subjects of blood were pofTelfed of confiderable independent diftrifts out of the limit of the Pale, which enabled them to oppofe by main force the Government of the Colony, and even fometimes to attempt to call diftindl Conven- tions or Parliaments. The moft confiderable among them were the Earls of Ormond, and of Defmond. The Inhabitants of Ireland had therefore, in procefs of time, become to be divided into four different Claffes : — The Irifry^ or native liifh; the degenerate Englifh; the £ngh(h Subjeds of blood, fome of them, as SlridJures on the f.ate oj Ir eland, aj as hath been above obferved, pollcfled of confiderable independent power; — and the Englifli of birth, who were chiefly fupported by the Government. In the midfl: of the connplicate quarrehng, and promilcuous multi- phed warfare, that took pL^ce between tliefe four CJaffei, or then- Leaders, the Enghfti Colony, or Settlement, continued to exifl: fo|- above two hundred years in the fame narrow extent ; that is, till the eml of the reign of King Henry the Eighth. At the time of this Prince, the Pale confifted of no more than four Shires. Though Munjler had been, in former days, nominally divided into Counties, the People, as Sir John Davies obferves, had become lb degenerate, as that no Juftice of Affize durfl execute his CommifTion among them. The fneering anfwer of Mac-Guire, Chief of Ferma- nagh, to the Lord Deputy, who was propofing to him to accept a She- riff in his diftridl, has been recorded: " Your Sheriff fhnll be welcome <' to me; but let me know the price of his head (his Eric), in order " that if my People cut it off, I may fine them accordingly." John Allen, Irifh Mafter of the Rolls, was direded by the Govern- ment of the Colony, to inform the King, that his laws were not obeyed twenty miles in compafs. It was become a common exprefhon among the inhabitants of Ireland, to {\y, that They dwelt by-weji of the Law, which dwelt heyond the river of the Barrow (thirty miles of Dublin). Henry the Eighth did indeed aflume the title oi King of Ireland, in- ftead of ZiOr^, which was the former ftile, and had caufed certain di- flrids without the Pale, to be divided itito Counties, or Shire ground. But this divifion was no more than nominal. The Black-rent, that annual tribute which has been abovementioned, continued during that Prince's reign to be exailed from the inhabitants of the borders of the Pale, by the furrounding Chieftains. The native Irifh Chiefs even then continued to confider themfelves as being fo independent, that they made exprefs Treaties of peace with the King and his Lieutenant : F 2 Treaties 36 Strictures on the Jlate of Ireland. Treaties of alliance were more than once made with them, for making war on the turbulent Enplifh Lords. One of thefe Chieftains, named Mac-Gilhpalrick, and Lord of Oflbry, (in the neighbourhood of Wex- ford), conceiving himfelf on a certain occafion to have been aggrieved by the Earl of Ormond, then Lord Deputy, font a declaration of war to Henry VIU. if he did not punifh him : which declaration the Am- baflador whom the Irifh Chieftain had made choice of, delivered in good Latin to the King, as he was coming from Chapel. As to the degree of obedience paid to the Government by the Lords and great Subjefts of EngUOi blood, it may be guelied not to have been very great, from the nature of the covenant entered into by the Earl of Defmond with Henry VIII. in the thirty-fecond year of the reign of that Prince; which was, that he would fuffer the law of England to be executed in his Country, and would permit the fubfidies granted by Parliament, to be levied on his Tenants and Followers. Such was the ftate of Ireland during the reign of King Henry VIIL and even during the reigns of King Edward the Sixth, of Queen Mary, and the firft part of the reign of QiJ^een Elizabeth. Yet all Writers, among them Sir John Davies, who was Attorney General in Ireland in the reign of James the Firft, agree in fpeaking of Ireland as having rightfully belonged to the Englifn Crown ever fince the reign of King Henry the Second. The Book publifhed by Sir John Davies concern- ing Ireland, contains a continual contraditflion from the beginning to the end. He calls the Kings of England from the reign of Henry ths Second, " Abfolute Monarchs of Ireland, having in right all Royal and Imperial Jurifdiftion there ;" he brands the native Irifli with the names of perfidious Rebels, wicked and ungrateful Tray tors, tluoughout his Book : and all for what ? bccaufe the Kings of England had conquered their Country: and yet his Book is purpofely written to point out the caufes why they had not conquered it. At the fame time it muft be acknow- ledged that Sir John Davies was a Man of very great abilities: greatly fuperior SiriBures on the Jlaic of Ir gland. ;2 7 fnperior to the generality of thofe perfons vvho: are ufually em})Ioyed iu the management of public affairs ; and notwitliftanding his contra" di part of the Irifh coafl. Spain, of all foreign Coun- tries, is the moft favourably fituated for an intercourfe with Ireland. The Spanifh coafl flretches fo far out into the Atlantic Ocean, as to lie to the Weflward of moft of the Iridi harbours. Weflerly tvinds, that is, thofe winds which mof\ly prevail in that part of the StrlSiures f>n the f trie of Ireland, 47- the woi'lcl, arc favourable winds for coming from Cape Fiuiftcrre to Corke, Waterford, &c. The Nortliern Spanifh ihore in flid lies both EaH: and Weft of the Irifh coafl ; and Spain is better fituatcd for coii- flanlj communication with Ireland, than France, or pej-haps than anv EngliHi harbour within the Britifh Channel. Had the Spanifh Armada attempted Ireland, they would have made a certain conqueft of it. After the mifcarriage of that Fleet, another might have been fent, which, ailifted by the now univerfally difiilFefted Inhabitants, might have met with fuccefs. Nay, an army of feveral thoufand Spaniards were adlually fent, attended by a Pope's Nuntio, who got pofiefiion of Kinfale. And England thus found herfelf in danger of being befet, on Eaft and Weft, by the power of Spain, fo formidable in thofe days, and of lying in the middle between the land forces of the Spaniards, then centered in the Netherlands, and their naval flrength and arma- ments, flationed in the harbours of Ireland. Thefe confiderations de- termined the Englifh Government to make uncommon efforts to fecure tlie poffeffion of Ireland. Very confiderable fubfidies were voted by Parliament for that purpofej and an army of twenty thoufand men, completely well provided, was fent, which, alTifted by the advantages and footing already poffefled by the Government in the Country, and by other favourable circumftances, effe«5led a thorough redudlion of all the different Lords and Chiefs who till then had ruled in the Ifland. However, Queen Elizabeth did not live to fee the conqueft of Ire- land brought to a thorough conclufion : for, the final capitulatioti with the great Chieftain O'Neal, was not ligned till a few days after her death. James the Firfl is, therefore, to be named as the firll Englifh Sove- reign who poffefled the dominion of Ireland. At this aera, all violent oppofition to the Government, \Vas put an end to. The fpirit of Irifli refinance was braied, to ufe the ex- preflions of Sir John Davies, as it were in a mortar, with the Sivord, G 2 Famine, 44 Siri5lures on the Jlate of Ireland, Famine, and Pefi'iknce^ altogether. The Law now penetrated Into every remote corner of the Ifland. — Juftlce, the fword having firfl: cleared the way, took the whole Country in her progrefs, in the fame man- ner as the Virgo moves in the Zodiack preceded by Leo, as Sir John clallically and elegantly exprcfles it ; and the Jitdges were now enabled to proceed round the whole Kingdom, like Planets in their extenfive Orbits ; whereas their Circuits had till then been confined to the fmall precind of the Pale, like the narrow circle which the Cynofura de- fcribes about the Pole. At the fame time that the power of the Judges and of the Englirt* Government was thus extenfivcly fixed, the Icud Irifh laws and cufloms were aboHflied, and the Eiiglifh laws eftablifhed in all cafes without exception, through the whole lOand. Lawyers had then bufmefs enough ; and even more than enough. The Harveft was great, to life once more the expreilions of Sir John Davies, but the Labourero fewf (Magna mejjis, fed Operarii pauci) and" the number of the Judgesvvas increafed in every Bench *." As a further flep for the fettling of Ireland, numerous' Colonies were fcnt from Great Britain to occup3i^the lands which had been taken from tliofe Tribes and Chieftains who had been more particularly engaged in the war that had been lately terminated. King James gave uncom- mon attention to the framing of the Ordinances that were made for rlie proper fettling of thefe Colonies ; and all Writers have agreed in praifing the judicious meafures that were adopted, and in confidering the zeal and fuccefs of the King in that r.efpeft, as the mo ft laudable part of his reign^ * Tlie power of the Law and of the Judges, did not become, iiowevcr, quite fo com.- pleteJjr eftabliflicd in Ireland, at the beginning of the reign of James the Fiift, as Sir Jolm Davies dcfcribes it. Several iufurrefiions took place in this reign, that were raifed by Irifli Chieftains : though they were quelled without any great difBculty, as their power aiid rcfources had been fo broken by the late war. The 5triniircs on the fate of Ireland^ 45 . The power of the EngliHi Government and Crown being now inii- vcrfally and indlfputably eflablifhtd, theic was a probability that the- enmities of former parties would be in time forgotten, that thofe Inha- bitants who had been compelled to adopt the Englifh laws, would gradually perceive tlieir advantages, and that a lafting peace might prevail in Ireland. But events had unfortunately taken place within the laft fifty or fixty years, that were foon to difturb this peace, and give rife to animofities and contefts as obRinate and bloody as thofe that had been lately terminated. It is here meant to fpeak of the reli- gious diflcntions, caufed by the introdu6lion of the Reformation into Ireland, The firft attempt to introduce the Reformation into Ireland, was in the reign of King Edward the Sixth, Henry VIII. being fatisficd to have his fupremacy acknowledged,, and the authority of the I'ope re- nounced, did not take any meafure to enforce a farther change in th.e opinions of his Subjefts in Ireland. Bi;t, in the reign of Edward the Sixth, orders were fent for ufing the Englifh liturgy in all the Churches of the Colony, that is, of thofe diflrids wherein the authority of the Englifh Government was acknowleilged, Direftions were alfo given for removing, felling, or deftroying, the ornaments, and the inflru- ments of popifh fuperAition : and the Soldiers who compofed the gar- rifons ftationed;in Ireland, were employed for effecting thefe removals' and deftrudions, which they performed with their ufual zeal and ala- crity in executing commands of this kind. In the mean time. Sir Anthony St, Leger, the Lord Deputy, was recalled, on account of his not being fufficiently afTiduous in promoting the work of the Refor- mation. In the reign, of Queen Mary, the tables were reverfed. The Latin liturgy was reinftated in the Churches, and their ornaments were re- flored. Proteflants were, neverthelefs, allowed to live fufficiently un- molefted:. 45 Stri^ures on the fate of Ireland. molcfted : they were not numerous enough in Ireland, to make perfe- cution a profitable bufinefs. In the reign of Queen Elizabeth, a frefli change took place ; and the Churches were again denuded of their ornaments. James the Firll purfued the fame bufinefs of Reformation: but as the King's power in Ireland was now fo far increafed beyond what it had formerly been, fo the meafures for altering the religion of the Country were attended with more important effe-fls. The direftions concerning the Reformation, fent by the preceding Sovereigns, had only been enforced in the diftrids and Churches within the Pale : the orders fent by the Council of James the Firft now extended to tlie whole Ifland. The principal meafures that were adopted at the time of that Prince, for raifing the Proteftant, on the ruins of the Catholic, Religion, in Ire- land, were the following : In the firft place, the Colony that was fent from Great Britain, to fettle on thofe lands which had been feized by tl'ie Crown, as hath been above mentioned, was formed of Proteftants ; and a great many of them Prefbyterians : a fmall Colony, formed on the fame principle, had alfo been fent in the reign of Qiieen Elizabeth, to fettle on the lands that were taken from the Earl of Defmond, a rebellious great Lord and Subjedt of blood, when he was fubdued and attainted with one hun- dred and forty of his adherents, feme years before the great war againft the native Irifli. The Proteflant party by that means acquired that kind of flrength, and weight, which refults from confiderable num- bers. For, it is to be obferved that there were fcarcely any Proteftants among the old Englifh inhabitants of Ireland, and they were ftill fewer among the native Irifli: the Reformation had made no progrefs what- ever in Ireland. In the fecond place, the majority, in the Trifli Parliament, was al- lotted to the Proteftant party, through the manner in which the Par- 6 liament Stridtures on the Jlate of Ireland. 47 liament was now compofed, and in which tl>e right of election was <:onferred on new ere£led Comities and Corporations. There had been no Parliament held in Ireland for twcnty-feveii years before the time we are fpeaking of, which was the eighth year of the reign of King James the Firft. The Proteftants were fo few in Ireland, in Queen Elizabeth's time, that the Government of the Colony could not venture upon calling a Parliament : there was too little certainty of getting a majority on the Proteftant fide, even with the power poflcffed by the Crown of erediiig new Counties and Corpora- tions : this had been the caufe of the long intermiffion of Parliaments that has been above mentioned. The Council of James the Firft, in the eighth year of his reign, had a more advantageous fcope, now that the IQand was univerfally fubdued, and a numerous Colony of the Proteflant Religion had been introduced, that was fettled upon exten- five trafts of land. New Boroughs were ere£led in thofe quarters oc- cupied by the new Settlers. Even then the Government found them- felves, at fiifl:, miftaken in their reckoning, through the remarkable ardour with which the oppofite, or Catholic, party exerted themfelves, efpecially in the eleflions for Counties : eleflions were loft where there was thought to be little danger of it ; and even Pfivy-counfellors ex- eluded. The diitippointment was made up by Ipeedily eredling frefh Corporations, or Boroughs, and conferring upon them the right of cledting Members. Hence the complaints made afterwards by the Ca-- tholic party, that feveral new Corporations which had fent Member?^ had been eredled, in order to the fending of precepts to them for elec- tions, after the firft ifiuing of the Writs for calling the Parliament. By this exertion of all their refources, the Irifti Government obtained a majority in the Lower Houfe. On the firft day of meeting, the Members of the Catholic party were found to be loi; and thofe in the Proteftant intereft were 125. The Catholic party being both greatly furprifed and difappointed at finding themfelves the minor number, at iii-^ j^i S!ricliires on tb: Jlate of helatJcL firft refufed to recojrnize tliofe new Brethren that had been fent them by the new erected Corporations : a fcuffle even took place in the chairing of a Speaker; each party putting forth a different perfon. But as the p'a-e of tlie meeting was in the Caftle, as they were fur- rounded by a Proteftant ganifon, and all attendants had been difmifled, as well as fwords left at the gate, the Catholic party were fain to fub- mlt. In tiie Houfe of Lords, there were four Earls, five Vifcounts, and fixteen Barons; in all twenty-five: to them were added twenty- five Proteflant Bifliops and Archbilhops. In order to complete the fame courfe of meafures, the penal Statutes that had been pafTed in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, were put in force. By virtue of thefe Statutes, no Man who refufed to take the oath of Supremacy, could be invefled with an Office in a Corporation, or be a Juftice of the peace, or a Magiffrate : he was not to be a Privy- counfellor, nor to be preferred to aiiy Pofl in the Government: if a Lawyer, he was not to be admitted to plead at the bar, or to fill the office of Judge. All the higher dignities of the Church, together with ■Church livings, and Church emoluments, were moreover allotted to the Proteflant Clergy, as a reward for their orthodoxy. A weekly fine was alfo to be laid upon every perfon who fhould negle>fl to attend the Church fervice. By all the above ordinances and meafures, the Proteflant became eftabliflied, to the complete exclufion of the Catholic Religion. And at that period arofe thofe formidable party diflin6lions of Catholics, and Protcffants, into which the Inhabitants of Ireland have fince been divided. 1 he Proteflant party was, on the one hand, formed by thofe Colo- nies that had, of late years, been fettled in Ireland. They had on their fide the ftrength of the Colonial Government, which was formed only of thcmfelves; and the majority m the Parliament of the Ifland. On SlrtSluns on the Jiate of Ireland, 4^ On the other hand, the Catholic party was formed of the whole mafs of the Inhabitants of Ireland, previoufly to the fettling of the above Colonies : for, as hath been already obferved, there were no Pro- tcftants in Ireland before that time : this will, very likely, induce the reader to think that it was not very wife to try to render the Proteftaut Religion univerfally dominant, in a Country fo circumftanced. At the period we are fpeaking of, the old diftin(SHons of native Irifli, degenerate Englifh, Englifh of Blood, and Englifh of the Pale, were forgotten, and loft in the general denomination of Catholics. An union was now formed between the Irifli Chieftains and Tribes, who, after lofing their lands and their laws, were now to lofe their religion, and the whole of the old Englifli Colony, whofe Lords and Men of in- fluence were now to lofe their confequence, whofe Lawyers and Priefts were thrown out of employment, while the numerous Commonalty had their Churches taken from them, and were infulted by penalties for not conforming to the religious rites of their Opponents. All were now united together under the common banner of the Catholic Faith, and turned their eyes towards the Proteftant party as a common ag- greflbr and enemy. The refources of the Proteftant party, for maintaining their ground, in the midft of fo formidable a confederacy, could not be in their num- ber; for, though confiderable in itfelf, it bore no kind of proportion to thofe of their Catholic Opponents. And the advantage they poiTelled of forming the Colonial Government, and of having a majority in the Parliament, was only a ftrength of an artificial kind, which, without farther fopport, could not fubfifl long. Their real effedual refources were to be in their moderation, and in the fupport of the Englifh Go- vernment. Of moderation, it appears from what has been above re- cited, that they had but little. Nay, they had none ; for, when they found that the Englifh Council of James the Firfl was beginning H to 50 Sir inures on the Jlate of Ireland. to life for their fake a wifdom and caution which they did not them- felves poiTefs, they proffered addreffes againft the " grievous fin of " granting toleration to fupcrftltion and idolatry, and of being accef- " fory to the abominations of Popery." On the arrival of Lord Falk- land, who had been fent as Lord Deputy, with general diredions, it was thought, to purfue gentle meafures, Archbifhop U(her, in his firft fermon before him, took for his text the words, He beareth not the fword in "oam. The final refource of the Proteftant Reformers was in the ultimate fupport of the Englifh Government: and, fince it had been able to con- quer the Ifland, it was natural to fuppofe that, by ferioufly exerting again its force, it might be able to preferve the conqueft. But fliould that Government happen to be weakened in its feat by domeftic difiTen- fions, (hould its prefi'ure and weight be at any time leflened, that fire which was kept fmothered, muft no doubt burft out; and terrible muft be the explofion. In the night of the azd of October 1641, the Irifh civil war began. Violent meafures of the kind we are here fpeaking of, Ihould never be attempted to be juftified in writing : I fhall therefore leave the fudden infurree political tendency of tiie above mentioned Englifli Afts, and the national dependence on England which SiviBures on the Jl-ate of Ireland. 5-7 which they feemed to evince, linppened to engage very Icrioully the public attention in Ireland. This attention, as well as the general diflatlsfadion, gradually increafed. And at length, in the year 1698, the famous Pamphlet written by Mr. Molyneux, was publiflied, which is entitled, ne Cafe of Ireland be'mg bound by ASis of Parliament in Eng- land, Jlated. This Pamphlet, together with the high degree of notice that was taken of it by the Englifh Iloufc of Commons, may be con- (idered as having been the public opening of the controverfy, and the political contention, between England and Ireland, fince the beginning of this Century. It is to be obferved that there was, befides Mr. Molyneux's publica- tion, another fa£t of aferious nature, though not very generally known at firfl: to the Public, which caufed the interference of the Englifh Houfe of Commons. The IriOi Parliament, diflatislied with the above recited A^ls that had been paffed in England fince the beginniiiT of the King's reign, had tranfmitted to the King in Council, for his Ma- jefty's Aflent, the Heads of a Bill, which, under colour of givinc^ a farther fandion to thofe A£ls, was meant as a kind of precedent, or declaration, for excluding afterwards the authority of the Englifli Par- liament out of Ireland. The opportunity of the appearance of Mr. Molyneux's publication was taken j a Committee of the Houfe of Com- mons was appointed on the 21 ft of May i6y8, to enquire into the Book; and, upon the report of the Committee, the Houfe ' unani- ' moufly refolved, * June 22, That the faid Book was of a dangerous confcquence to * the Crown and People of England, by denying the authority of the * King and Parliament of England to bind the Kingdom and People * of Ireland, and the fubordination that Ireland has, and ought to have, * upon England, as being united and annexed to the Imperial Crown * of this Realm. And that, occafion and encouragement to forming * the dangerous pofitions contained in the faid Book, had been given I * by ^8 Slrl5fures on the Jlate of Ireland. * by a Bill entitled An Acl for the better Security of his Mnjejly's per- * fon and Government, tranfmitted under the Great Seal of Ireland; * whereby an h3-, confpi- cuoufly appeared from the manner in which the Crown was fettled on ^', the Houfe of Hanover by the Irifh Parliament. The reader has feeh in a former place, how great an advantage the Scots had taken of the event we mention, in regard to the Englifli Nation, and to the Crown : they had ftripped the latter both of its legiflative and executive autho- rity in their Country. The Irifh Parliament, on the fnft propoftl made by the Lord Lieutenant, in the beginning of Queen Anne's reign, confirmed that Settlement which had been fixed upon in England; only adding another A61, by which Roman Catholics were dilqualiiied from StrlBures on the Jiate of Ireland, 62 from fcrving as Members of Parliament, and from voting at ele£lions: they alfo availed themfelves of thofe particular periods of time, in the fame reigii, when the prefent eftablifhment happened to be thought in danger, for obtaining farther laws againft the CathoUcs, and at laft, thofc huvd of Dlfcovery which have been above mentioned. But they went no farther; even though the quarrel with the Englirti Parlia- ment, about Conftltutional Supremacy, had been already feemingly engaged, a very few years before, on occafion of the publication of Mr. Molyneux's Book, as hath been above recited. At the fame time that the Irifli, as a diftind Nation, were thus weakened by their own internal divifion, Great Britain either conti- nued at peace with the reft of the world, or was fo fuccefsful in her foreign wars, till the year 1763, that the internal fecurity of her Admi- niftration was rather Increafcd by them ; while her outward force was augmented to a degree that precluded all thoughts of open defiance and overt oppofition in any part of the Empire, to the operations of her Government. Befides thofe difadvantages in fa^^, Ireland and her Parliament la- boured under others, in point of form. An hereditary revenue had been fettled upon the Crown, in the reign of Charles the Second, which was more than equal to the expences of the internal Government of the Ifland : the lri(h Parliament were therefore pollelTed of no effeiSlual means to afcertain the time of their fitting, as they had no power to flop neceflary fupplies, either prefently, or after the expiration of a cer- tain time prefixed by them. Neither had the Crown any want of their concurrence, either for regulating, or increafing, the army in Ireland ; as the praftice was to have Mutiny bills for the whole Empire enaded, as well as the quotum of the forces fettled, by the Britifli Legiflature. To thefe circumftances of form it may be added, that the Irirti Legif- lature poflefled but a limited freedom of debate : they were in regard to the introducing of New Bills, and of getting them paffed, under thofe ■64 StriSiures on the Jl ate of Ireland. thofe i'efttl£tion3 which have of late years become the fubjed of public difcourfe, under the name oi Poyning's law. This fituation of Ireland and her Parliament, which we have juft^ now defcribed, has proved the caufe why the ftruggles of her People for independence on Englifh Government, have continued, duriug the greateft part of this Century, to be confined to wiflies and vehement fpeeches and publications. Even the meafures entered upon by her Legiflature, with thofe views we allude to, were only attempts, as hath been above obferved, only fteps by which to try to enlarge their power and confequence. Acquiefcence was paid to thofe repulfes which they met with, from the Declarations, exprefled in fufficiently lofty lan- guage, of the two Houfes of the Britifh Parliament, as well as to the checks which they did at times receive from the Lords Lieutenants, when they attempted to meddle with the hereditary revenue, or to offer fhort money Bills, that is, for a fhorter time than two years. And thofe fteps of theirs which had failed of fuccefs, were feldom infifted upon, or renewed. The fa£l:s that have been above recited give an exaifl ftate of t!ie Conftitution of Ireland, confidered as a diftin6l Kingdom, as it flood previoufly to the late difputes. I mean to fpeak of the Conftitution of fa6l (defaSio), merely. It is not my defign to inquire into the Confli- tution of right, — or to examine into the dodlrine of Mr. Molyneux, or the opinions of Locke, and other Writers on thofe fubjetfts. There is a certain particular knot to queftions of this kind, which thofe perfons who have difcufled them, have not thought of: hence thofe contradiction?, and the vlfible anxiety, which their Writings exhibit. But it is not my intention to fay more in this place on the fiibjeft : I only intend to defcribe the changes that have been lately ef^edled iiythe political fitua- tion of Ireland : it was necefTary for that purpofe, to give an account of that mode of governing which was, in former years, adopted by the Britifh Government, in that Country, and was acquiefced in. The S/r Inures on the Jliite of Ireland. 65 The real period at which affairs have began to prefcnt a different af- neiSt, and take a dcciiive turn, in IrelauJ, was in tiie year 1778. It is alfo to be remarked, that, at that time, the Government of Great Bri- tain, after being embarraffed during fevcral years by vehement domeftic difputes, was weakened by the defection of its diftant Colonies, and the expenfive war in whicli it was involved by that defe£tion : and a great European Power had jufl: taken part in the quarrel, and fent its fleets and armies to aft in concert with the Colonies. This was the time which the Men of influence in Ireland thought it advifeable to feize as a proper opportunity for increafing both their own private confequence, and the particular advantages of that part of the Empire to which they belonged. This defign which began to be purfued by the Irifli Na- tion, at the time we are fpeaking of, was no very extraordinary in- ftance in the Hiftory of iVIankind. Taking advantage of the wants in which a Government ftands of affiftance, or of the fears it entertains of frefh and multiplied oppofition, has been pradifed in all times and in all Countries, and is a mode ofconduift which Great Men in Britain, and Members of the Britifh Legiflature, have no very particular right to condemn. The flirt objeft to which the Leaders of the Iri("h Nation dire£ted their endeavours^ was, the repeal of thofe reftridions that had been laid on their trade, by Ads of tlie Britifh Legiflature. In confequence of the fteps that were taken on that kibjefts, in Ireland, eitlrer by addrefles from public Meetings, or Parliamentary debates and refolves, the affair was introduced into the Britilh Houfe of Commons, in April 1778, by the motion which a Member made for that purpofe, certain ordinances, relative to the trade of Ireland, were, on that occafion, after fome.debatc altered. Thefe alterations did not appear fuflicient in Ireland; and the public diflfatisfadion was again exprefled in a loud, unequivocal, manner. The fubjecl was therefore again introduced into the Britifh Parliament: and K the 6S SiriSfures on the Jlate of Ireland. the confeqtience was, the repeal of the law paffed in the reign of Charles the Second, prohibiting the planting of tobacco, together with a pro- vifion concerning the cultivation of hemp, which was meant for the benefit of Ireland. This was in the beginning of the year 1779. Thefe conceflions were not yet fo fortunate as to give fatisfaction. The fenfe of the Public was again declared ; and the difcontent was manifefted by fymptoms quite different from thofe that had attended the complaints made in the time of King William, and the fubfequent reigns. Towns and Corporations, as well as public Meetings of the People, took a fhare, this time, in the conteft. General agreements againfl the importation of Englifli commodities were entered into, in imitation of what had been pradlifed a few years before in America ; and tlie refra£lorinefs of thofe perfons who either refuied to fubfcribe thefe patriotic agreements, or did not fulfill them exactly, was puhifhed by thofe fummary and effectual chaftifements in the inflicling of which tlie populace ufe i^o laudable to co-operate. A very eloquent Agent alfo at that time began diflindly to make its appearance in favour of the Irifli Public, — an Agent extremely ferviceable for obtaining political fucceffes : I mean here to fpeak of the Armed Aflbciations. The mofl: probable account of the origin of thefe Aflbciations, Is, that they firft began to be formed about the end of the year 1777. A Member of the Iriflh Houfe of Commons had, the preceding Seffion, propofed a Bill for eftablifhing a national Militia, as the army (lationed in Ireland had been gradually draughted, and fent to America ; which left the Country defencelefs, and tlie coaft expofed to the infults and petty invafions of the American privateers. The Bill mifcarried : and, as the County which the Gentleman who had moved for the Bill, re- prefented, and in which his eftate l.iy, was fituated on the Southern coaft, he declared that his intention was to form a Volunteer Militia m his County, and to arm his Friends and Tenants. This declaration was foon after fulfilled. The fcene of nov';::lty, and various diverfion, which became S injures on the Jiate of Ireland. 67 became opened by the learning and praflifing of martial cxercifes, and the forming of military Bodies, loon ditfufed a temptation into the neighbouring Counties, to imitarc the example. The noife of arms, which was refounding, at that time, from the other parts of the Em- pire, was a farther incitement. To which mufi: be added the real ufe- fuhiefs of the zeal that was manifeded by the People on that occafion, as France, much about that time, began to aft an open part in the war. The Anbciations were foon form;;d in the North, as well as in the South. By the end of the year 1778, they had become in a manner general; and the number of the inViiktii Folunteers amounted then to about thirty thoufand Men. As a conclufion of this account of the origin of the armed Volunteer AJfoc'iat'ions, It may be added that, on the i 8th of April 1782 ; befides twenty-two Corps, which had lately acceded to the Confederacy, but had not yet made any return. It may alfo be mentioned, that, Go- vernment having began in the courfe of the year 1779, to guefs at the kind of political engine the Ajjociatiotis might be turned into, had made offers of Commlffions and pay -, which were declined : — they alfo or- dered fixteen thoufand (land of arms to be diflrlbuted, by way of fhew- sng, we may fuppofe, that they were not affraid : thefe were accepted. The Government, In England, had guefled right: the Volunteer Aflbciations had infufed a new fplrit into the Politics of Ireland. This I'pirit was caught, and openly manlfefted, by the Parliament that met in Oftober 1779. The partial conceffions In regard to trade that had been made from England, about nine months before, were fpoken of in the Debates, in much the fame terms as they were out of doors; and at length a Refolutlon was paffed, " That It is not by temporary ex-* " pedients, but by zfree Trade only, that the Nation is now to be *' faved from Impending ruin," This refolutlon was added as an amend- ment to an Addrefs to the King; and the ceremony of delivering the lame to the Lord Lieutenant, was graced by the prefence of the Dublin K 2 Volunteers, 68 Striciures on the Jlate of Ireland. Volunteers, who lined the flreets from the Parliament houfe to the- Caftle. In order to give weight to the addrefs, a (hort money Bill was foou after brought in. Notwithftanding the novelty of the meafure, the Bill fucceeded ; and being tranfmitted to England, it was there accepted : a circumftance which might appear ftill more unexpedled. The Addrefs that had been tranfmitted to the King, and the accounts that had reached England, relative to the proceedings in Ireland, caufed the matter to be again brought before the Britifh Parliament. Eloquent defcriptions were given of the vehement difpofitions of the Irifh Na- tion, of the numbers and martial fpirits of their Volunteers: the Ora- tors took care to extenuate nothing. The dread which the Minifler entertained of hurting the interefls, or prepolTeffions, of the English Manufa6lurer3 and Traders, whofe patience, in thofe difficult and ex- penfive times, it was fo neceflluy to cultivate, now gave way to more preffing confiderations. A Bill was brought in by the Miniflrer him- felf, and pafTed, by which all refrraints were this time taken from the trade of Ireland : their trade was then placed on the fame footing as that of the English Nation, both in regard to foreign Countries, and to thofe polleffions in the Wefl:-Indies, and elfevvhere, which had till then continued to be denominated, Englilh Colonies or Plantations. This was in February \'j%a. The Advocates for the IriHi Nation and Volunteers, had flrengthened their arguments with promifes an;l prediclions, that, after the benefits of free trade had beeii granted, peace and quiet would be univerfally re- ftored in Ireland. The Miniftcr had partly believed it. In fad, the ^lendor of the illuminations that were made in Dublin, and moft other Cities, foon feemed to confirm the juftnefs and fagacity of fuch expec- tations. However, fubfequent events fliewed that both parties were raiftakcn. Claims StriSlures on the Jlate of Ireland. 69. Claims relative to trade Indeed ceafed to be purfued with the fame warmth as before:— after obtaining an equality in that refpfl, it was rather imprafticable to unite in a(king for more ; at leafl: fo foon. A tranfitlon was made to politics. And fincc the trading part of the Na- tion had been freed from bondage, it was natural to wifli that the Nation at large might likewife be refcued from conflitutional depend- ence and flavery : bcfides, if it were not fo, there was danger that the Britifl-i Legiflature might treacheroufly rcfume thofe advantages which it had lately granted. The wiflies which Politicians in Ireland, now began to exprefs were, — in the firfl: place, tO' free their Nation and Legiflature from any de- pendency on the Britifh Legidature, by obtaining the repeal of the declaration Aft paffed ia the 6th year of George I. that has been above recited, in pag. 59.- In the fecond place, to refcue their Courts of Law from the Jurii- didlion. of the Britifh Houfe of Peers, and have this fuperior Jurifdiclion allotted to the Peers of Ireland. In the third place, to fet afide the controul of the Crown, by the abolifhment of thofe reftraints which were laid upon the Irifh Legifla- ture, in regard to the framing of New Bills, and of getting them pafled. Thefe reflraints, as the reader is very likely informed, were grounded on that Statute of the IriOi Parliament, enabled in the reign of Henry the Seventh, which has been denominated Foynmgs Law, from the name of Sir Edward Poynings, who was then Lord Deputy. This Statute was a kind of {landing Order of tjie Parliament of Ireland, paffed into Law, by virtue of which, as it ftood at firfl and for many years afterwards, no fubjeft was to be debated upon, in Parliament, but fuch as fhould be firfl tranfmitted to England, and allowed by the King in Council, to be introduced. This Aft, Sir John Davies fays, (pag. 231.) ** had been made at the prayer of the Commons, upon jufl and im- *' portant caufe ;" it was probably meant as a protefting regulation, wiicn -70 Strictures on the Jlaie nf Xr eland. when the Commons only reprefented the four Shires of the Pale, agalnft the Parliamentary enterprifes of the Lords and great Subjedls of blood. In fubfequent times, a change was made in the above ordinance. New fubjeds might be introduced and debated upon, in order to form what was called Heads of a Bill. The Parliament of Ireland continued then to be under two ref^ri6lions : the one was, that the Privy Council of Ireland might flop thefe Heads of a Bill, refufuig to tranfmit them to England : the other was, that the Englifh Privy Council, either of them- felves, or from the fuggeftions of the Attorney General, might make what alterations they thought proper in thefe Bills, and in ftiort finifh the framing of them j in which State, if it was thought proper to re- turn them, they were fcnt back, in order to their being laid, exailly as they ftood, before the Parliament of Ireland, who were to accept, or rejed, them without alteration. Thefe two reftridtions, the Public, in Ireland, as is above faid, wiflied to have abolhhed. They alfo vviflied that their Parliament might be inverted with the power of pafling Mutiny Bills: that is to fay, of refufing fuch Bills, for Ireland, when they fhould think proper, or palling them for what time they pleafed : the Crown being thenceforth to depend on them in that r5<^ 14,000 In all — 17,500. Befide which, the Dutch had prepared a fecond convoy to fend over twelve battalions more, if there had been any occafion. A train of artillery was preparing at the Tower of London, and was in good forwardnefs, fo as it might probably have been at the rendezvous as foon as the troops could have well been drawn together. I have been the more particular in this, becaufe I am drawing every thing to the reader's view, that he may judge of fome conjeftures I fhall make .con- cerning the probabilities of the fuccefs of this enterprize, and what might rea- fonably be fuppofed to have been the iflfue of it, fince fome people have been fo weak as to fay, it had been better for us to have let them come on Ihore, and that we fhould immediately have crulhed and defeated them. It remains now to inquire how the people of Scotland behaved themfelves in this critical junfture, and what condition they were in there, to have received the French. As to the condition of Scotland at chat time; it is to be confeffed, the French had all the encouragement imaginable to make fuch an attempt, from the cir- cumftances of the place, and the temper of the people. As to the circum- ftances of the place, it is evident that the country was intirely naked, and in a manner dcfencelefs. The Handing forces were few. The militia juft in the middle, between dilTolving the old model, and erefling a new, fo as they were abfolutely difbanded, without commiffions, without officers, and without any form. The fortifications out of repair. The magazines empty. The new government unformed. The people divided. It mud be confcflcd, never was nation in fuch a condition to be invaded; and there PREFACE.^ 9 there is no doubt, but had the French landed their forces, and got their (lores of arms and ammunition on fhore, as they might eafily have done, if they had not overfhot their port — they would with very little oppofition have been matters of the whole country. It may be thought by fome remote to my purpofe to demonftrate this ; but when I confidcF, what differing notions the people in England have of the at- tempt of the French and of their fuccefs in it; I cannot tliink it an ufelefs la- bour to give you a brief effay, at what the event of that enterprize might pro- bably have been, that fo we may fee what we have to be thankful for. 1 am now to fuppofe the French fafe on fliore, their magazine and train of artillery landed, and the Earl of Leven, the General for her Majefty, retreating towards Berwick, as he mud undoubtedly have done, and as his orders direfted him to do, without which his retreat being cut off, he muft have been furrounded and taken, or have been cut in pieces, having no place of ftrength to retreat to. Had they been thus on fhore, there is no doubt, but in two hours they had been mafters of Edinburgh, an open city, and without defence ; the Caftle in- deed might have held out fome time, but the city could have made no refifl- ance. But that which was worfe, the circumftances of the time was fuch, and the people were fo divided, that the city muft have fent down to Leith to have fought protection from the French againft their own rabbles, and they muft have defired the French to have come and taken them into their protedtion, to have prcferved them from plunder and confufion. ,1 think, whatever the reafons of this were, which I defire to bury in filence, the fa£t will be readily granted j and indeed all men owned at that time, that if the French landed their forces, they muft be mafters of the city of Edinburgh without any oppofition. It is true that I am now but upon fuggeftion and mere fuppofition, and I do not affirm pofitivcly ; but I leave it to any man to judge of probabilities, and whether what I fuggeft is rational or no. When the French were thus poffeffed of Edinburgh, it is very reafonable to imagine that the firft thing they would have done, was to proclaim their king : if the magiftrates of the city would not have agreed to have performed the ceremony, the Tolbooth was near at hand, and the citizens being affembled, could foon have chofen new magiftrates, ¥fho would chearfully have done it. Their King being proclaimed, it feems rational to fuppofe, they ftiould next fummon the inhabitants to take .an oath of tidelity to him j fuch as refufed would have their eftates confifcated, and perhaps be imprifoned ; and if they o-ot room to flee, would have their houfes plundered. Being thus mafters of the capital, and the Queen's troops having fled or re- treated towards Berwick, the country expofed to their power; I think I make no trefpafs on good manners or juftice, if I fay, the northern Highlanders would have been foon raifed by the influence of their fuperiors, who are for the C moft lo PREFACE. mofl: part Jacobites ; thefe being in arms, the Lowlands are at their roercy, an4 they had foon pofTefled themfelves of the whole country, the Militia being en- tirely without a head, and without order, unlocked from the former fettlcment, and unfixed in a new. Being thus poiTefTed of the Lowlands, they foon woyld h^ve beeij mafter of the vvhole country J and indeed there was verj' few that durft fhe^^f their faces againft them, the forwardnefs of one pfrty, and the diviuons sind diforders of the other making way for it. When they had thus reduced the Lowlands, they had no more to do, than to call a Convention of Eftates, as at the Revolu- tion ; and finding thefe fafl: to their intereft, the firft laws fhould be to refcind the revolution, declare the limited fuccelTion a vifible rebellion, and an invafion of the right of another, and thus a compleat national turn fliould have pafied upon us, and the Revolution fhould fufl'er a re-revolution in a few weeks, for thefe things would require but little time : neither is it prefumptlon to fuppofe, they. fhould have gotten a reprefentative returned, that would have come into fuch meafures, fince they having the abfolute pofleflion of the country, the in- fluencing them under fuch circumftances, to the choofing fuch perfons as they fliould think fit to put upon them was eafy enough, inftances of which h^ve been but too common in this ifland, under a lefs tyrannical power than a French army. While they were thus fettling their civil government, their military affairs could not have failed ; the inclinatipn of the common people about Edinburgh, and the influence of the chiefs and heads of clans in the Highlands, would hav? foon furnilhed men for new revolutions, the fixteen regiments which they brought with them, (fo it feems they had determined) fliould have had two hundred men added to every regiment, by way of filling up — five regiments of dragoons, and forty battalions of foot was to have been raifed immediately; the command of thefe troops was to be given to Irilh ofKcers, and of fuch, they brought gi:eat numbers with them ; fave only that the colonels and fome captains, were to be chofen of the fuperiors or chiefs where they were raifed, to encourage the rai- fing them. Thus in lefs than fix weeks, they fhould have had 30,000 men added to the troops they brought with them ; the money they would have given the High- land gentlemen, would effedlually have brought thefe gentlemen to forfake their party, and join with them, and then the defign would have gone on bje- yond cxpeftation. We are next to enquire what was to become of the Englifh preparation alj this while ? You have heard what ftrength they were of when come together! but it could not be pefTible that they could be all brought together, their ma- gazines furnifhcd, (for the French would have taken care, they fhould have fub- fifled ill enough in Scotland) their train of artillery have been come up, and they in condition to have marched into Scotland in battalia, as they muft have done, under fix weeks or two months i tlie difficulties of the roads, the country a being R E F A C E. If beiftg at that time very deep, and the carriages heavy, would have mide it very bad, marching an army ; and the want of forage would have made it imprac- ticable to have done it fooner. All this time the French and Jacobites in Scotland would have had to have ftrengthetied their new fettlement, formed their army, fortified Leith and other places, and have prepared for war. I Ihall as fcadily grant as any body can defire, that when the Englilh army came to be ready, and to enter Scotland, they (hould beat thefe new invaders out of all ; and that they Ihould in tiine pay dear for the attempt; but it muft be granted this would have thefe confequences withal : i. That it would have ruined Scotland, 2. Brought the feat of war home to our own doors. 3. Caufe adiverfion of our forces, and be an occafion of withdrawing our troops from Flanders, where the enemy felt the greateft weight of the war. And 4, Have exceedingly protraifted the war. Thofe gentlemen that were for having therrr land, may confult thefe probable confequences, and they will fee, whether they' have not Very good reafon to be fenfible of the happinefs of the difappointment. I cannot but take notice here of the temper of the people of Scotland at thiS tlrtie ; none will doubt, but the rriinds of men were varioufly agitated, as their feveral tempers, intereft and party guided them. — Hope on one fide, and fear on the other, difcovered itfelf in a manner which both fides would fain have con- cealed ; nor was there wanting a party, who openly and avowedly profefled their defires to have the French land, and their refolution to join with them, and this in fo open, fo rude, and fo threatening a manner, as gave juft caufe of terror to the honeft loyal party, on the other hand, who faw themfelves inevitably ruined, if the French landed, by their own rabbles; the other party having openly threatened and marked out the houfes of fuch families as were moft. eminent for their zeal to the eftablifhed government. It was expefted, and indeed apprehended very much in England, that thofe of the Prefbyterians, who had before vigoroufly appeared againft the Union, and profefled their diflike of it upon all occafions, would have appeared againft the government, at this jundture, and either have joined with the invaders, or have formed a third party, and fo have made a divifion, which had, in its kind, been equally fatal. But in this alfo they were difappointed, for the people who were moft warm a'gainft the Union, nay even the Weftern men, who do not own or join with- the Church, yet all, as one man, declared againft joining with French invaders, Papifts, and a returning tyranny, which they eafily forefaw muft be the confe- quence of an invafion ; and therefore, laying afide all their old animofities,' private grudges, and cavils at the Union, &c. they unanimoufly declared theiV refolution to ftand together, and with their lives and eftates to defend the go- vernment and their country againft all the powers of France 4nd. the Pretender/ C 2 3nd la . PREFACE. and to this end they began to form aflbciations ; the Burghers of Edinburgh lifted men, and fubfcribed for their maintenance, fome ten, fome twenty, fomc more, and in other places they were preparing to do the like. The Weftern men fent them word they would come and join with them, if there was occafion ; and in the mean time fome of the people called Cameronians made their open proteftation againft it. This was a very great encouragement to the Government at that time, when tlie vaunts of the other part)' run high, and their hopes were great. But God, in his providence, prevented the evil confcquences of this affair, as you have heard : And the good people, who had made great appearances of unanimity, found themfelves delivered another and an eafier way. It happened very well at this time, that the Commiflion of tlie General Af- fembly was juft fet down, and the Minifters, feeing the ftorm coming, both on the ecclefiaftic, as well as civil liberties of the nation, religion and property being vifibly ftruck at together, in the flood of foreign deftruftion, plainly threatening to fwallow up both, appointed a folemn faft to be kept over the whole country. I Ihall make no comments on the fubje£t matter of this faft: the ad of the Commiflion does fulEciently Ihew the fenfe of the Minifters, and in what man- ner the invafion was like to be reliflied among them, and therefore I have in- ferted it in this place, to record the temper that appeared at that time ; and what hope the Pretender, or his party, had ground to raife upon the fuppofed divi- fions of the Preft)yterians about the Union. An AbJiraSl of the /aid A51 of the General Affemhly is as follows. At Edinburgh, the fifth of March, one thoufand feven hundred and eight years. \ HE Commiflion of the General Aflembly, being fenfible of the great wickednefs, and crying fins of all forts, abounding amongft us in this Church; and being, in the juft judgment of God, threatened with an invafion by an enemy tliat hath employed his power for the ruin of that holy religion which wc piofefs, and the enflavingof Europe ; and who defigns to fet a Popilh Pretender upon the throne of thefe nations, to the utter overthrow of the true reformed reli- gion, all our interefts facred and civil, and all that God hath gracioufly wrought for us by the late happy Revolution, and hitherto preferved to us ; and beinf» fenfible of what we owe in gratitude to our only rightful and lawful Sovereio-n QueeT Anne, do look upon it as our duty, with a regard to the honour of God, the prefervation of our religion, the quiet of her Majefty's government, and the good of our country, to humble ourfclves before the Lord ; and to call all perfons in this national Church to humiliation, fafting and prayer, to turn to God in PREFACE. 13 in Chrift, our only propitiation, and to cry mightily to him, that for the blood of his Son, he would forgive our grievous fins, give us a found and underftand- ing heart, remove our fpiritual plagues, and to unite us to God, and to one another in him ; that he would avert the deferved wrath from thefe finful lands, in difappointing the defigns of our bloody and cruel enemies, defeat the threat- ened invafion, maintain peace and truth amongft us, blefs the Gofpel with fuc- cefs, by the efFufion of his Spirit, preferve her Majefty's peribn, direft her councils, profper her arms by fea and land, and bring thefe wars to fo happv an iffue, as may be for the relief of our opprefled brethren abroad, and the fecurity of the Proteftant Churches. And the faid CommifTion hereby appoints the firft Thurfday of April next, to be rcligioufly obferved in all the congregations of this national church, as a day of folemn falling, humiliation and prayer for the caufes above-mentioned ; and appoints the minifters of this church to make intimation of the premifles, publicly from their pulpits, upon the Lord's day immediately preceding the aforefaid day of humiliation, arid to be more particular in fpecifying the fins of thefe lands, as they Ihall fee caufe. • This faft was approved of by the Privy Council, and their civil fandion given thereto. ,/,, j And the Queen, in her letter to the General Aflembly, 1708, did fhew her iatisfaftion with the zeal and affeftion the Minifters of this church had fhewn jt that jun who might be otherwife unfixed in their rciblutions, and doubtful whac courfe to take. Nor was this all, but the Minifters in Scotland, in their refpedtive parifhes^ upon the occafion of the faid faft, applied themfelves to the informing their peo-r pie, what the real views and probable confequences of this attempt were, whae was threatened to their Church, to their eftablifhed religion, to their liberties* to their Proteftant fucceffion, and to the Revolution ; how, whatever the fpecious pretences of preferving the eftablifhed Church might be. Popery inf principle, and Tyranny m praftice, were certainly incompatible with the PrO-i- teftant eftablilhment of Scotland, which was foundexi in liberty, depended upon law, and could not fubfift, humanly fpeaking, but upon the fupported bafis of law and liberty together; that the- invafion was a vifible appearance of French and Popifli tyranny, the fame that for twenty-eight years had influenced the councils and governments of Scotland, while they trampled on the Church of Scotland, filenced their preaching miniftry, perfecuted and barbaroufly mur- dered their innocent brethren, and bid defiance to the laws of God, and the liberties of Scotland ; that thefe days would inevitably return upon them, and that all the miferies they had formerly felt, were efFeftually contained in the womb of an iavafion. By this method the Minifters opened the eyes of the wlrole nation, and the people, roufed by this happy vigour in their clergy, began to ftir every where ; immediately a new face appeared upon the public affairs, the general dejedtion and hefitation, which feemed before to make the people look dark and unre- folved, was" qxiite removed, and nothing was to be feen among the Prefbyterian' party of the people, but affociations, addreffes, preparations for fighting, fitting up their arms, and a cheerful refolved temper of fighting the Ffench wherever they were to be found. -t^' ^^jfJ Some of the Minifters themfelves were' fo vigorous in this, that they caufed- thcir whole parifties to afibciate and' bind themfelves, one to another, and all together to the Government, to ftand'as one nian againft the invaders. ', ' ' _"'*" The fervice this did the Government, the encouragement it gave in England, and the difcouragemcnt it gave to the Jacobite party at that junfture, was fuch, as the laft efpecially will riot eafily forget ; and I thouglit' it very ufeful to tranf- mit the memory of it thus to pofterity, that they may know how their anceftors adVed in this great aff^air, and how they ought to aft' on the like occafions. la PREFACE. ij In this pofture the affairs of this ifland Rood, when the French, baffled by the immediate hand of God's providence, in mifling their port, were purfued by the Englifh fleet, and made their efcape by the goodnels of their fails to Dun- kirk, where their troops were put on fliore, and fo the expedition ended. The ten battalions which came from Holland to Newcaflle, were not at all landed, but went immediately back, and were in the field again time enough to fhew themfelves in the firft of the campaign ; — the Englifh troops marched back without entering into Scotland ; the prifoners taken on board the Salifbury were brought to Hull, and treated as prifoners of war, in order to be fent over to Holland for exchange. The Lord Griffin, with the two fons of the Earl of Middleton, and 15 Ififh reformed officers were carried to London ; the three firil were committed to the Tower, and the Irifh to Newgate, being to be tried as traitors againft the Queen, whofe natural born lubjeds they appeared to be. The Lord Griffin having been formerly attainted and outlawed, it needed not that he fhould be brought to any trial : but, being carried up to the Queen's Bench bar, he received fentence of death on the foot of the faid outlawry, without any trial ; however, the Dauphin of France having wrote a particulaf letter in his behalf, to the Duke of Marlborough, to intreat the Queen's mercy to him, and that he (the Dauphin) made it is requeft to the Queen, the Lord Griffin being his fervant ; — the faid Lord Griffin was reprieved from time to time, and is yet living in the Tower, at the publifhing thefe fheets. . The Iriih officers alfo, and the Lord Middleton's fons remain yet prifoners. - On the other hand, great heats and difputes hiappened about the gentlemen who were taken up upon fulpicion. The Parliament, in the heat of the alarm, had pafled a bill fufpending the Habeas Corpus Aft for a time, fofar as fhould concern the perions apprehended &n this accpunt, and empowering the Queen to take up, and keep in prifon, fuch perfons as there fhould be ground to fufpeft were guilty of confederating with, or encouraging the invaders. Had the gentlemen concerned been apprehended in any other jundture, they would perhaps have had no other trouble than to have lain ftill, and when the thing had been over, have been releafed again, as was done at that time in Ireland. ' But the fury of our divifions on either hand run fo high, that this could not be-: Some thought the perfons taken up had more hand in the idvafion than appeared, and that they ought not too lightly to be let go, left it might en- courage both them and others to make the like attempt again. And thefe were very warm for profecutions, and for propofing rewards to cn- courao-e perfons to come in to charge the prifoners, and would have all manner of methods tried to faften fomething upon them. Others again inveighed againft the Miniftry in Scotland, as having partial and party-regards in. the picking out fuch or fuch perfons. to put in prifon, on pre- tence i6 PREFACE. tence of this fuipicion, as might gratify the private defigns of particular perfons, cither as to private pique andperfonal revenge, or to prejudice their interefts in elections, there being a new Parliament then to be chofen. Thefe contentions, however grounded on either fide, had certainly this effeft^ that they gave a great deal of trouble to the prifoners, which otherwife might have been avoided; for the Miniftry feeing fuch pointing at probable guilt on .one hand, and fuch complaints of injuftice on the other, found it neceflary to make th« proceedings more formal, and to have all the gentlemen up to Lon- don., :that they: might either be profecuted, or let out upon bail, as the Council fhould direft. Upon their coming up to London, they were all admitted to bail, except four, who were committed to prifon, and were after fent to Scotland to be tried ; but thefe however were acquitted, the Lords of the Jufticiaryand her Majefty's Advocate differing upon fome forms ; particularly the L>ords refufing to admit the Lord Advocate to produce more witnefTes, after the firft day of trial. It is not my bufinefs to enter into this difpute, otherwife I could be more large on this head : But the Government was fo fenfible of the incbnveniencies of the old method of profecuting upon treafon, froiji this nicety, that prefently upon this the Parliament refolved to bring in a bill to make the laws for trials^ in cafes of treafon, the fame in Scotland as in England. . From this period is alfo to be dated the diftraftions which followed in the affair of religion, and of which I think it is very material to fpeak, becaufe they have made a great noife in the world, and every one is not rightly apprized of the thing, particularly many have entertained prejudices againft the good peo- ple in Scotland, as if they had been afted by a fpirit of pafTion and perfecution, when indeed, upon a full and clear examination of the matter of faft, the con- trary will evidently appear ;. and therefore L could not fatisfy myfelf without do- ing this piece of juftice to the church and people of Scotland ; as to give an im- partial relation of the fadt, as it is attefted out of the public regifters,. by the proper officers : and being myfelf an eye and ear-witnefs to every part of the proceeding. . About the end of February 1707-8, Her Majcfty by her letter to the Privy Council in Scotland, gave notice of the 'intended invafjon, backed with a French power, defigned againft Scotland ; recommending to them the fecurity of the kingdom, the prefcrvation of the public peace, and that they would ufe all poflible means to that efFed. The Privy Council taking this affair into their confideration, it naturally occurred; that to difcourage the enemies of the 1 Government at home was, among others, one of the beft fteps to prevent the mifchievous confequences of an invafion from abroad ; and in order to this, that it was reafonable to fupprefs tlie public meetings of thofe, who, under pretence of divine worfliip, admitted fuch Minifters to officiate, as the law in that cafe had prohibited, having not qualified P R E F A C E. fy qualified themfelves by taking the oaths, praying for the Queen, &c. by which the public difafFedion was upheld and encouraged. It was then agreed, to, nemine contradkente, in the Privy Council, and fpr the truth of which >ye refer our, jeaders to tiie minutes of the Council for proof; That, orders nipuld be iflfued out to all inferior Magiftrates to put this refolve in execution j and orders were accordingly ilTued out to the Ma^nf- trates of Edinburgh for that purpofe, who thereupon legally called before them feveral Minifters or preachers, who were known to keep public meeting-houfcs ■within their bounds,, afking thenn plainly, ia. terxns of law. If they prayed for herMajefty, Ko;«/«fl/m,Jn their public meeting houfes ; and if they had quali- fied themfelves, by, taking the Oath of Allegiance, and fubfcribino- the fame, with the Affurance, as the law required ? ■ . Some of them anfwered direftlyj but others avoiding the queflion, required a legal trial by way of libel and proof; which was accordingly appointed, and whereof the. ;precife points were, their not taking the Oath of Allegiance and fubfcribing the fame, with the Aflurance ; their not praying for her Majefly, mr^inatim, as the law requires ; and their not obferving public fafts and ihankf- givings ; all which were notour, and being negatives, proved themfelves. To this libel the aforefaid preachers made anfwers, and alfo took aprotefl, thar. they were not legally cited, not; being called thither on fifteen days, as the old law requires, or on ten days, as the late aft of Parliament againfl intruders prefcribes. To which it was anfwered, that, as to the fifteen days, the known and per^ petual euftom within burgh had over-ruled it to twenty-four hours; and as to the. ten days, they were only appointed in the trial of intruders. But the preachers called, being convened for notour difaffeftion by not praying, and by not tak- ing the Oath of Allegiance, nor keeping fafts and thankfgivings, the citations were good, and. the procedure unqueftionable ; and yet the Magiftrates thought fit to give theiTi a further indulgence, and to allow them to give in all their defences The fum of which defences, as contained in a reprefentation exhibited by the faid preachers, being, fir ft, the forefaid dilators to this; they added, that by the aft of Parliament, 1693, requiring all Minifters and preachers to take the Oath of Allegiance, it is provided, that the contravener Ihall bepuniftied by banifliment, or otherwife, as the Privy Council ftiall think fit, and therefore the libel was improperly tabled before the Magiftrates. It was anfwered, to the firft dilators, that the former anfwers were repeated ; and to the fecond, that the Privy Council having referred the execution to the Magiftrates, there could be no more debate about the competency on that head. But then 'they went on to objc<5t againft the relevancy. — And as to'the aft of the Convention, ordaining all Minifters to pray for the King and Queen, ncmi- tiatim, they anfwered, that that aft did die and expire with King William and Queen Mary. And as to the aft 1 693, ordaining all preachers to take the Oath of Allegiance, and fign the fame, with the Aflurance ; they anfwered, firft, D that f3 P R £ F A C E. that that a6t did only concern Minifters provided to benefices and ftipends ; and could not be extended to fuch preachers as enjoy no benefice under the Govrrn- ment; and fecondly, the aft recognizing her Majefty Queen Anne, enjoins the taking of the Oath of Allegiance, &c. to fuch aS are in public truft, and preachers not beneficed Cannot befaid to be in any public trllft ; and thirdly, the aft of Parliament, 1693, limited to the perfons of King Williattt and Queen Mary, is out of doors with them; To which it was replied, that the aft of Convention,' drdainirig all Minifters and preachers to pray for the King and Queen, nominatim, is certainly to be underftood likewife of all their royal fucceffors, efpecially fince it is fo plainly founded upon the command of the Apoftle, and the duties of all fubjefts ; fecondly, the aft, 1693, exprefsly relates to all preachers, wheth'er beneficed or not, and withal defines all preachers to be perfons in public truft ; fo that the aft recognizing her Majefty did exaftly fall within it, and afibrds no relief to the defenders : And thirdly, the aft 1693, though it mentioned King William and Queen Mary, yet is not limited to them^ but, being a perpetual law, ex- tends to all their royal fucceftbrs; like as by the faid aft recognizing her Ma* jefty, it is de failo fo extended. Which defences and replies being read and confiderfed by the Magiftrates, they repelled the dilators, as alfo all the other defences proponed for the de- fenders, and found that, fince they had not prayed for'her Majefty Queen Anne Tiominatimj and taken the Oath of Allegiance, he. they had incurred the pains of law ; and therefore ordained them, and every one of thferin, to defift frortt keeping of any meeting-houfes, within the city of Edinburgh, and liberties thereof, and from preaching or'exercifing any part of the.minifterial funftiori. within the fame in time coming, under thfe pain of 'imprifonment, and to' find caution for that effeft betwixt and the 30th day of March then inftant, and in the mean time that their meeting-houfes be forthwith ftiut up. , But though this fentence was then paft, yet nothing followed upon it, until that the Privy Coun- cil of Scotland being determined by an aft of Parliament, after the firftof May, thefe difaffefted people, judging that the Council's orders were alfo expire4 with the Council that gave them, did about the 20th of June fall again to their preaching, and entered their meeting-houfes j and further they irefolved among themfelves, that they would continue to preach and not defift; which moved the Magiftrates to renew the former prohibition, about the faid 20th of June laft, which they ftill neglefting and defpifing, tliey were again called be-^ fore the Magiftrates about the i6th of July, and required to find caution or bail to defift, as being the known legal execution upon fuch prohibitory fen- tences, cr otherwife to go to prifon. But they ftill rcfufing to obey, the Ma- giftrates thought fit on the 13th to fend five only to piifon, which five were alfo at length relieved ; fo indulgent were the Magiftrates in this matter. This PREFACE. i^ This whole trial, and all the fteps thereof, being' tranfmitted to heriM^jdly, it pleaftd her Majefty, by her Royal Letters, under iicr hand and feal of the 1 8th of September laft, to approve what was done by the IVlagiftrates of Edin- burgh in the faid matter, as acceptable fervice j and further to judge it necef- fary for the fafety of her Royal Perfon and Government^ that all fuch meeting houfea in every other place fliould be flratAjpJ nU lioT.' Thus far the matter of faft. ..lmI'. pk'; ■';?flt ,-;r.;;. . ,.i.,.'/i It is moft true> that in this firft profecution, there'whs'no other or further de- fign,' than the giving a check to the invafion, and to tlie infolence of fome of the non-jurant party, who at that time began to be more formidable in Scot- land than in England; and this is apparent in the lenity jand forbearance of the Magiftrates and Juftices of the Peace in Scotland^ wiho> as.fooa as the inva- fion Was over, and the danger from abroad feemed at an' end, were very eafy with them again ; the Minifters, who had been confined, were filently let go, a,nd their former liberty connived at again; fo that their meetings became as frequent as they werfc before, -notwithftanding they ftill refufed to take the oaths, or pray for the Queen. ;j But here it began to appear,' that there were fome among thofc people, who had other aims in thefe things, than merely the liberty of their confciences, und the worfhipping God; and that fomething ought to be attempted to make the people uneafy, and to bring them by force to profecutc and attack than,--"^^^^' And to this end, fince refufihg the oaths, (ince refufing to pr^y for the Queen, nay aftually praying for the Pretender, would notprovoke the Governinent and Magiftrates in Scotland to perfecute ; they find out another expedient, which they are aflured will not fail, being what they know the Scots will not bedi*, whatever it coft them ; ' and this was erefling the Common Prayer or Englifli Liturgy in Scotland. '^ X^ t^a^.. The people that made this attempt, behoved to get fomebody to do it; that however Jacobite he might be in principle, was yet latitudinarian enough in confcience, that he could fwallow all the oaths which ihould be offered to him; indeed fome of the Jacobite clergy were fo 'lioncft, that as they would not take the oaths, fo they did not approve of 'thb ' attempt; but openly dif- avowed it; nor had the Epifcopal people in Scotland^ ever fet iip the Englifh ilituVgy, although they. had reigned ir^ Scoxland for twenty-eight years together, before the .Revolution. But the defign being concerted, they found a tool : A poor curate of 15I. a year in Ireland, but born in Scotland,' comts over to Edinburgh to mend his commons; and having taken the oath's, he fall's in with this pdfty, who finding him a perfon of proftituted . morals, a, large ftock in the face,' a9id ready, if well paid, to do their work, they promife him fourfcore pounds .'a year, and ac- cordingly begin a fubfcription for it. D 4 Some ^ E F A C E. $0 i' K Some Englilh gentlemen had, it feems, promifed him fome encourageinent towards that fum to be raifed, and this tliey make a handle of prefently, and reported that this was fet up to accommodate the Englilh flrangers who could not conform to the PreAjyterian Church. • I But the Englifli gentlemen feeing into the. defign, and that they were to be made a property to embroil the Government, and foment a divifion between the two lately united nations, they foon abandoned him and his defign ; however, he refolved to put his projeft in execution, and accordingly takes a houfe juft at the crofs in Edinburgh, fits it up for a chapel, and begins to read the Englilh fervice. The people, as. every body knew they would, immediately took fire at the thing ; but not doing him the honour to rabble him, which feemed to be what his party expefted, they complaiji to the Magiftrates. The perfon that had let him the houfe, finding what ufe he was putting it to, began with him, and on pretence of his having made fome fpoil in pulling down partitions, &c. not authorized by his contraft, gets him turned out of the houfe, and fo he be- takes himfelf to a place lefs public, but ftill goes on with his Service-Book worlhip. However, it gave lefs offence here j the other feeming to be a defi- ance of the laws. It happened at this time, or in a few days after, that the Commiflion of the General Affembly was to meet ; as foon as they fat down, a Reprefentation or Addrefs is made to them by the inhabitants of Edinburgh* and other places, againft this thing. The paper mentions other complaints indeed, but this was the main thing aimed at. The Addrefs is as follows : Unto the very Reverend and Honourable, the CommiJJton of the late General Affemlly of the Church of Scotland, We the Neighbourhood of the Town of Edinburgh and Suburbs, Under-SubfcriberSy . ; ^,*. . do mofi humbly reprefenty X HAT notwithftanding the many good laws and ads of Parliament, and particularly the ad 6 and ?, Par. 1707, made for the fettlement and fecurity of this National Church, and againft all incroachments upon her rights and privi- leges, or innovations in her dodrine, worlhip, difcipline or government i and of her Majefty's repeated afiurances in her Royal Proclamations, Letters to her Privy Council, and the General Aflemblies of this Church, to maintain and defend the fame in its prefent eftablifhment, againft all fuch unlawful intrufions, incroachments, and innovations, particularly her Majefty's Proclamations againft unlawful intruders into churches and manfcs in Scotland, dated Sep- tember aoth, 1708. Yet to our very great furprife, feveral of the Epifcopal Clergy, prompted and inftigated thereunto by the Jacobite party, who are equally difafFeded to the civil as to the ccclcfiaftic conftitution, have of late, not only erecSbed meeting houfcs PREFACE. 2, hoiifes in this city, after the Scots Epifcopal way, but alfo in feveral pfaces here, have fet up the Englifh fervice, which as it is contrary to our eftablifliment, and very grievous and offenfive to us, and all others who are well affefted to her Majefty, and the prelent eftablifhment, fo it will prove of fatal and dange- rous confequence to the Church, if not fpeedily remedied. It would be confidered, in the firft place, that feveral of fuch as preach in thefe meeting-houfes are known not only to be unfound in their judgments; but alfo fcandalous and immoral in their lives and praflices : and however they may pretend to be qualified according to law, yet if they were not fecret and heart enemies to her Majefty, and the prefent Government, they would never yield themfelves tools to a Jacobite party, for carrying on their wicked and pernicious defigns. 2dly. They cannot pretend it to be a matter of confcience, in fetting up of the Englifh fervice here ; for, abftra6ting from Prefbytcrians, even the body and bulk of the Epifcopal perfuafion in Scotland, have never been fond of the Eno-- lifh way of worlhip; but upon many occafions have teftified dieir diflike of the fame; and none of them fcruple to join in communion with this Church, but fuch as are either openly profane, and will not fubjedl to church-difcipline, or avowed Jacobites. — And therefore, 3dly. We conceive, that by thefe illegal and unwarrantable Incroachments, in- trufionsand innovations, they defign no lefs than the ruin of both Church and State; for, as the fetting up of the Englifh fervice here did, in former times, breed much trouble and confufion in this Church and nation, fo at prefent it does raife and foment jealoufies and heart-burnings in the minds of people, otlierwife zealoufly affefted to her Majelly's Perfon and Government, and exceedingly widens the breach betwixt us and the feparating parties on both hands ; and the inftigators to, and abettors of thefe pradlices are in big hopes, and not without too good and evident grounds, that this will prove an etJeftual mean of alienat- ing theliearts and affedtions of many of our Queen's beft and moft loyal fubjedls from her Majefty's Perfon and the prefent eftablifhment, and that by this means they fhall efFedually wound and weaken the Church on both fides, and alfo ruin the civil government. We muft alfo humbly reprefent, that albeit we have many good and laudable laws and afts of Parliament againft Popery and Papifts, their trafficking and preaching in Scotland, particularly againft their teaching of any fcience, art and exercife within the fame, and againft all irreligion and blafphemies, yet Papifts do openly and avowedly teach and praftife even within the city of Edinburgh, and fuhurbs : and now alfo a profane and deluded crew of enthufiafts are fet up in this place, who, under pretence to the fpirit of prophecy, do utter moft horrid blafphemies againft the ever-glorious Trinity, fuch as ought not to be futTered in any Chriftian Church or nation, feeing this ftrlkes at the very root and vitals of all religion^ j2 PREFACE. religlotij and is fet on foot by Satan, to confound ( if pofRble) all folid thouglus of a Deity among us. We have, for brevity's fake, reprefented but few of the many inconyeniencies that will certainly follow the fufferingof fuch pra£tices, and do judge it our duty, in all humility to lay them before the Reverend Commiffion, feeing you are fet by the Church of Scotland upon the watch tower, to advert that the intereft of Jefus Chrift and the prefent eftablifliment of this Church do not fufFer orfuftain any prejudice which you can prevent ; particularly to take fpecial care to keep and maintain unity in the Church upon all emergencies j and to fee the due ex- ecution of the a6ts of the Aflembly, which are very plain and cxprefs againft fuch innovations in the worfhip of God, particularly the adt 1 5 General Aflembly 1707. And therefore humbly and earneftly beg and entreat, that, as you ten- der the glory of God, the peace and unity of this Church, and the quiet and fafety of her Majefty's Government, you would ufe your utmoft endeavours for fupprefling and crufhing fuch intolerable and pernicious practices and defigns in the bud. And your fupplicants fliall. ever pray, &c. , This addrefs was figned, in lefs than three hours, by between two and three hundred people; the like addrefs came from Haddington, and the like were pre- paring almoft all over the kingdom; but this having an immediate anfwer, in the application of the Commiflion of the Aflembly to the remedy, the other ad- drefles were laid afide. For the Commiflion of the Aflembly immediately fell upon the work, and pafled an aft, in which, among other things, they aflerted the legal eftablifhment of their Church by the Revolution, by fubfequent laws, and thofe laws receivincy the general fanftion of the Union, againft all manner of innovation; injufl: execution of which laws, they referred it to the rcfpeftive judicatories of the Church, fuch as Kirk Seflions, or Prefbyteries, to proceed forthwith againflifuch innovations or innovators as fhould be found in their refpeftive bounds. In the confequence of. this aft, the Kirk Seflion of the north- eaftparifli of Edinburgh, called commonly the College Kirk, prefented this new come in- novator to the Prcfbytery of Edinburgh, who accordingly cited him before them, I fliall only give a fummary of the proceedings againft him, for it is not their form of proceeding, but the nature of the thing that feems.to call for this pre- fatory narration. It is to be obferved, that the Prefbytery did not proceed againft him upon the fubjeft of innovation, or his having fet up the Common Prayer at all, nor was it once mentioned to him, or in the fentence of the Prefby- tery; but they firft demanded. Who he was. Whence he came, and. What autho- rity he had to execute the oflice of a Minifter ? and not being able to produce any legal ordination, or miniftcrial induftion, except from the exauftorate de- pofed Bifliops, to whom, neither by the Church of Scotland's conftitution, or by the Epifcopal Church of England's conftitution, any fuch power or office ' remained PREFACE. 23 remained, they proceeded to their fentence againft him, declaring him in- capable toexercife any part of the minifterial fundlion in their bounds. He declined their authority; treated them with contempt; refufed to appear at their fubfequent citation : they took no farther notice of him, but fent a copy of their fentence to the Magiftrates of Edinburgh^ in ol-der to the Civil Power putting it in execution. ' '' '"' In purfuance of this fentence, the Magiftrates fent for him, ''4ri3 giving him intimation of the fentence of the Preflaytery, they give notice that he do not prefume to preach any more within the bounds of the city, on pain of impri^ fonment, and gave him time to fhow his obedience to their ohier : he carries himfelf with the fame haughtinefs to the Magiftrates; tells them pofitively, that he would not obey them, and accordingly the next Sabbath he'^reaches openly i 1 the city ; nor yet would the Magiftrates have committed him, had he not in- folently triumphed in his contempt of their authority, appeared openly at the crofs, to let them fee that contempt, and by all the methods pollibk'cb him, infuked them in the affair of their fentence. ' -r— _ ' This brought the Magiftrates to an abfolute necefiity to'comnilit him, in vin- dication of their authority, and that they might not give their own confent to be trampled on by the ^vhole party; accordingly they fent for him again, and ftill offering him his lib'erty, upon obedience to their former order, ^nd trfe fen- tence of the Preftjytery, which he infultingly refufed, they committed him to the Tolbooth of Edinburgh. It were very little worth while to fill this Preface with the ftory of this per- fon, were it not the oc'cafion of bringing upon the ftage debates of feveral kinds, which it feems heceflary to fet in a clear light to tile World j in the iiiif-^ feprefenting which, the Church as well as people of Scotlandreally receive much wrong, to whom, I thihk, it is the duty of an honeflrman, as well as of a faith- ful hiftorian, to do juftice. ' ' ' The cafes are fuch as thefe : ■ Whether the Scots in thefe profecutions are not perfecutors for confcience ? Whether the Epifcopal depofed Clergy have yet a right to ordain Miniftcrs ? Whether the Epifcopal Church of Scotland, andtheEftablilhed Church of England are at all of kin, or no? Whether toleration of Epifcopacy and the Englifh Liturgy can beeftablifhed in Scotland, or no ? I fhall fay fomething to all thefe, fo far as matter of fafk and a hiftorical nar- ration requires, and fomething by obfervation, as far as the civil rights of Scot- land are concerned, and thus far I think they are proper to be fpoken to by way of Preface : as to the theological part of the difpute, I ftiall have occafion to handle it elfewhere, neither can it be reafonable to expeft it here. In taking notice of the firft of thefe queries, Whether the Scots in thefe pro- fecutions are not perfecutors for confcience ? 4 It 24 R E F A C E. It may be alledged. That all profecutions of law, where the offender pleads e^nfcience againft his obedience, are perfecutions for confciencc; and if this be brought by way of argument in this cafe, then my anfwer is very brief; the Scots, and with them all the Chriftian nations in the world, but efpecially theChurchof England, are perfecutors, and without queftion ought to be fo. But if you will reftrift the term perfecution, to the generally received fenfe of it, viz. difturbing, profecuting, and purfuing the peaceable exercife of religious worlhip, performed merely in obedience to the didates and commands of con- fcience; then I may fafely challenge all the world in behalf of the people of Scotland, to ftiew the leaft veftige or appearance of perfecution among them. I think, while I am/in this argument, addreffing myfelf principally to -the neople of England, and among them to the Church of England, I can do -nothino- better, than bring their own praftice to a parallel with theChurchof Scotla*i<^as a ftrong and convincing way of arguing, to them efpecially, in the cafe I am upon; and firft, I take the authority of the Parliament of England againft perfecution, in the great A£t for Settlement of the Toleration, where it is faid, " Whereas it is reafonable, that all juft tendernefs Ihould be fhown to tender " confciences,"&c. Then in the preamble of the late famous Occafional Bill, are thefe words, " Whereas perfecution for confcience fake, is contrary to the prin- "■ ciples of the Chriftian religion, and the doftrine of the Church of England.'' Take thefe two, and compare them with the Adl i. William and Mary, cap, — , By which all thofe ecclefiaftics, who would not take the oaths, are depofed and deprived tf^ officfo et hneficio; and it will neceffarily follow, at leaft in my opi- nion, that either the Church of England, in depofing the non-jurant clergy in England, afts contrary to her own doftrine and the principles of the Chriftian religion, ut Jupra: or, that depofing and depriving the non-jurant Biftiops, &c. is not perfecution for confcience. I humbly refer this to the determination of all that fhall read impartially, if it be not clearly and fairly ftatcd. If then depofing and depriving the Clergy of the Church of England in Eng- land, who refufe to take the oaths to the Government, be not perfecution ; it re- mains for the other party to prove, that the fame thing in Scotland can be called perfecution, and in England no perfecution. The depofing Epifcopacy itfclf in Scotland, feems to come in queftion here, and would require a long difcourfe; but as I am fpeaking chiefly to the Church of England in this cafe, I am very willing to make her a judge j and I prefume it will be arguing ad hominemy to fay, though I do not lay the ftrcfs here neirhef. That depofing Epifcopacy in Scotland, and depofing Popery in England, ftand in many cafes upon the fame foot ; and the Church of Scotland has offer- ed litde or no violence to the Epifcopal Church in Scotland ; but what the Church P R E r A C E. 25 Church of England has offered to the Roman Catholicks in England : Now though in general this would be no argument, yet 'tis a reafon in this cafe, why the Church of England, above all other, ought not to charge the Church of Scotland with perfecution in that particular. But to go further, the Church of Scotland did not immediately pull down Epifcopacy, I mean, the Church ab- ftraftly confidered in her ecclefiaftical circumftances ; but it was done by the Government of Scotland, the body of the people, I mean the Parliament before the Prelbyterian Church was eftablilhed. And it is evident, by the claim of right, that Epifcopacy was turned out of Scotland, not as a thing eftabliflied, but as an intruder upon the eftablifhed religion, which Scotland had from the very Reformation embraced, which they. had fworn in their national covenant to maintain, and which by law it was their right to reftore : in fliort, Epifcopacy was turned out as a man, who has had his eftate taken from him by opprefTion, recovers his right by law, and then difpoffelTes the wrongful incroacher or inva- der, and enters upon his own. Univerfal hiftory will allow, that the Scots reformed nrft into the Geneva model, by the agency of the famous John Knox and others, and that they had no Epifcopacy in their firft eftablifliment at all; nor can all the labour that has been fpent to make the Superintendents, who were fent into the feveral parts of the kingdom, to fettle ecclefiaftic affairs, look like Bifliops, — for this will for ever fupercede that fuggeftion, viz. That thefe Superintendents, though veiled with power over the Minifters they went to vifit, yet received that power from, and exercifed it in fubordination to the General Affembly of the Prefbyterian Church, and were often called to an account, cenfured, and removed by the Synods, nay, and fome fay, even by private Prefbyteries. See Calderwood's Hiftory of the Church of Scotland. Epifcopacy in Scotland being thus fuppofed an invader and fpoiler, the Revo- lution did no more than take from them their ufurped authority, caufe them to difgorge what they had moft unjuftly devoured, and the invader having thus been turned our, the right owners of the houfe came again, and took poffeffion of their own ; and this can by no means be called perfecution. My fecond enquiry is upon a new difpute, and I think admits of no difficul- ties in matters of law, whatever it may in matters of confcience, viz. Whether the depofed exauftorate Bifhops have power left to ordain Minifters ? Indeed the queftion feems rather to lie here, whether fuch preachers as fhall be licenfed or ordained by the exauftorate Bifhops, ought to be efteem as Minifters, efpe- cially in that church which has fo depofed them ? — This being the prefent de- bate, it rather refpefts the civil than ecclefiaftic part of the queftion. It feems to me highly abfurd, that the Church of England fliould receive as a Minifter among them, a man ordained by him whom they will not own or re- ceive as a Minifter of their Church ; for if the Bifliop after deprivation fliall or- E dain 26 PREFACE. dain MiniflerSj how then is that Biihop deprived al> officio ? Nor indeed do I know that the Church of England has at all admitted this abiiirdity among them J the thing is only ftarted in Scotland to beget new broils on that head ; and it feemsftiil more ablurd, that the non-jurant Bifhops in Scotland, fhould have power to ordain a Minifterof the Church of England. But to fupport this abfurdity, a worfe is ftarted among us, viz. That the Epifcopal Church of Scotland is incorporated into the Church of England by the Union, and this is the reafon of my third enquiry. 3. Whether the Epifcopal Church of Scotland, and the prefent eftabliftied Church of England, are at all of kin or no? This enquiry, if it be direftly traced, will lead to a new queftion, viz. What is to be meant by the Church of England ? I mean in this queftion only, and therefore I fhall anfwer it both ways very briefly. If by the Church of England we mean, the Church as now eftabliflied, or ra- ther recognized by the Revolution, and now received and acknowledged by the Queen and Parliament j then indeed this pretended incorporation is an abfur- dity, and there is no more any fuch thing, than there is an incorporation be- tween God and Baal j for the Church of England, fo underftood, has fpued the other out as illegal, has rejefted her as Jacobite, and has joined in and confented to by the Union, the eftablifliment of the Prefbyterian Church in her ftead, and upon her ruins, as the true Proteftant religion, and eftablifhed national Church of Scotland, vide the Adl of Union ; and from this ftipulation, Ihc (the Church of England) herfelf, cannot go back; but if on the other hand, by the Church of England, is to be underftood the Dodwellian- Jacobite-Fac- tion of the Church, who refufe to own either the religious or civil eftablifhmcnt now reigning in Britain, efteeming the Queen an ufurper, the Revolution a re- bellion, and the Church of England fchifmatical, if thus they underftand the Church of England, then they and the Epifcopal Church of Scotland may, for ought I know, be incorporated into each other, and may be efteemed one body; and they are welcome to be fo accounted : but how this is done by the Union, remains for thofe gentlemen who pretend to it to make out. I think, I need not defcend to many arguments in this cafe ; the cafe is evi- dent, the Epifcopal Church in Scotland being entirely Jacobite at this time, cannot be faid to incorporate with the Church of England, who acknowledge Queen Anne, becaufe they rejca her as fchifmatical and apoftate, and that they can reje6t her, and be incorporated into her at the fame time, feems impraftic- able and abfurd. It remains to enquire, whether Epifcopacy and the Englifti Liturgy may not be tolerated in Scotland ? And here I ftiall wave the various arguments about the necefTity and obligation which lies on all Chriftians to pay reverence to con- fciencc, and in order to give all pofTible liberty to religious opinions j but I fhall lay the ftrefs of my prefent arguing another way. 4 Fi'ft PREFACE. 27 Firft, fpeaking of Scotland, we are to diftinguifh between tolerating of Epif- copacy, and tolerating of Jacobitifm ; and if this be diftinguifhed right here, we {hall have little need of the queftion at all ; and in the na^-neof the Scots, I may very well fay to the Church of England, — Gentlemen, when you plcafe to tole- rate Jacobitifjn by law in England, we will confider of tolerating Epifcopacy in Scotland ; and this way of arguing feems very juft, becaufe if you pleafe to abilradt Jacobitifm from Epifcopacy in Scotland, you will leave no Epifcopacy there, but what is already tolerated by law, viz. by the Aft the firft Parliament William and IVIary, which ordained that all thofe Epifcopal Minifters who would take the oaths fhould continue in their Churches, and there they re- main to this day; a kind of toleration much fuperior to that in England, for thefe enjoy the Prefbyterian ftipends and manfes, and in fome of their parilhes the eftablilhed Church Minifters preach by them in meeting-houfes to this hour, as Mr. Ponton in Kinghorn, and others ; if the Church of England will not call this toleration, they will find it hard to tell us what is toleration. The champions of this toleration proje6l, finding this argument turned too hard upon them, have fet up a new one, and which therefore I have added in the queftion, and this is about tolerating the Common Prayer book in Scotland ; and this brings a new difpute upon the ftage, a difpute that feems to have more policy than religion in it, and I doubt not but it will foon be de4:e£led. That this is not a cafe of confcience, but a party trick to embroil, will appear, if we confider two or three things. 1. That for twenty-eight years preceding the Revolution, when the Epif- copal Church was (humanly fpeaking) triumphant in Scotland, they never ad- mitted of the Englifh Liturgy among them ; nor was it ever attempted for one hundred years before, but once by Archbiftiop Laud and his party, which attempt was the overthrow of all the contrivers, and it is more than probable may be fo again, if they go on with it ; this proves it is not any part of the profeffion of the Epifcopal Church of Scotland, and therefore cannot be faid to be demanded in behalf of confcience. 2. From the Revolution to the time of the Union, during which time the Epifcopal non-jurant Clergy in Scotland have erefted feveral meetings or con- venticles of their party for religious worfbip, they have had very little thought of the Englifti Liturgy, but what of it is come among them, is a mere innova- tion thruft in upon them by the artifice of a party, in part to claim kindred of the Cliurch of England, and partly to inflame and enrage the people of Scotland, who they know arc; averfe to it. 3. At this time, while the leaders of the party are impofing this upon the Church and people of Scotland ; they have fome difficulty to make their own people agree to, and efpoufe it ; the thing is fo far from being defired by the people in Scotland, that even thofc who frequent their meetings, that are Epif- copal in religious principles, and Jacobite in political principles, yet fliun the E 2 Liturgy 23 PREFACE. Liturgy, diflike it, and are with difficulty and reludtance brought to bear it; nay in moft parts they will not comply with it, but abandon thofe that read it, and throng after thofe Epifcopal Minifters that decline it. Thefe are fufficient to make it appear, that the attempt of erefting the Com- mon Prayer Book in Scotland, is not founded in the confciences of the people; that it is a politic defign to carry on a party intereft among us in England, and embroil, if pofTible, the people of Scotland with the Government, is evident from the laft head, that they are at pains to bring their own people to efpoufe it, which if it were not to ferve their civil intereft, it will be hard to fuggeft on what foundation they make the attempt. But I come next to enquire into the civil rights of Scotland as they ftand, either fupported or invaded by this attempt ; if then the Church of Scotland has a civil right to the ecclefiaftic immunity flie enjoys, and that the Union had confirmed thefe rights, then nothing can be impofed upon her, againfi: her pre- fent fettlement, without breach of the Union : And this, I prefume to fay, no human authority now eftablilhed in Britain can fo much as attempt, without diirolving the very Conftitution. By the Union then, and the feveral a£ts of Parliament for the fecurlty of the Prefbyterian Church, which are confirmed by, and made part of that Union; the purity and uniformity of the worfhip, difcipline and government of the Church of Scotland is to be preferved to the people of Scotland without any alteration ; mark thefe words, I repeat them again, without any alteratiotiy to all fucceeding generations. If any man will fay, that tolerating the Common Prayer can confift with preferving the uniformity of the worfliip, or the tolerating Epifcopacy can con- fift with the preferving the government of the Church, or either of them with preferving the difcipline ; then I may be ready to enquire further. On the other hand, if they are not, then they cannot be offered to the Church of Scotland ; nor can even the Parliament of Britain ereft fuch a toleration with- out invading the Union, which I humbly conceive they have not power to do. Nor can the Church or people of Scotland legally give their confent to any fuch aft of toleration ; becaufe this purity and uniformity is to be preferved to all fucceeding generations ; and the prefent generation has no more power to give up what by the Union is thus entailed on their poftcrity, than the Parlia- ment can give up what is conceded to the faid prefent generation. By this it fccms, the Church of Scotland is fo eftabliflied, that neither can her enemies impofe toleration upon her; neither can her treacherous or neg- ligent friends, too many of whom llie may have in power, give up her claim to her eftabliftiment ; neither can Ihe herfelf abandon her right to, or her pof- felTion of her eftabliftiment, exclufive of all manner of innovations or invafions on the purity and uniformity of her worftiij), difcipline or government. This PREFACE. 25 This I think is the prefent ftate of the queftion about tolcr.ition in Scodirid ; what glofs the artifice of enemies, and the craft of parties may put upon the attempts now making, of invading the f)rivileges of the Church of Scotland, I have nothing to do with in this treatife ; I am furc, if the Reprefentativcs of Scotland are faithful and vigilant, (he is in no danger; nor can her Church privileges be invaded by a toleration, without deftroying the civil as well as ec- clefiaftic Conftitution, upon which Great Britain is at this time eftabliflied by the Union. Two things I find fall naturally in our way as objecTions (in England efpeci- ally), when we argue againft tolerating the Englilh Liturgy in Scotland: Firft, that this is falling upon the Common Prayer book, and infulting the Church of England ; and fecondly, that this will be injurious to the toleration which the Diflenters enjoy in England. It is moft certain in ftrift juftice, that though both thefe were true, it makes nothing to the argument. The queftion is not of civility to the Church of Eng- land, or of prudentials to the Diflenters in England; but of riglit and juftice to the Church of Scotland. — We are here in a right of property capitulated for by the Union, ftipulated for and agreed to by the Church of England, that no alteration fhall be made; that the purity and uniformity Ihall be preferved : Ei- ther it is preferved, or it is not ; — if the Common Prayer be impofed on them, if Epifcopy be tolerated, their worlhip and government is altered, or it is not. — If it be, then the Union is invaded, or it is not. The queftions are fhort, and need no cavilling ; though fpeaking of the Church of England, and of the Dif- fenters in England, the Scots may be civil to one, and careful of the other, yet they muft not give up their eftablifhed rights on that fcore ; this were to compli- ment them at too great an expence. Would the confcientious Epifcopal people in Scotland be eafy, no body molefted them, they enjoyed their liberty unmo- lefted enough, and in a manner which the Diflenters in England for many years would have rejoiced at; but when nothing will fatisfy but encroaching upon declared and eftabliftied rights, the Church of Scotland is then bound to alTert her own property, and neither the Church of England or the Diflenters ought to take it ill from them. But after all, the Church of England have no reafon to take it ill, that the Scots do not make life of the Common Prayer, any more than the Scots have to take it ill that the Church of England do not make ufe of the Prefbyterian dif- cipline ; they are two national Churches; either of them have their refpeftive kingdom to which they belong, conftitution on which they are built, and laws by which they are eftabliftied; they are perfectly independent one of another, and have no fuperiority over or fubjedtion to one another ; they are confederated by the Union, and the butts and bounds of their refpeftive influence are ftated and irreverfiblv determined; I fay, they are but confederated, for it is no more ; the kingdoms 30 PREFACE. kingdoms are incorporated, but the Churches are but confederated; but the liriks of this chain are fo nicely twifted together, that the confederacy cannot be broken, without deftroying the incorporation, and the one is the bond of the other. — It can then be no affront to the Church of England, to have the Scots fay. We will have nothing to do with your Common Prayer. — Nor to the Church of Scot- land, to have the Church of England fay. We will have nothing to do with your Prefbyterian difcipline. It was the great preliminary of the treaty, that the Churches of either kingdom fhould have nothing to do with one another ; and therefore the treaters on both hands were exprefsly forbid to meddle with the affair of the Church, whofe eftablifhments it was found abfolutely neceflaiy ikould not in the leaft interfere with one another; nor their refpeftive jurifdic- tions be fufFered to incroach upon, or invade one another. If any have reafbn therefore, to take ill any thing from the other, the Church of Scotland has the firfl: offence given her, by this attempt to invade her uniformity ; only this is to be faid for it, that it is the aft and deed of a party, not of the Church of Eng- land, confidered as a Church. As to the danger to the Diflenters, with refpeft to the toleration they now enjoy in England, the fears of thatfeem to be altogether groundlefs, to any man that rightly underftands, either the nature of the toleration in England, or the ftate of the queftion concerning toleration in Scotland ; in which it is manifeft, that the difference is fo wide, that no argument can be drawn from the one to the other, either to ftrengthen or deftroy. The Scots oppofe a toleration by a claim of right, ftipulated between the two nations ; and it is evident, when the aft for Security of the Church of Scot- land was pafTed in Scotland,this very matter of toleration was not a little debated, and the Prefbyterian oppofers of the Union in Scotland were not backward to exprefs their apprehenfions of a toleration being brought upon them by the Union. They were anfwered by the Aft of Security, which was fuppofed, be- lieved, and intended to be efFeftual againft fuch a thing; and had they not thought it fufHcient, but infilled in words at length. That the Englifh Liturgy Ihould not have been tolerated, or at all ufed in Scotland in public, 1 may ap- peal to all the gentlemen concerned, either in Scotland, or here in England, that it would not have been denied : and the author of this is witnefs to large alTurances given to this purpofe ; but it was thought modefter to fet it down in lefs pointed terms, no man doubting but that an article to preferve the unifor- mity of worfhip in the Church of Scotland, without any alteration, in all fuc- ceeding generations, mufl be fuppofed to contain a fufBcient fecurity againfl the Englifh Liturgy. Now it would fecm a very grofs fuggcftion, and reproach the Church of England with flrange injuftice, to alledge tliat they IhoulJ difcontinue their to- leration PREFACE. 31 kration to Proteftant DifTenters in England, becaufe they themfelves having confented to the exclufion of Epifcopacy in Scotland, the Scots hold them to their bargain. Befides, the toleration in England, would the Diflenters fee their own right to it, has a legal claim, and a capitulation alfo on which it is founded, and can- not, without manifeft injuftice, be invaded by the Church of England j but to invade it, becaufe the Scots will not tolerate Epifcopacy, which tliey(the Englifli) confented fhould not be tolerated, would be a double injuftice, and is a reproach to the Church of England, fo much as to imagine. I think this argument needs no further difcourfe. The Scots do infift upon it, that by the Union they ought not, and by the conftitution of their Church, they cannot admit the Common Prayer book to be publicly ufed in Scotland; and thofe that offer it to them, know the people there will by no means bear it. I am loath to fay that's the chief motive of the attempt. Several other difputes happened in Scotland after the Union, which cannot be brought into the compafs of a Preface, and muft be referred to the further hiftories of thofe times; as the a6l for making tiie trials in cafes of high trea- fon the fame in both countries ; occafioned, as is obferved before, by the dif- putes which happened at the trials of the four gentlemen brought from Eng- land on the invafion. The cafe of tlie drawbacks on fifh cured with foreign fait, imported between the making the Union and the firft of May, which being a debate that can never happen again, is not material 5 only to obferve, that though the intent and meaning of the a6b of Union, was not for them, nor indeed the equity of the cafe ; for they could not be fuppofed to drav/ back what they never paid, yet the letter of the Union being for them, the Parliament voted them their money, which was a teftimony of the regard the Britifh Parliament always have, and muft always have to the Union. The cafe in fhort was this : By the eighth article of the Union, feveral allowances are made, as draw- backs upon fifti cured in Scotland, and exported again. The reafon of this allowance was, becaufe the fait with which they are cured, paying a great duty, that duty ought to be drawn back upon exportation. Now between the ratifying the treaty and the firft of IMay, when it was to take place, a very great quantity of foreign fait (French) was imported, which, by the paffing all the goods fo imported as before, paid none of the Englifti duties. Now it was alledged, that as the duty did not commence upon the fait, fo the drawback ought not to commence, which was the effefl of that duty ; but the letter of the aft being exprefs. Article VIII. That all fifh cured with foreign fait fhall draw back, &c. the Parliament voted it, and Scotland got about twenty- feven thoufand pounds fterling drawback, where they paid little or nothing of duty. I do not remember any thing material that happened in this interval, more than 21 PREFACE. than what has been hinted at here ; the Parliament of Britain went on to eafe the Scots in every thing that came before them, and except the aft above- mentioned about treafon, I know nothing that pafled againft the joint opinion of the Scots Members in two Seflions of Parliament, which have fat before the writing thefe Iheets. I have now only a few things to take notice of here, relating to the per- formance of the work, which I muft make fome apology for, and which Ihall clofe this Preface. Firfl, That there are fome a£ts of Parliament, which in the book are refer- red to, as printed in the Appendix, but are not there -, as the Act of Security of Scotland formerly pad there j the aft in England, intituled, " An Aft for " preventing dangers arifing from the faid Aft of Security in Scotland j" the feveral afts of Parliament for naming CommiiTioners for the treaties ; and the aft for plantation of kirks, and valuation of teinds. Thefe afts being all public, and to be found in the feveral volumes of Afts of Parliament of the refpeftive kingdoms, I have omitted in the Appendix, as needlefs, though re- ferred to in the book ; the Appendix alfo fwelling beyond my expeftation. A note alfo of the difference of the feveral duties on goods exported and im- ported before and after the Union, and of the ftations of the cuftom-houfe cruifers, mentioned fol. 12, of the firft Appendix, and referred to N. R. S. T. V. Xxx. of the fecond Appendix, are omitted, the firft as needlefs, a book of rates of both being afterwards publifhed in Scotland; the fecond as void by the courfe of things, the faid cruifers having never been built. In the fifth page of the firft Appendix, laft par. but one, mention is made of a calculation of the damages done to the revenue, by the importation of French goods into Scotland, between the end of the treaty and the firft of Mayj but I find myfelf obliged to acknowledge ingenuoufly, that after many eflays to obtain fuch a computation, that I could never come to any account fo exaft as I could depend upon, or venture to publifh. The irregularity of the Appendix may deferve fome excufe } but the various times in which the feveral parts were wrote, even fome before others were afted, were the true reafon of the irregular placing of the pieces } and it is hoped the reader will accept that for a reafon. As to the work itfelf, I fhall fay nothing, but leave it to the charity of the world, which in this age indeed runs very low. It has many difficulties in its way, many faftions and parties to pleafe, and muft be cenfured by fome. I have endeavoured to fpeak truth, and relate faft impartially in all that is mat- ter of hiftory. As to my own obfervations, they are but my opinions, and they muft abide the fierceft attacks of parties, as the paffions and intercfts of men guide them, and I am perfeftly unconcerned at the event. DANIEL DE FOE, GENERAL HISTORY F UNIONS 1 N BRITAIN. Xn order to come to a clear underftanding in the whole frame of this wonder- ful tranfadlion, THE UNION, it is neceflary to let the reader into t!ie very original of it, and inquire where the firft fprings are to be found, from whence this mighty tranfaftion has been formed. And though this will of courfe lead us back a great way into hiftory, yet it will carry this advantage along with it, that we fhall fee all the feveral fteps which have been taken, how Providence has led the nations, as it were, by the hand, and brought them, by the hints of their mutual difafters, to feek this treaty, as the only harbour the fhip of the ftate could fafely come to an anchor in. Nor is it unworthy obfervation, efpecially to thofe who love to remark the connection of providences in the affairs of this v/orld, and the various turns the ifland of Britain has had in the compafs of a few paft years ; all which have had a direft tendency to this great event, though perfeftly unforefeen, either by the aiSlors or the lookers on in thofe ages. The animofities between thefe two nations would require a great deal of time and art to defcribe : they are not fo remarkable for their antiquity and original, as for their nature and circumftances. Never two nations, that had fo much affinity in circumftances, have had fuch inveteracy and averfion to one another in their blood. F They 34 A GENERAL HISTORY OF They have been both the inhabitants of the richeft, the beautifulleft, and rnoft populous ifland in the world. And by frequent mutual invafions made upon them, by the fame foreign nations, who have left their race behind them, it is not at all an cxcurfion to fay, they are the fame in blood, of the fame offspring, and became inhabitants die fame way. If it be objefted, tliat the north and north-weft parts of Scotland, are Irifh, and retain both the furnames, manners, and language of the Irifli, or tlie ancient Scoti, from whence the whole kingdom had its name ; it is alfo anfwered, fo has England in Wales, Cornwall, and Weftmoreland, the ancient Britons, wlio retain their furnames, manners and languages, as diftindtly as the Highlanders in the north, or the Irifli in the idands of Scotland, But take the fouth part of Scotland, on this fide the Tay, the inhabitants, though very ancient, muft be allowed to be the remains of the Roman colonies, afterwards of the Danes, fome Saxons ; and among all thefe, the Pifbs, who we fuppofe to have been the ancient inhabitants. It is true, England is much more mixed in blood ; and the reafon of this is plain, in that, being a nation powerful in wealth, fruitful in foil, and above all, increafing in commerce, more nations have Ibught to fettle among them, num- bers of people have flowed in upon them from all parts of the world, and blending their blood with the moft ancient families, have deftroyed all that can be called national, as to antiquity, among them, and they do not pretend to it. Whereas in Scotland, under all the mixtures they have fuffered, their ancient families feem to have been preferved, and foreign nations have only feemed to increafe their number. However this be, there is nearnefs of blood enough, I m.ean as to originals, to have occafioned fome propenfity to coalition and mutual neighbourhood be- tween the nations ; and one would have thought, fome happy accident might have fallen out, fome lucid interval, fome convenient crifis of circumftances, or jun£ture of inclination, to have brought them together, made them faft friends, and fo have joined their vidtorious arms, to the terror of their neighbours. But the rancour has run in the blood; the hatred between the nations has looked like a mere original, a fort of antipathy, hereditary from generation, born widi the very nations, and has long threatened us with being too faft rooted there, ever to be removed, but, like a malignant rank leprofy, by pulling up the foundations. Nor will all the hiftory which I fliall trace in tlie pu:5;fuit of this affair illuftrate it more than the very ftory of the Union itfelf; the ftrange oppofition made to die treaty, and to the Parliament in Scotland, againft all manner of reafoning, againft nature, againft intcrcft; the avcrfion to it among thofe very people that are UNIONS IN BRITAIN. J5 are now made happy by it ; with what convulfions this evil fpirit was caft out ; what itruggles it made at j^artingj how the poor enflavcd people fought againft their approaching freedom, infulted tiie patriots of their liberty, and with inex- prefTible uneafinefs received die blefTing of univerfal peace. — Thefe things, I fay, will be lalling teftimonies to that original averfion that was planted in the minds of the people, notwithftanding the nearnefs of tlieir circumflances in other cafes. I fhall not go back to the wars here, between the Scots and Pi£ls and the Britons, in the time of the Romans, and how afterwards, in the decline of their empire, the Britons, fatally to them, called in the Saxons to fupport them againft the fury of the Scots ; the famous Pidts wall, built in the time of tlie Romans, the remains whereof are vifible to this day, are fad tokens of the an- cient quarrels, wars and devaftations that were carried on between the two king- doms, even beyond our accounts of time. Nor does it appear to me, that there was in all thofe times any propenfity between the nations to fuch a thing as peace, no not for many ages after thofe times ; but if either fide found it convenient to treat, even thofe treaties were carried on with a kind of a profefTed refolution of renewed war on the firft oc- cafion ; and I think hiftory gives us no account of any firm refolved peace ever made among them, but only lliort truces of peace for a term of years, very often for one year, two or three j at the end of which, the war was fuppofed to break out again of courfe. , Nor were thefe wars carried on like the wars between other nations, with policy, temper, and points of honour; but all that could be expected, when two terrible and warlike nations, provoked to all poflible extremes, fliall meet, have been to be found here. — Thefe unhappy wars have therefore been all devafta- tion and blood, the invafions on either fide have always been fire and death, the land laid wafte with burnings and plunder; and then the armies fighting with fury and defperation : no nations that ever fought, fmce what we are told of in the old Eaftern and Roman empires, have killed fo many in fight : and if I fliould enter into proportions of land and people, I need not make exceptions for them either; fixty thoufand, thirty thoufand, twenty and fifteen thoufand flain of a fide, have been the frequent numbers, of which hiftory gives account in the wars between thefe two miferable nations; and that not Icldom, but very often, and fome very lately. I forbear to enter into a farther defcription of the ancient feuds of thefe na- tions, as what is but a melancholy retrofpefb, to any that have but common companion for their country ; this may ferve to illuilrate the prefent fubjed, and make the peace we now enjoy the more valuable to pofterity. F 2 The 36 A GENERAL HISTORY OF The firft entrance I fhall make on the matter of coalition feems to begin with Edward the Firft, King of England; and this, as it was on a wrong foot, fo its continuance was accordingly. That viftorious monarch poffefTed the whole ifland of Britain; for he pierced Scotland to the Orcades, and traverfed all the mountains of Wales, fubdued all the petty princes of the Britons, and had projefbed to call himfelf King of Britain. But Providence had better things in ftore for this idand; his projedled em- pire, founded on conqueft, ended ere it began ; all his viftories were unravelled in his effeminate, luxuriant fon ; and he that had torn the crown from his neigh- bours, had in his pofterity his own crown laid at the foot of juftice, and taken from the head of a thoughtlefs young tyrant his fon, whofe life was made to pay for the opprefllons of his own fubjefts. It was in this King's reign the firft projedt of uniting the two kingdoms was laid, and though it proved abortive in its moft early execution, yet it is very ufeful to the prefent purpofe, and to the reader's information, to give the world a fcheme of this defigned Union, and to let thofe gentlemen, who have oppofed it now as a novelty, know, that it was the opinion of both the nations in all ages, (for this was in 1286) that an Union would be for the general good of the whole. See Englifh Buchan. Fol. 245. It is true, we find one of the Kings of Scotland, viz. Robert Bruce, who was really one of the greateft Kings Scotland ever had, among the inftruftions left for the conduft of his fucceflbr, leaving this ftated rule, viz. Never to make a perpetual amity with the Englifli. Buchan. lib. 8. fol. 86. But the reafons given for it will not at all be brought in prejudice of an Union or incorporation of the two nations ; for as to long recefles, which that prince argued to prove, that the Scots by difufe would be rendered unfit for arms, and fo be the more eafily worfted by the Englifh, who by foreign wars were always kept adlive and vigorous, and by that means were likely to have advantages of them ; that can be no argument, the nations now having no more occafion for that emulation. Nor does it feem to me but the fame principle of care for his native country, which led King Robert to be fo thoughtful for time to come, could he have feen what thefe ages have been brought to know, would, by the fame reafbning, have led him vigoroufly to have purfued a conjunflion of the two kingdoms into one incorporated body, if he had fcen the leafl profpeft of fuch an attempt being fea- fible : and I believe tiiis, not from the nature of the thing only, and its cor- refpondence with his general intereft, but from the obfei-vation, that in his fuc- cefTors' times, when the firfl proper feafon feemed to ofTer, it was not thought of only, but purfued with allpofTible diligence, as fliall appear in its proper place. But UNIONS IN BRITAIN. 37 But to go back to the ftate of the wars in his reign, and a little before. Whoever will give himfelf leave to read the hiftory of the wars at that time, will wonder how Scotland was able to ftruggle with fuch terrible lofTes, and may reckon up above 200,000 Scotfmen flain in fight, only againft King Ed- ward the Firft, bcfides all the other havock which five feveral invafions of a conquering enemy muft be attended with. And yet with what vigour they fliook off the yoke, how they were to his death, I mean King Edward the Firft, preparing new armies, and in the fpace of but two years after it, ventured a battle with his fon Edward the Second, at the head of 100,000 Engliflimen, at Bannockburn, and beat him out of the field, with the greateft Qaughter that ever was made in Britain fince the fight be- tweeen William the Conqueror and King Harold, there being, as fome hifto- ries fay, 60,000 men flain on the Englifh fide. Thus ended the Union of Conqueft between the nations ; Scotland recovered her liberty, and England paid very dear for the experiment. But this is not the reafon why I begin at this period ; but as the firft fenfe of the blelTings of Union began to touch the people of this age, it cannot but be acknowledged the great, and indeed the only point of time, to take the rife of this voluminous ftory from. Alexander the Third, King of Scotland, was one of the greateft inftances of the viciffitudes and precarious condition of a royal ftate in the world ; in the fpace of about three years, he had two wives and a flouriftiing offspring, was left firft a widower, then childlefs, and at laft lifelefs, and the Crown of Scot- land in a manner hopelefs. Henry the Third, King of England, dying, King Alexanderand his Queen takes a journey to England, in compliment to King Edward the Firft, "and to be pre- fent at his coronation. I ftiall avoid difputing here any thing of the fo-much- controverted article of homage ; let it be how it will, it is not to the prefent purpofej to meitfeems not at all the bufinefs of that journey j if it had, there had been no need of the Queen's going too ; nor do I read of any thing but a vifit of compliment, or a journey of curiofity to fee the pomp and grandeur of the Englifti court, which was then very great. In this journey, fatal to the family, as well as to Scotland, the Queen fick- ened, and foon after diedj fhe was followed in a few months by both her fons, David and Alexander, the latter being but juft married to the daughter of Baldwin, Earl of Flanders. Nor was this all (difafters fclJom come alone) : Margaret, the King's only daughter, married to the King of Norway, died the fame year, leaving one daughter only, named alfo Margaret ; of whom prefently. The ji? A GENERAL HISTORY OF The King, furprifed at this general flaock of mortality upon his family, find- ing himfelf childlefs, and unmarried, but being in his prime of age and ftrength, refolves upon marriage, to reftore his family ; and accordingly he marries Joletta, daughter of the Earl of Dreux, in Nonr.andy. But Heaven had yet farther judgments for Scotland ; for before any children were born of this marriage, the King himfelf fell from his horfe, and his king- dom both at once, for he broke his neck in the fall, at or near Kinghorn, a little town in Fife, on the north fide of the Firth, over againft Edinburgli. The only heir to the crown was now Margaret, daughter of Hangonanus, King of Norway, by Margaret aforefaid, the only daughter of Alexander the Third, King of Scotland. And here is the firft demonftration of what I fhall all along infill on in this hiftory, viz. That never any rational profped of uniting thefe kingdoms ap- peared in the world, but both the nations unanimoufly agreed, that Union was for the mutual advantage of both, and that it never was oppofed by either na- tion, as a nation, but only as private intereft, flrength of parties, court intrigues, and the enemies of both the nations, have prevailed to prevent their happinefs. Alexander died in the year 1285, without ifiue, — Vid. Buchan. De Rerum Scoticarum, lib. 7. fol. 71. Edward the Firft, King of England, a powerful and politic Prince, faw himfelf in a condition to manage Scotland by force, as afterwards too fadly appeared; but a better profpe6t at that time being in view, he falls immediately upon a fcheme, which, if Providence had permitted it to have taken effeft, would have fecured the peace of thefe kingdoms from that time, and prevented the terrible efTufion of blood, which happened that very fame age, as well as for many ages fince, between both kingdoms. And this projeft was UNION -, the King had one fon Edward, heir to the crown of England, who afterwards proved the mod unfortunate Prince that ever reigned in England. The crown of Scotland had but one heir, viz. Margaret of Norway, grand- child to Alexander the Third, by Margaret his daughter, married to the King of Norway. It prefently occurs to the King and his council, that a marriage between Edward his fon, and this young lady Margaret, then commonly called The Maid of Norway, would necelTarily devolve both the crowns upon his pofterity, and immediately cftablifh the peace of both Icingdoms. Nor was the relation very remote, for Margaret was, as above faid, the daughter of Margaret, only daughter of King Alexander, by King Edward's own fitter; and therefore the difpcnfiitions from the Pope were then thought ne- ccfiary to be obtained, as will appear prefently. Upon the death of King Alexander, fays Buchanan, in tlie eighth book of his UNIONS IN BRITAIN. 39 his hiftory, a Convention of the Eftates was held at Scone, to treat about creat- ing a new King. Thefe are Buchanan's words ; " Alexandre cum tota ftirpe " (prscter unam ex filia neptem) extincSto, conventusordinum Sconam indiciturj " in quo de novo Rege creando ctftatu regni interim componendo agcretur." Buch. lib, 8. fol. 72. I confcfs, confidering the charadler and authority of Buchanan, I much won- der how he could fay, they met -about creating a new King, when in the fame pa- ragraph, he fays, " the whole lineage of Alexander, except one grandchild by his " dauo-hter, being extinft:" Now if one grandchild was in being, the con- vention of eftates could not be met to create a new King. Nor does it appear that their bufinefs was td' create a new King, but to fettle the government of the kingdom in fuch hands, as might fecure the public peace, during the abfcnce of their young Queen, and till flie could arrive from Norway: And that this was their bufinefs, is alfo evident from Buchanan's own relation, in the {lime chapter quoted above, where he fays, that when moft of the nobility were come to the faid Convention, in the firft place, they appointed Vicegerents to govern matters, " eo cum frequens nobi- " litas venifTet, primum omnium fex creant, qui fummse rerum prseeflent," Buch. lib. 8. fol. 72. for the prefent, that is, till their Queen Ihould arrive. To this aflembly Edward the Firft, King of England, fends his Ambafiadors to treat with them, to defire their Queen, lays Buchanan, as a wife to his fon. The hiftorical part of this affair is not fo fignificant to the prefent purpofe, as the fubftance and intention, the opinion and notion the Nobility, Princes and People of both nations had of the thing they were then doing, in which it will appear, 1. That an Intire incorporation of countries, a coalition of interefts and affedlion, as well as commerce and conftitution, was defigned, even at that diftance of time, as the only means to fettle the peace and happinefs of both nations. 2. That it was tlie beft jundture that ever had happened, or could happen, for fuch a coalition, and nothing but the immediate hand of Providence, who referved it for a more happy time, and for more happy inftruments to finifti, could have prevented it. And therefore Buchanan fays of it, — " hi cum in conventu publico multa " de utilitate publica, quas hoc matrimonium eftet fecutura, dilTeruiflenr, " Scotorum animos ab ea affinitate non alienos invenerunt. Erat enim Ed- " wardus vir magni animi, magn^eque potentis: majoris etiam cupidus : ejuf- " que virtus, patre vivo, in bello facro, 6c mortuo, in fubigenda vallia, " enituerat. Neque Scotorum nomen unquam anglo conjunftius fuifle, 4 " memineranti 40 A GENERAL HI ST OR Y OF " meir.inerantj quam fub poftremis regibus, nee odia retufta, unquam com- " modius aboleri pofle videbantur, quam fi iiterque populus honeftis & sequis " conditionibus, in unum coiret." Buch. de Rer. Scot. lib. 8. fol. 72. Which his homely tranflator has Englifhed thus : " The Ambafladors in this feffion difcourfed much of the public utility like «' to accrue to both kingdoms by this marriage, neither did they find the Scots " averfe therefrom, for Edward was a man of great courage and power, yet he " defired to increafe it; and his valour highly appeared in the holy war, in his " father's lifetime, and after his death in his fubduingof Wales i neither were " there ever more endearments pafled between the Scots and the Englifh than " under the laft Kings ; yea the'ancient hatred feemed no way more likely to " be aboliflied, than if both nations on juft and equal terms might be united " into one." Here is the very fubftance of the Queen's late letter to the Parliament of Scotland, about the Union now made ; only here, the people unhappily feemed blind to their own happinefs, and fo long ago they were able to fee it their mutual interefl:. The Ambafladors difcourfed with tlie Nobility, in the Convention, about the public utility like to accrue to both kingdoms. What is this but mutual flipulations, regulations, and in fhort, a treaty between them how to make an Union between the nations, fuch as might be for the public advantage of both kingdoms ? And this was done with general endearments between the kingdoms, mutual civilities pafled between the gentlemen concerned on both fides, for the good of both 5 we read of no jealoufiesi no prejudices, no radicated antipathies, but the public good convinced both fides, that nothing could contribute more to the rooting out and abolifliing the ancient hatred, than to have both nations, on juft and equal terms, united into one. Nor is it remote to this purpofe to enter a little into the articles of this Union; for though hiftory is very filcnt in this matter, yet, as I have promifed ro fearch every thing in this hiftory to the bottom, I find among the records in the Tower of London, an ancient inftrument or form of this Union or confederacy, which in the Appendix to this work you will have printed at large, and is numbered i. And firftj to let the world be fatisfied, that, even in fo remote a time, things of this nature were tranfadcd with the fame due caution and regard to the liberties and good of the people, as they are now, and that it was a national, not a private aft, not an aft of a few, over-awed by the power of King Edward, though feveralfteps taken in it will bt very necelfary to be noted, for I take this to UNIONSINBRITAIN. 41 to be the mofl exaft pattern of the prefent treaty of any that has ever gone before it; as it was a treaty ferioufly fet about by both nations, with a real defign for the general utility, and with a defign on both fides to bring it to pafs ; which i$ more than can be faid of all the treaties which have been fet on foot fince. The firft ftep the King took, after his fending Ambafladors to treat with the Convention, feems to me to be the obtaining a difpenfation from the Pope; the Queen and the young Prince being nearly allied; and fuch was the fubjeftion of the princes of the world to the Roman tyranny, that nothing could go on of this nature, without the fanftion of the Church, where, by the way may be obferved ; That the Pope, as in all ages popes have done, made his advantage of the oc- cafion, and takes this opportunity to demand of the King an old arrear of an annual penfion of 1000 merks, granted by King John to the holy fee, and which King Edward had left five years unpaid. The King, who knew well enough the influence ready money had in fuch cafes, readily anfwers the Pope's demands, and ifiAied his writ for payment of the money. The true copy of the original warrant to the Treafurcr is added in the Appen- dix to this work, which being very fliort, I thought not improper to infert there, as a thing the curious may be very well pleafed to read, and is marked No. 8. It is to be noted, the end of King Edward, in payment of this money, was plainly to get the difpenfation expedited ; for lie never paid any more that I read of, nor his fucceffors either ; I mean on account of that old penfion or grant of King John's. His Holinefs was fo exceedingly obliged by this payment of 5000 merks, that he immediately difpatched the difpenfation for the marriage of Prince Edward with the heirefs of the crown of Scotland, though within the prohibited degrees of confanguinity; which difpenfation is enrolled in the patent roll of 17 Ed. Firft, and may be found in the Appendix to this work. No. 2. The next ftep the King takes is, to fend Ambafladors and letters to the King of Norway, giving his proxy to the Bifliop of Durham, one of the faid Ambaf- fadors, to efpoufe the lady in the name of his fon Edward, wherein the difpen- fation obtained from the Pope, is repeated : this letter and proxy is added in the Appendix, No. 3. At the fame time he fends letters to the keepers or guardians of the realm of Scotland, and to the King of Norway, in anfwer to letters received from them, containing all the articles and agreements on which it was that he propofed this marriage, which were publiflied by the King, for the fatisfadlion of the fubjedls of both nations; in which you will find all poflible care taken of the general good, and fincere proteftations, that the end of this marriage was, as is exprefl*ed G , in 44 A GENERAL HISTORY OF in one of the letters, ad honorem Dei ^ tranquilitatem totius communitatis ejufdem regni. Thefe teftimonials are too fignificant not to deferve a place in this Hiftory, and therefore are placed in their order in the Colleftion , and numbered 4, 5, 6, 7 . Nor was this all ; but I find a large charter or grant, made by the agreement of fpecial Commiffioners on both fides, and ratified by tlie King himfelf, to the kingdom of Scotland. In fhort, it is a mere Treaty of Union between the kingdoms, though not much collateral, but rather particularly to Scotland ; this has the great feal affixed to it, and the King took an oath to obferve it, under the penalty of one hundred thoufand pounds fterling (an immenfe fum in thofe days) to be paid to the church of Rome, towards carrying on the wars in the holy land, and on the farther pe- nalty of excommunication, and fubjeding his whole kingdom to an interdift; things very terrible in thofe days. This inftrument alfo is at large found among the records in the Tower of Lon- don, and is re-printed in Prynne's CoUeftion, fol. 395, 396, 397. and added in the Appendix or Colledtion to this work, No. 9. Another inftrument is alfo recorded in old French, wherein the fecurity to Scotland, for furrendering her forts and ftrengths to the Englifh on this marriage, is fettled, and which you will find in the Colleflion alfo. No. 10. Thus the afi'air of an Union was finifhed above four hundred and twenty years ago J and thefe nations had flouriflied under its confequences no doubt ; — but Heaven frowned on fo great a work, and the fins of both nations permitted not that blefling to come in their day ; for the lady died in her voyage from Norway to Scotland, having a rough paflage, and being not able to bear the fatigues of the fea ; and thus all this fair fabrick came to nothing, but was dallied in a mo- ment, to the inexpreffible lofs and regret of both the nations. Buchanan fays, fhe died in Norway, before the Commiffioners arrived ; but our Englilh hiftorians, and IVIr. Tyrrel in particular, whom in this I follow, lib. 9. vol. 3. fol. 6. fays pofitively, fiie died in her voyage between Norway and Scotland. I cannot omit to remind the reader of thefe Iheets, what were the difmal confequences of this difappointment to both thefe kingdoms ; and as it was no- thing but the immediate hand of Providence that brought it to pals, fo it may, •without any charge of enthufiafm, or over-ftraining the cafe, be allowed to be one of the fevereft judgments that ever Heaven inflided on this ifland. And I infift on this, not fo much as it relates to the prefent hiftory, but as it may be needful for fuch people to refled upon, who have, at the fame time that they pretended to be lovers of their country, yet vigoroudy oppofed the uniting thefe nations in this laft treaty. The UNIONSINBRITAIN. 43 The breaking of the happy profpedl of Union between the two kingdoms was attended with ftrange confufions, all which ferve to enhance the value of their prefent united ftate j the hopes of a profpcrous peace were not greater on one hand, than the profpeft of difmal confufions was horrid on the other ; and though it be a digreflion, I fliall venture the trefpafs to give a fliort abridgment of the hiftory of thofe times, as in the courfe of thefe fheets it fliall be needful to form a due connexion ; and I promife myfelf, the diverfion will be as pleafant as profitable, and that nobody will think it loft labour to read over, what in thofe ages was tranfafted on the ftage of their native country. With the death of this Princefs, all the thoughts of Union between the kins:- doms died alfo, each party began to examine their feparate interefts, not con- fultingwhat was fit to be done for the carrying on their national and general advantages. The bufinefs of Scotland was, how to fettle the crown, and who to declare King, the Confervators or Keepers of the kingdom, appointed by the Convention of the Eftates affembled at Scone, were, according to Buchanan, Duncan Mac- duff Earl of Fife, John Cumin Earl of Buchan, William Frazer Archbifliop of St. Andrews, Robert Bilhop of Glafgow, another John Cumin and one John Steuart. The principal pretenders to the crown were, John Baliol and Robert Bruce ; their defcent, and the foundation of their claim, is at large to be found in Buchanan's Hiftory, lib. 8. their titles were remote, and not only pretty equally founded, but their intereft among the nobility was fo equal, and either way fo powerful, that nothing but an immediate and bloody war was apprehended, as the confequence of their pretenfions. The King of England, difappointed in his hopes of bringing the kingdoms to a iafting peace, by uniting them into one, as before, applied himfelf no more to confult their general good. But confidering them in their feparate capacity, as two nations that could not long agree, made it his whole ftudy, either firft to fubjeft Scotland to England, fo as that making her dependent on England, ftie fliould not be able to break with him; or fo to divide the Scots among thenifelves, as that they fliould be in no condition to hurt him. Both his ends feemed eafy to anfwer in the occafion that now offered itfclf ; for the Scots nobility being, as 1 have noted, fo equally divided in the- interefts of Baliol and Bruce, that they knew not what courfe to take, they refolved, in or- der to avoid the confufions of a war, and confequently the ruin of their coun- try, to refer it to the arbitrement of the King of England, This was a full teftimony of the harmony and good underftanding which was G 2 then 44 A GENERAL HISTORY OF then between the nations ; and what a happy junfture it had been for an Union, if Heaven had thought fit to blefs the defign with fuccefs, any body may ob- ferve ; for the King of England was looked upon as fuch a difinterefted friend to Scotland, and one that would willingly concern himfelf for their good, that they leave tlie determination of the weightieft thing in the world, to their na- tion, wholly to his fentence. But 1 cannot fay the King adled with equal candour to the Scots, if what the hiftories of thofc times fay may be depended upon ; for being a politic Prince, and having a long view of the effefts of things before him, he refolved to keep his eye upon the two particulars noted above, in his determining this affair, and rather to regard his own interefl: than the good of Scotland, or than the juftice of the claim: he refolved to found the inclinations of the two candidates for the crown, and fo to give the kingdom to him that would conform himfelf moft to his meafures. Upon this, he treats firft with the nobility, and appoints a meeting at Ber- wick ; then he exafts an oath of the competitors, to ftand intirely to, and be de- termined by his award ; then he orders a feleft number out of the nobility of each nation, as a council in this cafe, twelve of a fide (Mr. Tyrrel fays, forty of a fide) ; and exadls an oath of them, to advife, judge, and determine rightly and truly according to their confciences. Thefe were the politic appearances of his management, the better to cover his true defign ; for all this while he caufes the two competitors to be founded underhand, to find out which was moft likely to comply with his demands. At laft the public debates beginning to draw near a period, it was eafy to fee that Baliol's title was like to be approved by the twenty-four, as the beft claim, and that Bruce would lofe it ; this the King thought was the jundure to put it home in, and therefore caufes it to be propofed to Bruce, that though it was plain he would lofe the crown, yet if he would fubjedl himfelf and the crown to the authority of the King of England, he fhould be immediately declared. All men muft allow it was politicly managed ; but all the craft of Hell is loft upon an honeft man : Bruce, like a man of honour, rejects the propofal with contempt, and told them that propofed it, That he fcorned to enjoy the crown at the price of his country's bondage. Baliol, whofe principle was worfe, though his title was better, accepts the bafe conditions, and obtains the crown, fwears fealty to the King of England, and makes all the nobility that were in his intereft do the fame. All our hiftorians do not agree in this account, and Mr. Tyrrel, who is very particular in relating the proceedings, vol. 3. lib. 9. fol. 70, 71, 72, takes no notice of this ; but others, and particularly Buchanan, being very pofitive, lib. UNIONSINBRITAIN. 45 lib. 8. fol. 24. I put it down as faftj giving my author's authority for it, and leave the reader to believe as much as he thinks fit of the fadt, the fubjedt I am upon not depending upon it at all. But he that bafely yields to a dilhoneft yoke, in order to gratify his ambition, is much more likely to break the conditions he makes, than he that adheres to honourable articles, and infills onwhat juftice gives him a claim to, and thus it was here; for on the firft affront offered to Baliol by the Englifh, in confequence of his fubjedion, he threw off the yoke, and renounced that fubjeftion. The cafe in fliort was as follows : Macduff Earl of Fife, being injured, as he conceives, in a fuit depending be- tween him and the Abernethians, for the murder of his elder brother, the King having determined in favour of the murderers, appeals to the King of England againfl Baliol. When the caufe came to be heard, John Baliol was then at the Englifla court, and being prefent when he was called to anfwer, offers to plead by a proxy, or as we fay, to be heard by his counfel ;but was refufed, and obliged to come down, and ftand at the bar like a criminal, and plead for himfelf. This broke off all his fubjedion, fills him with indignation ; and from this time he ftudies nothing but revenge. An opportunity foon offered to his mind; for a war breaking out between the Englifh and the French, and both foliciting Scotland for aid, the Eflates of Scotland determine, though in an ill hour for Scotland, to afTifl the French, Thus all the good temper of both nations one towards another vanifhed at once, and the mofl bloody wars that ever this ifland felt, happened between them. Baliol, by a folemn embaffy, renounces his fubmiffion to England, as ex- torted by unjuft methods, and his friendfhip alfo ; — and Edward, in return, furioufly invades Scotland both by fea and land. 'Tis not at all my defign, nor to my purpofe, to enter here into the hiflory of thefe wars, or the battles, ravages, fire and blood, which the two nations felt during the whole reign of the three Edwards of England, with but fmall inter- miffions ; the particulars whereof would of themfelves make a large volume. — The true reafon of my mentioning thefe things, will appear in my further pro- fecuting this flory : The fhort ufe of it is this, that thefe two unhappy nations were always in extremes with one another ; nothing but the clofefl Union, or the moft deftrudtive war, can be the ftate they mufl live in together ; and this I fhall but too often make evident in thefe fheets. From this breach, the war between the nations came to a flrange height, Ed- ward proved vidlorious over the Scots, and the confequences of that are eafy to guefs, Baliol was crufhed, his armies overthrown, and the country pierced even to the extremeft part by the Englifh. Edward 46 AGENERALHISTORYOF Edv^ard calls Bruce to his fide ; — Baliol is taken prifoner and furrenders the kingdonn ; — then the famous Wallace gets up, and carries on the war on the fubjed of mere national liberty, — overthrows the Englifh in feveral encounters, and is made Regent : But is again overthrown by Edward and Bruce at the great battle of Falkirk; and Scotland then intirely fubmits to Edward, whofe tyran- nical government makes the very Scots, who had taken part with him againft Baliol, confpire together to recover their liberty ; and one Cuming leaguing with Robert Bruce, fon to that Bruce who was to have been King ; thefe, though enemies before, join together to free their country. But Cuming defigning to betray Bruce, is killed by him with his own hands in the very church at Dumfries. How Bruce after this recovered the kingdom from that fubjedlion to the Englifh ; how he was often overthrown by Edward, and feveral times reduced to hide himfelf in the mountains, and moft fecret places of the kingdom, and fometimes fo long, that he was fuppofed to be dead ; — how yet atlaft by innu- merable attempts, unwearied pains, and invincible courage, he retrieved his fortune, drove the Englifh out of his country, overthrew them with a terrible flaughter at Bannockburn near Stirling, and after a reign of twenty- four yearsj full of continual war, againft the moft powerful princes England had in thefe ages of the world, he died in peace, his country being recovered out of their hands; — thefe things would be too long a ftorv here to relate. In this war, by the beft calculations I can make, of armies raifed, and bat- tles fought, no lefs than fix hundred thoufand people of both nations perifhed, and all for want of that happy Union, fo near perfefted, and fo difaftroufly loft. A good looking-glafs for thofe gentlemen (who have openly wifhed thefe na- tions might make a breach either on one fide or another) to look into, and for them to fee, if their defigns had fuccecded, what their pofterity might have had caufe to thank them for. If it be objedlcd, that it does not follow, that on a breach of this laft treaty of Union, a war muft necelTarily have happened, I fliall take the liberty to enter upon that head by itfelf, and believe thefe fheets will prove, that a war muft have been the inevitable confequence of breaking up this laft treaty ; efpecially if bro- ken up according to the projeft of thofe people that appeared to oppofe it, who, we all know, afted on principles, both as to trade, civil government, and fuc- celTion, incompatible with the intereft of both the prefent eftablifhments, and as much as can be faid perfedly impradlicable, as the kingdoms were thus con- ftituted : but of this more hereafter. From this time, we meet with no overtures of fettled tranquillity between the kingdoms, till the days of Henry Seventh of England, whofe daughter Mar- garet was married to James the Fourth, King of Scotland j — and though this marriage UNIONSINBRITAIN. 47 marriage was the mother of Union (as I may term it), and laid the foundation of almoft all the projects that have happened fince, and from whence at laft the crown of England devolved upon the royal line of Scotland, yet in his time there were no immediate fteps taken towards it. The utmoft efFeft of this marriacre was an immediate peace between the nations, which, however, did not laft long for King James falling in with the French intereft, fell out with his father-in- law. King Henry the Seventh, and after with his brother. King Henry the Eighth, and loft his life in that war. The firft attempt fubfequent to this, was a propofal of Henry the Eighth, who, after this great quarrel was ended, though he was viftor, offered to match his daughter Mary (Prince Edward, afterwards King Edward the Sixth, being then not born) to James the Fifth King of Scotland, and to fecure the poflefllon of the crown after himfelf to them jointly j and the defign of this match, it was evident, could be nothing elfe, but a firm, lafting, and eftabliftied peace be- tween the two nations ; for having himfelf no fons, and expedling none, (for the bufinefs of the divorce of his wife Queen Katherine was not then come into his head) he forefaw this was the only ftep to unite the nations, and put an end to thefe bloody contentions, that for fo many ages had been between themj for that the heirs of that match would by confequcnce be poflefled of both, and fo the whole ifland would become one happy and moft powerful people, united in in- tereft, in government, and in every thing that would make them great. This propofal was fo rational, and fo vifibly tending to the general advantao-e of both kingdoms, that it could not be fuppofed to meet with any oppofition from fuch as were in the leaft concerned for the good of their native country on either hand. On the Englifh fide it met with an immediate good reception, for King Henry the Eighth, contrary to the general condu£t of that Prince, whofe temper was (generally fpeaking) bloody, fierce, haughty, and too apt to infult fuch as fell into his hands ; yet here, changing his temper, he caufed the Scots prifoners, taken at the late battle, to be very well treated, and committed to the feveral keepings of the Englifli nobility, who ufed them honourably, and according to their quality. I know it is faid, that the King, who had this projeft firft in his head, diftri- buted the Scots noblemen in the houfes of the Englifti Lords, that thefe might, according to his private inftruftions, deal with them apart, and ftrive, by pro- mifes, and fuch like arguments, to bring them to hearken to fuch a propofal, and to begin the treaty ; and that the faid Scots noblemen were, by this artifice, prompted and brought to make the firft offer of this marriage, as from Scotland. But let this be as it will, let the honour of the propofal lie where it will, it is manifeft, 48. ^ A GENERAL HISTORY OF manifcft, both parties were well pleafed with it, and looked upon it as the beft method to bring both nations to a ftate of profperous and durable peace. But Satan hindered. It was evident that both kingdoms had a fixed inclination, at that time, for the Union : Henry fhewed his good will in chat he offered to heap up unufual honours upon the King of Scotland, upon the firft proje£t of the match, as upon his undoubted fucceflbr to the crown ; fuch is making him a Peer of Britain, by the royal title of Duke of York, a title vefted in the crown, and fince the father of Edward the Fourth, reckoned the next flep to the throne ; But this was not all, he offered to declare him Lord Lieutenant, or Deputy Governor of England, immediately upon the match; this was to put the government, as it were, in his afbual poffefTion, and make him King by the confequence of the thing. There is no doubt, but, had this match fuccceded, there would have been mutual fti- pulations of a complete coalition entered into by the refpeftive Parliaments of both kingdoms. But French and popifh counfels prevented this happy conjunftion, as they have feveral others fince, and would have done the laft; for the clergy of Scotland findino- Henry the Eighth of England had crufhed the power of the clergy in England, and was fuppreffing the abbeys and monafteries, curbing the extended authority of the Pope, and, as they apprehended, deftroying their church, they fet themfelves by all pofiible artifice to prevent this propofal taking effect ; and getting the French. King to join his intereft with theirs, they wrought the King of Scotland to fuch a diflike of the match, that he rejefted King Henry's propofal with fome indecencies, and refufed him an interview at York, though he had o-iven his word to meet him there. This King Henry fo refented, that a war immediately followed (as upon a defeat of an Union has generally happened), in which war, the Scots nobility were fo fenfible of the wrong meafures of their Prince, and the advantages to their country, which he had rafhly rejefted, that they followed him very unwillingly, and at laft wholly abandoned him at Solan- Mofs, declaring, they thought it was not their duty to ruin their country, to gratify the paffion of their deluded Monarch, and the blinded fury of the clergy : This coft king James his life, who died of grief, as Buchanan relates, Rerum Scoticarum, lib. 7. fol. 76. It is true, had this match gone forward, it had not had the defired effeft, at leaft not immediately, becaufe King Henry the Eighth afterwards had a fon born, who fucceeded to the crown, viz. Edward the Sixth ; but this is not to the prefent cafe, the defign was the fame, nor did it die with the rcfpeftive Kings. Nay, after the birth of the young Prince, King Henry VIII. made a fecond propofal of an Union, viz. Of a match between his fon Edward, and the daughter of A the UNIONS IN BRITAIN, 49 the late King of Scots ; and this went fo far, as to be approved in the Parliament of Scotland, as may be feen in the regifters of that time ; but this was again interrupted, as the former had been, by the death of King Henry the Eighth, who left the crown to his fon Edward the Sixth. In this reign the projeft of uniting the kingdoms revived immediately ; for the Englifli council faw clearly the advantages accruing to both nations by an Union, and could not flip that happy jundture: Their King was a child not above nine years of age ; the Queen of Scotland was the like, left by her father at five days old, and crowned in her cradle. The Regency of Scotland, and the Council of Governors of the young King, revive the treaty, and propofe a match between the King of England and the Queen of Scotland; and built it upon the late agreement made between King Henry and the Parliament of Scotland. But the French and Popifli party, who, as I have noted already, oppofed uniting the kingdoms before, on the pretence of the danger of the Roman church, had now much more reafon to do fo ; fince King Edward had declared himfelf, as they efteemed it, an heretick, and difowned the Pope, and had erefted a Proteftant church on the ruin of the Romifli ; and on thefe arguments they rejefted the propofal, and broke their former agreement. And here happened, what I have all along obferved to be the confcquence of breaking up a treaty between the two nations, viz. a bloody war, like as cer- tainly mufl have happened again, had not this lafl happy treaty intervened, of which I am to difcourfe in thefe fiieets. It is not my bufincfs to enter upon the particulars of the war on this occafion ; but two things it will be neceflTary to obferve, ift. That this war iflTued in the defeat of the Scots Popifh army at the battle of Pinkie ; after wliich it was ex- pefted the young Queen fliould have been delivered to the Englifli, and married to their King ; and truly, if the frank and generous offer of the conquerors had been in the leafl; regarded, it had been fo, who after the viftory made no. fpoil or havock in Scotland, but, as friends, made a fair demand of their (the Scots) Queen to be married to their (the Englifli) King, that fo the nations, being united, might for ever remain one ; and this is to be feen in that famous declaration of the Duke of Somerfet, the Englifli General, which, as it is in a fl:yle peculiar, and not ufual in the world among conquerors, I could not omit, and is in the Appendix, No. 11. . ift. It was in vain to talk reafon to a people refolved ; the Popifli party, who faw evidently the ruin of their church ; and the French, who faw the defl:ru61:ion of their ancient league wrapt up in the projeded Union of the kingdoms, frufl:rated all the defign, by conveying the young Princels into France; and fo this fcheme came alfo to nothing. - This had ftveral bad effefts, which Scotland afterwards regretted ; firfl:, H . that 50 A GENERAL HISTORY OF that it delayed the reformation in Scotland for near near thirty years after that in England, and made it both difficult, bloody, tedious, and for a long time imperfeifl ; of which I have treated elfewhere. Secondly, it brought her under a French yoke, and for a long time fhe groaned under the tyranny of French influence, till the nation threw off tyranny and popery together, and reformation came on hand in hand with liberty. And now the notion of Union between the two kino-doms bee;an to Wear out, as a thing, that, though both nations had inclination enough to engage in, yet there was no junifture to make it feafible, till the death of Queen Elizabeth, who dying without ifllie, the Englifli crown devolved upon the Scots line ; and this produced a Icind of Union, I mean an Union of the crowns, but not an Union of the kingdoms j of the imperfeftion, deficiency and inconveniency of which to both kingdoms, I fhall make fome brief obfervations, as they have been the motives to the frequent attempts for a more near conjunftion in the fucceeding times. The inconveniences to Scotland in this partial Union were, firft, their removing their court to England, their King, according to the prophetic faying of Henry the Seventh, removing his feat of government from the lefs to the greater : This was naturally attended with the decay of trade in Scotland, by removing the concourfe of ftrangers from Scotland, whofe confumption of provifions and manufaftures, which are the foundation of commerce, was a great lofs to trade; — with the exporting their ready money out of the kingdom, by the conftant attendance of their gentry dnd nobility at the Englifh court, where they fpent their eftates, and fucked out the blood of their country, to fupport their luxury and magnificence ; — with- the continued emptying their nation of their people, who all flocked to England, either for public or private employment, and depopulated, as well as impoveriflied, their native country; — but above all, the bringing Scotland under Englifli influence, both as to civil and religious government, was a manifefl; token of the deficiency of this partial Union; for Scotland was after this, in a political though not In a legal fenfe, always under the management of the Englifli court ; it had the fubjedtion without the advantages; her feamen were prefl^ed into the Englifli fervice as fubjedts, yet, at the fame time, excluded the merchants fervice as foreigners ; an Englifli fliip failed with above one third Scotfmen would be feized, as not being failed by Engliflimen ; and the colonies of England were at laft: all barred from them, as much as from the French or Dutch. It would be too long a digreflfion, to recite here the various inconveniences Scoirland laboured under, from the deficiency of this partial, or merely regal Union, and which made all the well-wifliers to Scotland dcfirc, either that there were a more intire Union, or that there were no Union at all. Nor UNIONS IN BRITAIN. 51 Nor was this unforefeen by either nation ; and tlicrcfore, no fooner was King James the Sixth of Scotland come to the crown of Enghmd, but he began (before he had learned quite to forget his own country) to projedl a more near Union of the nations, as the only way to. make them both completely happy ; this was in the year 1604, when, after feveral projedls of uniting by his own abfolute authority, a thing then newly taken up in the world, finding all other methods fail, he propofed it to the Parliament of England, that, to ufe his own words, as they were made one in tlie head, they might be infeparably conjoined, and all memory of paft divifions be extinguiflicd ; at the fame time he propofed it in Scotland j and both nations were fo fenfible of the mutual advantages of Union, that they readily agreed to it, and CommifTioners were appointed on both fides to treat. The names of the Commiffioners were as follows : For Scotland : — John Earl of Montrofe, Lord Chancellor of Scotland; Francis Earl of Errol, High Conflable of Scotland; George Earl Marfhal, Great Marfliall of Scotland; James Earl of Glencalrn, Alexander Earl of Linlithgow ; John Archbiiliop of Glafgow, David Bifliop of Rofs, George Biflriop of Caith- nefs, Walter Prior of Blantire; Patrick Lord Glames, Alexander Ldrd Elphin- ftone, Alexander Lord Fyvie, Prefident of the Council of Scotland ; Robert Lord Roxburgh, James Lord Abercorne, James I^ord Balmirinoch, principal Secretary of Scotland ; David Lord Scoone; Sir James Scrymgeour of Dudop Knt. Sir John Cockburneof Ormeftoun, Knt. Sir John Home of Coldonknows, Knt. Sir David Carnagie of Kinard, Knt. Sir Robert Melvill, elder, of Murdo- carnie, Knt. Sir Thomas Hamilton of Binnie, Knt. Sir John Leirmonth of Balcomie, Knt. Sir Alexander Straton of Lawrefton, Kt. Sir John Skene of Currihill, Knt. John Sharp of Houfton, Lawyer; Mr. Thomas Craig, Lawyer; Henry Neifbit, George Br vice, Alexander Rutherford, Mr. Alexander Wedderburn, Merchants. For England : — Thprrias Lord EUefmere, Lord Chancellor of England ; Thomas Earl of Dorfet, Lord Treafurer of England; Charles Earl of Notting- ham, Lord High Admiral of England ; Henry Earl of Southampton, William Earl of Pembroke, Henry Earl of Northampton, Richard Bifliop of London, Toby Bifhop of Durefme, Anthony Bifliop of St. Davids ; Robert Lord Cecil, principal Secretary to His Majefty ; Edward Lord Zouch, Lord Prefident of Wales ; William Lord Monteagle, Ralph Lord Eure, Edmund Lord Sheffield, Lord Prefident of the Council in the North ; Lords of the Higher Houfe of this prefent Parliament. And Thomas Lord Clin- ton, Robert Lord Buckhurft, Sir Francis Haflings, Knt. Sir John Stanhop€> Knt. 'Vice-Chamberlain to the King's Majefty; Sir John Herbert, Knr. fecond Secretary to his Majefty j Sir George Carew Knt. Vice-Chamberlain to the Queen's Majefty; Sir Thomas Strickland, Knt. Sir Edward Stafford, Knt. Sir Henry Nevilof Berkfhire, Knt. Sir Richard Bulkley, Knt. Sir Henry Billingfley, H 2 Knc 52 A GENERAL HISTORY OF Knt. Sir Daniel Dun, Knt. Dean of die Arches ; Sir Edward Hobby, Knt. Sir John Savile, Knt. Sir Robert Wroth, Knt. Sir Thomas Chaloner, Knt. Sir Robert Maunfel, Knt. Sir Thomas Ridgeway, Knt. Sir Thomas Holcrofr, Knt. Sir Thomas Hefketh Knt. His Majefty's Attorney of the Court of Wards and Liveries, Sir Francis Bacon, Knt. Sir Lawrence Tanfield, Knt. Serjeant at Lawj Sir Henry Hubberd, Knt. Serjeant at Law ; Sir John Bennct, Knt. Dodtor of the Laws J SirFIenry Withrington, Sir Ralf Gray, and Sir Thomas Lake, Knts. Robert Aflcewith, Thomas James, and Henry Chapman, Merchants. We do not find among our authors any particular of the debates of thefe Commiffioners, Spotfwood in his hiftory, fol. 481. gives in a draught of the articles they agreed on, which for want of room I only refer the reader to ; but having obtained, from good hands, a manufcript of Sir George IVIackenzie's, being a little like a journal of their proceedings, I could not but think it very much to the purpofe, to infert it in the Appendix to this work, where may be feen the true ground-plot of the prefent Union, and the intereft of both king- dom.s, clearly ftated, as it ftood then j and, faving in matters of religion, re- mains ftill : See Appendix, No. 12. Thefe articles, thus mutually agreed on, were engroffed and figned by the Commiffioners on both fides, and prefenred to the King the 6th of December, 1604; — but it was obferved, that the Earl of Salifbury, at the prefenting th? draught to the King, exprefled it to be the meaning of the Commiffioners, that thefe articles were but an imperfeft agreement, and that they were willing to finifii and go through the fame whenever he pleafed. However, the King offered it to the Parliament of England, and as Spotf- wood fays, recommended it earneftly to them : but the more fecret hiftory of that affair, was, that the King himfelf falling in at that time with the Englifh clergy, and oppofing the profperity of his own country, upon the fcore of re- ligion and abfolute will, found ways and means to puzzle this caufe in Parlia- ment; and firft, the difficulty of xhtpojl-nati, a thing, which, had the EngliHi at that time propofed a hearty Union, would never have ftuck with them, occa- fioned a long ftruggle, and at laft the Parliament referred it to the common law. While this was doing, the national averfion, particularly in England, feemed to revive ; and the public appearances in England of a fpirit of divifion were fuch, as one obferves, that very well difcovered the King was become an Eng- lifhmanj otherwife he would never have borne with thofe inveflives and railings at Scotland, which Sir Thomas Craig, in his book De Umove Regnorum, fays were then publicly ufed in the pulpits and in printed books, while their King was a Scotfman. Nor was this all, but the King, inftead of forwarding the Union of tlie two king- U N I O N S I N B R I T A I N. S3 kingdoms, or promoting the particular advantage of Scotland, fell in with the arbi- trary projefts of that time, to make himfelf abfolute in Scotland, — as he was alfo doing in England. This would lead me into a vail: ocean of national confu- fions, which received their rife and conception in the tyrannical temper of this Prince, in which he laid the foundation of the ruin of his pofterity, which, as re- mote to my prefent bufinefs, I purpof-'ly omit. As to Union, nothing further was done till the year 1660 ; — and till that timc> which was about fifty-fix years, the fubjedls of Scotland enjoyed a freedom of commerce, in common with the Englifh, to all the Englifli colonies ; but then fome aOiS in England paffing in prejudice of that freedom of commerce, the Scots renewed their complaints, and a commiffion, fays Sir George Mackenzie, was sranted in the third fcfilon of the firft Parliament of Charles the Second in Scotland, and by an adt at the fame time in England, nominating CommifTioners to adjuft thefe differences ; this was in 1666. Thefe CommifTioners met on the twenty-firft of January, 1667, and the Scots Commiffioners gave in a propofal to the Englilh, for fettling the differences about trade, which paper I have alfo given you from an original manufcript of the faid Sir George Mackenzie, and v/hich you will find in the Appendix^ No. 13. The debates which followed this paper, fays Sir George, ferved only to fhew the King the neceffity of commencing a further treaty, viz. Of an Union ; and how ineffeftual all other treaties would be to bring about the public peace of the two nations. To this end, a Parliament being called in Scotland the 19th of October, 166-7, and the Englifh Parliament meeting the fame day, he caufed the great affair of an Union to be propofed to both at the fame time ; the Parliament of Scotland, by their letter to the King, expreffed their readinefs to concur with the propofal ; and that they would grant commiffion to fuch as his Majefty Ihould nominate for that purpofe, to treat as their reprefentatives ; and left it to the King to name the time, place, and quorum of their micetings. This being the fub- ftance of the letter, I have omitted the letter itfelf, which is to be feen in the regifters in Edinburgh. The Parliament of England, by what affairs obfbrufted 1 fhall not determine, did nothing in it that feffion ; but re-affumed it in 1670, and impowered the King, by an Aft 22 Carol. II. almoft in the terms the Scots had done before. The Parliament of Scotland, purfuant to this, granted a Commiffion for a Treaty, which was almoft verbatim the fame with that granted in England ,- that no debates might arife between the Commiffioners of both kingdoms, about the difference of their Commiffions, as had fallen out in the year 1604. And becaufe I Ihall endeavour to relate matter of faft, abftrafted from my own 54 A GENERAL HISTORY OF own obfervations, in this hiftory, I have, with fome difficulty, obtained an original manufcript of the nainutes of this fliort Treaty, which are as follows : A TRANSCRIPT OF THE TREATY IN 1670. Wednejday the i^-th 0/ September, 1670. " In the two and twentieth year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord Charles " the Second, by the grace of God, of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, '' King, Defender of the Faith, dec. An adb pafled the Parliament of England, " intituled, An aft authorizing certain CommifTioners of the realm of England, " to treat with the Commiffioners of Scotland, for the well-being of both king- " doms : and in the fame year an aft palTcd in the Parliament of Scotland to die " fame effeft. " In purfuance of which afts, and His Majefty's Commifiions under the Great " Seals of England and Scotland, the CommilTioners in the faid Commifiions *' named, are all this day in the Exchequer Chamber at Weflminfter, where His " Majefty's Commiflion under the Great Seal of England was read publicly by " the Clerk attending the CommilTioners for England; and alfo His Maiefty's " Cbmmiflfion under the Great Seal of Scotland, by the Clerk attending the Com- " miflioners for Scotland; which being done, the LordKeeper of the Great Seal *' of England did let their Lordlhips know, that His Majefty had appointed " Somerfet Houfe for their future fitting in this affair, and, by confent of their " Lordfliips, adjourned their next meeting to be at Somerfet-Houfe, on Saturday " next, at nine o'clock in the forenoon." AT SOMERSET-HOUSE. Saturday the ijth day of Sept em If er, 1670. " This day the Commiffioners of both kingdoms being met, the Lord Keeper " of the Great Seal of England delivered to the Earl of Lauderdale, Lord High " CommifTioner for Scotland, a copy in parchmentof His Majefty's Commiflion " under the Great Seal of England, atteftcd by the Clerk attending the Englifli " Commiflioners ; and received from his Lordfliip the like copy of the Com- " mifllon under the Great Seal of Scotland; then their Lordfliips received a mef- " fage from His Majefty in writing, and heads therein propoled to be treated of; " which being read, the Commillioners of both kingdoms agreed, to confidcr, " againft their next meeting, in what method to proceed upon His Majefty's " mefiage, and alfo in what manner their Lordfliips lliall dejiver their opinions " at their general meetings ; upon which the next general meeting of the Com- " miflioners was adjourned to Thurfday the 22d of September inftant, at nine " o'clock in the forenoon. After this adjournment, the Commiflloners for Eng- " land withdrew into their own chamber, among themfelves, to confider of the " method of their proceedings in this treaty. 4 " Where UNIONSINBRITAIN. 55 " Where, firft, the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, and the Lord Arlingtoun, <« acquainted the reft of the Comnainioners then prefent, that His Majefty had ap- " pointed Mr. John Walker to attend their Lordlhips as their Clerk, wliich their " Lordfliips approved of, and ordered that he Hiould fubfcribe their orders and " papers : — < By order of the CommiJJioners for the kingdom of England : ' John fValker, Clerk/ " Then, upon debate, it was refolved, That nothing which fhall be in debate, " or affented, fhall be taken as the opinion orrefolution of the Commiflioners of " either kingdom, or drawn into confequcnce, or any way nnade ufe of, unlefs " the whole be mutually agreed to : Alfo, that their Lordfliips would not treat by " papers (as in the treaty of 1667); but that the joint refolutions of the Com- " miflioners, at their general meetings only, be reduced into writing, and entered " by both their Clerks. Next, it was refolved. That thefe two propofitions . be " ofFered to the CommifTioners for Scotland, at their Lordlhips next general " meeting, as preliminaries to be jointly agreed and refolved on. " Then were read the feveral heads offered to their Lordfhips confideration, in '" His Majefty'smelTage -, and upon debate, it was agreed, That the Lord Keeper " of the Great Seal let the CommifTioners for Scotland, at the next general meet- " ing, know. That upon due confideration had, their Lordfhips offered the third ■" head propofed in His Majefty's mefTage (viz. the uniting both kingdoms into " one monarchy under his Majefty, his heirs and fuccelTors infeparably) to be " the firft point to be debated ; and then, that his Lordfliip defire the Commif- *' lioners for Scotland, to propofe, on which of the two firft heads to proceed " nexti but that their Lordfhips were of opinion, not to proceed on the fourth " or fifth heads, till the others be agreed to. Tburfday the iid of September, 1670. " Before the general meeting of the CommifTioners of both kingdoms ; this '< day the CommifTioners of England met in their own chamber, and it was " agreed, that what the Lord Keeper fhall propofe at the general meeting be done " in the name of the CommifTioners. '< Then the CommifTioners of both kingdoms being met, the Lord Keeper of " the Great Seal ofFered to the Board, what the CommifTioners for England had " agreed on, on Saturday laft, as preliminaries for the better proceeding in this " treaty ; the fubftance thereof being afTented to by the CommifTioners for Scot- " land, it was agreed, the Committee of the CommifTioners of both kingdoms *' fhould be appointed for the wording of what was agreed to, and to report unto " the Board. " Alfo his Lordfhip propofed the third head of His Majefty's mefTage to be the " firft article to be debated ; which was afTented to by the Lords CommifTioners \^ for Scotland; but fome objeftion being made againft the words ' And fuc- " cefTors,' 56 A GENERAL HISTORY OF " cefTors,' in that head, the Commiffioners for England withdrew to their cham- " ber to confider thereof, and what words were fit to be afTented to; where, " after fome debate, their Lordfliips refolved, that, if the CommifTioners for " Scotland, at their Lordiliips return, fliould infift upon leaving out thefe words, ' and fuccefibrs,' to yield to them therein. " While the Commiffioners for England were in their chamber, a meflage " was brought from the Commiffioners for Scotland by their Clerk, to know " whether their Lordfliips would name their Committee there, or at the Board ;. " upon which their Lordfliips named the Earl of Anglefey, Mafter Attorney Ge- " neral, and Sir Leoline Jenkins, and returned anfwer, that they had named " a Committee of their Commiffioners. *' Then the Commiffioners returning to the general meeting, after fome de- " bate upon the third head, agreed to leave out the words, * and fucceffiars,' " and that the monarchy be fl-yled by the name of Great Britain. Then the " Lords Commiffioners for Scotland let their Lordfliips know, that they had ap- «' pointed "the Earl .of Kincardine, the Lord Advocate, and Sir Robert Murray, " to be their Committee ; and the Commiffioners for England named the Earl of " Anglefey, Mafter Attorney General, and Sir Leoline Jenkins, whom they had " aopointed to be of the faid Committee j which Committee were alio appointed " to word the third head as agreed to, and to meet when and where they pleafed, " fo as to be ready to make a report on Saturday next. Afterward the Lord " Keeper propofed to the cohfideration of the Commiffioners for Scotland, whe- <' ther they would proceed next upon the firft or fecond head mentioned in his " Majefty's mefl'age ; then the Commiffiioners for Scotland declared to enter upon " the debate of the firft head (viz. The preferving to either kingdom their laws, " civil and ecclefiaftical, entire) on Saturday next, which being agreed to, the " next meeting, by their Loi'dfliips general agreement, was adjourned to Satur- " day next, at nine o'clock in the forenoon. " The order for the Committee was drawn as follows, viz. Jhurjday the lid of September, 1670. •< Lords Committees nominated by the Commiffioners, appointed to treat con- " cerning an Union between England and Scotland, for the wording the two " preliminaries, and the third head of his Majefty's meflage, as this day agreed " to, at their Lordfliips general meeting, in order to the entering them by the " refpedive Clerks attending the Commiffioners of both kingdoms : Earl Anglefey, Earl Kincardine, Mafter Attorney General, Lord Advocate, Sir Leoline Jenkins, Sir Robert Murray, " Their Lordfliips to meet when and where they pleafe, fo as a report be readjf « for the Board by Saturday next, at nine o'clock in the forenoon. Friday UNIONS IN BRITAIN. 57 Friday the 12,^ of September 1670. " The Lords Commitcees above-mentioned met at nine o'clock in the forenoon " at the Earl of Anglefey's houfe, and after confideration had, agreed, that " the particulars committed to their charge be worded as follows : PRELIMINARY ARTICLES. " That the manner of proceeding between the Commiffioners,of both king- " doms be by conference and debate ; and that the refult of their debates be put " in writing by a Committee of the Commiffioners of both kingdoms ; and after '' approbation thereof, the copies of fuch writings be delivered to the Commif- " fioners interchangeably, figned by their refpe£tive Clerks, and then entered in '' the refpedlive books, and/igned by both Clerks. " That nothing agreed on, or aflented to, by the Commiffioners of both " kingdoms, in their treaty, fhall be taken as the opinion or refolution of the faid " Commiffioners, nor drawn into confequence, or any way made ufe of, unlefs *' the whole which fliall be agreed to be reduced into inftruments tripartite, under '' the hands and feals of the faid Commiffiioners, according to their refpeclive " Commiffions." ARTICLES OF THE UNION." " Refolved, That the two kingdoms fhall be united in to onemonarchy, under " His Majefty and, his Heirs infeparably. " 2. That the name of this monarchy Ihall be, GREAT BRITAIN." Saturday the i\th of September^ 1670. " The Commiffioners for England being met in their chamber, the Earl of " Anglefey reported what the Committee of the Commiffioners of both kingdoms " had prepared, purfuant to their Lordfhips order, at the general meeting of the " Commiffioners of both kingdoms j upon confideration had whereof, it was " propofed, that fome words might be added to the fecond preliminary article, " to take off all jealoufies that may remain of any ufe to be made hereafter, of " what fhall be put into inftruments tripartite, if the Parliaments of both king- " doms fhall not think fit to confirm the fame : whereupon a meflage was fent " from their Lordfhips to the Commiffioners of Scotland (in their chamber), " to defire, that the Committee of the Commiffioners of both kingdoms might " meet again prefently in the Great Room, which being confented to, the faid " Committee met, and agreed to alter and add to the fecond preliminary, in " manner following : *' That nothing which fhall be agreed, or affented to by the Conimiffioners of " both kingdoms in their treaty, fhall be taken as the opinion or refolution of *< the faid Commiffioners, nor drawn into confequence, or any ways made ufe of " as fuchj until the whole, which fliall be agreed unto, be reduced into inftru- I " ments 58 A GENERAL HISTORY OF " ments tripartite, under the hands and Icals of the laid Conarniflioners, accord- " ing to their refpeftive Commiffions ; nor tl\en neither, unlefs the fame, being " prefented to, fhall be approved and ratified by the refpeftive Parliaments j fo " as this preliminary be not underftood to leave room for debate, or change of " any thing by the CommifTioners, whicli fliall be put under their hands and " feals, as aforefaid. " Which alteration and addition, being reported by the Earl of Anglefey to the " Commiflioners for England, was approved of. .'* Then the CommifTioners for Scotland fent a meflage to the CommifTioners " for England, defiring that the faid Committee might meet again prefently In " the Great Room, which was agreed to ; where being met, the Committee of the *' CommifTioners for Scotland propofed an addition to be made to the firft arti- " cle of Union agreed upon, of thefe words, Ihey being of the progeny and pofle- " rity of King James, His Majejly's royal grandfather of glorious memory. Which " addition the Earl of Anglefey reported to the CommifTioners for England, " whofe Lordfhips upon debate thereof, agreed to offer at the general meeting " of the CommifTioners of both kingdoms, the article thus altered : ' That the two ' kingdoms fhall be infeparably united into one monarchy under His Majeftv ' and the heirs of his body, and for want of fuch heirs, under the body of King ' James, His Majefty's royal grandfather of glorious memory.' " Then the CommifTioners of both kingdoms being met, the Lord Keeper of " the Great Seal read the two preliminary articles, prepared by the faid Com- " mittees, to which the CommifTioners for Scotland declared their agreement, *' and the CommifTioners for England theirs ; alfo his Lordfhip read the two " articles of Union upon the third head in his IVIajefty's meflage, worded by the " faid Committees, with the addition of fuch words, as the CommifTioners for " England, upon the motion of the CommifTioners for Scotland, thought fit to " alTent untoj to which articles the whole Board confenting, the faid preliminary " articles of Union were written fair, and figned by the refpeftive Clerks, and " then (being openly read again by the Clerk attending the CommifTioners for *' England) were interchangeably delivered to the Commiflioners of both king- " doms, to be entered in their refpeftive books, and figned by both Clerks. " Next the Earl of Lauderdale, Lord CommifTioner for Scotland, olTered the " firft head in His Majefty's meflTage, to be then proceeded on, viz. ' The pre- ' ferving to either kingdom their laws civil and ecclefiaftical intire ;' to which his " Lordfhip declared, they did agree in general, but differed as to the meaning " of it ; thus : " That the laws and cuftoms, civil, criminal, and ecclefiaftic judicatories and »' ofKccs of either kingdom be preferved, and remain intire in all time coming, as " they are before the Union. And that all aftions, procelTes, caufes and quef- " tions. UNIONSINBRITAIN. 59 " tions, civil, criminal, or ecclefiaftical, concerning the fubjefts of Scotland, or " any of them, in their lives, rights, properties, or other interefts in Scotland, be " only tried, judged, and determined in Scotland, by the ordinary and compe- " tent judicatories there, and fhall not be heard, purfued, or judged in England, " in the firft inftance, or by way of appeal, review, reduftion, or by any other " way whatfoever. " After fome debate had hereupon at the Board, to the end their Lordfhips " might the better confider thereof, the Lord Keeper (by the general confent of " the Comminioners of both kingdoms) adjourned the next meeting to Thurfdav " the 13th day of Oftober next, at nine a clock in the forenoon. " After which, the Commiflioners for England met in their own chamber, to " debate and prepare themfelves upon this point againft the next general meet- " ing ; and after fome time fpent thereupon, departed." Thtirjday the i^th of O£lober, 1670. " This day the Commiflioners for both kingdoms prefent being met in the " Great Room, the Earl of Lauderdale did intimate to their Lordihips, that, in " regard of His Majefty's being at prefent at Newmarket, where many of tlie " CommifTioners appointed for this treaty are attending on His Majefly, he con- " ceived there was fufficient reafon for adjourning their proceedings for fome " few days longer; upon which, by the general confent of the Commiflioners " prefent, the next meeting was appointed to be on Thurfday the 20th of Oc- *' tober infliant, at nine o'clock in the forenoon." 'Thurfday the lolb of 05loher, 1670. " The Commiflioners for England being met in their chamber, the firft " head propofed in His Majefly's meflage was read, with the propofition made by " theCommiflloners for Scotland, as an explanation thereof; which being de- " bated by their Lordfliips, after fome time fpent it was agreed, to defire the " Commiflioners for Scotland to exprefs their meaning more clearly, as to the " legiflative power of the Parliament, which will be for Great Britain after the " Union. Upon which the Commiflioners for both kingdoms being met, the " Lord Keeper offered to the Board, that the Commiflioners for England had " confidered of the propofition made by the Commiflioners for Scotland upon " the firft head in His Majefty's mefllige now under confideration ; and having " read the propofition, told their Lordfhips, that as the propofition is made, the " Parliament which will be for Great Britain will have no legiflative power to " alter or change any laws, how grievous foever ; befides, there will be no power " any where to alter the laws in Scotland, though the fiibjefts of Scotland fliould " defire it ; and therefore defired their Lordlhips, the Commiflioners for Scot- " land, to explain their meaning upon that propofition. I 2 " Whereupon 6o A GENERAL HISTORY OF " Whereupon the Commiffioners for Scotland defired to withdraw, whofe " Lordiliips foon after returning, the Earl of Lauderdale delivered the meaning " of the Commiffioners for Scotland, as follows, viz. ' Our meaning is not hereby ' to determine every particular law of Scotland to be unalterable ; but we can- • not fiiy any thing to the way of altering, till the next article concerning the ' Parliament be treated.' " Upon which the Commiffioners for England defired to withdraw for a while, " to confider of what was offered, and return prefently. " Whofe Lordfhips being withdrawn to their own chamber, the faid anfwer of " the Commiffioners for Scotland was there read ; and upon fome confideration " had thereof, it was agreed, to take a little more time to confider more fully " thereof, and upon their return, topropofe the iame to the Board, and a prefent " adjournment. Then the Commiffioners for England being returned into the " oreat room, the Lord Keeper did let the Board know, that their Lordfhips " conceive the matter propofed worthy a little more time, in which it might be «' better confidercd, as well by their Lordfhips the Commiffioners for Scotland, « as the Commiffioners for England j whereupon, by the general confentof the " Commiffioners of both kingdoms, the next meeting was adjourned to Satur- " day the aid inftant, at nine o'clock in the forenoon." Saturday the lid of O^ober, 1670. " The Commiffioners for England being met in their chamber, read the lafl: *' paper delivered by the Commiffioners for Scotland, and thereupon agreed to " offer at the Board, that they are ready, if their Lordfhips of Scotland pleafe, " to proceed upon the fecond head propofed in His Majefly's meffage, viz. f The uniting both Parliaments into one;' and to receive what the Commiffion- " ers for Scotland fliall offer thereupon. " Then the Commiffioners for both kingdoms being met, the Lord Keeper " expreffed the fenfe of the Commiffioners for England, upon the expofition " made by the Commiffioners for Scotland, upon the firfl head propofed in His " Majefly's meffage ; and did let the Board know, that, if their Lordfhips of •' Scotland think fit, they are ready to proceed upon that head ; and if they " pleafed to offer any particulars upon it, the Commiffioners for England were " ready to proceed thereupon. " Upon which the Commiffioners for Scotland declared their willingnefs to " proceed upon that head; but defired time to confider of what fhall be thought " fit to be offered on either fide upon it, until another meeting. " Whereupon, by the general confent of the Commiffioners for both king- " doms, the next meeting was adjourned to Thurfday the 27th inftant, at three '* o'clock in the afternoon. " Then UNIONS IN BRITAIN. 6i " Then the CommilTioners for England returned to their chamber^ to con- " fider in what manner to proceed upon the faid head ; and after fomc time " fpent, agreed to hear what the Commiffioncrs for Scotland will, at their next " meeting, propofe upon that head. " By His Majefty's order, on the 26th of Oftober, the next meeting of the " Commiffioners of both kingdoms was put off to Tuefday the firfl of No- " vcmber, 1670, at nine o'clock in the forenoon." Tuefday the \ft of November 1670. " The Commiffioners for England being met in their chamber, to confider of " the fecond head in His Majelty's meffage now to be treated on, agreed to " propofe to the Commiffioners for Scotland, that, conceiving their Lordfhips " intend a proportionate number of Members to fit in both Houfes of the Par- " liamerir, which fhall be for Great Britain, they defire to know from the Com- " miffioners for Scotland, what that proportion fhall be for Scotland, as to Eng- " land ? " Then the Commiffioners of both kingdoms being met, the Earl of Lau- " derdale declared, that, according to agreement, the Commiffioners for " Scotland were ready to proceed upon the faid fecond head. " To which the Lord Keeper anfwered, that the Commiffioners for England " did likewife agree to it; but fuppofing the Commiffioners for Scotland intend " a proportion of Members as to the balance of that Parliament, dcfired to know, " what that proportion fhall be for Scotland, as to England ? " Upon which the Earl of Lauderdale declared, that they came to this treaty " by the authority of the Parliament of Scotland, and were named by his Ma- " jefty ; and they did not fee how their number fhould be lefs, than now it is in " the Parliament of Scotland, without incapacitating fome Peers in Scotland, " and cutting off fome fhires and royal boroughs from fending Members to Parlia- " ment, which would be a hard taflc to undertake, their Lordffiips being to give " an account of this treaty to the Parliament of Scotland. Upon which the " Lord Keeper told them, that, their Lordffiips having propofed a thing which " the Commiffioners for England could not expeft, it would be fit to take fome " time to confider thereof Which being agreed to, the next meeting (by the " general cqnfent of the Board) was adjourned to Tuefday the eighth of No- " vember inftant, at three o'clock in the afternoon, to debate tliis fubjeft. " Then the Commiffioners for England being returned to their chamber, after " fome debate, it was agreed, to defire Matter Attorney General to draw fome " reafons to be offered to their Lordfliips confideration, at their next meeting, " againft what the Commiffioners for Scotland have propofed, concerning their " Parliament being entirely united to the Parliament of England." " Tuefday '62 A G E N E R A L II I S T O R Y O F Tuejday the %th of November 1670. " The meeting of the Commiflioners of both kingdoms intended to be this " day, was put off till Saturday next, the 12th of this inftant, at three in the " afternoon. " By his Majefty's order, on the iitli of November 1670, the next meeting " of the Commiffioners of both kingdoms was adjourned to the laft Thurfday " in March next comino;." — And never met more. Any one that perufes this fhort treaty, or rather conference, may fee that thefe times were not tem.pered for an efFeftual Union ; and thofe that know any thing of the fecret hiftory of that day, will alfo know there were private defigns then on foot, which made a nearer Union inconfiftent with the views of the Court. The Scots infifted on a conjunftion of Parliaments, not an incorporation of foundations, as has now been propofed -, England durfl never hear of fuch a conjunflion of Parliaments, on account of Church matters ; knov/ing, that, though Epifcopacy was then eftablifhed in Scotland, yet, that the fecret bent of that nation was Prefbyterian; and they durft not think of a conjunftion of Houfes on that fcore. And here I would afk leave of the Gentlemen in Scotland, who have oppofed the prefent Union, in regard of its hazard to the Prefbyterian Churcli, to re- mind them, what reafon they have to look back to the days of this treaty, and be thankful, that the Union was not compafifed at that time ; and to confider, why they fhould have ventured putting it off to a farther time, fince, had it happened in that time, when Epifcopacy had the face of a legal eflablifliment in Scotland, the Prefbyterian Church had for ever funk under its weight, and been exploded by the laws of both kingdoms i both kingdoms had been obliged to keep it down, and it could never, miracles excepted, have recovered itfelf in that nation. And thus I have traced the feveral endeavours to unite thefe kingdoms in former times, in which I have been as brief as I can j I fliall conclude this with only one remark, which I believe will appear to be juft. Through the whole courfe of the feveral treaties hitherto named, the firft excepted, which was difappointed by a mere judgment from Heaven, I mean the death of the Maid of Norway ; all the reft of the propofals for Union between thefe kingdoms met with their particular obftru6lions from Popery, French intereft, home- tyranny, or court-intrigues ; thefe were the only enemies of Union, and, I believe, it may, without partiality, be added, and Jo it is no iv. We are now come to the prefent times. King James the Second, in England, or UNIONS IN BRITAIN. 63 or Seventh in Scotland, had no other Union in view, but that of uniting all his kingdoms to the churcli of Romcj and this put him upon meafures perfcdly diftindt from all that had gone before him, from whence we have had two famous revolutions in Britain, one in the regal ftate of both kingdoms, the other in the ecclefiaftic ftate of Scotland, from Epifcopal to Prefbyterian : This was no fooner brought to pafs, but Scotland put the King in mind of their defires to unite, in their letter to King William j of which prefently. But all that Prince's reign, this good defign met with obftrudtions, of which I fl:iall be fomething particular in its place. And thus we are brought down to Queen Anne, in whofc reign this great work was once attempted, but proved abortive ; and at the fecond eflay was brought to perfeftion, as will be ken in the fequel of this ftory. OF O F AFFAIRS IN BOTH KINGDOMS, INTRODUCTORY OF A TREATY OF UNION. B E F O R E I enter upon the proceedings in the reign of Queen Anne, towards a general Union of thefe kingdoms, it is abfolutely neceffary to the right underftanding of things, to take a ihort view of the pofture of public affairs in the refpeftive kingdoms, and what it was that rendered the Union fo abfolutely neceflary at this time, that to all confidering people, who made any tolerable judgment of things, it was plain diere was no other way left, to pre- vent the moll bloody war that ever had been beween the two nations. At the revolution, as has been already noted, and feveral times during the reign of the late King William, motions had been made frequently, both on the King's fide and on the peoples alfo, to come to a treaty ; but that Prince had always one thing or other caft in his way, to prevent his gooddefign. The King was often heard to fay, that this ifland could never be eafy without an Union, and if either of them underftood their own happinefs, they would never reft till it was brought to pafs. And, as I had the honour to mention it once among other things, in a fcheme of general peace among the Proteftant interefts in Europe, I cannot forget, that his Majefty exprefling fome concern at it, returned, " I have done all I can in that affair ; but I do not fee a temper " in either nation that looks like it i" — and added, after fome other difcourfe, " It may be done, but not yet." During the whole reign of this prince, the breaches between the two kingdoms rather widened and increafed, than tended to a clofe ; and feveral national un- kindnelTes paft between them, which prepared both fides, as it were, to refleft upon and reproach the other; there wanted not alfo a fet of wicked inftruments always to blow the coals of difcord between the kingdoms into a flame, and, if pofTible, to bring the nations to a rupture. 4 Some INTRODUCTORY OF A TREATY OF UNION. 65 Some of thefe paflfages which, I fay, tended to eftrange the nations, and, as it were, prepare them for a breach, rather than for an Union, were thefe : The fettling an African or Indian Company in Scotland, and the feveral clafliings of intereft between the two nations on that head. The affair of Glenco. The difficulties about the fuccefflon and limitations. The aft of fecurity there. The aft in England intituled, " an aft for preventing dangers arifing from " the Aft of Security in Scotland." - The feizing the fhip the Worcefter, and execution of Captain Green, and feveral others. — All thefe things concurred to convince thofe that had the leaft knowledge of affairs in both kingdoms, that nothing but an Union could prevent the nations falling all to pieces, as foon as ever the Queen fhould die, if not fooner ; and that, therefore, it was immediately and heartily to be fet about, as the only way to preferve the public tranquillity, and prevent the certain mifchiefs that threatened the whole body. I fhall not enter into a particular hiftory of thefe feveral cafes, as being too tedious for this traft ; but as it is necefTary to fay fomething of them, to convey the right underftanding of thefe matters to pofterity, and that more regularly to introduce the general thing I am upon, viz. Tlie Union, I cannot wholly omit them. And firft, for the African Company, the large commiffion that Company ob- tained, by which they feemed to rival the Englilh, both in their Guinea, Eafl_ India, and Weft-India trade, was ill reliflied by the EngliOi, who at tliat time were in an odd and unfettled pofture, as to thofe trades at home. And as this is not rightly underftood by a great many, that run round about for reafons of the Englifh Parliament's falling upon that affair, it may not be amifs to fet it in a clearer light. The Englifh Eaft-India trade, being for a long time prefcribed in the narrow limits of an exclufive Company, who tyrannized not a little in their abfolute management of that trade, and became grievous to the reft of the merchants, many attempts were made to lay open their ftock, and increafe fo great, and fo beneficial a trade ; but the Company withftood all the attempts that way, and kept all invaders off; till at laft by the mighty advance of two millions to the government, the new Eaft-India Company got a charter, and itt up againfl them : — How they rivalled one another, and with mighty ftruggles too much em- barrafTed the whole nation, till the King himfelf was obliged to concern himfelf in uniting them ; and how he brought that great work to pafs, are things not fo K much 66 OF AFFAIRS IN BOTH KINGDOMS. much to my prefent purpofe ; but, at this time, viz. 26 June, 1695, the Scots Company obtained their fettlement. Whatever profpefts the projeftors of that Company had in their view, fbme of which will, I doubt, hardly bear a hiftory, I never heard one of them pre- tend, that either the flock to carry it on, or the market for their trade, could be found in Scotland ; and from hence, with other particular objeftions, which, I believe, they never debated, I pretend to fay, they could never really pro- pofe any rational probability of fuccefs. If they imagined to obtain help from abroad, they indeed were in the right, for they could not but know, that the merchants in England would leap at a propofal to get into the Eaft-India trade, free from the bondage of the Company mentioned before ; — but if they imagined alfo, that this could do lefs than em- bark the Engliih Government againfl them, and bring the Public to concern themfelves about it, they were exceeding fliort-fighted, or muft at the fame time believe the other very ignorant in the affairs before them. The firft ftep the Company took, was to open books for fubfcriptions at London, and afterwards at Hamburgh ; and this was no fooner done, but the Englifh Company took the alarm at both, and obained, by their intereft with the Government, inftruftions to the Englifh Refident at Hamburgh to oppofe it there, which was done mofteffeftually. The Englifh Refident, as it was faid, tacit- ly threatening the Hamburghers, that the Englifli fliould remove their flaple of cloth to the city of Bremen, and ruin the trade of Hamburgh: whether he did aftually threaten them fo or no, I do not afBrm; but, it is certain, he fo managed affairs, that the fubfcriptions begun there were flopped, and the defign on that fide effeflually ruined. Then they (I mean the Englifh Eafl-India Company) applied themfelves to the Englifh Parliament, and, by offering plaufible reafons there, foon obtained their votes againfl: it alfo, and againfl: any of the fubjefts of England fubfcribing to it; and the Scots merchants, who had fubfcribed in England, were ordered to be impeached of a mifdemeanor, though the Parlia- ment being near a clofe, thofe impeachments dropped of courfe. Thefe things had the defired effeft'j for they crufhed the attempt of raifinga new Eafl-India Company in thefe parts of the world ; and the projeftors then played their other game of Darien, in which they had the fame unhappinefs, viz. to put the Englifh nation under a necelTity of oppofing them. I do readily allow, the firfl: fcheme of a trade to the Eaft-Indies iiad a pro- bability of fuccefs in it J a thing I cannot grant to the affair of Darien j which, I think, had not one branch belonging to its contrivance, but what was big with neceffary abortions, fuch as remote mines of gold to be gained and maintained by force againfl the Spaniards, in which England could not, without breach of faitli. INTRODUCTORY OF A TREATY OF UNION. 67 faith, aflift; fuch as a trade for European goods with the Spanifli colonies, which muft always have been by force, or by ftealth ; and neither of thefe had any rational probability. As to their trade over land to the South Seas, and thence to the Indies, though much boafted of, it anfwers for itfelf, and feems a too imprafbicablc whinnfy to merit any reply, much like that other dream of making a navigation, or communication between the South Seas and the gulph of Mexico, by the river of Darien ; which, if all were done, and the diftance meafured to that part of India, to which we chiefly trade, viz. the Coaft of Coromandei, Surat, Bay of Bengal, &c. I think any body will determine the voyage by the Cape of Good Hope, the better palTage by much, and very little if any thing longer. But to come to the cafe : the Company, or rather the projedtors, who had now embarked the gentlemen in a fubfcription of 400,000 pounds fterling, car- ried on their defign, and with two fhips. Men and a cargo perfeftly unqualified for any kind of trade, either with Eng- lifh or Spaniards, fet fail, and landing at Darien, made a i'ettlement there, forti- fied themfelves, and prepared to maintain it. The Spaniards, who claim a right there, (and whether that right be difputabic or no is not the queftion here,) immediately proceed by a double method, firft, to prepare to diflodge them by force ; and fecondly, apply themfelves to the King of England, claiming, by virtue of the treaty made with England, rati- fied and exchanged, that no fuccour fhould be given to the Scots from any of the Englifh colonies in America. This, as an exprefs ftipulation, could not be denied by the Englifli Court ; and accordingly a proclamation was exhibited by the King of England, and fent to all the Englifh plantations, forbidding trade or correfpondence with them. I cannot help faying, had the managers of the Company's affairs had the leafl forecaft of things, they could not but have expedled all that happened here ; and alfo might have known, that, had they a6l:ed right, thofe proclamations could have done them no manner of damage. Whoever has the leaft knowledge of the aff"airs of that country, and of the trade of the Englifh colonies, muft needs know, that, had the Scots Company, who had placed themfelves at Darien, been furnifhed either with money, or letters of credit, they had never wanted provifions, or come to any other difaftcr, not- withftanding the proclamations of the Englifh againft correfpondence. Nor will any man be fo vain to fay, that they ought to have ventured on fuch a fettlement, depending on fupplies from the Englifh, efpecially when, in their affairs of Hamburgh and London, which were before all this, they had feen the Englifh concerning themfelves againft their Company ; much lefs fhould K 2 they 68 OF AFFAIRS IN BOTH KINGDOMS, they have gone to plant themfelves in a climate unfit for produ6t itfelf, with neither cafn nor credit to buy in other places. At laft it is apparent, that, notwithftanding the proclamations, and after all the officious care of the Governors of the Englifli colonies, yet feveral floopsof provifions came to them, but found them on the other hand unfurnifhed to purchafe, except with fuch goods as were fit for no market ; nor could they give bills any where to make good the value. The trade to the Spanifh Weft Indies is forbidden in thofe parts, under the fcvereft penalties of lofs of goods, confifcation of the fhip, and death of the people; and yet we fee, that, at Jamaica for the Englifh, and Curafoe for the Dutch, they carry on a prodigious trade,' encouraged by the gain of it. Had the Scots at Darien had any thing fufficient to encourage the traders thither, they had never wanted provifions j and as they were unprovided that way, they muft have ftarved, had there been no prohibitions at all ; for they would have found few of the planters, or merchants of the colonies, inclined to have furnillied them without money. This I think clears up the cafe fufficiently, and therefore I {hall fay no more to it here ; it is thus far to the prefent purpofe, that this difafter of the Scots, be the fault where it will, was one of the great occafions of ill blood between the nations ; while thofe that took all opportunities to widen our breaches on both fides, continually cried out in England, that the Scots were encroaching upon our trade, and fetting up a new Eaft-India trade ; and, on the other hand, in Scotland they complained of the unnatural and barbarous treatment of the Englifh ; both which took with the common people of either nation, to the unfpeakable difquieting of their minds, and raifing continual reproaches againft one another, without giving themfelves leave to inquire into die grounds and reafons of things. I have been the larger on this head, becaufe I think this to be the firft handle that our quarrelfome people took hold of to objed againft one another, and on which the future jealoufies between the nations were pretended to be built. The affair of Glenco was another ftcp to national breaches ; and though every body tells me, I muft handle this very gently, perhaps they may fee there is not fo much caufe for it as they imagine. And having the honour to have had fomething of this from perfons very near the King, and perhaps from His Majefty's own mouth, I fhall only ftate the general, fo far as it has been reported to the injury of that glorious Prince, and to the exciting national animofities between us. In doing this, I fhall only avoid naming of perfons, let the guilt die in their graves ; INTRODUCTORY OF A TREATY OF UNION. 69 graves ; we are not now calling up the perfons to judgment, but fetting the matter in a clear light. That the Glenco men, among feveral other clans of the Highlanders, were enemies to the Government at that time, had been in arms under Dundeci and had on all occaifions fhewn their implacable averfion to King "William, and all the intereft of the Revolution, needs no proof, and is owned even by the greateft friends to the caufe. That thefe people were not only very troublefome, but dangerous, and had committed feveral hoftilities, murders, robberies and depredations, on both the innocent country people their neighbours, as well as on the garrifon of foldiers placed on that fide to fupprefs them, is alfo out of difpute. The defence made for this is fliort, — that they were fair enemies, and had profeffed open war. It is anfwered thus : that, I. They cannot be owned as open enemies, becaufe they really had no com- mifTions from King James. And idly. The war was as it were fupprefled j the ge- nerality had laid down their arms, and fubmitted j and thefe, as a few defpera- does, kept up the quarrel rather as an advantage of rapine and plunder, than a fervice to their pretended matter, or his caufe. 1. Suppofe them at open war, it has been the known praftice in war, when a governor of a garrifon holds out without expeftation of relief, without any profpeft but mere defperation and mifchief, to give fuch no quarter ; no conditions at all ; but even after taking the place, to hang them up in cold blood, as wild beads, that make no fair war, and deferve no fair treatment. As His Majefty had this account given him of thefe people, and I do not find but it was a true account too, it was the advice of the General and officers employed at that time, that it was a mifchief which, as times then went, might be very dangerous to the Public, and that therefore it behoved them to take fome immediate courfe with them j and fince defperate mifchiefs require reme- dies of the fame kind, they thought the firft force the beft, and propofed to march immediately witli a body of troops into the place, and intirely root them out as a den of thieves and deftroyers, without which the peaceable fubjefts could never be fafe, nor the Government be eafy ; that the charge of maintain- ing troops there was an intolerable burden to the country, and as there was no other way could prevail to preferve the peace, it was abfolutely neceflary to come to extremity. His Majefty, who, by his experience in military affairs, was foon convinced both of the juftice in point of war, and neceffity in point of government, of this advice; yet, out of his mere goodnefs of difpofition and general clemency, anfwered. 70 OF AFFAIRS IN BOTH KINGDOMS, anfwered, he agreed to their reafons, but required, that before any fuch extremi- ties fhould be ufed with them, a proclamation fhould be publifhed, offering pardon, or remiiTion, for all violences and villainies paft, to all thofe people with- out exception, who within a certain time fliould come in, lay down their arnns, and fubmit to the Government, and take the oaths as peaceable fubjedls. It is here vifible that His Majefty's intentions were not only juft and honour- able to thefe people, though liis implacable enemies, but that he refolved, like a merciful Prince, to try all reafonable methods of tendernefs and goodncfs, if poITible, to keep thepeace, and fave the offenders too. With this proclamation, commiffion was given to the military power,, if this merciful method could not prevail, they fhould proceed, to extremities i and by force of arms deftroy all thofe that fhould ftand out, and not comply with the proclamation. And His Majefty's orders were, as fir as relates to this part, as follows : The inftruftions were to Sir Thomas Livingftoun, dated January n, 1692. The firft claufe is thus : '' You are hereby ordered and authorized to march our troops, which are now " pofted at Innerlochie and Innernefs, to aft againft thofe Highland rebels, who " have not taken the benefit of our indemnity, by fire and fword, and all man- " ner of hoftilities ; to burn their houfcs, feize or deftroy their goods, cattle, " pleniftiing or clothes, and to cut off the men." The fourth article runs thus : " That the rebels may not think themfelves abfolutely defperate, we allow " you to give terms and quarters ; but we are fo convinced of the neceflity of " feverity, and that they cannot be reclaimed, that we will not allow you to give " any other terms to chieftains, heretors, or leaders, but to be prifoners of war, " whereby their lives are faved ; but for all other things they muft furrender " on mercy, and take the oath of allegiance." In additional inftrudians, one claufe is thus dated the i6th of Jan. 1692. " If that Mackean of Glenco, and his tribe, can be well fcparated from the " reft, it will be a proper vindication of the public juftice to extirpate that fedl " of thieves." Thus far I think I may undertake to fay his Majefty proceeded by the known cuftom of all the moft juft governments in the world, and it would be needlefs to examine hiftories to bring precedents here to juftify the method. It is certain, and all men allow that the Glenco men had not complied with the proclamation ; nay they had rejefled two indemnities. I know it is objefted, that Glenco came and took the oath fix days after the time, made a legal and juft excufe, and fent word of his willingncfs to comply 4 with INTRODUCTORY OF A TREATY OF UNION. 71 with it, and that it was only a trefpafs of time, which they fuppofed he had repaired ; that the end of the proclamation was anfwered, and that the King, who was mercifully inclined, would never have taken the lives of people, re- folved to fubmit, for a trefpafs of days. To this I anfwer, as his Majefty himfelf did in that cafe, that indeed had he been in the Field, and on the fpot, and that excufe had been fent to him, he might have accepted it ; but that as commiffions in cafes of war are to be punc- tually executed, he could not require it of the officers to accept it as an excufe againft a pofitive proclamation, and an exprefs order j befides, I do not find any but the chief had gone thus far, the reft not having come in at all. It is alledged, that the execution was from private malice ; but none could ever yet have the face to charge His Majefty with that ; and I could never hear of any reafon given why the commanders of the forces fhould have any, much lefs thofe at whom the Icandal of it was pointed, upon pretence of giving un- warrantable orders. But the cafe chiefly lies here : the men fell under the misfortune of a crifis in war ; tliey brought themfelves into it by an omifTion of time ; to fay, they could not avoid it, does not reach the cafe : if the officers can be charged with any private revenge in this cafe : I have only this to fay. 1 . I never yet faw any reafon to think fo ; no perfonal grudge or quarrel ever appeared, that I ever met with, or was fo much as alledged in it, or gain pre- tended to be made by it, if the Earl of B had any private game, it neither afFeiTced the King, nor the other perfons charged with the thing. 2. If it were fo, it no way afFefts the King, againft whom the reproach of this afl'air is fince pointed, who afted nothing but what was agreeable to the laws of war, and mixt it with that general blefling of his temper, an unufual clemency. If the commiffion given was executed with barbarity, and blood, killing people in what we call cold blood, furprifing them in peace, and dependence on fafety, all this will turn upon the merits of the firft caufe : for if they were by the laws of war to be deftroyed, all manner of fnrprifes become juftified by the fame law. As to the cruelties and excefles of the furious foldiers, no man can have the face to reproach His Majefty with that. The grand queftion remains yet behind, why did not the King caufe the of- fenders to be made examples^ and feverely punifli the murderers ? I fhall anfwer, I. If his Majefty's peculiar was too much clemency, I think fome of thofe that make the loudeft exclamations on this article ought to be filent ; fince, had exemplary juftice been his Majefly's employment from his firft landing, we fliould 72 OF AFFAIRS IN BOTH KINGDOMS. fhould have no realbn to have faid, it was a bloodlefs revolution ; nor they perhaps have been alive to complain. 2. For the reafons aforefaid, his Majefty often faid, it was a moot-point in war, whether they had broken orders or no ; and though I have the honour to know that his Majefty exceedingly refented the manner, yet it did not appear at all that they had laid themfelves open to military juftice in it, or fo much as given ground to call them to account before a council of war. As to national, or civil juftice, the memory of the King can never be refledled upon in that, unlefs fome perfons had purfued them at law, obtained fentence againft them, and his Majefty had protected them from the profecution or exe- cution of fuch fentences. Thus far, I think, the King himfelf is intirely clear of this matter; who elfe may have been guilty, and how, either of breaking orders, going beyond them on niceties, and executing them with barbarities, I have no occafion to enter upon here; I fhall be far from defending fuch things, and I am fure his Majefty was far from approving it. But this is more com.pleatly anfwered, by putting the world in mind, that his Majefty did refer the profecution of that affair wholly to the Parliament, as more particularly appears by the Parliament's Addrefs of Thanks to his Majefty for fo doing. And that in their profecution they found no room for legal procefs, except ao-ainft the officer who executed the orders in a manner lb barbarous, which officer fled from juftice, and was profcribed for not appearing. So that here was no legal procefs interrupted ; but all was frankly remitted by his Majefty to the fevereft methods of juftice, which if it would not reach the perfons concerned, it is very hard the flander fhould reach the King. It might be faid here, you have no occafion to defend the King's memory m this cafe, fince the Parliament of Scotland cleared his Majefty, by their unani- mous vote of the 14th of June, viz. " That his Majefty's inftruftions con- '' tained no warrant for the execution of the Glenco men." " I fliall only obfcrve, that it is true the Parliament pafled fuch a vote, and it is as true the King refented very ill their ufage of him, as he had great reafon to do, frequently repeating, that he thanked the Parliament of Scotland, they had ufed him better than England had done hts grandfather ; for they had tried him for his life, and brought him in Not Guilty. I muft confefs, it was very unaccountable the Houfe ftiould pafs fuch a vote upon their Sovereign, whom no man had had the impudence to own a refleftion upon in the cafe, though they did it clandeftinely; and it had much better have become them, to have fearched after, and puniftied thofe that flandered the King on that account. But INTRODUCTORY OF A TREATY OF UNION. 73 But the reproaching the King, and thofe employed by him, and who under him gave orders in it, had its party ufes ; what . end it anfwered at that time is very well known, and would make a very good hiftory, to tlie reproach of fome pretenders to revolution principles; but I choofe to bury thefe things in filcnce, neither are they any part of this defign. I have affigned this as a fecond ground of national animofity ; not that it was a£ted by any of the Englifh nation, but as the gentlemen who improved it, turned it all againft the King, it was ftill furnifhing matter of raillery againft the Revolution and Succeffion, which both turned upon one point, and was now fup- ported and pulhed on in Scotland, by the intereft and influence of the Englifli Court. I have digrelled upon the fubjedl on no other ground, than to clear up the re- proaches which envy would fain fix on the King and his memory, which, I think, not at all accountable for it. 3. The next general head, on which our national difcontents have been revived, and indeed which has been ilrangely iflTued, has been the fuccefTion of the crown. This has a long chain of derivations to fetch it from, but I fhall contract them into as fmall a compafs as I can. The original of the whole debate is to be placed, if we will do juftice, in his late Majefly's fincere and conftant care for the peace and fecurity of thefe kingdoms. The King had feen the profpeds of an Union fly like a remote fiiadow, as it were out of ken, and finding reafon to lay afide the tlioughts of that blcflfed conjunftion, he found the next (lep needful was, to preferve the public peace, and hand down our liberties to pofterity, under the fame fecurity he had fo hap- pily fixed them in; in order to this, his Majefty began to fet himftlf lerioudy to work to fettle the fucceflion of. the crown in the Proteftant line. Before I enter into this large field, I muft take one opportunity more to exalt the memory of the King, and put thefe nations in mind of the care that Prince took, abfl:rafted from his own intereft, to fettle both the liberties ajid religion of this ifland, in fpite of all the ill treatment he met with here. Upon the Revolution, a great deal of clamour and reproach had been levelled at the King, as if he purfued his own intereft in the taking the crown of Eng- land; though I muft acknowledge I am at alofs to find out what he gained by it, though I have had opportunities to know fomething of his Majcfty's affairs; but fure, nobody could charge his Majefty with having an eye to his intereft, in what fhould happen aft?r his death; he could have nothing to propofe tohim- felf beyond the grave; — it could be of no moment to him, who fiiould enjoy L the ^4 OF AFFAIRS IN BOTH KINGDOMS, the crown after him, fince he had no children of his own, nor could he expedt the fucceffion Ihould come to any branch of his family. Covetoufnefs and ambition may guide Princes in their purfuit of honours and pofleflions, to themfelves and their families ; but when a Prince has. no family, no relations that can enjoy after him, it cannot be rational to talk of ambition or intereft in that cafe. His Majefty's memory is therefore untainted, and even the enemies of his fame are defeated here; for the very pretence fails them. His anxiety for the fettlement of the fucceffion could favour of nothing but a mere concern and refpefl: for the intereft, fafety, and liberty of the country ; and let any man give any other rational account of it, if he can : but this is by the way. In purfuit of this original defign, his Majefty laid the ground-plot of the fucceffion to the Houfe of Hanover, went himfelf to Hanover, and thence to Zell, to concert the meafures of it on that fide, maftered fome difficulties there too, and theh propofed it to the Englifh Parliament. How it pafled in the Englifti nation ; what oppofition was made to it there, and by whom ; what fubfequent laws were made to ftrengthen and fupport it, is not much to the prefent purpofe to examine ; hiftories are full of the particular circumftances, and nobody that knows any thing of what pafled in thofe times can be ignorant of it. It remained only to make the fame provifion for Scotland ; and the King began to turn his eyes thither, when he was taken off by death; and Queen Anne fucceeded, not to his crown only, but to the fame care and concern for the public peace, and for the fettlement of the nations, by fecuring the fucceffion of the crown. But to look into Scotland a little: The Scots received the propofal of the fuc- ceffion with more coldnefs and diffidence than was expefted ; and the heats occafioncd by the debates on both fides were extraordinary. The oppofition made to the continuation of their united ftate in a fucceflxir had a fpecious and moft unanfwerable pretence to be made for it, though it was made ufe of by two forts of people, with a quite different profpeft. The Scots had been very fenfible of the vifible decay of trade, wealth, and inhabitants in their country, even from the firft giving away their Kings to the Englifli fucceffion ; and, as the finking condition of their nation was plainly owing to the lofs of their court, concourfe of people, the difidvantages of trade, and the influence the Englifli had over their Kings; fo, it was as plain, there was no way to recover themfelves, but either better terms of Union and Alliance, or a returning back to their feparate felf-exifting ftate. The moft confidering and difinterefted people reflefted back upon their eafy complying INTRODUCTORY OF A TREATY OF UNION. 75 complying with the Englifli, and joining with the Revolution, without any conditions made for themfelvcs with England, as a nation j and plainly faid, If they had demanded better terms, they might have had them j fince their joining at that time, was a thing of fuch confequence, and upon which fo much did depend, that England could not have denied them ; and what they had to alk was fo reafonable, that nothing in reafon could have been objefted. The people who were of this opinion, being fome of them, at the fame time, as far from embarking in the wrong intereft, moved ftrenuoufly for a treaty with England, to afcertain the conditions, chiefly refpefting commerce, on which they were willing to fettle the crown j but were unanimoufly for refufing to fettle it at all, but with fuch a treaty. As thefe gentlemen infifted upon a treaty with England, in cafe they fettled the fucceflion with them, fo they confidered in the next place of limitations, both in cafe of failing of fuch treaty, or in cafe of its being concluded, in order to preferve the liberties of the people, and to aflert the right and power of Parliaments ; and one of thefe limitations was, that in cafe the treaty did not fucceed, then, in the fettling the crown, it was provided, the fucceflbr fhould not be King or Queen of England. And yet I confefs it feems plain to me, the defign of thefe people was not againft having the fucceflion fettled even in conjun61:ion with Eno-land, as it now is J and their general behaviour fince, confirms this opinion, befides the general character of the men themfelves -, but their defign appeared plainly to bring England over to fuch terms in matters of commerce, as really it appeared Scotland wanted, and as England ought to grant. 'Tis true, a party joined in this, that were againfl:any conjunction at all, that were againfl; any fucceflion but that of King James, and whofe real defio-n was , againft the general correfpondence of the nations, and both fides had people among them who made ufe of thefe things, further and further to divide the nation. Nor did they fail of fuccefs, for this was taken very heinoufly in Encrland, efpecially by the ignorant kind of people, and they began in England to treat the Scots very coarfely ; the writers of the age began to difcufs the feparate fovereignties, and exalt the titles of either fide. In England, one Dodor Drake writes a preface to an abridgment of the Scots hiftory, wherein fpeaking fomething refiefting upon the freedom and inde- pendency of Scotland, the Scots Parliament caufed it to be burnt by the hang- man at Edinburgh. Another Englifli author writes of the abfolute dominion of the Englifli Crown over the Crown of Scotland, but he received the jufl: punifliment of being little regarded ; another writes of the eafinefs of reducing L 2 Scotland 7« OF AFFAIRS IN BOTH KINGDOMS, Scotland by arms. — Againft thefe Mr. Anderfon, Hodges, and others, write of the antiquity, freedom, and independency of Scotland, aflerting it in the face of the world, for which books the Parliament rewarded them publicly. Thus, on both fides, the cafe flood between the nations ; a pen and ink war made a daily noifc in either kingdom, and this ferved to exafperate the people in fuch a manner, one againft another, that never have two nations run upon one another in fuch a manner, and come off without blows. The heats on both fides being thus ftrangely blown up, and the people of either kingdom beginning to run into excefTes, — -jufl in this jundture, as if the nature and necefTity of the thing had driven both nations to it, the Queen propofes to the refpeftive Parliaments a treaty of Union to be begun between the two kingdoms; this was in the year 170a ; the well-wilhers to the nations peace earneflly longed for this Union on both fides ; but I cannot fay that they had equal expeftations of it, as times then went. It was the firft year of Her Majefly's reign, and the adminiflration of things being then in hands in both kingdoms, which her Majefty afterward thought fit to change, there is not fo much wonder why this treaty came to nothing. There had been obftru£lions to the defign in Scotland, where things were yet carried with more jealoufy of the Englifh Court than afterwards they faw reafon to do ; this occafioned a proteft from one fort of gentlemen againft the Queen's naming the Commiffioners to treat ; — but even the very gentlemen who pro- tefled, thought fit afterwards to come in to the Union, as it was propofed, and had no fmall influence in the iuccefs of it. The fuccefs of the Union, no doubt, depended upon the choice of the perfons appointed to treat, and this depended very much on the reprefentation of the Miniftry in either nation to the Queen. As to the Miniftry in Scotland I fhall fay nothing, the gentlemen nominated there might perhaps have come into naeafures for a treaty well enough, moft of the former treaters being the fame as afterwards finifhed it ; — but the defign of the Miniftry in England feemed to aft upon meafures not fo confiftent with the true intent and meaning of the treaty as could have been wifhed. Again, the jealoufies on both fides about church affairs, in refpeft to the Union, were the ground of fuch difHculties as nobody could furmount, and lay as a fecret mine, with which that party who defigned to keep the nation divided, were fure to blow it up at laft, and therefore knew that all they did till that point was difcuffedfignified nothing; and that whenever they pleafed to put an end to it, they had an immediate opportunity. Without therefore entering upon fuch juft refledions as I might very well be allov/ed to make upon the feveral perfons and parts afting and aded in that, I had INTRODUCTORY OF A TREATY OF UNION. 77 I had almoft faid fham treaty, I may place the whole mifcarriages of it very juftly upon this one particular; viz. that the aflfairs of religion were left to the abfolute determination and appointment of the treaters, and this might have inftrudcd any body that this treaty would come to nothing, fince it was morally imprafticable that the nice article of religion, as it particularly then flood be- tween the two churches, could have been fettled to the mutual fatisfaftion of both kingdoms by a Commiffion, in which there was not one perfon deputed or named by the church, or inftrufbed by them to enter upon the feveral articles of a treaty on either hand. I know it has been faid, and perhaps there may have been fome truth in it, that the article of religion was to have laid pafiive and dormant, and neither fide was to have concerned themfelves about it, by which fome would have had it under- ftood, that either fide was to remain in the condition they were then in, — and that this was the meaning of the words of a certain perfon, who when he was aiked, what care was taken of the church in that treaty, replied, " for God's fake, let <' us have no more of that jargon." I confefs, it is a charitable conftrudlion of the words, to fay, the author only meant that things fhould be left to ftand as they were, and the treaters ihould have no other concern about it ; — but I prefume thofe people hardly confidered that then the eftablifhment of either church had been left intirely to the future difpofilion of a Britifh Parliament, who, whenever they were governed by a majority on this or that fide, might have overwhelmed intirely the Scots fettlement, and eretted epifcopacy upon them, or vice verja with the church of England : And I prefume neither church would have thouo-ht them- felves fafe upon fuch a foundation ; I am fure, they would not have had reafon to have thought fo. Such a precarious Union muft needs have begot future convulfions in both kingdoms ; and if we may judge by what has happened fince, the treaters would have met with but very ordinary reception in Scotland when they came home J and the abandoning the church to the mercy of the Parliament, which was in efFeft, giving her up to the church of England, would certainly have inflamed the whole country. It is therefore the much kinder refleftion to fay thefe gentlemen never defi^ned any Union at all, fince to fuppofe the other, would be to fuggeft that they defigned to give up their native country to a bondage in matters relio-ious, which they knew was intolerable to their country, and to lead them by the hand to an inevitable breach between the nations. For this reafon I fay, that treaty was never fincerely defigned j if it was, it muft refieft either upon the underftandings, or upon the integrity of the perfons concerned. However^ 78 OF AFFAIRS IN BOTH KINGDOMS, However, as I am here upon matters of hiftory, and coUefting together all that has been done with relation to uniting the kingdoms, as well what was abortive, as what came to perfeftion ; I think this work cannot be complete without giving you the minutes of this treaty alfo, as far as it proceeded ; — but becaufe I would not interrupt the thread of hiftory, I have adjourned it to the Appendix, where you have it at large, as I received it from the hand of a perfon of honour and undoubted integrity, who was one of the CommifTioners to that treaty, and wrote it down with his own hand. The minutes are marked in the Appendix No. 14. Upon the breaking up of this treaty, three things happened to the further widenino- the unhappy breaches between the nations, which however they dif- covered the furious temper of a party of men in both kingdoms, ready and forward to inflame us, and involve both nations in blood, yet their evil defign had this happy iflue, that it brought the nations to the crifis which inevitably brought on the great treaty ; it put us all into fuch a condition, that nothing but a treaty for a nearer Union, or a bloody and irreconcilable rupture, could' be the confequence. — And this I take to be a moving argument, which in the judgment of the Miniftry made the treaty of Union abfolutely neceflary, and thus the greateft good came out of the greateft defigned evil. The firft of thefe was the affair of Captain Green and the fhip Worcefter. An Englifh (hip called the Worcefter, of London, Captain Thomas Green Commander, homeward-bound from the Eaft-Indies, put into Scotland, whe- ther by contrary winds, or for convoy, or on what other occafion is not to the' purpofe. The African Company there having a fhip formerly feized by the Eaft-India Company in London, as fhe was fitting out in the river of Thames, and for which they had in vain folicited reftirution, they obtain of the Government a power to feize and ftop this fhip by way of reprifal. Accordingly, the fhip was feized on, and brought into Brunt ifland, and fome time pafTed while the fhip lay under fuch circumftances. During this time fome of the fliips crew, whether in their drink, or other- wife, let fall fome words, implying that they had been pirating, and par- ticularly fome very fufpicious difcourfes, intimating that there had been blood in the cafe. This prompted further enquiries, and at laft a plain and particular informa- tion was procured, that this Captain Green, with this fliip Worcefter, had met with a Scots fliip commanded by one Drummond in the Eaft-Indies, had made a prize of the fhip, and murdered Drummond and all his crew. Thele fufpicious and dark fpeeches were fo taken hold of, and traced, that at INTRODUCTORY OF A TREATY OF UNION. 79 at laft it came upon the ftage, and brought Green and his Ihips crew into the courfe of public juftice ; and after a very long trial, they were found guilty of piracy, robbery and murder j and particularly the Captain and five more were condemned to die for it, and the Captain with two more were accordingly executed. It is not the work of this book to relate that ftory at its full length, but I cannot pafs it here without a fhort abridgment of the proceedings ; becaufe as Scotland lies under much fcandal on this account, which, as to the methods of public juftice, I think fhe does not defervej fo the clearing up that point, and the relation it has to the prefent fubjedl I am upon, I think will come out hand in hand ; and for that reafon I engage in it. Some of Green's men, either in their anger, or their cups, or both, having let fall words that rendered him very much fufpefted of having been guilty of great villanies, they were further watched in their difcourfe by fome that had taken hold of their words, particularly two negroes, one Haines, and another, who, it feems, being difgufted at the Captain, frequently let fall fuch expref- fions as gave the hearers reafon to fufpeft there had been great villanies among them. Thefe fpeeches are all to be ken in the depofitions of the witnefles (too long to repeat here) and particularly in the printed trial, to which I refer. I fhall not take upon me here either to condemn or acquit either fide -, I know the world is divided on the fubjeft ; fome will have Green and his crew to be guilty of all that is charged on them ; others fay, the company carried all againft them, that they might have a good pretence for confifcating the fhip. But be that as it will, it is mod certain the folly and imprudence of the men hanged them, to fay no more. From a Httle to more, from dark exprefTions they fell to downright quarrel- ling, and calling one another names, which there feems to be good reafon to believe, might in part be true on both fides, for fome of them, however inno- cent of this matter, had been, it feems, guilty of wickednefles of other forts, black enough. This folly of theirs came at laft to fuch a height, that it could be no longer concealed, for it became the public difcourfe, that they had been guilty not of murder and piracy only, but of uncommon barbarities ; and not that only, but that it was particularly on a Scots fhip, and Scots men, viz. Captain Drum- mond, as aforefaid. At length it was brought to the ears of the Government, and as the public juftice of all nations is obliged to take cognizance of fuch horrid things as were here fuggefted, the fellows were examined, and they frankly confefling. Green and five of his men were taken up. The pofitive evidence were only two ne- 4 groes. 8o OF AFFAIRS IN BOTH KINGDOMS, o-roes, but others fo corroborated what they faid, and circumftances concurring, to make almoft every body believe the faft, at leaft in that hurry, they were, upon a long hearing, feverally found guilty of piracy and murder. There are fometimes fuch crifis, fuch jun6tures in matters, when all things {hall concur to pofTefs, not a man, but even a nation, with a belief of what, at another time, they would not believe, even upon the fame evidence ; and, in this man feems aftuated by a kind of fupernatural influence, as if invifibly direfted, to bring to pafs feme particular thing pointed out by Providence to be done, for reafons of his own, and known only to his infcrutable wifdom. Juft fuch a cafe this feemed to bej the circumftances of Green and his crew were very unhappy for them ; their being put into Scotland, where they had no manner of bufinefs, no diftrefs to force them in ; their being fcized by the Company, the men's falling out among themfelves, and being the open inftru- ments of dete£ting, what no one ever could have charged them with ; their flay- ing there when they might have gone, and had no more bufinefs there, from whence fome alledge they had no power to depart; thefe, and more concurring circumftances, which were obferved by the moft curious, and fome of which were noted upon the trial, feemed to jump together fo vifibly, that all people feemed to acknowledge a wonderful and invifible hand in it, direding and pointing out the detedting fome horrible crime, which vengeance fufFered not to go unpunilhed. Nor was this the fenfe of a few, but generally fpeaking of the whole nation, I mean of confidering people, and fuch as ufually notice fuch things, and parti- cularly of many of thofe who cried out loudeft of the matter, when it was too late to apply any remedy ; in which, I cannot but think, they aflcd unkindly to their country, and indeed very unjuftly, fince, when the convidlion of fuch cir- cumftances was on the minds of the people, it is no wonder the men were found guilty by the jury ; and I perfuade myfelf, they themfelves would have done the fame. On their being found guilty, they were not immediately executed, but fcveral applications were made to England for their reprieve ; the Council of Scotland reprieved them for fome days ; and as fome people began then to objed, that the evidence was but too flight, and that there was but one witnefs to matter of fadl, and that the one witnefs was but a negro, that he was not capable of the imprefllons of the folemnity of an oath, that there was malice in it, and the like; on thefe, and on other confiderations, the Government was fo tender of the blood of the men, that fome have thought they had not died but for the rage of the common neople, who, hearing that they were further to be reprieved, got together in an unufual multitude, on the day appointed for their execution, crying out for juftice. And INTRODUCTORY OF A TREATY OF UNION. 8i And this part of the ftory is the occafion of my relating fo much of it, fince the tendency it had to inflame the nations one againft anotlicr began here. On the day appointed for execution, the Privy Council was fet, and the Magiftrates of Edinburgh were called to afTift ; where the point was debated, whether the condemned perfons fliould be executed or no ? I will not fay the rabble influenced the Council in their determinations that way ; but this is cer- tain, that the difcontent of the common people was very well known ; and that they were furioufly bent upon fome violent methods was very much feared ; that a vaft: concourfe of people was gathered at that inftant in the Parliament Clofe, at the Crofs, at the Prifon, and throughout the whole city ; that they pub- licly threatened the Magiftrates, and even the Council itfelf, in caie they were not brought out that day ; and fome talked of pulling down the Tolbooth, which if they had attempted, they would have facrificed them in a way mors like that of De Wit, than an execution of juftice. However, it was the Council determined the matter, that three of them, viz. The Captain, Thomas Green, John IVIather, and James Simpfon, who were thought to be principals in the murder, flbould be put to death that day. When the Magiftrates of Edinburgh came out, they afl*ured the people that they were ordered to be executed, and that if they would have a little patience, they would fee them brought out; and this pacified them for the prefent. Soon after the Council breaking up, my Lord Chancellor came out^ and driving down the ftreet, in his coach, as he paflTed by the Crofs, fomebody faid aloud, " The Magiftrates had but cheated them, and that the Council had " reprieved the criminals:" — This running like wild fire, was fprcad in a mo- ment among the people ; immediately they ran in a fury down the ftreet, after the Chancellor, ftopped his coach juft at the Trone- Church, broke the glafl^es, abufed his fervants, and forced him out of the coach ; fome friends that were concerned for the hazard he was in, got him into a houfe, fo that he had no perfonal hurt. It was in vain for his Lordfliip to proteft to them, that the men were ordered to be executed ; they were then paft hearing of any thing, the whole town was in an uproar, and not only the mob of the city, but even from all the adjacent country was come together. Nothing but the blood of the prifoners could appeafe them; and had not the execution followed immediately, it cannot be exprefl'ed what mifchief might have happened. At laft the prifoners were brought out, and led through the ftreets down to Leith, the place of execution being by the laws appointed there for crimes committed upon the fea. — The fury and rage of the people was fuch, that it is not to be exprefled; and hardly did they fuflfer them to pafs, or keep their hands off them as they went, but threw a thoufand infults, taunts, and rcvilings. — • M They 82 OF AFFAIRS IN BOTH KINGDOMS, They were at laft brought to the gibbet, erefted at the fea-mark, and there hanged. Nor can I forget to note, that no fooner was the facrifice made, and the men dead, but even the fame rabble, fo fickle is the multitude, exclaimed at their own madnefs, and openly regretted what they had done, and were ready to tear one another to pieces for the excefs. This was not afted there with more fury, than it was with the utmoft indig- nation refented in England; — ftill I am to be underftood of the common people; for the Government of neither fide had any refentment or difpute, all things having been carried on by legal methods, procefs, and trial, according to the form of law, and ufage of the country. But here was new matter for the enemies of both nations to work upon, and too much fewel was thrown into the fire of national contention on both fides. In Scotland, it was faid, the Court of England would proteft them, and they would be pardoned, only becaufe they were Scotfmen that were murdered; and the like. In England, it was faid, the rabble had cried out to hang them, becaufe they were Englifhmen ; that they had faid, they wifhed they could hang the whole nation fo, and that they infulted them, as they went to execution, with the name of Englifh dogs, &c. Never was fuch an unfortunate circumftance to exafperate the common people on both fides, and to fill them with irreconcileable averfions that might prepare them for blood ; and if in England it had gone a little higher, it would not have been fafe for a Scotfman to have walked the fl:reets. Certain it is, that though the men had been innocent, for that was now alledged, yet, as they were condemned by a due courfe of law, tried, and executed by the common form of juftice in that country, and in the fame manner by which their own fubjefts were tried and executed ; the fault mull lie in the witnefl"es, and the jury that believed them; but there could be no pretence to make it a national quarrel at all. That in England it had been but too frequent to try and condemn innocent men ; and that, if evidences fwore the faft, it might be the misfortune of any innocent man to fall under fuch a difafter. The crime lay in the villany and per- jury of witneffes; but the nation could not be quarrelled on that account. But ftill thefe things left a corroded mafs of ill blood in the minds of the people on either fide; and, as improved by the malicious fomenters of our divifions, they were very unhappy at that time. To exafperate the people yet more, it was reported, that Captain Drum- mond was yet living, that neither he, nor any of his men, was ever touched by INTRODUCTORY OF A TREATY OF UNION. 8j by Green or his crew, and fome feamen who landed in England, made affidavit direftly contrary to the evidence that hanged them. I fhall no farther enter into the merits of the cafe, than ferves to the matter of national heats : The thing was generally thought to be a hafty execution, but the argument, that it ought to be no ground of a national quarrel pre- vailed in England, and the reft of the prifoners in Scotland were reprieved from time to time, and at laft let go. In both thefe cafes, the mifchiefs of tumult and rabbles is to be obferved, and how eafy it is to fet nations on a flame, by the violent fomenting the paffions and humours of the people, and how much thofe fort of men are to be detefted, who blow the coals of ftrife and diflention in a nation, prompt the fury of an enraged multitude to fly in one anothers faces, and infult the laws and Govern- ments of both countries at once. The end of this account is to make out what I at firft noted, concerning the caufes which wrought thefe two nations up to fiich a neceflity of an Union, tliat either it muft have been an Union or a war ; the animofities on both fides being raifed to fuch a pitch, that they could no longer have remained in the ufual medium of peace. Nor was this unhappy ftory the leaft caufe of the growing averfion between us, which was now come to a very great height. The fourth head, to which I afcribe the growing alienation between thefe two kingdoms, was the Ai5b of Security in Scotland. This a£t made a great noife in the world, and was magnified in England to fuch a height, that it was looked upon, as in effeft, a declaration of war, to com.- mence at the Queen's demife; and however defigned, was efFedlually made fo, by what after happened. The Marquis of Tweeddale was Fligh Commiffioner to this Parliament, a perfon of extraordinary temper, candor and modefty. — The matter of the fucceflion had in the preceding Parliament been rejefted, on this fuppofition, that it was not prudent for Scotland to join with England, except fuch conditions of commerce and navigation were firft obtained by treaty with England, as were juft and honourable for Scotland ; and abundance of honeft gentlemen, who were far enough from fo much as being fufpe6bed of favouring the Jacobite intereft, joined together in this demand -, they were willing to come into the fucceflion, provided they had fuch and fuch conditions, as they thought were reafonable to be infiftcd on in behalf of Scotland, among which the liberty and freedom of trade to the Englifli plantations was one. There were many very learned debates in the preceding Parliament upon that head j great and popular fpeeches made on the fubjedli and the Aft of Secu- M 2 rity. 84 OF AFFAIRS IN BOTH KINGDOMS, rity was offered, and voted, but could not then be pafled, for things began to run high in the Parliament, which occafioned a recefs. This was taken in Ens-land in a moft heinous manner ; and nothing was now talked of there, but the Scots buying arms and ammunition, training and exer- cifing their men, and mighty things were fuggefted in England, which the Scots might do, and fometimes which they would do; the printed news-papers gave a moft formidable journal of the Duke of Athole drawing out his High- landers, encamping three days with feven thoufand men, how armed, how well officered, and the like ; another paper told the world of fixty-thoufand men in Scotland, armed and trained, and ready to take the field. However abfurd thefe things were, and that wifer men, who knew the ftate of Scotland, faw there was nothing in it, but what every nation in the world would have done in the like cafe, that it was neither more nor lefs than arming their militia, and putting them into fome order, which for feveral years paft had been intirely negledted; yet I fay, however abfurd the fuggeftions were, they were improved in England to all manner of extremes, and fome moft ridiculous excefies were run into, both public and private. It is no doubt, but as Scotland was acknowledged to be independent, what- ever the forward pens of our politicians would have pretended, yet I fay, being acknowledged independent even by the Englifli Parliament, it was a very material thing to have her concur in eftabliftiing the fucceffion of the crown, on the fame perfon as England had done. Two things moved in this affair on the Englifli fide : 1 . Some would not have it done at all, and therefore were for irritating the Englifti againft the Scots, that it might come to a rupture inftead of a fettle- mentj and this, by putting it upon Scotland to declare, without a previous treaty, which they knew would never be accepted. 2. Others would gladly have had the Scots come into the fucceffion, but were willing to have them do it without any conditions, thinking that Scotlaad ought ftill be kept low, for fear of their principles, which lead them to be no friends to the Englifh church eftablifhment. Both thefe cried out, and exclaimed at this Aft of Security, and reprefented it to the world, as if the Scots were going adhially to fcparate from England. There was one claufe in the Ad of Security, which intirely excluded the fucceffor to the crown from governing both kingdoms together. This the enemies of Scotland prefently reprefented in England, as a defign to reftore King James, and a great many honeft people were brought in to believe that the Scots, even tlie Prefoyterians themfclves, were fo alienated from England, and fo obftinately bent againft joining with her on any account, that they would never again be under the fame head, nay, that they would rather league themfelvcs with France, and reftore King James, than come to 4 any INTRODUCTORY OF A TREATY OF UNION. 85 any terms with her. And this was, as it were, confirmed, when the Scots, fubfeqiicnt to thefe things, pafled an aft for trading with France, thou[;h, as their circumftances then flood, it was very necefiary to them. Nor was this run to any thing lels in England, and they began to talk loudly there of forcing the Scots to the fuccefTion ; but this was by fuch as either coveted a breach between the two nations upon any terms, or really did not underftand what they faid. The latter appeared by their printing fome pieces to prove the right of theHoufe of Hanover to the crown by fucceffion; a thing all people, that know any thing of the affairs of Europe, know it was not the foundation upon which the prefent eftablifhment pretends to be built, but on that much fafer, and much more divine right of the Englifh Conftitu- tion, and Scots alio, I mean parliamentary limitation. Things ran very high now in both nations ; the meafures taken in Scotland feemed to be very well grounded, and their aim well taken j for either England mufl comply with Scotland, as to fuch treaties as were reafonable, or elfe fhe might have the fatisfaftion to fee clearly, Scotland by this aft was placed in an intire feparate flate from her ; — who fhe would join with ; what prince fhe would bring in ; where fhe would beftow her crown, was not to the purpofe. Two things fhe had made plain : 1 . That fhe was refolved to have it wholly in her own hands, to beftow as ihe thought fit. 2. That wherever the Englifli crown was beftowed, the Scots crown fhould not, without conditions firft obtained. This effeftually fettled and declared the independency of Scotland, and put her into a pofture fit to be treated with, either by England, or by any other nation. Nor did the apprehenfions which this gave the world of the Scots defigning to reftore King James do her any difTervice; for though nothing is more certain than that the Jacobites, as they are called, conceived great hopes from thefe things, and flattered themfelves exceedingly, that the return of their King, as they called him, would be the efFeft of all thefe breaches ; and therefore fell in heartily with all thefe things; and, as far as polTible, carried on the averfion to a fettlement with England : Yet it is as certain that the gentlemen, who mainly carried on this projeft, had no more eye that way, than to the Great Turk ; but were fincerely bent to the profperity of their countn/, and the eftablifhment, both religious and civil, as fully appeared afterwards, by their heartily purfuing the treaty that followed. The drift of the whole matter was, the bringing England to terms, bringing the Englifti nation to a treaty ; and though it is confeft that the profpeft was remote and melancholy, England at the time being averfe to any fuch thing; vet 86 OF AFFAIRS IN BOTH KINGDOMS, yet as thefe gentlemen faw there was no other way to redeem Scotland from the dilcouragement fhe then lay under, with refpefl to the abfence of her Court, the dependence of her gentry and nobility, the limitations and reftriftions of trade, which, by the Aft of Navigation, fhe was fettered with, and feveral diladvantages her prefent conjunftion, which was made without any treaty, laid her under ; — therefore they ftood ftriftly and refolutely to their meafures ; and the more the Court in England puflied at her joining in the fettlement, and ufed all poITible means to bring it to pafs ; the more averfe they appeared, and the farther they we-nt off from it. Thus I fay this Aft of Security, being only attempted in the firfl: SefTion of Parliament, was perfefted in the next; and every day further and further ad- vances were made feemingly to an entire and lalling feparation of the king- doms from one another. There were other fteps made to this on both fides, as to matters of trade, as fhall appear immediately. England, who was all this while under a very unhappy conduft, and afted upon quite different foundations from what we have feen her happily brought over to fince, took the worft meafures upon the Scots proceedings then, that ever a wife people could have taken ; for the Englifli Parliament fitting foon after, viz. 1704, the Scots Aft of Security came to be confidered; and however influenced by a precipitant party, God only knows, they paffed an aft, in my opinion, the moft impolitic, I had almoft faid unjuft, that ever paffed that great aflfembly. This was that aft of Parliament, intitled, Jii JSl to prevent the tnifchiefi ariftng to England from the A£l of Security in Scotland. In which they in a man- ner declared open war with Scotland, unlefs by the 24th of December, the next year, they fhould fettle the crown in the fame perfon as now fettled in England; for they appointed twenty-four men of war to be fitted out, to prevent the Scots trading with France ; declared the Scots in England aliens, and feveral other articles, as j.n the aft itfclf may more at large appear. This wa^ done in that famous Parliament called, T^he "Tacking Parliament^ and it was the lefs to be wondered at, becaufe, (which is the fubjeft I am at prefent upon,) the heats between the nations, which were at this time improved by the parties on both fides, were rifen to a very great height; all things tended to exafperations and provocations; no man of temper feemed to fhcw himfelf on cither hand ; and thofc wlio bore the lead: regard to the general good of both kingdoms forefaw nothing but an unavoidable war between us ; and indeed had matters ftood thus but a very little longer, it had been impoffible to have avoided it, and that in a moft unfeaibnable time for Europe, which was then engaged INTRODUCTORY OF A TREATY OF UNION. 87 engaged in tlic mofl: furious and moft critical jun6lure of the war witli France, being the year before the battle ut Blenheim. Thus the party in Scotland, who had laid their fcheme, in hopes that Eng- land would have come into meafures for the general good, faw thcmfelves dilappointed ; and though it is true that, had England then feen with the eyes of her national underftanding, and had fhe not been ridden by a party, who openly purfued the ruin of her very Conftitution, I mean as eftablifhed on the Revolution principle ; I fay, had fhe not been under that unhappy influence, flie had taken other meafures ; yet, as it was, nothing was to be expedted. However, the gentlemen in Scotland happily refolved to wait for the iffue of things, and firmly adhered to their new fcheme. Scotland began to be talked up in the world a little; and thefe very enemies, who, as they thought, wounded her, by talking up the mighty formidable things this Aft of Security might produce, really raifed her reputation; nothing was more abfurd than their alarming England at the chimeras of their own heads ; fuch as Scotland buying 30,000 ftand of arms in Holland; laying in 10,000 barrels of powder; arming 60,000 men, and the like. All which, in reality, was nothing at all but muf- tering their trained bands, as they call them in England, and buying about 500 barrels of powder for the Caftle of Edinburgh. In their alarming England, I fay, at thefe mighty things, they really raifed the reputation of Scotland in the world, and made her begin to make a different figure in the eyes of other nations ; and, there is no doubt, had things gone on to a rupture, as wicked men on both fides wifhed, and good men began to fear, Scotland might have found fome powerful princes willing to have accepted her crown, and to have in the mean time fupported, fupplied, and encouraged her to ftand upon her own feet. But I fhall do the gentlemen who managed this affair this juftice, that I be- lieve they had it not at all in their defign, to fly to the proteftion of any foreign power, no, not to any Proteftant power in Europe, unlefs forced to it by the precipitant meafures England was then in all probability going into ; and, if they had done it then, I can not fee how they could have been blamed. — But as to the prefent ftate of things, the gentlemen who managed this part feemed to me always to aim at obliging England to give them good terms, and to put themfelves in fuch a pofture in the world, as Ihould make England fee it was worth their while to do fo, as well as that they ought to do fo. And this was fo juft aftep, and the aim fo well taken, as by the confequence appeared, that, I think, it is the greateft panegyric that can be made on thefe gentlemen, to fay, they brought to pafs by it all the great things which God, in his providence, has thought fit to do towards our peace and happinefs in this ifland. If 83 OF AFFAIRS IN BOTH KINGDOMS, If they did not delign this, or had not this honeft aim in view, they lefs de- ferve the praife ; but it is evident, Providence made their meafures inftrumental to bring it to pafs. Thus flood the affairs of this ifland, at the end of the year 1705, when the averfions between the two kingdoms, by the feveral fteps I have noticed, was come to a great height j the people Teemed exafperatcd againft one another to the higheft degree ; the Governments feemed bent to act counter to one another in all their Councils; trade clalhed between them in all its circumftances, and every Parliament run further and further into the moft difobliging things that could be : England laid a new impoft upon Scots cloth ; Scotland prohibited all the Englifh woollen manufacture in general, and eredled manufadories among themfelves, which, had they been prudently managed too, might have been very advantageous to them ; but of that by the way. Scotland freely and openly exported their wool to France, Germany and Sweden, to the irreparable lofs of the Englifli manufaftures, having great quantities of Englifh wool brought into Scotland over the borders, which it was impolTible for England toi prevent ; fo that the famous trade for wool to France, by Romney Marfh, com- monly called Owling, was entirely dropped, and France not fupplied only, but o-lutted with wool. On the other hand, England was proceeding to prohibit the importation of Scots cattle, and to interrupt by force their trade with France ; and had this lafl: proceeded to pradbice, all the world could not have prevented a war between both nations. But more prudent counfels prevailed, and God's providence unravelled all thefe fchemes of deftruftion, which madmen had drawn for the ruin of their native country; and as many times things evil in their defign, are over- ruled by an invifible hand, and bring to pafs that very good, which they were prepared to deftroy, even fo it was here ; for thefe confufions were the very things that brought both the nations to their fenfes, 1 mean, brought them both to better temper ; the confequences of a bloody war juft breaking out in the bowels of their native country, in the ruin and certain defolation of which they mufl neceflarily have a great fhare, opened the eyes of the mofl thinking people on both fides, even of thofe who in themfelves had no real inclination to the conjundlion of the kingdoms, and thus the neccffity of taking new meafures began to appear both ways. In England, the weight of the prefent war, which every day rather increafed than decreafed ; in Scotland, their declining condition, and difunited circum- ftances ; in England, the matter of fecurity ; in Scotland, the profpeft of ad- vantage, all concurred to fway the inclinations of wife men to heal thefc breaches. I have INTRODUCTORY OF A TREATY OF UNION. 89 I have now fliewn by what fteps thefe two nations were brought to the very brink of mutual 'deftruition, -and the fequel of the ftory will tell any body who were the parties that prompted both nations to thefe unhappy extremes : I fhall in the next place a little examine how all this tide of mifchief and folly turned, and how they began to come to themfelves in both kingdoms, and this will fo naturally lead us to the hiftory of the Union, that I cannot think of a more proper introduflion. The party in England who had the reins of the adminiftration in their hands* had given other teflimonies than this of their precipitant^meafures ; and as they had made not this nation only uneafy, but their own too, fo, as things generally take new turns, when they come to extremes, the EnglilTi nation began to be alarmed at the proceedings, as tending to the fubverfion of all the fabric of Government erected by the Revolution. The occafion of all this is too long to relate here ; and the hiftory of the tacking the Occafional Bill to the Money BilJ^ in that Parliament in England, is too well known to need any recital. It is enough to fay here, that pufhing at fiich hot meafures in England, as is ufualin all precipitations, like an axe ftruck upon a hard ftone, the blow rebounded, and the weapon flew out of the hand of the unfliilful workman ; the projeft failed, tlie party overthrew themfelves, and never recovered. The Queen, far from approving the extravagancies they were running things to, and awakened by the danger of her people's liberties, which were as dear to herfelf as to them, finding to what mifchiefs thefe warm gentlemen were leading her, and being by the goodnefs of her dilpofition, as well as experience in the Englifli affairs, particularly averfe to things hard or fevere upon her people, jnuch more fo to all manner of illegal feverities, put a full flop to this career of mifchief. And though indeed they had brought things to the very edge of de- ftruftion, both in England on their own bufinefs, as well as in the affairs of the two kingdoms; yet the Queen immediately fhifting hands, and applying with her ufual wifdom to tlie eftablifhing the minds of her people, retrieved this whole affair, reftored England to the tranquillity fo much defired, filled up her Miniftry and all offices of truft, with men of the fame candour.and moderation with herfelf, openly abandoned and difcouraged the meafures of tliofe people who had run things to fuch excefTes, and re-fettled the minds of her people, diftrafted with apprehenfions of ruin and party-confufion. Thus the Miniftry in England was intirely changed, the Lord Keeper, Sin Nathan Wright, depofed ; Sir Edward Seymour, Comptroller of thfe Houfehold, put out of her family; the Earl of Nottingham, Secretary of State, and fevcraJ others, laid afide; the props of the high-flying party, as they were called, were left out of the Council, and removed from their places in tl.e Go- vernment. N In 90 OF AFFAIRS IN BOTH KINGDOMS, In the leveral counties the people's approbation of her Majefty's pro- ceedings, and their joy at this change of inftruments, was teftified by the univerfal contempt put upon the affair of the tacking, and of the Occafional Bill, as well as of all hot men and hot meafuresj and this teftified by the change in their eleftions of Parliament men, a new Parliament being then to be chofen, in which fo general an averfion to the Occafional Bill, or any thing in- vading the toleration, and particularly to the affair of the tack, appeared, that in fpight of all oppofitions, a great number of the tacking members were thrown out, and fuch a change of men appeared in the next Parliament, that whereas in the other -Parliament, the high-party had a majority of fixty-two, or there- about, for every thing they joined in ; on the firft trial of the ftrength of the Houfe, which was perhaps the greateft that has been known of late years, it appeared the whig-party had the majority by above feventy voices ; and thefe, by the turning out leveral on the trials of eledlions, and other circumftances, rofe up to be above a hundred j though after they feemed to lofe fome ground again, but it did not laft. Things being thus happily turned in England, and the firft ftep for the eftab- lilhing and fettling this new party in their feats of management taken, it was wonderful to fee the change it made in all the afl^airs of the nation, how every- thing fucceeded, unheard of viftories abroad, unufual cheerfulnefs at home> and a new face of profperity feemed to gild the affairs of the nation ; the feuds of parties died in every place ; peace, union, and temper, began to be the com- panion of every fociety j and the ancient animofities between neighbour and neigh- bour, between friend and friend, which formerly crept, not into fociety only, but even into our families, and our very beds, declined apace ; the Queen encou- raged peace and love, and unity among her people, and preffed the nation to it upon all occafions, and all good men began to encourage it by their examples. In this general felicity of affairs in England, Scotland came into remembrance ; her Majefty, as having an equal regard to the good of all her fubjedts, and as being juftly concerned, not for the change of the temper and. condition of her people only, but for the continuance of it to them in ages to come, could not but be felicitous for the removing the obftruftions which lay in the way on either fide. When the wifett heads in both nations had been confulted with on this article, though opinions differed, yet no medium could ever be found fo effedlual to fe- cure this peace, and remove all poffibility of a frafture, like renewing the Treaty of Union. And thus I am brought down to the general article of the treaty, by the mere thread of the ftory ; the feuds of pafties, the folly of ftatefmen, the fury of rab- bles, and the general reviving of the old animofities between the people, had been fcrewed up to a dangerous height, as is noted already, by that veiy party who INTRODUCTORY OF A TREATY OF UNION. 91 who had on all occafions fliewn themfelves enemies to the prefent eftablifhment, and future peace even of both nations ; and by this method they thought they had rendered the fucceflion to both crowns imprafticable for the Houfe of Hano- ver, and fecured an inevitable rupture between the nations whenever it fhould pleafe God to remove her Majefty out of this world. But great are the wonders of infcrutable Providence ; thefe very fchemes, con- trived in tlie deeps of infernal malice, brooded on by that party who ever en- vied the liberty of Proteftants, and the tranquillity as well as privileges enjoyed by the people of this whole idand, and hatched by the warm influence of a reigning party, by which they flattered themfelves, they had effeftually over- thrown the projeft of an Union of the kingdoms, made their coalition impofTible, and all fchemes projefted for it imprafticable ; I fay, thefe very^ things made way for that fame Union, they were calculated to deftroy. :> .. • The hgight thofe meafures I have been fpeaking of was brought to, made, as it were, a forge upon both nations to come to this treaty. It was now but a few months to come, when the nations muft direftly fall 9.Ufj Englifli men of war mufl: be fitted out to cruize upon the Scots, and we that confented, or at lead did not fcruple to have the Dutch carry on a free trade with France, mufl: go and fight with our own brethren for itj whereas, had ^e been in our trading fenfes, we would have done it ourfelves. The crifis things were come to now, was fuch, that they could no longer ftand ^t a fl:ay, but we mufl: fall out with the Scots, or unite withth.emj all methods to bring them to fettle the fucceflion without a treaty had been in vain ufed by the party before, who would gladly have tricked them into it, buf^ the Scots were too wife to fall into that fnare. ' . > - The prefent Minifl:ry were for fairer dealings with them, at the fame time wifely concluding, that to gain of the Scots what they ought to grant, it was reafonable to grant to the Scots what they ought to have ; and that a treaty with them might be made eff^eflual, the only way was to fet about it upon an honefl: foot, and then purfue it fincerely, and not upon fliarping and tricking on either fide, as before. But there yet feemed to lie one invincible obfl:ru<5tion in the way of this treaty, and that was the aft of Parliament paflfed in England the laft: Sefllon, which, as before noted, had declared a kind of war againfl: the Scots, in cafe they did not come into the fucceflion by fuch a dayj and upon the firfl: motion to a treaty, the Scots declared they could not enter into any treaty with England till that a6l was repealed. This had indeed a great deal of reafon in it, and fuch as could not be with- fl:ood, for the honour of the Scots feemed very much impaired in that aft, and that they could not come to a treaty upon equal terms while fuch a law fl:ood \ N a in 92 OF AFFAIRS IN B OTH KING D O M S, ih force upon them, which feemed as if it had been a fword over their heads drawn to awe tliem into a treaty. . The Queen, who was refolved, if poffible, to bring this great event to pafs, and' who ftrove to doit fo, as might give all her fubjefts fatisfaftion, undertook to clear up this difficulty ; and at the next Parliament which met in England, Odlob. 23, 1705, in her fpeech to both Houfes, recommended the taking away of this ob(!:ru£tion, by repealing that aft, in order to introduce a treaty of Union, which her Majefty faw now more clearly in view than ever before. - 1 know there were ftrong ftruggles in England againft repealing this a6t, and that chiefly without doors, the party forefeeing, that if this ftep was taken- in Parliament, the Uni6n which they really dreaded, would of courfe come upon the ft age ; to this end it was reprefented as difhonourable to make fuch an advance to the Scots: That it was an infulting of England to have the Scots fay, they would not treat with her till fuch and fuch conditions were per- formed ; — that this was letting the Scots prefcribe preliminaries upon Eng- land, and if England complied, it would make them more encroaching. But the temper in' the Parliament was quite different from this; it was plain there that the Scots were in the right .to afk this as a preliminary ; that the treaty would for ever be fubjeft to this objeftion ; that it was not free, but done under the terror or force of that adt of Parliament; that, as it was not Tionourable for the Scots to have a treaty forced upon them under fuch circum- ftancfe's ,-'=fa neither was it honourable for England to force a treaty upon them ; that the aft was unreafonable in its own nature ; that England could have no pretence but mere violence to intermeddle with the Scots commerce, who were a free nation, and ought to be at liberty to trade with any nation that they thought fit to trade with ; that their trade with France was done by their own adl of Parliament palTed by the Queen, and was not inconfiftent with, or con- travening any treaty or contradt with England; that Scotland was under no treaty of commerce, or under no obligation to trade, or not to trade as England did. That as to the confederacy, and the war in which they were embarked with England, that laid them under no obligation, fince the Dutch were in the fame confederacy, and yet openly proclaimed a free trade with France ; nor did the Englifti pretend toobftruft them in it; that Scotland was as independent of the Englifh Government as the Dutch, and ought to be at liberty to trade un- molefted as well as they. Thefe arguments, backed with an Adminiftration of government now quite recovered from the tyrannical principles of thofe formerly in power, foon influenced the Parliament to repeal the aft, and take this ftep by way of ad- vance to the Scots, by which they let the Scots fee they were in the hands of their friends, that now they might expeft fair dealings, and had room to treat with freedom and honour. A. This INTRODUCTORY OF A TREATY OF UNION. ^j This was a great mortification to thofe gentlemen who had promoted that aft, who now, together with their whole party, fet thcmfelves with all their artifice to oppofe the treaty in all its parts in both kingdoms j to raife fcruples, imprint jealoufies, mifreprefent perfons and things, embroil councils, raife fcandals ; and, in fhort, to do every manner of thing they could to embarrals and obftruft the treaty; and in the firft place to prejudice the minds of the common people againft the Union as fuch. What fatal fuccefs they had; how they carried it on, even beyond the conclufion of the treaty ; with what difficulties it was encountered; how begun, how carried on, how finifhed, and how fince aflaulted, and with difficulty engugh prefervedj will be the fubjedl of the enfyihg fheets, ^J. ' , ;, OF :ij '^0 yta3'>:t a lO ; '.OUCnr^rin :i'.;jfOg O F ;;T M'K L A. S- -^gr T R .,E A T Y, THE U ISJ^ I O N. OF THE TREATY IN LONDON. J. AM now come to the great and capital treaty, which has at laft, by the biefllng of God, been brought to a happy conclufion. I am not infenfible that, in the ftrange variety of circumftances, changes of profpefts, the turns of management, the accidents and niceties, with which it has been carried on, the infinite difficulties the zealous promoters of it met with, the reftlefs attacks of a ftrong party to difappoint it, who never gave over their ftruggle ; no, not even after it was done : In this labyrinth of untrod paths, I may eafily mifplace fome things, and omit others ; and I cannot but introduce my account of it with this caution, that, though I believe no man can have col- lefted with more care, nor has had the opportunity to remark things with more advantage, having been eye witnefs to much of the general tranfaftion, and furnilhed, by the beft hands, v/ith every moft fecret affair in the carrying it on; yet many minute things may have paffed my pen, which it is impofilble for me to atone for, but by making this provifo, that the reader may be affured ho- thing material can have (lipped me ; and I have ufed ail necciTary caution to furnilh myfclf with the whole truth of fadt, whatever omilllon of circum- ftances I may make an apology for. I have already related the ilTue of the treaty begun the firft year of .the Queen, and made my obfcrvations of the reafon of its mifcarriage. It may be obferved that, her Majefty underftanding the true reafcns of thedifappointment, which it was thought lay in the perfons treating, particularly on the Englifli fide, whofe difpofition to finifli it for the public good, it was fujjpofed, did not appear at all to her fatisfadion, in which I have farther already explained myfelf, obtained a a new PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. 95 a new aft of Parliament in England, and the like in Scotland, impowering the Queen to appoint Commiflioners on either hand, to treat of an Union between the two nations. And here it is neceflary to obfervc, how well the ground-plot of this work was laid, that all obftacles might be removed, which might threaten it with another abortion: It had been noted, that the mod dangerous rock of diffe- rence, on which 'this Union could fplit, and which could now render it ineffec- tual, was that of religion : Here it was certain they could never unite, and the breach therefore being irreconcileable, the beft courfe that could be taken with it, was to let it quite alone, as a thing neither fide fliould meddle with at all, and confcqaently the jcaloufies and fufpicions on both fides mufl vanifh, and the great obftruftions which the enemies of the treaty relied on for its mifcar- riage were at once removed. This was a mafter-piece of policy, and fliewed that her Majefty had other perfons to confult with, and had taken other meafures than beforej and gave people very early imprefTions of the fuccefs which has fince appeared. But there was yet fome political difficulty to pafs; and here, being to tread truth almofl on the heels, thofe readers that are willing to have it told plainefl mull: excufe me for naming people's names. I have avoided, on all occafions, the mixing fatire and reflexion in this relation, as much as pofTible. The political difficulties I fpeak of here, and which I think gave the greateft fhock to this affair, confift of two parts, I. Succeflion. 2. Nobility. The vehemence with which the feveral parties, who managed thefe topics, afted their refpeftlve and exceedingly remote profpefts ; and by what ftrange myftery concurring Providence, like the wheel within all their wheels, centered them all, in uniting the nations, as it is a fecret hiftory few underftood, and may be as necefTary as diverting; fo the heads of it may be viewed in the following fcheme. I. The Succeffion being the main thing that lay at the bottom of everyone's projeft, I fliall firfl fpeak to the particulars of that. There was a party in both kingdoms, but moft powerful in Scotland, whofe defign was principally and direftly againfl the Proteftant fuccelTion, as fuch; thefe we mufl allow to be fetting every wheel at work, and afting with all their power and policy againfl every thing which looked that way. When they faw it convenient, they afted againfl an Union in its general term, and frequently fbme of the lefs politic of that party let fall the excrefcence of their principles, in direft terms, and pamphlets were wrote upon that fcheme -, fuch as one fhewing the necelTities of a war with England, &c. another fliewing the advantages of an Union with other nations, and France in particular ; others argued continually the mighty terms, and the advantages of commerce, Scotland 96 .. • -O F T H E li^'SiT. T ;R E A T Y, Scotland might obtain from Fra(nce J and p'ot only propofed them as equiva- lent to the trade with England, but runon to fuch weak extremes, as to fay, that Scotland made no advantage of her commerce with England; Butthefemay well be faki jto be-thelefs politic partiof thefe gentlemen, who were in the defign above; for they, loft ground, even'againft the Union itfelf, by it ; and when the Comnnictec of Parliament, appointed to examine the exports and imports; reportedi That Scotland exported to .England. above 200,000 pounds; fterling per aianuiri, in linenj ca^ttle, .&c.;the :ii$^orts'from thence ap- peared fo fmall," that the obje,<3:ors dropped their arguments upon that head j. -and learned to talk with morp caution. ; Bufthe more fubtile managers of this defign againil the fuccefTion, went on by different meafures, and. with great policy they afted every party, as far as they thought they could be brought in to be fubfervient to their defign. Thus firft feeming to quit their dired oppofition to the fucceffion, as a' thing too open, and too much clafliing with the temper 'of the time, they fall in with that party, who were for the fucceffion. with limitations ; not that they would have, concurred with the event, h^d thefe 'limitations been never fo great, but that, in their debating the limitations, they might find room to clog the fuc- ceffion itfelf, in fuch manner as the other party could by no means accept of it. • From the fame principle proceeded that famoijs refolve in their Aft of Secu- rity, by which the fucceffion met ^yith two invincible obftacles, from wJiehcc they knov, fome time or other, new dilputes mult arife,: i. That no fucceffor at all fhould be named, till after the Queen, 2. That when it wasi named, it fhould be with this limitation, that it fhould not be the fame tliat fhould fucceed to the kingdom of England. This was a mafter-piece of policy, and had the mofl fpecious pretence in the world, viz. The hardfliips wliich Scotland' had fuffered under the influence of England in matters of .commerce and fovereignty ; and therefore it was added immediately upon the faid claufe, " Unlefs that in this prefent Seffion of Par- " liament, or any other feffion of this, or any enfuing Parliament, there be fuch "conditions of government fettled and enafted, as may feciire the honour "and fovereignty of this crown and kingdoms the freedom, frequency and " power of Parliament; the religion, liberty and trade of the nation from Eng- " li(h, or any foreign influence." See the .Adl of Security printed in'tlie Appen- dix to this work, No. i . The running things to this height in Scotland, put every party's meafures to a full flop J the gentlemen who were againft the fucceffion in general, and of whom I am now treating, had moft efi'cdtually carried their point ; for as they prefumed England could never come in to fuch a treaty as they demanded, fo they had effedually foreclofed the fucceffion of Hanover, by determining, that the fuccelTor of England and Scotland Ihoukl not be die fame. And PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. 97 And it is remarkable to note here, how univerfally all thofe gentlemen, whofe aim was againft the fucceffion, fell in with thofe whofe defign was only to have advantageous terms from England for it. But this very point gained, brought about the main work; and the contraries that concurred in this aft, though from clafliing interefts, by the flrange circu . lation ofcaufes, worked all together into another extreme, which none of them defigned, and that was the Union. Upon the pafling the Aft of Security, England grew very uneafy ; and not to mention the common apprehenfions of tlie people, nor how, and by whom they were encreafed and fomented, the aft of Parliament pafled, intituled, " An Aft " to prevent the dangers arifing from the Aft of Security in Scotland, &c." is a demonftration of what the tendency of thefe things would be ; for this aft, which I have alfo, for the better underftanding of the ftory, abridged and printed in the Appendix, No. 2. brought both nations under the neceflity of a war by the Chriftmas following ; the Englifli being then obliged to fit out a fleet, to interrupt the Scots commerce, if their Aft of Security was not repealed. Things being brought to this extremity, the only remedy that thofe who wifhed well to both nations could contrive, was to revive a treaty of Union, and fet heartily about it, — and the firft ftep the Queen took towards it, was to propofe it to the Scots Parliament, who voted, — that they could enter into no treaty of Union, till that aft of Parliament mentioned above was repealed in Eng- land. Though this was a very bold refolve, yet the Queen, who faw fome reafon- ablenefs in it, managed things with fo much wifdom and moderation ; and the Parliament, who faw with differing eyes from the other, and was of a quite dif- fering temper, found fomething fo fevere and fo hard upon Scotland in that aft of Parliament, that they made no difficulty to make that ftep in advance to Scotland. Upon this foot turned the firft appearance of the Union ; now let us fee how the parties managed themfelves on all fides. The inclination on botli fides to an Union, however afterwards managed, feemed fo univerfal, that the party I am fpeaking of, thought it was not pro- per to appear againft it direftly ; but afting ftill under diiguife, they puzzled the caufe, firft, with the wild debate of a federal Union, or an Union partial and imperfeft ; and thus they fell in with the party who were for the Union, not that they had the Union in their defign, but becaufe they thought the thing imprafticable in itfelf ; that it would make the people fceptic in Government j and that {o it would certainly mifcarry, and the fuccefTion would be loft that way. Accordingly the limitations were by fecret influence oppofed, and the fcheme O of 98 OF THE LAST TREATY, of fucceflion laid afide to go upon the chimera of an Union, as they thought it to be ; and I could be very merry with fome gentlemen here, upon the banters and jefts they always treated the fcheme of an Union with, as a thing they little thought would ever be licked into any fhape, or ever obtain upon the nations to pafs into a law. Thus I have brought the remoteft party, who were downright enemies of the Union, to fall into it ; from whence, let their defign be what it will, I muft tell them, they did it this fervice, that it made the Union very popular, however it came to be otherways afterward. I come next to the difficulty about nobility, and this worked in to an Union, by, as it were, a natural confequence ; for the antient nobility finding their fway with the people leffened, and their power, as well as their honour, eclipfed by the crown daily creating numbers of what they called upftart Lords, were eafily engaged in limitations, to prevent their future Monarch's encreafing the numbers of their rank, to the diminution, as they took it, of the antient families. But when they came to confider the fcheme of diftinftion made for the repre- fenting the nobility in a Britifli Parliament, they were the more eafily brought into the Union, as an effe6tual flep to prevent the reducing their honour, by multiplying their numbers, and aS a thing which would feem to diftinguilh them from fuch of the modern nobility, which they reckoned already a burthen to them. Next, among the Whig intereft, and who were really honeft in their defigns for the general good, were yet two parties. One party, without refleflion on any, had taken a juft umbrage at the grow- ing power of a certain great man ; and as they had reafon to ward off perfonal refentments, in cafe their figure was diminiflied ; and having their true intereft in view, together with the public good, efteemed it their good fortune, to have them both ftand upon one bottom j and thefe gentlemen came heartily and honeftly into the meafures of the Union. Another party were for the fuccelTion limited, &c. but not for the Union j thefe brought the former firft to them, thinking they would rather be for the fucceffion, and lay by the thoughts of the Union; but finding them intirely for the Union, they fell in together. The view of the Court in England was plain, viz. For the fucceflion at any rate; and therefore, till this junfture, they had efpoufed that party in Scotland, who were for the fucceflion, though with limitations ; and this the more eafily brought thofe gentlemen into the Union, fince there they fecured the fucceflion, and had the Englifh limitations confirmed, which they knew and acknowledged were better than their own. Thus the two Whig parties joined, and the Duke of Queenfberry, who had, in concert with her Majefty and the Englifli court, removed all the feeming difficulties PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION, 99 difficulties on the part of Scotland, appearing publicly for it, the Union, as I have already noted, grew very popular ; the Court and the Whig Lords concur- red in the general good, the Jacobite in'tereft was abandoned, and the Union grew up between all the extremes as a confequence ; and it was merely formed by the nature of things, rather than by the defigns of the parties. Things being brought to this pafs, the a£ts of Parliament pafled, and the Queen impowered to name Commillioners ; I fliall purfue the proceedings in order as they lie before me, and make the needful obfervations as I go. The refpeftive afts of Parliament for this nomination, as abfolutcly neceflary to the better underftanding of the cafe, and laying a regular fcheme of the whole matter before the eye of the reader, I have annexed in the colledtion herewith marked. They that had fo wifely contrived the beginning of this work, could not be at a lofs to find out proper perfons for the managing the treaty in botli king- doms ; and therefore it was not long before her Majefty named the Commif- fioners for both kingdoms, whofe names we fliall prefently come to. I fliall not defcend to encomiums on the perfons of the treaters, for I am not about to write panegyrics here, but an impartial and unbiaflied hiftory o^ faft. But fince the gentlemen have been ill treated, efpecially in, Scotland, upon this very head, charged with fl:range things, and expofed in print by fomd who had nothing but their averfion to the treaty to move them to maltreat them; I mufl: be allowed on all occafions to do them juftice in the procefs of this ftory. And as I muft own, that, generally fpeaking, they v/ere perfons of the greateft probity, the beft characters, and the fteadieft adherence to the true intereft of their country, fo their abilities will appear in every ftep taken in fo great a work ; the bringing it to fo fliort a conclufion, and that in fo little time ; the reducing it to fo concife a form, and fo fixing it, that, when all the obflrudlion imaginable was made to it afterwards in the Parliament of Scotland, the mountains of objeclion, which at firfl: amufed the world, proved fuch mole- hills, were fo eafily removed, raifed fo mucli noife, and amounted to fo little in fubfl:ance, that after all was granted that in reafon could be demanded, the amendments were fo few, and of fo little weight, that there was not one thing material enough to obtain a negative in the Englifli Parliament. I cannot but obferve here, that even thoft amendments were not made by rea- fon of any omiflion in the treaters; but the Parliament found the oppcfing party to the fuccefTion had tv/o handles to lay hold on in Scotland, and there- fore in prudence gave way to fuch amendments as they had the Icaft reafon to juftify. Thefe two heads, which I call handles againft the fuccefilon, were, I. Strength of party, by which they hoped to carry it at once, and throw out the treaty brevi manu ; and this they endeavoured to form upon a general O 2 diflike. TOO OF THE LAST TREATY. dinikcj they having blackened it with the mark of a thing difhonourable to the fovereignty and the independence of the nation. 2. If they found that would not dd, then to load it with fuch ridiculous an:iendments, as they knew would cauie it to mifcarry in the Englifli Parlia- ment ; which they alfo thought would give Scotland great advantage, and in- creafe the animofities in Scotland againft the Englifli, when the rupture fliould appear to be from England, and the moft reafonable conceflions of Scotland be rejeifted by them. But both thefe proje£l:s failed them ; the firft was effeftually anfwered by the nature of the thing, and their ftrengch foiling them, they found they had cafl: up their account falle, their motion being thrown out by a great majority in voting the firft article, as will appear prefently. The fecond, when they came to examine particulars, had not fufEcient ftrength of reafon to fupport it ; all the amendments they could pretend to were fo fmall, that, as above, the Parliament of England never thought it worth their while to difpute them ; and the treaters themfelves, for the moft part, went into thofe amendments as they were offered. Indeed this was a difappointment to fome people, who made no queftion, at leaft, to puzzle the caufe, and raife fuch difficulties as fliould require a remit- ting the treaty back to Scotland ; and fo fpin it out in length, that the na- tions might have leifure to form the feparate parties into fome order, and raifing their friends on both fidts, if pofllble, bring it to a breach. And that I do not pafs an unjuft cenfure, I refer the reader, among infinite pamphlets publiflied againft this affair, to one very plain and bare-faced author mentioned before, intituled, " The Necefllty of a War with England, in order to ctire the " prefent Diftempers of the Times." I fliould do the fomenters of the nation's divifions too much credit to trouble the reader of this with any of their printed oratory againft this Union, much iefs enter into any difquifitions upon the fubjeft of their clamours j but I may, perhaps, touch upon the principal heads of their objeftions, and let the world know alfo who were fome of the obje6tors. When the afts were thus paflTed, and her Majefty had named CommifTioners on both fides, and the work feemed to be going about in earneft, the learned fcribblers of tlie age began to harrafs the world with their fchemes, and all the mountebank ftatefmen of the times fet to work to propofe their wondrous me- thods for cyring this antient diftemper of the nations, and ftriving to have it faid of themfelves, who was forwardeft in the great work. The induftry they difcovered, had in nothing a greater concurrence than in this, that the whole crowd of writers, with an univerfal agreement, had die ho- nour to be intirely miftakcn ; and not one of them had eyes to fee to the true interefl PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. lot intercft of the nations ; every man, as in fuch cafes is iifual, eyed the refpeftive interefts or advantages, as he thought, of the nation to which he belonged, and fet himfelf to work to anfwer the objeftions of the other; defending, arguing, and fatiguing their own heads, and their readers, with the confufed labyrinths of their own projefts ; but not once touching the true ftring, which, with a na- tional unifon, would have immediately founded out the harmony of general peace. Nor am I at all arrogant in faying, they were all fo generally miftaken in their notions of what this Union fhould be, fince, as 1 have faid, every one fell to arguing the fingle and feparate advantages of the nation they belonged tO; infifting on their politic notions and wife fchemes for their refpeflive advan- tages ; but, n-ot one, that I met with, ever entered into the true and only notion eflential to the Union ; I mean the principle of felf-denial ; how far either na- tion was to condefcend and advance to one another, how the prefent Union confifted, not in gaining advantages on either hand of one and other j but in abatements, in giving each other advantages, in yielding up privileges, opening the treafures and ftrength of either nation, to the good and benefit of the whole. They never dreamed, that to unite, was, in itfelf, a full and a general retri- bution for every flep taken from one fide to the other; that a new national in- tereft was to be erefted ; and that giving or conceding rights, advantages and interefts, whether in commerce or in privileges, was lofing nothing at all ; but was like a man giving prefents to a lady, whom he defigns to make his wife; which is but taking his money out of one pocket, and putting it into another; or like a man fettling his eftate in jointure on his wife, which is ftill his own, and is effectually fecured for his poflerity. The gentlemen muft pardon me if I tell them, that for want of this true and original notion of Union, they took but too much pains to inform us all, they had neither the fpirit of Union in their minds, nor the knowledge of it in their heads ; and this run them upon wild dilemmas, and dark fchemes of federa- tions and confederations ; this fent them to Belgia, Helvetia, Polonia, and I know not whither, for examples, for fchemes, precedents, and I know not what ftrange fyftems of national Unions ; all which, I muft take the liberty to fay, were as wide from the only ftep that could make thefe nations happy, as the eaft is from the weft, tended to nothing but confufion of interefts, national jealoufies, and in the end war and deftrudtion. Thefe gentlemen were for making bargains between the nations, not for bringing two great and mighty kingdoms into one vaft united body, the fame in intereft, the fame in profpedt, the faine in every fubftantial conftituting part. The advocates of either people talked like counfellors pleading for their clients, not loa O F T H E L A S T T R E A T Y, not like two friends that were ftriviag who fhould part with moft, for the intcrefl and engagement of the love of each other. In fhort, the Union has been brought to pafs, not by gaining from, but by yielding to one another; not by making conditions and advantages of one an- other, but by conceding to one another ; one part opens the treafures of their trade, the other ftruggles to bear their Ihare of the weight and burden of ex- penfive and bloody wars ; this part yields up one thing, that abates another, and mutual condefcenfions, not mutual encroachments, have brought this work to pafs. And here lies the great myfteryof the Union ; tliey thatthink ftrange of the cir- cumlocutions the wifeit heads have taken, may find them here ; they that enquire into the reafons of former mifcarriages, may find them all here. If there was any want of temper ; any mutual diftrufts ; any fecret murmurs of parties ; any jealoufies of confequences ; it was all to be found here : That the people who debated thefe points, never looked beyond the prefent ftate ; never confidered the conjunfl capacity of the nations; never drew the balance of interefts, or ftated the affairs of both nations into one account current. Had they ever done this, they would have feen that monfter, as they called the Union ; a moft beautiful creature ; admirable in its contexture ; agreeable in its figure; fquared lilce a moft exquifite piece of architefture, both for ornament, ftrength and ufefulnefs : They would have feen it a compleat circle; all the lines of which were drawn from, and depended upon one general centre — the public good; a mighty arch, every ftone of which mutually contributed, not to its private fupport only, but to the ftrength of the whole. Here is the true original of the Union ; and the wifdom of the treaters on both fides, was in nothing more confpicuous, than that they came to this treaty furnilTied with the true notions of what they were to do, and confequently, the propereft and only method for the doing it could not be concealed from them ; and we cannot but obferve, that, through all the courfe of the treaty, the gentlemen kept themfelves clofe to this principle, to yield to one another in every thing, which the nature of the Union they aimed at required, and the nature of the thing before them would pofTibly permit. I muft confefs, to me, all the notions of federal Unions, guarantees, and everlafting peace, which our feveral writers filled our heads with, while the treaty was appointed, but not yet begun, appeared to me as impcrfcd cmbrios, falfc conceptions, and births that muft end in abortions and difappointments. I will not fay I liad forefight of events enough to prcfcribc wliat methods fhould be taken, or what iflue would be produced from the treaty then in view; but this I took the freedom always to tell the world, that it muft be a general, compleat, intire and indiflulvablc Union of interefts and parties, depending upon POPERLY CALLED THE UNION. 103 upon equalities of privileges, and equalities of burdens; equalities of profpecEts, and equalities, if pofTible, in defiresj or that it would be imperfeft in its parts, and confufed in its whole. I know one realon why this fort of Union was lefs thought on, than perhaps it would have been, was, becaufe the gentlemen, when they came to examine what had ever hpea attempted this way, found nothing of a full and intire Union, but that under the conqueft of the Parliament times; — and, alas I fays one, this mull be rendered fo odious, becaufe it was the work of a tyrant, an ufurper, and what not, that nobody could bear to recommend it ; and if at any time a man was driven by the neceflity of his judgment, the convidtions of his reafon, and the confequences of argument, to come to the borders of that fcheme, he would ftart at the hint, as if he had been a fpeftrum, and fly even from his own reafon, becaufe it concurred with what was hit upon by the man and the people he did not approve. And why will you go by Whitehall, gentlemen, where fo many wicked rebels triumphed over their Monarch ? Why will you ufe the navy ; nay, fome of the very fhips, with which the fame Oliver Cromwell beat your neighbours ? If Oliver had not been a mafter of politics, he had never been Oliver Crom- well in the terms we are now talking of him ; and becaufe he hit upon the only ftep that could be taken to fix the Union of the two nations, muft we rejeft it, and rather deftroy the kingdoms, than clofe with his unhallowed method ? " Reafon and the nature of things guides all men, whofe eyes are open, to the fame methods, when they are purfuing the fame defigns ; let Oliver Cromwell be what he will, and who he will, it is no part of my bufinefs here ; take him in all the blackeft figures he can be reprefented; — what was the end he purfued in his uniting Scotland to England ? — It was fo to join them, that both parties being made entirely eafy, might, without hefitation, fubmit themfelves to his otherwife precarious authority. And was he right in this, that, to give the two nations a free and full communication, both of trade, privileges and advantages, was the true and only way to make all people eafy ? — So far his project may be good for us^ without fo much as touching upon the parallel. The bufinefs of the Union was, to make the nations eafy, to put them in a ftate of mutual advantage ; if forty tyrants have purfued the method for it, though with wicked defigns, it was for us to take the method, and mend the defign, as much as we could. Oliver Cromwell made a conqueft of Scotland,— well, and what then ? — Let thofe people, who have talked fo much of an Union of fubjcdion, and conquering Scodand, go back thither for a precedent; Oliver Cromwell knew as well what belonged to conqueft, as any body in this age will pretend to ; nor was he lefs politic in keeping, than terrible in obtaining ; and what did he refolve X04 OF THE LAST TREATY, refolve all his northern conqueft into ? — Nothing but Union, the beft concerted, the beft executed, the beft approved, that ever this ifland law till now; nor could all the heads in Chriftendom have formed the prelent happy Union, but from the fchemes of thofe times. If ever nation gained by being conquered, i-t was here; they were fubdued firft, and then made happy; and Scotland fiourifhed ; juftice had its uninter- rupted courfe ; trade increafed; money plentifully flowed in, and all under what they called tyranny and ufurpation ; all under a ftanding army, Govern- ment, and with all the difadvantages that can be imagined from fuch a conllitu- tion, as tended to fubjedion, not liberty ; poverty and mifery, not peace and plenty. And what was the foundation of all this ? Nothing but the natural produdt of common reafoning ; he found that the only way to prefcrve the conqueft he had made on the powers of the nations was to make a conqueft of their affec- tions ; that the only way to do this, was to let them fee their intereft and hap- pinefs in his Government ; and that this could only be brought to pafs, by uniting and entirely incorporating the nations into one; communicating peace, privileges, and all polTible advantages to them ; and thereby letting them fee the true way to their profperity, Neman will fay this was not the moft politic ftep he could take; and muft we contemn the method, becaufe we cannot be reconciled to the man ? — Cer- tainly if Union and incorporation of interefts was able to make the nation happy, under aftanding army, and an abfolute Government as that was (things, in their nature, inconfiftent with liberty and national profperity), it muft be much more capable under ajuft and limited Government, where law governs the very adlions of the fovereign, and all the branches of power are fquared by, and fincerely employed for the public good : and it can be no lefTening the value of any true fcheme of national management, that a perfon ufed or con- trived it, that we call a tyrant, or an ufurper. — Let him be ever fo much a ty- rant, he fliewed he had the true fpirit of Government in him by this; that he knew the only way to make his Government fitfe was to make it eafy; and to have the people quiet, was to make them happy ; and this he did by Union, an intire incorporated Union ; — and the event proved his mcafures were rightly taken. Our end is now the fame, though our views are differing; to make the peo- ple happy is the end : — If Union be the way, why is it to be liked the worfe, becaufe Oliver Cromwell drew the fcheme ? I have made this digrefTion, not purely to fliew how our writers came to be miftaken in their fchemes, and why they never hit upon tiiis draught in all their propofals, though that introduced it ; but alfo to prove, that this intire incor- 4 poratin^ PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. 105 porating Union has in itftlf the feed of national felicity, in that it wrought then diat wonder which the world can rarely produce, viz. liberty in tyranny, prof- perityin conquefl, and a nation faved even in being fubdued. Could it produce this wonderful effeft then, much more muft it be fuppofed capable now -.—And, I am perfuaded, no man in his fenfes will like-the efFe£t of the prefent Union the worfe, for its receiving any of its parts from the politics of thefe times, if the happinefs of the prefent time may be fecn in it. And here I muft own, that the prefent Union has fome advantage, though the nations have paid dear for the experiment, in that it has been formed upon the foot of all the moft politic fchemes of former times ; and all the mifcar- riages of former treaties have been as warnings to furnifli the experience of thefe times to make them wary, and inftrudt them how to avoid the rocks that others fplit on. ' , I have now brought the treaters to London ; their names, and the Commiffion for them refpeftively to treat, I have inferted in the minutes of the treaty, as 'it was laid before the Parliament of Scotland, and immediately following this part. When they firft met, they hardly knew what meafures theyfliould takt; they knew what bufinefs they came to do, but, I dare fay, the gentlemen will bear with me in faying, they could not forefeethe manner and manageoient that fol- lowed ; and it was a pleafing furprife, to find all fides and parties to agree, in leaving all politic methods formerly ftudied, rather to delay and defeat the defign of an Union than to compleat it ; and to fall in heartily to confider, as the general thefis, v/hat could conduce moft to the main defign of their meeting, The Union -, and, in order to this, they refolved not to ' ftudy advantages againft one another J nor to demand, on either fide, any thing but what was agreeable to both kingdoms, in their united capacity : This was a happy indi- cation that both fides came together with a true fpirit of the Union among them; that they fincerely intended to apply themfelves to it, with the utrnoft diligence, and to purfue it by all the moft proper methods to bring it to pafs; — ^^ the very contrary extreme of which is what, as Ihaye already noted, has been the principal occafion of the mifcarriage of all the former treaties, and which good men were very much afraid of now. Before they met in public, fome of the Commiffioners on both fides had a meeting among themfelves, privately to confider of the method of jiroceeding. And here it was firft debated, in what manner propofals fliould be delivered and received ; fome were for having conferences of every thing that fliould be propofed, for the convenience of free reafoning; others objefted againft that as tedious, and offered as the moft expeditious method, that every thing fhould be delivered in writing, and then the CommifTioners, relpedively meeting japarc, might reafon among themfelves, and give in their refolutions the more per-feclj —and this was agreed on by both parties. P This io6 OF THE LAST TREATY, This is the caufe, that, in the minutes of this treaty, we have little of their private reafonings recorded j fince, their having been thus by themfelves, they have not been noticed fo, as to come to light in any regular manner. There was but one public conference, which was defired by the Commif- fioners for Scotland j and this was about the number of the Scots Reprefentatives in Parliament; and in this it is impoffible to get the particular arguments ufed on both fides. The particular perfons on either fide were as follows : ift. The Lord Treafurer of England, who opened the thing, and defired the CommilTioners for Scotland to propofe their reafons, why the Englifhfhould give a greater number than was mentioned. Lord Chancellor of Scotland fpoke next, and gave reafons why they infifted upon a greater number. Mr. Secretary Harley replied to Lord Chancellor of Scotland. The Lord Chancellor fpoke a fecond time, in anfwer to Mr. Secretary Harley, The Earl of Pembroke fpoke after, to what the Lord Chancellor had offeredk The Earl of Stair replied to the Earl of Pembroke's fpeech. The Lord Keeper fpoke next. Sir David Dalrymple followed the Lord Keeper. Duke of Devonfhire to Sir David. And Mr. Seton of Pitmedden concluded. The great defign of the arguments on the part of the Scots CommilTioners were fummed up in this. That they could have no precedent, as to the number of Reprefentatives, argued from Oliver Cromwell's divifion; becaufe he was arbitrary, and neither gave a juft reprefentation to England, or to Ireland. That the prefent fcheme of taxes could not be the rule ; but, if the Repre- fentative was to be meafured by the proportion of taxes, it was on their fide; fince, immediately upon the Union, thofe taxes would be greater. That, if any rule could be laid down, it ought to be an arithmetical propor- tion, between the number of people and the taxes paid, confidcred on both fides refpedively : in wliich cafe the Hollanders were brought as an example, •where, if you take the people, without their circumftances of wealth, they bear no proportion, becaufe their 1-iches are vaftly greater than their numbers : If their riches are taken without their people, the difproportion would be as great the other way. Upon the whole it was concluded, there could be no certain rule to dire6l their Lordfliips the CommifTioners, but the prefent circumftances of the nations fhould be judged of by both fides, and fuch a Reprefentative to be allowed as fiiould be agreeable to juftice in both. Upon PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. 107 Upon this debate, their Lordfliips retired on either hand ; and the next day the Commiffioners for England brought in a propofal for a Reprefentative for Scotland, augmented to forty-five Commoners, and fixteen Lords, which the Scots Commiflioners acquiefced in, as will more particularly appear by the minutes of the treaty, which are inferted at large, as they were extraded out of the books of the Commiffioners, and beginning with the Commiflions refpec- tively given to the perfons appointed to treat, as follows : Jhe Commiffion to the Perfons a-ppointed for Scotland. ANNA Dei Gratia, Magnje Britaniae, Francias &: Hybernise Regina, fideique defenfor, &c. Omnibus probis hominibus ad quos prefentes literal noftrs pervenerint, falutem -, quandoquidem Nos confiderantes immenfe commodum omnibus noftris fubditis, per arftiorem and completiorem Unionem Regnorum noftrorum Scotise and Anglias oriundum ; cumque per adtum Par- liamenti difti Regni Anglic, anno Domini millefimo, feptingentefimo quarto, iis perfonis, vel tot tali eorundem numero, qui a nobis nominarentur, and quos Nos in hunc effeftum, pro quorum (ut loquuntur) ftatuerimus, plena autho- ritas & proteftas concefla eft conveniendi & traftandi cum iis Commiflionariis, authoritate Parliamenti Scotia; muniendis, de tali Unione ditlorum duorum Regnorum Scotis and Anglias, ac circa qujecunque alia negotia, caufas & res quse (debita deliberatione habita majoris partis diftorum Commiffionariorum (ut pr^dicitur) congregatorum) una cum Commiflionariis authoritate Parlia- menti Scotise muniendis, difti Commiflionarii noftro honori & mutuo bons utriufque Regni in perpetuum convenientia & neceflaria, in eurum prudentia judicabunt : Nofque edam ex Regia noftra afFeftione, & cura ad promovendum foelicitatem omnium noftrorum fubditorum, tale infigne & bpnum opus pro- fequi defiderantes & cupientes, Parliamento noftro Scotia Menfe Junii ultimo elapfi commendavimus, ut cum didlo Regno noftro Anglias traftatus inftitue- retur; in cujus profecutione perquartumaftumfenionis Parliamenti ultimo elapfje decretum, ftatutum &ordinatum eft, quod ii, & quot eorum nobis vifum fuerit, fub magno figillo didi antiqui noftri Regni Scotia;, conftituere & nominare, plenan poteftatem, Commiflionem & authoritatem haberent, locis & temporibus a nobis defignandis conveniendi ac congrandij ac cum talibus Commiflionariis, authoritate Parliamenti Anglise muniendis traftandi & deliberandi circa ralem Unionem diftdrum duorum Regnorum Scotise & Anglias, & circa qujEcunque alia negotia, caufas & res quje (matura deliberatione habita majoris partis dic- torum Commiflionariorum, ut prsedicitur, congregatorum) una cum Commif- fionariis, authoritate Parliamenti AnglifE muniendis, fecundum tenorem eorum Commiffionum eatenus conceflarum, didli Commiflionarii honori noftro & P ■a ' - vnilitati. io8 OF THE LAS T TREAT Y, utilitatij t>c mutuo commodo didtorum noftrorum Regnorum, in perpetuum conducere judicabunt ; ac eciam quod difti Commiffionarii, pro ucroque Regno, fecundum tenorem fuorum Comnnifiionum refpedive, fua adla & gefta, in eadem materia, in tria diverfa fcripta aut inftrumentafingulatim ptr ipfos, aut, eorum quorum fcribenda & figillanda redigent & digerent; in & ad hunc finem, ut unum diftorum fcriptorum nobis, aliud diftorum fcriptorum Par- iiamento Scotis, & tertium dicStorum fcriptorum aut inftrumentorum Par- liamento Anglise, proximis Parliamentorum feflionibus in utroque regno refpedtive tenendis, exhibeantur; poflquam difta fcripta feu inftrumenta, per didtos Commiffionarios, fubfcripta & figillata fuerint, ut defu per Nos & dicSta Parliamenta ultra procedamus, prout neceffarium vifum fuerit, pro commodo & bono utriufq; regni, quibus Parliamentis integra con- fideratio totius, ac in totum vel pro parte approbandi, prout iis expediens videbitur, omnino refervatur; et per antedicftum aftum providitur, quod nulla materia aut res traftanda, proponenda, vel per dittos Commiffionarios virtute prasdidli aCli concludenda, ullius erit vigoris, feu efFedlus cujufcunqj donee prius authoritate & afto Parliamenti regni Scotis confirmata- & ftabilita fuerit : et quod non licitum erit diflis Commiffionariis, de alternatione cultus difciplinse aut regiminis ecclefias Scoticanse, ut nunc per leges ftabilita funt, ullo modo traftare : cumq; nos fatis experte fpecialem fidem & fiduciam repo- namus, in fidelitate, eximiis animi dotibus, & prudentia perfonarum infrafcriptarum, viz. Jacobi Comitis de Seafield fummi noftri Cancellarii difti Regni, Jacobi Ducis de Queenfberry Secreti noftri Sigilli Cuftodis, Joanni Comitis de Mar Sc Hugonis Comitis de Loudoun noftrorum prin- cipalium Status Secretariorum, Joannis Comitis de Sutherland, Jacobi Co-. mitis de Morton, Davidis Comitis de Weyms, Davidis Comitis de Leven> Joannis Comitis de Stair, Archibaldi Comitis de Rofeberry, Davidis Comitis de Glafgow noftri Thefauarii Deputmini Archibaldi Campbell Fratris Germanii Ducis de Argyle, Thomre Vicecomitis de Duplin, Guli- elmi Domini de Rofs unius Commiffionariorum noftrjE Thefaurarii, Domini Hugonis Dalrym2:)le Collegii noftri Jufticiae Prxfidis, Adami Cockburn de Ormcftoun noftri Jufticiarii Clerici, Domini Roberti Dundafs de Arniftoun & Magiftri, Roberti Steuart de Tillicultrie Senatorum Collegii Jufticise, Magiftri Francifci Montgomery unius Commiffionariorum noftri Thefauarii, Domini Davidis Dalrymple unius noftrorum Solicitorum, .Domini Alexandri Ogilvie de Forglan Generalis noftri Rcceptoris, Domini Patricii Johnftoun Praspofiti Edin- burgenfis, Domini Jacobi SmoUet de Bonhill, Georgii Lockhart de Carnwath,, Gulielmi Morifon dc Prcftongrange, Alexandri Grant de eodem Junioris, Guli- clmi Seton de Pitmedder. Junioiis, Joannis Clarke de Pennycook Junioris, Hugonis Montgomery nuper Praepofiti Glafguenfis, Danielis Steuart Fratris Germani PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. 109 Germani Baronis de Caftlemilk, & Danielis Campbell de Amtennet ; noveritis igitur Nos nominafle, conftituifle & ordinafTe, ficuti Nos tenore praefentium> nominamus, conftituimus & ordinamus memoratas perfonas Commiflionarios, pro didlo regno Scotife, ad efFcftum prcediflum ; Dando & Concedendo illis, vel eorem novem, qiios pro quorum (ut loquuntur) ftatuimus plenum potefti-* tern, CommifTionem & authoritatem, congregandi & conveniendi, cum taiibus' CommilTionanis, authoritate Parliamenti Anglis muniendis, vel eorum fufficiente numero (vulgo quorum) apud civitatem noftram de Weftminfter, decimo fexto die menfis Aprilis proxime fequentis, & tempore, & loco prsedifto, traftandi circa Unionem diftorum regnorum, Scotise & Anglijc; et circa qua^cunq; alia negotia, caufas & res, quce (matura deliberatione habita majoris partis diftorum Commiffionariorum, ut prasdicitur, congregatorum) una cum CommifTionariis, authoritate Parliamenti Anglife muniendis, fecundum tenorem eorum Commif- fionum, in hunc efFe6lum j difti Commiffionarii honori noftro, & commodo, & mutuo bono utriufque regni in perpetuum neceflaria & convenientiajudicabunt, cum poteftate didlis Commiffionariis, & eorum fufficiente numero (vulgo quo- rum ut loquuntur) de tempore in tempus, cum aut abfq; continuatione congre- gandi & conveniendi i et in omnibus quibufcunq; rebus, per prsfentes, vel diftum adum Parliamenti, eorum curs conceditis Sccommiffis, fecundum eorum officium & judicium procedendi, mandando & requirendo praedidios Commif- fionarios curam adhibere, & omnia fua a£ta & gefta in pr^emifis, in tria diverfa fcripta aut inftrumenta, debite redigantur .& digerentur, per eos fubfcribenda, figillanda & praeparanda, ita ut Nobis, & Parliamentis utriufq; regni exhibean- tur ; modo per didlum aftum ftatuto & exquifito, Declarando omni modo per prsefentes ; quod licitum non erit diftis Commiffionariis de alteratione cultus difciplinje aut regim.inis eccleflse Scoticanse, ut nunc per leges ftabilita funt, uUo modo tra£tare ; ac etiam declaranda nulla negotia, aut res traftanda, pro- poncnda aut per didlos Commiffionarios virtute prsefentis Commiffionis, con- cludenda uUius fore vigoris feu effcftus cujufcunque, donee prius authoritate & afto Parliamenti di£ti antiqui regni Scotias, confirmata & ftabilita fuerint : Refervando nobis plenam poteftatem & authoritatem continuandi pnefentes Commiffionarios, ad quemvis locum, & quoties nobis vifum fuerit, per fcriptum noftri regali manu fignatum, aut epiftolam iis diredlam, non obftante poteftate feipfos continuandi, taiibus temporibus, & ad tales locos, ut ipfis vifum fuerit, per prsefentcs iis conceffa. In cujus rei teftimonium, prjefentibus magnum figillum noftrum appendi prgecipimus. Apud aulam noftram de Kenfmgton vigefimo feptimo die menfis Februarii, anno domini millefimo feptingenteiimo fcxtOj & anno regni noftro quarto. Per Sionaturam manu S. D. N. Reginje Supfafcriptam. no OF THE LAST TREATY, x\ N N E by the Grace of God, of England, Scotland, France and Ireland Queen, Defender of the Faith, &cc. To the moft Reverend Father in God, Thomas Archbifhop of Canterbury ; our right trufty and well-beloved Counfellor William Cooper, Efq. our Keeper of our Great Seal of England; the mod Reverend Father in God, John Archbifhop of York; our right trufty and well-beloved Counfellor Sidney, Lord Godolphin, our High Trea- furer of England; our right trufty and right well-beloved coulin and Coun- fellor Thomas Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery, our Prefidenc of our Council ; our right trufty and right entirely beloved coufins and Counfellors John Duke of Newcaftle, our Keeper of our Privy Seal ; William Duke of Devonfliire, our Steward of our Houfehold; Charles Duke of Somerfet, our Mafter of our Horfe, and Charles Duke of Bolton ; our right trufty and right v/ell-beloved coufms, Charles Earl of Sunderland, and Evelin Earl of Kingfton; our right trufty and right well-beloved coufin and Counfellor Charles Earl of Carlifle; our right trufty and right well-beloved coufin Edward Earl of Orford ; our right trufty and well- beloved coufin Charles Vifcount Townfend; our right trufty and well-beloved Counfellor Thomas Lord Wharton; our right trufty and well-beloved Ralph Lord Grey; our right trufty and well-beloved Counfellor John Lord Powlet ; our right ti-ufty and well-beloved John I-,ord Summers, and Charles Lord Hallifax; our right trufty and well-beloved Counfellor John Smith, Efq. our right trufty and vyell-beloved William Cavendifli, Efq. commonly called Marquis of Hartington; John Manners, Efq. commonly called Marquis of Granby; our right trufty and well-beloved Counfellors Sir Charles Hedges, Knight, and Robert Harley, Efq. our principal Secretaries of State ; Henry Boil, Efq. Chancellor and under Treafurer of our Exchequer; Sir John Holt, Knight, Chief Juftice of our Court of Queen's Bench; Sir Thomas Trevor, Knight, Chief Juftice of our Court of Common Pleas ; Sir Edward Northey, Knight, our Attorney-General; Sir Symon Harcourt, Knight, our Solicitor-General ; Sir John Cook, Knight, Doftor of Laws, our Advocate-General, and Stephen Waller, Dodor of Laws ; Greeting. Whereas, the kingdoms of England and Scotland were firft united in allegiance and loyal fubjeftion in the perfon of our Royal Great Grandfather King James the Firft, fince which happy conjunftion, it hatli been very much endeavoured that a nearer and more compleat Union might be fettled between both kingdoms, and fome progrefs towards the attainment thereof was made, not only in the time of our faid late Royal Great Grandfather, but alfo in the time of our late Royal Uncle, King Charles the Second. And whereas, weoutof our princely zeal and care for the welfare and happinefs of ourfubjefts, being alfo defirous of a nearer and more compleat Union between our two fiid PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. m faid kingdoms of England and Scotland, did recommend to our Parliament of England from the throne to confider of proper methods for obtaining the fame : And whereas, in our Parliament held at Weftminfter the third and fourth years of our reign, an adl paffed, entitled, Jn A£l for the effectual Securing the King- dom of England from the apparent Dangers that may arife from feveral ASls paffed in the Kingdom of Scotland. In and by v/hich aft of Parliament, it was enafted, that fuch perfons as fhould be nominated by us, under our Great Seal of England, or fuch and fo many of them as fhould in that behalf be appointed by us to be of the quorum, fhould by force of the fame aft, have full power, commiflion and authority, at fuch time and times, and in fuch place or places as we fhould pleafe to appoint to aflemble and meet; and thereupon to treat and confult according to the tenor, or purport of their authority or commiffion in that behalf, with certain CommifTioners as fliould be authorized by authority of the Parliament of Scotland, of and concerning fuch an Union of the faid kingdoms of England and Scotland, and of and concerning fuch other matters, claufes and things as upon mature deliberation of the greatefl part of the faid CommifTioners affembled as aforefixid, and the CommilTioners to be authorized by the Parliament of Scotland, according to the tenor or purport of their commiffion in that behalf, fliould in their wifdoms think convenijent and necefTary for our honour, and the common good of both our faid kingdoms for ever : And that the CnmmifTioners of both our faid kingdoms fliould, according to the tenor or purport of their faid authority and commiffions in that behalf, reduce their doings and proceedings therein into writings or inftruments quad- rupartite, every part to be fubfcribed and fealed bv them, to the end that one part thereof may in all humblenefs be prefented to us ; two other parts thereof to be offered to the confideration of the Parliament for the realm of England, and another part thereof to be offered to the confideration of the Parliament for the realm of Scotland at their next Seffions, which fliould be held in each kingdom refpeftively after fuch writings or inftruments fliould be fubfcribed and fealed by the faid Commiffioners, that thereupon fuch further proceedings might be had as we and both the faid Parliaments fliould think fit and neceffary for the well and common good of both the faid kingdoms, to whom the entire confideration of the whole, and the allowing or difallowing of the whole, or any part thereof, as they fliall think fit, is wholly referved as in and by the faid aft, relation being thereunto had, may more at large appear. And whereas, in the fourth year of our reign, an aft was made and paffed in our Parliament of our kingdom of Scotland, for enabling us to appoint Commiffioners to treat with Commiffioners for our kingdom of England, of and concerning an Union of the faid kingdoms ; now know ye, that we repofing efpecial truft and confidence in your fidelity, ability, prudence, induftry, dili- gence a 10 OFTHE LAST TREATY, gence and circumfpecSlion, have nominated, conftituted and appointed, and by thefe prefents do nominate, conftitute and appoint you tlic faid Thomas Arch- bilTiop of Canterbury ; William Cooper ; John Archbifliop of York ; Sidney, Lord Godolphin, Thomas Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery, John Duke of Newcaftle, William Duke of Devonfhire, Charles Duke of Somerfet, Charles Duke of Bolton, Charles Earl of Sunderland, Evelin Earl of Kingfton, Charles Earl of Carlifle, Edward Earl of Orford, Charles Vifcount Townfend, Thon- as Lord Wharton, Ralph Lord Grey, John Lord Powlet, John Lord Summers, Charles Lord Hallifax, John Smith, William Marquis of Harting- fon, John Marquis of Granby, Sir Charles Hedges, Robert Harley, Henry Boil, Sir John Holt, Sir Thomas Trevor, Sir Edward Nprthey, Sir Sympn Harcourt, Sir John Cook, and Stephen Waller, to be Commiffioners for the kingdom of England, in this behalf, giving unto you, any feven or more of you full power and authority to affemble and meet with the Commiffioners authorized, or to be authorized by us, purfuant to the faid adl made in our Parliament of Scotland, or fo many of them as fliall be a quorum, at our Council Chamber at the Cockpit, Whitehall, upon Tuefday the i6th Day of April inftant ; and then and there to treat and confult with them, of and con- cerning fuch an Union of the faid kingdoms of England and Scotland, and of and concerning fuch other mauers, claufes and things as you and the Commiffioners authorized, or to be authorized as aforefaid, or the major part of you and them aflembled, fhall upon mature deliberation think convenient and necefTary for our honour, and the common good of both our faid kingdoms for everj and from tim.e to time, with or without adjournments, to affemble and meet afthe place aforefaid, or at fuch other place or places as the major part of you and them aflembled fliall think fit} and to proceed in all and every the matters herein before-mentioned committed to your care, according to your bell dif- cretions : And you are to take care that all your doings and proceedings in and about the premifes with the Commiffioners authorized, or to be authorized as aforefaid, be reduced into writings or inftruments quadrupartite, and that every part thereof be fubfcribed and fealed by you and them, and be prefented unto us, and the Parliaments of both kingdoms in fuch manner and form, as in and by the faid aft firft mentioned is enjoined and required. In witnefs whereof, we have caufed thefe our letters to be made patents. Wit- nefs Ourfelf at Weftminfter the loth Day of April, in the Fifth Year of our Reign. D Per Breve de private Sigillo Wright. PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. »i3 Secretaries of State. At the Council Chamber in the Cockpit, Tue/day the iSth of April, 1706. In purjuance of Her Majefiy's CommiJJions under Her refpeSlive Great Seals of Scotland and England, the Lords Commijftoners of both Kingdoms, for the Treaty of Union, met at the Council Chamber in the Cockpit. The names of the Commiffioners, as mentioned in the fiid Commiffions, are, Engl. Thomas Archbifhop of Canterbury. William Cooper, Efq. Lord Keeper. John Archbifhop of York. Sidney Lord Godolphin, High Treaf. Thomas Earl of Pembroke and Mont- gomery, Lord Prefident of Council. John Duke of Newcaftle, Lord Privy Seal. William. Duke of Devonfhire, Steward of the Houfhold. Charles Duke of Somerfet, Mafter of Horfe. Charles Duke of Bolton. Charles Earl of Sunderland. Evelin Earl of Kingftone. Charles Earl of Carlifle. Edward Earl of Orford. Charles Lord Vifcount Townfend. Thomas Lord Wharton. Ralph Lord Grey. John Lord Powlet. John Lord Sommers. Charles Lord Hallifax. John Smith, Efq. Speaker of the Houfe of Commons. William Marquis of Hartington. John Marquis of Granby. Sir Charles Hedges, Knt. ■) Secretaries Robert Harley, Efq. \ of State. Henry Boil, Chancellor, and Under- Treafurer of the Exchequer. Sir John Holt, Knt. Chief Juftice of the Court of Queen's Bench, Q_ George Scot. James Earl ofSeafield, Lord Chancellor. James Duke of Queenfberry, Lord Privy Seal. John Earl of Mar, Hugh Earl of Loudoun Jon Earl of Sutherland. James Earl of Morton. David Earl of Wemyfs. David Earl of Leven. John Earl of Stair. Archibald Earl of Rofeberry. David Earl of Glafgow, Treaf. Deput. Lord Archibald Campbell, brother ger- main to the Duke of Argyle. Thomas Lord Vifcount Duplin. William Lord Rofs, one of the Com- miffioners of Treafury. Sir Plugh Dalrymple, Lord Prefident of Seffion. Adam Cockburn of Ormeftoun, Lord Juftice Clerk. Sir Robert Dundas of Arniftoun, one of the Senators of the Col. of Juftice. Mr. Robert Steuart of Tiilicultrie, one of the Senators of the Col. of Juftice. Mr. Francis Montgomery, one of the Commiffioners of the Treafury. Sir David Dalrymple, Solicitor. Sir Alexander Ogilvie of Forglen, Ge- neral Receiver. Sir Patrick Johnftone, Lord Provoftof Edinburgh. Sir James Smollet of Bonhill. 114 OF THE LAST TREATY, Scot. Engl, Sir Thomas Trevor, Knt. Chief Juftice of the Court of Common Pleas. Sir Edward Northey, Knt. Attorney- General. SirSymon Harcourt, Knt. Solicitor Ge- neral. Sir John Cook, Doftorof Laws, Ad- vocate General. Stephen Waller, Doftor of Laws. George Lockhart of Carnwath. William Morifon of Preftonsrrano-e. Alexander Grant, younger, of that Ilk. William Seton, younger, of Pitmedden. John Clark, younger, of Pennicook. Hugh Montgomery, late Provoft of Glafgow. Daniel Stewart, brother german to the Laird of Caftlemilk. Daniel Campbell of Ardintennie. After the Lords Commiffioners for both kingdoms had taken tlieir places, the Commiffions were opened, and read by the relpedtive Secretaries. The Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England, addrefftng himfelf to the Lords Coiiimiffioners for Scotland, fpoke in theje -words : My Lords, W E the CommifTioners appointed by Her Majefly, and authorized by the Parliament of England, to confult and treat with your Lordfliips, as impowered in like manner by her Majefty and the Parliament of Scotland, concerning an Union of the two kingdoms, and fuch other things as we the Commiffioners on both parts fhall think convenient and neceffar)- for the honour of her Majefty, and the common good of both kingdoms, do apprehend there never was (in any aflembly of this nature) fo little occafion, as at prefent, for the Commif- fioners of England to give any verbal afTuranccs of their zeal to promote and compleat (fo far as in their power) the great and good defign we are met about; fince it cannot be doubted, but that we bring along with us the fame fentiments which fo lately appeared in the Parliament of England, when they took care to manifeft by a folemn aft, that they did poftpone all other confiderations to their evidencing a good and friendly difpofition towards the kingdom of Scot- land. Tlie Parliament of England, in making that unexpefted advance, feemed refolved, if poffible, to attain that Union, wliich hath been fo long thought necelTary, by all that wifli well to the profperity of both nations. And wem.oft fincerely afiure your Lordfliips, that we accordingly meet your Lordfliips, with hearts fully refolved to ufc our utmoft endeavours to remove all difficulties in this treaty, to prevent all mifunderilandings, to cherifli and improve the good difpofitions to one another we meet with, to have the general and joint good of both kingdoms folely in our view, and not the feparate of cither ; but to aft as if we were already united in intereft, and had nothing left to PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. 115 to confidcr, but what fcttlements and provifions are moft likely to conduce to the common fafety and happinefs of this whole ifland of Great Britain. Which meafures, if purfued on both parts, we hope may enable us to prepare fuch terms of Union as may prove fatisfaftory to her Majefty, and the Parlia- ments of both kingdoms. 'O" And the Earl of Seafield, Lord High Chancellor of Scotland, en the Part of the Lords Commijfwiers for Scotland, f^oke as foUoweth. My Lords, 1 H E Lords CommifTioners for Scotland have defired me to alTure your Lordfliips, that they meet you on this occafion, with great willingnefs and fatisfaftion, to treat of an Union between the two kingdoms, and of fuch other matters and concerns as may be for her Majefty 's honour, and the maintaining a good underftanding between the two nations. We are convinced that an Union will be of great advantage to both; the Proteftant religion will be thereby the more firmly fecured, the defigns of our enemies effeftually difappointed, and the riches and trade of the whole ifland advanced. This Union has been often endeavoured, both before and fince the kingdoms were united in allegiance under one Sovereign ; and feveral treaties have been fet on foot for that end, though without the defired fuccefs ; but now we arc hopeful that this fliall be the happy opportunity of accomplifhing it; her Ma- jefty hath frequently fignified her good inclinations towards it; and we are the more encouraged to expe6l fuccefs in this treaty, by the good difpofition appa- rent in the Parliament of Scotland for it, and by the friendly proceedings in the laft felTion of the Parliament of England, which gave general fatisfaftion. We have great confidence in your Lordfhips good intentions, and we fhall be ready on our parts, to enter into fuch meafures with you, as may bring the treaty to fuch a conclufion, as may be acceptable to her Majefty, and to 4;he Parliaments of both kingdoms. Ordered that copies of the two Commifiions be prepared and figned by the refpeftive Secretaries, and interchanged againft the next meeting. Adjourned to Monday next, the 22d. inftant, at 6 o'clock in the evening. Monday the I2d of Jpril, 1706. The Lord Keeper, in the name of the Lords Commiffioners for England, delivered to the Board Articles of Preliminaries, which were read, as follov/s :' I. That all propofals made by either fide, be made in writing, and every point agreed on fhall be reduced into writing. 0^2 2. That ii6 OF THE LAST TREATY, 1. That no point, though agreed on, and reduced into writing, fliall be obli- gatory on either fide, till all matters be adjufted in fuch manner as will be proper to be laid befere the Queen and the two Parliaments for their appro- bation. 3. That there be a Committee appointed, confifting of a certain number of each CommifTion, to revife the minutes of what palTes, which are not to be in- ferted by the Secretaries in their refpeflive books, but by order of the faid Committee, having firft made report thereof to the refpeftive Commiffioners, and recei\^ed their approbation of the fame. 4. That all the proceedings of the Commiffioners of both kingdoms, during the treaty, be kept fecret. The Lord Keeper alfo delivered to the Board the following propofal, which was read. That the two kingdoms of England and Scodand be for ever united into one kingdom by the name of Great Britain ; that the united kingdom of Great Britain be reprefented by one and the fame Parliament; and that the fucceffion to the Monarchy of the united kingdom of Great Britain, in cafe of failure of heirs of her Majefty's body, be, according to the limitations mentioned in an aft of Parliament, made in England, in the 12th and 13th year of the reign of the late King William, intituled, " An Aft for the further Limi- " tation of the Crown, and the better fecuring the Rights and Liberties of the " Subjefts." Adjourned to Wednefday the 24th inftant, at 5 in the evening. Wednefday the li^th of Afril, 1706. The Loi;d Chancellor of Scotland acquainted the Board, that the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland do agree to the Preliminary Articles propofed by the Lords Commiffiioners for England at the lad meeting, for regulating the methods of proceedings in this treaty. The following propofals were alfo delivered to the Board by the Lord Chan- cellor of Scotland, and were read. 1. That the fucceffion to the Crown of Scodand, in cafe of failure of heirs of her Majefty's body, fhall be eftablifhed upon the fame perfons mentioned in an aft of Parliament made in England, in the 1 2th and 1 3th year of the reign of the late King William, intituled, " An Aft for the further Limitation of the " Crown, and the better Securing of the Rights and Liberties of the Subjefts." 2. That the fubjefts of Scotland fliall for ever enjoy all rights and privileges, as natives of England in England, and the dominions thereunto belonging ; and reciprocally, that the fubjefts of England fhall enjoy the like fights and privileges in Scotland. 3. That PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. 117 3. That there be free communication and intcrcourfe of trade and navigation between the two kingdoms, and plantations thereunto belonging, under fuch regulations, as in the progrefs of this treaty Ihall be found moft for the advan- tages of both kingdoms. 4. That all laws and ftatutes in either kingdom, contrary to the terms of this Union, be repealed. ■ The Lords CommifTioners for England withdrew, and being returned, the Lord Keeper, in their Lordfliips names, delivered to the Board the following anfwer, which was read. The Lords Commiffioners for England are fo fully convinced, that nothing but an intire Union of the two kingdoms will fettle perfect and lafting friend- fhip between them ; that they therefore tliink fit to decline entering into any further confideration of the propofil now made by the Lords CommifTioners for Scotland, as not tending to that end and defire ; that the Lords CommifTioners for Scotland would be pleafed to giye in their anfwer to the propofals delivered on Monday the 2 2d inftant, by the Lords CommifTioners for England, in order to an intire Union of both kingdoms. Adjourned to Thurlciay the a5th inftant, at 5 in the evening. OBSERVATIONS on the MINUTES of the THREE FIRST DAYS. The ceremonies on either hand being over, Wednefday was the firft day in which it may be faid, any thing of bufinefs was entered upon. ■ The CommifTioners on the Englifh fide prefented a fummary, as it may be called, of an Union in general, by which it is plain a compleat incorporation of the two kingdoms was propofed. The Scots propofal was lefs general, and yet readily agreeing to the fuccef- fion, to a communication of privileges, and an intercourfe of trade. I mention this here, becaufe it was afterwards objected to the treaters on the Scots fide in the following Parliament j that they had given up their coun- tiy to the Englifli, in coming into an incorporating Union immediately, with- out propofing any terms which might have been more advantageous to Scotland. It is manifcfl the Scots CommifTioners did make propofals of uniting, which were not incorporating; or at leafl, which being reftrifted to their own country only, were fignificant of a concern for Scotland, leaving the propofal on the behalf of England to the Englifh CommifTioners. But, as will appear in the fubfequent minutes, the Englifh CommifTioners were come to a refolution previous to this treaty, viz. " That nothing could " complete the felicity of either kingdom, and for ever remove all pofTible dif- " ficulties, breaches, and feparation of interefts from among them for the future, " but an entire and incorporating Union, by which the two nations fliould be «' formed ii8 OF THE LAST TREATY, '' formed into one government, be und^^r one fovereign head, in one repre- " lented body, ftanding upon one foundation, enjoying equal privileges, and in " common, bearing one general proportion of burdens, the fame in end and " mean, having but one common intereft, one name, and being for ever herc- " after but one people." This therefore they laid down as the thefis of their future conferences; and purfuant to this, the firft general they delivered in, contained the three and mofl eflential articles of the following treaty, viz. " The uniting the two kingdoms ''■into one ; the fettling the reprefentation in one alTembly of Parliament i and " the fettling the fucceffion in the fame line. And the Scots propofals being fhort in the general incorporating part, the Englifli Commiflioners infilled upon it, as above, declining to treat upon par- ticulars till that was firft determined -, all debate of particulars being not fo di- rcftly tending to a conclufion, till the great and main queftion was agreed to, " Whether the Union Ihoukl be entire or no, in the 'icn{t as above ?" The profecuting this queftion v;ill cfFedtually defend the Scots CommilTion- ers, who, though they were aftersvards convinced of the main point in debate, viz. " That notliing but an entire Union would be effeftual to fettle a lafting " friendfhip between the two nations," yet did not fo eafily give up their other propofals as was fuggefted ; nor did they give them up at all merely upon the Englifli Comminioners refufing to treat upon any other foot; for the direftefl anfwer to a refolution fo pofitive as that, might have been thought to have been -an equal ftiffnefs, and refufing to refolve upon fo general a claufe, till other heads had been adjufted. But the Commiffioners on the Scots fide found thcmfclvcs convinced, Firft, Of the fincerity and candid intentions of the Commiffioners on the Englifti part, to purfue fuch a treaty, and in fuch a manner, as might moft conduce to the mutual happinefs of both kingdoms, and to make the Union both lafting and effedtual. Secondly, They found themfelves convinced, upon ferious debate, and further inquiry into particulars, that nothing but this incorporation of interefts, privi- leges, and circumftances, could make an effeftual, lafting, indiftblvable Union ; and fo they came into it with the fame fincerity, and from the fame candid de- fign of fettling the whole, and of afting to the advantage of either party. Not being at all over-ruled, awed, or drawn in, as was objefted afterwards againft them. And this would appear at large, if the long debates, fpeeches and argu- ments on both fides could have been recovered. Tburfday the zc^th of ylfril, 1706. The Lord Cliaticello-r, in the name of the Lords CommllTioners for Scotland, delivered to the Board an anfwer to the propofal made on the acid inftant, by PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. 119 by the Lords Commiffioncrs for England, with a provifion therein-mentioned, which was read. The Lords CommifTioners for Scotland have confidcrcd the propofil given in to them by the Lords CommifTioners for England, on Monday the aid inftant, and do agree, that the two kingdoms of Scotland and England be for ever united into one kingdom, by the name of Great-Britain j that the united kingdom of Great-Britain be reprefcnted by one and the fame Parliament, and that the fucceffion to the Monarchy of the kingdom of Great-Britain (in cafe of failure of heirs of her Majefty's body) Ihall defcend upon the moft excellent princefs Sophia, Eleftorcfs and Duchefs Dowager of Hanover, and remain to her and the heirs of her body, being Proteftants, to whom the fucceffion to the crown of England is provided, by an a6l made in tJie i2tii and 13th year of the reign of the late King William, intituled, " An aft for the further Limita- " tion of the Crown, and better fccuring the Rights and Liberties of the Sub- *' jedts, and excluding all Papifts, and who fhall marry Papifls, in the terms of " the fiiid A(ft;" with this provifion, " That all the fubjefts of the united " kingdom of Great-Britain fliall have full freedom and intercourfe of trade and " navigation, to and from any part or place within the faid united kingdom, *' and plantations thereunto belonging ; and there be a communication of all " other privileges and advantages, which do, or may belong to the fubjedls of " either kingdom.'' The Lords Commiflioners for England withdrew, and being returned, the Lord Keeper did, in the name of the Lords CommifTioners for England, deliver to the Board the following reply, which was read. The Lords CommifTioners for England are of opinion, that the provifion added by the Lords Commiflioners for Scotland to the propofal made by the Lords CommifTioners for England, upon the 22d inflant, is a necefiary confe- quence for an intire Union ; and therefore their Lordfliips do agree to the faid provifion, under fuch terms as in the further progrefs of this treaty fliall be found to be for the common advantage of both kingdoms. A Committee was appointed in purfuance of tl\e third article of Preliminaries for revifing the Minutes, and there was nominated on the part of Engl. Lord Grey. John Smith, Elquire, Speaker of the Commons. Sir Thomas Trevor. Sir John Cook. Doiftor Waller. Or any three of them. Adjourned to Monday the 29th inftant, at 5 in the evening. 4 OB- Sect. Ear! of Sutherland. Earl of Leven. Lord Prefident of SefTion. Lord Juftice Clerk. John Clark of Pennicook. Or any three of them i^O OF THE LAST TREATY, OBSERVATION 11. The Commiffioners for Scotland, after the debates and reafonings on the laft day about the general propofal of the Union, as an incorporating entire Union, had alfo a meeting among themfelves, in which it was determined, after a long confideration, to agree to the propofal made by the Englilh Cofnmiflioners, of a full and entire incorporation. This is what was afterwards reflefted on in Scotland, and which the oppofing party called a betraying their country ; and as far as poffible incenfed the people againfh them, who punning on the word treaters, called them the traitors; and on this foot it was, that when the rabble in Edinburgh firft took a head, they pretended to infult the treaters, as the perfons that had given them up to the Englifh, and accordingly began with Sir Patrick Johnftoun, a perfon who was otherwife univerfally beloved among them, and had merited the efteem he had with them, by a fober, difcreet and gentlemanlike behaviour, as well when in the Government, having been Provofl: of Edinburgh but the year before, as at all other times. Monday, yipril the 29th, 1706. The Lord Keeper, in the name of the Lords Commiffioners for England, delivered to the Board the following propofal, which was read. That there be the fame cuftoms, excifes, and all other taxes; and the fame prohibitions, reftriiftions and regulations of trade throughout the united kingdom of Great-Britain. The Lords Commiffioners for Scotland withdrew, and being returned, the Lord Chancellor, in their Lordlhips names, delivered to the Board the following anfwer, which was read. The propofal given in by your Lordfhips contains fo many particulars, that the Lords Commiffi£)ners for Scotland do propofe, before they offer any anfwer to it, that there be a Committee appointed of an equal number of each fide to adjuft the feveral points therein, and defire that your Lordfliips will order an accompt of the raxes and other things in your propofal to be laid before the faid Committee, as the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland ftiall be ready to do on their parts. The Lords Commiffioners for England withdrew, and being returned, the Lord Keeper in their Lordfliips names delivered to the Board the following reply, which was read. The Lords Commiffiioners for England have defired a ftate of the taxes, and other things in their laft propofal mentioned, to be laid before them, in order to refer the lame to the confideration of a Committee to confift of an equal number of each fide, which their Lordfliips propofe to be the number of eleven on each part, and of them any fix to have power to proceed in the matters referred to them. The PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. lai The Lords Commiffioners for Scotland agreed to appoint a Committee to confift of eleven of each fide, and of them any fix to have power to proceed, and that they Ihould be nominated next meeting. Adjourned to the ift of May 1706. 6 in the evening. Wednejday the ifl 0/ May, 1706. The Lords Commiffioners for both kingdoms proceeded to nominate the Com- mittee agreed on the 29th ult. to confider matters to be to them referred, and the Lords Commiffioners following were nominated to be the faid Committee. On the part of Scotl. Engl. Lord Chancellor. Duke of Queenfberry. Earl of Mar. Earl of Loudoun. Earl of Sutherland. Earl of Leven. Earl of Stair. Lord Duplin. Lord Prefident of Seffion. Lord Juftice Clerk. Sir Patrick Johnftone. Duke of Somerfet. Duke of Bolton. Earl of Sunderland, Lord Townfend. Lord Wharton. Lord Sommers. Speaker of the Commons. Marquis of Hartington. Mr. Secretary Harley. Henry Boyle, Efquire. Sir Simon Harcourt. Agreed the above-named Committee meet to-morrow morning at ten o'clock, and that they have power to adjourn themfelves. Adjourned to Friday the :\,^ inftant. Friday the ^d of May, 1706. The Lord Treafurer of England acquainted the Board, that he was direded by the Lords Commiffioners for England to let their Lordfhips know, that the account of the revenues and debts of England, defired the 29th paft to be laid before the Board, had been prepared, but were not drawn in fuch a man- ner as would fully anfwer the end for which they were propofed ; for which rea- fon they were direfted to be drawn in another method, and hoped they would be got ready to lay before the Board next Monday. Adjourned to Monday the 6th inftant. OBSERVATION III. The main points of Union being thus fettled, as above, and all the federal, provincial and confederating fchemes, which the world without doors had filled their heads with, being vaniilied, the Commiffioners fell dole to their work ; and the firft article propofed by the EnglilTi Commiffioners laid the fcheme of the whole affair, viz. cuftoms, excifes, and temporary taxes, prohibitions, reftridlions, and regulations of trade. The great queftion now before them was, how to fix a center in all thefe, or a great ftandard of equalities, fo as every part might bear its equal fhare of the R burthens 122 OF THE LAST TREATY, burthens of the war, in proportion to its capacity, and every part enjoy its equal fliare of the advantages of commerce, each bear an equal part of the weight of the government, and reap an equal part of its protection. This fcale of equa- lities had a great variety of difcording parts in it ; to bring together the diffi- culties of which, was the bufinefs now before them, and the method of recon- ciling them, will appear in the further obfervations on thefe proceedings. The firfl: thing requifite to bring this matter into a way of debate, was for either fide to give in a true ttate of the ordinary revenue, the debts and the ex- traordinary taxes of either kingdom, that a fcale of proportions might be formed, I mention it here, to note how naturally every thing occurred, in order to the main end ; and how, after the firft concefTion of an entire incorporation, every thing, that might tend to compleating that defign, came in of courfe ; for without doubt, equalities and proportion of taxes, privileges and advantages, was, and muft be the only method, to bring about a compleat entire Union of interefts, and it was impofiible to be done without it. The undertaking indeed amazed the world, and when people began to look into it with but a tranfient view, it appeared a perfedl chaos, a mafs of abfur- ditieSj which it would be impofTible to reconcile ; the people, who had propofed their federal fchemes, laughed at this projeft, and talked of it as imprafticable, called it a chimera of the Englifh Miniftry, and pretended to prophecy its dwindling into nothing, and bringing the treaty to the fame iflue, as was done in the lad commiffion. But when abler heads began to look into it, and take it to pieces, the parts all appeared capable of reduftion into form, and the prefages of the gentlemen who had {o bantered it appeared groundlefs ; the mafs began to move, and every thing retiring to its proper place, guided by the temper, moderation, and application of the Commiffioners, the beautiful thing, called Union, began to fliew itfelf, and the nation began to conceive hopes of its being perfe6led, in fpite of all the feeming difficulties, with which the enemies to the defign had clogged mens expectation, as will appear hereafter. To bring the balance of circumftances upon the ftage, it was abfolutely ne- cefiTary to enter into the feveral inequalities, in which the two kingdoms then flood } thefe inequalities, as they lay particularly before the treaters, confifted in matters of taxes, cuftoms, cxcifes and commerce. In order to ftate thefe, the feveral debts and revenue of the refpeCllve na- tions were ftatcd ; abftrafts of which are annexed to thefe obfervations, as they were given in to the Commiffioners of both kingdoms. Mon(iay the 6ih of May, 1706. The Lord Keeper acquainted the Board, that the Lords Commiffioners for England had delivered to their Secretary a ftate of the revenues and income of 4 England PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. lij England, and alfo of the debts of the faid kingdoirij which were to be laid before the Lords of the Committee of both kingdoms at their next meeting. Adjourned to Thurfday the ninth inftant. Thurjday the 9th oi May, 1706. The Lord Chancellor acquainted the Board, that the Lords CommifTioners for Scotland had delivered to their Secretary, an account of the revenue in Scotland, and the fum about which the debts of that kingdom would amount to, to be laid before the Lords of the Committee of both kingdoms. The Lord Chancellor, in the name of the Lords Commiflioners for Scotland, delivered to the Board an anfwer to the propofal made by the Lords Com- mifTioners for England on the 29th of April, which was read. The Lords CommifTioners for Scotland do agree, that all parts of the united kingdom of Great-Britain be under the fame regulations, prohibitions and re- ftridlions, and liable to equal impofitions and duties for export and import ; but in regard feveral of the funds relating to the cufloms are already appro- priated, for the payment of debts properly belonging to England, it is pro- pofed that an equivalent be allowed for them. The Lords CommifTioners for Scotland do alfo agree, that all the fubjefts of the united kingdom fliall be liable to equal land taxes, or taxes upon the pound- rent, providing the proportion for Scotland fhall only be i2,oool. when is. is Impofed on the pound-rent on England ; fo that 48,0001. in Scotland fhall be reckoned equal to the 4s aid now impofed on England, and fo proportionable, and to be raifed in the fame manner now ufed in Scotland, and free of all charges. The private riglits of corporations and companies are referved to be confi- dered in the courfe of this treaty. The Lord Chancellor, in the name of the Lords CommifTioners for Scotland, delivered alfo to the Board the following propofal, which was read. The Lords CommifTioners for Scotland do propofe, that neitiier of the king- doms be burthened with the debts of the other contrafted before the Union. Adjourned to Friday the loth inftant, at five in the evening. OBSERVATION IV. It was in the debates of this day that the great difficulties lay; and indeed thofe that feemed mofl concerned for the fuccefs, apprehended fomething here too difficult to be maftered, and that would render all the reft abortive. The ftate of the affairs of either nation was in fhort thus: I. England had very large incomes or revenues, and tlieir cuftonis and excife brought in vaft fums, viz. Cuftoms, - - 1,341,5591. per annum. Excifes, - - 947,6021. per annum. ,. ,, But, on the other hand, England had vaft debts lay upon them to difchargc; R 2 and 124 OFTHELASTTREATY, and for the difcharge of which thefe revenues and ahnofl all their other taxes, the land tax and malt tax excepted, were appropriated. 2. Scotland had but fmall revenues, her cufloms and excife producing but the following fums, viz. The cuftoms let out in tack, or farm, from year to year, only at jOjOool. per annum. , • The excife, farmed alfo, at 35,0001. per annum. But tlien the revenue of Scotland was entirely free from anticipations, or ap- propriations on any account of debt : Not but that there were public debts too, but the revenue was not charged with them. Now, upon the uniting the revenues of both kingdoms, under thefe differ- ing circumftances, there were but two poffible methods that could be propofed: 1. Either, that each kingdom, coming to a full point in matters of revenue, Ihould, like two tradefmen coming into partnerfhip, pay off their own refpec- tive debts, and bring in their feveral proportions of ftock, clear of all incum- brances. 2. Or that, putting the general accounts of debts and ftock together, the Englilh lliould make good the inequalities to the Scots fome other way. The Scots Commiflioners wifely propofed, for the eafe of their own country, that the revenues of Scotland Ihould not be at all chargeable with the Englifli debts ; — and this was thought to be a very good argument to excufe Scotland from fome duties which, notwithftanding the general article of paying equal taxes, Scotland could by no means bear. Of thefe, as they refpcd: cuftoms or excifes, foreign or home trade, I Ihall fpeak as they come in order. But the Englifli Commiffioners, adhering to the firft principle of the treaty, viz. Of its being an intire incorporating Union, were upon that account obliged to infill upon this alfo, which formed afterward the fixth article, viz. That there be an equality of cuftoms, excifes, and all other taxes throughout the united kingdom, as that, without which the Union could not be entire. This being laid down as a general thefis in tlie v/hole debate, two things came in courfe to be examined as mediums. 1. A fcale of proportions to form the equalities. 2. An equivalent to be given for fupplying unavoidable inequalities. And this will be found to run tiirough the whole feries of the treaty, as the foundation of the whole; and however after ridiculed and reflefted on by the oppofers of the treaty, it appears to be the only foundation they could have gone upon, and which was the only medium to bring the treaty into a poffibility of coming to a happy conclufion. No man could deny but all equalities confiftcd in proportions, and to have extended the thing called equality of taxes to a numerical equality, as fome pretend PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. 125 pretend fn England, was faying nothing; the cuftoms, manner of valuation of land, and innumerable circumftances of Scotland, rendered it imprafticable. The Englilh Commiffioners therefore, when they infifted upon an equality of taxes, readily agreed to the giving Scotland an equivalent for the payment of their own debts, fo far as their cuftoms and excifes Ihould come into the ap- propriations of the Englilh revenue. What alterations, exceptions, and abatements were made, as to equalities of taxes, will be fpoken to in the minutes of the Scots Parliament, where the exceptions were made, and thofe calculations adjufted. Friday the loth May, 1706. The Lord Keeper, in the name of the Lords Commiffioners for England, delivered to the Board a reply to tlie anfwer made on the 9th inftant, by the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland, to their Lordlhips propofal on the 29th of April laft, which was read. The Lords Commiffioners for England obferving, that in the anfwer made by the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland, the 9th inftant, to their Lordlhips propofal of the 29th of April, that there be an equality of cuftoms, excifes, and all other taxes throughout the united kingdom of Great-Britain, the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland take no notice of what relates to excifes, the Lords Commiffioners for England do therefore think it neceflary to infift upon their faid propofal, as that without which there cannot be an entire Union be- tween the two kingdoms, of which their Lordlhips are fo defirous on their parts, that they are ready to agree to an equivalent for v/hat Scotland fhall be taxed towards payment of the debts of England, in all particulars whatfoever. Adjourned to Monday the 13th inftant, at 10 in the morning. Monday the 13/^ of May, 1706. The Lord Chancellor, in the name of the Lords Commiffioners for Scot- land, delivered to the Board a further anfwer to the propofal made by the Lords Commiffioners for England on the 29th of April laft, which was read. The Lords Commiffioners for Scotland did take into their confideration the propoial offered by the Lords Com.miffioners for England the 29th of April, and found it comprehended fo many particulars, that they judged it moll pro- per to anfwer it point by point; accordingly, on the 9th inftant, diey gave an anfwer as to the cuftoms and land-tax, and did not mention any thing dierein of the excifes, becaufe the confideration of thefe was depending before the Committee of the Commiffiioners of both fides ; but to fatisfy the Lords Commiffioners for England, that nothing fhail be wanting on the part of the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland, that is neceffiiry for the attaining an entire Union, they do agree to the equality of excifes on ale, beer, mum, cyder, fweets, perry, low wines, aquavitae and fpirits ; but they do propofe an ex- emption ia6 OF T H E L AS T T RE AT Y, emption from all other burthens and excifes within Scotland for a competent time, to be adjufted in the courfe of this treaty, that the fubjefts of Scotland may (by the benefit arifing from the communication of trade) be put in a ca- pacity to bear a proportion of other burthens and excifes, being willing at the commencement of the Union, to bear equal excifes on all that is exported from Scotland to England, or the Plantations : And the Lords Commiffioners for Scot- land do hope, that the Lords Commiffioners for England will be convinced that the immiUnity from thefe other burthens and excifes for a term of years, is confident with an entire Union, and will not put the trade on an unequal foot, when the prefent circumftances of both kingdoir.s are duly coniidered. And whereas the Lords Commiffioners for England did, by their propofal, declare they were ready to agree to an equivalent for what Scotland fliall be taxed in towards the payment of tlie debts of England in all particulars what- foever, the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland are ready to enter with their Lordfhips into the confideration of this equivalent, and how to make it effeftual. The Lords Commiffioners for England withdrew, and being returned, the Lord Keeper, in their Lordfliips names, delivered to the Board their reply to the afoiefaid anfwer, which was read. The Lords Commiffioners for England, taking into their confideration the paper delivered to them this meeting, by the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland, are fo fenfible of the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland's having agreed to an equality of excifes, as to all excifeable liquors, (as the Lords Commiffiioners for England underfland the fame) and to an equality of excifes and burthens on all goods exported to England, and the Plantations, which the Lords Commif- fioners for England do not doubt will be agreed to by the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland, as to all goods exported to all places whatfoever, — that to fhew their readinefs to comply with every thing reafonable, to the bringing this treaty to a good effeft, they are willing to enter into the confideration of the particular excifes and burthens point by point, which being of feveral natures, fo that they will require to be diftinftly confidered, the Lords Commiffiioners for England find itneceffiary to defire a little time for giving their opinion on each particular head: Butingeneral are inclined to confent to an exemption of excifes and burthens, as propofed in fuch cafes, where it may be done without prejudice to the trade or manufaftures of England : As to the excifes, where an exemption cannot be confented to without fuch inconvenicncy, the Lords Commiffiioners for England will confider of a proper equivalent, or fome other expedient to promote the defired Union of the two nations. And as to thofe cuftoms and excifes, to which their Lordfhips have already agreed, and for which an equivalent is to be allowed to the kingdom, of Scot- land ; PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. 127 land ; The Lords CoinmilTioners for England do think it would tend to the difpatch of this treaty, that the Committee already appointed fliould continue to fit, in order to the adjufting that matter. Adjourned to Wednefday the 15th inftant, 5 in the evening. Wednejday the 15 th of May , 1706. The Lord Keeper, in the name of die Lords CommifTioners for England, delivered to the Board an anfwer to the propofal made by the Lords Commif- fioners for Scotland on the 13th inftant, which was read. The Lords CommilTioners for England, taking into confideration the propo- fal made by the Lords CommifTioners for Scodand on the 13th inftant, " That " the kingdom of Scotland fhould be, for a competent time, exempted from all " excifes and burthens, others than fuch as liave been agreed unto by the Lords " CommifTioners for Scodand ;" have-, in order to comply with the faid propo- fal, fo far as can be done without prejudice to the trade and manufadlures of England, diftinftly enumerated and confidered the feveral excifes and burthens, which are now payable by virtue of the divers afts of Parliament in England, and which have not yet been agreed to by the Lords CommifTioners for Scot- land, and do find the fame to confift of the particulars which are hereafter mentioned, together with the opinion and anfwers of the Lords Commiflioners for England, to the faid propofal, as to each of the faid refpeftive duties. 1. The duty on flamped paper, vellum and parchment, one moiety whereof expires on the firft of Auguft, 1710 : — The Lords CommifTioners for England do confent, that the kingdom of Scotland be exempted from the whole duty until the firft of Auguft, which ftiall be in the year of our Lord 17 10. 2. The duty on births, marriages and burials, which being to expire the firft of Auguft next, and therefore before the defirable Union can take place. The Lords CommifTioners for England do conceive it to be wholly unnecef- fary to enter further into the confideration of that duty, 3. The duty payable on windows and lights till the firft of Auguft, 17 10: — The Lords CommifTioners for England are of opinion, that the kingdom of Scotland fhali be exempted from the faid duty during that term. 4. The Duty on coals and culm, payable to the 30th of September, 17 10. As to this duty, the Lords CommifTioners for England do confent, that the kingdom of Scotland do remain exempted from the faid duty during the faid term, as to all coals and culm confumed within die kingdom of Scotland, and no otherways. 5. The duty on malt granted for no longer time than the 24th of June, 1707: — The Lords CommifTioners for England do confent, that the kingdom of Scotland fhall remain exempted during the faid term from the faid duty. 6. The 123 O 1- T H E L A S T T R E A T Y, 6. The duty on fait: — As to this duty, the Lords CommiiTioners for Eng- land, to fliew their willingnefs to cafe for fome time the poor of the kingdom of Scotland, do confent, that the kingdom of Scotland fhall, for a competent time after the Union, (to be fettled in the progrefs of this treaty) remain ex- empt from the payment of that duty for all fait fpent in kind, or ufcd in pro- vifions fpent within the kingdom of Scotland : Provided, that the Lords Com- miflloners for Scotland do propofe efiedlual methods to the Lords Commiflion- ers for England, for fecuring, that the like duties, as are now payable in England, be paid and coUcfted in the kingdom of Scotland, after the Union, without fraud, as to all fait exported from that kingdom, either in kind or provifions. The Lord Chancellor, in the name of the Lords CommifTioners for Scotland, delivered to the Board an explanation of their agreement to the excifes, &c. mentioned in their Lordfliips paper delivered to the Board the 13th inftant, which was read. The Lords CommifTioners for Scotland, by their paper delivered the 13th inftant, did mean an equality on all excifeable liquors, as the Lords Commif- fioners for England did underftand it ; and they are willing there be an equa- lity of excifes and burthens on all goods exported to all places whatfoever, which they agreed to by their propofal the 9th inftant. Adjourned to Friday the 17th inftant, in the evening. Friday the \-jth of May, 1706. The Lord Chancellor, in the name of the Lords CommifTioners for Scot- land, delivered to the Board the following paper, in relation to the feveral taxes and excifes to which their Lordfliips had agreed, and renewing their propofal of the 13th inftant, for a general exemption for fome competent time, from all other excifes and burdens, than thole already agreed to, which was read. The Lords CommifTioners for Scotland, fince the laft general meeting, have ao^ain confidered the propofition made by the Lords CommifTioners for Eng- land the aoth of April laft, viz. That there be the fame cuftoms, excifes and all other taxes ; and the lame prohibitions, reftriftions and regulations of trade throughout the united kingdom of Great-Britain, with the papers which have been fince delivered by the CommifTioners of both kingdoms upon that fubjeft, and do with great fatisfaftion obferve, that the difference, as to that Important propofal, is brought to a very narrow compafs. And the Lords CommifTioners for Scotland take this occafion to acknowledge the fenfe. they have of the regard fliewn by the Lords CommifTioners for England, for the fubjefts of Scotland after the defired Union j and the Lords CommifTioners for Scotland PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. 129 Scotland having, by their feveral propofab and ^nfwers, agreed to the fame re- guhitions of trade, and to an equality of cuftoms and cxcifes upon all excifeable liquors, and a quota of land tax, all to commence from the Union ; as alfo to an equality of all other taxes after fome years, tliey do conceive, that they have fully complied with the faid propofal of the 29th of April, excepting only_ that they have propofed an exemption for fome, time from all further burthens, than thofe exprefsly confented to. And as to the exemption defired, the Lords Commiflioners for Scotland are very fenfible that the Lords Commiflloners for England have not only, by their paper of the 13th inftant, declared, that tlicy were inclined to confent in general to ;an exemption of excifes and burthens, as propofed in fuch cafes, where it might be done without prejudice to the trade and manufatftures of England; but that, in purfuance of that good difpofition, their Lordfliips, by their paper of the 15th inftant, have confented to an ex- emption in favour of the fubjefts of Scotland, from the feveral duties, and for the particular terms therein mentioned, whereby the immunity defired is fo far granted ; but the Lords Commiflioners for Scotland, from their confideration of the prefent circumftances of that kingdom, find themfelves under a necefHty to ^cnew their propofal of a general exemption, for fome competent time, from all other excifes and burthens, befides thofe great duties and taxes already con- fented to, that the fubjc6ts of Scotland may, by the benefit of trade, be en- abled cheerfully to bear an equality of all other burdens, which will greatly advance a firm Union and coalition of afFedlion and intereft between the two kingdoms. Adjourned to Saturday the 18th inftant, at 3 in the evening. OBSERVATION V. The CommifTioners were now entered upon the great inquiry about equa- lities, and the firft matter relating to taxes was that of the land tax 5 the land tax in England was a formidable thing, being called a tax of four fhillings in the pound of the rent of lands, &c. And the people who were fond of throwing a tangled flccin in the hands of tlie treaters, that might ftiock them at the'beginning, would have gone upon that foot, alledg- ing, that though the rents in Scotland were differing from thofe in England; yet that twenty fhillings fterling revenue being the fame thing any where, it could as well afford to pay four fhillings out of it In Scotland as any where elfe ; and uppn this foot, it feems, were, for bringing the rents of land in Scotland to a true:eftimate'^ andTo'they Would calf this way of taxing' ari^eq'uality. But to this it was anfwered, firft, that the Scots -w*ay of collefting their 'taxes, being rigorous and exafb, if four ftiillings' per pound were laid by Par- liament upon the whole ifiand, their affeffments would bona fide' be four ihil- , lings per pound, upon the rack rent of all their lands. S Whereas 130 OF THE LAST TREATY, Whereas four fhillings per pound in England never puts the aflenbrs out of their old road ; but every county being rated in the very body of the aft, the title is ipfo fa£lo repealed, fince if tlie lands, &c. of that county will raife the money by an afleffhient of one {billing and fix-pence per pound, and it is known fome do for Icfs, the law is fatisfied, and the end anfwered. Now to tax Scotland at four fhillings per pound upon her nett rent, and tix the northern and weftern counties of England but at fo much money, which they can raife by a proportion of fixteen-pence to twenty-pence at moft, per pound, would be unreafonable. So that it was plain, Scotland could not be taxed at a pound rate, but at a proportioned fum, leaving them to the divifion of it, to raife it as they fee fit. a. The fum charged upon lands in England, after it is levied and raifed from the tenant, ftands charged with large dedu6lions and charges, upon the levying, colleifting, and receiving j and thofe charges, if fome calculations are right, amount to little lefs than nine pence per pound upon the money received, befides public lofles by the infolvency of receivers and their fecu- rities, which often times runs deep into the money ; and which though they cannot be brought into an exaft account, yet put all together, twelve pence per pound may at lead very well be charged upon the whole, as an off- reckoning or difcount upon the money, between the coUeftion and Exchequer. This twelve-pence per pound upon the money collefted is two-pence fo per pound upon all the rents in England, and amounts in every land-tax to near a hundred thoufand pounds flerling. Now, as on the other hand, the Scots collcft all their tax at their own charges, clear of all lofTes, deficiencies or defalcations, and pay it in nett to the Exchequer or public treafure, to charge them by the fame numerical equality with England, would be to make them pay their taxes clear of charge, and bear part of the expence and lofs in collefting ours. 3. Differing cuftoms and manners of paying rent, and letting out lands in the two kingdoms, make a numerical equality impradlicable. In England the rents are paid in money, in Scotland they are, generally fpeaking, paid in kind, or viftual, as they call it : now though it is true this may, and is, in fome refpeft, brought to a head by a general valuation, yet, with this difference, againft a Scots landlord to an Englifh, viz. That the Scots landlord flays two terms, and runs two rifques in his receiving the rent of his land. Firfl, he flays the term agreed to receive of his tenant ; and fecondly, he trufls the merchant a fccond term, to whom he fells the produce he receives of his tenant ; in the fame fenfe he runs two hazards ; one in the folvency of the tenant, and the other of the merchant; which makes a confiderable difference in the cffential value of the rent, and confequently of the purchafe of fuch an eflate ; and PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. iji and though the purchafe or real value of lands in Scotland may not come into this difpute ; yet were an eftate let in England to pay the rent in kind, it would fell for much lefs than an eftate of the fame value paid in fpecie : nor would it be taxed at near fo much in our common afleflment. 4. The difference in letting lands in England, which are in many places fined down, and the ftated rents reduced, makes another variation : whereas in Scotland lands are let without leafes, or but on fhort terms, and at a rack rent ; any man that knows what belongs to letting or taking lands in England, cannot be ignorant, that the landlord letting a long leafe to the tenant, confin- ing him to fuch and fuch improvement, makes frequent confiderations in the rent, and fo the land being taxed by the rent, is taxed under the value. On the other hand, Ihould this article of four Ihillings per pound be infifted on in the literal fenfe, and the Scots come to confider how to avoid it, by fining down rents, and other advantageous methods, which they may eafily find out, they may foon evade the aft, and pay little or nothing ; and this would be an evil hard to difcover; and, if found out, almoft impoffible to cure. From thefe reafons it was plain, a numerical or arithmetical equality could not be the foundation of thofe debates; — but, as it was very well ftyled, it behoved to be a geometrical equality, founded on a fcale of proportions ; and that fcale formed upon due confiderations, not of real value only, but of circumftances and profpefts of either kingdom. A fecond calculation was then propofed, from the proportion which Scot- land was obliged to pay under Oliver Cromwell, who having reduced Scotland by arms, incorporated them into one body with this nation ; and by this incor- poration, they were rated at 6,000 per month, in their land-tax, wlien Eng- land was rated at 70,0001. per month. It alfo appears, by the fame calculation, that Scotland paid this 6,ocol. per month when England paid but 35,000!. per month. Now to apply this calculation to the prefent cafe, the land-tax in England, in time of war, at 4s. per pound is fuppofed to raife two millions fterling. The Scots paying 6,oool. to England's 35,000!. per month, which is fome- thing lefs than a fixth part, by the fame rule, in two millions per annum, which the faid land-tax raifes, they muft be chargeable with 333, 333^. 6s. 8d. per ^nnum, land-tax. But this arbitrary difference, which Oliver Cromwell and his Parliament made, as is obferved, was in confideration that England had, for divers years paft, been at almoft all the expence of the war ; yet ftill, at the for- mer calculation, Scotland would, in a four {hilling aid pay half that fum, viz. i66,666L 13s. 4d. per annum. S a Now, 132 OFTHELASTTREATY, Now, to examine the rents of each kingdom, the annual rents of lands in Scotland, mtift, by the firft calculation, amount to i, 666, 6661. 13s. 4d. fterl. per annum ; and, by the laft calculation, juft half the money. Both which fums, it was alledged, are far wide of an equality, and far beyond what Scotland is able to raife. I am the larger on this head, that pofterity may fee the reafons why rhefe calculations were made, and have the arguments preferved for their ufe, if it be difputed hereafter, why Scotland fliould pay fo fmall a proportion in the land-taxes, or four fliilling aid; and which may help others to defend Scotland 'againft future attempts to enlarge their expences. The next thing was to examine what was, or what might be counted a due equality; and here it will be neceflary to enter a little into the fhort hiftory of taxes in Scotland, fince the Reftoration ; which, bringing it down to the pre- fent time, may ferve as a rule to this matter. Anciently the levying money upon land in Scotland was called in general the Taxation; and the manner of levying it was by rules altogether obfolete, and now grown out of ufe, as the cuftom of tenths, fifteenths, fubfidies, &c. are in England. The now method of taxing land has its beginning, as to pra6lice, in the afTeflfment of 6,ocol. per month, fettled in Scotland in Cromwell's time, when an Union was aftually formed and fettled between the nations; of which, how- ever deficient in itfelf, without doubt this may be faid, that it had in it the effential parts, and might be modelled into a compleat coalition. This is the tax they now go by in Scotland, and is called there the cefs, by which is underftood a month's afTefTment ; it is raifed upon land by a method peculiarly exaft, and I have never heard any one complain of the inequality. It is raifed, as is before noted, without any charge, dedudlion, or defalcation, "'•and is paid nett into the Treafury. According as the occafions of the Government require, tliis tax is encreafcd ; • but tlien not the fum per month is encreafed, but the number of months are encreafed, which, by theTielp of time, encreafes the fum. 'The bi-iginal of the demand was as before, and of the method, but the continuance of it was thus introduced: In former times, the Kings of Scotland contented themfelvcs with the ancient demefnes, crown lands, cuftoms, &cc. and, on extraordinary cafes, the Taxa- tion, as above, was their fupply ; excifes of any fort were altogether unknown, till the days of King Charles the Second. King Charles the Second, in the ytar 1661, obtained of the Scots"to give him a fettled fum of 40,0001. fterling during his life, in confideration whereof, he })romifed never to demand any cefs, or taxation, except in time of war, as ■ by the words of the aft as follows : 2 IhirteentJs PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. ijj Thirteenth Atl of the firft Parliament, Charles II. " The Eftates of Parliament, taking to their confideration the great happi- ." nefs this kingdom hath enjoyed;, &c. and that the King's Majefty hath been gra- " cioufly pleafed, notwitliftanding all the provocations given to himfelf and his 'f royal father, to evidence his afFeftion and favour to this his ancient kingdom, " &c. do with all humble duty acknowledge His Majefty's unparalleled grace " and goodnefs, &c. " And feeing, for the due eftablifhmcnt of His Majefty's authority, and fet- '' ling and fecuring the peace of the kingdom. His Majefty may have occafion '' to raife and keep fome forces within this kingdom, and His Majefty has fig- " nified his refolution not to raife any more cefs. Therefore, and from the due '" fenfe of their duty and obligations, the Eftates of Parliament do, in the name " of the kingdom, make an humble and cheerful off"er to his Majefty, of a yearly *' annuity of 40,000!. fterl. during all the days of his Majefty's life-time." This 40,0001. was raifed by 8,oool. laid as impoft on foreign importations} and 32,0001. per annum on malt brewed into liquor for fale ; but as this •was a novelty, and uncertain in its produce, a cefs was granted to make good the deficiency, which deficiency generally amounted to two months cefs, more or lefs ; and other cefs than this Scotland knew none till the Convention 1666, which being a time of war, a cefs was impofed, but not exceeding three months. Here it may be obferved, that in thefe times the excifes and cuftoms of Scotland could not raife 40,0001. per annum, put together, which I note foj. theother ufes which I fhall make of it hereafter. But to go on with my ■ hiftory. From this time to the year 1678, Scotland had no more cefs, nor was at any charge more than to make good the deficiency of the 40,oooL men- tioned before ; except three months cefs during the Dutch war, expiring at Candlemas 1674. ■ About this time the nation being very unhappily divided into parties, had the misfortune not only to have a religious divifion, but a court divifion alfo ; and people ftrove at any price to oblige the Sovereign, in giving up their privileges and liberties to be trampled on by arbitrary defigns. The firft fruits of thij courting the Prince appeared in, that they brought atax of five montJis cefs upon . the country, to be continued for five years j \vhi,ch, though in time of peace . was backed with a fpeclous- pretence of the difaffeftion of the fanatics, or to exprefs it in a more modern phrafe, the danger of the church, as follows : A51 of Convention^' loth of July, 1678. " The Convention of Eftates of the kingdom of Scotland, by Hk Majefty's '* authority and command at thistime aflembled, confidering the great hap- " pinefs. 134 OF THE LAST TREATY, *' pinefs, &c. and as all Kings and Eftates do at prelent carefully fecure them- *' felves and their peoplcj by providing againft all fuch foreign invafions and ** inteftine commotions as may make them a prey to their enemies ; fo it is " not fit that this kingdom fliould only, of all others, remain without defence, *' in a time when thefe dangerous field conventicles, declared by law rendez- " voufes of rebellion, do ftill grow in their numbers and infolencies, againft " all which the prefent forces cannot be in reafon thought a foitable fecurity . " in recognizance thereof, &c. the Convention of Eftates, &c. do humbly be- " feech His Majefty to accept their cheerful and humble tender of a new *' fupply." This was tlie firft infraftion upon the Scots, to cover which Duke Lauderdale then Commiffioner, feigned a new word, and put upon it the glofs of a voluntary offer, or free gift. When this had been impofed for about three years, and two years before it expired, King James, then Duke of York, and high Commiffioner in Scotland, anno 1681, obtained the continuation of this five months cefs for three years, which was to the year 1684. After this, when he came to the crown, he ad- vanced it by his mere abfolute command to eight months cefs, and had it con- firmed to him for his life. Vide the aft, as follows : I zth A51 of Parliament, January 7 . " The Eftates of Parliament calling to mind the many great blelTings they *' have and do enjoy under the proteftion of the Royal Government, and efpe- " cially by the many deliverances from the rebellious infurreftions and defigns " of fanatical traitors, from whom they could expeft no lefs than confufion in " religion, opprefTion, &c. And that the terror of His Majefty's forces " hath been very inftrumental for procuring our prefent fecurity ; but confidcr_ " ing, that not only thefe enemies continue their inveterate hatred againft King *' and people; but that their frequent difappointments have heightened their " malice to defpair, and that the prefent forces may be too few to undergo all " the fatigue which His Majefty's fervice, 8cc. may require ; and to demon- " flu-ate to all feditious men, that this nation is refolved to beftow all they have " in the King's fervice, rather than to bear the leaft of their infults. Do tliere. '* fore, for them felves and the nation reprefented by them, make a hearty and " dutiful offer, &c. over and above the five months already impofed, &c. " whereby there will be four months cefs payable at each term hereafter; and " as a farther evidence of their entire afFeftion, &c. they humbly and heartily " offer a continuation of the faid four months cefs, termly, during all the terms " of his Majefty's life-time, which God Almighty long preferve." In this taxation or cefs, the feveral court parties ftruggled who Haould give their PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. 135 their country away faded; the Bifliops got into every part of the civil jurifdic- tion i the feverities againft the people firfl: drove them into dcfpcrations and rebellions, and then fuch advantages were taken, and fuch ufe naade of the faid infurredlions to ruin others, that the poor people were brought to the brink of general ruin : the nation being brought to that pafs, that a man might be fined or forfeited ; that is, his eftate taken from him, for his wife's giving a half- penny at his door to a common beggar, on pretence it was relieving a rebel. Thus poor Scotland was bought and fold, and the example is ufeful for our obfervation a great many ways ; for thus fhall every nation be ufed, that is di- vided into contending parties, and expofed to an incroaching government. But that I may not have faid all this foreign to the prefent purpofe, it is very obfervable, and this is the reafon of the quotation, that this will make one period for taxation, viz. The highelt that an arbitrary Prince, backed with a mercenary nobility, and a governing clergy, even in the greateft extreme of ab- folute tyranny, ever impofed upon this nation, which at that time it is evident they defired to fqueeze, and cared not if they intirely ruined. Come we now to the Revolution, which thefe exorbitances had no little influence upon : The firft thing tranfafted upon the meeting of the Eflates or Convention of Scotland, was to break thefe chains ; re-affume the power of raifing taxes by Parliament, and make themfelves judges both of the occafion and of the fum. However, as in England, fince the Revolution, greater occafions have called for immenfe fums to carry on the war, and fuch taxes have been raifed as were never heard of before ; fo in Scotland the Parliament have agreed to fuch taxes as, the aforefaid time of tyranny excepted, were never known in Scotland before. Yet, in the carrying on this War, fix orfeven months cefs, has, one time with another, been thought Scotland's full proportion, and the late King, excepting one or two years on extraordinary occafions, always contented himfelf with it, and this at the fame time that England raifed four {hillings per pound upon their land ; nor did Queen Anne ever demand more of her fubjefts in Scotland, though the weight of the war was as great as ever ; and this was called another period of taxation. Now, what was meant by a geometrical fcale, or equality in taxes, is drawn from thefe proportions. That, fince exa<5t valuation of rents cannot be made on both fides, and lead of all in England, it feems as good a way to come at this equality, as any could be propofed. That the highed period of taxes that ever Scotland bore fince the Redoration may be taken on one iand, and fet againft the higheft period of taxes that ever ij6 OF THE LAST TREATY, ever Englancl bore, that is, of a land-tax on both fides j and put thefe togetlier as the fcale of equality. , Thus, fuppofe the Scots eight months cefs, though that was the heighth of tyrannic impolition, and though it is allowed the Scots are manifeftly impo- verilhed, and lefs able to bear it than they were ; yet, fay it be full eight months cefs, and fet thisagainft the Englifh four fhillings per pound, it could not be found that any more juft calculation could be madej and the proportion fcemed fo clear, that every fide appeared content with it. Thus, whenever a tax upon land for four fhillings per pound is granted, the Scots pay eight months cefs; if of two fhillings per pound in England, four months cefs ; and fo in proportion. There were other calculations offered about that time, but none feemed fb rationally and fo exactly ftated to the circumftances of the nations, or built on fo juft a foundation ; and therefore, it met with lefs difficulty than was expeftcd, as will appear hereafter. Saturday the i%th of May, 1706. The Lord Keeper, in the name of the Lords Commiffioners for England, delivered to the Board their anfwer to the paper delivered by the Lords Com- miffioners for Scotland the 17th inftant, which was read. The Lords Commiffioners for Scotland, on the 9th inftant, propofed a quota of a land- tax, and agreed to the fame regulations of trade, and to an equality of cuftoms ; and on. the 13th agreed to an equality of excifes on all excifeable liquors ; but, at the fame time, their Lordffiips propofed an ex- emption from all other burthens and excifes for a competent time. The Lords Commiffiioners for England did the fame day return anfwer, that their Lordffiips would enter into the confideration of the particular excifes and burthens point by point, and on the 15th inftant did return their anfwer dif- tinftly, to the particular, excifes and burthens payable by virtue of feveral ads of Parliament in England, in fuch manner, as their Lordffiips had reafon to hope, would have been to the entire fatisfadion of the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland; but the Lords Commiffiioners for England finding, by the paper delivered in on the 17th inftant by the Lords Commiffiioners for Scotland, tliat though they do take notice of the faid anfwer. of the 15th, yet their Lordffiips have thought fit to renew their propofal of a general exemption for fome cbmr petent time, from all other excifes and burthens, befidcs thefe their Lordffiips had already confented to : The Lords Commiffiioners for England did under- ftand that propofal of the 1 jth,. to . extend only to fuch other; burthens and excifes as are now fubfifting in England, to every one of which their Lordffiips think they liave given a full and diftinft anfwer; and if it ffiall appear that any particulars PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. 137 particulars have been omitted in that anfwer, the Lords CommiiTioners for Eng- land will enter into the confidcration of them, and return their opinion thereup- on ; but if the Lords CommifTioners for Scotland would extend their propoftl of the 13th to an exemption from all burthens and excifes, which the Parliament of Great-Britain may hereafter find neceflary to impofe on the united kingdom ; the Lords CommiiTioners for England are of opinion, that it cannot be fuppofed, the Parliament of Great-Britain will ever lay any fort of burthens upon tlic united kingdom, but what they fliall find of neceffity at that time for the pre- fcrvation and good of the whole, and with due regard to the circumftanccs and abilities of every part of the united kingdom ; and to allow of any fuppofition to the contrary, v/ould be to form and fet up an tinanfwerable argument againft the Union itfelf; therefore, the Lords CommifTioners for England do defire that the Lords Commiffloners for Scotland would take into their confideration the feveral particulars in that paper delivered to them by tlie Lords Commif- fioners for England on the 15th inftant, and return luch anfwer to them as their Lordfhips fliall think fit. Adjourned to Tuefday the aifl inftant, 5 in the evening. Ttiejday the 2 1 ft of May^ 1706. The Lord Chancellor, in the name of the Lords CommifTioners for Scodand, delivered to the Board their Lordftiips anfwer to the papers delivered by the Lords CommiiTioners for England on the 15th and i8th inftant, which was read. The Lords CommiiTioners for Scotland have taken into their confideration, the papers delivered by the Lords CommifTioners for England on the 15th and 1 8th inftant, and do underftand that the firft contains all the feveral kind of bur- thens and excifes now in ufe in England, befides thole to which the Lords CommifTioners for Scotland have already agreed. And as to the feveral particulars contained in the fald papers : I . As to duties on ftamped paper, vellum and parchment, feeing the exemp- tion from that impofition can have no influence on trade or manufaftures, and that the fald duty does affeil the fecurities of the fubjeifls eftates, adding like- wife a new condition, which being omitted may make their rights and titles void : and further confidering, that the faid duty will be uneafy to the people, charoe- able in colleding, and of fmall value ; the Lords CommifTioners for Scotland do propofe, that the kingdom of Scotland be wholly exempted from the fame, or at leaft that the exemption from the faid duties, agreed to by the Lords CommifTioners for England in the faid paper of the 15th inftant, be prolonged beyond the year 17 10, to a certain period, as to that moiety which is impofed for perpetuity. 1. As to the other particular duties, which expire in the year 17 10 or fooner, from which the Lords CommifTioners for England have agreed that th^ king- dom of Scotland fhalJ be exempted j the Lords Commiflloners for Scotland do T underftand. 138 OF THE LAST TREATY, underftand, that it was the meaning of the Lords CommilTioners for England, to extend that exemption to the duty laid on cinders. 3. As to the duty on fait ; the Lords CommifTioners for England having confented, that tlie kingdom of Scotland fliall, for a competent time after the Union, remain exempted from the payment of that duty, for all fait fpent in kind, or ufed in provifions, within the kingdom of Scotland, provided that the Lords CommifTioners for Scotland Hiould propofe effeftual methods for fecuring, that the like duties as are now payable in England, be paid and coUeeted in the kingdom of Scotland after the Union, as to all fait exported from that kingdom, either in kind or provifions : the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland have here- with given in a fcheme of fuch regulations as have occurred to them, for fe- curing, that the duty propofed be collected in Scotland, as to all fait exported, from that kingdom in kind or provifions, and are willing to agree to what other methods fhall be propofed on that behalf by the Lords Commiffioners for Eng- land ; and tlieir Lordfliips are ready to enter with the Lords Commiffioners for England, on the confideration of the time to which the faid exemption fliall be limited ; and the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland doubt not, byt as the Lords Commiffiioners for England have agreed to the exemption propofed from all burthens or excifes now in ufe, but thofe confented to by the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland, that the Lords Commiffioners for England will alfo agree, that the kingdom of Scotland remain exempted from any duties (except thofe agreed to) which may be laid on by the Parliament of England before the Union. And as to the general exemption formerly propofed on the part of Scotland, from all other burthens than thofe confented to for a competent time; the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland confidering what the Lords Commiffioners for England have obferved, that it cannot be fuppofed the Parliament of Great Britain will ever lay any fort of burthens upon the united kingdom, but what tliey fhall find of neceffity at that time, for the prefervation and good of the whole, and with due regard to the circumftances and abilities of every part of the united kingdom : therefore the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland, to avoid the difficulty that may arife in that matter, do agree, not to infift further at prefent, but to leave the continuation of the faid exemption to be determined by the Parliament of Great Britain. And the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland having, by this and their former papers, anfwered the propofal made by tlie Lords Commiffioners for England on the 29th of April, concerning the equality of taxes, the Lords Commiffi- oners for Scotland take this occafion to put the Lords Commiffioners for Eng- land in mind of a propofal given in to their Lordfhips the 9th infVant, concern- ing the quota of land-tax for the kingdom of Scotland, not doubting, but that the Liords Commiffioners for England will agree to tlie fame. The PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. t^^ The Lord Chancellor did alfo, in name of the Lords CommifTioners for Scodand, deliver to the Board the following propofal, which was read. Propofal for the effeftual preventing the exportation of Scots Hdtto England, or the Plantations, without paying tlie fame excifes, with v/hich Englifli fait is charged, during the exemption allowed to Scotland from the faid duty. 1. That no fait be tranfported from Scodand to England by land, under the penalty of forfeiting the fait and the horfes ufed in tranfpordng it, and pay ten fliillings for every bufhel of fait fo tranfported, for Vv-hich the carrier, as well as the owner, fliall be liable conjundly and feverally, and the carriers to be im- prifoned until the faid penalty be paid. 2. That all fait water-borne be entered at a Cuftom office, and that before fldpping there be a report made, exprelTing to what port the fhip or veffel is bound, and if bound to any port within Scotland, there fliall be fufficient fe- curity given for the duty payable in fix months, with this condition, that in cafe a cerdficate be returned from the Colieflor or CoUeftors where the fliip or vefiel is bound, that the fame quantity was truly and without fraud found loaded at the faid port or ports, reafonable allowance being made for wafte fince the embarkation ; then and in that cafe the bond for tlie duty to become void : and in cafe the fhip or vefTel be bound for England or the Plantations, the excife or duty chargeable on the like fait in England fhall be prefently paid in money, and a tranfire or certificate fubfcribed by the Colledor, expreffing the quantity of fait entered and the duty paid j and if any fliip or velTel load fait on board, and export the fame without duly reporting, entering and carrying the faid tran- fire or cerdficate along with him, to be produced at the port of difcharge, the fhip or vefTel unloading fhall be confifcated, and the mafter impriibned for three months ; and in cafe of any fraud or connivance in the CoUedor or other offi- cers of the cuftom-houfe, the faid Colkftor or other officer fhall be liable to pay a year's falary, and be deprived of his office. 3. As to provifionsj all fiihes and flefli barrelled for exportation are ap- pointed to be packed and cured with foreign fait, without any mixture of Scotch or Englifh fait, by the law of Scotland, which foreign fair falls under the regu- lation of foreign trade, and there are no other valuable provifions that can bs imported from Scotland j and the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland are willing to agree to any further propofal that fhall be made for preventing fraud in im- porting Scotch fait, or fidted provifions. Ikr Majejly came to the Meeting, and being Jcated in her Chair, /poke to tie Lords Commiffioners as followeth. " My Lords, " I AM fo much concerned for tlie Union of the two kingdoms, that I could " not fatisfy myfelf witliout com.ing, before I went out of town, to fee what T a progrefs I40 OFTHELASTTREATY, -r " progrefs you had made in the treaty, and to recommend very earneftly to you " the bringing it to a happy conclufion with as much difpatch as the nature of it *' will admit, not doubting of the general fatisfadtion which my fubjefts of both " kingdoms will receive in finding you overcome all difficulties to attain fo great " and public a good." The Lord Keeper defired to know of Her Majefty, if fhe would be pleafed to hear the propofals made on either fide, and the refolutions hitherto taken thereupon, read by the refpeftive Secretaries ; which Her Majefty was pleafed to allow of, and the fame were read accordingly. After reading whereof. Her Majefty went away, and the Lords Commifiioners adjourned to Thurfday the 23d inftant, 10 o'clock in the morning. OBSERVATION VL And thus, after all the difficulties which were thought unfurmountable by fome, and endeavoured to be made (o by others, the affair of the land-tax was fettled : the next article was the equality of excifes, cuftoms, and other appro- priated funds, and thefe had fundry difficulties. Some were grievous to Scotland with reJpeft to their magnitude only, in which cafe, though Scotland was to be fuppofed to pay duties under the fame denominations, yet the Scots CommifTioners pretended to infift upon it, that they were not able to pay the fame funis with England, but that it muft be reduced to a proportioned equality as in the land-tax, and this refpefled the excife and fcveral branches of the cuftoms. Others were grievous to Scotland in the kind, and were thought imprai5licable, at leaft for a time, the trade, poverty, and other circumftances of Scotland not admitting them ; thefe were the tax upon malt, and the excife, or duty on fait. Others again were fuch as were altogether impra;il:icable, as having none of the materials to work on in Scotland, or fuch as could not rationally be ex- pefted from them, fuch as t!ie taxes upon coals, culm, hawkers and pedlars, hackney-coachmen, births, burials, and marriages, glafs-windows, ftamped paper, and die like. In the beginning of the debate on thefe heads, the equality of cuftoms, export and import, with the fame reftriftions and regulations of trade was agreed to by the Scots Commifiioners; for the neceffity of commerce made it plain, there could be no adjufting trade without that. An open, free, uninter-- rupted commerce by land being the confequence of an Union, they would otherwife ruin the Englilh trade by fupplying the Englifli markets with all forts of imported goods cheaper than tlie Englifti merchants could do; and this would be a moft deftruiftive article in trade, efpccially in fine goods. For example, in linens from Hamborough or Holland, or in tobacco, coffee, tea, chocolate, and fuch other tilings as were then under large duty and fmall a carriage ; PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. 141 Carriage; thefe would all be fpread over England by the Scots, and make im- ipeakablc confufions in trade. It was the fooner concluded therefore, that the cuftoms, prohibitions and charges of all foreign importations muft be numerically and literally the fame in both nations. But as the Englifli cuftoms were already appropriated to pay the Englifh debts, and the Scots had before propofed, that neither kingdom be burthened with the debts of the other contradted before the Union, this equality was found very difficult, and next to impradticable; and this brought on the affair of an equivalent, of which hereafter. This now run through all the heads of taxes ; for there remained no queftion, but that an equivalent was a full compenfation for any difficulty propofed ; and yet the fettling an equivalent here feemed no fatisfaftion. It was alledged, an equivalent was a national fatisfadtion indeed, but not a perfbnalj that it could not relieve the particular people it opprefled, no, nor make good the damage of the particular trade it would injure ; and therefore, the Scots Commiffionera ftrove hard to avoid the taxes wholly, rather than to come into them, though with an equivalent^ — but it was not to be done; there could be no other method that could make both fides equally eafy. . After this had therefore been long difcourfed, the Scots Commiffioners came into the article of equality of excifes on liquors, and the cuftoms on exported and imported goods; the debate of what that equality was, did not lay before them, but feemed referred on both fides to the refpedive Parliaments, and there we Ihall meet with it again at large. The cuftoms and excifes on liquors being thus fettled, the Scots Commiffion- ers excepted againft all other excifes and burthens, and infifted upon it as a thing Scotland was not then in a condition to come into, at leaft for the pre- fent, as you fee it exprefled in the Minutes of May 13. And it is obfervable the Scots Commiffioners made this propofal with a great deal of candour and regard to the Engliffi, as appears by their obviating the objeftion which they knew would be made of the carrying fait and malt into England ; for it was the particular duties on fait and malt, which they had an eye to in this propofal, in which they defired exemption for fo much only as fhould be confumed in Scotland. Upon this occafion the Committee was appointed to examine and ftate the nature of the equivalent, and on which particular articles it was to be allowed; and as this was doing, the Commiflioners in their meetings, went upon the par- ticular points of excifes or taxes which were to be objefted againft. The ftamped paper, the births, butials, windows, &c. were without much difficulty conceded to the Scots; for as the circumftances of thofe duties made Ihem improper, fo the ftamped duties could not have been extended to Scot- land, 142 OF THE LAST TREATY, land, the methods and cuftoms of which would have made it impraflicable in fome cafes, and intolerable in others. The duties on coals, culm and cinders, alfo occafioned very fmall debates, the Scots being ho otherwife exempted from thofe duties, than a great part of England is, who pay no duty for all their rivcr-bornc coals; and the quantity of coals carried by fea in Scotland, is fo very fmall as not to deferve any notice ; howbeit all the coal exported from Scotland, or Scots coal expended in Eng- land, pays as in England. The births and burial aft expired, and having been grievous in England, It Was hot probable it fliould be renewed. The hackney-coachmen's aft could not concern Scotland, there being fo few hackney-coaches in Edinburgh, as not to make it worth notice. The malt and fait tax occafioned the greateft debate, the circumftances of Scotland were argued, though with great modefiy and decency on either fide ; and the JEnglifh Commiffioners were foon triade fenfibie, that, in the prefenc circumftances of Scotland, thofe duties could not be borne there. And indeed, they would have been intolerable to the poor, and not only as , to the magnitude, but as the manner of taxing them had been particularly oppreflive to the Scots in their trade. I. Be'caufe' they are exorbitant in their rate, being charged not upon the value, bul upon the bulk of the commodity ; and the goods bearing fo dif- ferent a Value in Scotland and in England, to put the duty equal', would be to tax the Scots in three times the fum they are taxed at in England. For example, the duty upon fait is charged by weight in general, and this being "calculated in Scotland, would amount to i6s. 4d. ftcrling, upon 3s. value, and in England to but i6s. 4d. fterling, upon los. 6d. Value, or there- about ; let any man ftare the proportion, and they will eafily allow- the tax to be intolerable to the Scots; fince, by the fame proportion, the Englifh ought to pay 2I. 17s. 4d. for the fame quantity of fait, or the Scots cnight to pay but 4s. 8d. for that which by this tax is rated at i6s. 4d. and. tlie.Jike,. though not in fo great a difference for the malt. j;':'' ::o .::•'"!.'; ••,'■': ■rr- a. The weight of the fak tax lies efpecially on the poor, who in Scotland live very much on fait meats, and whofe differing condition from the Englifli does not permit, nor cannot bear being taxed at all, much lefs equal to the Englifh. . Thefc arguments brought die Englilli Commiffioners to agree to an ex- emption for a time; the Scbts CommilTioncrs infiftt-d upon an,, exemption tQ jjerpetiiity ; but the anfwcr of the Englifti Commiffioners ftated in the Minutes of the 13th of May is very cltar, and- obliged the Scots Commiffioners to ae^iefce. For PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. 143 For it could not be thought reafonable to tie up the hands of the united kingdom for ever, not to lay on fuch duties or taxes. as the circumftances of trade and of the nation might make reafonable. The treaterson both fides therefore acquiefcedin the exemption from the othw feveral duties during the refpecStive terms they were given for ; leaving the con- fideration of further exemptions to the Britiili Parliament, what alteration this part received, and upon what confideration in the Parliament enfuing in Scot- land, fliall appear in its place. — There was an objeftion offered here about what duties might be laid on by the very next Parliament of England, which being to fit almoft at the fame time with the Parliament in Scotland, and confequently before the Union could connmence, might alter the ftate of the prefent duties j and fo the conclufions .might be all to be made over again. But this was after fome debate regulated as per the Minutes, by obliging Scotland to raife her part of the charge of the year 1707, as ufual, and Eng- land her part, each feparately and apart, and the feveral duties and funds ■mentioned, were to remain juft as they flood at the time of the treaty. This, and the quota of the land-tax being brought in together, was readily agreed to on both fides. And thus this great difficulty, which was thought the moft dangerous in die whole treaty, was brought into a very narrow compafs ; for the bufinefs was now only to ftate the matter of the equivalent, what it Ihould be, and how to be difpofed. "What it lliould be, admitted no long- debate ; for, as it was a payment of money, nothing but money could be an equivalent to it. How much it was to be, depended upon matter of fatSt, and was referved to ■f xad; calculation from the foot of the cuftoms and excife. As to the manner how it fhould be difpofed, the Commiffioners did not adjuft it at all, fave in generals, of which hereafter in its courfe. It has been objefted indeed, as an omiffion in the Commiffioners, that they did not adjuft the application of the equivalent in Scotland j but their reafons were, i. Becaufe they had a refpeft to the Parliament of Scotland, who were to come after them, and who perhaps might enter farther into that part, and indeed might claim a right, exclufive of all others, to difpofe of it. 1. They were not v/illing to enter upon a thing in which the determination of properties might be entangled, conceiving it did not lie before them to conclude private interefts, or exclude any, as they might have done, who had reafon to claim upon old debts, fome in King James's time, and fome in King Charles's time, and the like. 3. It was thought this might raife objections againft the Union in people, who. J44 O F THE LAS T TREATY, /' ■who, being biafTed by their intereft, would oppofe the general intercfl: on their own particular accounts. It was now that the Union appeared hopeful, and people began to be fur- prifed at the fuccefs j the Queen herfelf, pleafed with the prolpeft, canae to the ■meeting, and hearing the Minutes read, exprcfled an extraordinary fatisfaftion in the fteps taken by the CommifTioners, and the hopes conceived of bringing this great matter to a happy conclufion. Thur/day the ajd of May ^ 1706. The Lord Keeper, in name of the Lords Commiffioners for England, de- livered to the Board the following anfwer to the paper delivered by the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland the 21ft inftant, which was read. The Lords Commiffioners for England having confidered the papers delivered by the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland on the 21ft inftant, and being defirous to remove all difficulties in this treaty, return this anfwer. That whereas the Lords Commiffioners for England have already confented .that the kingdom of Scotland be exempted from the whole duty on ftamped paper, vellum and parchment, till the ift of Auguft 17 10, at which time one part thereof expires ; the Lords Commiffioners for England do now confenr, that the kingdom of Scotland fhall not be charged with the other part of that duty during the continuance of that duty by any aft now in force. And do agree, it was and is the intent of the Lords Commiffioners for Eng- land, that the kingdom of Scotland be exempted from the payment of the duty laid on cinders, in fuch manner as the Lords Commiffioners for England have before agreed, that the kingdom of Scotland be exempted from the payment of the duty on coal and culm. And as to the fcheme propofed by the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland, for fecuring, that the duty on fait now payable in England, be collefted in Scotland after the Union, as to all fait exported from that kingdom in kind, or provifions ; the Lords Commiffioners for England have thought it neceflary to receive fome information concerning that matter, from the officers principally con- cerned in the management of that duty; and until the Lords Commiffioners for England can be fatisfied concerning the fufficiency of thefe, or other methods for the end propofed, they conceive they cannot properly enter with the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland on the confideration of the time, to which the exemption of Scotland from that duty fhall be limited. And as to the duty which may be laid on by the Parliament of England, before the meeting of the Parliament of Great Britain, for the fervice of the year 1707; the Lords Commiffioners for England do agree, that the king- dom of Scotland fhall not be charged with thofe duties, upon this confideration, that PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. 14^ that the Parliament of Scotland do naake the neceflary provifion for the public charge and fervice of the year 1707 in that kingdom, provided, that if the Parliament of England fliall think fit to lay a further charge on the cuftonis, or thofe excifes, of which the Lords CommifTioners for Scotland have agreed to bear equal burdens in fuch cafes ; the Lords CommifTioners for England propofe the kingdom of Scotland be liable to the fame cuftoms and excifes, having an equivalent to be fettled by the Parliament of Great Britain : And as to the quota of a land-tax for the kingdom of Scotland, propofcd by the Lords CommifTioners for Scotland, the Lords CommifTioners for England do agree, •that whenever the fum of i,997)76jl. 8s. 4^d. fhall be enafted by the -Parliament of Great Britain to be raifed in England on land, and other things ufually charged in adls of Parliament, for granting an aid to the Crown by land- tax, the kingdom of Scotland fliall be charged by the fame aft with the further fum of 48000I. as the quota of that kingdom to fuch tax, and fo propor- tionably for any greater or lefTer fum raifed on the kingdom of England by any tax upon land, and other things ufually charged together with the land. Adjourned to Friday the 24th inftant, 5 in the evening. OBSERVATION VII. It is very remarkable here, that, in the exemptions from feveral duties in tliis treaty, there is a certain limitation only to the aft then in force, and to the time for which thefe duties were then laid on. — From v/hence fome afterward took oc- cafion againft the treaters on the Scots fide, as if they had thereby tacitly con- fented, that thofe duties fhould be charged upon Scotland, after the expiration of the time limited. But they that pleafe to examine more nicely into this matter will find it quite otherwife. The Englifli CommifTioners confenting to an exemption from taxes to the Scot?, for as far as the feveral duties debated were laid, feemed as much as could reafonably be expefted they fhould agree to j fince, to have gone farther, had been to abridge the united Parliament that was to follow, and tacitly to acknowledge what was but too frequently fuggefled, that they would be partial to the EnglilTi, and coniequently might opprefs the Scots: — This was the true meaning of that part of the anfwer the Englifh Commiflioners gave to the Scots paper, May 1 8, viz. " But if the Lords CommifTioners for Scot- " land would extend their propofal of the 13th to an exemption from all bur- " dens and excifes, which the Parliament of Great Britain may hereafter find " necefTiry to impofe on the united kingdom; the Lords CommifTioners for Eng- " land are of opinion, that it cannot be fuppofed the Parliament of Great " Britain will ever lay any fort of burdens upon the united kingdom, but what " they fliall find of necefllty at that time, for the prefervation and good of the U " whole } 146 OF THE LAST TREATY, " whole J and witli due regard to the circumftances and abilities of every part " of the united kingdom; and to allow of any fuppofition to the contrary, would " be to form and fet up an unanfwerable argument againft the Union itfelf." This was very happily forefeen, and, by this method, prevented; for nothing ■yvas more certain than that this very argument would be raifed; and, in the debating this treaty in Scotland, in the Parliament there, it was one of the great .pl,eas, and thought to be an unanfwerable argument againft the Union, viz. '■' That the Parliament of Great Britain might, and would, being biafled by '* the majority of votes on the Englifh fide, lay burdens on Scotland, without " regard to the circumftances and ability of that part of the united kingdom."— And it would indeed have been an unanfwerable argument, if the Lords Com- miffloners had extended their limitations of taxes beyond the expiration of the .^jdlis which were then in being. Therefore they refolved to leave it indefinite, only with their concefllons, as reafons for, and precedents of future abatements to Scotland; and this the Commiffioners of Scotland found fo reafonable, as that they could not indeed objeft againft it. — As to any duties which the Parliament then in being in Eng- land, and which were at hand to fit, viz. in Odober next following, it was butjuft to tie them up; and the Engliih Commiflioners came readily into that : — And thus they went on hand in hand, yielding to one another in every thing which might, without injury, be granted, and which might in the leaft contribute to the great and main end of the treaty, the Union. And now, they having Clerks appointed to afllft them in the calculations of the equivalent, which took up a great deal of time, they were obliged to ad- journ the affair of funds, taxes, proportion of debts, &:c. and go upon other articles in the mean time. Friday the i^th of May, 1706. The Lord Chancellor, in name of the Lords Commiflioners for Scotland, delivered to the Board the following paper, which was read. The Lords Commiflioners for Scotland are very fenfible of the care, which the Lords Commiflioners for England have taken to remove difficulties in this important article, concerning common taxes and impofitions; and their Lord- fliips doubt not, that the joint defires and endeavours of the Lords Commiflioners for both kingdoms will bring this treaty to a good and fpeedy conclufion, in every point. And as to the particulars contained in the anfwer given in by the Lords- Commiflioners for England, the 23d inftant ; the Lords Commiflioners for Scotland do accept the faid anfwer as fatisfying, as to the exemption of tlie kingdom PROPERLY CALLEDB THE U fJI O N, i^f kingdom of Scotland from the dories uportlVamped paper, vellum, in'd jJarch- ment, and upon cinders ; arid as to the quota PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. 153 Irom Scotland to England by land under the penalty of forfeiting tlie fair, and the horfes ufed in tranfporting it, and paying ten fhillings for every bufhcl of fait fo tranfported, for which the carriers, as well as the owner, fhall be liable conjunctly and feverally, and the carrier be imprifoned until the faid penalty be paid. The Lords CommifTionw-s for Eno;land do a^ree to the fame with the alter- ations following, viz. that no fait be tranfported from Scotland to England by land in any manner whatfoever, under the penalty of forfeiting the fait, and the cattle and carriages made ufe of in tranfporting it, and paying twenty ihillings for every bulliel of fuch fait, and proportionable for a greater or lefTer quantity, for which th€ carrier, as well as the owner, fhall be liable conjundlly and feverally, and the perfons carrying the fame to be imprifoned by any one juftice of the peace by the fpace of fix months, without bail or main-prize, and until the penalty be paid. 1. As to the fecond article relating to fait water-borne, to be carried from port to port in Scotland, and fait exported from Scotland to England or the Plantations : The Lords CommilTioners for England, as to that part of it which relates to fait water-borne, to be carried from port to port in Scotland, do agree to the fame. And as to that part of the faid propofal which relates to fait exported from Scotland to England by fea, the Lords Commiflioners for England do propofe, that there fhall be paid in England, for all fait made in Scotland, and imported from thence into England, the fame duty upon the importation as fhall be paid for fait made in England, to be levied and fecured in the fame manner as the duties on foreign fait are to be levied and fecured in England ; and if any other fait which is not made in Scotland, fhall be imported from thence into England, the fame to be charged with the duties on foreign fait imported into England, to be levied and fecured in the fame manner. And as to the laftpart of the f«tid article relating to fait exported from Scot- land to the Plantations : The Lords CommifTioners for England do not infill that any duty ought to be paid for the fame, or for fait exported from Scotland to any other foreign place whatfoever, in regard, that upon the exportation of fait from England to the Plantations, or any other foreign parts, the duty before paid :for the fame, is to be repaid. ^. And as to that part of the laft article of, the faid propofal, which relates t© faked fifli exported from Scotland into England : The Lords Commiflioners for England do propofe, that for all fuch fifli tl.erc fhall be paid in England, upon the importation thereof, fuch fums of X money 1^4' OFTHELASTTREATY, money as by the law relating to the duties upon fait in England are allowed, and re-paid to the exporter thereof upon exportation of the like fifh from England to foreign parts, in regard all fait ufed in fidi cured and confumed in England is liable to duties of the fame value ; and in cafe the faid fifli Ihall be re-exported from England, the duties paid for the fame, upon importation thereof, fhall be re-paid. And as to all faked fifh exported from Scotland to any other place, the Lords CommilTiGners for England do not infift that any duty fhall be paid in Scotland for the fait ufed therein, in regard, upon die exportation of fuch fifh from England to any foreign parts, the exporter thereof hath an allowance out of the duties on fait, of fo much money as the duty of the fait ufed in curing fuch fifh amounts to. And as to that part- of the faid article which relates to faked flefh exported from Scotland, in regard all faked flefh confumed in England, or made ufe of for viftualling of fi'iips there, or exported from England to parts beyond the feas, is cured with fait, for which the duty on fait is paid in England, and not re-paid upon exportation of any fuch fiefli from England, and there being fo much fait ufed in the curing one hundredweight of flefh (each hundred weight being computed at one hundred and twelve pound weight) as the duty thereof payable in England amounts to two fhillings : The Lords CornmifHoners for England do propofe, that there be paid in. England, upon the importation of every fuch hundred weight of Ilelh from Scotland, two fliillings; and that before fuch fiefli is fo exported from Scot- land, an entry be made at the cuflom^houfc of the port of exportation in Scot- land, of the quantity of flefh fo to be exported, and the port- in England for which the fame is bound, and fecurity given by bond to her Majefty, at the faid port of exportation in Scotland, that the laid flefh fhall be landed at the port in England for which the flime fhall be fo entered, or at fome other port in England, the danger of the feas and enemies excepted ; which bond fhall be delivered up upon producing a certificate from the collectors or officers of the cuftoms of the port of importation in England, that fueh flefh was landed and left at the faid port. And that the duty of two fhillings be paid in Scotland for sU faked flefh made ufe of for vidlualling of fhips there, or exported from thence to any other parts befides England : and that no faked flefh be brought into England from Scotland by land, under the penalty of forfeiting the fame, or the value thereof, and the cattle and carriages employed in carrying thereof, and of the like imprifonment as they have before propofcd, in cafe of falc brought from Scotland to England by land. And if any frauds fhall hereafter appear, which are not fufficiently provided againfl: by the foregoing propofals, the Lords CommifTioners for England do' 4 propofe. PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. 155 propofe, the fame fhall be fubjed to fuch further provifions as fhall be thought lit by the Parliament of Great Britain. And whereas the Lords Commi/Tioners for England did, in their paper deli- vered the 15th of May laft paft, confent, that the kingdom of Scotland (hould, for a competent time, remain exempted from payment of the duty on fait, for all die .fait fpent in kind, or ufed in provifions fpent within that kingdom: the Lords Commiffioners for England do now propofc, that the kingdom of Scotland fhall remain exempt from payment of that duty for all fait fpent in kind, or ufed in provifions within the faid kingdom, for the term of feven years after the Union, upon the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland agreeing to the propofals above- mendoned. The Lord Treafurer, in name of the Lords Commiffioners for England, alfo delivered to the Board the following propol'al, which was read. That all admiralty jurifdiftion be under the Lord High Admiral of Great Britain, or Commiffioners for the vldmiralty of Great Britain for the time being ; and that appeals from the High Court of Admiralty of Great Britain to be to the Queen, in the fame manner as is now fettled in England. Adjourned to Friday the 7th inftant, 6 in the evening. Friday the 7 th of June, 1706. The Lord Chancellor, in name of the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland, delivered to the Board the following paper, which was read. The Lords Commiffiioners for Scotland do agree to the propofal contained in the anfwer delivered by the Lords Commiffioners for England the 5th inftant, concerning the effe6tual preventing the exportation of Scots fait from Scotland to England, without paying the fame excifes with which the Englifli fait is charged during the exemption allowed to Scotland from the faid duty, with the following alterations : I. As to that part of the fecond article, viz, that if any fait which is not made in Scotland ftiall be imported to England from thence, the fame to be charged with the duties of foreign fait imported into England, to be levied and fecured in the fame mann-er : The Lords Commiffiioners for Scotland do underftand, that it is not the meaning of the Lords Commiffiioners for England, by the faid propofal, to lay a double duty on foreign fait, exported from Scotland to England, once to be exaded at importation of the faid fait into Scotland, and the like duty at the importation into England from Scotland, but that the foreign fait imported into Scotland be charged, at the importation there, with the fime duties after the Union, as the like fait is charged with, being imported into England, to be levied and fecured in the fame manner : and for further fecurity in that cafe, the Lords Commiffiioners for Scotland do propofe, that certificates be fent with foreign fait, exported from Scotland into X 2 England, 156 OF THE LAST TREATY, England, from the Cuftpm-Office in Scotland, where the faid foreign fait was firft imported, to the Cuftom-Officc in England, where the faid fait (hall hap- pen to be tranfported, bearing the payment of, or fecurity given for the duties at the faid port, under this penalty, that foreign fait exported from Scotlaiid into England without fuch certificates, fliall be confifcated. 2. As to the third article relating to faked fifli or flefh, exported from Scot- land into England, and faked fleil-i made ufe of for vidualling of ihips in Scotland, or exported from Scotland to parts beyond the feas : the Lords Commifiioners for Scotland do apprehend, that the faid articles do only concern fuch fifh and flefli as is cured in whole or in part with Scots fait, there being an obvious difference betwixt the cafe of thefe, and of fuch filh and flefb, exported from Scotland to England, as is wholly cured with foreign fait, in regard that foreign fait is to pay the like duty as in England at importation into Scotland, and therefore ought not to pay a fecond duty. And the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland do propofe, that if the duty on fait take place in Scotland, after the expiration of feven years, during which time the exemption is agreed to, that then the kingdom of Scotland Ihall have an equivalent. The Lord Keeper, In name of the Lords Commiffioners for England, deli- vered to the Board the following propofal, which was read. The Lords Commiffioners for England being extremely defirous to come to a fpeedy conclufion of the prefent treaty, for an Union of the two kingdoms, and it having been already agreed, that the united kingdom be reprefented by one and the fame Parliament ; their Lordfhips have turned their thoughts to confider what may be a proper and reafonable number for the Reprefentaxive o-f Scotland in the Houfe of Commons of the united Parliament; and do propofe to the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland, that thirty- eight perfons be the num- ber by which that part of the united kingdom, now called Scotland, fliall be reprefented in the Houfe of Commons, whenever a Parliament fliall be called in Great Britain. Adjourned to Tuefday the i ith infliant, 6 in the evening. 1'uejday the nth of Juue, 1706. The Lord Chancellor, in name of the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland, delivered to the Board the following anfwer to the propofal made by the Lords Commiffioners for England on the 5th infliant, which was read. The Lords Comrniffiioners for Scotland, in anfwer to the propofal delivered by the Lords Commiffioners for England on the 5th inltant, concerning the Admiralty, do agree that all Admiralty jurifdidion be under the Lord High Admiral- of Great Britain, or Commiffioners of Admiralty of Great Britain for PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. 157 for the time being j and as to that part of the faid propofal, which concerns appeals from the High Court of Admiralty, the Lords Comminioners for Scotland do propofe. That the Co^jrt of Admiralty now eftabliflied in Scotland be continued, and that all reviews, reduftions, or fufpenfions of their fentences in maritime cafes, competent to their jurifdiiflion, remain in the fame manner after the Union, as now in Scotland, until the Parliament of Great Britain fliall make fuch. regulations and alterations as fhall be judged expedient for the whole united kingdom, providing there be always continued in Scotland a Court of Admi- ralty, fuch as is in England, for determination of all maritime cafes relating to private right in Scotland, competent to the jurifdidlion of the Admiralty Court. And tlie Lords Commiflioners for Scotland do further propofe, that the here- table rights of Admiralty and Vice Admiralties be referved to the refpeftive proprietors, as rights of property. The Lord Chancellor did alfo, in name of the Lords Commiflioners for Scotland, deliver to the Board the following paper, which was read. The Lords Commiflioners for Scotland having confidered the propofal made by the Lords Commiflioners for England the 7th inftant, viz. that thirty-eight perfons be the number, by which tliat part of the united kingdom, now called Scotland, ftiall be reprefented in the Houfe of Commons, whenever a Par- liament Ihall be called in Great Britain ; do find fuch difficulties in that matter, that they are under a necefllty to propofe a conference betwixt the Lords Com- miflioners for both kingdoms on that fubjeft, in which their Lordfhips doubt not, but to fatisfy the Lords Commiflioners for England, that a greater num- ber than is mentioned in the faid propofal will be necelTary for attaining the happy Union of the two kingdoms, fo much defired on both fides ; and the Lords Commiflioners for Scotland are willing now to enter on the faid con- ference, or when the Lords Commiffioners for England will pleafe to appoint. The Lords Commiflioners for England withdrew, and being returned, the Lord Keeper acquainted the Board, that the Lords Commiflioners for England do agree to a conference with the Lords Commiflioners for Scotland, upon the fubje£l contained in the paper delivered by the Lords Commiflioners for Scotland, at this meeting, and that the faid conference be the morrow at fix o'clock in the afternoon. Adjourned to Wednefday the iith inftant, 6 in the evening.. Wednejday the 12th of June., 1706. The Lords Commiflioners of both fides entered upon the conference defired by the Lords Commiflioners for Scotland the i ith inftant, concerning the Re- prefentatire i^S OF THE LAST TREATY, prefentative for Scotland in the Houfe of Commons, in the united Parliament of Great Britain, and the conference being over. Adjourned to Friday the 14th inftant, 6 in the evening. Friday the 14th of June, 1706. The Earl of Mar, in name of the Lords Co«imiffioners for Scotland, de- livered to the Board the following anfwer to the propofal made by the Lords Commiffionerers for England the 7th inftant, which was read. The Lords CommilTioners for Scotland having confidered the propofal deli- vered by the Lords Commiffioners for England on the ']d\ inftant, with the conference that followed on the fubjeft of that propofal ; their Lordlhips are hopeful, that the Lords Commiffioners for England are convinced of the real difficulties occurring in tliat matter on the part of Scotland ; and the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland do find themfclves ftill under an abfolute neceffity, for bringing to a happy conclufion the Union of the two kingdoms, to infift, that a greater number than that of thirty-eight be agreed to, as the Reprefenta- tive for Scotland in the Houfe of Commons in a Parliament of Great Britain. The Lord Keeper, in name of the Lords Commiffioners for England, deli- vered to the Board the following anfwer to the propofal made by the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland the nth inftant, which was read. The Lords Commiffioners for England having confidered the paper delivered in bv the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland on the i ith inftant, concerning Admiralty jurifdidion, no agree to the firft propofal therein contained, with this addition. That the Admiralty Court propofed to be continued in Scotland after the Union, ftiall be fubjedt to fuch regulations and alterations as ftiall be thought proper to be made by the Parliament of Great Britain. The Lords Commiffioners for England do lil The Lords Commiffioners . for England, having taken into confideration the reply delivered the 7 th inliaat, by the : Lords Commiffioners for Scotland, to the anfwer of the Lords Commiffioners for England to the propofal made by the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland the zifl May laftj for the effedual pre- venting the exportation of Scotch fait to England, or the Plantations, without paying the fame excifcs with which Englifh fait is charged, durinjg the exemp- tion allowed to Scotland from the faid duties, and as to faltedprovifions : As to that parts of the reply which relates to the fecond; article ijn the faid anfwer, concerning fait not made in Scotland, imported from thence into Eng- land ; the Lords Commiffioners for England did not intend, that a double duty Ihoiild be laid on foreign fait exported from Scotland to England; and there- fore the Lords Commiffioners for England do agree to tlie propofal in the faid reply, that all foreign fidt, imported into Scotland, be charged at the impor- tation there with the fame duties, after the Union, as the like fait is charged with, being imported into England, to be levied and fecured in the fame man- ner, and to the flxrther fecurity, by certificate therein propofed, to be fent with foreign fait exported from Scotland into England. And as to that part of the faid reply, which relates to the third article in the faid anfwer, touching faked fifh or flefh exported from Scotland into England, and faked flefh made ufe of for viftualling of fhips in Scotland, or exported from Scotland to parts beyond the feas; it appearing by the faid propofal deli- vered by the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland the 2ifl May laft, that all fifh and flelli barrelled in Scotland, for exportation, are, by the law of Scotland, appointed to be packed and cured witli foreign fair, witliout any mixture of Scots fait, the Lords Commiffioners for England do not infift on the faid third article in their faid anfwer, provided it be agreed, that all faked fifh or flefh, exported from Scotland to England, and all faked flefli made ufe of for viftual- ling of ffiips in Scotland, or put on board, to be exported from Scotland to parts beyond the fcas, that ffiall appear to be faked with Scots fait, or a mix- ture of fuch fait, fliall be forfeited, and as fuch may be feizcd in England or Scotland. As to the laft part of the propofal of the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland, that, if the duty on fait take place in Scotland, after the expiration of fevcn years, that then the kingdom of Scotland ffiall have an equivalent; the Lords Commiffioners for B>ngland dounderlland, that the equivalent is only to be ex- tended to fuch part of the duties as fliall be applied to the payment of the debts of England. The PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. i6j The Lord Keeper did alfo, in the name of the Lords CommifTioners for England, deliver to the Board the following propolal, which was read. The Lords Commiflioners for England, being affurcd by the Lords Conn- mi fR oners, for Seotlandj that there will be found infuperablc difficulties in re- ducing the reprefentatlon of -Scotland, in the Houfe of Commonsof the united kingdom, to thirty-eight members, the number formerly propofed by the Lords Commiffioners for England, do, to fliew their inclinations to remove every thing that would of neceflity be an obftruftion to the perfedting the Union of the two kingdoms, pi'opofe to the Lords Commiflioners for Scotland, that forty- five members, and no more, be the number of the reprefentatives for that part of the united kingdom nO^v called Scotland, in the Houfe of Commons of the united kingdom, after the intended Union. And there being an abfolute neceflity that the number of Peers to be admit- ted into the Houfe of Lords of the united kingdom, for that part of the united kingdom now called Scotland, be regulated in proportion to the number to be admitted intd the Houfe of Commons ; do propofe, that fixteen Peers be the quota of Scotland in the Houfe of Peers of the Parliament of the united king- dom, after the intended Union. Adjourried to Tuefday the i8th inftant, 6 in the evening, ^ue/day the \Zth.of June, 1706. The Earl of Mar, in the name of the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland, delivered to the Board the following anfwer to the propofal made- by the Lords Commiffioners for England the 15th inftant, which was read. The Lords Commiffioners for Scotland having confidered the paper deli- vered by tht Lords Commiffioners for England the 15th inftant, containing a propofal that forty-five members be the number of the reprefentatives of that part of the united kingdom now called Scotland, in the Houfe of Commons of the united kingdom, after the intended Union j and that fixteen Peers be the quota of Scotland in the Houfe of Peers, in the Parliament of the faid united kingdom: and ^ being moft defirous to concur in what is further necellary to finilh this treaty, and at the fanrie time fenfible of the difficulties on the part of the Lords Commiffioners for England in that matter, do not infill for greater numbers (by virtue of this treaty) of reprefentatives in the Houfe of Peers and the Houfe of Commons in the Parliament of Great Britain, than thefe propofed by the Lords Commiffioners for England ; providing that all' tlie Peers of Scotland, and their fucceflbrs to their honours and dignities, be, froiti and after the Union, reckoned and declared Peers of Great-Britain, and that they enjoy, in their relpeftive degrees and orders, all other titles, dignities, pre- Y 2 emiriencies, 'i64 OF THE LAST TREATY, eminencies, immunities and privileges whatfoever, as fully and freely as the Peers af England do at prefent, or the Peers of Britain may enjoy here- after. And the Lords Commiflioners for Scotland do further propofe, that the Peers of Scotland for that time being, and their fucceflbrs, do, at and after the Union, according to their different degrees and orders, enjoy the rank and precedency of all Peers to be thereafter created of the like orders and degrees in the faid united kingdom. Adjourned to the 19th inftant, 12 o'clock. OBSERVATION X. There was now the only remaining difficulty of the Union before them, and this was the confequence of the third article, viz. " The uniting the Parlia- " ment;" and how to Hate the proportion of the reprefentative was the prefent cafe. The difficulty was double, not only how to draw the proportion fo as might confift with the equalities fpoken of before, which were the foot or rule of the treaty, but how to draw it fo, as that either Parliament, who were to confirm this work, ffiould be rationally fuppofed to come into it. Abundance of fchemes were propofed for this, as men's fancies guided them, and the debates without doors were much warmer than thofe within ; how- ever, as it was a thing which required particular application, fo it was the beft ftep that could have been taken, by way of prelirtiinary, to propofe a confe- rence, wherein both fides had full fcope to deliver their arguments and reafons in the cafe ; fince, to have gone on by propofals and anfwers in writing, would have' taken up more time than was needful to be fpent in fuch an afi'air, and have kept it depending ; whereas both fides were plcafed with the hopes, and both the kingdoms big with expeftation of the fuccefs of this treaty, and the conclufion of the long-expe6ted Union. There was no occafion to look far back into former years for help in this calculation; there was but one precedent in the whole world from which any fcheme could be drawn, and tha't was in thetranfient Union made by Oliver Cromwell; in which, as, I have nc^d before, he brought every thing by afcale of proportions to a point, as things then flood. This model of a reprefentative was taken from the fcheme of proportions, upon which;he had formed his taxation, in which Scotland being rated at abou^: a 13th p^rt of the land tax, had alfo allowed her about a 13th part of the re- prefentatjvfe, as follows : England was taxed at 70,000!. per menfem, and was reprefented in Par- liament by 400 members. Scotland PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. 165 Scotland was taxed at 6,oool. per menfem, and was reprefented in Parlia- ment by 30 members. Now abating a few fraftions, which, in dividing perfons, cannot be exaiftly obferved, it is plain, 30 to 400, is very near what 6,oool. is to yOjOool. as follows : Thirteen times 30 is 390 members, and 13 times 6000I. is 78,000!. whereas one is 8,oool. over in the money, fo the other is 10 under the re- prefentative. I will not fay this was the moft equal judgment that ever was made of this kind as to Sotlandi but I may be allowed to fay, that with refpe6l to England it was certainly the moft equal diftribution of eleftions that ever was, and much beyond our prefent method ; for in this fcheme the difproportion of numbers was taken away, and the eleftion of members to reprefent ruined heaps, decayed caftles, and depopulated towns, was let fall : but of this by the way. The prefent calculation was not very remote from this, in efFeft, though not built upon the fame foot : and it was very rationally argued here, that the pro- portion could not be taken barely from the fliare of taxes paid, which was the fcheme which moft of the politicians of that time pretended to go upon; but that the proportion moft be doubly calculated ; which, if it be examined, and were to be applied in Holland, and other parts of tlie world, muft have been done. For inftance, The fhare in taxes, — and the number of the people. If, on one hand, the fliare of taxes may be low, yet the number of people great ; or, on the other hand, the Iharc of taxes high, and the people few, the extremes are to bear their weight in the proportion. Thus, though the Scots, by this Union, paid but 48,0001. for Scotland to 1,997,0001. Englifh, which was about ~ part, forty times 48,000!. being !, 920,000!. to have argued from thence, that they Ihould have but thirteen mem- bers, which, to the Houfe of Commons, is ^ ^ part of 513 : — This would appear ridiculous. Again, if you take an eftlmate of the people of both nations, we fhall find Scotland efteemed to contain two millions, and England, at the higheft calcu- lation, under fix ; and this brings Scotland to a third part of the members, which would be extravagant the other way, and oblige them to fend 1 7 1 mem- bers to the Houfe. Butj if you fet thefe extremes againft one another, it will appear that a tenth of the reprefentative anfwered as nigh to an equality, as fuch a thing could well be reduced to; and, on this foot, the Scots CommifTioners were fuppofed to be near the matter, when they defired fifty members might be the reprefentative for Scotland. Plowever ^66 OF THE LAST TREATY-, HowCYcrthis was, the Englilh CommifTioners having propofed thirty-eight, as by the minutes, a conference was agreed to. And here the CommifTioners fincerely and candidly applied themfelves to one another, debating not only the reafons and proportions on either hand, but the temper and circumftances of either nation ; fo, if poffible, to accomodate them- felves to bothi and to confider not only what was equal, but alfo what was likely to take place in the minds of the refpeftive Parliaments, which were to debate it after them ; of which none knew the difficulties better than themfelves. Neither were thefe things fit to have been the fubjeft of m.inutes, which, in time, were to be fuppofed, would be made public, and be canvafled, on either fide, by the moft critical heads of two nations, and particularly by thofe, in both the nations, whofe ftudy it would be, to oppofe and obftruft the Union. And indeed, in this prudence of the CommifTioners confifted the beft pro- fpedt of bringing this treaty to a happy conclufion. The conference was happy in its fuccefs ; the Englifh CommifTioners were convinced by the reafons given on the other fide ; they faw the difficulties which the Scots CommifTioners reprefented lay before them ; and regarding the end of their meeting, which was to contribute, as much as in them lay, to unite the two kingdoms, they advanced their number to forty-five, and gave their reafons and difficulties, on the other hand, pofitively determining the point, that they could go no farther : upon which, the Scots CommifTioners, from the fame zeal for bringing the treaty, which was now in fo happy a forwardnefs, to a conclufion, acquiefced. As to the number of Peers, there was no room to debate, fince the number propofed, which was fixteen, was a full proportion to the other, and had more of an equality in it a great deal, than any other part of the treaty; efpecially confidering, that feveral of the Scots Peers then were Peers of England, and hereafter might become Peers of Great Britain by creation. And thus this great difficulty was alfo happily got over, and now the Union began to fhew itfelf, and people on every hand began to expeft it lliould be complcatcd in a few days. Wednejday the igtb of June, I706. The Lord Treafurer, in name of the Lords Commiffioners for England, de- livered to the Board the following paper, which was read. The Lords CommifTioners for England, having confidered the two propofah made by the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland, in their paper delivered the 1 8th inflant, do agree to the fame, with the following explanation, that all the Peers of Scotland, and their fuccefi"ors to their honours and dignities, be, from and after the Union, reckoned and declared Peers of Great Britain, and that they enjoy, in their refpedivc degrees c*nd orders, all other titles, dignities, pre- PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. 167 pre-eminencies, immunities, and privileges whatfoevcr, as fully and freely as the Peers of England do at prefent, or the Peers of Britain may enjoy here- after ; provided, that no Peer, who fhall not then have the right to fit in Par- liament, iiiall be capable of fitting upon the trial of any Peer; and alfo, that no Peer, not having right to fit in Parliament, fhall have privilege of Parliament. And alfo, that the Peers of Scotland for the time being, and their fuccef- foi-s, do, at and after the Union, according to their different degrees and orders, enjoy the rank and precedency of all Peers to be thereafter created of the like orders and degrees in the united kingdom : Provided always, that it be under- ftood, that all perfons who Ihall be Peers of England, at the time of the Union, fliall for ever enjoy that rank and order of precedence of their refpeftive degrees, before the fame degrees of the Peers of Scotland. The Lord Treafurer did alfo, in name of the Lords Commiffioners for England, deliver to the Board the following propofal, which was read. The Lords Commiflloners for England do propofe, that from and after the Union, the coin fhall be of the fame flandard and value throughout the united kingdom, as now in England, and the fame weights and meafures fhaU be ufed throughout the united kingdom as are now eftabliflied in England, The Lord Treafurer did likewife, in name of the Lords Coanmiflloners for England, deliver to the Board the following propofal, which was read. The Lords Commiffioners for England do propofe, that all laws and flatutes in either kingdom, which are contrary to, or inconfifVent with the terms agreed. Oil for uniting the two kingdoms, fhall be repealed, and made void. . Adjourned to Friday the 21 ft inftanr, 12 o'clock. Friday the 21ft of June, 1706. The Earl of Mar, in name of the Lords CommifTioners for Scotland, deli- vered to the Board the following paper, which was read. The Lords CommilTioners for Scotland do agree to the propofal contained in the paper delivered by the Lords CommilTioners for England the i^th.. inftant, concerning the duty on fait, with this explanation, as to the laft para- graph thereof, about the equivalent, that feeing the whole duties on fait are already appropriated for payment of the debts of England, the LordsGom- mifTioners for Sctland do underftand, that whenever the duties upon fait fhall take place in Scodand, the fums thence arifing will be applicable to the pay- ment of the debts of England, and thereby, there will be an equivalent due to Scotland, for the whole duties to be levied on fait there. The Earl of Mar did alfo, in name of the Lords Commiffioners for Scot- land, deliver to the Board the following paper, which was read. The Lords Commiflloners for Scotland do agree to the propofal contained in the anfwer delivered by the Lords CommifTioners for England, concerning the 2 Peers i68. OFTHELAST TREATY, Peers of Scotland, with this further explanation ; the Lords Cbmmiffioners for Scotland do underftand, that by the explanation contained in the faid paper de- livered by the Lords Commiffioners for England, all the Peers of Scotland are to be tried as Peers of Great-Britain, and enjoy all privileges of Peerage, ex- cepting that of fitting in the Houfe of Lords, and the privileges depending thereon, to which fixteen Peers, to be fent from time to time from the Peers of Scotland to the Houfe of Lords of Great Britain, are only entitled ; and the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland do propofe, that in the trials of Peers in time of adjournments or prorogations of Parliament, the fixteen Peers, who do then reprefent the Peers of Scotland, fhall be fummoned in the fame man- ner, and have the fame powers and privileges in fuch trials, as any other Peers of Great Britain, and that in the trials of Peers when there is no Parliament in being, the fixteen Peers, Reprefentatives from Scotland in the former Par- liament ; Ihall be called in the fame manner, and have the fame powers and privileges. The Earl of Mar delivered alfo, in name of the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland, to the Board the following paper, which was read. The Lords Commiffioners for Scotland having confidered the propofal deli- vered by the Lords Commiffioners for England the 19th inltant, viz. that from and after the Union, the coin fhall be of the fame llandard and value throughout the united kingdom as now in England, and the fame weights and meafures fhall be ufed throughout the united kingdom as are now eftabliflied in England ; the Lords Commiffiioners for Scotland do agree to the fame, pro- viding that confideration be had to the loiTes private perfons may fuftain in reducing the coin to the fame ftandard as now eftabliflied in England j and alfo provided, that from and. after the Union, the Mint at Edinburgh be always con- tinued under the fame rules as the Mint in the Tower of London, or elfe- where in the united kingdom ; and that the ftandard of weights and meafures for Scotland be kept by thole Boroughs within that part of the united kingdom now called Scotland, to whom the keeping of the ftandards of weights and meafures now in ufe in Scotland, does by fpecial right and privilege belong. The Earl of Mar did likewife, in name of the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland, deliver to the Board the following paper, which was read. The Lords Commiffiioners for Scotland having confidered the propofal made by the Lords Commiffiioners for England the 19th inftant, that all laws and ftatutes in either kingdom, which are contrary to, or inconfiftent with the terms agreed on for uniting the two kingdoms, fhall be repealed and made void, do agree to the fame. The PROPERLY CALLED T H E U N I O N. 169 '. The Earl of Mar did, in name of the Lords CommifTioners for Scotland, deliver to th^' Board the following propofal which was read. The Lords Commiflioners for Scotland having by their paper delivered the 9th of May lafi: propofcd, :that the private right of corporations .aind companies Ihould be referved to be confidcred in the courfe of this treaty, their Lordfliips do nov/ propofe, that the rights and privileges of the Company in Scotland, trading to Africa and the Indies, cftabliflicd in Scotland by the 8th ad of Parliament 1695, and by the 13th aft of Parliament 1701, do continue in force after tlie Union ; or that if the privileges of that Company fliall be judged inconvenient for the trade of the reft of the united kingdom, that the private rights of the faid Company in Scotland be purchafed from the pro- prietors. The Earl of Mar did alfo, in name of the Lords CommiflTioners for Scotland, deliver to die Board tlie following propofal, which was read. The Lords CotnrnifTioners for Scotland do propofe to the Lords CommifTi- oners for England, that all fliips belonging to Her Majefty's fubjefts in Scot- land, at the time of the Union (though foreign built), Ihall be deemed and pafs as fliips of the build of Great Britain, the owner or owners within. twelve months after the Union making oath, that the fame did belong to him or them at the commencement of th i Union, and does then belong to him, or them, and that no foreigner, direflly nor indiredtly, hath any fliare or part, or intereft therein, which oath (hall be made before the chief officer of the cuftoras at the port next the abode of the faid owner or owners ; and the faid officer fliall be impowered to adminifter the f;iid oath ; and the oath being fo adminiftered, fliall be atteflied by the officer who adminiftered the fame, and being regiftered by the faid officer, fliall be delivered to the mafter of the fliip for fecurity of her 4iavigation, a duplicate of which regifter fliall be immediately tranfmitted to the Commiffioners of Her Majefty's cuftoms in the port of Edinburgh. As to fliips built in Scotland before, or which fliall be built there after the Union, the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland do make no feparate propofal, feeing thofe, by the mutual agreements in this treaty, are to be fubjeft to the fame regulations as in England, and confequently to the a6ls of navigation now in force. Adjourned to Saturday the 2 2d inftant at one o'clock. Saturday the 2 2d of June, 1706. The Lord Treafurer, in name of the Lords Commiffioners for England^ de- livered to the Board the following paper, which was read. The Lords Commiffioners for England having confidered the paper con- cerning fait, delivered by the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland 21ft inftant, think themfclves obliged to inform their Lordffiips, diat the whole duties on fait are not appropriated for payment of the debts of England ; the duty of Z I id. 176 OF THE LAST TREATY, lid. a bufhel on fait, though granted to the Crown in perpetuity, is appropri- ated to the payment of debts no longer than till the ift of Auguft, 17 lo. That the remaining part of the duty on fait, viz. 2s. 4d. a buHiel, is granted to the Crown in perpetuity, and is with other duties appropriated for payment of i6o,oool. per annum to the Eaft-India Company, redeemable by Parlia- ment, and the fupcrplulage above that annual fum is not appropriated to the payment of the debts of England j and therefore the Lords Commifiioners for England do think it neceflary for them to infill upon what was exprefled in their paper delivered by them the 15th inftant ; that when the duty on fait fhall take place in Scotland, the equivalent which the kingdom of Scotland is to have, ought to be extended only to fuch part of the duties on fait, as fliall be ap- plied to the payment of the debts of England. The Lord Treafurer did likewife, in name of the Lords Commiffioners for England, deliver to the Board the following paper, which was read. It appearing by a paper given in by the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland the 2 1 ft inftant, that the Lords Commiffioners for England had not fully ex- prefled themfelves in fome part of a paper delivered by them on the 19th in- ftant, to the fatisfaftion of the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland, and being defirous upon this, and all other occafions, to proceed with all poffible clear- nefs, do make the following explanation of their meaning in that part of the faid paper. They agree, that all Peers of Scotland, and their fuccefi^ors to their honours and dignities, fhall, from and after the Union, be reckoned and declared Peers of Great Britain, and fhall be tried as Peers of Great Britain, and ftiall enjoy the privileges of Peers, as fully as the Peers of England do now enjoy the fame, or as they or any other Peers of Britain may hereafter enjoy the fame, except the right and privilege of fitting in the Houfe of Lords, and the pri- vileges depending thereon, and particularly the right of fitting upon the trials of Peers. They agree, that the fixteen Peers who are to (it in the Houfe of Lords of Great Britain, for that part of the united kingdom called Scodand, after the Union, ftiall have all privileges of Parliament, which the Peers of England now have, and which they or any Peers of Britain fliall have after the Union, and particularly the right of fitting upon the trials of Peers. They agree, that in cafe of the trial of any Peer in time of adjournment or prorogation of Parliament, the faid fixteen Peers fliall be fummoned in the fame manner, and have the fame powers and privileges at fuch trials, as any other Peers of Great Britain. And they do further agree, that in cafe any trials of Peers fliall hereafter hap- pen, when there is no Parliament in being, the fixteen Peers of Scotland who fat PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION; 171 fat in tae lad preceding Parliament, fliall be fummoned in the fame manner, •and have the fame powers and privileges at luch trials, as any other Peers of Great Britain. The Lord Treafurer did alfo, in name of the Lords Commiflioners for Eng- land, deliver to the Board the following paper, which was read. The Lords CommifTioners for England do agree to the propofal delivered the aift of June, by the Lords CommifTioners for Scotland, touching fhips belong- ing to her Majefty's fubjefts in Scotland, with the alterations following, viz. That all fliips belonging to Her Majefty's fubjefls in Scotland, at the time of figning the treaty for the Union of the faid kingdoms, though foreign built, fhall be deemed and pafs as fliips of the build of Great Britain ; the owner or owners, within twelve months after the Union, making oath that the fame did belong to him or them at the figning the faid treaty, and doth then be- long to him or them; and that no foreigner, diredlly nor indiredtly, hath any Ihare or part, or intereft therein ; which oath fliall be made before the chief officer or officers of the cuftoms in the port next the abode of the faid owner or owners; and the faid officer or officers fliall be impowered to adminifter the faid oath, and the oath being fo adminiftered, fliall be attefted by the officer or offi- cers who adminiftered the fame, and being regiftered by the faid officer or officers, fhall be tranfmitted to the chief officer or officers of the cuftoms in the port of Edinburgh, to be there entered in a regifter, and from thence to be fent to the port of London, to be there entered in the general regifter of all the trading Ihips belonging to Great Britain. The Lord Treafurer, in name of the Lords Commiffioners for England, de- livered to the Board the following propofal which was read. The Lords Commiffioners for England do propofe to the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland, that from and after the Union, there be one great feal for the united ,kinr-3*om of Great Britain, to be ufed for fealing writs to eledl and fum- mon the Parliament of Great Britain, and for fealing other public and manda- tory writs, public a61:s, or orders of ftate, and grants, and fuch inftruments relating to public juftice, policy, and government, as are proper to be fealed with a great feal ; yet neverthelefs a feal in Scotland fliall, after the Union, be always kept, and made ufe of, in all things relating to private rights and juftice, in the fame manner as the great feal is at this time ufed, but fubje6l to fuch regulations as the Parliament of Great Britain may hereafter make, and, until fuch feal fhall be provided, the great-feal of Scotland fliall be ufed, as at this Vme, in all things relating to private rights and juftice. ' The Earl of Mar, in name of the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland, deli- vered to the Board the following propofal, which was read. The Lords Commiffioners for Scotland do propofe it be declared, that the laws and ads of Parliament in Scotland for pineing, curing, and packing of Z 2 herrings. T72 OF THE LAS T T RE AT Y, herrings, white-fifli, and falmon, for export beyond feas with foreign fait only, andfor preventing of frauds in curing and packing of fiflies, be continued in force in Scotland after the Union, but fubjeft to alterations by the Parliament of Great Britain ; and that the fame eafes, premiums, and draw-backs be allowed after the Union, for the encouragement of fuch as fhall export fiflies from Scotland beyond feas, as is now allowed by the laws of England, to fuch as export the like fifhes from England. Adjourned to Tuefday the 25th inftant, at one o'clock. 'Tuefday the i^tb of June, 1706. The Earl of Mar, in name of the Lords Commiflioners for Scotland, deli- vered to the Board the following paper, which was read. The Lords CommilTioners for Scotland do agree to the laft explanation con- tained in the paper delivered by the Lords Commiflioners for England on the lid inftant, concerning the privileges of the Peers of Scotland. The Earl of Mar did alfo, in name of the Lords Commiflioners for Scot- land, deliver to the Board the following paper, which was read. The Lords Commiflioners for Scotland do agree to the propofal made by the Lords Commiflioners for England on the 15th inftant, concerning the duties on fait, and do not infiftupon the explanation propofed by their Lordfhips the 21ft inftant, in refpeft of what Is reprefented in the paper delivered by the Lords Commiflioners for England on the iid inftant. The Earl of Mar did likewife, in name of the Lords Commiflioners for 'Scotland, deliver to the Board the following paper, which was read. The Lords Commiflioners for Scotland do agree to the alteration made by the Lords Commiflioners for England in the propofal delivered by the Lords Commiflioners for Scotland, touching flilps belonging to Pier Majefty's fubjedls of Scotland, with this furdier explanation. That all fliips belonging to Her Majefty's fubjefls of Scotl'and, at the time of figning this treaty of the Union of the two kingdoms, though foreign built, fliall be deemed and pafs as ftiips of the build of Great Britain ; the owner, or where there are more ov/ners, one or more of them, within twelve mondis after tlie Union making oath, that the fame did belong to him or them, or to fome other fubjedt or fubjeds of Scotland, at the time of figning the faid treaty, and doth then belong to him or them, and that no foreigner dirciftly nor indireftly hath any fhare, or part, or intcreft therein; which oath fliall be made before the chief o-ficers of the cuftoms in the port next the abode of the fiid owner or owners ; and the f;lid ofiictr or officers fnall be impowered to adminifter the faid oath; and the oath being fo adminiftered, fliall be attefted by the officer or officers who adminiftered the fame; and being regiftered by the faid officer or officers, (hall be delivered to the mafter of the fliip, for fecurity of her navi- gation. PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. lyj gation, and a duplicate thereof fhall b.^ tranfmittcd b/ the fuid officer or offi- cers to the chief officer or officers of the cuftoms in the port of Edinburgh, to be there entered in a regifter, and from thence to be fent to the port of London, to be there entered in the general regifter of all trading fliips belonging to Great Britain. O E S E U V A T I O N XI. The debates about the fixteen Peers are fo clear, and the queftions and an- fwers in themfelves fo direft, that they require no explanation ; nor v/as there any thing confiderable paiTed upon thofe heads, which is not exprefled in the minute. The fettling the different privileges between the fitting Peers for the time be- ing, and the other Peers, feemed to be the main difficulty, and was quickly regulated. I know it was alledged in Scotland, that the privilege of peerage being by this treaty extended to the nobility of Scotland, I mean, as to protedtion of their perfons and eftates, was both a diflionour and a difadvantage to themj a difhonour, as if they were ftooping to accept of an exemption from an honeft difcharge of their debts, and a difadvantage, fince now, they being not liable to profecutions for debt, would obtain no perfonal credit, whatever their occa- fions might be; and that a private gentleman's bond would now be more valu- able than a nobleman's, fince it could be fued and made heretable, whereby his eftate fhould become liable, as well after his death, as in his life-time, whereas a nobleman's bond could no way be put in fuit. However this was, there was no making a diftindion, at a time when a treaty was tranfafting, to bring all, ifpoffible, to an equality of circumftances, unlefs the EngliOi nobility fhould have laid themlelves and their eftates open to the common procefs of the law, which had been inconfiftent with their con- llitution, and much more with their convenience. I have not meddled with the frequent propofals, anfwers and replies about the falt-tax, as a thing I fhall fpeak more at large to, when I fhall obferve upon the minutes of Parliament, where that matter received a new turn, and all thefe fcruples were effeftu.ally fettled under one head of limitation, and fo are needleis to be re pleated here. It may be needful to explain fomething here, of the debate and reftriftion about fhipping; the Englifli CommifTioners had in their view the Aft of Navi- gation, which, in England, obliges all the fnips employed to and from Eng- land, except only fuch fliips as import any thing of the growth or manufac- ture of their ovvn country^ to which thofe fhips belong, to be Englifh buik fliips, and the mariners or failors navigating tine fame, to be two thirds, at leaft, natural born fubjeds of England. Now 174 OFTHELASTTREATY, Now as Scotland of late years, wanting timber, or other materials for build- ing, had but very few fliips of dieir own building, they carried on the greateft part of their foreign trade in fliips built in Holland, Hamburgh, the Baltick, or other foreign parts ; wherefore the Englifh CommifTioners, in order to {et bounds to the introducing of foreign bottoms into our trade as free fhipsj offered the claufe as in the minute. It was moved in the Scots behalf, to give a certain time for the clearing up this point, and that a fhip fhould be deemed free at the time of the Union, if part of her was owned by Scotfmen at the time of the Union, becaufe as the Scots traded much to Holland, fo the merchants of Amfterdam, Camphere, Sec. were in part owners, in company with the Scots merchants, of many of their fnips j and therefore it was thought hard, that if the major part of the owners were Scotfmen, yet the fhip Ihould be deemed foreign, which would cither oblige the Scots merchant to buy the remainder, at what price the foreign owner pleafed to exaft, or oblige him to fell and cafl off the fliip, which he could not carry on his trade without. But as this would have clafhed direftly with the Aft of Navigation, and created innumerable inconveniencies in trade, it was left out j for then foreigners had had no more to do, but to intereft Scotfmen in a moiety of their fhips, and fo have made great numbers of foreign built bottoms have paffed for free Ihips in Britain, to an inexprefTible damage of the Englifh trade. This point therefore being given up, it remained only to difpute the time, at v/hich any vefTel belonging entirely to Scots owners fhould be deemed free ; the Englifli Commiffioners put it to be at the time of figning the treaty, the Scots Commiffioners infilled on the time of the commencement of the Union ; but the reafons given againfl that latitude were fb convincing, that the Scots Commiffioners complied with it. The principal reafon was, that, in that interval of time, the merchants of either kingdom might furnifh themfclves with great numbers of foreign fhips, which being built cheaper than the Englifh, and becoming free by this claufe, would be a great prejudice to trade; and feeing it was the known intereft of both kingdoms to encourage the building of merchants fhips among tiiem- felves, it could not but be the interefl of both, to prevent the crowding in of foreign flilps among them. This was dibated again in the Parliament of Scotland, and, after long dil- courfes, obtained to pafs with this fmall alteration, the time of ratifying, ia- ftead of the time of figning the Union, as fliall appear in its place. The affairs of the llandards, weights andmeafur^s, were things admitted no debate in either kingdom, fo need no observation; I fhall give a fcale of the differences hereafter, becaufe it may be ufeful in matters of trade. 4 The PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. 175 The rifFair of the coin made foinc noife abroad among the people, but tlie iinfwcring the lofs of private perfons out of the equivalent put a flop to it, and it WIS alfo adjufted without any hefitation. Neither was there any diiFiculty before thetn about the affair of the great fell of Britain, or of any regulations with refpeft to a feal in Scotland, for the piffing fuch a6ls, either relating to private rights, or public juftice ; but it ap- peared fo equal, that it inadt; no difficulties even at the time of the Parliament in Scotland, when moflof tlie other heads admitted fuch ftrong debates. But the next thing proceeded upon was the calculation of the equivalent, which a Committee had been bufy in fettling, with clerks appointed to examine the calculations, and ftate them to the CommifTioners, the refult of which was now before them. Minute continued. The Lord Treafurer, in the name of the Lords Commiflioners for England, delivered to the Board the following propofal, which was read. The Lords Commiflioners of the two kingdoiiis having appointed a Com- mittee, confifting of a like number of each Commiflion, for adjufting the equi- valent to be allowed to Scotland for what that kingdom fhould become liable to anfwer towards payment of the debts of England, by reafon of their havisg agreed to bear the fame duties of cufloms and excifes upon all excifeable liquors; and the faid Committee having frequently met, and after a full in- quiry, having agreed amongft themfelves, and feverally reported to their re- Ipeclive Commiflions, that the fum of 398,0851. los. was the equivalent to be anfwered to Scotl'and, according to the proportion which the prefent cuftoms and excifes in Scotland, do bear to the cuftoms and excifes upon excifeable liquors in England ; and the Lords Commiflioners for England having con- fidered and examined the faid report, do agree to the faid fum. The Lords Commiflioners for Scotland having alfo infilled, that after the Union the kingdom of Scotland becoming liable to the Englifli duties of cuf- toms and excifes upon excifeable liquors, as well upon that account, as upon the account of the increafe of trade and people,,which will be the happy confe- quence of the faid Union, the faid two revenues will much improve, of whicli no prefent valuation can be made ; yet, neverthelefs, for the reafons aforefaid, there ought to be a proportionable equivalent allowed to Scotland. The Lords Commiflioners for England do agree, that after the Union there fliall be an account kept of the faid duties arifing in Scotland, to the end that it may appear what ought to be allowed to Scotland as a proportionable equivalent for fuch proportion of the faid increafe, according to the calculation aforefaid, as fhall be applicable to the payment oC the debts of England. The 176 O F T H E L A S T T R E A T Y, The Lords Commiffioners for Scotland having alio, by their paper delivered the 21ft inftant, propofed that the rights and privileges of the Company in Scotland trading to Africa and the Indies, do continue after the Union, or if the privileges of that Company be judged inconvenient for the trade of the united kingdom, that the private rights of the faid Company in Scotland be purchafcd from the faid proprietors ; the Lords Commiffioners for England, in anfwer thereto, fay they are of opinion, that the continuance of that Com- pany is inconfiftent with the good of trade in the united kingdom, and confe- quently againft the intereft of Great Britain ; and therefore they infift that it ought to be determined. But the Lords Commiffioners for England being fen- fible that the misfortunes of that Company have been the occafion of mifunder- ftandings and unkindneffes between the two kingdoms; and thinking it to be above all things defirable, that upon the Union of the kingdoms, the fubjed:* of both may be intirely united in afFeftion, do therefore wifh that regard may be had to the expences and lofles of the particular members of the faid Com- pany, in the manner hereafter mentioned ; and they hope when the Lords Com- miffioners for Scotland have confidered how generally that undertaking was entered upon in Scotland, and confequently how univerfal that lofs was, they will readily agree to the propofal. The Lords Commiffioners for England do alfo think it of much confequencc to England, that it fliould be agreed in this treaty, after what manner the equi- valent (which will amount to a great fum payable upon and after the Union) is to be paid and applied ; and being extremely defirous to bring the treaty to a fpeedy conclufion, and in order to that, as foon as may be, to fettle and fix the matter of the equivalent, and the application thereof, do agree as follows, and do alfo make the following propofals to the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland. The Lords Commiffioners for England do agree, that upon complcating the Union, the faid fum of 398,0851. los. being agreed upon as the equivalent for Scotland, fhall be granted to her Majefty for that ufe. The Lords Commiffioners for England do alfo agree, that upon the account to be kept as aforefaid, of the improvement of the revenue of cuftoms and ex- cifcs upon excifeable liquors in Scotland after the Union, there ffiall be anfwered to Scotland an equivalent in proportion to fuch part of the faid incrcafe as fhall be applicable to the payment of the debts of England. The Lords Commiffioners for England do alfo agree, that an equivalent fhall be anfwered to Scotland for fuch other parts of the Englilh debts as that king- dom may hereafter become liable to pay by reafon of the Union. The Lords Commiffioners for England do propofe, for the further and more effedtual PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. 177 effedual anfwering the fevcral ends hereafter mentioned and propofcd, that from and after the Union, the whole increafe of the revenue of cufloms and excifes upon excifeable liquors in Scotland, over and above what the fiid reve- nues do now yield, fliall go and be applied, for the term of fcven years, to the ufes hereafter mentioned. And upon the faid agreements and propofal, the Lords Commillioners for England do further propofe, that her Majefly be empowered to appoint Com- mifiioners, who fhall be accountable to the Parliament of Great Britain, for difpofing the faid fum of 398,085 1. 10 s. ro be granted as aforefaid, and alfo of all other monies which fliall arife upon the agreements and propofal aforefaid to the purpofes following: i. Thar out of the faid fum of 398,0^^51. 10s. all the public debts of the kingdom of Scotland, and alfo the capital ftock or fund of the African and Indian Company of Scotland, together with the intereft for the faid capital ftock, after the rare of 5 per cent, per annum from the re- fpefbive times of payment thereof, fhall be paid ; and tliat, immediately upon fuch payment of the faid capital ftock and intereft, the faid Company fhall be difTol v- ed and fhall ceafe : provided neverthclefs, that from the time of pafTing the Aft for raifing the faid fum of 398,0851. los. the faid Company fnall neither trade nor give licence to trade. The Lords CommifTioners for England do further propofe, That after pay- ment of the faid public debts, and refunding the faid capital ftock in manner aforefaid, the overplus of the faid fum of 398,085!. los. and alfo the whole improvement of the revenue of cuftoms and excites upon excifeable liquors (above the prefent value), which fhall arife during the term of feven years, from the commencement of the Union as aforefaid, together with the equivalent which fhall become due upon account of the improvement of the cuftoms and excifes on liquors in Scotland, after the faid fcven years, and all other fums, which according to the agreement aforefaid may become payable to Scotland, by way of equivalent for what that kingdom fliall hereafter become liable to an- fwerfor the debts of England, may be applied in the manner following. That out of the fame what confideration fliall be found necefTary to be had for any lofTes which private perfons may fuftain in reducing the coin of Scot- land to the ftandard of England (mention whereof is made in another paper de- livered by the Lords CommifTioners for Scotland the 21ft inftant), may be made good, and afterwards the fame fhall be wholly employed towards encouitiging and promoting the fifheries, and fuch other manufactures and improvements«in that part of Britain called Scotland, as may moft conduce to the general good of the united kingdom. Adjourned to Wednefday the 26th inftant, 7 in the evening. A ^ O B S E R- tji OF THE LAST TREATY, OBSERVATION XII. In making obfervations on the affair of the African Company, it may be necef-* fary to ftate that part of the African affair that belongs to this immediate debate. The African Company having, as has been related In the beginning of this work, met with feveral difafters and misfortunes, in fome of which, the national in- terelts of England and Scotland had but too much clafhed, and which had been the occafion of a great deal of ill blood between them, it was abfolutely neceffary, in die bringing to pafs an Union between the kingdoms, to remove every occafion of difcontent; and particularly every interfering intereft, being inconfiftent with a complete entire Union, the thing now aimed at, there was therefore an abfo- lute neceflity to remove or reconcile every thing of that nature, as far as poflible, before fuch an Union could be made. The Scots Commiffioners were in the right to propofe. That their African Company fhould be fupported and defended as a private right, all rights and privileges of corporations and companies being to be referved ; and this having been a national concern, in which they had but made an effay, and mifcarrying in their firft attempt, Iiad let it reft for a while, but had various profpefts of fu- ture proj efts and attempts J it could not be equal, to oblige them to quit thefe profpefts, and their legal right to a trade to the Indies, which was fo valuable in other countries, and which might in time reftore their loffes ; and therefore they propofed the referving to themlelves the charters, rights and privileges of their African and Indian Company. On the other hand, the cafe of England made this imprafticable ; for whereas there was already a Company eftablifhed in England, formed, and with great difficulty united into one, from two contending and powerful companies; and that thefe were intirely fupported, and depended upon their exclufive charters, by which no other perfons could trade to the Indies but themfelves, or by their permifilon : if this Company eftablifhed in Scotland had continued after the Union, the article for a free intercourfe of trade between the nations, had im- mediately opened to them all the ports of England for their fhips and goods ; and it had been, in event, a perfeft laying open the Eaft India trade, or at leaft erefting a new Eaft India Company in Britain, which, whoever knows the diffi- culty of uniting the laft contending companies, and the injury they did both their trade in particular, and the whole nation of England in general, before they could be brought together, will acknowledge is not to be borne within Britain. This the Scots Commiffioners forefaw, and therefore very frankly propofed the alternative, viz. That if the privileges of that Company Hiall be judged in- convenient PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. ,79 convenient for the trade of the reft of the united kingdom, that the private rip-hts of the faid Company in Scotland be purchafed from the proprietors. This was the leaft that could be demanded; for if England found it imprac- ticable to fuffer, or intolerable to their two Companies to bear, it v/as but rea- fonable, that the Company, who was to quit its right, ihould have fatisfaftion for parting with that right. And the next queftion was therefore, what mud this purchafe be, and who muft pay it? and this was no finall point. England was fo clear and fair in all their offers as to the equivalent, that the Scots CommilTioners were, in a manner, prevented in every thing they had to a(k; the offers of a full recompence in money, advanced for all die money ■which Scotland ftiould be charged to pay towards the Englifh debts, and of ap- plying the whole remaining revenue of Scotland for the encouragino- trade, and employing the poor, had in it fo much evidence of the hearty dcficrn of the Englifh Commiffioners to confidcr every thing for the good of the community after the Union, that it could bear but little objeftion : it feemed therefore but reafonable, that the Scots fhould, at their own charge, put themfelves in con- dition of uniting, that is. That if they had any national obftruftion, which was inconfiftent with the defigned Union, and without removing which it could not be made, that then the removing that difficulty Ihould lie at their door. It was this kind of reafoning which direfted the purchafe of the private rights of the African Company in Scotland to be made out of the equivalent money ; and to which, after very little debate, as you may fee, both parties agreed. Then the queftion was, what price ftiould thefe private rights be purchafed at ; and this would have met with great difficulties, fome magnifying the pro- fpefts of their company in trade, as a thing not to be valued, and whicli alone was able to enrich their nation ; others leffening it in the moft contemptible manner, as a thing that not only had now, but never had any profpedt or pof- ftbility of fuccefs, as it had been managed. Of which by itfclf. — But the method propofed appeared fo fair, that it left no room for obj'eiftion, it being a valuation from the true original, viz. That every private adven- turer ftiould be put in the fame condition as he was in at firfl-, fuppofing; his money put out to intereftj fo that every man was to receive his full original capital ftock which he had at firft advanced, and five per cent intereft to the time of payment. Nor can I forbear faying, that the furprife of this offer had various effe6ts upon the people ; for this ftock was a dead weigiit upon a great many families, who wanted very much the return of fo mucli money : it had not only been long dift)urfed, but it was, generally fpeaking, abandoned to defpair, and the money given over for loft j nay, fo entirely had people given up all hopes, that a man might even, after this conclufion of the treaty, have bought the ftock at 10 A a 2 pounds i8o OF THE LAST TREATY, pounds for an hundred j and after all this, to find the whole money fhould come in again, with intereft for the time, was a happy furprife to a great many fa- milies, and took ofl' the edge of the oppofition, which fome people would otherwife have made to the Union in general. IVedneJday the a6th of 'June^ 1706. Her Majejiy c(ime to the Meeting, and being feated in her chair, /poke to the Lords Commijfioners as follows : " My Lords, " I AM come hither once more to fee what further progrefs you have made " in this treaty, and to prefs a fpecdy conclufion of it, in regard my fervants of " Scotland cannot without great inconveniency be much longer abfent from " that kingdom." After which Her Majefty was pfeafed to direfl, that the proceedings of the CommilTioners for both kingdoms (from the time of her being there) fhould be read, which was accordingly done by the refpeftive Secretaries, and then Her Majefty went away. Adjourned to Friday the 28th inftant, 6 in the evening. Friday the aSth of June, 1706. The Lord Keeper, in the name of the Lords Commiflloners for England, de- livered to the Board the following paper, which was read. The Lords Commiffioners for England having confidered the propofal made by the Lords Comminioners for Scotland the I'ld inftant, touching the continu- ance of the laws and adts of Parliament now in force in Scotland, for preventing frauds in pineing, curing and packing fifh in Scotland, do agree to the fame j and do likewife agree, that fifli exported from Scotland to parts beyond the feas after the Union, fhall have the fame eafes, premiums and drawbacks, as are now allowed by the laws of England to fuch as export the like fifh from England. The Lord Keeper, in name of the Lords CommilTioners for England, alfo delivered to the Board the following paper, which was read. The Lords Commiffioners for England do agree to the further explanation contained in the paper, delivered by the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland the 25th inftant, concerning foreign tiuilt fhips belonging to Her Majefty's fubjefts of Scotland, with this addition, that in the oath propofed to be made by one or more owners of fuch Ihip, where there are more owners, the names of all the owners, and the places of their abode fliall be particularly mentioned. The Lord Keeper, in name of the Lords Commiffioners for England, de- livered to the Board the following propofal, which was read. The Lords Commiffioners for England being defirous that no time be loft in perfefling this treaty, do propofe, that four Commiffioners of each part be ap- pointed PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. i8i pointed to draw up into form the articles or heads of this treaty upon the points already agreed, or which hereafter fhall be agreed, in order to be figned and fealed by the Commiflioners of both kingdoms. The Lord Chancellor, in the name of the Lords Commiflioners for Scot- land, delivered to the Board the following paper, which was read. The Lords CommifTioners for Scotland having confidered the propofal de- livered by the Lords Comminioners for England the 126. inftant, concerning the great feal, their Lordfhips do agree, that there fliall be a great fcal for the united kingdom of Great-Britain, to be ufed for fealing writs to cleft and fummon the Parliament of Great-Britain, and for fealing all treaties with fo- reign princes and ftates, and all public writs and orders of ftate, which con- cern the whole united kingdom. And the Lords Commiflioners for Scotland do propofe, that the great feal of the united kingdom be different from the great feals now ufed in either kingdom, and that the quartering the arms, as may beft fuit the Union, be left to her Majefty, and that in the mean time the great feal of England be ufed as the great feal of the united kingdom. And the Lords CommiiTioners for Scotland do further propofe, as a confequence of the reiervations agreed to by the Lords Commiflioners for both kingdoms, of the laws and cuflioms in Scotland, that a feal in Scotland, after the Union, be always kept and made ufe of in all things relating to private rights or grants, which have ufually pafl'ed the great feal of Scotland, and which do only con- cern offices, grants, commiflions and private rights within that kingdom; and that the privy feal, fignet, fignet of the Jufticiary Court, quarter feal, and other feals of Courts now in ufe in Scotland be continued, but that the fame be altered and adapted to the fl:ate of the Union, as her Majefty Ihall think fir, and that the faid feals, and all of them, and the keepers of them, fliall be fub- jeft to fuch regulations as the Parliament of Great-Britain fliall hereafter make. The Lords Commiflioners for Scotland do alfo propofe, that upon calling the firfl: Parliament of Great-Britain, and until the faid Parliament fliall make further provifion therein, the following method be ufed in fummoning the members from Scotland, to attend in both Houfes of Parliament of Great Britain, viz. That a writ under the great feal of the united kingdom be ifliied out for fummoning the faid members, and that the faid writ be direftcd to fuch court, officer or office, and to be executed and returned in fuch manner as in the Parliament of Scotland fliall be fettled, at or before ratifying the treaty. The Lord Chancellor did alfo, in the name of the Lords Commiflioners for Scotland, deliver to the Board the following paper, which was read. The paper delivered by the Lords Commiflioners for England on the 25th "inftant, concerning the equivalent, does very much contribute to the bringing tliis i82 OF THE LAST TREATY, this treaty to a conclufion. And the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland being ready to concur on their partj do agree to the fame, with the following addi- tions and explanations. I. And firft, where the faid CommiiTioners for both kingdoms have agreed that the fum of 398,0851. los. is the equivalent to be anfwered to Scotland, according to the proportions which the prefent cuftoms and excife of Scotland do bear to the cuftoms and excifes upon excifeable liquors in England j the Lords Commiflioners for Scotland do propofe, that the accounts and calcula- tions which lay before the Committee, by which it does appear from whence tlie aforefaid fum does arife, be entered in the journal books of this treaty. And where the Lords Commiffioners for both kingdoms have alfo agreed that an account be kept of all the duties in Scotland, arifing from the cuftoms and excifes upon excifeable liquors, beyond the prefent eftimate, to the end it may appear what ought to be allowed to Scotland as an equivalent to fuch proportion of the faid increafe, according to the calculation aforefaid, as fhali be applicable for payment of the debts of England ; the Lords CommifTioners for Scotland do in like manner propofe, that the calculation of that proportion which lay before the Committee be entered in the books of journal of this treaty. And where the Lords Commiflioners for both kingdoms have agreed, that upon compleating the Union, the faid fum of 398,0851. los. being agreed upon as the equivalent for Scotland, fhall be granted to her Majefty for that ufe ; the Lords Commiflioners for Scotland do underftand it to be the mean- intT of the Lords Commiflioners for England, that the faid fum be granted to her Majefty in the Parliament of England, at or before ratifying the treaty, and do propofe that the fum be due and payable from the time of ratifi- cation of the Union in both Parliaments. And whereas it is agreed on both fides, that her Majefty be empowered to appoint Commiflioners, who ftiall be accountable to the Parliament of Great Britain for difpofing of the faid fum of 398,0851. los. to be granted as afore- faid, and alfo of all other monies that fliall arife upon the agreements and pro- • pofal aforefaid, to the purpofes mentioned in the laid paper delivered by the Lords Commiflioners for England on the 25th inftant; the Lords Commif- fioners for Scotland do propofe that the aforefaid Commiflioners be not only empowered to call for, receive and difpofe of the aforefaid fum to the purpofes mentioned in the faid paper; but further, that the faid Commiflioners be au- thorized and empowered to infpeft the books of the feveral colledlors of the faid revenues of cuftoms and excifi', and of all other duties from whence an equivalent may arife, and that the colleftors and managers of the faid duties and revenues be obliged to give to the faid Commiflioners fubfcribed, authen- tic PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. 183 tic abbreviats of the produce of the feveral revenues and duties arifing in their refpedlive diftridlrs on account, where an equivalent may become due to Scot- land ; which Commiffioners fliall be obliged to keep books, containing ac- compts of die amount of the equivalent, and how the fame fliall be difpoled of from time to time ; which books fliall be patent for infpeftion to all the fub- jefts in Scotland ; and that the faid CommifTioners have their office within the limits of the faid kingdom of Scotland. The Lord Chancellor, in name of the Lords Commifl^ioners for Scotland, delivered to the Board the following propofal, which was read. The Lords Commiflloners for Scotland do propofe, for removing of national difiiinflions between the two kingdoms after the Union, that the crofles of St. Andrew and St. George be conjoined when ufed in flags, banners, fl:andards and enfigns, both at fca and land. The Lords Commiflloners for Scotland withdrew, and being returned, the Lord Chancellor, in their Lordfliips names, delivered to the Board the following anfwer to the propofal delivered by the Lords Commiflioners for England at this meeting, which was read. The Lords Commiflioners for Scotland do agree, that four Commiflioners of each part be appointed to draw up into form the articles or heads of this treaty, and have named for their part. The Lord Prefident of Sefllon. Lord Juftice Clerk. Sir Alexander Ogilvie, one of the Senators of the College of Juftice. Sir David Dalrymple. The Lord Keeper, in name of the Lords Commiflioners for England, deli- vered to the Board the following paper, which was read. The Lords Commiflioners for England do nominate on their part, to be of the Committee agreed to be appointed for drawing into form the treaty of Union between the two kingdoms, the perfons following : Attorney General. Solicitor General. Sir John Cook. Doftor Waller. Agreed that the above-named Committee, confifl:ing of four of each Com- mifllon, meet to-morrow morning at ten o'clock, and that they have power to adjourn themfelves. Adjourned to Monday the ill of July at 6 in the evening. Monday the \ft of July, 1706. The Lord Keeper, in name of the Lords Commiflioners for England, deli- vered to the Board the following paper, which was read. ^ The ,84 OF THE LAST TREATY, The Lords Commiflioners for England, having confidered the anlV/er deli- vered by the Lords Cominiffioners for Scotland the 21 ft of June laft, to the propofal made by the Lords Commiflioners for England the 19th of the fame month, concerning the coin, weights, and meafures to be ufed throughout the united kingdom j the Lords Commiilioners for England do agree to the pro- vifions contained in the faid anfwer, with this addition, that the weights and meafures for Scotland, to be kept in the boroughs of Scotland, to whom the keeping of the fame does now belong, be fent down to the refpcftive boroughs, from the ftandard kept in the Exchequer at Wcftminfter; and that a mint be continued in Scotland, under the fame rules as the mint in England, fubjeft to fuch regulations as the Parliament of Great Britain fliall think fit. The Lord Chancellor, in the name of the Lords Com.miffioncrs for Scotland^ delivered to the Board the following paper, which was read. The Lords Commiffioners for Scotland having, on the 25th of June laft, de- livered a further explanation of their propofal delivered the 22d of June, con- cernino- fhips belonging to Her Majefty's fubjefls in Scotland, and the Lords CommifTioners for England having agreed to the faid explanation, in their Lord- fhips paper delivered the 29th of June, with an addition thereto; the Lords Commifiioners for Scotland do now agree to the faid addition. Adjourned to Wednefday the third inftant, at 1 1 o'clock. Wednejday the 2,d of July, 1706. The Lord Treafurer, in name of the Lords Commifiioners for England, de.livered to the Board the following paper, which was read. The Lords Commifiioners for England have confidered the paper, delivered by the Lords Commifiioners for Scotland the 28th of June laft; and as to the firft propofal therein contained, viz. That the great feal of the united kingdonrij be different from the great feal ufcd in either kingdom, and that the quartering of the arms, as may beft fuit the Union, be left to Her Majefty ; and that, in the mean time, the great feal of England be ufed as the great feal of the united kingdom ; the Lords Commiflioners for England do agree to the fame. And as to the fecond propofal, the Lords Commiffioners for England do agree, that a feal fiiall, after the Union, be always kept in Scotland, for tlie ufes and purpofcs therein contained ; and that the privy feal, fignet, and other feals therein mentioned, and now ufcd in Scotland, be continued the fame, to be altered, and adapted to the ftate of the Union, as Her Majefty ftiall think fit ; and that the faid feals, and all of them, and the keepers of them, ftiall be fub- jeft to fuch regulations as the Parliament of Great Britain ftiall hereafter make. And inftead of the laft propofal, the Lords Commiflioners for England do j)ropofe, that, upon calling the firft Parliament of Great Britain, and until the Jaid Parliament ftiall make further provifion therein, the following method be ufed. That PROPERLY CALLED T PI E UNION. 185 That a writ do iffue under the great feal of the united kingdom of Great Britain, dire£ted to the Privy Council of that part of the united kingdom now called Scotland, commanding them to' caufe fixteen Peers, who are to fit in the Houfe of Lords, to be fummoned to Parliament, and forty-five Members to be elefted to fit in the Houfe of Commons of the Parliament of die united kingdom of Great Britain, according to the agreements between the two kino-- doms in this treaty, in fuch manner as in the Parliament of Scotland fliall be fettled, at, or before ratifying the- treaty j and that the names of the perfons fo fummoned and elefted fliall be returned by the Privy Council of Scotland, into the court from whence the faid writ did ilTue. The Lord Trcafurer did alfo, in name of the Lords Commiflloners for Eng- land, deliver to the Board the following paper, which was read. The Lords Commiffioners for England having confidered the propofal con- tained in the paper, delivered by the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland the 28th of June laft, in anfwer to the feveral matters relating to the equivalent, mentioned in the paper delivered by the Lords Commiffioners for England on the 25 th of the fame month, do agree to the propofal therein made, concern- ing the accounts and calculations from whence the equivalent did arife, beino- entered into the journal books of this treaty. And the Lords Commiffioners for England do likewife agree to the propofal contained in the fame paper, concerning the calculation of the proportion of the increafe of duties arifing from cufloms and excifes beyond the prefent efti- mate, being entered in the journal book of this treaty. And the Lords Commiffioners for England do alfo agree to the propofal in the fame paper, that the fum of 398,085]. los. agreed upon to be the equiva- knt for Scotland fhall be granted to her Majefty in the Parliament of England, at or before ratifying the treaty, and that the fame be due and payable from the time of ratification of the Union in both Parlianaents. And the Lords Commiffioners for England do alfo agree to what is further propofed therein by the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland, concernino- the powers to be given to the Commiffioners for difpofing of the equivalent, and the books and office to be kept by the faid Commiffioners. The Lord Treafurer did likewife, in name of the Lords Commifilonels for England, deliver to the Board the following paper, which was read. The Lords Commiffioners for England have confidered the propofal made hf the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland tlie 28th of June laft, for removing na- tional diftindtions, and do agree, that the crofies of St. George and St Andrew be conjoined, when ufed in flags, banners, ftandards and enfigns, both at fea and land, with this addition ; that the manner of conjoining the faid crofles be left to her Majefty, and that the enfigns armorial of the united kingdom be fuch as her Majefty fliall appoint, B b The i86 OF THE LAST TREATY, The Lord Chancellor, in name of the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland, delivered to the Board the following paper, which was read The Lords Commiffioners for Scotland do agree to the additions contained in the paper delivered by the Lords Commiffioners for England the ift inftant, concerning the mint, weights, and meafures. Adjourned to Thurfday the 4th inftant, at fi-x in the evening. Thurjday the 4.th of July, 1706. The Lord Chancellor, in name of the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland, delivered to the Board the following paper, which was read. The Lords Commiffioners for England, in their paper of the third inftant having agreed to the propofal made by the Lords Commiffiioners for Scotland the 28th of June laft, concerning the feals ; and having, in the faid paper, pro- pofed a method to be ufed in calling tlie firft Parliament of Great Britain ; the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland do agree to the faid propofal. Th£ Lord Chancellor alfo, in name of the Lords Commiffiioners for Scotland, delivered to 'the Board the following paper, which was read. The Lords Commiffiioners for England having agreed to the propofal, made by the Lords Commiffiioners for Scotland the 28th day of June laft, concerning the conjoining the croffes of St. Andrew and St. George, with an addition, viz. That the manner of conjoining the faid croffes be left to her Majefty, and that tht enfigns armorial of the united kingdom be fuch as her Majefty fhall appoint j the Lords Commiffiioners for Scotland do agree to the faid addition. The Lords Commiffioners of both kingdoms did agree, to revive the Com- mittee of eleven of each fide, nominated the ift of May laft; and that they meet the morrow morning, in order to the diredling the papers and calculations touching the equivalent to be entered in the journal books of the treaty. Adjourned to Saturday the fixth inftant, at 11 o'clock. Saturday the 6th of July, 1706. The Earl of Pembroke, Prefident of the Council, in name of the Lords Commiffioners for England, delivered to the Board the following paper, which was read. The Lords Commiffioners who are on the part of England of the Committee of Lords of both kingdoms, nominated the firft of May laft, to confider matters to them referred, having reported to us the Lords Commiffioners for England, that the faid Committee had referred to fix perfons the ftating in what propor- tion the prefent cuftomsof Scotland, as now let, do bear to the feveral branches of that revenue in England, and alf© in what proportion the prefent excife upon liquors PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. 187 liquors in Scotland, as now let, do bear to the feveral branches of that revenue in England, in order to tl;ie 'Hating of the equivalent that would become due to Scotland, for fo much of the faid two revenues as fhould be applied towards the payment of the debts of England, which was accordingly done as in No. i. And that the faid fix perfons had alfo, by their Lordlhips direftions, prepared a calculation, what fo nriuch of the faid two revenues of Scotland, as fliould be applied towards payment of the debts of England, would produce of ready money, as in No. 2. The faid fix perfons had alfo calculated, that in cafe the fiiid two revenues ftiould increafe (above what they are now let for) loool. on cuftoms, and lOOol. on the excife, how much thereof would contribute to- wards thepaympnt of the debts of England, and for which Scotland is to have an equivalent, as in No, 3. All which papers their Lordfhips having now laid before us, we the Lords Commiffioners for England do agree to the fame,, and that all the,faid papers be entered by the relpe;?t^ive Secretaries in the journals of this treaty. Adjourned to Tuefday the 9th infl:ant, at 5 in die evening. O B S E- R V A T I O N XIII. "'I might make obfervatioris here upon th^ nianner of ftatlng the equivalent ; forirt a matter of that mofneht'.it isnot to be doubted but tliere were various judgments paffed, projecSls founded, and propofals made on every fide for the bringing this difficult thing to bear, in which ever)' body fpoke according to their feveral judgments, and as . I noted before, every man fuppofed this fuch aft infuperable difficulty, that it would never have been maftered in the treaty, arfd therefore various fchemes were made. The main difficulty, as I have hinted already, was the propofal itfelf of an equivalent, and indeed without this it had been impoffible to bring this Union to a conclufion ; nor was the way ever feen clear towards a Union, till the pro- j'eft of an equivalent was thought of. The manner of it therefore might Confequeritly be fuppofed to introduce equal difficulty. Some propofed it in an annual payment of intereft to Scotland of 30,000!. per annum, or 6oo,oool. in money, to be ftated at 5I. per cent. But the people that made thefe propofals, built upon the fuppofitionofthe Scots revenues paying a far greater fhare of the Englilh debt, than upon a further fearch into the feveral articles appeared probable ; and at beft built upon imaginary increafes on one fide, and imaginary expences on the other, as will appear by the following fchemes of the improved taxes of Scotland after tfie Union. B b 2 An i88 OF THE LAST TREATY, An EJlimate of what the Revenue of Scotland may produce after the Union, when upon the Foot of the Englijh taxes. Cuftoms — — — — 70,000 Excife — — — — 40,000 Malt and fair taxes — — 40,000 Crown lands — _ __ 6,000 Stamped paper, &c. — — 10,000 Land tax — — . — 50,600 2i6,oool. per annum. 1 Ihould not record this imaginary and erroneous fcheme, but to illuftrate and fhew the neceffity and original of the true; perhaps the author of this fcheme had as near a view as any body at that time of day could come at. But when the CommifTioners on both fides came to form themfelves into a Committee to ftate this fo as that neither kingdom might objeft, they found themfelves under a necelTity of keeping a medium between two dangerous ex- tremes, that the Scots on one hand might not plead a difparity of allowance, and confequently deny its being an equivalent, which would overthrow the foundation ; and the Englifli might not complain they were wronged in the calculation, and paid more for the proportion than it was worth. To bring this therefore to a head, they went back to the principles, which was an infallible rule to judge by, and taking the cuftoms and excifes of Scot- land, which were the only taxes which could be appropriated to the payment of Englilh debts, and ftating them at the prefent produce, as they were then farmed out, they advance to the Scots as much money as the annual produce of thofe fums appropriated as above comes to. This was capable of a moft exadl calculation to the leaft fraction, and was exaftly caft up as in the tables an- nexed to the minutes, which I have alfo printed, that pofterity may fee how cxaftly this matter was carried between both, and may for ever be fatisfied with the juftice which was done them in either nation. The calculation being made exadlly for the prefent revenue of Scotland, it was not for the CommifTioners to attempt a real advance upon imaginary in- creafes, which might or might not come to pafs, as trade might or might not be enlarged by the Union. But to remove all pofTible objefbions, they firft date how much fhall be appropriated to the payment of the Englifh debts, upon every thouAind pounds that any of the revenues of Scotland (hall there- after advance, and then appointing an exaft account to be kept of fuch ad- vance, agree that Scotland fhall be rc-imburfid by way of equivalent, as much as (hall be paid out of fuch advanced revenues, and jhat CommifTioners be appointed TROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. 189 appointed both to fee the calculations made and accompts kept, and alfo to pay the faid equivalent as it becomes due. This was fo clear, fo juft, and fo unexceptionable a method, that it could admit of no difpute, and brought the moft intricate part of the whole treaty to a happy conclufion. The queftion about the manner of payment was now all that remained, and the propofal for an annual intereft found no room ; for this had been but the fame thing with letting the revenues of Scotland pay themfelves as it came in ; nor could it enable Scotland to anfwer the incumbrances which were then upon her, and which it behoved her to clear herfelf of to make way for the Union, fuch as the paying of, or purchafing the capital (lock of the African Company, &c. making good the deficiency of the coin, paying the public debts, &c. To folve this, the calculation being made, they propofed to eftimate the value of the proportions which Scotland would fo pay of the Englifh debts, and reduce them to a rate in prefent money, according to the common eftimates then current for advanced payment to the Government ; and that then Eng- land fhould pay the full fum down in ready money, the payment to become due upon the figning the Union. This was thought not only juft, but advantageous to Scotland, and indeed neceflary to her, to fupply the ftagnation which might be upon the current cafh of that kingdom on the alteration of the coin, and to caufe money to cir- culate among them, which was then much wanted. This part of the calculation 1 have therefore caufed to be printed here as it ftands in the books of the Commiffioners, to clear up the particulars, and to convince the niceft objeftors with what exadnefs and equal proportion every part of this tranfaftion was carried on. An Account of the Value of the Annual Sums contrihuled out of the Ciiftoms of Scotland (according to the prefent Produce thereof) tozvards the anticipated Funds of the Cujloms of England, viz. 26051. per annum from March 25, 1707, until June 24, i7io,T eftimated in prefent money ■ — j 1 57 98I. per annum from March 25, 1707 to Auguft i, 1710,) . eftimated at . — ) 357 81. per annum- from March 25, 1707, to September 30,] 17 10, eftimated at — — — 1780I. per annum from March 25, 1707, for 98 years, com- mencing M'lch 8, 1708, at the rate of fifteen years and three ^27145 months purchafe, comes to — 23761]. per annum from the Cuftoms.- 1 1251 I' 93479 A Com- 190 OF THE LAST TREATY, 10 > 71003 i; J Computation of the Value of the Annual Sums contributed out of the Scotch Excije (eflimated at 33500/. -per annum) towards the anticipated Excife Funds in England, viz. 6802I. per annum out of the excife in Scotland towards pay-"l £. S. ment of annuities for 99 years, which are charged on the 3700I. I ^ a week arifing out of the hereditary and temporary excife in England, at 1 5 years three months purchafe, comes to -* 4682]. per annum contributed out of the excife in Scotland, towards payment of annuities, amounting to 132433I. per annum charged on 9d. per barrel excife in England, whereof J24866I. per annum is for the remainder of a term of 99 years, commencing January 25, 1692, and 7567I. per annum for lives with the advantage of furvivorftiip ; fo that 441 5I. of the 4682I. per annum, will be for the remainder of the faid term of 99 years, and 267I. thereof for lives, with the ad- vantage of furvivorfhip ; and fo much thereof as is for the remainder of a term of 99 years, being rated at ,15 years and three months purchafe, comes to 67328I. 15s, and the re- mainder being deemed of equal value with a term of 30 years, comes to 3675I. in the whole. 4860I. per annum contributed out of the excife in Scotland, towards payment of 137460I. per annum charged on another 9d. per barrel excife in England, part in perpetuity, part for 99 years, part for 3 lives, and part for 2 lives, whereof 3536I. of the faid 4860I. per annum will be in perpetuity, 542I. for 99 years, 74I. for 3 lives, and 708I. for 2 lives, fo much as is in perpetuity and for 99 years being rated at 15 years and 3 months purchafe, fo much as is for 3 lives being rated at 1 2 years purchafe, and fo much as is for a lives at 1 1 years pur- chafe, amount in the whole at thofe rates to 3699I. per annum, contributed out of the excife in Scotland, for payment of annuities charged on another 9d. per barrel excife in England for 99 years, at 15 years and three months pur- chafe, comes to — — , , 70865 10 > 56409 15 Carried over £, 302009 10 893I. PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. 191 Brought forward — 302009 10 893I. per annum, contributed out of the excife in Scotland, for^ 2 years and 3 months, commencing March 25, 1707, ap- plicable as the duty on low wines in England for that time, is computed to be worth J 2597 £. 304606 10 From the cuftoms — — 93479 Total fum, being the fame as the equivalent £. 398085 10 From this calculation it alfo appears, that every loool. increafe on the excife will pay towards the debts of England — — £. 625 Ditto on the cuftoms 792 Tuejday the ^th of July, 1706. The Lords CommifTioners of both kingdoms agreed to revive the Commit- tee of eight, who were nominated to draw up the heads of the treaty in form, and that they meet to-morrow morning. Adjourned to Thurfday the i ith inftant, at 1 1 o'clock, in the forenoon. Thurfday the wth of July, 1706. The Lord Keeper, in the name of the Lords CommifTioners for England, delivered to the Board the following propofals, which were read. The Lords Commiffioners for England do propofe, that the Union of both kingdoms Ihall take place upon the firft day of May, 1707, and their Lordfhips do alfo propofe, that if her Majefty, on or before the faid firft day of May, fliall declare under the great feai of England, that it is expedient that the Lords of Parliament of England, and Commons of the prefent Parliament of England, fhould be the Members of the refpedive Houfes of the firft Parliament of" Great Britain, for and on the part of England ; then the faid Lords of Parlia- ment of England, and Commons of the prefent Parliament of England, ftiall be the Members of the refpedlive Houfes of the firft Parliament of Great Britain ; and her Majefty may, by her royal proclamation, under the great feal of Great Britain, appoint the faid firft Parliament of Great Britain to meet at fuch time and place as her Majefty ftiall think fit, which time fhall not be lefs than forty-two days after the date of fuch proclamation j and the time and place of the meeting of fuch Parliament being fo appointed, a writ ftiall be im- mediately ifTued under the great feal of Great Britain, diredled to the Privy Council of Scotland, for the fummoning the fixteen Peers, and for eledting forty- 192 OF THE LAST TREATY, forty-five members, by whom Scotland is to be reprefenced in the Parliament of Great Britain ; and the Lords of Parliament of England, and the fixteen Peers of Scotland, fuch fixteen Peers being fummoned and returned in the manner agreed in this treaty -, and the members of the Houfe of Commons of the faid Parliament of England, and the forty-five members for Scotland, fuch forty-five members being elcfted and returned in the manner agreed in this treaty, fhall afiemble and meet refpeftively in the refpeftive Houfes of the Parliament of Great-Britain, at fuch time and place as fhall be fo appointed by her Majefty, and fhall be the two Houfes of the firft Parliament of Great Britain; and that Parliament may continue for fuch time only as the prefent Parliament of England might have continued, if the Union of the two king- doms had not been made, unlefs fooner diffolved by her Majefty. And the Lords Commiffioners for England do likewife propofe. That every one of the faid fixteen Peers of Scotland, and every one of the faid forty- five Members for Scotland fhall, before they fit or vote in the refpeftivc Houfes of Parliament of Great Britain, take the refpeftive oaths, and fubfcribe the Declara- tion in the fame manner as the Lords and Members of both Houfes of Parlia- ment in England are obliged to take and fubfcribe, by virtue of any aft or ads of Parliament now in force in England, upon the penalties therein contained. Adjourned to Saturday the 13th inftant, at 1 1 o'clock in the forenoon. Saturday the i^th of July-, 1706. The Lord Chancellor, in the name of the Lords Commiflioners for Scotland, delivered to the Board the following paper, which was read. The Lords CommilTioners for Scotland do agree to the paper delivered by the Lords Commiffioners for England the iith inftant, with this alteration to the firft part of the faid paper, that whereas the faid Commiffioners for England do propofe, that the firft Parliament of Great Britain be appointed to meet at fuch time and place as her Majefty fhall think fit, which time fliall not be lefs than forty-two days after the date of fuch proclamation, as in the faid propo- ial is mentioned ; the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland do propofe, that the time for meeting of the faid Parliament fliall not be Icfs than fifty days after the date of fuch proclamation ; and as to the fecond part of the faid propofal, the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland do agree to the iame in the terms fol- lowing : That every one of the Lords of Parliament of Great-Britain, and every Member of the Houfe of Commons of the Parliament of Great Britain, in the firft and all fucceeding Parliaments of Great-Britain, until the Parlia- ment of Great Britain fliall otherwife direft, fliall, before they fit or vote in the refpedtive Houfes of the Parliament of Great-Britain, take the refpcflive oaths appointed PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. 193 appointed to be taken inftead of the oaths of allegiance and fiiprcnucy, by an aft of Parliament made in England, in the firfl: year of the reign of the late King Wil- liam and Queen Mary, intituled. An A51 for the Abrogating of the Oaths of Alle- giance and Supremacy y and appointing other Oaths, and make, fubfcribe, and audi- bly repeat the declaration mentioned in an aft of Parliament made in England in the 30th year of the reign of King Charles the Second, intituled. An Act for the more effeHual preferving the Kings Perfon and Government, by difabling Papijls from fitting in either Hoiife of Parliament ; and fhall take and fubfcribe the oath mentioned in an aft of Parliament made in England, in the firft year of her Majefty's reign; intituled. An Atl to declare the Alterations in the Oath appointed to be taken by the Act, intituled. An A^ for the further Security of His Majefty's Perfon, and the Succeffion of the Crown in the P rot eft ant Line, and for extinguiflnng the hopes of the pretended Prince of JVales, and all other Pre- tenders, and their open andfecret Abettors, and for declaring the Affociation to be determined, upon the penalty and difabilities in the faid refpeftive afts con- tained; and the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland do further propofe, that thefe words, the Crown of this Realm, and the ^een of this Realm, mentioned in the oaths and declaration contained in the aforcfaid afts, which were intended to fignify the crown and realm of England, may be underftood of the crown and realm of Great Britain, united by the afts of the refpeftive Parliaments ratifying this treaty, and that the oaths and declaration be taken and fubfcribed by the members of both Houfes of the Parliament of Great Britain in that fenfe. The Lords CommifTioners for England withdrew, and being returned, the Lord Keeper, in their Lordfhips names^ delivered to the Board the foUowino- paper, which was read. The Lords CommifTioners for England, having confidered the paper deliver- ed at this meeting by the Lords CommifTioners for Scotland, do agree to the feveral matters therein propofed. Adjourned to Tuefday the i6th inftanr, at 11 o'clock, forenoon. OBSERVATION XIV. The affair of the African Company, and the equivalent, being thus fettled, there was nothing now before them but things of fmall moment, and eafily adjufled, fuch as the quartering of the arms, uniting the crolTes, and fettling the banners, enfigns and trophies of the united kingdoms, regulating weights and meafures, the methods of calling and regulating the Parliament, and die fummoning the Members, and the like; in all which the CommifTioners on both fides had little more to do, than to propofe and agree, fo all things pro- ceeded fmoothly and eafily ; and the articles being finifhed, were with all pof- C c fible 194 OF THE LAST TREATY, fible fpeed engrofTed, figiied and prefented to the Queen, in manner as per the minute ; the treaty having continued from the i6th of April to the 23d of July inclufive, being fo happily finiflied as gave an univerfal facisfaftion to all the kingdom, and at firft, to all appearance, was received with equal joy in either part of the ifland. Tuefday the iGth of July, 1706. The drauo-ht of the articles of Union was read by the refpeftive Secretaries, and the Lords Commiffioners of both kingdoms ordered the fame to be en- grofTed againft the next meeting. Adjourned to Monday the 116. inftant, at 5 in the evening. Monday the zid of July, 1706. The Lords Commiffioners for both kingdoms, figned and fealed the inftru- ments or writings, containing the articles of Union, conformable to their refpec- tive Commiffions. Ordered, That the refpeftive Secretaries of each Commiffion do fign each other's journals of the proceedings. Ordered, That the refpeftive Secretaries, after figning their journals, enter in the journals the articles of the treaty of Union. Adjourned to Tuefday the 23d of July, 1706, at 12 o'clock. Tuefday the z^d of July, 1706. The Lords Commiffioners for both kingdoms went from the Cockpit to at- tend the Queen at St. James's, where the Lord Keeper, in the name of the Lords Commiffioners for England, made the following fpeech, and prefented to her Majefty one of the figned and fealed inftruments or writings con- taining the articles of Union on the part of England. " May it pleafe your Majefty, " WE the Commiffioners appointed by your Majefty, in purfuance of the «' aft of Parliament paffed in your kingdom of England, to treat concerning an " Union of the two kingdoms, with the Commiffioners for Scotland, do (ac- " cording to our duty) humbly beg leave to prefent to your Majefty thefe the " effedts of our continued and faithful endeavours towards that end. " They are the articles agreed upon between your Commiffioners of both " kingdoms, as the terms or conditions upon which the intended Union is to '< take place, if your Majefty and the Parliaments of both kingdoms fliall think " fit to approve and confirm the fame. « In PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. 195 " In thefe we have come to an agreement on every point, we judged necefTarv " to cfFeft a compleat and lafting Union, and we have endeavoured not to flir " into any matter we had reafon to think was not fo. " And although we have unanimoufly carried this treaty thus far, purely from " a conviftion, that we have done therein to God, yourMajefty, and our country's " good fervice ; yet we are far from thinking that what we have done will, or " ought to be of any weight or authority elfewhere ; but do moft entirely fub- " mit thefe our labours to the high wifdom of your Majeily, and both your Par- " liaments, to ftand or fall by the reafon, juftice, and public utility on which "they are founded. " Your Majefly's royal prefence and feafonable admonitions to us at the fitteft " junftures were (we moft thankfully acknowledge) avery great encouragement " and affiftance to us, in the difficulties we met with. " Your Majefty's glory is already perfeft, and the finifhing this work is all " that is wanting to compleat as well as fecure the happinefs of fo great a peo- " pie, as your fubjefts may now, without any arrogance pretend to be. " May your Majefty live not only to give a fanfbion of this univerfal blefllng " to all your people, but alfo to fee, in a long and profperous reign over us, " the many immediate (or near) good effefts of it; but as for that great and " main confequence of it, for which your Majefty is making, by a moft gracious " and charitable forefight, this only effeftual provifion, I mean the continuance " of peace and tranquillity in this ifland, upon a defcent of the crown, inftead " of that bloodlhed and diftra£lion which would probably follow upon the fatal " divifion of it ; may we be fo happy as never, in our days, to experience the " fitnefs of thefe meafures your Majefty is now taking for that end ! But may late " very late pofterity, only in that refpeft, reap the advantage of them." The Lord Chancellor of Scotland, in name of the Lords Commiftioners for Scotland, made the following fpeech, and prefented to her Majefty one of the figned and fcaled inftruments or writings, containing the articles of Union on the part of Scotland. " May it pleafe your Majefty, "THE Commiftioners appointed by your Majefty for the kingdom of " Scotland, to treat of an Union of your two kingdoms of Scotland and Eng- " land, have commanded me to return your Majefty their moft humble and duti- <' ful acknowledgments, for the honour your Majefty has conferred on them, in " employing them to negociate this moft important affair, which is of the greateft " confequence to all your Majefty's fubjedls. " We have endeavoured to difcharge this truft with all fidelity, and are now " come humbly to lay before your Majefty the articles and conditions of Union, C c 2 " which ,96 OFTHELASTTREATY, " which we have treated of, and agreed upon, and do fubmit them to your Ma- '' jefty's royal confideration. " It is a great fiitisfaftion to us, that what we have concluded in this matter " has been done with unanimity j and we muft own, that the knowledge we had " of your Majefty's great concern for uniting your two kingdoms, and the " earneftnefs with which your Majefty has been moft gracioufly pleafed to re- " commend it, hath enabled us to bring this treaty to a happy and fpeedy con- " clufion, to the mutual fatisfaftion of the CommifTioners on both fides j and " we (hall efteem it our greateft happinefs, if what we have prepared be accept- " able to your Majefty, and ratified by the Parliaments of both kingdoms, ■' without which, what Ave have done can be of no authority. " An Union of the two kingdoms has been long wifhed for, it being fo necef- " fary for eftablifliing the lafting peace, happinefs, and profperityof both nations; " and though it has been frequently endeavoured by your Majefty's royal pre- " deceffbrs, without the defined fuccefs, yet the glorious fucceftes, with which " God hasblefled your Majefty's endeavours for the happinefs of your people, " make us hope, that this great work is referved to be accomplilhed in your " Majefty's reign." After which. Her Majefty was gracioufly pleafed to make the following fpeech. " My Lords, " I give you many thanks for the great pains you have taken in this treaty, <' and am very well pleafed to find your endeavours and applications have brought " it to fo good a conclufion. The particulars of it feem fo reafonable, that I " hope they will meet with approbation in the Parliaments of both kingdoms. " I wifli therefore, that my fervants of Scotland may lofe no time in going down " to propofe it to my fubjedts of that kingdom ; and I fliall always look upon " it as a particular happinefs, if this Union (which will be fo great a fecurity " and advantage to both kingdoms) can be accomplilhed in my reign." OBSERVATION XV. And thus this mighty affair was brought to a conclufion. What difficulties it met with afterwards; — how it became the averfion ofthofe very people, who,' it was generally thought, it had been particularly furnilhed to prcfcTvc ; — what oppofition it met with-; — with what difficulty finilhed, and how hardly fupported, wlicn carried through, efpecially in Scotland, fliall be the fubjefl of the enfuing part of this work. As to the ftate of the debts and revenue of cither nation, from whence the fe- veral calculations were made, and the ftate of the equivalent formed, they are printed from the originals, and added in the Appendix to this work. T H E THE ARTICLES OF UNION, Js they were treated on and agreed to at London, to which the Minutes aforefaid, with the Obfervations, refer. Agreed on the Twenty Second Day of July, in the Fifth Tear of the Reign of Her Mofl Excellent Majefty Anne by the Grace of God ^ueen of Scotland, Eng- land, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c, and in the Year of our Lord One Ihoufand Seven Hundred and Six, hy the Comniffioners nominated en Behalf of the Kingdom of Scotland, bearing Date the Twenty Seventh Day of February laft pafi; in purfuance of the Fourth A£l of the Third Seffion of Her Majefty' s Current Parliament of Scotland, in the Fourth Tear of Her Majejly's Reign -, and the Commiff oners nominated on the Behalf of the Kingdom of England, under her Majefty s Great Seal of England, bearing Date at Weftminfter the Tenth Day of April laft paft ; in purfuance of an ASl of Parliament made in England the Third Tear of Her Majefty s Reign, to Treat of and concerning an Union of the faid Kingdoms : IVhich Articles are in all Humility to be prefented to the ^een's moft Excellent Majefty, and offered to the Conjideration of the RefpeStive Parliaments of both Kingdoms, purfuant to the faid A£ls and Commiffions. I. 1 HAT the two Kingdoms of Scotland and England fliali, upon the firlt day of May next enfuing the date hereof, and for ever after, be united into one kingdom by the name of Great Britain ; and that the enfigns armorial of the faid united kingdom be fuch as her Majefty fliall appoint, and the crofles of St. Andrew and St. George be conjoined in fuch manner as her Majefty ftiall think fit, and ufed in all flags, banners, ftandards, and enfigns, both at fea and land. II. That the fucceffion to the Monarchy of the united kingdom of Great Britain, and of the dominions thereunto belonging, after her moft facred Majefty, and in default of ifTue of her Majefty, be, remain, and continue to the moft excellent Princefs Sophia, Eleftorefs and Dutchefs Dowager of Ha- nover, and the heirs of her body, being Proteftants, upon whom the Crown of England is fettled by an A61 of Parliament made in England in the twelfth year of the reign of his late Majefty King William the Third, entitled, An A£l 19? OF THE LAST TREATY, ASf for the further Limitation of the Crown, and better fecuring the Rights and Liberties of the SubjeSl : And that all Papifts, and perfons marrying Papifts, fhall be excluded from, and for ever incapable to inherit, polTefs, or enjoy the imperial Crown of Great Britain, and the dominions thereunto belonging, or any part thereof} and in every fuch cafe, the Cr.ow^.and Qoyernment fhall from time to time defcend to, and ht enjoyed by fucb pexfon bein^ a Proteftant, as fhould have inherited and enjoyed the fame, in cafe fuch Papifts or perfon marrying a Papift, was naturally dead, according to the provifion for the de- fcent of the Crown of England, made by another a6t of Parliament in England, in the firfl: year of the reign of their ,late Majefties King William and Queen Mary, entitled. An A5i declaring the Rights and Liberties of the Subject, and fettling the Succejion of the Crown. III. That the united kingdom of Great Britain be reprefented by one and the fame Parliament, to be ftyled the Parliament of Great- Britain. ■IV. That all the fubjecls of the united Ivingdom of Great Britain fliall, from ; and after the Union, have full freedom and intercourfe of trade and navigation, to and from any port or place within. the faid united kingdom, and the domi- nions and plantations thereunto belonging ; and that there be a communication of all other rights, privileges and advantages, which do, or may belong to the fubjedts of either kingdom, except where it is otherways exprefsly agreed in thefe articles. V. That all Ihips belonging to her Majefty's fubjefts of Scotland, at the time of figning this treaty for the Union of the two kingdoms, though foreign built, fliall be deemed and pafs as fliips of the build of Great Britain, the owner, -or where there are more ov/ners, one or m.ore of the owners, within twelve months after the Union, making oath, that at the time of figning the faid treaty, the fame did belong to him or them, or to fome other fubjeft or fubjefts of Scotland, to be particularly named, with the places of their re- fpeftive abodes, and that the fame doth then belong to him or them, and that no foreigner, direftly or indireftly, hath any fliare, part, or intereft therein : Which oath fhall be made before the chief officer or officers of the Cuftoms in the port next to the abode of the faid owner or owners ; and the faid officer or officers fhall be impowcred to adminifter the faid oath ; and the oath being fo admini- ftered, fliall be ^ttefted by the officer or officers who adminiftercd the fame j and being rcgiftcred by the faid officer or officers, fliall be delivered lo the mafter of the fhip, for fecurity of her navigation, and a duplicate thereof fhall be tranfmitted by the faid officer or officers to the chief officer or officers of the cuftoms in the port of Edinburgh, to be there entered in a regifter, and from thence to be fcnt to the port of London, to be tliere entered in the general regifter of all trading fliips belonging to Great Britain. VI. That PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. 199 VI. That all parts of the united kingdom for ever, from and after the Union, fhall have the fame allowances and encouragements, and be under the fame prohibitions, reflridtions and regulations of trade, and liable to the fame cuftoms and duties on import and export ; and that the allowances, encouragements, prohibitions, refbriftions and regulations of trade, and the cuftoms and duties on import and export fettled in England when the Union commences, fliall, from and after the Union, take place throughout the whole united kingdom. VII. That all parts of the united kingdom be for ever, from and after the Union, liable to the fame excifes upon all excifeable liquors ; and that the excife fettled in England on fuch liquors, when the Union commences, take place throughout the whole united kingdom. VIII. That from and after the Union, all foreign fait which fliall be imported into Scotland, fliall be charged at the importation there, with the fame duties as the like fait is now charged with, being imported into England, and to be levied and fecured in the fame manner : But Scotland fliall, for the fpace of feven years from the faid Union, be exempted from the paying in Scotland for fait made there, the duty or excife now payable for fait made in England ; but, from the expiration of the faid feven years, fliall be fubjeft and liable to the fame duties for fait made in Scotland, as fliall be then payable for fait made in England, to be levied and fecured in the fame manner, and with the like draw-backs and allowances as in England. And during the faid feven years, there fliall be paid in England for all fait made in Scotland, and Imported from thence into England, the fiime duties upon the importation, as fliall be payable for fait made in England, to be levied and fecured in the fame manner as the duties on foreign fait are to be levied and fecured in England : and that, during the faid feven years, no fait whatfoever be brought from Scotland to England by land in any manner, un- der the penalty of forfeiting the fait, and the cattle and carriages made ufe of in bringing the fame, and paying twenty fliillings for every bufliel of fuch fait, and proportionably for a greater or leflTer quantity, for which tlie carrier, as well as the owner, fliall be liable jointly and feverally ; and the perfons bringing or carrying the fame, to be imprifoned by anyone juftice of the peace by the fpace of fix months without bail, and until the penalty be paid; and that, during the faid i'even years, all falted flefli or fifli exported from Scotland to England, or made ufe of for vi6tualling of fliips in Scotland, and all flefli put on board in Scotland, to be exported to parts beyond the feas, which fliall be falted with Scots fait, or any mixture therewith, fliall be forfeited and may be feized ; and that from and after the Union, the laws and afts of Parlia- ment in Scotland, for pining, curing and packing of herrings, white fifli and falmoH for exportation, with foreign fait only, and for preventing of frauds in curing andpackingof fifli, be continued in force in Scotland, fubjed to fuch altera- tions aoo OF THE LAST TREATY, tions as fliall be made by the Parliament of Great Britain ; and that all fifli exported from Scotland to parts beyond the feas, which fliall be cured with foreign fait only, fhall have the fame eafes, premiums and draw-backs, as are or fhall be allowed to fuch perfons as export the likefifh from England : and if any matters of fraud relating to the faid duties on fait fliall hereafter appear, which are not fufficiently provided againft by this article, the fame fhall be fubjeft to fuch further provifions as ihall be thought fit by the Parliament of Great Britain. IX. That whenever the fum of one million, nine hundred and ninety-feven thoufand, feven hundred and fixty-thrce pounds, eight fhillings and four-pence halfpenny, fliall be enaftcd by the Parliament of Great-Britain, to be raifed in that part of the united kingdom now called England, on land and other things ufually charged in afts of Parliament there, for granting an aid to the Crown by a land-tax ; that part of the united kingdom, now called Scotland, fhall be charged by the fame adt with a furtlier fum of forty-eight thoufand pounds, free of all charges, as the quota of Scotland to fuch tax, and fo proportionably for any greater or leder fum raifed in England by any tax on land, and other things ufually charged together with the land ; and that fuch quota for Scot- land, in the cafes aforefaid, be raifed and collefted in the fame manner as the cefs now is in Scotland, but fubject to fuch regulations in the manner of col- lefting, as fliall be made by the Parliament of Great Britain. X. That during the continuance of the refpeflive duties on flamped paper, vellum and parchment, by the fcveral afts now in force in England, Scotland fliall not be charged with the fame refpeflive duties. XI. That during the continuance of the duties payable in England on win- dows and lights, which determines on the firft day of AugulT:, one thoufand feven hundred and ten, Scotland fhall not be charged with the fame duties. XII. That during the continuance of the duties payable in England on coals, culm and cinders, which determines the thirtieth day of September, one thou- fand feven hundred and ten, Scotland fhall not be charged therewith for coals, culm and cinders confumed there, but fliall be charged with the fame duties as in England for all coal, culm and cinders not confumed in Scotland. XIII. That during the continuance of the duty payable in England upon malt, which determines the twenty-fourth day of June, one thoufand feven hundred and feven, Scotland fliall not be charged with that duty, XIV. That the kingdom of Scotland be not ciiarged with any other duties laid on by the Parliament of England before the Union, except thofe confented to in this treaty; in regard it is agreed, that all neceflTary provifion fliall be made by the Parliament of Scotland, for the public charge and fervice of that king- dom, for the year one thoufand feven hundred and feven : Providing nevcrthe- lefs. PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. 201 Itfs, that, if the Parliament of Enghind Hiall think fie to lay any farther impo- fitions, by way of cuftoms, or fuch cxcifes, with v/hich, by virtue of this treaty, Scotland is to be charged equally with England; in fnch cafe, Scptland fliall be liable to the fame cuftoms and excifcs, and have an equivalent to be fettled by the Parliament of Great Britain. And feeing it cannot be fuppofed that the Parliament of Great Britain will ever lay any forts of burdens upon the united kingdom, but what they fliall find of necefilty, at that time, for the prefervation and good of the whole, and with due regard to the circumllances and abilities of every part of the united kingdom : therefore, it is agreed, that there be no further exemption infifted on for any part of the united kingdom ; but that the confideration of any exemptions, beyond what are already agreed on in this treaty, fliall be left to the determination of the Parliament of Great Britain. XV. Whereas, by the terms of this treaty, the fubjefts of Scotland, for preferving an equality of trade throughout the united kingdom, will be liable to ieveral cuftoms and excifes now payable in England, which will be applicable towards payment of the debts of England, contrafted before the Union ; it is agreed that Scotland fliall have an equivalent for what the fubje6ts thereof fliall be fo charged, towards payment of the faid debts of England, in all particu- lars whatfoever, in manner following, viz. That before the union of tlie faid kingdoms, the fum of 398,0851. los. be granted to Her Majefty by the Par- liament of England, for the ufes after-mentioned, being tlie equivalent to be anfwered to Scotland, for fuch parts of the faid cuftoms and excifes upon all excifeable liquors, with which that kingdom is to be charged upon the Union, as will be applicable to the payment of the faid debts of England, according to the proportions which the prefent cuftoms in Scotland, being 30,000!. per annum, do bear to the cuftoms in England computed at 1,341,5591. per annum : and which, the prefent excifes on excifeable liquors in Scotland being 33,500!. per annum, do bear to the excifes on excifeable liquors in England, computed at 947,6021. per annum; which fum of 398,085!. los. fliall be due and payable from the time of the Union : and in regard that, after the Union, Scotland becoming liable to the fame cuftoms and duties payable on import and export, and to the fame excifes on all excifeable liquors as in England, as well upon that account, as upon the account of the increafe of trade and people, (v/hich will be the happy conlequencc of the Union) tlie faid revenues will mucii im- prove beyond the before-mentioned annual values thereof, of which no prefent eftimate can be made : yet neverthelefs, for the reafons aforefaid, there ought to be a proportionable equivalent anfwered to Scotland. — It is agreed, that, after the Union, there fliall be an account kept of the faid duties arifing in Scotland, to D d the 202 OF THE LAST TREATY, the end it may appear what ought to be anfwered to Scotland, as an equivalent for fuch proportion of the faid increafe as ftiall be applicable to the payirent of the debts of England. And for the further and more effeflual anfwering the feveral ends hereafter mentioned, it is agreed, that from and after the Union, the whole increafe of the revenues of cuftoms, and duties on import and export, and excife upon excifeable liquors in Scotland, over and above the annual pro- duce of the faid refpeftive duties, as above ftated, fhall go and be applied, for the term of feven years, to the ufes hereafter mentioned ; and that, upon the faid account, there fhall be anfwered to Scotland annually, from the end of feven years after the Union, an equivalent in proportion to fuch part of the faid increafe as fliall be applicable to the debts of England. And whereas, from the expiration of feven years after the Union, Scotland is to be liable to the fame duties for fait made in Scotland, as fliall then be payable for fait made in England ; it is agreed, that, when fuch duties take place there, an equivalent fhall be anfwered to Scotland, for fuch part thereof as fhall be ap- plied towards payment of the debts of England ; of which duties an account Ihall be kept, to the end it may appear what is to be anfwered to Scotland as the faid equivalent. And generally, that an equivalent fhall be anfwered to Scot- land for fuch parts of the Englifh debts as Scotland may hereafter become liable to pay by reafon of the Union, other than fuch for which appropriations have been made by Parliament in England of the cuftoms, or other duties on export and import, excifes on all excifeable liquors, or fait, in refpeft of which debts equivalents are herein before provided. And as for the ufes to which the faid fum of 398,0851. 10s. to be granted as aforefaid, and all other monies, which are to be anfwered or allowed to Scotland as aforefaid, it is agreed, that, out of the faid fum of 398,0851, los. all the public debts of the kingdom of Scotland, and alfo the capital ftock or fund of the African and Indian Company of Scot- land advanced, together with the intereft for the faid capital ftock, after the rate of 5I. percent, per annum, from the refpeftive times of the payment thereof, ftiall be paid : Upon payment of which capital ftock and intereft, it is agreed, the faid Company be diftblvcd and ceafe ; and alfo, that from the time of pafting the aft of Parliament in England, for raifing the faid fum of 398,0851. 10s. the faid Company fliall neither trade, nor grant licence to trade. And as to the overplus of the faid fum of 398,0851. los. after the payment of the faid debts bf the kingdom of Scotland, and the faid capital ftock and intereft, and alfo the whole increafe of the faid revenues of cuftoms, duties and excifes, above the prefent value, which ftiull arife in Scotland during the faid term of feven years, together with the equivalent which fliall become due upon account of the im- provement thereof in Scotland after the faid term; and alfo, as to all other fums, which, according to the agreements aforefaid, may become payable to Scotland by way of equivalent for what that kingdom ft\all hereafter become liable PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION 20J liable towards payment of the debts of England, it is agreed, that the fame be applied in the manner following, viz. That out of the fame, what conft- deration fhall be found neceflltry to be had for any lofles which private per- fons may fuftain, by reducing the coin of Scotland to the ftandard and value of the coin of England, may be made good ; and afterwards the fame fhall be wholly applied towards encouraging and promoting the fifheries, and fuch other manufaftories and improvements in Scotland as may moft conduce to the general good of the united kingdom. And it is agreed, that her Majefty be impowered to appoint CommifTioners, who fliall be accountable to the Parliament of Great Britain, for difpofing the faid fum of 398,0851. 10s. and all other monies which fliall arife to Scotland upon the agreements aforefaid, to the purpofes before mentioned : Which Commiflioners fhall be impowered to call for, receive, and difpofe of the faid monies in the manner aforefaid, and to infpeft the books of the feveral colleftors of the faid revenues, and of all other duties, from whence an equivalent may arife j and that the colleftors and managers of the faid revenues and duties be obliged to give to the faid Com- mifTioners fubfcribed audientic abbreviates of the produce of fuch revenues and duties arifing in their refpe£tive diftrifts ; and that the faid CommifTioners fhall have their ofBce within the limits of Scotland, and fhall, in fuch ofhce, keep books containing accounts of the amount of the equivalents, and how the fame fhall have been difpofed of from time to time, which may be infpeded by any of the fubjefts who (hall defire the fame. XVI. That, from and after the Union, the coin fhall be of the fame flandard and value throughout the united kingdom, as now in England, and a mint fhall be continued in Scotland under the fame rules as the mint in England, fubjedl to fuch regulations as her Majefly, her heirs, or fuccefTors, or the Parliament of Great Britain fhall think fit. XVII. That, from and after the Union, the fanie weights and meafures fhall be ufed throughout the united kingdom as are now eflablifhed in England; and ftandards of weights and meafures fhall be kept by thofe boroughs in Scotland, to whom the keeping the ftandards of weights and meafures, now in ufe there, does of fpecial right belong: All which ftandards fhall be fent down to fuch refpedtive boroughs from tlie ftandards kept in the Exchequer at Weftminfter, fiibjeft neverthelefs to fuch regulations as the Parliament of Great Britain fhall think fit. XVIII. That the laws concerning regulation of trade, cuftoms, and fuchex- cifes to which Scotland is by virtue of this treaty to be liable, be the fame in Scotland, from and after the Union, as in England ; and that all other laws in ufe within the kingdom of Scotland, do after die Union, and notwithftanding D d 2 thereof^ i04 O ¥ T H E LAS T r R E A T Y, thereot,, remain in the fame force as before, (except fuch as are contrary to, or inconfiftent witli the terms of this treaty) but alterable by the Parliament of Great Britain ; with tliis difference betwixt the laws concerning public right, policy, and civil government, and thofe which concern private right, that the laws which concern public right, policy, and civil government, may be made the fame throughout the whole united kingdom ; but that no alteration be made In laws which concern private right, except for evident utility of the fubjefts within Scotland. XIX. That the Court of SefTion, or College of Juftice, do after t!ie Union, and notwithftanding thereof, remain in all time coming within Scotland as it is now conftituted by the laws of that kingdom, and with the fame authority and privileges as before the Union ; fubjeft neverthelefs to fuch regulations for the better adminiftration of juftice, as fhall be made by the Parliament of Great Britain; and that the Court of Jufticiary do alfo, after the Union, and not- withftanding thereof, remain in all time coming within Scotland, as it is now conftituted by the laws of that kingdom, and with the fame authority and pri- vileges as before the Union, fubjed neverthelefs to fuch regulations as fhall be made by the Parliament of Great Britain, and without prejudice of other rights of jufticiary ; and that all Admiralty jurifdi£tions be under the Lord High Admiral, or Commifiioners for the Admiralty of Great Britain for the time being; and that the Court of Admiralty now eftabliftied in Scotland be continued, and that all reviews, redu6tions, or fufpenfions, of the fentences in maritime cafes, competent to the jurifdiftion of that Court, remain in the fame manner after the Union, as now in Scotland, until the Parliament of Great Britain fhall make fuch regulations and alterations as fhall be judged expedient for the whole united kingdom, fo as there be always continued in Scotland a Coui t of Admiralty, fuch as is in England, for determination of all maritime cafes relating to private rights in Scotland, competent to the jurifdiftion of the Admiralty Court ; fubjedt neverthelefs to fuch regulations and alterations as lliall be thought proper to be made by the Parliament of Great Britain; and that the heretable rights of Admiralty and Vice-Admiralties in Scotland be refervcd to the refpeftive proprietors as rights of property, fubjeft neverthelefs, as to the manner of exercifing fuch heretable rights, to fuch regulations and al- terations as ftiall be thought proper to be made by the Parliament of Great Britain ; and that all other Courts now in being within the kingdom of Scotland do remain, but fubjeiSt to alterations by the Parliament of Great Britain ; and that all inferior courts within the faid limits do remain fubordinate, as they are now, to the fupreme courts of juftice within the fame, in all time coming; and that no caufes in Scotland be cognizable by the Courts of Chancery, Queen's-Bench, Common-Pleas, or any other Court in Weltminftcr-hall ; and that the faid Courts, or any other of the like nature, after the Union, fhall have no PROPERI-Y CALLF.D THE UNION. '-OS no power to cognize, revifw, or .iltcr the a6tj or fentences of the jadicaturcs within Scotland, or flop the execution uf the I'amei and that there be a Court of Exchequer in Scotland, after the Union, for deciding qucftions concerning the revenues of cuftoms and excifcs there, having the faoie power and authority, in fuch cafes, as the Court of Exchequer has in England ; and that the faid Court of Exchequer in Scotland have power of paffing fignatures, gifts, tutories, and in other things, as the Court of Exchequer at prefent in Scotland hatli ; and that the Court of Exchequer that now is in Scotland do remain, until a new Court of Exchequer be fettled by the Parliament of Great Britain in Scot- land, after the Union j and that, after the Union, the Queen's Majefty, and her royal fucceflbrs, may continue a Privy Council in Scotland, for preferving of public peace and order, until the Parliament of Great Britain fhal! thin]< fit to alter it, or cftablifli any other effeftual metiiod for that end. XX. That all heretable offices, hcretable jurifdiftions, offices for life, and jurifdiftions for life, be referved to the owners thereof, as rights of property, in the fame manner as they are now enjoyed by the laws of Scotland, notwith- ftanding of this treaty. XXL That the rights and privileges of the royal-boroughs in Scotland, as they now are, do remain intire, after the Union, and notwithilanding thereof. XXn. That by virtue of this treaty, of the Peers of Scotland, at the time of the Union, fixteen (hall be the number to fit and vote in the Houfe of Lords, and forty-five the number of the reprefentatives of Scotland in the Houfe of Commons of the Parliament of Great Britain ; and that when her Majefty, her heirs or fucceflbrs, (hall declare her or their pleafure, for holding the firft or any fubfequent Parliament of Great Britain, until the Parliament of Great Britain fhall make further provifion therein, a writ do ifljje under the great feal of the united kingdom, direfted to the Privy Council of Scotland, commanding them to caufii fixteen Peers, who are to fit in the Houfe of Lords, to be fum- moned to Parliament, and forty-five Members to be elefted to fit in the Houfe of Commons of the Parliament of Great Britain, according to the agreement in this treaty, in fuch manner as by the Parliament of Scotland Ihall be fettled before the Union : And that the names of the perfons fo fummoned and eledled Ihall be returned by the Privy Council of Scotland, into the court from whence the faid writ did iflAie. And that, if her Majefty, on or before the firft day of May next, on which day the Union is to take place, fhall declare, under the great feal of England, that it is expedient, that the Lords of Parliament of England, and Commons of the prefent Parliament of England, fliould be the Members of the refpefbive Houfes of the firft Parliament of Great Britain, for, and on the part of England, then the faid Lords of Parliament of England, and Com- mons of the prefent Parliament of England, fiiall be the Members of the re- fpedtive ao6 OF THE LAST TREAT Y, fpedtive Houfes of the firft Parliament of Great Britain, for, and on tlie part of England 1 And her Majefty may,, by her royal proclamation, under the great feal of Great Britain, appoint the faid firft Parliament of Great Britain to meet at fuch time and place as her Majefty fhail think fit ; which time Ihall not be lefs than fifty days after the date of fuch proclamation j and the time and place of the meeting of fuch Parliament being fo appointed, a writ fhall be immediately ifiiied, under the great feal of Great Britain, directed to the Privy Council of Scotland, for the fummoning the fixteen Peers, and for eleding forty-five Members, by whom Scotland is to be reprefented in the Parliament of Great Britain : And the Lords of Parliament of England, and the fixteen Peers of Scotland, fuch fixteen Peers being fijmmoned and returned in the manner agreed in this treaty ; and the Members of the Houfe of Commons of the faid Parliament of England, and the forty-five Members for Scotland, fuch forty-five Members being elefted and returned in the manner agreed in this treaty, Ihall afiemble and meet refpeftively, in their refpeftive Houfes of the Parliament of Great Britain, at fuch time and place as Ihall be fo appointed by her Majefty, and fliall be the two Houfes of the firft Parliament of Great Bri- tain ; and that Parliament may continue for fuch time only as the prefcnt Par- liament of England might have continued, if the Union of the two kingdoms had not been made, unlefs fooner diflblved by her Majefty; and that everyone of the Lords of Parliament of Great Britain, and every Member of the Houfe of Commons of the Parliament of Great Britain, in the firft and all fucceed- ing Parliaments of Great Britain, until the Parliament of Great Britain lliall otherwife diredl, ftiall take the refpeftive oaths appointed to be taken inftead of the Oaths of Allegiance and Suprem.acy, by an aft of Parliament made in Eng- land, in the firft year of the reign of the late King William and Queen Mary, intitled, Jn a^ for the abrogating of the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance, and appointing other oaths ; and make, fubfcribe, and audibly repeat the Declaration mentioned in an aft of Parliament made in England, in the thirtieth year of the reign of King Charles the Second, intitled, Jn Ail for the more effe^ual preferving the King's Perfon and Government, by difabling Papijis from fitting in either Houfe of Parliament ; and fliall take and fubfcribe the oadi mentioned in an aft of Parliament made in England, in the firft year of her Majcfty's reign, entitled, y/« a5l to declare the alterations in the Oath appointed to be taken by the aSl, intitled. An aStfor the further fecurity of His Majefy's Perfon, andthefuccefiion of the crown in the Proteflant line, and for extinguijhing the hopes of the pretended Prince of fVales, and all other pretenders, and their open andfecret abettors ; and for declaring the Aflbciation to be determined at fuch time, and in fuch man- ner, as the Members of both Houfes of Parliament of England are, by the faid refpeftive afts, dircfted to take, make, and fubfcribe the fame, upon the penalties and difabilities in the faid refpeftive afts contained. And it is declared PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION. 207 declared and agreed, that thefe words, this realm, the crown of this realm, and the ^{een of this realm, mentioned in the Oaths and Declaration, contained in the aforcfaid afts, which were intended to fi^rnify the Crown and Realm of England, Ihall be underflood of the Crown and Realm of Great Britain ; and that, in that fenfe, the faid Oaths and Declaration be taken and fubfcribed by the Members of both Houfes of the Parliament of Great Britain. XXIII. That the aforefaid fixteen Peers of Scotland, mentioned in the laft preceding article, to fit in the Houfe of Lords of the Parliament of Great-Britain, fhall have all privileges of Parliament, which the Peers of England now have, and which they, or any Peers of Great Britain, fhall have after the Union, and particularly the right of fitting upon the trials of Peers : and in cafe of the trial of any Peer, in time of adjournment or prorogation of Parliament, the faid fixteen Peers fhall be fummoned in the fame manner, and have the fame powers and privileges at fuch trial, as any other Peers of Great Britain ; and that in cafe any trials of Peers fhall hereafter happen, when there is no Parlia- ment in being, the fixteen Peers of Scotland, who fat in the laft preceding Parliament, fhall be fummoned in the fame manner, and have the fame powers and privileges at fuch trials, as any other Peers of Great Britain j and that all Peers of Scotland, and their fucceffors to their honours and dignities, fhall, from and after the Union, be Peers of Great Britain, and have rank and prece- dency next and immediately after the Peers of the like orders and degrees in England, at the time of the Union, and before all Peers of Great Britain, of the like orders and degrees, who may be created after the Union ; and fhall be tried as Peers of Great Britain, and fhall enjoy all privileges of Peers, as fully as Peers of England do now, or as they or any other Peers of Great Britain may hereafter enjoy the fame, except the right and privilege of fitting in the Houfe of Lords, and the privileges depending thereon, and particularly the right of fitting upon the trials of Peers. XXIV. That from and after the Union, there be one great feal for the united kingdom of Great Britain, which fhall be different from the great feal now ufed In either kingdom ; and that the quartering the arms as may beft fuit the Union, be left to her Majefly ; and that in the mean time the great feal of England be ufed as the great leal of the united kingdom; and that the great feal of the united kingdom be ufed for fealing writs to ele6l and fummon the Parliament of Great Britain, and for fealing all treaties with foreign Princes and Hates, and all public a<3:s, inftruments and orders of flate, which concern the whole united kingdom, and in all other matters relating to England, as the great feal of England is now ufed : and that a feal in Scotland, after the Union, be always kept and made ufe of in all things relating to private rights or grants, which have ufually pafled the great feal of Scotland, and which only concern o.ffices, grants, commilTions and private rights within that kingdom ; and that until fuch feal fhall be appointed by her Majefty, the prefent great feal of 1 Scotland ao8 OF THE LAST TREATY, Scotland fhall be ufed for fuch purpofes ; and that the privy feal, ligner, cafTct, fignet of the Judiciary Court, quarter feal, and feals of courts now ufed in Scotland be continued ; but that the faid feals be altered and adapted to the Hate of the Union, as her Majefty fhall think fit ; and the faid feals, and all of them, and the keepers of them, fliall be fubjeft to fuch regulations as the Par- liament of Great Britain fhall hereafter make. XXV. That all laws and ftatutes in either kingdom, fo far as they are contrary to, or inconfiflent with- the terms of thefe articles, or any of them, fhall, from and after the Union, ceafe and become void, and fliall be fo declared to be by the refpeftive Parliaments of the faid kingdoms. In teftimony whereof, the CommifTioners for the refpeftive kingdoms, em- powered as aforefaid, have fet their hands and feals to thefe articles, contained in this and the twenty-five foregoing pages, at Weftminfter the day and year firft above written. Seafield, Cancellar, Queenfberry, C. P. S. Mar, S. Loudoun, S. Sutherland, Morton, Wemyfs, Leven, Stair, Rofeberie. Glafgow, Arch. Campbell, Dupplin, Rofle. Hew Dalrymple, Ad. Cokburne, F. Montgomerie, David Dalrymple, Pattr, Johnfton, Ja. Smollett, W. Morifon, Alexander Grantt. .W. Seton, John Clerk, Dan. Steuart, Daniel Campbell. Tho. Cantuar, Wm. Couper, C. S. Godolphin, Pembroke, P. Newcaftle, C. P. S. Devonfliire, Somerfet, Bolton, Kingflion, Sunderland, Orford, Townfliend, Twharton, Poulett, Somers, J. Smith, Hartington, Granby, C. Hedges. Ro. Harlcy, ' H. Boyle, J. Holt, Tho. Trevor, Edw. Northey, Sim. Harcourt. J. Cooke, Stephen Waller. OP OF THE CARRYING ON OF THE T RE A T Y I N S C O T L A N D. N D thus the treaty at London ended, which, tliough it feemed very perfeft in all its parts, and, as abundance of people thought, could not want any corredions, yet, as by the fequel appeared, the moft difficult work was yet to do. I know fome were of the opinion, that this treaty could admit of no addi- tions, amendments, or alterations, and that the words in the refpeftive afts of Parliament previous to it, (which faid, provided that nothing in this treaty (hould be binding to either nation, unlefs it fhall be ratified in the refpeftive Parliaments of both kingdoms) implied that the refpeftive Parliaments had no power to enter into the articles feparately and apart, but only debating on the whole, to approve or difapprove, ratify or rejeft it as a treaty. I fhall not trouble the reader with any of the reafons given for this notion, nor make any other remark upon it than this, — that the people who were for this opinion, were of two forts, and both fuch as the nations, on either fide, were very little beholding to. I. They were fuch, who having no great concern for the eflential part of the treaty, viz. the good of their country, were for taking all upon triift, and concerned not themfelves either with the event, or with thef circumftances, and therefore without any difficulty were willing to put all upon a mere plurality of voices, not much regarding whether it went this way or that. I fhall be kinder to thefe gentleman than to record their names, or leave them (fo eminent in folly) to be known by poflerity, left their children fhould be told hereafter how little their country was obliged to them. ■2. The other fort, whofe follies ought equally to be concealed, I mean as to naming them, were fuch who were willing to have them put to the queftion in grofs ; prefuming, 1. That either their being fo voted, would hand them down clogged with (6 many inconveniences as would in time force the nations to break the articles, or bringing them to the neceffity of falling to pieces, the treaty fhould diffolve of courfe. Or, 2. That being voted in general, with fo many apparent difficulties as they pretended to fee in them, they would infallibly be loft in this Parliament, and lb, as formerly, the whole treaty come to nothing. E e That 4IO THE HISTORY OF THE UNiaN • That thefe people aimed not at fliortening the labour, but at cutting off" the Union itfelf, is manifeft, and it was but too apparent afterwards ; fince, gene- rally fpsakiflg, they were all againft the treaty in its future debates, and that in every article; by which they plaihly made il' appear, that they did not argue fo much to re6lify and amend as to deftroy ; not fo much to make the articles more perfeft, or more explicit, more advantageous, or more fatisfying ; but to annihilate them as articles, and diflblve the very life'a)id being of the treaty: And this appeared in that through all the debates that happened afterwards, they fhewed themfclves equally againft every article, and at the fame time that they objeiSted againft things, very feldom concerned themfelves to propofe the ajternatives, but rather pu fhed at overthrowing the fubftance of the thing; and, if poffible, to urge the moll neceffary articles as impradicable and inconfiftent. As on the one hand, this difcovered the defign of the perfons to be not amending, but deftroying the articles ; fo it manifeftly expofed their ignorance, either of their own ftrength in Scotland, or qf the ftrength of their friends in the South, in both which parts (had their weak politics prevailed to have put the treaty in geijeral to a vote) they would have loft it by a majority of voices, the generality of both nations being fully convinced of the abfolute necefllty of an Union, and would rather have voted it without the amendments than have loft it. If I am afked how I prove this, I think I have a very good foundation for it. I. In the motions firft made in the Parliament ploufe in Scotland, Novem- ber I, 1706, when the ftrength of the Houfe, as they call it, was effeftually tried. 1. It was moved that the Parliam.ent now proceed to the farther and more particular confideratibn of the articles of the Union, in order to approve them or not. N. B. The articles had been read and difcourfed on feverally in the Houfe, and had taken up fixteen days barely reading them one by one, to hear what one another could' fay,' and to give the Membej-s light into the particulars, viz. from the 15th of Oftober to the ift of November. 2. Upon this firft motion another followed, viz. That the farther confi- deration of the Union be yet delayed for fome confiderable time, that the fentiments of the Parliament of England thereanent be known, and that the Members of Parliament may confult thofe they reprefent. — Vide the Minutes of Parliament, Number 13. But neither of thefe attempts could be carried in the Houfe, nor could they bring the motion to a vote in the terms the propofal was made, viz. Of confulting Conftituents, or waiting till the Englifli Par- liament ftiould fit : — To both which I fiiall fpeak in their turn. I only mention it here to fhow that it was apparent thefe motions proceeded only from a defire 4 to OF ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. 2if to gain time, which they thought might furnifh a variety of accidents to difap- point the whole. And the many weak attempts and low fleps fome gentlemen took, if pofTible to delay the proceedings, plainly fhewed the very jundture of time when this was doing, was one of the greatefl unhappineffes, as they thought it, which befel the party. 2. But I prove this further by the unanimity of the Englifli Parliament in pairing the treaty, and ratifying, without any amendment, what they thought they had clogged with fo many inequalities on the other fide, that it could ne- ver go down with them. I Ihall further convince the reader of the manifefl defign of the party againft the Union, as fuch, from their frequent attempts to clog the articles with fuch things as they knew it was impoflible the Parliament of England could grantj as a liberty to export wool, &c. different drawbacks, and different prohibi- bitions in trade, differing and difproportioned excifes, cuftoms and taxes, &c. of which I fhall take the freedom to fpeak in their turn. But being difappointed in thefe, they found the Parliament of England fo unanimous, that they paffed all their amendments, fome of which were fuch as the party having merely clamoured the Houfe into, were really paft, not fo much for any refpe6t to their true fignification, as for the fake of giving fome fatisfadtion to uneafy people. How much more then the Parliament of England would have paffed the whole treaty unaltered, is very evident, and confequently it is as plain that thefe people had taken no aim in their offering to vote the articles in the grofs, upon a prefumption that it would be a mean to make the whole mifcarry. The treaty being concluded in England, and the Commiffioners feparated; the next thing was the meeting of the refpeftive Parliaments of the two king- doms for ratification of the articles. The Parliament of Scotland was firft, being to meet the third of Odober, 1706. The Queen was reprefented in this Parliament by the Duke of Queenf- berry, I know it is not the part of a hiflorian to make panegyrics, and I think I have given demonftrations to the world, as to myfelf, that I will flatter no man. But I cannot but give this teftimony here, that the prudence, calmnefs, temper and moderation of this noble perfon, had thefe two vifible effefts. I . It gave a wonderful teftimony to the Queen's judgment, and the right notions fhe had entertained of the true ftate, not of her affairs only, but of her people, that her Majefty knew this work muft be carried on, not by too much fire or too much water; neither by want of zeal or too much zeal; that there was an infolent party to deal with, who muil be borne with, not exafperated ; calmed, not enraged. That there would be as much difficulty required to deal E e 2 with 412 THE HISTORY OF THE UNION with friends as with enemies, to reconcile jarring interefts, clafliing parties, and keep all in temper. There was a ftrong party for the Union, but they were made up of feveral parties, juft come together as for the pccafion ; they were like Epicurus's atoms, by a ftrange fortuitous chance of concurring circumftances, brought to join in this, who were perfe6t antipodes in all their former mea- fures, and could never agree to aft together before.. It ^yas not a matter of the leall confequence to bring together and keep together ftrong and differing parties, who afted even in this very thing, from different views, and fome with direftly contrary defigns, and it was all the way as fatiguing to keep fome gentlemen in fuited temper for this great work, as to oppofe the fire and fury ofthofethat fet themfelves againft it. Under the folid conlideration of all this, and with a full view of the difficulties, at leaft in general, her Majefty pitches upon the Duke of Queenft)erry, as a perfon of temper, prudence and moderation, unexceptionable in knowledge of what was before him, refolute in purfuing it through all difficulties, and of a calm courage in all the paflive part of it, of which I {hall fpeak more at large hereafter. 1. It had this particular advantage, that it was in a great meafure the only thing that carried this difficult work on, that the Duke, in all the heats and animofities of the party, in all the convulfions of the kingdom, carried on the treaty with eafinefs, temper and extraordinary conduct, not taking advantages of the rafhnefs and rudenefs of the people, pitying rather than apprehending danger from their folly, he kept his hand upon the work, his eye upon the principals of the oppofite party ; he difappointed all their meafures ; he let himfelf into the darkeft of tlieir counfels ; he purfued the main and great work in hand ; and with a contempt above my power to exprefs, received all their infuks, laughed at their threatenings, treated them courtcoufly and calmly under the moft intolerable carriage, and this, under the fupreme condudt, was the only ftep by which this great work could have been brought to pafs. Had warmer heads been liftened to, had refentment been prevailing, had provocations, almoft beyond the power of fiefh and blood to bear, been prevail- ing ; and I muft own, who was an eye witnefs to it all, that I often wondered how it was poffible to bear fuch things ; I lay, had the gentlemen of warmer heads been liftened to, nay even with ftrong reafonings, and from men of found judgments too 5 — all had been undone, and the nation had been in a flame; we had been dcftroyed, not delivered ; tlie Government had been diftblved, not united ; and Britain had by this time been the feat of blood, not an united and profnering nation. But this by the way : The Parliament being to meet, her Majefty's High Commiffioner haftencd down to Scotland, and the Queen on all occafions ex- prcfTing her hopes that this treaty would come to a happy iffue. It was gene- rally OF ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. 213 rally expedled it would be received with the fame chearfulnefs and alacrity in Scotland, and all our eyes were bent upon the meeting of the approaching Parliament. In this general expe<5lation, I cannot forbear hinting here, that my curiofity prefled me to take a journey thither, and being by all my friends, to whom I communicated my defign, encouraged to think I might be ufeful there to prompt a work that I was fully convinced was for the general good of the whole ifland ; and particularly necefliiry for the ftrengthening the proteftant intereft, I was moved purely on thefe accounts to undertake a long winter, a chargeable, and as it proved, a hazardous journey. I contemn, as rjot worth mentioning, the fuggeftions of fome people, of my being employed thither, to carry on the intereft of a party. — I have never loved any parties, but with my utmoft zeal have fincerely efpoufed the great and ori- ginal intereft of this nation, and of all nations, I mean truth and liberty, — and whoever are of that party, I defire to be with them. However, by this journey, I had the opportunity of feeing and hearing all the particulars of the following tranfa6lions, and of ufing my beft endeavours to anfwer the many, many, and I muft fay of fome of them, the moft frivolous and ridiculous objedions, formed and improved there with great induftry, againft every article of the Union j and this is my reafon for mentioning it here, that I may acquaint pofterity how I came to the knowledge of what I write j and for no oftentation at all : and as I had the honour to be frequently fent for into the feveral Committees of Parliament, which were appointed to ftate fome dif- ficult points relating to equalities, taxes, prohibitions, &c. 'Tis for thofe gentlemen to fay, whether I was ufeful or not, that is none of my bufinefs here ; but by this means I have the greater afTurance to relate the circumftances and faft as it flood before them, and cannot be afraid of being detefted in any material miftake. And as this is the reafon of my making any mention of myfelf, fo the reader cannot but be content to know, from what foundation this relation is handed down to pofterity, and v/hat afiurance he has that the author he reads was capable of giving him a right ftate of the matter. I have hinted already with what freedom the fcribblers of the age, if I may give them that title, took upon them, in the beginning of this affair, to deter- mine what fort of Union was proper to be treated of, and every one having vented his politics this way, and that way, as his intereft or party, or parti- cular employer diftated, we thought that ftorm had been over; when the Par- liament firft fat down in Scotland, the generality of people feemed verv eafy and forward for an Union in general, as what had long indeed been the defire of the whole nation ; and therefore the ftrange alienation of the humours of the people 214 THE HISTORY OF THE UNION people, on the general part of it, was the more wonderful, and the more un- expefted j of which, and its caufes, I am now to fpeak ; of the efFeds I Ihall be more particular hereafter. On the third ofOftober the Parliament met; his Grace Her Majefty's High Commiflioner opened the feffion according to the ufual forms. Firft Her Majefty's letter to the Parliament was prefented to the Houfe by the High Commiflioner, and being received, was read by the Lord Clerk Regifter, and is as follows : "Anne, R. " My Lords and Gentlemen, " SINCE your laft meeting, we did nominate Commiflloners to treat of an " Union betwixt our two kingdoms of Scotland and England, and by their great " care and diligence, a treaty is happily concluded and laid before Us. " We have called you together as foon as our affairs could permit, that the " treaty may be under your confideration, in purfuance of the a6t made in the " laft feflion of our Parliament there ; and we hope the terms will be accept- " able to you. " The Union has been long defired by both nations, and we fhall efteem it " as the greatcft glory of our reign to have it now perfedled, being fully per- *' fuaded, that it muft prove the greateft happinefs of our people. " An intire and perfeft Union will be the folid foundation of lafting peace ; it " will fecure your religion, liberty and property, remove the animofities " amongft yourfelves, and thejealoufies and differences betwixt our two king- *' doms : it muft increafe your ftrength, riches and trade, and by this Union " the whole ifland being joined in affeftion, and free from all apprehenfion of " different interefts, will be enabled to refift all its enemies, fupport the pro- " teftant intereft every where, and maintain the liberties of Europe. " We do upon this occafion renew the affurances we have formerly given you, " of our refolution to maintain the government of the Church, as by law efta- " blifhed in Scotland ; and the adts of both Parliaments, upon which this treaty " proceeded, having referved their refpeftive governments of the Church in "each kingdom, the Commiflioners have left that matter intire; and you " have now an opportunity for doing what may be neceffary for fecurity of your " prefent Church government after the Union within the limits of Scotland. " The fupport of our government, and your own fafety does require, that '• you do make neceffary provifion for maintaining the forces, fliips .and garri- " fons, until the Parliament of Great Britain lliall provide for thefe ends in " the unittd kingdom. " We have made choice of our right trufty, and riglit entirely beloved Cou- " fin and Counfellor, James Duke of Queenfberry, to be our Commiffioncr, " and OF ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. 215 " and reprefent our Royal Perfon, being well fatisfied with his fitnefs for that " truft, from the experience we have of his capacity, zeal and fidelity to our " fervice, and the good of his country ; which, as it has determined us in the *' choice, we doubt not but will make him acceptable to you. " We have fully inftrufted him in all things we think may fall under your " confideration, and feems to be neceffary at prefent : therefore we defire that " you may give entire truft and credit to him, " My Lords and Gentlemen, " It cannot but be an encouragement to you to finifh the Union at this time, *< that God Almighty has bleffedour arms, andthofe of our allies, with fo great " fuccefs, and which gives us the nearer profpe(5l of a happy peace, and with it " you will have the full pofleffion of all the advantages of this Unions and you " have no reafon to doubt but the Parliament of England will do what is necef- " fary on their part, after the readinefs they have fliown to remove what might " obftrudt the entering on the treaty. We moft earneftly recommend to you " calmnefs and unanimity in this great and weighty affair, that the Union may " be brought to a happy conclufion, being the only effeftual way to fecure your " prefent and future happinefs, and to difappoint the defigns of our and your " enemies, who will, doubtlefs, on this occafion, ufe their utmoft endeavours " to prevent or delay this Union, which muft fo much contribute to our glory, " and the liappinefs of our people ; and fo we bid you heartily farewell. Given " at our court at Windfor-Caftle, the 31ft day of July 1706, and of our reign *' the fifth year." By Her Majefty's Command. MAR. This letter having been twice read, the Duke of Queenfberry feconded the Queen's letter with the following fpeech. " My Lords and Gentlemen, " Her Majefty, by her gracious letter, has acquainted you, that the treaty " of Union, between the kingdoms of Scoriand and England (purfuant to an " aft made in your laft fefTion) has been happily agreed on, which is now in rny " Lord Regifter's hands, ready to be laid before you. " The Lords Commiffioners for this kingdom have been diligent and zealous " in concerting juft and reafonable terms ; and it muft be acknowledged, we « met with a fair and friendly difpofition in the Lords Commiffioners on the *' other part. " The 2i6 THE HISTORY OF THE UNION. " The treaty has, with all humility, been prefented to the Queen, and was *' moft gracioufly received ; and though no reign was ever fo truly great, for '< wife and fteady councils, and fo many important fuccefles, as that of her *' Majefty j yet, you fee, fhe is pleafed to efteem the perfefting of this Union, " as the greateft glory of her reign, being the moft folid foundation of alafting " fecurity to the Proteftant religion, and the liberties of Europe, and of peace " and happinefs to her people. " Thefe reafons, I doubt not, will make the treaty acceptable to you ; and I " perfuade myfelf that you will proceed with fuch calmnefs and impartiality, as " the weight of the fubjeft requires, and as becomes fo great an aflembly. " The Lords Commiffioners for both kingdoms were limited in the matter of " church government ; for the fecurity of Prefbyterian government in this *' Church, you have the laws already made for its eftablifliment, the Queen's " repeated aflurances to preferve it, and I am impowered to confent to what " may be further neccflary after the Union. " Her Majefty has been pleafed to recommend to you to make provifion for " the forces, fliips, and garrifons, which is very neceflary, the fubfidies granted *' at your laft meeting being run out ; fo, I doubt not, you will fpeedily re- " new them. " My Lords and Gentlemen, " I am not infenfible of the difficulties that attend the weighty charadler it " has pleafed her Majefty to honour me with, but, with your favourable aflif- " tance, (upon which I very much rely) I hope, by my zeal and fidelity for " her Majefty 's fervice, and the good of my country, which are infeparable, to " difcharge my duty on this extraordinary occafion." And this was followed with another fpeech by the Earl of Seafield, Lord Chancellor of Scotland, which I have alio infer ted here, as follows: " My Lords and Gentlemen, " It hath been, and is the great happinefs of this nation, that the Queen •' our Sovereign hath always made it the chief defign of her reign, to protedl; " her fubjeds, in the enjoyment ot all their rights and privileges ; to promote " their good, and to eftabliftj their peace and profpcrity, upon fure and lafting " foundations. " For thefe ends, her Majefty, in her moft gracious letter, doth, with great " earneftnefs, recommend to you the concluding of the Union of the two king- doms. OF ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. 217 '< doms, and has plainly and fully laid before you the great advantages that this " Union mufl: bring with it to all Britain, and in particular to this kingdom. " The Lords Commiflioners named by her Majefty for this kingdoin, to ." treat of this Union, have endeavoured to difcharge this great trufl with all " fidelity, and have agreed to fuch terms and conditions, as I hope (hall be " found juft, honourable and advantageous: the treaty has been already re- '' ceived very gracioufly by her Majefty, and is now ready to be reported to vou " for your confideration. " I do not think it, proper at this time to defcend into the particuLir articles " of the treaty ; I fhall only beg leave to fay in general, that it muft be of great " advantage to have this whole ifland unite under one Government, and con- " joined intirely in interefl: and affeftion, having equality of all rights and " privileges, with a free communication and intercourfe of trade, which muft' " certainly eftablifli our fecurity, augment our ftrength, and increafe our " trade and riches. " We can never expeft a more favourable jun£lure for compleating this " Union than at prefent, when her Majefty has not only recommended it, but " declared that flie will efteem it the greateft glory of her reign, to have it per- " feded j and when the Parliament of England has fhewn their inclinations for " it, by removing all thofe obftacles that did lay in the way of the treaty : and " it muft alfo be acknowledged, that the Lords Commiflioners for England " did teftify their good difpofition all along in this affair : and the great and " glorious fuccefles wherewith God has blefted her Majefty 's arms, and thofe of " her allies, give us the hope of a near and advantageous peace, whereby we " will be put in the pofleftion, and attain to the full enjoyment of all the liber- " ties and privileges of trade, now offered by the treaty- " The Commiflioners of both fides have only treated of fuch things as con- " cern the civil government, liberties, privileges, trade and taxes j but found " themfelves limited as to the church-government, that being refcrved to each " kingdom by the refpeftive a6bs of Parliament upon which the treaty pro- " ceeded : and you have now not only the laws already made, with her Ma- " jefty's moft gracious repeated afllirances for maintaining and continuing " Preftjyterian church-government within this kingdom ; but this further op- " portunity of making fuch conditions and provifions as fhall be found neccf- " fary for its fecurity after the conclufion of this Union, within the limits of " Scotland. " Her Majefty recommends to you to provide the neceflTary fupplies for the " troops, garrifons and fliips ; the funds formerly given are expired : and there- " fore I doubt not but you will eafily comply with what is fo plainly neceflTary F f ' " for 2iS THE HISTORY OF TFIE UNION " for the prefervation of the public fafety, and preventing the defigns of ene- " mies noAV in time of war." "■ My Lords and Gentlemen^ " Since v/e have now the opportunity of edabliHiing for ourfelves and our *' pofterity, by this Union with England, all that concerns our religion and " liberties, together with the moft valuable privileges of trade ; I am hopeful " that ycu will proceed to the confideration of the articles of the treaty, in fuch " manner as fhall bring it to the defired conclufion, and it cannot but tend to •'' the lading honour of this Seffion of Parliament, to have fo happily finifhed *' this moft important and weighty matter." I choofe to place thefe fpeeches here, rather than in the Appendix, becaufe they fo immediately relate to the ftory, and to the continuanceof the thread of the ftory, which now comes to be difcourfed of, that I thought they could not be fo properly tranfpofed. I {hall not enter here into the particular vote of every day, having abftrafted thofe things by way of journal, in another part of the work, with notes upon them, drawn from my own obfervation, and from the generous affiftance of many honourable gentlemen prefent in the very occurrences of every day, and of impartial, unbiafied judgment in the affair itfelf. But one thing I muft re- mark here, viz. The firft thing the Houfe did, after the fpeeches above, was to call for the treaty of the Union as it was drawn up and figned by the Commiffioners, and having caufed it to be read in the Houfe, upon fome general debate, which lafted not long, it was ordered to be printed, and copies to be delivered to the members of Parliament, which was accordingly done. Till this very day all things had gone on well, and the people in general were very well plcafed with the thoughts of the Union. They had not yet had fubjedl: for the turbulent fpirits to work upon ; and having in general only dif- courfed upon the advantages of both fides, which were indeed in themfelves vifible enough, the clamorous party which followed had not concerted their meafures, from what topics to work upon the humours of the people. No fooner then were the articles printed, and put into the hands of the peo- ple, but the gentlemen who fet themfelves up agaihft them, began to preach upon the general heads, as their humour and talent inftruifled them, in order to poflTcfs the people againft the particulars. I cannot but diftinguifh here between the feveral parties that now oppofed the Union : in my obfervation there were four feveral forts of people who were againft this treaty, and who, either within doors or without ; either in Parlia- ment, in commiffion, or in converfation, joined to oppofe, clamour at, or ob- jcdt againft the Union J and it is really neceflary here to diftinguifti of them, 4 that OF ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. 219 that when I talk, as I fliall have frequent occafion in tlie procefs of this ftory, of the oppofers, and the parties oppofing, it may, by the manner of their op- pofing, be diftinguiflied who is meant j for I fhall not name perfons in my difcourfe of thofe things, not thinking it ncceflary to make this hiftory a facire upon any one family, or record to pofterity the fteps they took in particular, or their reafons for it in this affair. Where particular aftions, more than ordinary public, have diftinguifhed perfons, that is their own aft and deed, and lies not at my door ; but to come to the heads of parties. 1. There was the profeft Jacobite party, who oppofed the treaty purely on the account of the fucceffion, which they faw evidently was ftruck at, and would be effeftually fixt, contrary to their principles, and eternally cxclufive of the family they adhered to j and thefe declared their averfion to the Union, upon all occafions, publicly and fairly, and, for ought I know, were fomc of the honefteft of the enemies to the treaty. 2. There was the dilfenters from the churcli, or the epifcopal party, thefe oppofed the Union alfo publicly, as it tended in its confequences, entirely to fettle the Prefbyterian cftablifliment, for ever to fore-clofe them, and bar the door againft all poffibility of their recovering the government of the church in the manner they defired j fince they faw but too plainly, however blind others were to it, that this treaty would fo fettle the Prefbyterian eftablifhment in Scotland, and fo fortify it by law, that if ever they fhould attempt to recover the hierarchy of epifcopacy here, even the very epifcopal church, their own brethren in England, would be obliged to oppofe and fupprefs them. And thefe, fo far as they afled fairly, were honeft and open enemies alfo to the Union. 3. There was a mifiiaken people, I hope I may fay fo much of my own opi- nion without offence, for truly I think them miftaken, who, though this Union was calculated entirely for their fafety, and tended to their indilfoluble efta- blifhment, as by the alarm of their enemies was very vifibly demonftrated, yet were drawn in by their fears, and, I doubt, thofe fears too much inflamed by the policy and wicked artifice of whifperers and difguifed enemies, to oppofe the Union, as dangerous to the church, and as interfering with the feveral public engagements the nation had entered into. Thefe, or mod of them, were honeft, well-meaning, and fome of them moft pious and valuable people; hov/ever fome of them might fin againft moderation in the manner of their dif- fenting, and a little too warmly pufli on their private opinions. Of thefe people I fhall be far from faying any thing fevere, for indeed I can- not think any thing ill of them, I mean as to intentional evil. The weaknefs any of them might difcover in forwarding, countenancing, or giving a name to the diforders of the times, was rather the artifice of a party, who endea- voured to en flame the nation, and put the appearance of it upon them, writ- F f 2 ing aio THE HISTORY OF THE UNION ing their names upon every adtion, and intitling every tumult to their pro- teftion. But defcending to particulars, we fhall find, that however forward, and if their enemies defire it, I'll venture to fay, indifcreet fome of them might be, in difcovering their fentiments with warmth in converfation, yet upon all pub- lic occafions their whole oppofition of the treaty was confined to legal appli- cations and peaceable endeavours, the tumult at Dumfries only excepted; for as to chat of Glafgow, it was wholly Jacobite, mere rabble and tumult of that party, and the poor blinded commonalty deluded and impofed upon by them, contrary to the opinions, and without the affiftance of the people I am fpeaking of, as will appear hereafter. 4. But laftly, tliere was a party, who vigoroufly and violently, by all man- ner of artifice, trick, and underhand dealing, oppofed this Union, merely upon politic enigmas, reafons of party, founded upon ftate principles, ambidon, emulation, party-pique, prejudices, and a vaft variety of unhappy conjunftions, as ferved to enflame and agitate their fpirits againft it. And as thefe were many of them gentlemen of the firft rank, and fome of them otherwife even well enough affefted to both the fuccefllon, and to the church -, fo I fhall fhow more refpeft to their perfons, than to record them in a cafe wliich I promife myfelf they will fome time or other reckon it their misfortune to have oppofed, and per- haps be as zealous, now its finilhed, to preferve, as they were before it was finifhed, to prevent. Yet I muft confefs, it was to thefe gentlemen we owe the amufing the nation with fo many unhappy prejudices, the alarming them with fuch ungrounded apprehenfions, and the embarking the common people againft it, merely on the appearing of fuch men in it, on whofe judgments, and on whofe quality they had fo much dependence. Thefe were the fatal people againft this treaty, thefe ftruggled within doors and without, thefe brought to pafs that monftrous conjunftion of oppofite and difcording parties, and brought tiie Jacobites to cry out for the fuccefllon ; the epifcopal people to want fccurity for the Preftjyterian church j the Tory to cry out, breach of covenant ; and the well-minded Prefbyterian ignorandy excite the people to a rabble. Thefe went about preaching oppofition in every fhape, juft as it fuited the people they had to do with, they undertook to join Cameronian and Perfecutor; Prefbyterian and Papift ; Proteftant Succefllon and Jacobitifm j parties as op- pofite as the elements, as diftant as the poles ; and thefe are the people I defire to be underftood of, when in this book I talk in general of the oppofers of this. Union ; I name nobody, whoever the coat fits, they arc welcome to wear it. Having thus defcribed the parties, it would be endlcfs to enter into their fc- vcral methods, by which they concurred together, I do not fay confederated, for OF ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. 221 for that was impradicable, their feveral aims confidered; but all concurred neverthelefs, to put the management of this affair into the following confufions. Till the printing of thefe articles, as I have already noted, the people were generally very defirous of the Union, as a thing which tended to the putting an end to all former animofities, burying the ancient feuds between the nations, and removing the apprehenfions good people on both fides had juftly enter- tained of a new rupture, in cafe of the Queen's demife. But no fooncr were thefe articles printed and difperfed, but as if everybody had fet themfelves to raife objeflions, form fcruples, and find faults in them, the whole nation fell into a general kind of labour, in canvafling, banding, and cavilling at the conditions. 1. The poor people were terrified with the apprenfions of infupportable taxes, lofs of employment, want of all things, and large payments upon their fait and malt. They were again filled with ftrange (lories of being fold to the Englifh ; their Parliament, Crown, Scepter, and even tlieir name as a nation to be loft, and all carried to England. 2. The merchants were frighted with printed fchemes of exceflive cuftoms and impofitions, and the ftrangeft projects of trade were fpread about the kingdom that ever were feen, which being gotten into the heads of thofe people, who yet, by their concern in trade, one would have thought, in common charity, fliould have known better, were fo managed, that it is hardly poffible to believe' fuch prepofterous notions could prevail upon people, otherwife knowing enough; fuch as, i. The profitablenefs of a trade to France, though all the returns from thence was in perifliable goods, fuch. as wines, brandy, and trifles for confumption at home. 2. The unprofitablenefs of a trade to England, whither their export of cattle and linen, amounting to above 2QO,ooo1, fterling per annum, brought back very little but ready money. Tiiefe were ftrange things, but fo popularly puftaed on, that they amufed the whole nation, and the poor people were told, the Union would beggar the country, and ftarve the nation ; and. this talked up to an extravagant height,, made the poor perfeftly diftr;i£t:ed. Taxes were calculated, without allowing, for the advantages of the cuftoms in other cafes taken off ; without confidering the taxes on malt and fait were remote, and' probably never to be laid ; without confidering proportions, equalities, and the reafons, nature, or neceffity of things; fothat the poor people were exafperated to the higheft degree, and filled. with apprehenfions, that they fliould have neither food to eat, nor beer to drink; that they were juft to be facrificed to the Engliih ; be fubdued, ruined and deftroyed. 3. Thofe 222 THE HISTORY OF THE UNION 3. Thofe articles, which left fome things contingent to the Parliamentary jurifdiftion, were improved to perfuade tlie people, that all their laws, liberties, eftates, and whatever was near and dear to them, was left entirely to the deter- mination and abfolute difpofal of tlie Britilli Parliament ; in which, they being to have but a fmall reprefentation, fuppofing their own members to be always unbiafied and impartial, they fhould always be over-ruled, out-voted, opprefled and fubje£bed : To talk to them, in this cafe, of the words unalterable and perpetual, was to fay nothing j to fay, the Britifh Parliament could make no alterations, was to fay nothing. Thefe things had fo filled the heads of the people, that nothing could pacify them. 4. But above all this, and which was yet moft unhappy, as it tended to an univerfal alarm, and to embark a great many fober and well-affefted people againft it, it was carefully reprefented to be dangerous to the church-govern- ment, that all the eftablifliment would be fubjedted to a vote of Parliament, and a Parliament, where the prelates had a voice againft them ; that if the Bifhops fliould pleafe to vote Epifcopacy into Scotland, they getting a majority in the Parliament, it would be done j that the Church would be ruined; that if fhe obtained a toleration, it was the moft that could be expefted in this cafe, and that was precarious and uncertain, and what they muft come a beg- ging to the Bifhops for. This made an unfpeakable diforder in the minds of the people, and all the methods taken to convince them, that the Parliament could not encroach upon the Church, or any ways concern themfelves about it, were to no purpofej they declared the Ad: of Security to be infufficient, railed at the Scots Parliament's confenting in blank to the eftablifliment of the Church of England, and inveighed againft a toleration of Epifcopacy here, which they faid would be the confequence. 5. And laft of all came an univerfal cry, that this was a plain breach of the national covenant and folemn league, by which the nation had bound them- felves by oath to God Almighty, among other things, to endeavour the pulling down the Epifcopal hierarchy, and to reform, to the utmoft of their power, the Church of England alfo. — All thefe things were not only brought as arguments, but puflied with fo much heat, fo much want of charity and courtefy, that really it began to break all good neighbourhood; it foured all focieties, and the national quarrel broke into families, who were ever jangling, divided, and op- pofite one among another. — Nor was there any offering the expofitions, no, not of their own divines, who had declared, that the obligations of the covenant entitled them to no other endeavour of reforming the Church of England, but fuch as confifted in prayers, exhortations, Chriftian arguments and examples : vide Dodor Rule's Vindication of the Church of Scotland, p. 16. How- OF ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. 223 ever, there was no talking to the people at this time, nothing but patience and time could be expected to remedy it. In this junfture, and if pofllble to compleat the diflraftions of the people, one gentleman, by name Mr. Hodges, and who had formerly been fuppofed to write for the common good of Scotland, and was rewarded for it by Par- liament, by what fate, party, pafTion or prejudice, remains to this day a doubt, — writes a large book againft an incorporate Union ; in which he abufes and reproaches England, as a faithlefs, wicked, treacherous and abominable nation, and that to unite with her, was to entail God's judgment on Scotland for her national fins. A fad inftance of the temper of thefe times. In this book he fets down two and thirty interfering interefts between the nations, which, he pretends, it is impolTiblc to reconcile: It is writ with infinite fcandal and falfity; and among the reft, and as a teft of the finceriry of the party, he affirms thefe palpable untruths. I ft. That in commerce, the Englifh trade to the Weft Indies is carried on in exclufive companies, by which, the letting the Scots into that trade, was an Englifti cheat. a. That all the ecclefiaftical ftate of the Church was left at the mercy of a Britifti Parliament. 3. That the Members of Parliament in England were obliged to take the Sacrament of the Church of England, before they were admitted to fit in the Houfe. This is not a place to confute thefe things ; they did not want their anfwer in their feafon, and the 'people in time did begin to fee their error, and how this author had, by manifeft forgery, impofcd upon them. — But ftill this did the mifchief it was calculated for, before any anfwer could take place j for this book was eagerly efpoufed by the party, and there was no room to queftion it •was writ at their private appointment : It was induftrioufiy fpread over all the kingdom in a few days, and no body of any confideration but had a fight of it; nay, it was handed about among the poor people, to ftir them up and inflame them, and it had all the fuccefs the wickedeft creature could wifli for^ it confounded and amazed the people, the dark fide of every thing was ftiowii them, and the true fenfe of things concealed; and who can but think the people, thus abufed, Ihould run out into extravagancies ? It is not fo much, that a book fraught with abfurdities, falfities and contra- diftions, merits a note in this work ; but I think it is abfolutely neceflary, to fliew where the general difaffeftion at the Union began, fince it was manifeft, that, till this time, the people were, in general, very well fatisfied, and the profpeft of an Union was very grateful to them. It cannot but be fome fatisfat^ion to all thofe who have heartily efpoufed this UnioDj 0.24 'I'HE HISTORY OF THE UNION Union, that the oppofition had fuch a beginni^ng; that its foundation was laid in the party-prejudices of a few, whofe refuge and fupport was the mere affidance of falfities and unparelleled forgeries, by which the poor ignorant people were amufed, impofed upon, and led blindly on, even to the brink of their own deftruftion ; from whence, though the good providence of God refcued them, yet they were fo pofTefled, that they flew in the face of every body that attempted to open their eyes, and infulted their deliverers. It was at lead a fortnight that the heats of the people, on account of thefc articles, continued, before they produced any extravagant effefts; and this time was generally fpent, in the Parliament, in reading over, difcourfing upon, and preparing to debate the articles. For it may be noted, as will appear by the minutes, that the articles were read over one by one in the Houfe, before the main reading of them j and the Members were admitted to fpeak freely their opinions on every head, but to put nothing to the vote. During this work, which was from the third of Odlober to the firft of Novem- ber, the ferment increafed, and the whole kingdom feemed to be in a diforder, fome accounts of which may be very proper here. There had always been a ftrong oppofition in this country to the prefent fettle- ment, both eccleiiaftical and civil, and the Revolution was not eftablilhed without a civil war ; which, though it was but fliort, came to a decifive battle, which had this particular feeming contradidlion in it, that the King's army loft the battle, and got the vidory. The Vifcount of Dundee, formerly Graham of Claverhoufe, headed the malecontent party ; the King's forces were routed, but Dundee, unhappily for his party, was found among the flain : His viftorious party by his death, not only loft the advantage of their viiflory, but having loft the chief of their army, they foon difperfed for want of a head, and the prefent eftabliftiment prevailed. But ftill they left the North Highlands full of difaffedlion to the prefent Government, never fubmitting, but, as it were, by mere force, even to this day. All the remains of this party, called particularly the Jacobite, were unani- moufly againft the Union, as they were againft the fucceffion. 2. The Epifcopal party were againft it as before, becaufc they forcfaw, that the Prefbyterian church would ftrengthen their fettlement, by the addition of England, who by this treaty, would on all occafions, be obliged to fupport and defend them, and fo the party would of courfc be finally excluded. Thefe two parties faw themfelves abandoned by thofe who formerly oppofed the fucceffion on different reafons, and that thofe gentlemen had fallen into the Union, as is before hinted j and though I will not fay, that they and the Papifts ©F ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. iij Papifts and Jacobite party were all in an intercft before, yet it was iivanifcll they fell in together now unanimoufly to oppole the Union. What oppofition they had formerly made was under-hand, partly by fulici- tation of friends, and clafhing of parties; they always looked on ic as a diino- remote and imprafticable, and a thing which the conftant jars they induftri- oufly promoted among the people, and particularly the national antipathy, would always prevent. But when, contrary to their expectation, they found, that the Union was brought to a head in England; that the Court pufhed heartily to bring it to a conclufion; and to their great furprife found the feveral oppofing parties joined together; and that every one, from what different profpefts foever, concurred in the Union, and feemed to make their court to the times, on die foot of the zeal they fliould fhew for this new profpedl of fettlement. Kgli * ■^■ This exceedingly alarmed them ; and they found, that now or never was the time to oppofe it; that if it obtained now upon the humour of the people, it was certain to be finifhed, and they and their caufe efFedlually fore-clofed firom all hopes of ever retrieving their intereft. No fooner therefore was the Parliament met, and the eyes of all the nation fixed upon the event of this great affair, but all the engines of the feveral parties were fet to work ; fome to expofe, feme to defend both the proceedings tliat were already perfefted in England, and thofe that were now entering upon. Innumerable pamphlets were printed and difperfed over the whole kingdom; and induftrioufly harangued upon by the engines of the' refpeftive parties, as their interefts led them. The next flep was to find out popular arguments to gratify the humours of the feveral orders or divifions of the people ; and to alarm them with thofe things in particular, which their feveral tempers, parties, or defigns led them mofl to apprehend. Thus they fpread all pofTible fcandals and fatires againll the treaty ;n general, ... . • j-r r -^ ^^ tizmi.r as well in print as in ducourle. As that it was difhonourable to Scotland ; furrendering her fovereignty and conftitution; fubjedting her to her ancient and implacable enemies. — That it was deprelTing the honour and dignity of a kingdom that had defended her li- berty againfl England with fuch gallantry and bravery for fo many hundred years, as if fhe was lefs able to fight now than never, her fons lefs bold, her gentry lefs daring, or lefs willing to die for their country; that now they were to be flaves, and niufl run to Weftminfter to vote with a handful of members, who would never be able to carry a queflion, or to make any weight there, but juft for form's fake fit in the Houfe, and be laughed at. G g That aa6 THE HISTORY OF THE UNION That the figure Scotland would make in the Britifli Parliament would not be like a kingdom, but like a province j that one county in England, viz. Corn- wall, fent up as many members, one excepted, as the whole kingdom ; and that this was an eternal badge of their fubjeftion ; and the like. This was a general cry, and began to be very popular : The people cried out, they v/ere Scotfmen, and they would be Scotfmen ftill ; they contemned the name of Britons, fit for the Welchmen, who were made the fcofF of the Eng- lifh, after they had reduced them. — Scotland had always had a name and a fame in foreign courts ; they were naturalized in France, enjoyed for many years great privileges there, and honours bought with the blood of their ancellors ; and they would never give away their birthright, though fome of their nation had been driving a bargain for themfelves, at the price of felling their country. — Thus they filled the mouths of the common people, who would go about the ilreet crying, " No Union," and call the treaters traitors, and foon after began to threaten them openly to their faces. The fuccefs the party obtained here to incenfe the common people was too much, not to encourage them to proceed -, and the next flep was, to infufe like prejudices into the heads of the feveral parties and perfuafions of people : And this was divided into two : I. To perfuade the honeft prefbyterian, that the Church would be fubjefted to the votes, the power, and the opprefiion of the Epifcopal hierarchy in England. I will not pofitively aflert, that this was a mere Jacobite chimera, or had its pure original in plot and defign ; the fears and apprehenfions of honeft people might at firft lead them a great way in that cafe: But I believe nobody will take ofFepce, if I fay thofe fears and apprehenfions were foon made a handle by this party, who fat ready to take all occafions, and they immediately raifed a cry that the Church was betrayed; that Epifcopacy was coming in upon them; that in the Britifh Parliament they fhould be fubjefled to the plurality of voices, in which the Englifli bifhops, befide their influence on the nobility and gentry, bad alfo their own voices : and that, if the Union ever went forward, they fhould be ceruinly fupprelTcd by the prelates, and reduced to a toleration at beft, if perhaps that fhould be obtained. I cannot be cenfured by any body, in this conclufion of mine, if it be re- membered what ftrange advocates the Church had at this time, — when thofe that never came to the Church, never owned the jurifUiftion of the Church; but, on" the contrary, were always known to maltreat her; rejeft hereftabliflimcnt ; and never joined with her, either in doftrinc or difcipline, worlliip or government, went up and down, exclaiming at the defigns of tlie Englifh bifhops, to over- throw the eftablifhed Church. Nor OF ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. 227 . Nor will it be remote to the purpofe to obferve, that when the a6l for the fccu- rity of the Church came to be debated in Parliament, thofe very gentlemen ap- peared zealous to obtain larger conditions, and voted the overture infufficient for the Church's fafety, who were never fuppofed to owe the Church fo much good will, or ever before were oblcrved to malce her fecurity any part of their concern : nay, nor were ever known fo much as to join with the Church; own her difcipline, or call themfelves members. — But this ceafed to be a myftery, when fome of thofe gentlemen honeftly declared, this was only done to ftrengthen their intereft againft the Union, and openly began to draw their arguments into a chain of fuccefTive necelTities ; that from the very Papift to the Jacobite, the Prelatift, the Prefbyterian, the Cameronian, every one might find reafons to adl together againft the Union, as a common and a national evil. But of this I fhall find occafion to fpeak again prefently. The early fpreading thefe prejudices had but too much fuccefs j the party ap- plied themfelves, as they found it fuit the genius and tempers of the people- To fome it was fatal to the Church, and they would be fubjefted to prelacy, and the plurality of votes in the Britifh Parliament. To others, it was dangerous to the ftate, and the independency, honour and fovereignty of the kingdom was betrayed and given up. Nay, to the very children and moft ignorant people they had their arguments ; fuch as, that the honours, as they call them, the crown of Scotland, fword and fceptre, fliould be carried away to England. And the boys and mob were in- vited by a great perfon, in a melancholy tone, to go in and fee the ancient crown of Scotland, for that it would foon be carried away, and they might never fee it any more. To others they had a more fubtile argument ; which, though it was perhaps begun among thofe that had no ill in their defign, as is faid of the firft, yet, they carefully improved this, as they did all other things, to the general confufion of the times : and this was a notion, that it was abfblutely againft the national covenant, in which the people had fworn to two things, which this treaty di« reftly would contravene, and render impoffible, 1. That Scotland had fworn in the national covenant, to fupport the fove- rdgnty of the kingdom, which they faid was now to be given up. 2. That Scotland had engaged to pull down Epifcopacy in England to the utmoft of their power. i The ftarting thefe two things had two fatal profpefts, which indeed, liad they not been bothover-ruled by that fecret hand which had fingularly appeared in the carrying this treaty on, through fo many feemingly infuperable difficulties, might have involved both nations in confufion, .• Gel From 22t THE HISTORY OF THE UNION -f-jFr&rh the firft of thefe, they pretended to be bound to preferve the ftate in its immediate feparate condition ; as if confederating with, and joining to a more powerful nation, on tenr.s honourable, and tending to fupport the fove- reignty and power of the whole, was not confifting with that part of the cove- nant, which could no otherwife be underftood there than to fignify the fupport- ing and defending the conftitution of Scotland, as it was or Ihould be legally fftabliflaed. As to the other fuggeftion, it was effeftually anfwered by one of the moft learned divines of the Church of Scotland, Dr. Rule; where he explains the meaning of the covenant to be in that cafe, noatttempt by force to reduce the Church of England, &c. but what we are bound to by the covenant, is not to reform them, but to concur with them, when lawfully called, to advance re- formation, either there or any where elfe : and it is far from our thoughts to go beyond that boundary. — Vindication of the Church of Scotland, p. i6. But this clamour had another efFeft, which might have been as fatal in its confequence, had not the fcene of affairs been very much changed in England; for this very pretence, which the Epifcopal party prompted, as much as in them lay here, and drew abundance of good and well-meaning people into, in Scotland, as an objeftion againfl the Union, they immediately turned upon them in England, and fet fome of the Church of England Clergy, efpecially thofewarm gentlemen who were againftthe Union; they fet them, I fay, upon raifing of the old alarm again, of the danger of the Church, arifing from the Union; even from this very argument, that the Prefbyterians in Scotland were fworn by the covenant, to do their utmoft to pull down Epifcopacy in England. I fhall, as little as poffible, concern this hiftory with debates of any of our party quarrels ; but the contradiftion which thefe people fell into, was remarkable; and could it have been confidered, might have very much expofed tliem. ,;For if it was true, that the Church of Scotland had fworn to dethrone Epif- copacy; and that the Prefbyterians were againft the Union, becaufe it would deprive thehi of that power, and for ever tie their hands from that work ; — then they were but ill friends to the Church of England among her own Clergy, who were foi* that reafon againft the Union. — And it was an argument of the Itrongeft nature to prove, that the Church of England fhould have been with all her heart for the Union, if flie had the leaft knowledge of her own intereft. It is plain from Dr. Rule, that the obligation of the covenant extended no further, than to oblige them to concur with England, when lawfully called to a general refornr^ation. But the party in England run thefe things a great deal higher, and plied the warm addrefTes of the people; and efpecially one of the Cameronians, and of their OF ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. 229 their leader Mr. John Hepburn, againft the Union i calling what thofe weak people put into their addreflcs, the aft and deed of the wliole Prefbyterian Church of Scotland ; when 'tis known, firft, that Mr, Hepburn's addrefs had but feven hands to it. Secondly, thofc people, though in other things many of them are good people, yet do neither own the Church nor the State; neither the Civil Government nor the Ecclefiaftic. Of which I fliall be larger hereafter. By thefe artifices it is hardly credible, what averfions they raifed in the people againft the Union in general, even before the articles were made public, or at> all debated in the Houfe. But when the articles were printed, and every one began to read lectures upon them, according as their feveral fancies guided them, or their intereftfeemed to clafh with them, I want words to exprefs what a clamour was raifed on all hands, and what feuds began to appear in every corner of the nation. Parties and people, whofe interefts and principles differed as much as light and dai'knefs J who were as contrary in opinion, and as far afunder in every thing, as the poles, fcemed to draw together here. — It was the moft m.onftrous fight in the world, to fee the Jacobite and the Prefbyterian, the perfecu ting prelatic Non- juror and the Cameronian ; the Papift and the reformed Proteftant, parle toge- ther, join intereft, and concert meafures together.— To fee the Jacobites at Glafgow huzzaing the mob, and encouraging them to have a care of the Church ! the. high-flying Epifcopal diffenter crying out, the overture was not a fufficient fecurity for the Church ! Such convulfions as thefe agitated the whole kingdom; and it was the moft un- accountable thing that ever was known, to find a nation, that but cfew months before were earneftly crying out for an Union, and the nearer the- better; and that were fully convinced of the neceffity they had of this Union, now fly in the face of their mafters, and upbraid the gentlemen who managed it, with fel- ling and betraying their country, and furrendering their conftitution, fovereignty and independence to the Englifii. And fuch -was the; clamour againft the treaters, that I verily believe, and I affure you I do not, give my private opinion in it, had the articles of the treaty- been publiftied before the treaters came home; and the feuds been the fame againft them as they were afterwards, there was not many of them would have dared to have gone home, without a guard to proteift them. The merchants, the burghs, the country people, all cried out of oppreflion, and of ruiri and deftruftion in trade. — And yet the amendments that were offered by that party to the articles, in the time of their debate, were fo fmall, and fo trifling, though they had a free debate on every head, that their own friends cried out 230 THE HISTORY OF THE UNION out upon them, for demanding fo little; and ufed this as an argument againft them afterwards, that they might have had more, if they had afked it. Nor is it to be forgotten, that thofe very gentlemen, who raifed moft noife at the general of the treaty, had leaft to fay to the particulars; had feweft objec- tions to make, and Icaft of all concerned thcmfelves in the amendments. — The reafon was plain, the defign was not to amend the treaty, but to deftroy it; they were not folicitous to have a good treaty, but to have no treaty ; the drift was to confound it with infinite objecEtions, and to clamour the people out of their wits, that they might, if polTible, clamour the Parliament out of the Houfe: and of this fuch evident proofs will appear in the procefs of this ftoiy, as no body, I believe, will make any doubt but that there is reafon for fuch an objeftion. The Parliament was now met, and the party who oppofed the treaty diligently made up their greatefl: ftrength within doors in order to it. — I will not fay that feveral took the oath of Parliament, on purpofe to be able to do fervice againft it, who never took the faid oath before ; but I know it wasfo underftood of feveral gentlemen, and they were reported to be advifed by their friends to do fo. The firft ftep they took without doors, for the matters within doors I refer to the abftraft I fliall make of the minutes in the end of this work ; but the firft ftep they took without doors, as to particulars, was to let on foot a notion, that the Members of Parliament had no right to alter the conftitution, without the particular confent of their conftituents j and that therefore the Parliament ought to have an adjournment for fome time, that the Members might go down into the feveral refpeftive countries, which they reprefented, and know the mind of their conAituents. And though this feemed to be many ways confuted by ftrength of argument; wherein it was alledged, that this was not an altering or giving up the conftitu- tion ; and therefore, fuppofe it were true, tliat the Members were not impowered to aft without the confent of their conftituents, in giving up the conftitution, yet this did not reach here. a. It was alledged, that this Parliament was fummoned by her Majefty, with an exprefs fignification in the proclamation, that it was to treat of, confult about, and conclude an Union with England; and being fent up for that declared pur- pofe by their conftituents, there remained no occafion to demand any further, or other inftruftions from them; but they became plenipotentiaries from that particular circumftance. 3. That, by the conftitution, it was not required, that the conftituents lliould be confultedon any fuch occafion ; that the Convention of Eftates tranf- pofed the crown, altered the fuccefTion, and fettled the Revolution ; which, in all circumftances, was as eflential to the conftitution as this ; and that they never confulted OF ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. 231 confulted their conftituents in that call- at all ; nor did the oppofers of the Revo- lution demand it ; but protefted, and went out of tiae Houfe. And, in this cafe, their champion, Mr. Hodges, alfo was againft tliem, who owned, that their Commiffioners to the Parliament had full power to ad; for them in this cafe. However, as things began to run very high, and the people, prompted by thefe popular arguments, afTumed every thing they thought fit to call their right ; ftveral boroughs wrote letters to their reprefentatives, in their own names, and by their own autliorities, requiring them not to give their votes or aflents to an incorporating Union; or, in fhort, not to the Union as now coming on, in the terms of the treaty. But this was not all; for finding that this was not much regarded by the Mem- bers, and that precedents in like cafes would not fupport the praftice, they turned tl>eir private letters into public addrefTes, and thofe introduced mobs, tumults, infultings of magiftrates, flight of gentlemen from their houfes, and all manner of popular diforders ; till at lafl it came to downright infurredlion and rebellion; which, had notcircumftances and the feafon particularly prevented,, had rifen up to blood, civil war, and all the terrible confequences of an enraged and divided nation, as fhall more at large be related in its courfe. But to return to the party that oppofed the treaty ; at firft they ftrove to carry on their oppofition by wifer methods ; and by their force of arguments to pofllifs the peoples minds with fuch averfions, as might convince the Parliament they were ading againft the general current of the nation. And having not at firfl appeared againft the thing in general, it behoved them, to defcend to particular objeftions ; for, to fay they would have no Union at all, would have been impolitic, and have formed too great a party againft them : it was neceflary therefore to form themfelves into a body of objeftors, that had fome reafon on their fide, and could defcend to particulars to enforce their opinion. Nor could they, in good manners to the Queen, objedt againft an Union in general, who, in her letters to the Parliament, had fo earneftly recommended, upon all occafions, the union of her people, as what her Majefty efteemed fb much for their mutual good, that ftie would count it her fingular happinefs, to have it compleated in her reign : on this fcore, I fay, fhould they have re- jefted all manner of Union, or treaty of Union, it would have been fo diredlly flying in the face of the Queen's recommendation, that it would have not only appeared rude, but have loft them a confiderable party, whofe affiftance they found very great occafion for. This brought all the feveral parties, who were againft the treaty, as well thofe 2 that 232 THE HISTORY OF THE UNION. that were againft it on the account of the fucccffion, as thofe that were againfl: it in genera], to fall in with thofe, who only objefted againft the circuj-nftances ©fit; I mean, the conditions, and ftipulations publifiied in the articles. • Thus the great variety of objeftors, to make themfelves perfcdly formidable^ however different in notion or defign, made up one body; and turned their ar-. guments from being pointed againft the union in general, to be pointed againft the terms of it, an incorporating union. This brought them back to the feveral fchemes of foreign unions of nations, fuch as Switzc.'-land, the United Provinces, and the like : and fome propofed one thing, fome another, not forefeeing, that, had even any of their propofals come to have been the real treaty, yet this party, who were againft the Union as fuch, would have been as much againft that, as they were againft this ; and fo at laft they muft have divided, broke their intereft, and loft the whole,' which was the main thing aimed at. - , - , . . : And thus now ftood the debate.-^" No. incorporating union,". Was the word : — -" Let us have an Union with England with all our hearts i but no incorpora- " tionj — let us keep our Parliament, — keep our fovereignty, — keep Bur in-" " dependency, — keep our conftitution j and for all the reii, we are ready to " unite with you, as firmly as you can devife." ' n,.fi i,.. This was thought, by moft, to bejuft reviving the former notions of a federal union, with fo many inconfiftent noun-fubftantives in their government, that had upon all occafions been found imprafticable -, and which would fo entirely have left both nations expofed to the pofTibility of relapfing into a divided con- dition, that it could not be expeiSted, England, whofe confiderations for uniting were peace, ftrength, and ftiutting a bade door of continual war and confufion fi'om the north, fhould communicate trade, freedom of cuftoms in all her ports and plantation^! with egrefs and regrefs of manufadlures, &c. and leave the main things yet precarious and i^ncertain. It would be endlefs to trouble the reader here with the arguments on both fides, which came refolved at laft to this ftiort head. ■jIn the beginning of the treaty at London, the Englifti CommifTioners had rcfufed to treat, but upon an entire and incorporating Union; and had given fuch reafons, why all other propofals would not only be infufficient, but im- pra<51:icable ; that the Scots CommifTioners were convinced of it, and fatisfied to enter upon a treaty of an entire Union, as the only way to eftablifli the lafting peace and profperity of both nations. To talk then of a federal Union at this time feemed only to put the queftion. Whether the Parliament ftiould take the articles into confideration or no ? and Uxis run all the oppofcrs back to the fchemes of thofe that were againft the Union OF ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. tjj Union in general, and by this they loft ground ; for though they made a ftron'^ oppofition againft the very reading the articles at all, and would gladly have rejefted them in the grofs ; yet there were feveral of their friends left them, and fo they loft the firft queftion, Whether the articles fhould be read, which wa3 carried in the affirmative, Oflober 3, the firft day of the meeting of Parliament, as will appear by the minutes. This was the firft ftraight they were brought to ; and therefore, to back thefe two principles, they fet to work to procure a throng of addreffcs from the fe- veral towns ; and which, it is vifible, they attempted to back with force, to awe the Parliament into a compliance, as will hereafter appear. Moft of thefe addrefles were worded to the famepurpofe, and in fubftance con- tained a claim of the conftituents right, to limit and inftruft their commif- fioners, — and a direction to avoid an incorporating Union ; fome of them were decently prefaced with expreflions of courtefy to England, and willingnefs to confederate or unite with them on other terms ; but protefted againft an incor- poration of government, as contrary to their liberties, and deftrudtive to their fovereignty and independence, the glory of their anceftors, the honour of the ancient kingdom, and a great many fuch plaufible allegations, in order to make the ground of tlieir addreffing feem the more fpecious, and to pleafe the peo- ple : Others, lefs courteous, fpoke higher words and rougher language, talked of their defending their Conftitution againft the invafion of ftrangers, reflefted on their treaters, and their being wheedled and drawn in to give up their coun- try, their liberties, &c. We fhall come to them prefently. As the Parliament was now fitting, fo was the Commiftion. — This is a depu- tation from the General Aflembly, being a certain number of Minifters, impowered by an aft of the Aflembly, to meet in the intervals of their fefllon, to take care of the affairs of the Church. The tranfafbions within the Parliament, I refer to the Abftraft of the Minutes, with Obfervations, immediately following this account, folio 285. But that this account, which contains things done without doors, may run hand in hand with the faid abftradt, it is neceflary to give an account what was tranfafting in the Commiftion at the fame time, at leaft fo far as it relates to the prefent affair. It is obferved in the minutes of the 12th of Oiftober, that a motion was made in Parliament for a public faft j which, however, was oppofed by thofe, that fome thought had more inclination to the work of a public faft, than thofe tiiat propofcd it ; however, as the Commiirion had been feveral days met, the gentlemen in Parliament, who were againft the having a public faft ap- pointed by Parliament, feemed to refer it to the Commifiion. Hh It 3J4 THE HISTORY OF THE UNION It was indeed oppofed in the Comnninion of the Aflembly, for the fannc reafons that it was in Parliament, viz. not for any diflike of fafting and praying, but to prevent the alarming and amufing the people, which was the principal work on foot at that time. However, not to negleft the work, or to be found oppofing fuch a thing as praying to God, on whatfoever account, it was moved in the CommifTion, that they fhould fet apart a time for them- fclves to fall and pray, as Minifters aflembled onfo great an occafion; and that a circular letter fliould be fent to the feveral Prefbyteries to do the fame in their feveral diftrids. The aft of the Commiffion, for this day of prayer, neither confined them to a day, or prefcribed the manner ; the aft itfelf is to be found in the Appendix, N A X, as copied from the original in the regifter. There had been flrong rumours fpread abroad, that the Commiffion would not aft, in this cafc^ without the General Afiemblyj but that they fhould proteft againft the Union being concluded, till a General AfTembly was called j and addrefs the Parliament to adjourn the debate of it, till the AfTembly fhould meet, which was not to meet till April : Or, that the Lords of her Ma- jefty's Council fhould procure from her Majefly, that the AfTembly might be called fooner. But as this was the contrivance of a party, only to gain time, and of a piece with the delays offered at in the Houfe at the fame time, fo it met with no encouragement in the CommifTion : Not but that there was too ftrong a party willing to have befriended it, at that time, even in the Commif- fion itfelf. However, a very moderate and well-tempered addrefs was drawn up in the CommifTion ; it was agreed to in the CommifTion the nth, but not prefented till the 17th J in which they recommend to the Parliament the fecurity of the Prefbyterlan Church of Scotland, and its doftrine, difcipline, worfhip and government, to be fecured by the treaty, as you may fee by the addrefs itfelf^ which is printed in the Appendix. N B x. After this, the Commiffion was again prefTed about the fail; and more Minifters being come to town, than were at firftj and coming with the fenfc of the country people frefh in their minds, who were, by this time, every where rendered very uneafy, the motion of a fall was renewed j and though fome were againft a faft as national, yet, as no body was againft praying to God on fo folemn an occafion, fo the Commiffion began with themfelvcs as follows : " Oftober 17th, It was agreed, that the Members of the Commiffion, with ♦* fuch as pleafed to join with them, fhall convene in the High Church of Edin- " burgh OF ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. 235 *' burgh for prayer the day following; that the Moderator fhould begin with a " ihortdifcourfe from the pulpit, concerning the occafion and reafonof thatmect- ** ing, and the Minifters to pray, and the orders of the exercifc were fettled by *' the Commiflion." Accordingly, on the iSth, there was a very great congregation, where was prefent many Members of Parliament, and the work continued till two of the clock, very public and folemn ; but without any of the exceflcs which fome people flattered themfelves to find there. However, after this, the motion for a faft was brought on again, and carried in the Commiflion on the 2ifl: of Oftober, as from the regifter follows. " There having formerly been a motion made, for application to the Parlia- *' ment for a public national fafl:, the matter was this day refumed, and much " debate about it ; — the Commiflion being pretty full, it took longer time. — " Some were for applying to Parliament for their civil fandion to it ; others that " Prefbyteries fliould be wrote to, to appoint a faft, without applying to the " Parliament J becaufe it was feared the Parliament might not be unanimous in *' that matter ; and the mentioning of a faft there might perhaps, in the prefent *' circumftances, be occafion of ftrife : and after long deliberation, it was un- *' animoufly agreed to, that application ftiould not be made to the Parliament ; *< and a Committee was named to bring in a draught of the paper about that " faft; which Committee brought in the fame, in form of an a£b, upon the aad *' of Oiftober ; and, after fome few amendments, the fame was unanimoufly " approved." This faft was obfervcd in Edinburgh very folemnly. — His Grace, her Ma- jefty's Commiflioner, the Lord Chancellor, the great Ofiicers of State, and many Members of Parliament appeared at church, and joined in it, though the appointment had not the fanftion of the civil authorit}'^ to fupport it. — A clear proof, by the way, of the Parliament's owning the power of appointing fafts to be in the Church. Yet was not this fuch a general national faft, as fome people defired ; hoping to obtain upon the people, by the folemnity of the thing, and by the warmth of the Minifters, who, they vainly ^xpefted, would, in the pulpit, run out againft the treaty, bring the people to a general averfion againft it ; and, by confequence, to fome violent meafures for preventing it. But the prudence of the Minifters prevented all this defignedmifchief; and though the day was, as I have faid, obferved with great folemnity and affedion, yet it was to their great d'fappointment, that the Minifters generally, as well thofe who were againft the Union, as thofe who were for it, in their refpeflive parifties, applied themfelves only fummarily to the fubftance, nay, to the very words of tTie AfTembly's aft, viz. " That all the determinations of the Eftates H h 2 "of 236 THE HISTORY OF THE UNION " of Parliament, with refpefl to an Union with England, might be influenced *' and dirc6led by Divine Wifdom, to the glory of God, the good of religion, " and particularly of t-!ie Church of Scotland." Thus the thing was carried through, except as hereafter, without the mif- chievous effeft which fome expected from it, who now began to turn their ex- pectations another way, viz. to the people, whom they had by various arts fcrewed up to an unexpefted fermentation, as in the enfuing tumults appeared. I am forry that in the procefs of this ftory, efpecially in this, which I count the foulcft and blackeft part of it that could have been afted, I fhall be obliged to mention fome perfons of great honour and ancient families, who were pleafed, for reafons of their own, to aft againft the Union, and to appear fo publicly in the oppofition of ir, that the people, I do not fay by their own approbation, I hope not, fingled them out as the patriots of their country againfl: this tranf- adtion ; and, by their fhouts and huzzas after them, as they went and came to and from the Parliament, made them, as it were, the heads of the party who oppofed the Union. The Dukes of Hamilton and Athol were the chief of thefe, and were almoft every day in Parliament, ftrenuoufly arguing againft the articles, and prefllng for other meafures, as by the obfervations on the minutes will appear. The Duke of Hamilton being indifpofed by fome lamenefs, I cannot de- fcribe the occafion, was generally carried to and from the Houfe in his chair. The common people now fcrewed up to a pitch, and ripe for the mifchief defigned, and prompted by the particular agents of a wicked party, began to be very infolent. It had been whifpered about feveral days, that the rabble would rife, and come up to the Parliament Houfe, and cry out. No Union ; that they would take away the honours, as they call them, viz. the Crown, &c. and carry them to the caftle, and a long variety of foolifh reports of this kind. But the firft appearance of any thing mobbifh was, that every day, vyhen the Duke went up, but principally as he came down in his chair from the Houfe, the mob followed him, fhouting and crying out, God blefs his Grace for ftand- ing up againft the Union, and appearing for his country, and the like. And as extremes are generally accompanied with their contraries ; fo, while his Grace the Duke of Hamilton had thefe fancied honours paid him, the Queen's reprefentative, the High Commiffioner, had all the infults, reproaches and indignities offered him that they durft, for fear of public juftice, fhew him, as will by and by appear. Far be it from me to fay, the Duke of Hamilton defired or encouraged this tumultuary kind of congratulation ; that fort of popularity muft be too much below a perfon of his character ; and his Grace knows the world too well, and is . OF ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. 237 is too wife a man not to know that fuch things always tend to confufion, and to the dcftruftion of civil peace in the world. Nor do I doubt but his Grace did what he could to prevent their fingling him out, to fhew their mob-courtefy toj but there was no crufliing a rabble that had fo many wheels to fet it in motion j and the feeming caufes of which in- creafed every day, as the Union began to draw forward, and as the Members appeared refolved to go forward with it feriouQy, in order to a conclufion. On the 22d of OiStober, they followed the Duke's chair quite through the city, down to the Abbey gate j the guards prevented their going further; but all the way as they came back, they were heard to threaten what they would do' the next day ; that then they would be a thoufand times as many ; that they would pull the traitors, fo they called the treaters of the Union at London, out of their houfes, and they would foon put an end to the Union. On the 23d they made part of their words good indeed; for, as the Parlia- ment fat fomething late, the people gathered in the ftreets, and about the doors of the Parliament Houfe, and particularly the Parliament Clofe was almoft full, that the Members could not go in or out without difficulty ; when Duke Hamilton coming out of the Houfe, the mob huzzad as formerly, and fol- lowed his chair in a very great number. The Duke, inftead of going down to the Abbey, asufual, went up the High-ftreet, to the Land-market, as they call it, and fo to the lodgings of the Duke of Athol. Some faid he went to avoid the mob ; others malicioufly faid, he went to point them to their work. While he went Into the Duke of Athol's lodgings, the rabble attended at the doorj and, by fhouting and noife, having increafed their numbers to feveral thoufands, they began with Sir Patrick Johnfton, who was one of the treaters, and the year before had been Lord Provoft ; firft they aflaulted his lodgings with ftones and fticks, and curfes not a few ; but his windows being too high, they came up the ftairs to his door, and fell to work at it with fledges, or great hammers j and had they broke it open in their firft fury, he had, without doubt, been torn in pieces without mercy ; and this only becaufe he was a treater in the Commiflion to England j for, before that, no man was fo well beloved as he, over the whole city. His lady, in the utmoft defpair with this fright, came to the window, with two candles in her hand, that fhe might be known ; and cried out, for God's fake to call the guards : an honeft Apothecary in the town, who knew her voice, and faw the diftrefs flie was in, and to whom the family, under God, is obliged for their deliverance, ran immediately down to the town guard ; but they would not ftir, without the Lord Provoft's order ; but that being foon ob- tained, one Captain Richardfon, who commanded, taking about thirty men with him, marched bravely up to them j and making his way with great refa- lution 238 THE HISTORY OF THE UNION lution through the crowd, they flying, but throwing ftones, and hallooing at him, and his men, he feized the foot of the ftair-cafe ; and then boldly went up, cleared the flair, and took fix of the rabble in the very aft ; and fo delivered the gentleman and his family. But this did not put a ftop to die general tumult, though it delivered this, particular family; for the rabble, by this time, were prodigioufly increafed, and went roving up and down the town, breaking the windows of the Members of Parliament, and infultlng them in their coaches, in the ftreets ; they put out all the lights, that they might not be difcovered ; and the author of this had one great (lone thrown at him, for but looking out of a window ; for they fufFered nobody to look out, efpeclally with any lights, left they ftiould know faces^ and inform againft them afterwards. By this time, it was about eight or nine o'clock at night, and now they were abfolute mafters of the city ; and it was reported, they were going to fhutup all the ports ; the Lord Commlffioner being informed of that, fent a party of the foot-guards, and took polTefTion of the Netherbov/, which is agate in the mid- dle of the High-Street, as Temple-Bar between the city of London and the court. The city was now In a terrible fright, and every body was under concern for their friends j the rabble went raving about the ftreets till midnight, frequently beating drums, and ralfing more people ; when my Lord Commlirioner being informed, there were a thoufand of the feamen and rabble come up from Leith; and apprehending, if it were fuffered to go on, it might come to a dangerous head, and be out of his power to fupprefs, he fent for the Lord Provoft, and demanded that the guards fliould march into the city. The Lord Provoft, after fome difficulty, yielded ; though it was alledged, that it was what never was known in Edinburgh before. About one o'clock in the morning, a battalion of the guards entered the town, marched up to the Parliament Clofe, and took poft in all the avenues of the city, which pre- vented the refolutlons taken to infult the houfes of the reft of the treaters. The rabble were entirely reduced by this, and gradually difperfed, and fo the tumult ended. It Is not eafy to defcrlbe here, the confternation all good people were in, at the rifing of this tumult ; and had not fuch refolutions been at laft taken, as is above-mentioned, which the other party did not expeft, it had been the fatalleft rabble the nation had ever feen. In this cafe my Lord Commiflioner greatly difappointed the party, who, hav- ing infulted his Grace's lenity before, as a faintnefs of rcfolutlon, had fpread about fcandalous reports, that the Government durft not look the rabble in the faccj that the High Commlffioner was afraid of being rabbled in his palace; and OF ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. 2J9 and that, if they once rofe in a mob, all would fly before them; that the Par- liament would run away, and diflTolve themfclves, or fly to the caftle ; and another worfe thing than all, viz. that the foldiers were on their fide, and •Would not fight againft their country, as they called it. But the refolution of the Lord CommifTioner dlfappointed them all, who now {hewed them, he had as much cheerful bravery in the aftion, as he had calm- nefs and temper in the Parliament ; this broke all their meafures ; and when they faw the guards, led by brave and faithful officers, (land firm to their duty, and (hew themfelves refolutely forward to defend the Government, tliey loft all their courage ; it defeated all their expectations, and they began to lay afulc that fort of violent proceedings, and apply themfelves to the artifice of words, and the managery of parties in the houfe. It is to be obferved alfo, that this rabble was a mine fprung before its time, which blew backwards, and deftroyed the engineers, rather than the enemies ; the plot being otherwife laid, viz. that it fhould not have broken out, till fome days following ; when, as was faid, all would have been in readinefs, to have finilhed the work at one blow, viz. to have blown up the Government at once. They had been tampering with the foldiery, in order to debauch them from their duty ; and fome people talked of retiring from the Parliament, and of fome great men heading the people; which, had their patience been more, and their conduct a little more fecret, they had, without doubt, effeftually brought it to pafs ; but they blew their own projeft up by their precipitation, and fo faved their country by their very attempt to deftroy it. The author of this had his fhare of the danger in this tumult, and though un- known to him, was watched and fet by the mob, in order to know where to find him, had his chamber windows infulted, and the windows below him broken by miftake. But by the prudence of his friends, the ihortnefs of its continuance, and God's providence, he efcaped. Several of the rabble were feized upon and apprehended ; and there was a difcourfe of making examples of fome of them; but the mercy of the High Commiffioner, however provoked and abufed, prevailed to compaffionate, ra- ther than punilh their follies. They were only kept fome time in prifon, and afterwards let go, without any other punifhment. And thus ended the moft dangerous jundure of the whole treaty, and a tumult, which ended to the advantage of the Government, and the difliearten- jng the party, who, before that, carried it with fuch an unheard-of infolcnce, that had they not been as they thought, fure of their caufe, they would never have anfwered it to their own difcretion, to have afted in fo open and infult- ing a manner. The foot guards, and two other regiments of foot, did now conftant duty in the 240 THE HISTORY OF THE UNION the city, viz. the regiments of Strathnaver and Grant; the horfe-guards at- tended the CommifTioner,, the odier battalion of guards at the palace, and the garrifon at the caftle. And all was little enough ; for the regiments were thin and few ; and aH the forces then in the kingdom, fome independent companies in the Higlilands excepted, did not exceed three thoufand men ; and great endeavours were ufed, as I have faid, to debauch the foldiers, though in vain; they appearing faithful and forward to do their duty on all occafions. The next day the Parliament did not fit; but a great Council was affem- bled, where the meafures the Lord Commiffioner had taken, as to bringing the guards into the city, was ratified and approved, and a Proclamation publilhed for fupprefling the rabble, which being fomething particular, is inferted in the Appendix, No. CX. I have printed this Proclamation, though this work could very ill fpare room for it; both becaufe it recites the a£ts of Parliament in Scotland in force againft rabbles ; as alfo, for that the method is particular to that place, and very good to prevent tumults, viz. i. Of obliging the Deacons of Crafts, that is, as in London, the Mafters of Companies, to fummon the inhabitants, and make them give fecurity for the behaviour of their fervants, apprentices, &c. 2. Giving an indemnity to the foldiers, either of the regiments, or town- guards, in cafe they fliould wound or kill any perfon, after a command given for all to retire from the ftreets. Indeed there was occafion enough for fuch a Proclamation ; and had not the party been broken, as before, all would have been little enough to have fup- preffed the fury of this enraged multitude. No body would undertake to juftify the rabble, efpecially after they had been defeated in their defign. Every body cried out it was a dangerous thing ; and the whole city might have been expofed to plunder, riot, and all manner of diforder. But as the party could not juftify the rabble, fo they began a new clamour j and now they exclaimed, that the privileges of the city of Edinburgh were in- vaded, and foldiers brought in, to awe and opprefs the inhabitants. That this had not been done in fixty years before, nor ever but in the time of war and tyrannic government ; and that it was a forerunner of the flavery of the nation. Then they cried out, this was an invafion of the freedom of Parliament, and an awe upon the Members, &cc. See the minutes of the 25th of 0(5lober, where that matter was urged very warmly. It is true, it had been to be wilhcd the affair could have been carried on with- out any jealoufies and infults ; but on the other fide it was alledged, that the 4 force Q F^ E N G L A N D'. A N D:[ 6- C O T X A N D. 241: force put on the Government by. the rabble, was an invafion of the public peace; and that the mob were the aggreflbrs, and the' Parliament was much more likely to be awed by the ungoverned rabbles of the flreets, if they had gotten a head, than by the forces brought in for their fecurity, who being at their command, did nothing but fecure them from the infults of the mob, and keep that peace which the civil authority had not power to 'prefei^ve. That the military power is always fuppofed to be afllfting to the civil, when oppreffed by rabbles and tumults, and while in fubfervience to the civil peace, and fubordinate to the civil powers, the proper fafeguard of a ftate; and as the force of thefe arguments carried all things before them in the Houfc, all the legal pretences were overthrown by the 'reafon and nature of the thing, and the Parliament approved of all that had been done. Nor did they approve it only i but ordered the giiards to be continued, or recommended it to th$ Xord High Commiffioner, and the^rivy Council to edntinue their care fdr"t'he fafety and' fecurity' of the Parliament. Vide tlie minutes of Qftober i'^.- . 5*iJ -^^^'i* ji-^-' - ->• ^- ; 'i- ^^ However, by this method theapp^SriiVce orthe rabbles, and the fury of the ftreets, were in fome' meafure abated,' yet the people appeared exafperated to the lafl degree. The huzzaing and crowding about Duke Hamilton continued, notwithftanding all his fendeavouf s td j^revent it j "'and unufual threatenings and dairkfpeeches' were heard among me people.^ The Lords and other's,' Who oppofed'the placing guards in the ffreets, made protefts againfl: it, as infringing the liberties of the Parliament j thouo-h it was very plain, that there was nothing impofed in Parliament, nothing offered to be carried, but by reafoning and fair voting.' " ~ ■ . • From this time they began to talk of .country tumults j and that fince the Commiffioner had fuppreffed the mob in the town, the whole country fhould rife and come up to Edinburgh, and remove the guards by force from im- prifoning the Parliament. The pretence was fpecious ; they pretended the guards were a force upon the Members of Parliament'; that this was cramming the Union down their throats; that the country was unanimoufly againft it, and would not bear that a few people in the Houfe, becaufe they had the majority within doors and a band of foldiers to back them, fhquld impofe a conjundlion with En^^land upon them, whether they would or no.. Any body may judge what a time this was when every-day the town was alarmed;. to-day the Korth was up in arms, to- morrow the Weft ; to-day fuch a {hire, to-morrow another, the next day a third ; Glafgow, Dumfries, Hamilton, Perth, all the places which the imagina- tion of the people diftated, and the fears of others apprehended. It is impoffible to exprefs the confternation of the people. Thofe that wifhed I i well a42 THE HISTORY OF THE UNION •well to the public peace, and who faw, that a commotion at this time muft im- mediately involve the nation in war and blood, not with England only, but with one another ; thefe trembled for fear of the defolation of their country, the blood and ruin that always attend^. civil wajr,-and the danger ofthe lives o£ themfclves and their relations. r'; "•.;'^->^ l':d onir' .'.irrfrrf : •:'. ■: Thofe wlio looked ferioufly into the drift of fome of that party iwiho moffi eagerly pulhed on thefe diyifions, who faw how die intereft of a Popilh, a Jaco- bite, and a perfecuting bloody generation, lately extinguiftied, and now full of hopes, was twifted, and all joined in ant^-union principles, could not but be heartily concerned for the eftablifhed religion and Proteftant Church, which they mufl have been wilfully blind, who could not fee was plainly ftruck at, by the oppofers of this treaty. To fee others, whofe defj^ns could not be fufpedted of ai^y thing to the detri- ncLent of either religion, or their native country, yet joinjngblindly with a wicked and degenerate race, and feeming to approve the fteps which were taken to th,e ruin and deftrudtion of both ; to fee thefe fhut their eyes againft the plain difoo- veries of a ftated refoiution againft both liberty and religion, and encourage, nay in too much joi^ with them who were known CAemies both to the national Church and Proteftant fyccefllon ; thefe J fay were yery melancholy things, ^5?hen the profpeft of them was fo near to .thofe who vyerc fjncerely concerned for the peace of the country, and the fafety of the reforoied religion.— And people went up and down wandering and amazed, expeding every day ftrange events; afraid of peace, and afraid of vyar;— many knew not which way to fix their refolutions; they could not be plear.fpr the Union j yet they faw death at the door in its breaking off — Death to their liberty, to their religion, and to their country. Here were good people of all opinions, as well as others : — ^Some were againfl; the Union, on a principle of juftice and honefty, as earneftly as others were againft it on a principle of treachery to their country; fome were firmly pof» feffed, that they were under national engagements, which, in the nature of them, claftied with the Union ; and that therefore, however it might be necef- fary for the fafety and peace of either Church or nation, they could not get over thofe obligations, or confent to this evil, that the other good might come; and however thefe might, in the confequence of the thing, countenance the wicked foundation, on which the otlier aifted; yet I cannot but do them that juftice, that I believe, they were far from the leaft intention to encourage the ftengthening a parry, whofe principle was French government, and a Popifti fovereign. I will not anfwer for indifcrction, or errors in temper in fome; nei- ther will I be fo unjuft as to call every wrong ftep an error of principle, and every miftaken man a plotter againft his country. ■► This OF ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. 243 This was the unhappy divided condition of this people, at the beginning of the treaty. The divifion was fo general that it fpread through every part 5 the gentry were divided ; the common people divided ; nay the very Minifters were divided; Parliament, AiTembly, court, city, counties, towns, nay almoft every family were divided ; and, as the event began to be feared on every fide, people flood ftrangely doubtful of one another. The Commiffion of the Aflembly hitherto carried, as before noted, with a great deal of prudence and moderation ; and though there were fome unhappy ftruggles there, which perhaps were pointed by the fame party at making a breach ; yet, as they came to no head, and were foon cruflied by the wifdom and condudt of the reft, I fhall not preferve the memory of them to pofterity: the general proceedings of that reverend body being always tempered withmo- defty, calmnefs, and difcretion, at the fame time that they were anxioudy con- cerned for the fecurity of the foundation on which they ftood, and had the whole weight of the Church of Scotland's fafety Upon their hands. They had addrefled the Parliament, that care might be taken of the Ciiurch in the treaty j and had been afilired, they fhould have their expeftation fully anfwered. And I cannot but remark here, that the foundation of this treaty herein ap- peared to have been wifely laid ; — the underftandings and well-poifed judgments of its firft contrivers was very confpicuous, in leaving the refpedlive Parlia- ments a full liberty, fo to eftablilh the feveral Churches, as that all the fecurity they could demand, one againft the other, fhould be granted them; that every root of jealoufy might be pulled up, and there might be no room for the fowers of difcord to begin here, where they always ufed to begin, and from whence all the mifchiefs of former diffenfion ufed to flow. The Parliament had alfo been encouraged by the Queen, in her Majefty's letter, (Vide fol. 214) at the opening this feffion, to form fuch fecurity for the Church-government, as might fully eftablifh the national Church of Scotland ; for the Queen having, by long experience, and the former con- tention on both fides, feen that an Union of principles was no rriore to be ex- pected : — but plainly feeing alfo, that, with the alTiftance of mutual charity, that difference in principle might be confifting. with an Union of interefls and afFeiftion among her people, faw, at the fame time, that the only way to efta- blifh this peace was,- to form fuch fecurities to both Churches, as might for ever remove all juft ground of jealoufies from among them, take away the fufpicions, a-nd fhut all the doors againft the fears, which either had entertained of each other; and which wicked men daily took hold of, as handles of con- tention, to keep open an eternal breach, and keep us always divided, Ephraim againft Jiadah, and Judah againft Ephraim, ever vexing and envying one anotiier. I i 2 In 244. THE HISTORY OF THE UNION In this poflure, I fay, flood the affairs of the Church j when, in the interval of time between the firft addrefs to the Parliament and the fecond reading of the articles, vide minutes, folio 288, an overture, or draught of an aft for the Church, was conceived, and on the of was prefented to the Houfe. I fhall not enter into a long debate which arofe liere, both without doors and within, I . As to the fufficiency and infufficiency of the overture, which, in feme part, may be anfwered, by faying, it received fome amendm.ents or addi- tions afterwards, at the paffing into an aft. Or, 1. As to any aft of Parliament being a fufficient fecurity for the Church ; that objeftion being raifed at firft, not by fuch as defigned a better fecurity, but by I'uch as really defigned no fe- curity at all, for the ecclefiaftical eftablilhment in this nation : it is hard, that we muft be forced to diftinguifh the difputes in this cafe, by diftinguilhing the perfons ; for there being feveral parties here, and of feveral principles, who all feemed to make but one party againft the Union, it was abfolutely neceffary to examine who was for this, or that argument ; and, by the man, the reafon of his argument, was to be diftinguifhed. This unriddled the myftery, which appeared in the debates of this time, when thofe that had really leaft kindnefs for the Church, were the loudeft, and appeared the moft zealous for her fecurity : nay, thole that never owned or acknowledged either her difcipline, or government, never fubmitted to her judicatories, or joined with her worfhip, were now every day crying out of want of fecurity, expofing the Church to the votes of the Bifhops in the Britifh Par- liament, and giving the Epifcopal Church of England the afcendant over the Prefbyterian Church of Scotland. This language could be no otherwife underftood, but by diftinguilhing the people that fpoke it ; the very party were hieroglyphics to the dialeft ; and he muft be blinder than moft people are, in this intelligent age, that could imagine thefe people fpoke this from a true defign to obtain for the Church a further or better fecurity, fo much as to embarrafs the Church and the State, embroil the Parliament with the Commiftion ; and either prevent its being finiflied at all, or obtain what they generally drove at in all their managements now in the affair, and which was the only thing they could hope in, I mean, a delay. But to leave this matter a while, the Parliament was all this time reading over the articles, and difcourfing or reafoning upon them, but had not yet come to any vote ; the tumult at Edinburgh was blown over, without the expefted event; we ftiall now fee, that it was not in Edinburgh alone, that a tumult was defigned, but fteps were taken, and indeed politicly enough, to have the gene- ral fenfe of the kingdom to run in the fiime channel. To this end, addreffes were fet on foot, in feveral parts of the kingdom, againft the Union : 1 fliall not pretend to crowd this book with the particular addreffes 1 OF 'ENGLANDAND SCOTLAND. 245 addrefTeSj though foine of them are remarkable enough ; however, I {hall give fpecimens of feme of them to judge from, and to make the matter, as I go along, the plainer. And, among them, I cannot omit one from the convention of the Royal Boroughs ; becaufe fome gentlemen, efpecially in England, having valued their opinion frorn thence, as if it were the fenfe of the whole nation, it is a little ne- ceflary, towards clearing up this point, that though the people were fcrewed up to a moft unexpected, and indeed unaccountable averfion ; yet that, in the whole, the main body of the nation did not run the length which fome of their leaders defired of them, and which they would have had paffed as their a liament was fo willing to do every thing ior the fatisfaftion of the nation, that they refolved to go upon it immediately after the paffing the firft article. The party that flill oppofed, were for going on the affair of the church before any of the articles were concluded on, alledging, that if the fecurity of the church could not be agreed on, the Union could not be entered upon ; but it was returned to that, that jui\ on the contrary, it was neceffary firft to vote the general, whether there fhouid be an Union or not in the terms of the treaty, which general was included in the firfl article ; and it was eafy to be fecn, that if that article was voted againfl, the Union was rejected; and if the Union was'rejedled, there was then no need for difcourfing on the adt of fecurity for the church. This WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. 311 This was too lliong a way of reafoning to be refifted, and therefore whca it came to the qucftion, it pafled, as per the minute. " That it be agreed to, in the firft place, to proceed to take the firfl article *' of Union into confideration, with this provifion, that if the other articles " of Union be not adjufted by the Parliament, then the agreeing to, and " approving of the firil, fliall be of no effld:; and that immediately after **■ the faid firft article, the Parliament will proceed to an ad: for ftcurity of " the dodtrine, difcipline, worlliip, and government of the church, as now " by law eftablillied within this kingdom." And now the firfl article came upon the flage, and the firft brulh it met with was, that it was againftthe claim of right, as per the minute. This was a furprifing blow indeed, and made theHoufe immediately call for the claim of right : but that which was remarkable upon reading the claim of right was, it became neceflary to read the letter of the Convention at that time fent to King William, in which the Eftates, then met, humbly defired His Majefty to fet on foot an Union in the very fenfe and meaning of this incorporation of the kingdoms, as the only happinefs the kingdom defired. " We are moft fenfible of your Majefty's kindnefs, and fatherly care to " both your kingdoms, in promoving their union, which we hope hath been " referved to be accompliflied by you ; that as both kingdoms are united in " one head and fovereign, lb they may become one body politic, one nation, " to be reprefeilted in one Parliament. And to teftify our readinefs to com- *' ply with your Majefty in that matter, we have nominated Commiffioners " to treat the terms of an entire and perpetual Union betwixt the two king- " doms,. with refervation to us of our church government, as it fhall be " eftablifhed at the time of the Union. Thefe Commiffioners do wait your " Majefty's approbation and call, that they may meet and treat with the " Commiffioners to be appointed for England, at what time and place your' " Majefty fliall appoint. And if any difficulty fliall arife in the treaty, we "■ do, upon our part, refer the determination thereof to your Majefty. And " we do afllire ourfelves, from your Majefty's prudence and goodnefs, of a " happy conclufion to that important affair, fo as the fame may be agreed to, . " and ratified by your Majefty in your firft Parliament." This indeed occafioned a long debate, and much warmth on both fides, which held the Houfe very late ; and after reading all the papers, the incon- fiftency of the Union with the claim of right was thoroughly examined, where it could not but be very remarkable to obferve fome gentlemen giving a fandtion to the claim of right, who never before acknowledged it, owning it now as a liicred foundation, in order to oppofe it to the fcheme of Union I now 312 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, now drawn; which being of more fatal confcqucnce to their real defign, as xvcll as party, they were brought to the neccffity of elofing with the firft to confront the lall; ; fo playing one againfl another, recognizing the Revolution as the lefler evil, to repulfe the Union, which they faw plainly aimed at the foundation, flruck at the root, and mud for ever foreclofe jacobitifm and prelacy, the two columns which fupportcd their caufe. The reafonings here in the Houfe began with much calmncfs ; immediately after reading the article, Mr. Seton, of Pitmedden, took the opportunity to fay. That having had the honour to be one of the Comniiffioners for the treaty, he thought it his duty to give fome reafons, which moved him to approve that article at London ; that he was perfuaded, there were feveral members fo prejudiced" againfl all the articles, that he could not hope from them a favourable au- dience. And that what he had to fay to the prefent fubje " which his brother in England endeavours, by a more prudent and lefs fcru- *' pulous method. ' '* Now, my Lord, from thefe divifions there has got up a kind of ariftocracy, " fomething like the famous triumvirate at Rome; they are a kind of under- " takers and pragmatic ftatefmen, who, finding their power and ftrength great, ** and anfwerablc to their defigns, will make bargains with our gracious So- " vereign, they will ferve her faithfully, but upon their own terms : they muft " have their own inftruraents, their own meafures ; this man muft be turned " out, and that man put in, and then they'll make her the moft glorious Queen *' in Europe. " Wliere will this end, my Lord ? Is not Her Majefly in danger by fuch a " method ? Is not the Monarchy in danger ? Is not the nation's peace and " tranquillity in danger ? Will a change of parties make the nation more ** happy ? No, my Lord, the feed is fown that is like to afford us a perpetual *' increafe ; it is not an annual herb, it takes deep root, it feeds and breeds ; " and, if not timeoufly prevented by HerMnj^fty's royal endeavours, will fplit ** the whole illaad in two> *' My ei c. WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. 323 " My Lord, I think, confidcring our prcfcnt circumftanccs at this time, the Ahiiighty God has rcllrvcd this great woik. for us; we may bruiie this Hydra of divifion, and crufli this Cockatrice's egg ; our ncighlx>urs in.Eng- hmd are not yet fitted for any fuch thing, they arc not under the afflicting hand of Providence as wc are ; their circumftances are great and glorious, " their treaties are prudently managed both at home and abroad, their generals " brave and valorous, their armies luccefsful and vidlorious, their trophies and " laurels memorable and furprifing ; their enemies fubdued and routed, their ^' flrong holds befieged and taken, fieges relieved, marflials killed and taken pri- " foners, provinces and kingdoms are the rekilts of their, victories; the royal " navy is the terror of Europe, their trade and commerce extended through " the univcrfe, encircling the ivhole habitable world, and rendering their own " capital city the Emporium for the whole inhabitants of the earth ; and which *' is yet more than all thefe things, the fubjetfts freely beftowing their treafury *' upon their Sovereign ; and above all, thefe valt riches, the finevvs of war, and ■*' without which all the glorious fuccefs had proved abortive, thefe treafures *' are managed with fuch faithfulnefs and nicety, that they anfwer feafonably all *' their demands, though at never lb great a diflance. Upon thefe confidera- *' tions, my Lord, how hard and difficult a thing will it prove to perfuade our ^' neighbours to a felt-denial bill, *' It is quite otherwife with us, my Lord ; we are an obfcure, poor people, *' though formerly of better account ; removed to a remote corner of the world, " without name and without alliances, our pofts mean and precarious ; fo that *" I profcfs I do not think any one poft of the kingdom worth the bringing •" after, lave that of being commiliioner to a long felTion of a factious Scots Par- f li anient, with an antedated commiffion, and that yet renders the reft of the " Mlnifters more mifcrable : what hinders us then, my Lord, to lay afide our *' divifions. to unite cordially and heartily together in our prefent circumftances, " when our all is at the ftake. Hannibal, my Lord, is at our gates, Hannibal is *' come within our gates, Hannibal is come the length of this table, he is at " the foot of this throne, he will demolifla this throne ; if we take not notice, " he'll feize upon thefe Regalia, he'll take them as om/polia opima, and whip ♦* us out of this Houfe, never to return again. " For the love of God then, my Lord, for the fafety and welfare of our an- " cient kingdom, whofe fad circumftances I hope we Ihall yet convert unto ^' profperity and happinefs ! We want no means, if wc unite; God blelTeth " the peace-makers ; we want neither men nor fufficiency of all manner of " things neceffary to make a nation happy : all depends upon management, Concordia res parv^e cref cunt. I fear not thefe articles, though they were ten ** times vvorfe than they are, if we once cordially forgive one another, and that T t 2 according .r24 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, " acording to our proverb, bygones be bygones and fair play to come. For my " part, in the fight of God, and in the prefence of this honourable Houfe, 2 " heartily forgive every man, and beg that they may do the fame tome; and I '' do mofl humbly propofe, that his Grace my Lord Commiffioner may ap- " point an Agape, may order a love-feaft for this honourable Houfe, that we " may lay afide all fclf-defigns, and, after our fafts and humiliation, may have *' a day of rejoicing and thankfulnefs; may eat our meat with gladnefs, and our ** bread with a merry heart; then lliall we ' fit each man under his own fig-tree, ^' and the voice of the turtle Ihall be heard in our land,' — a bird famous for con- ** ftancy and fidelity. " My Lord, I Ihall make a paufe here, and flop going on farther in my dif- " courfe, till I fee farther, if his Grace my Lord Commiffioner receive any " humble propofals for removing mifunderltandings among us, and putting an *' end to our fatal divifions ; upon honour I have no other defign, and I am con- *' tent to beg the favour upon my bended knees." No anfwer. " My Lord Chancellor, I am forry that I muft purfuc the thread of my fad *' and melancholy Ilory : what remains, I am afraid, will prove as affliding as *' what I have laid ; I fhall therefore confider the motives which have en- " gaged the two nations to enter upon a treaty of Union at this time : in ge- " neral, my Lord, I think both of them had in their view to better themfelves " by the treaty; but before I enter upon the particular motives of each nation, " I muft inform this honourable Houfe, that fince I can remember, the two na- *' tions have altered their fentiments upon that affair, even almofl: to downrio-ht " contradid:ion ; they have changed headbands, as we fay ; for England, till of " late, never thought it worth their pains of treating with us; the good bar- " gain they made at the beginning, they refolve to keep, and that which we *' call an incorporating Union was not fo much as in their thoughts. The firft *' notice they feemcd to take of us, was in our affair of Caledonia; when they *' had moft effeftually broke off that defign, in a manner very well known to the " world, and unneceffary to be repeated here, they kept themfelves quiet during •' the time of our complaints upon that head : in which time our Sovereign, to " fatisfy the nation and allay their heats, did condcfccnxj to give us fome good " lav.'s, and, amongft others, that of pcrfonal liberties and of peace and war; " but Ei>gland having declared their fucccffion and extended their intail with- " out ever taking notice of us, our gracious Sovereign Queen Anne was graci- " oufly pleafed to give the royal affcnt to our Adt of Security, and to give us a " hedge to all our fncred and civil intcicfts, by declaring it high treafon to en- " deavour the alteration of them, as rhcy were then cftablillied. Thereupon did *• follow the threatening and minority laws againft us by ihc rarliament of Eng- " bud. WITH OBSERVATIONS THF.REON, 325. ♦* land, and the unjuft and unequal charadler of what Her Majcfly had fo o-ra- *' cioufly condelccnded to in our favour : Now, my Lord, whether the defire " they had to have us engaged in the fame fucceffion with them ; or whether " that they found us like a free and independent people, breathing after more *' liberty than what formerly was looked after ; or whether they were afraid of " our A(ft of Security, in cafe of HcrMajefty's dcceafc : which of all thefe mo- " tives has induced them to a treaty, I leave it to themfelvcs ; this I mufi: fay " only, they have made a good bargain this time alfo. " For the particular motives that induced us, I think, they are obvious tobe " known ; we found by flul experience, that every man hath advanced inpower " and riches, as they have done in trade, and at the fame time confidering that " no where through the world flaves are found to be rich, though they fhould " be adorned with chains of gold, we thereupon changed our notion of an in- *' corporating Union to that of a foederal one ; and being refolved to take this " opportunity to make demands upon them, before we enter into the fuc- *' ccflion, we were content to impower Her Majefty to authorife and appoint " Commiffioners to treat with the Commiffioners of England, with as ample *' powers as the Lords Commiffioners from England had from their conftituents^ *' that we might not appear to have lefs confidence in Her Majefty, nor more " narrow -hearted in our adl than our neighbours of England : and thereupon. *' laft Parliament, after Her Majefty's gracious letter was read, defiring us to *' declare the fucceffion in the firfl place, and. aftcrw-ards to appoint Commif- *' fioners to treat, we found it neccffary to renew our former Refolve, which- ** I iliall read to this honourable Houfe : • Refolve prefented by (be Duke of Hamilton hiji feffion of Parliament : ' That this Parliament will not proceed to the nomination of a fucceffor, till ' we have had a previous treaty with England, in relation to our commerce « and other concerns with that nation. And farther, it is refolved, That this * Parliament will proceed to make fuch limitations and conditions of Govern- * ment, for the rcdlification of our Conflitution, as may fccure the liberty, re- * ligion, and independency of this kingdom, before they proceed to the faid * nomination.' " Now, my Lord, the laft feffion of Parliament having, before they would " enter upon any treaty with England, by a vote of the Houie, palled both " an aft for limitations, and an adt for re£tification of our Conftitution, what •' mortal man has reafon to doubt the dcfign of this treaty was onlv foederal ? " My Lord Chancellor, it remains now that we confider the behaviour of *' the Lords Commiffioners at the opening of this treatv. And before I enter.. **■ upon that, allow me to make this meditation, that if our poftcrity, after wc "are 526 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, " are all dead and gone, fhall find themfelves under an ill-made bargain, and •' Hiall have a recourfe unto our records, and fee who have been the managers *' of that treat)', by which they have fuffered fo much ; when they read the " names, they will certainly conclude and fay, Ah ! our nation has been re- " duced to the laft extremity, at the time of this treaty ; all our great chicf- *' tains, all our great peers and confiderable men, who ufed formerly to defend *' the rights and liberties of the nation, have been all killed and dead in the " bed of honour, before ever the nation was neceffitatcd to condefcend to fuch " mean and contemptible terms : where are the names of the chief men of the *' noble families of Stewarts, Hamiltons, Grahams, Campbells, Gordons, *' Johnftons, Homes, Murrays, Kers, &c. Where are the two great officers " of the Crown, the Conftable and the Marifchal of Scotland? They have " certainly all been extinguifhed, and now we arc Haves for ever. *' Whereas the Englifh records will make their pofterity reverence the me- *' mory of the honourable names who have brought under their fierce, warlike, *' and troublefome neighbours, who had flruggled fo long for independency, " fhed the bell: blood of their nation, and reduced a confiderable part of their *' country to become wafle and defolate. *' I am informed, my Lord, that our Commiffioners did indeed frankly tell the '' Lords Commiffioners for England, that the inclination of the people of Scot- ** land were much altered of late, in relation to an incorporating Union, and " that therefore fince the entail was to end with Her Majefty's life, whom " God long prcferve, it was proper to begin the treaty upon the foot of *' the treatv the 1604th year of God, the time when we came firft under one " Sovereign ; but this the Englifh Commiffioners would not agree to, and our *' Commiffioners, that they might not feem obftinate, were willing to treat and " conclude in the terms laid before this honourable Houle, and fubjedled to " their determination. " If the Lords Commiffioners for England had been as civil and complai- *' fant, they fhould certainly have finiffied a foederal treaty likewife, that both " nations might have the choice, which of them to have gone into, as they ** thought fit ; but they would hear of nothing but of an entire and complete " Union, a name which comprehends an Union, cither by incorporation, fur- *' render, or conqueft ; whereas our Commiffioners thought of nothing but a " fair, equal, incorporating Union ; whether this be fo or not, I leave it to *• every man's judgement ; but as for myfclf, I muft beg liberty to think it " no fuch thing. For I take an incorporating Union to be, where there is a " change both in the material and formal points of Government, as if two " pices of metal were melted down into one mafs, it can neither be laid to " retain its former form or fubftance, as it did before the mixture. But now 2 " when WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON 327 *' when Iconfidcr this treaty, as it hath been explained and Ipoke to bcforcus " thelc three weeks pall, I fee the Englifli Conflitution remaining firm, tht; " fame two Houfes of Parliament, the fame taxes, the fame cuiloms, the fame *' excifes, the fmie trade in companies, the lame municipal laws and Courts of " Judicature, and all ours cither fubjedl: to regulations, or annihilations : only " we have thchonour to pay their old debts, and to have fome few perfons " prefent for witnefles to the validity of the deed, when they are pleafed to " contract more. " Good God ! What, is this an entire furrender ? «' My Lord, I find my heart fo full of grief and indignation, that I muft " beg pardon, not to finifh the lafT; part of my difcourfc, that I may drop a " tear as the prelude to fo fad a ftory." After having fat down, and fome difcourfes by other members intervening, he continued his difcourfe thus : " My Lord Chancellor, what I am now to fay, relates to the method of pro- *' ceeding in this weighty affair: I hear it propofed by a noble member of *' the other fide, that wc fliould proceed in the fame order as the Lords Com- " miffioners treaters did. In my humble opinion, my Lord, it is neither the " natural method, nor can it be done without great confufion and repetition. " To fay, you'll agree to the Union of the two kingdoms, before you agree in *' the terms upon which they are to be united, feems like driving the plough ** before the oxen : The articles which narrate the conditions, feem to be the *' premifes upon which the conclufion is inferred ; and, according as they ** are found good or bad, the fucccfs will follow. When a man is married to " a fortune in England, as they call it, I fuppofe he is fatisfied with the thino- " before he determines himfelf to marry ; and the propofil I have heard of " agreeing to the firll article, with a provifo, that, if the refl of the articles " fliall be found fatisfadfory, and not otherwife, is of a piece with the reft *' and looks like beating the air, and no ways confiftent with fair and fquare .** dealings. Befidcs, my Lord, if we were to go upon the firft article,' arc not *' all the reft of the articles, befides many others not contained in the articles, ** valid arguments, either pro or con, againft concluding, or not concluding, ** the firft article ? and no vote in this Houfe can hinder a man from making *' ufe of what arguments he thinks fit. Moreover, the fearching the records, " and the revifing the ftatute books, comparing the books of rates, cuftoms, ** excifc, taxes, of both nations, with one another, muft all be previously *' confidered, ere we determine ourfelves in one fingle article ; add to this, that ** the prohibitory claufe, with relation to the trade of both nations, muft be •* adjufted, left, like flop's dog, we lofe the old, in grafping at the new ; *' the ftate of the Englifli companies muft alfo be expcfcd, how far we Ihall " have liberty into them, and what advantage we may propofe to ourfelves, " by 32 S MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, by trading to thefe places where they are fecured ; and above all, my Lord, the fccurity of our national church, and of all that's dear unto us, mufl be previoufly eftablifhed to us, if pradticable, before we conclude the firft article. Therefore, my Lord, though my particular opinion be, though we had a cart blanch from England ; yet the delivering up of our fovereignty gives back with one hand what we receive from the other, and that there can be no fecurity, without the guarantee of a dilVmdt independency betwixt the parties treating : yet, my Lord, for farther fatisfaftion to this honourable Houfe, that every member may fully fatisfy himfeif, I humbly propofe, ' That, paffing by the firft three articles, which appear to be much of a ' piece, we begin at the fourth article of the treaty,' and if I be fecondcd in this, I defire it may be put to the queftion." I Ihall make no remarks upon this laft and famous fpeech ; the noble perfon that fpoke it, however he happened to miftake in fome things, was a perfon of extraordinary parts and capacity ; and as he was very warm againft the Union, It made that oppofition the more confiderablc. This fpeech, the reader may fee, was pointed dlreftly againft the Union ; and in the firft part of it argues againft the whole, in the laft againft the parts ; but concludes to move againft the immediate proceedings. The firft fpeech was from a perfon no lefs capable in the matter of the treaty, and that had been a Commiflioner in the treaty at London ; the fpeeches are direftly oppofite, and are left thus upon record to argue againft one another. The time had been taken up with their length, and the Houfe, as well as the nation, was, at this time, in an unufual ferment, fo not many replies were made. Mr. Seton, who made the firft fpeech, flood up to anfwer the Lord Bcilhaven ; but, as he had already fpoken, the orders of the Houfe, viz. " That the fame member could not fpeak twice in the fame caufc," were urged againft his fpeaking, and the Earl of Marchmont ftanding up to fpeak at the fame time, the Lord Chancellor gave place to him ; who indeed made a very fhort return to fo long a fpeech, and which anfwer occafioned fome laughter in the Houfe : The Earl of Marchmont's fpeech was to this purpofc, viz. He had heard a long fpeech, and a very terrible one, but be was of opinion, it required a fhort anfwer, which he gave in thefe words, " Behold he dreamed, but lo ! when he awoke, he found it was a dream." This anfwer, fome faid, was as fatisfadlory to the members, who underftood the dcfign of that fpeech, as if it had been anfwcred vifion by vifion. After ihcfc two fpeeches, fcveral members fpoke pro and con ; but the debate, in clofc of the day, turned fo warm, that, at the defire of the Houfe, it was adjourned to the next/f rerms of the preliminary motion," or, " Proceed to the fourth and other ar- " tides ;" and It carried, " Proceed to the fecond article of Union. Adjourned till to-morrow at ten o'clock. OBSERVATION XX. The obfervations on this day are referred to the next, there being nothing done but the vote to proceed. The oppofitlon to this vote was in order, if poffible, to have delayed the aftuirof the fuccelTion, to have kept the Jacobite party expeding, and con- fequcntly adhering to them in the oppofitlon ; but they fell out quickly, as will appear In the next minute. ct MINUTE WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON ^45 MINUTE XXI. Friday, November 15, 1706. !Prayers faid. Rolls called. Reprefentation and petition of the commifiion of the General AfTcmbly of this church, reprefenting the increafe of popery, prophanity, and other ir- regularities ; and craving the fame may be reftrained ; and that the fucceffion to the crown may be eflablifhed in the Proteflant line, read, and remitted to the Committee for examining the calculation of the equivalent, to confider of proper methods of fuppreffing Popery, prophanity, and other irregularities • aad for execution of the laws already made; and to confider what laws may be farther neceflary for the effcdual fuppreffing thereof and preventing the fame. Then the following addreffes were given in and read, viz. Addrefs of merchants and trades of the city of Glafgow, fubfcribcrs of the fame- addrefs of feuars, mafters of families, and other inhabitants of Corbels and mure thereof, fubfcribing the fame ; addrefs of the pnrochiners of Big- gar, fubfcribers of the fame ; and two feveral addreffes of Barons, he- retors, and freeholders of the fhire of Lanerk, fubfcribino- the f ;me : all againft allowing an union with England, in the terms of the articles. Thereafter the fccond article of Union was again read, with the prelimi- nary motion mentioned in the former day's minutes. Wherupon it was moved " That the Parliament do proceed to fettle the " fucceffion upon regulations and limitations in the terms of the refolve "ivea *' in and narrated in the minutes of the fourth of November inftant, and not in " the terms of the fecond article of Union." !Moved alfo, " To addrefs Her Majelly, and to lay before her the condi- " tion of the nation, and the great averfion in many perfons to an incorpora- " ting Union with England ; and to acquaint Her Majefty, of the inclinations. " and willingnefs to fettle the fucceffion in the Proteflant line, upon limita- ** tions ; and in order thereto, that fome recefs be granted." And after debate upoa thefe feveral motions, a vote was propofed, " Ap- " prove of the fecond article of Union, in the terms of the preliminary mo- " tion inferted in the former day's minutes or not." And after fome furder debate, there was a fecond ftate of a vote offered in thefe terms, " Addrefs or not." And after fome reafoning, which of the two Ihould be the ftate of the Vote, it was put to the vote^ " Whether firft or fecond;" and It carried, « Firft." Y y But 346 MINUTES OF THE FARLIATvIENT OF SCOTLAND, But k being moved, '' That fome farther rcafonuig fliould be allovvcd, be- ** fore the vote were ftatcd for approving the fccoud article of Union :" after fome debate thereupon, it was agreed, that the Engfifl-i adls of Parliament mentioned in the fecond article of Union be read, and that inmiediately there- after, without, farther debate, a vote fliould be ftated, " Proceed to call the " vote for approving the fecond article of Union, or delay ;" and it carried, " Proceed ;" that the vote immediately thereafter, without any intervening debate, be put, " Approve of the fecond article of Union, in the terms of the *' preliminary motion mentioned in the laft day's minutes, or not." And accordingly the a<5ts of the Englifli Parliament mentioned in the fecond article of Union were read. Thereafter the vote was pur, " Proceed to call the vote for approving the " faid fecond article of Union, or delay ;" and it carried, " Proceed." Then the vote was put, " Approve the fecond article of Union in the terms " of the preliminary motion infert in the laft days minutes, yea or not." But betore voting, the Earl Marifchal gave in the fo'lov>-ing proteft; whereby he did proteft for himfelf, and all thofe who lliall adhere to this proteflation, " That no perfon can be defigncd a fucccllor to the crown of this realm, af- " ter the deccafe of Her Majefty (whom God long preferve) and failzieing " heirs of her body, who is fucceflbr to the crown of England ; unlefs, that " in this prefent feffion of Parliament, or any other fcflion of this or any en- " fuing Parliament during Her Majeftv's reign, there be fuch conditions of " government fettled and enafted, as mav fecure the honour and fovereignty " of this crown and kingdom •, the freedom, frcquencv, and power of Parlia- " mcnt ; the religion, liberty, and trade of the nation, from Englifli or any " foreign influence." Which being read, he took inflruments thereupon; and the Dukes of Hamilton and Athole, the Earls of Errol, Marifchal, Wigcoun, and Strathmoie; the Vifcounts of Stormont, and Kilfyth, the Lords Saltoun, Semple, Oliphant, Balmerino, Blantyre, Bargany, Colvil,and Kinnaird; George Lockhart, of Carnwarth ; Andrew Fletcher, of Saltoun ; Mr. Alexander Fcrgufon, of Ifle ; John BrilLain, younger, of Bifhoptoun ; Mr. William Coch- ran, of Kilmaronock; John Grahame, of Killairn ; James Grahame, of Buck- lyvie ; Robert Rollo, of Powhoufc ; John Murray, of Strowan ; James More, of Stonyvvood ; Mr. Thomas Hope, of Rankeilor; Mr. Patrick Lyon, ofAuch- tcrhoufe ; Mr. James Carnegie, of Phinhaven ; Davitl Grahame, younger, of .Fintrie ; James Ogilvie, younger, of Boyn; James Sinclair, of Stempfler ; Mr. George Mackenzie, of Lichcoulter ; Alexander Edgar, James Ofwald, Alexander Duff, Francis MoUifon, George Smith, Robert Scot, Robert Kellie, John Hutchifun, Archibald ShicUs, Mr. John Lyon, Mr. John Carruthers, George Llome, John Baine, and Mr. Robert Frazer, adhered thereto. And WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. 347 And it was agreed, that the members fhall be marked as they fhall adhere to the proteft ; and alfo as they fhall vote approve or not, and the lift of the mem- bers' names as they fliall vote pro or con, be printed. Then the vote was put, " Approve or not," and it carried " Approve." And the Lord High Chancellor was allowed to have his name printed and re- corded as an approver; as alio to be recorded and printed amongft thofe who voted, " Proceed to the fecond article the laft Jederunt," Adjourned till Monday next at ten o'clock. ' OBSERVATON XXI. The debates of this day made yet a larger dlfcovery of the affair ; and the gentlemen who were againft the Union flruggling, on all occafions, againft the going on of the articles, took now a new mcafure. The Marquis of Annandale made this motion for the fuccellion, as ap- peared by the Lord Beilhaven's fpeech : there had been a party of gentle- men, as was before obferved, who were always for the fucceffion with limita- tions, but were oppoicd by others who were entirely againft the fucceffion at all, as it rcfpeftcd thcHoufe of Hanover : but as feveral people differing in their other fentiments, yet joined in their oppofing the Union, fo here the ftrongeft oppofers of the fucceffion came now into the thing they had fo long oppofed, and moved now for the fucceffion with limitations, in order to avoid the Union. My Lord Bcilhaven fcconded this with another fpeech, which was after- ward printed j in which his Lordfliip moved for fettling the fucceffion upon the Princefs Sophia of Hanover, &c. I have printed this fpeech the rather, becaufe it is really the fubftance or recital of three fpeeches, as will be feen in the particulars of it, and fliews plainer than I can otherwife expreis, how that part was a(fted, " My Lord Chancellor, " Your Lordffiip may remember the laft day, when we had under confidera- " tion, whether to proceed to the fourth or fecond article, that I did witnefs " my concern and refentment, to find fo many honourable and worthy mem- " bers of this Houfe fo forward to finifh the demands of England in this trea- *' ty, without taking notice of any one article that could be properly faid to ** relate to the demands of Scotland. ** Now that we are entered upon the fecond article, I defire to be refolved. ** in one queftion : What are the motives that fhould engage us to take Eng- ** land's fucceffion upon their own terms ? Is it not ftrange that no anfwer Y y 2, fliould 348 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, " fhould be given to this queflion, fave that. When you come to confidef ** the reft of the articles, you fliall be fatisfied on that demand. This is a *' new way of arguing, my Lord ; a method without precedent, ranverfing " nature, and looks more like dcfign that fair dealing. I profefs I think *' the huge and prodigious rains that we have had of late, have either drowned ^' out, or found out another channel for reafoning, than what was formerly ; " for by what I can fee by this new method, the agreeing to the firft article " fhall be found a fufficicnt reafon why we fliould agree to the fecond, and " the agreeing to the fecond for the third, and lo ibr all. " If there was ever fuch a farce adted ; if ever reafon was Hudibrafed, " this is the time ; confulr all the treaties fince the beginning of the world " to this day, and if you can find any one precedent, I fhall yield the " caufe. " I fhall inftance, my Lord, one for all, and that is, the flrft and worft *' treaty that ever was fet on foot for mankind ; and yet, I am forry to fay it, there appears more ingenuity in it than in our procedure. When the Ser- pent did deceive our mother Eve, he propofed three advantages before h« prefumcd to advife her to eat the forbidden fruit : the firft was taken from the fight, the fecond from the tafie, and the third from the advantage fol- lowing thereupon. That from the fight was enforced by a ' Behold, how lovely and comely a thing it is ! it's pleafant to the eye.' That from the tafte, from a perfuafion that it was good for nourifhment ; ' It's good for food.' That from the advantage, ' It will make you wife, ye fhall be as the gods ; therefore, upon all thefe confiderations, eat.' " Allow me, my Lord, to run the parallel of this with relation to our pro- " cedure in this treaty. " Upon the firfl account that our nation had of the treaty's being finifhed '* betwixt the two nations, people appeared all generally very well fatisfied, " as a thing that would tend to the removal of all jealoufies, and the fet- " tling a good underftanding betwixt the two kingdoms : but fo foon as the *' articles of the treaty appeared in print, the very fight of them made fuch " a change as is almoft inconceivable ; they v/ere fo far from being plea- fant to the eye, my Lord, that the nation appears to abhor them. One would think, my Lord, that it had been the interefl; of thofe who " arc fatisfied with the thing, to have gone immediately into the merits of " thefe particular articles which relate to Scotland, and to have faid, Gen- " tlemen, be not affrighted with their ugly fhape, they are better than they " are bonny ; come, tafte ; come, make a narrow fearch and incjuiry ; they are good WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. 349 " good for Scotland ; the wholefomefl food that a decaying nation can take : " You fhall find tl;e advantages, you fliall find a change of condition, you " fliall become rich immediately ; you fhall be like the Englilh, the moil " flourifhing and the richcft people of the univcrfc. " But our procedure, my Lord, hath been very far from the prudence of " the Serpent ; for all our arguments have run upon this blunt topic, Eat, " fwallow down this incorporating Union ; though it pleafe r.elrhcr eye nor " tafte, it muft go over : you mull believe your phyficians, and we fliall con- " fider the reafons for it afterwards. " I wifli, my Lord, that our lofs be not in fome fmall manner proportion- " able to that of our firft parents; they thought to have been incorporate with " the gods : but in place of that, they were juftly expelled paradife, loft " their fovereignty over the creatures, and were forced to earn their bread " with the fweat of their brows. " My Lord Chancellor, I have heard a propofal made from the other fide " by the Marquis of Annandale; that, in place of agreeing to this fecond " article, wherein the fucceffion is to be declared, as a confequence of our " being united to England in one kingdom, we fliould immediately go to . " intail our crown upon the illuftrious family of Hanover, upon fuch condi- *' tions and limitations as are in our own power to make, for the fecurity of our *' facred and civil concerns. I think this is the import of what his Lordfhip " gave in, by a refolve formerly, and hath told tkis honourable Houfe, that " he thinks he adls confequentially to his former declared principles, and *' that this is now the only meafure which can fettle and fecurc the peace and " quiet of this nation, and fix a firm fecurity for the Protcftant intereft, and " a perfed: underftanding betwixt the two nations. " I have alfo heard a difcourfe by his Grace the Duke of Hamilton, *' fliewing, that ever fince his Grace had the honour to be a member of this ** honourable Houfe, he had made it his bufinefs to ferve the Sovereio-n and t> " his Nation faithfully and honcllly, without any by-ends, by-views, or " felf-interefts ; that before the affair of the fucceffion was tabled in Scot- *' laud, he had endeavoured to promote the intereft of his nation, by good " laws, and by the beft counfels he was capable to give, for reftifyingthino-s " amifs, and advancing the folid intereft of his country ; that fince the affair " of the fucceffion came to be confidered, he could never give himfelf the H- " berty to believe, but that previous to any fettlement, we ought to have *' had fuch condefcenfions with relation to trade and commerce from Eng- *' land, as might retrieve the loflTes the nation hath fuftained from them ever *' fince the Union of the two Crowns under one Sovereign ; and that there- upon, 350 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, " upon, to prevent all fadtlon and paity in the treating of an affair of fuch " importance, he had freely left the nomination of the Lords Commiffioners " to Her Majefty, and wilhes the choice had been anfwerable to his defign ; " but none can accufehim as bargaining for himfelf, fince he has no reafon " to complain of the breach of any ftipulation upon that head; that now " having confidered the articles of this treaty lying befcu'e us, and the fatal ** confequences that may follow upon thefinifliingof an incorporating Union " with England, with the general averfation that appears by the addrefles " from the feveral fliires of the kingdom, and particularly from the addrefs *' of the Commiffion of the General Affembly, and of the royal boroughs of " Scotland, he finds it neceffary to alter his thoughts of that matter; that " he was none of thofe who loved to keep things loofe and in contufion : he " had an eftate in both kingdoms, and therefore it was not to be fuppofed " he would make ufe only of a treaty to throw out the fucceffion one time, " and of the fucceffion to throw off the treaty another time. Therefore, *' to prevent worfe confequences, he is content, that in this Parliament, the " fucceffion be declared and fettled upon the illuftrious Princefs Sophia " Eleftorefs of Hanover, and the heirs of her body, upon fuch conditions " and limitations as fhall be found neceffary by this Parliament, to fecure " our civil rights and liberties, the independency and fovereignty of the ** nation, and the Prefbyterian government of this church, as it is founded ** upon the Claim of Right, and eflablifhed by law, and whofe privileges " and fettlement he refolves to fupport with the utmoft of his power. " And therefore, his Grace thinks himfelf obliged, with all humility in " this prefent junfture of affairs, to addrefs himfelf particularly to His Grace ** my Lord Commiffioner, and to beg of His Grace, that he would be *' pleafed to acquaint Her Majefty with the true ftate of the nation, and " with the propofal made for allaying the prefent ferment, and fettling a ** folid peace and good underftanding betwixt her two kingdoms, and that *' a fmall rcccfs may be granted in the mean time, till Her Majefty's gracious ** anfwer come, which, with all fubmiffion, he conceives will prevent thefe bad confequences that the farther pufhing on of ,thi^.treaty may occafion. ** I think, my Lord, this is materially what His Grace faid, though not fo ** fully nor fo well expreffed. *< Now, my Lord, it remains that I give account of myfelf, and of my ** own opinion of this affair : All who know me, my Lord, know that I have ** been from the beginning oh a revolution foot ; I ventured my life and for- ** tune with the firft, and I have ever fince adted confequentially to my prin- *• ciple. It's true, I was never a good courtier under any reign, becaufe I had (( WITH OBSERVATIONS THFRKON. -51 had a rule for my obedience, and never made obedience my rule ; mv re- j-)utation was never gained, nor had I ever any reproach laid upon n\t, lave when I was broughr in, head over ears, in a Scots plot, a plor, vcr\' well known, defigncd to blafl the reputation of a let of people the beft afiedted to the fovereign, and to the true intereit of their nation, that ever Scotland bred. What my opinion was with relation to the fucceffion.is very well known alio : I looked upon limitations with another eye than fome others were pleafed to do ; I was far from treating them in ridicule ; bccaufe, as all human affairs, they are liable to alterations, and might be taken off: that argument proves too much, and confequcntly proves no- thing at all. Should a man refufe to have a good cflate fettled upon him, becaufe he may fquander it away, and become bankrupt ? Muft a good law be refufed, becaufe it may afterwards be repealed ? No, my Lord. Where the power is lodged in ourfelves, we have all human fecurlty ima- ginable for the thing ; it is not lb, where the power is lodged in others : therefore I flaall abvifc chufc that fecurity which depends upon myfelf, preferable to any other. " This, my Lord, hath confirmed me, that limitations of our own ma- king is the beft fecurity ; though I alwife thought them not the full of what we merited for the going into the Englifh fucccffion. For confidering the injuries that we have received from them, wc ought to have- repara- tion upon this ernergent : and I think, without incorporating with them, they might have given us fome fmall encouragement in our trade with them, which would have been profitable unto us, and no znanncr of way prejudicial unto them, as I can clearly demonllrate if there be occafioa for it. But fince this is not the proper place nor feafon for fuch propofiils, I ffiall go in with the propofal made by the Marquis of Annandale, and fortified by his Grace the Duke of Hamilton ; becaufe I think It is the bell that we can tnake of it at this time, the fitted meafure to prevent civil wars, allay the ferment of the nation, and far preferable to this in- corporating Union, which, as to us, In all its claufes appears to be moft unreafonable." This was a politic fpecch ; there appeared fome 111 nature in it, and a great deal of fatire upon the Union, but that was the temper of the times, and muft be paffed over on that account ; nor fhall I fay any thing to it here ; tlie noble perfon that made It acquiefced in the Union freely enough when it it was made, as fliall appear in Its place. But I cannot pals It over, without obferving, tliat this fpeech gives light into fevcral ti.ings ; firft, it gives a hint at the fuggcftion that bad been made of 352 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, of the Duke of Hamilton's aiming at his own title in all his former oppofition made againfl: the fucceffion, as well formerly as now, and clears that noble perfon from all fuppofition of fuch a thing, by his having offered now to come into the fuccefEon. Secondly, it gives a true fight of the genuine reafon of all this fudden compliance with the fucceffion, a thing which had fomething very furprifing in it, and which, feme thought, mull: have prefently carried abundance of people from the other party, the dcfign being, as was afterwards publicly owned, if poffible, to evade the paffing this article, as a branch of the Union. The cafe was, they were content with the fucceffion, as an adt of the Parliament of Scotland, fettled and eftabllffied in the form neceffary in that cafe : but they would not have the fucceffion brought upon them as the confequence of the Union. And at lafi:, they had this at the bottom of it all, That if the fucceffion had been taken, as it was now offered, it muft have been taken inftead of the Union, and that had anfwercd the prcfent occafion, viz. Diverting the grand affair of the Union. But they met with a double difappointment in this ; firft, as to offering the fucceffion inftead of the Union, they came too late, fince the party who v/ere for the fucceffion formerly with limitations, were now come into the Union, as the beft fcheme of limitations they could ever hope to attain, and would not go back, finding the Union a better fcheme of limitation than their own, becaufe it entitled them to all the limitations already fettled in England, which they could not but allow were more and better than any they had propofed in Scotland, or than indeed they could expedt to obtain. Secondly, they were difappointed in the way, for the Jacobites, who held with them before in oppofing the Union, broke with them here, fince they found themfelves abandoned by them in the main article for which they op- pofed the Union, viz. The tranfpofing the Crown, as they called it, from: the fon of the late King James ; and if they were obliged to quit the article of the fucceffion, the reft was indifferent to them. And therefore you find the proteft at the end of the vote of this day wa» direftly againft the Union, though it was put in the ufual form, of the for- mer article of limitations ; fo thefe things did but increafe the divifion, and weaken the party that oppofed the Union, and by that means gave the more room for thofe who were for the Union to carry it ; and thus the fccond' article paffed, which concluded the fettlcment of the Proteftant fucceffion.. And it was to be obfcrved, that the fettling this article was very fatisfaftory lo abundance of people, who were otherwife not very well reconciled to the at tneaty,. WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. 353 treat}'', and gave a handle to the friends of the Union, to bring fome people to a clearer fight of their iutercft, fincc they might fee the Union was the readieft way, and perhaps the only way, to obtain the Proteftant fucceflion, and to fecure it upon the firmeft foundation, and on the bed limitations, a thing which had been long wilhed, and very much ftruggled for before. MINUTE XXIL Monday, November 18, 1706. Prayers faid. • Rolls called. Then the following addreflcs were given in and read, viz. Addrefs of ba- rons, freeholders, and others within the flewartry of Kirkcudbright, fubfcribing the fame ; addrefs of heretors and houfeholders of the paroch of Crawford, fubfcribers of the fame , addrefs of heretors and houfliolders of the paroch of Crawford-John, fubfcribing the fame ; addrefs of the magiftrates, dean of guild, thefaurer, guild council, deacons of trades, members of the town council of the burgh of Couper in Fife and others, gildry, trades, and bur- gefles of the faid burgh, fubfcribers of the fame ; addrefs of the Preibytery of Lanerk, fubfcribing the fame ; and an addrefs of heretors, elders, and matters of families in the town and out-paroch of Lanerk, fubfcribers of the fame : all againfl: an Union with England, in the terms of the articles. Thereafter the third article of Union was again read. Whereupon it was moved, " That the agreeing to the third article of the *' treaty, in I'elation to the Parliament of Great Britain, fhall not be binding, *' or have any effed:, unlefs terms and conditions of an Union of the two *' kingdoms, and particularly the conftitution of the faid Parliament, be finally *' adjufted and concluded, and an aft pafs thereupon in this prefent Parlia- " ment, and that the faid terms and conditions be alfo agreed to, and ratified *' by an adt of the Parliament of England, the conftitution of the faid Par- *' liament of Great Britain being left entire, until the Parliament come upon *' the twenty-fecond article." Moved alfo, " To proceed to the confideration of the fourth and other ar- ** tides of Union before the third." Z z And 3^4 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, And after fome reafoning thereupon, it was put to the vote, " Proceed to *' the confideration of the third article in the terms of the above motion re- " lating thereto, or proceed to the fourth article;" and it carried, " Proceed " to the third." And accordingly the Parliament proceeded to the confideration of the third article ; and after long debate thereupon, a vote was ftated, " Approve of " the third article in the terms of the above motion relating thereto, yea " or not." But before voting, the Marquis of Annandale gave in a proteft, upon the foot of his former refolve prefented to this Houfc, and contained in the minute of the 4th of November inftant, and craved that the narrative thereof might be prefixed thereto, and which narrative and proteft is as follows, viz. " Whereas it evidently appears, fince the printing, publifhing, and confider- *' ing of the articles of treaty, now before this Houfe, this nation feems gene- " rally averfe to this incorporating union, in the terms now before us, as fut- " verfive of the fovereignty, fundamental conftitution, and Claim of Right " of this kingdom, and as threatening ruin to this church as by law eftablifhed. *' And fince it is plain, that if an Union were agreed to in thofe terms by this " Parliament, and accepted of by the Parliament of England, it would in no " fort anfwer the peaceable and friendly ends propofed by an Union ; but would " on the contrair create fuch difmal diftradlions and animofities amongft our •' fclves, and fuch jealoufies and miftakes betwixt us and our neighbours, as *' would involve thefe nations into fatal breaches and confiifions. " Therefore, I do proteft for my felf, and in name of all thofe who Ihall " adhere to this my proteftation, That an incorporating Union of the Crown '■' and kingdom of Scotland, with the crown and kingdom of England, and " that both nations fhall- be reprefented by one and the fame Parliament, " as contained in the articles of the treaty of Union, is contrair to the ho- " nour, intereft, fundamental laws, and conftitutions of this kingdom; is a " giving up of the fovereignty, the birthright of the peers, the rights and " privileges of the barons and boroughs ; as is contrair to the Claim of Right, " property, and liberty of the fubjeds, and third adit of Her Majefty's Par- " liament, 1703, by which it is declared high treafon, in any of the fubjed their numbers muft be adjufted by fome " rule, which can be no other than that fundamental in the Union of all *' focicties, whereby fufFrages arc computed, to wit, the proportion each " fociety contributes for the fupport of the whole. Now, the Union of *' Scotland and England is but the union of two great focieties of people into ** one body politic : fo, that we have nothing to dircft our forming a true " notion-. WITH OBSERVATIONS THEP.EON. 363 *' notion about the number of the reprefentative agreed to by this treaty on *' the part of Scotland, but the proportion we are able to contribute for *< the fupport of the government of Great Britain ; and that has refpedt to *' the numbers of our people : to the extent of our taxes ; or to an arith- ** metical proportion betwixt thefe and thofe of England : all which be- " ing duly confidered, I may be bold to affirm, that the reprefcnta- *' tive agreed to by the Commiffioners for Scotland, is more than falls to *' our fhare. " Several authors who have wrote about the nature of fociety, or the " Union of two or more focieties, agree to this fundamental ; and Grotius " (L. 2. C. 5. Sedt. 22.) has two examples out of Strabo relating to it. " One is, when Lybica united with three neigbouring cities, it was flipu- " lated, that each of the three was to have one voice, but Lybica two ; *' becaufe it contributed much more to the common benefit than any of the " reft. The other example is, that there were twenty-three cities in *' Licia united, whereof fome had three voices, fome two, and fome " but one. •' My Lord, by the reprefentative of fixteen for the nobility, there is no *' greater hardfliip put upon them, than was put upon the fmall Barons *' in the reign of King James the Firft, who then were of the fame ftate ** with the nobility, and fubmitted to the law for conveniency. " By the reprefentative of forty-five for the Commons, no prejudice is *' done to the State of Barons in refpedt of reprefentation ; for, if they be '** reprefented from every fhire, or at leaft from the moft confiderable fhires, •' it is of no import, whether every Ihire be reprefented by one or more : *' and as to the ftate of boroughs, I'll prefume to fay, that the retrench- " ment of their reprefentation is a piece of juftice done to this nation, if *' property or taxes be the rule of reprefentation. " My Lord, fo far have I endeavoured to anfwer the material objections *' againft this article, not out of any profped: to convince the members '' againft this Union, as to fortify the judgements of thofe for it; and I " wilh heartily that the conftituents for fliires and burghs may have a true *' confidence in their reprefentatives, while they are accomplifhing this ** great and noble work of an union of both kingdoms, efpecially confidering, *' that they are bound by oath to give their beft advices and fufFrages ; thaC " they were chofen by themfelves in a free eledlion ; that they have their " families and eftates among them; that the fame liberty, property, and re- " ligion, are common to them both; and that the good or bad confequences ** of this Union, muft equally afFedt reprefentatives and coiiftituents." 5 A 2 This 364 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, This fpeech was received with great fatisfaftion and applaufe, and the arguments in it were fo clear, efpecially as to the proportions of the re- prefentative, that it was very ufeful when that head came to be debated ; and I cannot but fuppofe the reader will think his time well bcftowed in reading it, in that he will fee by it, whether the Union was carried by Itrength of reafoning, or, as fome alledged, crammed down their throats by mere number of voices. The debates held very long ; but at length the queftion being propofed, the vote was carried with the ufual provifo, viz. " That it be of no " force if all be not concluded ;" and the diffenting members protefled, as you will fee in the minutes ; and fo this mighty cafe was alfo deter- mined. MINUTE XXIIL 'Tuefdayy Novemier 19, 1706. Prayers faid* Rolls called. The Lord Chancellor acquainted the Parliament, that lafl night. His Grace, Her Majefty's High Commiflioner, in his return to the Palace, was infulted by a number of people of the meaneft degree, with flones, which was a liigH affront both to Her Majefty's High Commiflioner and to the Parliament ; and therefore moved, " That the Parliament may give the neceffary orders, not *' only to find out fuch as have been guilty as adlors or abettors therein, but " to prevent the like in time coming:" and after fome reafoning on the faid reprefentation and motion. It vvas agreed, to remit to the Committee nominate for examining the cal- culation of the equivalent, to inquire into the matter of this infult : and to endeavour to find out the adtors and abettors, if any be ,• with power to the faid Committee to promife indemnities and rewards for difcoveries; and to ieize and imprifon any perfon whom they fliall have ground to fufpeifl to be guilty, as adtors or abettors; and to call for the magiftrates and neighbours of Edinburgh for information, and to report to the Parliam;?nt what infor- mation and difcovcry they ftiall make of the faid infult, or of any former. As alfo, to report their opinion, what meafurcs may be proper for preventing the like in time coming : and the Committee appointed to meet the firll inter- val day of Parliament at nine o'clock. The WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. ^65 The Parliament did likewife recommend to the Lord High Conftable, to profecute forthwith thofc pcrfons who were imprifoncd on account of a former tumult ; and ordained the magiftrates of Edinburgh to furnifh what probation they can, to the Fifcal of the Conftable's Court, againft fuch as were fo im- prifoncd. Addrefs of the baiilies, counfcllors, and citizens of St. Andrews, fub- fcribers of the fame, againft an Union with England in the terms of the ar- ticles, given in and read. Thereafter it was moved, " That the Parliament proceed to the fourth ** article of Union." Moved alfo, " That, before proceeding to the confideration of the fourth *' article, a claufe be added to the third article in thir terms; ' And that the " « faid Parliament of Great Britain {hall meet and fit once in three years ar " ' leaft, in that part of Great Britain now called Scotland." And after fome debate thereupon, the confid'eration of the fiiid additional claufe delayed till the Parliament come to the twenty-fecond article. Tlicn the fourth article of Union was read, and after fome dlfcourfe thereupon, the farther confideration thereof was delayed till the next Jederunt of Parliament, and the confideration thereof to be then refumed previous to all other bufinefs. Adjourned till Thurfday next at ten o'clock.. OBSERVATION XXIII. The affairs- of tumult and clamour from the ftreet I have related in its proper place ; yet, as far as it came to be confidered in Parliament, I muft take notice of it here, but fliall be the briefer, referring to what is faid elfe- where. The firft rabble had been crufhed for fome time, as has been obferved already, and the vigilance of the government had fecured the Parliament hitherto; but the Inveterate fury of the poor ignorant people, impofed upon by the popular arguments of the times, and theie enlarged upon by various pamphlets and fpeeches againft the Union, which were fpread amongft them, ■was very hard to be reftrained. The Duke of Queenfberry, the Queen's High Commiflioner, received divers affi-onts in his going to and fiom the Parliament, though His Grace did not think it worth his while to trouble the Parliament with it while it was any thing tolerable; but it was now grown to fuch a height, that not only the Commiffioner's life was in danger, but the public peace feemed a. manl- 366 MINUTES OF THE ^PARLIAMENT OT SCOTLAND,, manifeftly aimed at, and it was very neceflary to put a check to fuch infults, left the whole might be endangered. The High CommifEoner had received feveral private intimations of de- iigns to alTaffinate him ; and feveral letters, fome abufive and threatening, others pretending to give him caution to preferve his perfon ; others dircdly ' pretending to inform him of the defigns, the time when, manner how, and the weapons by which he was to be murdered. Whether thefe v/ere real defigns, or only attempts to amufc, and perhaps difcourage His Grace in the difcharge of his duty in fo weighty a work, was, I believe, never certainly known : but, whoever will calmly confider the temper of the people at that time, how inflamed by the artifice of a party, and how frequently they Ihewed their readinefs to have undertaken any thing, though never fo def- perate, to have broken off this affair, will wonder, that no agent of Satan was found hardened enough to have committed that, or any like fort of villany. Nor did it feem that there was any thing wanting but the mere courage to venture their lives in fuch a bloody adlion; fince, in the occafion which was now brought before the Houfe, it appeared there were Itones thrown at the Commiffioner's coach from the tops of houfes, fufficient to have murdered him, if Providence had not more efpecially protedled both his perfon and the affair in hand ; which, had any fuch villany been perpetrated, would, moft certainly have all been loft in the confufion that muft inevitably have fol- lowed. For the reader's particular information of the temper and humour of the People at that time, fome of the threatening letters fent to His Grace the High Commiffioner, are printed in the Appendix, N. G. xx. faithfully tranfcribed from the originals. As to the manner of the prefent infult offered the Commiffioner, it was thus; opportunity was taken upon the length of the debates that day, which keeping the Houfe late, and the Lord Commiffioner being to pafs the ftreets in the night, the whole length of the city, from the Parliament Houfe to the Palace, the mob took the opportunity of the darknefs, a time proper for fuch villanies; firft they affronted the guards, and followed them with curfes and opprobrious words, and their numbers increafing as they went on, they be- gan to throw ftones at them, which occafioned fome little diforder among the horfes, and this at laft increafed to the throwing ftones at the Commif- fioner himfelf, one of which narrowly miffed his perfon. The coachman and poftilion, whether frighted themfclves, or that the horfes were unruly, drove a little fafter than ufual down the ftreet, whicli put WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. 367 put the guards to a full trot, and that hcartcnuig the rabble, as if the guards had fled from them, they flioutcd, and continued purfuing them with dirt, ftones and fueh fort of violence, till they came to the palace, where the foot guards .received them and kept off the croud. Every body will allow, that coniiders thefe circumftances, which I was an eye witnefs to, that it was time to put a flop to this violence, and to rcftrain a headftrong multitude, thus made bold and furious, left they fhould, as in fuch cafes is not uncommon, run on to more violent extremes ; and therefore, the Lord Commiffioner ordered the Lord Chancellor to reprefent it to the Houfe, as in the vote. The motion for the Parliament fitting once in three years was ncedlcfs, .for that indeed it was fettled in the twenty-fecond article for the firft Parlia- ment, and eftablifhed in England by other laws made there, which were to continue in force by the treaty.. MINUTE XXIV. 'Thurjday, November 21, 1706. Prayers faid. Rolls called. Addrefs of heretors, burgefles, minifter, and other inhabitants, in the town of Paifley, fubfcribers of the fame, againft an Union with England, in the terms of the articles, given in and read. The fourth article of Union again read. Whereupon it was moved, " To take the feveral branches of trade, to be " communicate, into confideration, that it may thereby appear how far the " communication of trade fhall be advantageous ;" and after reafoning there- upon. The vote was ftated, *' Approve of the fourth article, referving the confideraj- " tion of the feveral branches of trade till the Parliament come to the fubfe- *' quent articles, yea or not." And it was agreed, that the members lliall be marked as they fhall vote,, approve or not, and that the lift of their names, as they fliall vote pro or con, be recorded and printed. Then the vote was put, " Approve or not," and it carried, " Approve." Thereafter the fifth article of Union was read ; whereupon a propofal was given in for explaining and enlarging the fame in thefe terms ; " That all " fliips or veflels belonging to Her Majefty's fubjedts of Scotland^ at the time " of ratifying the treaty of Union of the two kingdoms in the Parliament of " Scotland, though foreign built, Ihall be deemed and pafs as fhips of the i "build. ^68 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, " build of Great Britain ; the owner, or where there arc more owners, one 6r " more of the owners, within twelve months after the Union, making oath, " that at the time of ratifying the treaty of L^niou in the Parliament of Scot- *' land, the fame did, in hail, or in part, belong to him or them, or to fome ** other fubjedt or fubjefts in Scotland, to be particularly named, with the place " of their refpedtive abodes, and that the fame doth then, at the time of the " faid depofition, wholly belong to him or them, and that no foreigner, di " reftly or indiredtly, hath any flrarc, part, or intcreft therein." Which being read, it was moved, " That fix months more time be added *' to the time allowed by the propofal for purchafing fliips or veflels ;" and after fome reafoning thereupon, the farther confideration thereof was delayed till next Jederunt of Pairliament, to be then refumed previous to all other bu- finefs. i^djourned till Saturday next at ten o'clock. OBSERVATION XXI\^. This article being general, but containing feveral particulars, it was judged proper to pafs it in the grofs firft, with a referve for fuch claufes and branches of trade as Ihould come into confideration afterward j for other- wife thcfe branches of trade would have been foreclofcd, by agreeing to tills article In the full extent of the words. Thefe branches came all to be confide»ed In the debating other articles, as particularly when they came to examine the affairs of drawbacks, boun- ties on exportation, prohibitions, and reftridlions in trade ; the feveral cufloms, duties, equalities, and proportions of trade j of which In their courfe. This referve, however, made the article Itfelf pafs the more readily at this time ; for It was the firft article, after voting the gen-erals, that was branched out into particulars, and therefore the adjourning thefe particulars was the more acceptable. The debate of the fifth article lay only here; the treaters had debated about the time limited for allowing the fhlps then in the hands of the Scots, to "be free fhips; the Scots Commlffioners would have had it been the time of ratifying the Union; the Englifli Commlffioners infilled on It, that It fhould be the time of figning the treaty ; and the reafons were good ; that othcrwife people might buy multitudes of foreign Ihips, and have time to furnifh themfclvcs, and pafs thefe foreign-bulk flilps as free bottoms, in the terms of the A ae MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, " the faid Icurrilous paper, and that the print be burnt by the hand of the " hangman," It was remitted to the Committee, to whom the fixth article of Union is re- mitted, to call for the magiflrates of Edinburgh, and to take trial and make in- quiry anent the printer and ingiver of the faid paper. Ordered alfo. That the faid fcurrilous print be burned by the hand of the common hangman at the mercat crofs of Edinburgh upon Monday next, be- twixt eleven and twelve o'clock, and the magiilrates of Edinburgh appointed to fee the order punctually executed. Then the eighth article of Union was read, and remitted to the Committee, to whom the fixth article is remitted. " Ad: for adjourning the feffion till the firft day of January next," read, and a claufe was offered to be fubjoined thereto, in thefe terms: " And farther. Her " Majefty, with advice and confcnt forcfaid, ftatutes and ordains, that the " feffion, which is appointed to rife the lafl day of February next, be continued " to fit, for adminiftration of juftice to the lieges, from the faid day to the laft " day of March 1 707 years inclufivc." Which being read, the confideration of the faid claufe delayed till the adl be again read, and a firft reading was ordered to be marked on the aft. Thereafter it was intimate to all fuch members as gave in any overtures or claufcs relating to the fixth article of Union, to attend the Committee next Jederunt, Adjourned till Tuefday next at ten o'clock. OBSERVATION XXX. The debates of this day were principally taken up about repealing the claufe of the ^&. of Security anent arming and exercifing as before, and .treat ftruggles were made to preferve the claufe ; but it looked fo like abet- ting the tumults, which were now in their height, that no man could fpeak heartily to it ; for all men pretended, at Icaft, to difown the defign of rab- bling the Parliament, and breaking up their confultations by tumults and vio- lence ; but yet, as f?a- as they could drive it, they oppofed this vote. At iafl it was carried, and the afl was touched, and is printed in that part of thii work mtitlcd, " Of the carrying on the treaty in Scotland," p, 282. The paper about burning the articles at Damfreis was now cenfured, and the printer kept out of the way fome time j but no proceedings were made on al, only that the paper was burnt by the hangman according to the order. The difficulties, of the lixth, feventh, and eighth articles, being generally tcfpeding taxes, cxcifes, fult, exportations and Importations; &c. of trade, were WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. ^Zj were referred to the Committee to fettle, and fliall be fpokcn to as they came z^r-'vi. i~..- fore the Houfe. it is to be obfervcd, among the great cro\id of addrefles that had been b-.o'.:' ' '■ ' ' 'le, one of this day from the burgh of Air differed from '- r vvas not as others, " againft an Union with Englai^.d in '.!-tTcle<5 ;" but was for " Reclification of the articles, and had fome feeming foftnefs in it, and appeared more 'icrs : and the Parliament feemed generally inclined to :'nd cafe of taxes, and the references to the Com- oTpeci; the difliculty lay how to regulate and fo go- .:ii to make them equal to both kingdoms J reafonable md rcafonable in England to comply with, that fo the ir ?s poffible, be eafcd, the circumilances of both kingdoms ■ ' 'J England not be impofedupon; for they were not igno- . . :, u'.ii; t.n, 'o ,vere vigilant endeavours at work' to obtain fuch amcnd- u.ei.t,s as England fliould illck at, and as might, at leaft, occafion the treaty to be fent back to Scotland for farther arnendments ; and then they would be able to raife fuch farther difficulties, that the time might expire upon their hands, and then the whole work had been to do over again. MINUTE XXXI. Tuejda)\ December 3, 1706. Prayers faid. Rolls called. Then the following addrefles were given In and read, viz. Addrefs of tht merchants, deacons, trades, and other inhabitants, of the burgh of Air, lub- fcribers of the fame ; addrefs of barons, freeholders, heretors, and others, of the four parochins ofGlenkenns, in the Ihire of Galloway, fubfcribing the fame; and addrefs of the magiflrates, town council, burgclTes, and inhabitants, of the burgh of New Galloway, fubfcribers of the fame : all againfl: an Union with England in the terms of the articles. Thereafter the " Ad; adjourning the feflion till the firft of January next" was again read, as alfo the claufe continuing the fitting thereof from the laft ot February till the laft day of March next inclufive, infert in the minutes of the lafl: fcderunt ; and after debate, it was put to the vote, " Add the claufe or not,'' and it carried, " Add." And the claufe being added, the vote was put, "Approve ^^^ -^ or not," and it carried '« Approve," 3 D 2 , Ordered, 388 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, Ordered, Tliat the Council of Trade do meet and give in their oblervations as to export and import, and balance of trade, to the Committee to whom the fixth and eighth articles are remitted, and that betwixt and the next federuni of the faid Committee. Then the ninth article of Union was read, and, after reafoning thereon, it was moved. That fix months cefs fhall be the quota of the tax to be impofed on Scotland, in place of eight months agreed to by the faid article, and after de- bate thereupon, A vote was flated, " Approve of the ninth article or not." And thereupon a fecond itate of a vote was offered, viz. " Whether fix " months cefs or eight months cefs ftiould be the quota of the tax to be charged " on Scotland." Then the vote was put, " Which of the two fhould be the ftate of the vote, " firfl or fecond," and it carried, " Firft." Whereupon it was put to the vote, " Approve of the faid ninth article or not," and it carried, " Approve." Thereafter the tenth, eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth articles of Union were all feverally read, and were feparately voted and approven. The fourteenth article of Union read, and the confideration thereof delayed till TLfntfederunt, to be then proceeded upon previous to all other bufinefs. Aft adjourning the fefliion to the firfl day of January next, and continuing the fitting thereof from the laft of February till the lafl day of March next inclu- five, touched with the fcepter by Her Majefty's High Commiffioner in the ufual manner. Adjourned till Thurfday next at ten o'clock. OBSERVATION XXXL The ninth of the articles of the Union could admit of no debate; but whe- ther the eight-months cefs agreed to be the proportion of Scotland, to the land tax of four Ihillings per pound upon rent in England, were founded upon a true fcale of equalities. I have already ftatedthis queftion in the obfervations on the minutes of the treaty at London, and need not repeat them : but obferve, that the propofal now made of fix months cefs, to the Englifh two million land tax, had no arguments at all to fupport it, that could be made good by juft proportions ; neither were there any fchemes offered to the Houfe to form any other proportions from, or to prove any thing of equalities upon ; fo the making this offer produced no other effc(ft than the bare reciting the feveral calculates and proportions upon which the other was formed, and which had been approved in the treaty at London ; and upon an eafy examination they 3 appeared WITH OBSERVATIONS THF.REON. 3R9 appeared fo juft, that nothing could be offered of any rerd weight to move the Parliament to alter it; fo this claufe paft with fmall difficulty. The tenth, eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth articles, required no debate, con- lifting only of exemptions to Scotland from fcveral duties and taxes paid in England, which could not be extended to Scotland, fuch as Ihmpt paper, ' which in Scotland could not confiO; with the methods of the law, nor be born in trade ; or the windew lights, which was determined not to be continued in England, and the coal and culm, which, according to the method of that tax in England, did not reach to the coal in Scotland, other than fuch as fliould be carried into England, or exported into foreign parts, which were exprellly provided for in the claufe, in thcfe words, " That Scotland fhall be *' charged with the fame duties as in England for all coal, culm, and cinders, *' not confumed in Scotland." As to the malt tax in England, which was the thirteenth article, it was temporary, and could not extend to Scotland without a new law; and that w^is provided againll in the next article. MINUTE XXXII. ^hurfday, JDecemher 5, 1706. Prayers faid. Rolls called. The Parliament w^as then acquainted, That the Report of the Committee anent the calculation of the equivalent remitted to them, was ready, and in the clerk's hands; and that all perfons concerned may fee the fame, and grounds whereupon it proceeds, before the Report be brought in to the Parliament. Thereafter the fourteenth article of Union was again read, and an amend- ment and addition thereto was offered in thefe terms : " And that the part of " the united kingdom now called Scotland, fhall not in all time coming be " charged with any malt tax, or any other cufloms, excifes, taxes, or any other " burdens or duties than thefe confented to in this treaty." And after fome reafoning upon the firll part of the faid claufe in relation to the malt tax, it was propofed. That the amendment Ihould be in thefe terms, with this farther provifion, " That any malt to be made and confumed within " that part of the united kingdom now called Scotland, fliall not be charged *' with any impofitlon on malt during this prefent war." And after fome farther debate, the vote was flated, " Whether the exeniption " from any impofition on malt fliall be temporary or perpetual." Then 390 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, Then the vote wcz pu::, " Whether the exemption fliall be temporary oi' per- " pctual," and it carried " Temporar}/" Thereafter it was pronoied. That the exemption Ihall be during this prefent \var. It was alfo propof: J. '"hat thei. i ll::ul be for a longer time. And after debate thtrtcn, the •. ■"'stcd, '' Whether the exemption •*' from any impofirion on rhaltfh".'' /'lis prefer,t war, cr for a longer " time," and it carried '•' D^-:' Then the article as amended . .d the'farther confideration thereof delayed till next y>ifc-ra?z/ - ' ' ^^ proceeded upon previous to all other buiincfs. Adjourned till to-morrow at : . . O B S E R V .\ : . n N XXXIL The affair of the malt tax came upon the itagc in the debate of the four- teenth article, becaufe it was but a temporary tax in England ; raid there- fore v.as to be confidered amongfl: thefe things which the Parliament of Great Britain might hereafter lay taxes upon. The treaters had acquiefced in a fuppofition oiTe-ed in England in thefe words : " That the Parliament of Grcjr Britain could not be fuppofed to lay " any forts of burdens upon the united kingdom, b\it v,hat they Ihall find of " neceflity at that time for the prefervation and good of the whole, and with " due regard to the circumflanees and abilities of every part of the united " kingdom; therefore it is agreed, that there be no farther exemption in- *' fifled upon for any part of the united kingdom, but that the coniideration " of any exemptions beyond what are already agreed on In thib treaty, ihall " be left to the determination of the Parliament of Great Britain." Upon this account they did not infill upon exemptions of duties any farther than the faid duties v>ere then extended in England. But people were now come to a greater length, and they did not care to trufl the Britifh Parliament fo far. They had encouraged all manner of jealoufies of the Britifh Parliament; the people had received no notions but of Scotland's being aluays oppreffed by them, both in civil and religious concerns; and that therefore nothing was to be left to them. That the Britifh Parliament was to be fenced agamfl as a declared enemy, and the rcprefcntatives of Scotland being like to be but a few, viz. forty-five to five hundred and thirteen; they were to be crufhed by number, outvoted, and difregarded in every thing relating to Scotland. There is no more wonder to be made that they were for making every thing fccure, and fettling it to points and pundilios, who had entertained fuch notions WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. 391 notions as ihcfc. The malt tax therefore being acknowledged iiifupportabld in Scotkmd, and the treaters having determined it fo, and exempted Scotland from it, for as long time as it was now in foree in England: the Parliament building upon that fuppofition, refolvcd to determine the time of the ex- emption, that they might be fiire of it. It was moved very briikly, That Scotland fliould for ever be exempt from k ; but that went not far, as appears in the vote; fome were for a certain term of years, fome for an exemption during the war, others for a certain number of years after the war. The exemption during the war feemed the mofl; rational, becaufe it was known that the tax upon malt was a temporary tax, given but upon the emergence of the war ; and as the gentry of England were with difficulty brought ro fubmit to it, fo they were not eafy under it, and would never fufter it to continue after the war, having for that end given it but from year to year, that it might not be entangled with anticipations, or appropriated to payments that fliould continue it; and therefore to exempt Scotland during the war, was a total exemption in its kind, and feemed fufficicnt. This was oppofed a little ; but, as being a point gainc', thofe who fought the regula- tion of conditions onl\ , came freely into in, and lb it paffed. M I N U T E XXXIir. ... . . ■ , w "• Friday, December 6, 1706, Prayers faid. Rolls called. The fourteciitb article of Union, zs amend-cd, again read ; alio the claufe offered to be added to the faid article, infert ia 'lihe aicij-^stcs of the laft Jtdrrunt, as to the exemption from any other cuftoms. arcifcs, taao.i, or any other burdens or du- ties than thofe con'.cnted to in this treaty. There were two ftates o-f a vote propofcd; the firftinthefe terms, " Approve " of .the article as amended or not ;" and the fecond in thefe terms, " Approve " or amend," And before voting it was agreed. That the members fhail be marked as they fliall vote in both votes, and that the lift of their names fhall be recorded and printed accordingly. Then it was put to the vote, " Which of the two fliall be the ftate of the vote, ** €rft or fecond," and it carried '' Firft." Thereafter 59^ MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, Thereafter the vote was put, " Approve of the article as amended or not," and it carried, " Approve." Adjourned till to-morrow at ten o'clock. OBSERVATION XXXIII. The debate of this day ran only upon the affair mentioned before, viz. Whether they ftiould depend upon the Britilh Parliament maintaining a jufl and equal regard to the good of the whole united ifland after the Union, and that they would have refpedt to the circumftances of every part in their laying on taxes, or whether they fhould pin them down in all time coming, that no other burdens or taxes fhould be laid on than thofe already mentioned. The fuppofition of the Parliament of Britain being partial againft Scot- land, and the reprefentatives of Scotland being few, being opprelTed and out- voted, as I have noted already, though it was a popular notion, and improved to an extravagant height without doors, yet it had not obtained fo as to be owned in Parliament; nor indeed could any man, with juft reafon, have fup- pofed fuch a thing ; and therefore to offer at a pofitive limitation on the Par- liament of Britain, feemed to have fomething in it very harlli. Again it was alledged, That to limit the Parliament of Britain not to lay on any other cuftoms, excifes, taxes, duties, or burdens, than thofe confented to in this aift, was to take away the power from the people of Britain, to con- form their affairs even to their own circumftances, fiace the time might come when fome of thofe duties might become burdenfome that now were not fo ; and others, which now would be burdenfome, might be more for the public fervicc ; but to tie the Parliament down abfolutely, as in thisclaufe, would be to limit them from making alterations in the public taxes, though apparently for the public advantage, and would in effcd take from them that power for which they v\ ere really conftituted, viz. To difpofe of the people's purfes, and redrefs their grievances. It was long argued. That the Parliament ought to be limited in this cafe, becaufe of the danger there was of Scotland being burdened with intolerable taxes, and of the prefent circumftances of Scotland which were allowed to be unable to bear them; that, under the pretence of alteration of taxes, op- preffivc duties might be laid upon Scotland, which, though they might be tolerable in England, were not fo here, and they ought to provide againft them. But it was refolved at laft into this. That all future contingencies muft be left to a Britifli Parliament, and the words of the articles contained a fuffi- cient reafon for fo doing, viz. " It could not be fuppofed that the Par- " liament of Great Britain will ever lay any forts of burdens upon the ''^''''united kingdom, but what they ftiall find of neccflity at that time for " the prefervation and good of the whole, and with due regard to the cir- " cumftances WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. 393 ", cumflanccs and abilities of every part of the United Kingdom; therefore *' It is agreed, that there be no farther exemption infiftcd' upon for an/ ** part of the United Kingdom, but that the confideration of any exemptions, " beyond what are already agreed on in this treaty, fhall be left to the de- " termination of the Parliament of Great Britain." And thus, with fomc difficulty, the claufe was paflcd without any far- ther amendment. MINUTE XXXIV. Saturday, December 7, 1706, Prayers faid. Rolls called. The fifteenth article of Union read, and thereafter the firfl claufe or paragraph thereof again read, as alfo the Report brought in from the Committee for exami- ning the calculation of the equivalent, being as follows : The Committee of Parliament, to whom the confidering of the calculation of the equivalent was remitted, having confidered the report made to them by Doftor James Gre- gory, profeffor of the mathematics in the college of Edinburgh, and the re- port made by Dottor Thomas Bowar, profeffor of the mathematics in the col- lege of Aberdeen, of their feveral and refpedtive examinations of the calcul, and grounds thereof, whereupon the Commiffioners, in treating the article for eflabliihing the equivalent, did proceed ; and alfo having confidered the re- port of the Sub-committee thereanent, they find, that the computation of the equivalent, mentioned in the article is juft, and that the calcul is exaft, and well foxmded in the terms, and in manner expreffed in the faid article. Whereupon it was propofed ro delay the confideration of the faid fifteenth article, until reports be brought in. In relation to the fixth and eighth articles from the Committee to whom the faid articles are remitted. And after debate thereon, it was agreed, that the proceeding on the fifteenth article fhall not be underftood to be any determination of the fixth or eighth artieles that ftand committed, but that the reafoning and voting on the fixth and eighth articles fhali be entire. Then a ftate of a vote was offered in thefe terms, " Approve of the firftpa- *' ragraph of the fifteenth article or not ;" But It being moved, " That the Parliament firfl: confider whether we fliall *' be concerned In the payment of the Englifh debts :" a fecond ftate was thereupon offered, " Whether we Ihall engage in the payment of the debts of '* England, yea or not. 3 E And 394 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, And after fomc reafoning thereon, it was put to the vote, which of the two fhoukl be the ftate of the vote, firft or fecond. And before voting it was agreed, that the menibers votes fhall be marked, and that a lift of their names as they fhall vote Ihall be printed and recorded. And the Lord Beilhavcn gave in a proteft as follows : " I do proteft in my '^ own name, and in the name of all thofe \vho do adhere to this my proteft, ** that the vocino- and agreeing to the firft claufe of the fifteenth article of the *' treaty of Union, doth no ways infer any manner of confent or agreement, " that Scotland ftiould be liable to the Englifti debt in general, but that it may " be lawful to objedt againft any branch" of the faid debt not already deter- '• mined :" Aiid he took inftruments thereupon, and the Duke of Hamilton,, the Earl of Selkirk, the Lord Saltoiin, Andrew Fletcher, of Saltoun; Sir Hum- phrey Colquhoun, of Lufs ; David Bethun, of Balfour; Major Henry Balfour, of Dunboig ; Mr. Thomas Hope, of E.ankcllor ; Alexander Watfon, and Mr. Robert Frazer, adhered thereto. Then the vote was put, " Firft or fecond," and it carried, " Firft." Thereafter it was put to the vote, " Approve of the firft claufe or paragraph « of the fifteenth article or not," and it carried, " Approve." Her Majefty's High Commiffioner, and the eftates of Parliament, did re- commend the perfons employed in the calculation of the equivalent by the Committee, to whom the examining thereof was remitted, to the Lords of IHer Majefty's Treafury, for a gratification for their pains. Adjourned to Tuefday next at ten o'clock. OBSERVATION XXXIV. They were now come to the great article of the equivalent : It had been offered at in the fifteenth article, and by confent referred to a Committee ; ^ which committee had fpent a great deal of time upon it ; had examined all the calculations made by the clerks employed in London during the treaty; had caft up the interefts, and the valuation of years, to reduce every annual payment upon ready money, upon equal rebates and allowances; and their report was now brought in, by which it appears, that the calcu- lations made in England were very juft, fo that no objeftion lay againft that part of the work. The firft queftion then was. Why Ihould Scotland concern itfelf in pay- ing England's debts at all ? And on this head it is neceflary to be fomething large, fince the learned debates on this head filled the whole nation, and the- oppofers of the Union advanced abundance of obje«ftions againft the very thing cqjlcd an equivalent ; in the firft place, as nccdlds and impertinent ; 4 that WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. y^^ that England fliould pay its own debts, and keep her own money, and ttic like ; that to make Scotland pay taxes, and then give her an equivalent, v/as doing nothing as to equalities, for that though it might bs an equality, nationally fpcaking, it had no perfonal juftice or equality at all ; fince, the private perfons that fhould pa)^ it, would- never receive any equivalent for -tlae injury they received. Some anfwcrs to this I fliall fet down here, as they were argued in the Houfe, and after made public by an honourable member of the Parliament, .now Baron of the Exchequer in Scotland, Mr. Clark, of Pennycook. 1. That no comminiication of the trade of England can be given to the fubjeds of Scotland, unlcfs we arc fatisfied to pay equal cuAoms and duties .upon export and import, and equal excifes. The reafon is plain ; for other- wife, the merchants refiding in Scotland would be put in a condition to ruin the whole trade of England. 2. That an equality of excifes in both kingdoms, is as neccffary as an equality of cuftoms; for, not only all immediate burdens on trade are to be regarded, but even thefe things which affeft and influence trade. 3. That though a focderal Union was pradlicable between the two king- doms (as I believe it is not) yet even by that Union, we behoved to un- dergo the burden of equal cufloms and excifes, otherwife there could be no communication of trade. 4. That a great part of the Englifh cufloms, and excifes is appropriated towards payment of their debts; fo that the paying of the Englilh debts and the paying of equal cuftoms and excifes, are almoft reciprocal terms to fignify one and the fame thing, or otherwife, that thefc cufloms and excifes payed after the Union, will be appropriated towards paying our own debts, which is the fame, as Ihall more fully appear hereafter. 5. That thefe debts (being after the Union to be called the debts of Great Britain) are fo neceffary and inevitable burdens on Scotland, that nei- ther by an incorporating or focdcral Union with England, can Scotland be free of them ; fince, as was faid before, they are included and wrapped up in the very notion of equal cuftoms and excifes. From thefc pefitions it follows, that fince under all forts of Union, what- foever, with a communication of trade, we muft be fubjeded to equal cuf- toms and excifes, and that a great part of thefe is applied towards payment of the debts of England, therefore, in common juftice, a provifion behoved to be made to Scotland, for re-imburfing what we fliall be charged oft the fcore of thefe debts, which by this article of the treaty is called an equi- valent. 3 E 2 This r96 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, This equivalent is fo contrived and adjufted, that thereby we cannot pro- perl)' look on ourfelves as engaged in the Englifh debts, for no man can be properly faid to pav a debt for another when the money is either advanced before hand to the payer, or at fartheft, the next moment after it is payed our, which will be Scotland's cafe. It was evident that a communication of trade was the intereft of Scot- land, and was the cleareft advantage on the Scots fide, and moft unexcep. tionable in the whole treaty: it was impoffible this communication of trade could be eftablifhed, and could be entirely free, unlefs an equality of cuftoms, excifes, and of all forts of payments were fettled at the fame time; fo that thefe people who were fo backward to come into the Englifh debts, were leading into a rejedling the only advantage which they themfelves ac- Icnowledged was to be had by the Union. The equality of excifes and cuftoms being thus abfolutely necelTary, the Englifh debts came to be concerned, becaufe the cufloms and excifes of Eng- land, being appropriated as funds to pay the interefl of annuities, and fuch like incumbrances, the fame duties in Scotland, would of courfe run in the fame' channel, come into the fame charge, and under the fame incumbrances ; and it could not be otherwife, without running things into all manner of Gonfulion, The treaters in London had been convinced of this, and therefore readily came into it, demanding an equivalent to Scotland, fuited to fo much of the Scots revenue, as fhould be fo appropriated to the payment of the Eenglifh debts. But it was the hardefl thing in the world, to make the people in Scotland apprehend it : not but thofe who were more immediately concerned in the debating it, underftood it well enough; but it ferved as a handle to rally the Union, and the thing being rendered as intricate to the common people as poflible, that they might be the more moved to oppofe it ; thefe ignorantly running away with a notion, that Scotland was to pay the Englifh debts, began to rage at the treaters again, and cry out, they were fold and betrayed; to tell them of an equivalent, was to ftiy nothing ; and, as many did not un- derfland it, fo they that did, would not feem tounderftand it ; the very word became proverbial, and was the jefl of converfation, till the averfion to it Tendered it in a manner contemptible. To bring Scotland in to pay the Eng- iifli debts ! What, was not Scotland poor enough already ? Was this the advantage of the Union ! It could not be fuffered, and the treaters had be- trayed them. Such difcourfe as this was the fubjedt of the common people's converfation, and the anfwering them with the flory of an equivalent to be paid them was to tell them fomething which they neither underflood nor entered into the examinaton of. . It: 1 WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. ' 397 It would be very hard to dcfcribe how this kuid of difcourfe irritated th« poor people, and how they were impofed upon in the daily accounts fpread of this new wonder called the equivalent, of which calculations were made ; reprefenting, that in a year, Scotland would repay all the money advanced from England, by the increafe of cuftoms and excifes; and fo after that rate, notwithftanding of the equivalent, Scotland would be drawn into an en- tail of taxes for an hundred years, to clear off the vafl debt of twenty millions which England was now liable to. I Ihall have occafion to anfwer this in a fubfequcnt obfervation : but I cannot but note, that by a due calculation laid before the Parliament, it was made very plain, that England would be fo far from being reimburfl in a year, as above, that reckoning the common intereft of the money advanced in the equivalent, with the medium of years in which great part of the duties the other people had. calculated from was to expire, the equivalent advanced. in raonev to Scotland would not be repayed in ninety years. Yet was not all this able to allay the prejudices of the people at the aflfair of paying the Englifh debt, which they run away with fo eagerly, and fo univerfally raged againft, that had not the rabbles been in gaod time crufhed before, and that fo effedrually, that they could not begin again, it was thought this very thing would have influenced them to a more dangerous degree than any thing. But this was offered by degrees, the work of this day was only to debate the firft claufe, viz. Whether Scotland fhould be entirely free from the Englifh debts, or whether they fhould come in to the appropriations of vhe EngHlh duties, accepting of an equivalent ; and after a very warm debate^ the cafe was carried as by the minute. MINUTE XXXV. Tuefday, December 10, 1706. Prayers faid. Rolls called. Addrefs of heretors and commons of the town and paroch of Douglafs^ fubfcribing the fame ; and addrefs of parochioners of Carmichael and Petinean, fubfcribers of the fame ; both againft an Union with England in the terms of the articles, were given in and read. The fixth article of Union again read, as alfo a report of the Committee to whom the fame was remitted in the terms following, viz. " The Committee of y$ MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, ' »f Parliament appomted.for confiderliig the fixth 'article of the treaty" of ' ;Union, and propofals mad-e in Parliament relative thereto, having confi- ' ;dered the claufc under written, auent the prcnaiums and rewards for export- ' -ing of viftual, are of opinion, that the claufc after mentioned be added ' -to the article of Union, whereof the tenor follows, viz. ' And feeing by the ' •* laws of England, notwithftanding there are rewards granted upon the ex- ' i* portation of ccriaih kinds of grain, wherein oats grinded or ungrinded are ' ' not fpccificd; that from and after the Union, when oats fhall be at fifteen ' ■* iliillings flerling, per quarter or under, there fhall be payed two fh'illino- ' -'.and iixpence fterling, for every quarter of the oatmeal exported in the ' .' terdns ofthe law, w-htereby, and fo, Iftng as rewards are granted for expor- ' ;' station pf other grains, and: th'atth«,. bear ^f Scotland have the fame rewards ' ' as barley." And upon a motion, " That the premium to' be allowed fhould be higher,*' after a long debate thereon, it was put to the vote," Approve of the Report *' -.or alter," and it carried, " Approve." ■ < Adjourned till to-morrow at ten o'clock. OBSERVATION XXXV. ' ■'" The committee to whom the fevcral articles about trade were referred, began now to make their reports, and beginning with- the fixth' article coni cerning equalities of allowances and encouragements, they made their re- port about the allowances on exporting viftual, by v/hich is underfl:ood corn onlv, which is commonly called viftual in Scotland. The allowance here offered by the Committee, was on thefe confidcrations : It had been ufcd in England to give a bounty or allowance on the exporta- tion of grain, to encourage the merchant to export, it being a fure rule in trade, that all the mere produft of the earth which can be fparcd and ex- ported abroad, over and above the necefiary confumption of the nation, is clear gain to the public flock. But oats in England had no allowance or bounty on the exportation, be- caufe it was generally fuppofed, that England had never any quantity of oats to f[>are more than they confumcd among themfelves, but were ratlier always ready to buy oats from abroad than to export them. On the other hand, oats being the principal kind of grain fowed in Scotland, it was equally necelfary to encourage the exporting of oats, as it was to en- courage the exporting of wheat in England. But this was anfwered, by telling them, that there v/as no need of propof- "ing a bounty upon the exportation of oats, for that England would always take off whatever quantity of oats they could part with ; and to offer a bounty * for WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. ' 3^9 for exportation of that: abroad, which was really wanted at home, was ab- furd, contrary to the rules of trade, and the nature of the thing. Farther it was oficred, that fliould a bounty be offered on the exportation of oats, the out-ports in England, which now fupply London, lying ready for the trade to Holland and Flanders, would fend all their oats abroad, and London would not be fupplied but upon dear rates. Thefe arguments prevailed with the Committee as to oats; but there be- ing a very gainful trade carried on from Scotland to Norway for oatmeal, which it was worth while to encourage, as a trade that generally brought into Scotland a great deal of bullion and money in fpecie; the Committee thought fit to place a bounty upon the exportation of the oatmeal as per the vote, and the ftate of the time when the faid bounty fhould be paid being fixed, when oats fliall be no higher than fifteen fiiillings per quarter,, there could be no danger that the greatnefs of the export Ihould influepxe the market at London, lb as to make oats fcarcc or dear; fincc, after they came to fifteen {hillings per quarter, no bounty money could be demanded. This was founded upon fo jufi: a calculation of equalities in trade, that it met with no oppofition in the Parliament. MINUTE XXXVL Wednejdayi December 11,, i7o6». . prayers faid. Rolls called- Then the following addreffes were given in and read, viz. addrefg of the Prelbytery of Dumblain, fubfcribing the fame ; addrefs of the Prcfbytery of Hamilton, fubfcribing the fame ; addrefs of the inhabitants of the parochins of Caputh, Lethendy, Alyth, and Kinloch, in Perthfhire, fubfcribers of the fame ; addrefs of the inhabitants of the parochins of Errol, Kilfpendie, Kin- naird, Inchture, Longforgan, St. Madoes, and Kinfauns, in Perthlhire, fub- fcribing the fame ; addrefs of hcretors, the minifter, elders, and heads of fa- milies, in the paroch of Logie, fubfcribers of the fame ; and addrefs of the parochins of Airth, Larbert, Dunipace and Deny, fubfcribing the fame ; all againft an Union with England in the terms of the articles. Thereafter a propofal given in for a farther addition to the fixth article, in thefe terms, viz. " And that there be likcwife a premium allowed for the ex- " portation of oats proportionally with the meal, compting three bolls of oats " to one quarter of meal ;" fo that the premium may be ten ihillings Scots for every boll of oats exported. ■ Which being read, after debate thereupon, it was put to the vote, " Allow " a premium on the exportation of oats or not;" and it carried, "Not." Then <.4oo MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, Then a fecpnd report of the Committee, to whom the fixth article is remitted, was brought in and read, in thefe terms : " The Committee of Parliament ap- '' pointed for confidering the fixth article of the treaty of Union, and propofals " made in Parliament relative thereto, having confidered the claufe under written, ■*' are of opmion, that it fhould be added to the articles of Union as follows ; *' ' And in refpecl the importation of viftual into Scotland from any place bc- " ' yond fea would prove a difcouragement to tillage ; therefore, that the pro- " ' hibition, as now in force by the law of Scotland, againfl: importation of *' ' victual from Ireland, or any other place beyond fea, into Scotland, do, after *' ' theUnion, remain in the fame force, as now it is." And after fome reafoning, it was propofed to add to the above report the fubfequent claufe, viz. " Until more proper and effeftual ways be provided by ^' the Parliament of Great Britain, for difcouraglng the importation of the faid " vi(flual from beyond fea." And after fome farther reafoning, the laid report was agreed to, and it was put to the vote, " Add the above claufe to the faid *' report, or not," and it carried, " Add." Thereafter an overture for an adt for additional premiums on exportation of vidtual, to commence the firft of February, and to end thelaft of April, both next to come inclufive, given in and read ; and agreed, that the fame be taken into confideration immediately after the reports relating to the fixth article of Union. Then a third report brought in from the faid Committee was read in thefc terms : " The Committee of Parliament appointed for confidering the fixth *' article of the treaty of Union, and propofals made in Parliament relative *' thereto ; having confidered the claufe mentioned in the twenty-fc\enth day's " minutes, anent the makbg and exporting of plaiding, fingrams, Galloway- ** whites, farges, flockings, and all forts of linen, to England, dominions^ *' and plantations thereof, or any part beyond fea, free of any duty or impo- " fition ; and having confidered the Englifli adts of Parliament relative thereto, '' particularly the 3 2d ad: /);-/»;, and the 20th adt Gul. un- " decimo ^ duodecimo, in regard there appears to be no reftraint at prefcnt, re- " gulating the way and manner of making Englilh woollen cloths and others " to be exported, and that all the woollen manufadrures are declared to be free ** of duty and impofition whatfoever at exporting, and that, by the faid fixth *' article of the treaty of Union, all parts of the united kingdom are to have ^* the fame allowances and encouragements ; therefore, the Committee are of *' opinion, that the adding the aforefaid claufe to the articles of treaty is un- *' neceflTary." AJid after debate the vote was put, " Approve of the faid third Report, or " Not ;" and it carried, " Approve." Thereafter I I WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. 401 Thereafter a fourth Report was brought in from the fuid Committee, and read in thcfc terms, viz. " The Committee, to whom the confiJeration of the " fixth article of Union, and propofals made in Parliament relative thereto, *' are remitted, having confidered that claufe mentioned in the twenty -fcventh ** (Jay's minutes ; That, after tlic Union, all foits of Scots linci-., or any kind " of cloth made of ilax or hemp, be exported out of the united kingdom, *' ffxee of all cufloms or impofitions whatfoever; after full rcafoning on the faid " clauf^, the. Committee arc of opinion. That the adding of the faid claufe " to the articles of the treaty of Union is unnecefliiry, the Englifh duty on *' linen being only fix pence flerling on the forty Englifh elns." And after debate thereon, a vote was dated, " Approve of the faid fourth " Report of the Committee, or alter ;" and it carried, " Approve." Adjourned till to-morrow at ten o'clock. OBSERVATION XXXVI. Notwithftanding what was argued in the Committee, which I have noted above, and at which I was prefent, having had the occafion to make feveral of thefe calculations for the fervice of the faid Committee ; fome gentlemen in the Parliament infiftedaipon the allowing a drawback or bounty -money upon exportation of oats ; but when the fame rcafons mentioned above, which had been argued in the Committee, came to be offered in full Parliament, it was fo convincing, that they foon acquiefced ; and fo it was carried without, as per the minute. The fubfequent Reports of the .Committee mentioned in this day's minutes, feemed only to add the authority of the Committees examinations to what -had before been offered in public, viz. That, after the Union, the expor- tation ot linen and woollen manufaey call the gentlemen of Galloway, Roxburgh fliire, &c. whofe eftates are very much depending upon fheep. This being thie ocCafion of the rifing the prices- of their wool, and their advantage being thus begun in the error and injury of their country, it feemed to be no national affair to make good the lofs that was fuppofed now to happen by the Union ; which was indeed but reducing things to where they were before, and taking away that advantage, which, if the eyes of their reprefentatives in former Parliaments had been open, they never had> and which it was the lofs of the whole kingtlom, that they ever had at alK However the Parliament, who, going upon the great fcheme of equalities, fo often mentioned, appeared willing to make all people eafy ; were ready and forward enough to have an allowance, by way of equivalent, given to the gentlenhen that were flieep mafters, and who fhould be pinched by the fialling of the price of their wool ; but then it was debated, in what manner that equivalent fhould be given ; for, to give to particular perfons fuoh and fuch a fum of money, would feem partial, and be fhort of the defign ; as it would be fome perfonnl fatisfaclion indeed, but no national fatisfaftion. The money given, therefore, ought to be for the public good ; and this could be by no method fo exadly flated to the circumftance, as by appropriating the money to fuch gentlemen, who being wool mafters, would apply that money to the manufafturing that wool in their own country ; thereby both increafing the confumption of the wool, and fetting the poor of their refpec- tive counties to work ; this fcheme had too much equity in it, and too much of the public good in it to lie dilliked ; nor did thofe that oppofed it pretend to objedl much againft the reafonablenefs of it ; but ftill it was op- pofed, and the reafons for which it was oppofed were manifeft. The 4^8 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, . The party, who, as I have all along noted, fought fome occafion or other •to break oflF the treaty, had now this method only left, viz. To clog the .-nffair with fuch amendments or alterations, which they knew England cither would not or could not grant ; nor did they ftick in converfation honeflly to own, that they did not diflike the reafons of feveral things that they oppofed, were they confenting to the Union in general ; but they were againft the Union, and therefore they were obliged to oppofe the particulars, in order to oppofe tjic general. Thefe gentlemen therefore very warnily argued for a freedom of exporta- tion of wool, and for having it made a claufe in the articles; which, it" they h&d gained^ they eafily forelaw the Union muft fplit upon that rock, for that England, who have made it felony, and always prohibited the export of their wool under the greateft penalties, neither would or indeed could come into it. It was urged, this liberty of exporting wool might be reftralned to Scot- land only ; that it was abfolutely necellary to Scotland, for that they could not manufafture all their wool in their own country ; that their wool was coarfe, and did not injure the Englifh trade, fince all their manufaftures were of fine wool ; that, if Scotland could not manufa^fture their wool, nor fliould be fuffered to export it, the wool would be of no ufe, but mull; perifh, and be good for nothing ; that the manufadiures now fct up in Scotland being chiefly fine goods, were generally made of Englifli wool ; and after the Union, the wool from England being generally brought in thither, the wool of Scotland would be of no manner of value. But thefe arguments were anfwered thus. That, to allow the exportation of wool from Scotland only, would oblige the Government to keep ftill on the borders an army ef officers, to fearch and examine the paflage of all goods paffing between the kingdoms, and keep up.^hat diftindioa of king- doms, which, as to trade, as well as government, was to be wholly taken away by the Union ; that, after all, it would be impofliblc to prevent the carrying of wool into Scotland, and confequently the exportation of Englifh wool with, or inftead of, Scots wool. In the next place, this would oblige the Government of Britain to a flrlift prohibition of the bringing any Englifh wool into Scotland after the Union, lpf,l the fame fliould be exported, which, after its being in Scotland, could fiot b^ fo dillinguiflud as to be prevented ; and that this prohibition would rob ^Gotland of all that advantage which it is propofcd fhc fhall enjoy after the; Upipn^ by her people being employed in the manufaduring of Englifh JVjOOl. Again, WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. 409 Again, That this would dcftroy all freedom of commerce and communi- cation of trade between the kingdoms, that all veflels to and from Scotland muft be vifited and fearched equally with flrangers, and the face of an Union be ruffled with continued jealoufies of, and watchings againft clandcfline trade. Laftly, That it was inconfiflcnt with the public good of Scotland in its proportion, as much as of England, and that it would effeured, or can be had within the Ifland, are thofe that *' pay high duties when imported ; but that the whole, or moft of the cufl:oms ** and duties paid at importation, are drawn back upon exportation, if ex- *' ported within a certain time, except a moiety of old fubfidy which is very a 1' fmalV WITH OBSERVATIONS THKREON. 411 " fmall, and which is impofcd by the forcfaid adt 12'' Car. 1. Cap. 4. and *' terminates the firft of Auguft 1710 : that the duties upon the before-mcn- *' tioncd goods, at the above medium, payable in Scotland, by the nearefl " calculation can be made, amounts to 2531841. I5fh. yd. and now payable " m England to 4135591. 8fli. 4d. and payable in England after 17 10 to " 129640I. 9fh. 8d. Scots, and the duties upon our linen cloath and cattel *' imported into England, by the above medium, amounts to 272629I. 3fli. lod. " money forefald : fo that it is the opinion of the Committee, the duties after " 1710 will be much caficr than now they are, and even as they ftand now " payable ia England, tonfidering the duties that are upon Scots goods im- " ported into England, and taken off by the treaty, the cuftoms of Scotland, •' taken together, even before the firft of Auguft 17 10, will be ealier than now "they arc." And after fome reafoning thereon, a ftate of a vote was offered, " Approve *' of the fixth article of Union, as explained and enlarged, or not." But it being moved, That the vote could not be ftated in thefe terms, i:\ refpedl what concerned the African Company fell under the faid l>xth article, which was to be confidered ; Whereupon it was agreed. That what concerns the African Company Ihall be intire, and be taken into confideration under the fifteenth article, and that the approving of the fixth article fliall not be prejudicial thereto. And the above ftate for a vote being again propofed, after fome debate it was moved, " That the faid article ftiould be farther amended ;" and there- upon a fccond ftate of a vote was offered in thefe terms, " Approve or amend." Whereupon the faid fixth article, with the feveral additions, enlargements, and explanations after mentioned, contained in feveral former minutes, viz. The word " drawback," to be infcrt in both claufesof the faid article. Item, " And *' feiiig by the laws of England, notwithftanding there are rewards granted *' upon exportation of certain kinds of grain, wherein oats grinded ©r ungrinded *' are not fpccified, that from and after the Union, when oats fliall be at fifteen *' ftiillings fterlmg per quarter, or under, there fliall be paid two fliillings and " fixpcnce fterliug for every quarter of the oatmeal exported in the terms of «' the law, whereby, and fo long as rewards are granted for exportation of •' other grains, and that the bear of Scotland have the fame rewards as barley." Item, " And in refped the importation of vidtual into Scotland from any part *' beyond fea, would prove a dlfcouragcment to tillage; therefore, that the " prohibitions, as now in force by the law of Scotland, againft importation of " viftual from Ireland, or any other place beyond ,fea, info Scotland,, do, af- *' ter the Union, remain in the fame force as now it is, until mprc proper and " effeftual ways be provided by the Parliament of Great Britain, for difqou- 3 G 2 raging i^t:2 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, " raging the importation of the faid viftual from beyond fca." Item, " EiC- *' cepting and referving the duties upon export and import of fuch partf- *' cular commodities, from which any perfons, the fubjedls of either kingdonr, " are fpecially liberated and exempted by their private rights, which, after " the Union, are to remain fafe and entire to them in all refpcfts as before the *' fame." Item, " That from and after the Union, no Scots cattel carried into " England, fhalt be liable to any other duties, either on the public or private *' accounts, than thefe duties, to which the cattel of England are, or fnall be *' lyable within the faid kingdom :" being all read over, it was put to the vote, " whether the firft or fecond Ihould be the Hate of the vote," and it carried, « Firil." Then the vote was put, *' Approve of the faid fixth article enlarged and ex- *' plained, ornot ;" and it carried, " Approve." Draught of an adl for additional premiums on exportation of vidtual, to commence the firft of February and to end the lait of April, both next to come,- again read, and a firfl reading ordered to be marked thereon. The eighth article of Union read, and the firfl claufe or paragraph thereof was alfo again read. Whereupon a report brought in from the Committee, to whom the faid eighth article is remitted, was read in thefe terms : " The Committee, to whom the eighth article of Union anent duties upon "■ fait was remitted, are of opinion, that after the firfl claufe of the faid " article, an explanation in the terms following will be nccefiary : " But, in regard the duties of great quantities of foreign fait imported ** may be very heavy upon the merchants importers ; that therefore all foreign '* fait imported fhall be cellared and locked up under the cuflody of the mer- " chant importer, and officers employed for levying the duties upon fait; and " that the merchant may have what quantities thereof his occafion may re- " quire, not under a wey, or fourty bufhel at a time, giving fecurity for the *' duty of what quantity he receives, payable in fix months." And after fome reafoning thereon, the farther confidcration of the faid eighth article and report was delayed till the next Jederunt of Parliament. Adjourned till to-morrow at ten o'clock. OBSERVATION XXXVIII. The long report of the Committee on this point of the cuftoms is very dlflin£l, but may require fome explanation, and in order to that, it is necef- fary to enter into the fhort hiflory of the reafon of this calculation. Two great complaints ran through the whole nation upon the fubjedV of taxes and trade i i. That the Englifli clogged the trade of Scotland with inta- WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. 413 Intolerable burdens ; and, 2. That they raifed their cuftoms, and would gain great funis of rnoney from Scotland by doing fo ; for the Scots had no no- tion of the equivalent, nor would they for a long time sftcr tliis entertain any notion of it. In order to clear up the objeftions of the people againft the culloms,, the- particular heads were referred to this Committee to examine. The firll were the duties on import, which the Committee obferved very well, in England is always laid higheft on fuch goods as contribute to luxury, or are manufactured within the ifland, the firfl: etleemcJ lefs neceffary, fuch as wine, brandy, foreign linen, fruit, drugs, Eaft India goods, coffee, tea, fu- gars, tobacco, deals, timber, &c. Things we might live without, or might fupply in part at home; or being willing to have, and being generally ufed by the richer fort of people, the payments are lefs felt. The fecond. For the encouragement of our ovvn poor, who ought upon all occafions to be em- ployed; and if any thing which comes from abroad can be made at home, that home-part ought to be encouraged, by laying high duties and impofts* or, perhaps, prohibitions oa the like from abroad, fuch are the prohibitions of, or high duties on, wrought filks, woollen manufadlurcs, bone lace, Brafil fup-ar, wrought iron, hats, glafs, printed callicoes, pantiles, earthen ware, &c. It was now objefted in Scotland, that the cuftoms there would be very grievous;, that the Englifh. duties on tar, tobacco, iron, deals and timber, lint and linfeed, would be intolerable to the poor, and raife the cuftoms of Scot- land to a very great height. The Committee examined the proportion of things, and fetting the whole upon an equality, produced a very well grounded conclufion. That the cuf- toms of Scotland would be lefs to be paid after the Union than before ; and it gave great fatisfaiflion at that time, to thofe people who were capable of re- ceiving impreffions from juft calculations, when the calcvilations of this Com- jnittee really ftated the balance of trade, for that was eafy to draw outof thefe calculations : it had been offered In the Parliament, (with how little founda- tion, or how much aflurance, I fnall not determine,) i. That Scotland got nothing by the Englifli trade. 2. That Scotland was a confiderable gainer by the French trade. I Ihall not cenfure the people that offered this, as aiming at a French union, not an Englifh ; for they did not ftick to own that ; but it Is not to the pur- pofe here ; I fhall only confider the ftate of the trade of either kingdom, as it flood at this time, and as it was ftated to the Parliament. The trade to France ftood thus : Exported to France from Scotland, I Imported from France to Scotbnd, Wool, leather, lead, and fifn. 1 Win.^ brandy, w.onghr fihv., hats,. I glafs, cork, rcfia, fruit, and lOjS. The 414 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, The feveral quantities of thefc, however uncertain, as the trade increafcd or decreafed, had neverthelefs this general proportion, That the wine and bran- dy imported into Scotland did over and above balance all the export out of Scotland to France by above one half part ; the confequence of which was, that the French trade mufl draw away ready money from Scotland for the other half, befides all the other Imports from thence, over and above this confideration. That all the import from France was mere luxury and unnc- cefliiry confumption. Exports to England from Scotland: In the year as per contra. Linen cloth 1,346,1740113. Cattle of all forts 57,078. Linen yarn, flockings, fingrams, and ftcrling fcrges, quantity unceitain. As to the ftate of the trade between Scotland and England, it flood thus : Imports to Scotland from England : Houfe furniture, coaches, horfcs, &c. by the gentry, which might be efti- mated at 10,000 1. per annum. Tobacco in one year from November 1699, to November 1700, 1,319,3561b. amounts to about 22,oqo1. fterling per annum. Sugars and grocery not in very great quantities, being fupplicd chiefly from Holland, perhaps in the whole 10,000 lb. per annum. . All the Englifh woollen manufafture prohibited. Note. The tobaccos and fugars after the Union may, and Ms not quef- tioncd, will be imported into Scotland from the Britifli plantations, in return for the growth and produce of their own country ; fo that the whole trade to England, after the Union, would turn to the intereft and advantage of Scot- land. Nor can I omit to add the experiment of this, to prove, that tbefe calcu- lations were not fuppofitlons and remote, fince in the very firfl year after the Union thefc confequences in trade vlfibly appeared, and which of my own .certain knowledge I can take the freedom to advance. 1. That on the falling of the Englifli duty on Scots linen, the demand for it was fo great in the Englifh markets, that it not on^y fwept all the linen away, fo that two months before the ufual time the whole quantity was gone, and the Englifh merchants could get no linen for money; but the whole manu- fafture of linen advanced at Icaft two pence an ell upon the finer Scots linen, and one penny per ell on the coarfer forts, which was a great fum in the whole. 2. In WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. 415 2. In the very firft year after the Union, Scotland ihippcd away for Eng- land, bcfides feveral fhlps loadcn for Portugal and other foreign parts, above 140,000 boll of corn, above 40,000 boll of which was carried out of the two fmall counties of Merfs or Bcrwickfhirc and Tiviotdale, 20,000 boll and more out of the fingle county of Fife, and the reft from the fhires ad- joining to the Firth, and fome parts from the North. 3. In the firft year after the Union the Scots fitted out feveral fliips, I think feven or eight, to the Engjifli plantations, freighted with their own produce, the return of which being in tobacco or fugars, &c. have this ad- vantage to Scotland, That firft, the faid tobacco and fugars fupply their own confumption, and keep that money at home which ufed to go to England and Holland to purchafc their fupply. And fecondly, The overplus which they cannot expend thcv export to Holland and Ireland, which returns to the advantage of the public ftock. 4. In the very firft year after the Union Scotland had three or four Ihips returned home from Italy and Portugal, bringing home wines from Leghorn and Galitia ; thefe being the return of fifh from Scotland, could now return with their freights to their own country, where before, by reafon of the French wines, they could have no confumptionj but were obliged to load to- other ports, and come home empty. If any man pleafes to calculate thefe things, and fee the advantages of thefe. foreign trades, and particularly of the Englifh, and the return of money that muft, by confequence, be made to Scotland annually by fuch a trade ; and again, how little of any kind of goods Scotland takes from England in the room of it, except what they took from Holland before : the fuppofition of the comparifon between the Englifh trade and the French trade, as to an advantage to Scotland, muft fall to the ground, and the true ftate of the balance muft have been fomething like, if not exaiftly thus : That, in an open trade with France, Scotland muft have paid to France iGOjOOcl. fterling per annum in fpecie, or their balance of trade would have been againft Scotland 1 00,000 1. per annum at leaft. That, in the trade with England, Scotland will receive from England at leaft 200,000 1. per annum in fpecie, or the balance of trade will run on the fide of Scotland 200,000!. per annum. And yet this is no lofs to England either, lince the ifland being now made but one kingdom, this wealth, while it goes but to Scotland, circulates in her own bounds, and, fpeaking of Britain, is all contained and preferved within herfelf.. MINUTE^ 4i6 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, MINUTE XXXIX. Tuejday, December 17, 1706. Prayers fald. Rolls called. The firft claufe or paragraph of the eighth article of Union again read, with the report of the Committee in relation thereto, for explanation of the fame, infert in the former day's minutes. And after reafoning thereupon, the vote was flated, " Approve of the faid " firft paragraph, with the report of the Committee for explanation of the " fame, yea or not." And before voting, the faid paragraph, and report of the Committee for ex- planation of the fame, were again read. Then the vote was put, " Approve or not," and it carried, " Approve." Then that claufe of the faid eighth article of Union, anent the faking of flefli for exportation, or viftualling of fliips, read; as alfo a report of the Committee relative theretb, for altering the fame, which, after fome reafoning, was amend- ed, and again read in thefe terms ; " And for eftablilhing an equality in trade, " that all flefhes exported from Scotland to England, and put on board in *' Scotland to be exported to parts beyond the feas, and provifions for Ihips in ** Scotland, and for foreign voyages, may be faked with Scots fait, paying the " fame duty for what fait is fo employed, as the like quantity of fuch fait pays " in England, and under the fame penalties, forfeitures, and provifions, for *' preventing of frauds, mentioned in the Englifh laws." And after farther reafoning thereon, it was put to the vote, " Approve of the " report as amended or not ;" and it carried, " Approve." Then the following claufe of the faid eighth article of Union, in relation to the continuing in force the laws and a6ts of Parliament in Scotland for pining, curing, and packing of herrings, white fifh, and falmond, for exportation, with foreign fait only, and for preventing of frauds in curing and packing of filh, was read ; as alfo a report brought in from the Committee for adding a claufe thereto in thefe terms : " But in refpedl it appears from the books of the royal " $ihery company, confirmed by praftice, that the quantity of io2i°|| of ** pound weight Aver de Pois of foreign fait, which pays eight fhillings and " four pence of duty, is neceffary for the right curing and packing a barrel of *' white herrings ; therefore there Ihall be allowed and paid, during the prefcnt " allovv.incc8 WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. ^ 417 *' allowances for other fiftes, for ctery barrel of white herrings which fliallbc ■*' exported, ten fliillings fterling." Thereafter a petition of the fait owners, fifliers of herring antl white fifli and others who rHake ufe of Scots fait, was given in, craving, that fuch amend- ments might be made to the faid eighth article of Union, as would put them ia an equal footing with their neighbours in England, with regard to their fait and alfo the freedom of making fait upon fait. Which being read, after fome debate thereon, and upon the above laft infer report of the Committee, the farther confideration was delayed till the next Jederunt of Parliament. Adjourned till to-morrow at ten o'clock. OBSERVATION XXXIX. The report of the Committee on the firft paragraph of the eighth article Is printed in the precedent minute relating to the payment of fait. The pay- ment of equal duties on foreign fait was not objected, but it was argued, tha the Scots merchants being poor, and being neverthelefs obliged to import large quantities of foreign fait at the proper times, which muft lye by till the feafon for ufing the fame; and the duties being now very large which ■were to be paid, they might not be able either to advance the money, or find fufhcient fccurity for the duties, as the law in that cafe provided. And there- fore this amendment was made for the cafe of the merchant, which was both reafonable to the government, and eafy to the merchant, and took off all pre- tence of quarrel upon the difburfc of money, or lying out of flock. The fecond report upon the eighth article was founded upon equal reafon- ing. It had been agreed in England in the faid eighth article. That all flefh faked in Scotland and carried to England, or flelh falted in Scotland for vidtu- alling fhips, or exportation, fhould be forfeited, if cured with Scots fait : but this was counted a hardlhip on feveral accounts, and England bei ng allowed to cure all forts of flefh with their own, whether for their own confumption, vicftualling of fhips, or exportation, it ought to be alfo allowed to Scotland, by virtue of the fubje iliillings per barrel, which fully anfwered the petition of the filh and fait aierchants uieatioaed in the fame minute^ MINUTE XL. Wednejdayy December 18, 1706. Prayers faid. Rolls called. Addrefs of the town and parochin of Lawder and Chainhllklrk, fubfcribing the fame; and addrefs of heretors, liferenters, elders, parochioners and remanent indwellers, in the patoch of Calder, fubfcribers of the fame; both againft an union with England in the terms of the article^, given in and read. Thereafter another report brought in from the Committee, to whom the eighth article of Union is remitted, was read in thefe terms, " That white herrings, " red herring, falmond, dry or barrelled cod, and all fifhes cured or packed in ** order to exportation, ought to be cured and packed with foreign fait allen- " narly, and that it does require four bolls of foreign fait to cure and pack a *' laft of white herrings." And after much debate thereupon, a motion was made for amending that claufe of the faid eighth article of Union mentioned in the former day*s mi- nutes, in relation to the continuing in force the laws and adts of Parliament in Scotland " for pining, curing, and packing of herrings, white fifh and fiUmon ** for exportation, with foreign fait only," by adding thcfc words thereto, " without any mixture of Britifli or Irifh fait." And the addition being accordingly made, the claufe as fo amended was read over. And after fome farther debate, the vote was put, " Approve the faid claufe ** as amended, yea or not," and it carried " Approve." Thereafter it was propofcd, that the Parliament fliould proceed to confider the drawbacks, And WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. 419 'And It was alfo propofed, that the Parliament fliould proceed to confidcr how far allowan:e ihoiild be given for importation of foreign fait, in order to the makino- fait upon fait; the farther confideration whereof was delayed till the xxQXtfederunt of Parliament. Adjourned till to-morrow at ten o'clock. OBSERVATION XL. The report of the Committee lafl: day was now only confidered, with re- lation to the main part of the queftion, Whether their fifli fliould be cured ■ )With foreign fait only, or not; and it was agreed it fliould be fo. Itvvas counted a very great hardfhip, that the fifh cured in Scotland fhould not be cured bur with foreign fait ; fome people alledging, that the fait made in Scotland would cure the herring as well as foreign fait. But it had been found by experience, that the fifli cured with Scots fait, did not keep, nor was it equal in goodnefs when it came to market, which added to the difputes which would arife in the article of the drawbacks, now coming on to be debated, made the Parliament pofitive in that part, viz. that all fifh cured for exportation fhould be cured with foreign fait, without any mixture of Britifh fait. In giving drawbacks and allowances for the exportation of fifh, on account of the fait, it had here been impoffible to come to an equality, fincc no officer could have been fure which had been cured with Britifh fait, and which with foreign fait, and which with a mixture of either. It was then alledged, that the Dutch importing their fait from St. Ubes, re- make the fait, boiling it again when they come to Holland, which they call fait ujTon fait, and that their herrings are cured with the faid fait, which being of a finer and fubtler quality than the other fait, is of advantage to their faid trade; and that the aforefaid encouragement fliould be given to the Scots to do the fame. But this came to nothing. MINUTE XLI. ^hur/daj/f December 19, 1706. Prayers faid. Rolls called. Thereafter the lafl claufe of the eighth article of Union, in relation to the allowing of premiums and drawbacks, was read; as alfo a report brought in from the Committee, to whom the faid eighth article was remitted, infert in the 3 H 2 minutes 420 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, minutes of the 17th inftant, Number 39, in thefe terms: " Put in refp^ft k " appears from the books of the Royal Fifliery Company confirmed by prao " tice, that the quantity of io2i°|| of pound weight Aver de Pois of foreign " fait, which pays eight fhillings and four pence of duty, is neceflary for the " right curing and paclcing a barrel of white herrings; therefore there fliall be '•' paid, during the prefent allowances for other fifhes, for every barrel of white *' herrings which fliall be exported, ten fliillings fterling." And another Report brought in from the faid Committee lAras alfo read, hi thefe terms: " That fixteen fliillings and eight pence upon every barrel of fal- " mend, fix fhillings and eight pence upon every barrel of red herrings, that " two pound ten fhillings upon every hundred cod-fiflr, ling, or haick, of " twenty-four inches and upwards, from the bone in the fin to the third joint of " the tail ; one pound fifteen fliillings fterling for every fuch fifli of the length " of eighteen inches and upwards, and under twenty- four inches, and one " moiety of the forel^iid allowance for every fuch fifli dried, commonly called " Haverdens, of the like dimenfions, (being the drav;backs allowed by the " Englifh laws upon the exportation of thefe fiflies) are fufiicient encourage- *' ments." And after reafoning on the above feveral reports, it being moved a higher dravvback fhould be allowed upon the exportation of white heniigs. After fome debate thereon, the fliid lall claufe of the eighth article of Union was agreed to, with this addition, " That there fhall be allowed and paid to the " fubjedls, inhabitants of Great Britain, during the prefent allowances for other " fifhes, for every barrel of white herrings which Ihall be exported from Scot- *' land, ten fhillings and five pence fterling." Thereafter another report brought in from the faid Committee, was likewife read, in thefe terms : " That there ought to be no drawback upon the exporta- " tion of falted beef and pork ;" and after debate thereupon, the farther con- fideration thereof was delayed till the next federunt of Parliament, Adjourned till to-morrow ten o'clock. OBSERVATION XLL The difficulty now lay about fettling the drawbacks upon the exportation of fifli; and the rule the Committee had gone upon feemcd the readieft way to determine it, viz. They laid the Englifti drawbacks before them, aqd ex- amined then the quantity of fait ufed in curing every refpeftive kind of fifh, and then comparing the whole, tried whether the drawback allowed wns ade- quate and proportioned tp the duty paid upon the quantity of fait ufed in the «uring» Now WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. 421 Now though this Was exadly calculated and prefcntcd to the Houfe, yet feveral motions and fpeeches were made for a larger drawback ; fome al- ledged the neceffity of encouraging the filKery in Scotland, and that there- fore the Government ought to niaka larger allowances : but when they faw that whatever the allowance Ihould be which they ftiould obtain, the Englifh would obtain the fame, they dropt that part of the argument. The herrings, indeed, they had longer debates about ; and after fome rea- fonings upon the wafte of the fait, tl*e carriage, and other pretences, they ob- tained the allowance of ten lliillings and five pence to be paid to the exporter, for every barrel of herrings cured with foreign faU and exported, which was, five pence per barrel more than the Committee had at firft determined^ MINUTE XLIL Friday^ Decemher 20, 1706, Prayers faid. Rolls called. Then the debate mentioned in the minutes of the h{k/ederunt, in relation ta the allowing of drawbacks upon the exportation of beef and pork, was refumed j and after fome farther debate thereupon, the vote was flated, " Approve of the " report of the Committee," or " Alter." And before voting it was agreed, that the members votes fliall be marked, and that the lift of their names as they fliall vote fhall be printed and recorded. Then the vote was put, " Approve or alter," and it carried, " Alter." Thereafter moved. That the Parliament now proceed to the confideration of what drawbacks fhall be allowed upon the exportation of beef and pork. Moved alfo. That the confideration thereof be delayed till the next federmt ©f Parliament. And after fome reafoning, Agreed, That the confideration of what drawbacks fhall he allowed upon the exportation of beef and pork be delayed till next/ederunt of Parliament. OBSERVATION XLIL The drawbacks propofed upon beef and pork to be exported were now tlie fubjed of debate j it had been examined in the Committee, and they finding 4i' :M1NUTE3 of the parliament of SCOTLAND, finding that,' i. The Englifli'had no allowance made them on beef ^aud pork cured for exportation;. -and, 2. That the quantity 'of beck and pork fo faked and exported ovit of England, or out of Scotland, was very -incon- fiderable, had reported, " That there ought to be no drawbacks upon the ■" exportation of falted beef arid:pork," as i-n the minute of December 19. But when this canie to be debated in the Parliarrtent, it was all unravelled ■agaiir': fohi'e -gentlemen would have-ir, that Scotland 'was able to export great quantities- of beef, falted and cured, to foreign parts ; nay, fome had before •carried it farther, and in their arguing for a trade with France, had advanced •what had never before been hearxl of, viz. That Scotland fhould fupply France with l3eef, as they have formerly been fupplied from Ireland, and propofed infinite advantages from fuch a trade. But thefe gentlemen were foon filenced, when it was examined a little upon what conditions, and in what quantities Ireland was able to fupply, and did fupply, not France and our ifiand colonies only, but were able'to fupply all the parts of the world, where beef was generally exported : that at that time beef in any quantity was to be bought ready cured in Ireland, includ- ing the fait and the calk it was packed in, at a halfpenny fterling per pound, and that England was fo convinced of this, that they could export no flefh, but fent their fliips generally to Ireland to load beef for their iflands, and that France, upon all occafious, got their beef, if poffible, from Ireland, for the viftualling their navies and merchant Ihips. Again, that the cattle in Ire- land were larger and fatter than in Scotland, and their quantity fo great, that England was obliged to prohibit their being brought over thither, othervvife they would over-run the three kingdoms with the quantity ; and that Scot- land having lefs quantity of feeding grounds, and their cattle being generally kfler, it was not poflible that they could fupply the quantity of beef, or any thing near the price with the Irifti; and that therefore it could not be fup- pofcd the exportation of beef from Scotland could be confiderable any more .than from England .: and on this foot it was that the Committee made their report, that it was not needful to allow any drawback upon the exportation of beef, England at the fame time having no allowances granted in the fame cafe. But a new obieftion turned the fcale. It was offered by fom.e, that in the north eafl parts of Scotland, viz. at Aberdeen and the country adjacent, there was a new and very advantageous trade, lately erefted for feeding fwine, which being made fat with corn in great quantities, (and that being a confumption of the produce of the land) the flcfh was cured an-d falted, barrelled and exported to Holland for fale : and that this was a trade which ou7io Towards payment of the debts of Britain - - - 71,283 In full of the faid 90,000 " This laft article of the accompt is very remarkable, extending to no lefs " than a fum of" 71,287!. to be applicable towards the debts contradted before *' the Union. But this needs not amufe any perfon ; for in the firft place it was " fuppofed, if there be a peace concluded, and fo an end put to the prefent ** war, then will the debts of England be in a few years fully paid. The *' confequence of which will be, that the cuftoms and excifes, which, after 3 K the 434 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, " the Union, will be payable by the fubjedls of Great Britain, Ihall then be " entirely taken off and let fall. In the next place, though the faid fum of " 71,2871. be applicable yearly towards the payment of Englifli debts, " yet there fhall be an annual equivalent given by England to the extent of " that fum; which leads us toconfider a queftion, Whether or not that fum *' of 71,287]. will be fent up yearly to England for paying thefe debts ? *' I anfwer, No; for ifitfhould, then, by the nature of the equivalents, that *' very fum behoved to be fent back to us again, vvhich is a certain needlefs " trouble; and lawyers, when they intend to amule their clients with fpeak- *' ing a fort of Latin, have this in their mouths, applicable enough to this " purpofe, Frujira petiiur quod mox eji refitiucfhium. " Wherefore any man may fee that this fum is not to be fent to England, *' but muft remain among us. ** Could it ever have entered into the heads of men, in their right wits, *' to burden a poor nation with an annual payment of a great fum for debts " they never contrad:ed, without at the fame time allowing a re-imburfe- *' ment to them? And if fo, can w.e imagine that matters will be fo con- " founded, as that they muft fend yearly great fums out of Scotland to Eng- " land, for no other end than immediately to be returned back again? This -" is fo ridiculous, that it is fcarcely to be fpoken of." Thus far Mr. Baron Clark; to which I fhall add nothing, but that his rea- fonings were fo plain that they needed no explication. The fifth claufe was thus : " And whereas, from the expiration of feven " years after the Union, Scotland is to be liable to the fame duties for fait made " in Scotland, as fhall be then payable for fait made in England. It is agreed, " That when fuch duties take place there, an equivalent flaall be anfwered " to Scotland for fuch part thereof as fhall be applied towards payment of " the debts of England; of which duties an account fliall be kept, to the " end it may appear what is to be anfwered to Scotland as the faid equivalent.** This required only to be left out, as being ufelefs,fince the affair of the fait was fettled otherwife in the precedent day's vote ; fo that hitherto rhefe were all negative claufes in the main. The fixth claufe was, " And generally, that an equivalent ihall be an- " fwered to Scotland for fuch parts of the Englifli debts as Scotland may *' hereafter become liable to pay by reafon of the Union, other than fuch for " which appropriations have been made by Parliament in England of the cuf- " toms, or other duties on export and import, excifes on all cxcifeable liquors " or fait ; in rcfpedt of which debts, equivalents are herein before provided." The oppofition made to this article was on the fame foot as the oppofition made to the firfl claufe, viz. That they would not have Scotland come inta the WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. 435 the Engliili debts at all; but having confcntcd to come in as far as the equi- valent extended, they were for making a flop there. But this was found im- prafticable, after the duties which were to be paid by Scotland were affcntcd to, to have turned them from the channel of appropriation which the like du • ties in England were appointed to run in by adtof parliament, could not well be done; fo after a fliort difpute about the pofTibility of this, it was paffed over alfo. They now came to the debate of the application of the equivalent ; but this was too long a fubje(ft to enter upon that day, fo it was adjourned to the- next time. MINUTE XLVI. Friday, December 27, 1706. Prayers fald. Rolls called. The Lord Chancellor acquainted the Parliament, that notwithftanding the fe. veral addrefles brought in and prefented to the Parliament, " againft an incor- •* porating union with England, in the terms of the articles," have been under due confideration during the whole procedure upon the articles of Union; yet there is now information, that letters are fent through feveral corners of the kingdom, defiring the fubfcribers of thefe addrefles to come in and aflemble at Edinburgh, upon pretence of waiting the effeft of the faid addrefles, and of knowing what return the Parliament will give them. All which he was direfted by hjs Grace Her Majefliies High Commiffioner, to lay before the Parliament, to the efFcft proper meafures may be refolved upon, for preventing any evil con- fequences from thefe prad:ices. And after fome difcourfe thereupon, a proclamation was brought in and read againft all fuch meetings and gatherings of the fubje&s as unwarrantable, and contrair to law. And after farther difcourfe, as to the ground of the information, Her Majefties High Commiflioner was pleafed to fignify to the Parliament, that he had information from feveral corners of the kingdom of the great pains and methods which had been ufed to procure fubfcriptions to addreflTes, and to call into Edinburgh the fubfcribers againft a precife day to back thefe addrefl'es. And after debate upon the draught of the proclamation, the vote was ftated, '* Approve of the proclamation or not." But before voting it was agreed to mark the members votes, and that the lift of their names as they fliall vote, be printed and recorded. And George Lockhart, of Carnwath, gave in the following proteftation,viz. ** I ** George Lockhart,of Carnwath, proteftfor myfelf, and all others who Ihalladhere 3 K 2 "to 436 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, " to this my proteftation, that this proclamation now offered to be emitted, dif- " charging barons, freeholders, and heretors within this kingdom, to come to ^' Edinburgh in time of fitting of Parliament, fliall no ways prejudge the " rights and privileges of the barons, freeholders, and heretors of this king- " dom, competent to them by the laws of this nation." Which being read, he took inftruments thereupon, and the adherers were allowed to be marked at calling the rolls. . Then the, vote was put, " Approve the proclamation, or not," and it carried, *' Approve." And the Duke of Hamilton, the Duke of Athole, the Earl of Errol, the Earl Marlfchal, the Earl of Wigtoun, the Earl of Selkirk, the Vifcount of Stormount, the Vifcount of Kilfyth; the Lord Oliphant, the Lord Balmerino, the Lord Blantyre, the Lord Bargany, the Lord Beilhaven, the Lord Colvil, the Lord Kinnaird ; Sir James Foulis, of Collingtoun ; Sir John Lawder, of Fountainhal ; Andrew Fletcher, of Saltoun ; Sir Patrick Home, of Rentoun ; John Brifbane, younger, of Bifhoptoun ; Mr. William Cochran, of Kilmaronock ;■ James Grahame,of Bucklyvie'; Robert -RoUo, of'Powhoufe ; Sir Patrick Murray, of A.uchtertyre j John Murray, of Strovvan ; Alexander Gordon, ofPitlurg; John Forbes, of Colloden ; David Bethune, of Balfour; Maior Henry Balfour, of Dunboig ; Mr. Thomas Hope, of Rankeilor; Mr; Patrick Lyon, of Auchterhoufe ; Mr. James Carnagie, of Phinhaven ; David Grahame,, younger, of Fintrie ; James Ogilvie, younger, of Boyn ; Alexander Mackgie, of Palgown ; James Sinclair, of Stempiler ; Mr. George Mackenzie, of Inchcoulter ; Alexander Watfon, Francis Molifon, Mr. John Lyon, Sir Robert Anftruther, Mr. John Caruthers, George Home, and John Bain, ad- hered to the proteftation given in by George Lockhart, of Carnwath. Adjourned till Monday next at ten o'clock. OBSERVATION XLVI. The work of this day explains itfelf, and needs but little remark ; this was a new fhift, if poffible, to have diverted the Parliament from going on- witK the great work of the Union; nimults and riots in the country had been tried in vain, and the Glafgow rabblers were clofe in the caftle of Edinburgh; mobs and rabbles in the ftreets had been fupprefled, and the guards did conft'ant duty in the city, walked the rounds in the night, and kept the ftreets quiet ; the meeting of the heretors and fencible men had been difcharged by proclamation, and the claufe in the A(!il of Security, Ht cenfing them to do (o, had been repealed ; fo that now no room was left for violent methods, except by open and adtual rebellion, and that had all pof- fible provifion made for it in the laws, and the Queen had ordered troops to the borders of England, as is before noted, in order to aflill and fupport the Governnicnt in cafe of neccffity.. The WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. 437 The only pretence therefore now, was this. The addrcflcs, as you will read in the minutes, had been continually brought in againft the Union from all parts of the kingdom. Anfwers were not given, nor expcfted to be given by the Parliament, but they lay before the Parliament for their confidc- ration; and an addrefs lying before the Parliament, is, by the nature of the thing, fuppofed to be under confideration ; but the addreffcrs pretending that no regard was had to their addreffes, pretend now to come all up to Edinburgh, to wait for, or rather to demand anfwers to their addreffes ; this was too barefaced a pretence not to difcover its own meaning; and there- fore the Parliament immediately agreed to the proclamation, to diCphargeor forbid all fuch gatherings or meetings of the fubjcdls, as unwarrantable and contrary to law. See the proclamation in the Appendix, No. B x x. You will obferve, that on feveral occafions after the firfl propofal of printing the names of fuch as voted on either fide, the like lift of names was ordered to be made public ; it would have been too long to have fub- joined thefe to every vote, and alfo been troublefome and ufelefs to the .•reader; but this cafe being fomething Angular, I have put the names of the members as they were printed by order of Parliament, in the Appendix of this work, marked with this mark E x x, by which fome guefs may be made, who encouraged or difcouraged the violences of thofe times, and what encouragements were fuggefted to thofe without, from the proceedings and condud: of thofe within. It was e'xpedted by fome people that thefe tUmults Ihould have had great encouragement on the part of tlic church ; and great pains were taken to draw in the minifters, in feveral parts, to efpoufe the quarrel, and ro appear with the people againft the Union. But the minifters, however they fliewed themfelves againft the Union in general, and againft the feveral particulars as they concerned them, yet they ihewcd no inclination to encourage the tumultuary methods that the violent tempers of other people fcemed to be precipitating the nation into ; and therefoif the letter wr';:ten by the Commiflion to the feveral Prefbyteries, was very feafonable, not only to prevent the mifchiefs threatening the peace ©f the kingdom at that time, but alfo to vindicate the Commiflion of the Affembly from the afperfions railed upon them from the above fuppofition ; copy of which I have inferted in the Appendix, with the anfwer of the Preftjytery of Hamilton to it, No. Ox, Px. It would have been endlefs to have added here the particular addreffes which were prefented from the feveral parts of the kingdom ; however, fome ®f the moft fignificant I have added in the Appendix, marked as follows : Addrefs from the Prefbytcry of Hamiltoun, No. N x, which was very particular ^ 438 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, particular ; the Prefbytery of Dvimblain, No. L x ; with the Addrefs from Kirkcudbright, No. M x ; the town of New Galloway, No. Qjc ; Dum- ferhiling, No. R. From thcfe addrefles, the bulk of the reft may be gucffed at ; only it may be noted, there were but three Prefbyteries in the whole kingdom that addreffed at all, viz. Lanerk, Hamilton, and Dumblain, there being fixty-eight Prefbytcries in the whole. MINUTE XLVII. Monday, December 30, 1706. • Prayers faid. Rolls called. Thereafter the firft part of the feventh and laft claufe of the fifteenth article of Union, beginning thus, " And as for the ufes to which the faid fum of *' 398,085 pounds," &c. was again read, and after reafoning, the reprefentation of the Council General of the Company of Scotland trading to Africa and the Indies, was alfo again read ; and after farther reafoning thereupon, and upon the application of the equivalent, a propofal was given in for altering and amending the faid firft part of the above feventh and laft claufe of the faid fifteenth article, in thefe terms, viz. " It is agreed, that, in the firft place, out of the forefaid fum, what con- *' fideration fliall be found neceflary to be had for any lofles which private per- *' fons may fuftain, by reducing the coin of Scotland to the ftandart and value *< of the coin of England, may be made good. In the next place, that the *' capital ftock or fund of the African and Indian Company of Scotland, ad- " vanced, together with the intereft of the laid capital ftock, after the rate of *' five per cent, per annum, from the refpcdlive times of the payment thereof, *' ftiall be payed : upon payment of which capital ftock and intereft, it is agreed *' the faid Company be dillblved and ceafe ; and alfo, that from the time of *' paffing the ad: of parliament in England, for laifing the faid fum of 398,085 " pounds ten ftiillings, the faid Company ftiall neither trade nor grant licence " to trade : providing, that if the faid ftock and intereft ftiall not be payed in *' twelve months after the commencement of the Union, that then the faid *' Company may, from thence forward, trade, or give licence to trade, until " the faid haill capital ftock and intereft ftiall be paid : and as to the overplus " of the faid fum of 398,085 pounds ten ftiillings, after payment at' what " confidcration ftiall be had for lolics in repairing the coin, and paying the «' faid capital ftock and intereft ; and alfo the haill increafe of the faid revenues " of cuftoms, duties and excifes, above the prefcnt value, which fliall arife in *' Scotland during the laid term of feven years, together with the equivalent, << which ftiall become due upon the improvement thereof in Scoihmd, after "the WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. 439 ** the faid term, and alfo as to all other fums which, according to the agrce- " ments aforefaid, may become payable to Scotland by way of equivalent, for ** what that kingdom fhall hereafter become lyable, towards payment of the " debts of England ; it is agreed, that the fame be applyed in manner follow- " ing, viz. That all the public debts of the kingdom of Scotland, as fhall be *' adjuftcd by this prcfent Parliament, fliall be payed, and that 2000 pounds " fterling per annum, for the fpace of fcven years, fliall be applied towards *' encouraging and promoting the manufafture of courfe wooll within thefe *' fliires which produce the wooll, and that the firft 2000 pounds fterling be " payed at Martinmafs next, and fo yearly at Martinmafs during the fpacc " forefaid ; and afterwards the fame fhall be wholly applied towards the en- " couraging and promoting the fiflieries and fuch other manufadlures and im- *' provements in Scotland, as may moft conduce to the general good of the *' united kingdom." Which being read, and after reafoning thereon, it was moved, ** That the *' Company of Scotland trading to Africa and the Indies be heard by their ** lawyers upon the rights and privileges of the faid Company before any far- ** ther procedure." And after debate, The faid haill feventh and laft claufe of the faid fifteenth article of Union, from thefe words, " And as for the ufes to which the fajd fum of 398,085 " pounds fterling," to the end, with the above alteration and amendment, was read over. And thereupon there were two ftates of a vote offered, the firft in thefe terms, " Approve of the fifteenth article of the Union, as altered and amended, *' yea or not ;" and the fecond in thefe terms, " Whether this Houfe will *' diflblve the Indian and African Company, without the confent of the pro- *' prietors, and hearing the Companies lawyers upon the rights and privileges " of the faid Company, yea or not ;" and after fome reafoning which fhall be theftate of the vote, " Firft or Second," It was agreed before voting, That the members votes be marked, and that the lift of their names, as they vote, be printed and recorded. Then the vote was put, " Firft or Second," and it carried, "Firft." Thereafter it was put to the vote, " Approve of the faid fifteenth article, as *' altered and amended, or not," and it carried, " Approve." Then an overture given in, in thefe terms, " That it be remitted to the *' Committee to confider what confidcration fhall be had of the lofles of the ** coin ; as alfo what the capital ftock and intereft of the African Company ** may amount to, and how and to whom the fame fhall be paid, and likewife *' to adjuft the lift of the publick debts, and to prepare overtures on thefe " feveral heads, and to report to the Parliament, with power to them to c^U I " for 440 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, " for papers and perfons ;" and accordingly it was remitted to the Committee to whom the fixth and eighth articles were remitted. Adjourned till to-morrow at ten o'clock. OBSERVATION XLVII. Upon this part of the application of the equivalent, great flir was made, on pretence of preferving the African Company, and feme papers were of- . fered to the Parliament. • The Company made a long reprefentation to the Parliament, necdlefs to lie inferted here. There was a party who pretended t^o flruggle, and fome motions appeared in the Houfe to that purpofe, againft the dillblving the African Company. It is confefled, the Company was a thing the nation had a great concern in, alrnoil; ey.ery confiderable family in the kingdom having fome ihare in the Hock, and confequently in the lofs^ for it was reckoned no better : the hifto- rical part of that tranfadlion does not relate to this place, but it may be proper to fay a little to it, to introduce the true underflanding of the vote. The Company had been eredted upon a general fubfcription of 600,000], fterling, moil of it fubfcribed in Scotland, upon which every fubfcriber had paid down a certain part of the fum fubfcribed, and was liable at the call of the Company to be purfued for the remainder, and to pay it all in, as by the feveral adts of parliament, fettling and confirming the faid Company, will appear. Upon the mifcarriage of the expedition to Darien, and the return of their fliips, &c. the Company was fo difcouraged and difheartened, that no new attempt, either there or any where clfc, had been fo much as talked of, nor were any other, payments demanded, the lofs of what was already expended lying very heavy upon the nation, and particularly upon fome families who could very ill bear it. • The defign had fo effeftually mifcarried, that the flock advanced was not only expended^ but the Company was brought very low, and was very far in debt upon the account of their faid expedition to Darien ; and the fub- fcribers were always apprehenfive of a call upon them of fome farther pay- ment, to difcharge the remainder due on the old voyage, or perhaps to form fome new expedition, and this made fome people fo uneafy, that they fold their ftock in the faid Company for trifles, only to be fccurcd againft farther demands ; in general, the intereft in the faid ftock was come to fo low an ebb, that people valued themfelves little or nothing upon their fhares iit it ; and when the firft view of the Union came on, and fome thought one way 2 of WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. 441 of it, fome another, they either bought or fold as their opinion of the Union, and its profpedl of fuccefs either increafcd or dccreafed; and indeed the pub- lic expedlation of the fuccefs of the Union ran very low at this time, as may be fuppofed, from the value now put on the flock of the African Company, which was fallen fo low, that fevcral people offered to fell their whole intercft for ten per cent, on the original ftock, though at the fame time they faw, that if the Union took place, the whole principal money, with intereft, was to be repaid them. There feemed to be abundance of difficulties in the way of the treaty ; the fury of the rabbles, the tumults in the ftrcets, the ftrength of the oppofition, and the abundance of debates they were yet to go through, gave fo mean a profpedt of the Union, that though it was an article in the treaty, that when it was finilhed all the ftock of the African Company fhould be repaid with intereft, as above, out of the equivalent money; yet nobody valued themfelves upon it then, nor were any very fond of buying, though the demand was exceedingly low ; and indeed fo low, as told every one the fellers looked upon it as a defperate cafe that they had no dependence upon, and very little ex- pectation from. It was expedled there fhould have beeti a debate upon the previous quef- tion. Whether the African Company fhould be diffolved or not ? and as per the vote, it was propofed to hear lawyers or counfel in behalf of the Company ; but it was apparent this alfo was a propofal not fo much in be- half of the Company, as in order to put a full ftop to the Union, fince it w^s evident two companies could not be confiftent in Britain. Nor was it alledged, that the proprietors of the Company, had it been put to the queftion, would have defired the Company to continue, and fo have difburfed farther fums to carry on their trade, in hope of making up and re- covering their money; and this rather than have received their principal fums with intereft back again, which was a thing they had no reafon to expedl. The propofal therefore was rejected ; not that every man's confent, in his own private right, was not acknowledged to be needful : but this being a public adt granted by Parliament, the Parliament firft fecuring ever}^ man his whole principal and intereft from the very time of payment, had undoubt- edly a power to refcind their own adt, and cau.fe to ceafe all the powers and privileges which derived from them. Upon this foot it was thought juft to repeal the a.6ts eftablifliing the Com- pany, even without hearing their lawyejs, or demanding their affent. Again, had the affent been demanded, it ought' to have been not an'alTent of the 3 L direftors 441 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, direftors or council, but of every proprietor, which, as it might have been difficult, and, perhaps, impofEbIc, would have cifedlually anfwered the end of thofe gentlemen who fought to bring thele matters to a head of debate, and fo have wrought out of them the wiflied-for delay to the Union then in hand. Some alfo alledged this cafe as parallel to the great cafe now depending, and would have argued the laft from the confequence of the firft, viz. that as the Company could not be diffblved by the confent of the dirtdlors or coun- cil, or managers of their affairs, but by the univerfal confent of the whole body of fubfcribers ;. fo neither could the conflitution of Scotland be altered by the adt and, deed of the reprefentatlve, without the concurrence -and- affent of the conftituents from whom .the reprefentativcs derived. But this feem- ing parallel appeared to be imperfeft, and confequently to be no parallel at all, fince the Company could at any time be legally diffolved, and their char- ters,, privileges, and powers, be made to eeafe by the fame power that made them, without alking the affent either of the diredtors or fubfcribers; that is, without confulting the reprefentative or conftituent parts of that body, and the power fo diffolving or taking away the fald Company, had no other obli- gation upon them, tfcan in juftice to make good all damage or detriment to. private perfons ; and this was effeftually done.. The fate of the African Company- of Scotland being thus determined, the farther application of the equivalent was the next work; and there feemed only two things to call immediately for help.. 1. The coin, which of neceffity required a new regulation. 2. The public debts of the nation, which called loudly to be difchargedo. The coin was agreed to be the firft confideration,. and as per the minute appears, was unanlmoufly agreed to ; the ftate of which was in fhort thus: By the lowaefs of the coin in Scotland, both as to quality and quantity,. I mean the old money, Scotland came under this general difadvantage, viz. that almofl every foreign coin paft current In Scotland to advantage : for example ; the Englifh fhilling paft at thirteen pence ; the French crown, which in London goes at four fliilllngs and fix pence, paft at five Ihillings; the Dutch dollar at fifty-eight pence ; the bank dollar, and three other forts, , commonly called the wild horfe, the wild man, and caftle, being generally imperial or rex dollars, were by adt of council ralfcd to fixty pence. . This indeed had been occafioned by the government in Scotland formerly crying up their own money above the ufual rate, a thing always fatal to the nations that have thought fit to venture upon it, and which precipice Eng- land narrowly miffed fplitting upon in the late, reftoration of her coin ; at which WITH OBSEE.VATIONS THEREON. 443 which time fome people puflied hard at raifing the value of tlie ftaodard, not being aware of the national injury of raifing the value of foreign fpecic, and fubjefting the general credit to a lofs on exchange with all nations of the world. By the Union the coin of Scotland was to be reduced, and brought to the Englifh ftandard ; the confequence of this was of neceffity, that there would be a lofs upon all the kinds of money, both foreign and proper. To cry down the foreign money, and bring it to a value, could not be, becaufc the Englifli money being the ftandard, was to be the only current money, and all other money would, as in England, go by weight only ; to fink the difference 'iTi the hands of particular perfons, who had fuch money in poflTeffion, would have been a great lofs upon the poor people, and what they could not eafily bear. The advance upon the Englifli money, which was one penny on every fliil- ling of the filver, and two fliillings two pence upon every guinea, fell by the courfe of things, that money being to go current at the rates as in Eng- land; and this was no fmall lofs to the people that had Englifh money by them; but the foreign and Scots money being no more to be current, it was but reafonable that the public fliould defray the charge, and make good the lofs; and therefore this was allotted out of the equivalent. Nor was that all ; but as this was a cafe which admitted no delay, fo it ob- tained the preference of every thing elfe; for till this was fettled, the circula- tion of money would have been flopped, and a general llagnation of trade would have followed ; and therefore it was appointed to be made good out of the equivalent before the African Company was refunded; and this fet the mint quickly to work, as will appear in its place. The next thing to be paid out of the equivalent was the public debts ; there were fome who ftruggled heartily to have the debts of the Government come in before the affair of the African Company, but it could not be car- ried ; thofe debts were not all afcertained, and the claims were to be remit- ted to the dccifion of the law, at leaft many of them, and this would have left the African affliir to a long uncertainty, which neither the nature of the thing, nor the occafion that fubfcribers had for their money, could admit of: for it is to be obferved by the claufe, that if the whole was not paid them within twelve months, they had privilege to trade, or give licenfe to trade, as if tliey were not to dilTolve at all. Next after the African Company, therefore, the public debts came to be confidered, and the equivalent was appropriated to the difcharge of the faid debts ; and if the prefent fum fell fhort, it was to be made good out of the 3 L 2 growing 444 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, growing cuftoms and revenue of Scotland, which for feven years was to be appropriated to fuch ufes as will hereafter appear. The next in order was to beftow this money for the encouragement of trade, and firft the wool mailers, as they are called ; that is, the gentlemen whofe eftates were in the fhecp countries, and whofe rents wxre generally paid in wool ; thefe made loud complaints, that the Union bringing upon them a prohibition or rcftraint of the exportation of wool, and there being no confumption by manufacturing at home, and their wool too courfe for fale in England, their eflates would be vifibly funk, and therefore that they ought to have fome equivalent alfo. To this it was alledged, that the exportation of wool, however, obtained lately in Scotland, yet was grievous to the whole nation, and ought to be reftrained by law, as it was injurious to trade, and that it uied in former times to be reftrained; that therefore if this was a prefentlofs to them, it was nothing but a reducing them to what they were before, and taking away the advantages they had made for a few years out of the public loffes : but how- ever, that all parties might, as far as poffible, be made fenfible of the equity andjuftlce of the Union, a confideration of 2,000 1. fterling per annum was allowed to encourage fetting up fuch manufactures in thefe places as might employ the poor, and help forward the confumption of the wool in the coun- tries where it is grown. How this 2,000 1. per annum was difpofed, and what effedl it had on the v?ool, or on the trade, I may examine hereafter. A remainder after this is allotted to the fifhing, &c. but the iffue of this alfo being not come to knowledge at writing of this hiftory, I can give no farther account of it. As to the affair of the coin and of the African Company, the particulars were referred to the Committee, and we fhall meet with them again in their courfe, the report of the faid Committee being formed into an ad: of parlia- ment, as will appear in its place. MINUTE XLVin. Tuefday, December 31, 1706, Prayers faid. Rolls called. Saturday next appointed for private bufmefs. Thereafter the fixteenih article of Union was read twice over, and the fol- lowing words were added thereto, " And that the prefent officers of the " Mint WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. 445 ** Mint be continued, fubjeft to fuch alterations," &c. And tiic article as amended being again read over, after rcafoning thereon, a memorial was given in, in relation to the lofTes by the coin, and remitted to the Committee, to whom the fixth and eighth articles were remitted. Then the vote was put, " Approve of the fixteenth article or not," and it car- ried, " Approve." Moved, That a proclamation be iflued forth " lowering the value of the cur- *' rent coin of this kingdom to the true ftandard," and remitted to the above Committee, to be proceeded on by them prior to all other bufinefs. The feventeenth article of Union was then read, and after fome rcafoning thereon, it was put to the vote, " Approve of the feventeenth article or not," and it carried, " Approve." Thereafter the eighteenth article of Union was read, and after rcafoning thereon, an overture was given in for adding a claufe in thefe terms, " That all *' Scotfmen be exeemed from the Englifh facramental Teft, not only in Scot- " land, but in all places of the united kingdom and dominions thereunto be- " longing, and that they be declared capable of offices throughout the whole,. *' without being obliged to take the faid Teft." And after debate, it being moved, That it was not now intire to add the faid claufe in relation to the facramental Teft, in refpedt of the vote of Parliament of the 1 2th of November laft, againft adding the like claufe. After fome far- ther difcourfe thereon. It was agreed, that the fame fhould be put to the vote, and that the members votes be marked, and the lift of their names as they Ihall vote be printed and recorded. Then the vote was put, " Whether it was intire to add the faid claufe or " not," and it carried " Not." Thereafter the vote was put, " Approve the eighteenth article or not," and it carried, " Approve." Adtfor adjourning the feffion to the firft day of February next to come, given in and read, and a firft reading ordered to be marked thereon. Then the nineteenth article of Union was read, and delayed till next/edermt of Parliament, and to be then taken under confideration. The Committee appointed to meet to-morrow at nine o'clock- Adjourned till Thurfday next at ten o'clock. OBSER- 446 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND^ OBSERVATION XLVIII. The matter committed to the Committee here was not whether the coin ihould be reduced to the Englifh ftandard, and be alike all over the ifland, for that every one feemed to agree, efpecially after it had been agreed be- fore that the deficiency ihould be made good out of the equivalent ; but how and in what manner the deficiency of the money Ihould be made good, was the thing the Committee was to confider : and here, contrary almoft to the hopes of the people, the Committee concluded, that the deficiency even of the Englilh money, viz. ene penny in each fhilling, Ihould be made good. But here was a great difficulty, which was this; if it iliould be voted that no confideration fhould be given for the Englilh money, the people would be great lofers, and the article of making good the loffes of the coin would not be made good to them. If the deficiency was voted, then the Englifh would bring in vaft fums of money upon them to receive the defi- ciency, and have it out in current money, and fo carry it home again, and by this trick, as fome fuggefted, all the equivalent might be exhaufted. But the Committee found a cure for both thefe evils together, i. They refolved to make good the deficiency of the Englilh money, that is, the Englifh filver money, not the guineas, and fo all the objedtions of that fort fell to the ground ; and to prevent the poffibility of bringing in any quantity of filver money from England, they appointed all the Englifh money in the nation to be brought into certain places all in one day, where the fums being told, fealed up, and laid by till no more was left to bring in, the money was delivered back again the fame day, with a certification of the fame, which entitled the proprietor to the deficiency to be paid out of the equiva- lent. Thus in one day all the Englifh money in the kingdom, (viz. all the filver money) was reduced to the Englifh value, and went after that as in England, and for no more; and as the rate of exchange always attends the intrinfic value of the fpecie, fo the exchange, which before ran at eleven or twelve per cent. to the difadvantagc of Scotland, immediately came to a par, and money ran between London and Edinburgh at a half per cent, or at moft one per cent, fometimes this way, fometimes that w.iy, as the demand of remitters and drawers happened to alter the cafe. However the proclamation mentioned in this vote was concealed tiil the time that all things were ready for this calling in the money, that people might WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. 447 might not have notice of the thing, and confequently have room to bring in money from England : it was alledged nevcrthclefs, that fcvcral confiderable fums were brought over the borders, but I never could underfland that it was proved : for the particulars, the reader is referred to the proclamation which contains the report of the Committee, and fhall come in its place. The feventeenih article required no debate at all, being what every body acknowledged to be needful. The eighteenth article was fo well worded, and every thing that related to Scotland fo well provided for, that there was very little room for objedlion and what was offered merits not to be remembered : what was faid relating to the laws being made alterable by the Parliament, amounted to nothing but jufl what had been argued in London at the treaty; as for thofe that would have it out of the power of fubfequent Parliaments to alter any of the laws, when they came to confider that this was to bar Scotland, from, having the ad- vantage of a legiflature, and from what is eflential to all. government, viz. to have a power in being to make fuch laws as they ftiall want, they prefently quitted a notion fo very wild, remembring that laws which are for the public good in one age may be diretftly otherwife in another j and to leave the Parliament no power to amend or alter the laws, would be to put Scot- land in a worfe condition than any nation in the world, that when any part of her law became grievous to her, it could not, though at her own requeft, receive any amendment ; the reafonablenefs therefore of Its being always in the power of fubfequent Parliaments to make or amend laws being granted, the diftindtion of the article admitted the lefs debate,, all things being to be done only to the evident utility of Scotland. There was a fccond attempt made here with relation to exempting the Scots from the flicramental Teft in England ; but as it was juft the fame thing as is mentioned already in the obfervatlon of November 12, I need make no farther remark upon it than this, that it was thrown by as a thing in itfelf impracticable, unreafonable for the Scots Parliament to meddle with, and as offered only to embarrafs the prefent great afTair upon the ftage. The feffion or term for law proceedings was now farther to be adjourned, and this was thought neceffary, not only becaufe of the prefent hurry the na- tion was in, being univerfally taken up about the great affair of the Union ; but it was thought fome advantages were defigned againfl: the treaty, from the confluence of the people that from all parts of the kingdom generally come together on this occafion; and the gentlemen who were for the Union did not think it fafe to give fuch an opportunity or pretence for the country to gather to Edinburgh, as that muft of neceflity offer to them. MJ-NUTE. 448 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, MINUTE XLIX. Prayers faid. Rolls called. A(ft adjourning the feffion to the firft day of February next to come, read a fe» cond time ; and after reafoning, it was propofed, that the adjournment Ihould be to the fourth of February ; and likeways propofed, that the adjournment Ihould only be to the twenty-firft of January inftant ; and aft^r farther reafon- ing, the vote was put, " Approve of the ad adjourning the feffion to the twen- *' ty-firft of January, or fourth of February," and it carried, " Approve of the " adt adjourning the feffion to the fourth of February next to come." Thereafter the ad: was touched with the royal fcepter by Her Majefties High Commiffioner in the ufual manner. Then the nineteenth article of Union was again read, and after fome reafon- ing on the firft claufe of the faid article, in relation to the court of feffion, or college of juftice, a motion was made for adding a claufe in thefe terms : *' And that hereafter none fliall be named by the Queen or her fucceffi^rs to be *' ordinary Lords of feffion, but fuch who have ferved in the college of juftice *' as advocats or principal clerks of feffion for the fpace of five years." And after fome reafoning, it was alfo moved. That writers to the fignct fliould be added to the advocats and clerks. ■ And after farther reafoniug, the vote was ftated, " Approve of the firft claufe " or paragraph of the nineteenth article with the above additional claufe, or with- '' out it." But before vothing, it was agreed, tliat in cafe the vote ihould carry approve of the faid firft paragraph of the nineteenth article with the additional claufe, it Ihall be intire to debate, whether writers to the fignet are to be added or not. And thereupon the faid firft paragraph and additional claufe being read over, the vote was put, " Approve of the faid firft paragraph with or without the ad- ** dition," and it carried^ " With the addition." And after debate, " Whether writers to the fignet ffiall be added or not," it was put to the vote, " Add writers to the fignct or not," and it carried, " Add." Whereupon it was moved, That fuch of the writers to the fignet as have ferved fiv6 years in that ftation ffiall be undcrftood qualified as well as advocats and clerks; and after debate thereon, it was moved, that the farther debate be adjourned till the next federunt of Parliament; and alfo moved to proceed now to the determination of the time for their qualification, I And WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. ~ 449 And after rcafoning, the voce was pur, " rrocccd or delay," and it carried " Delay." Adjourned till to-morrow at ten o'clock. OBSERVATION XLIX. I have given the reafons for adjourning the feffion in the laft obfervation ; the debates of this day were only upon the day to which it fliould be ad- journed, which are not material, only to note, that the gentlemen againftthc Union were always for the Ihortefl adjournment, which fome faid, was in hopes to get the feffion to begin before the Parliament fliould eiid. By the nineteenth article the Court of Scffion, or as it is called, the Col- lege of Juftice, with the Court of Judiciary, are here effcclually cftablilhcd and confirmed, their being and conftitution cannot be touched, no not by the Parliament ; they are indeed to fubmit to regulations, and it cannot but be reafonable it fliould be fo ; but none of thefe regulations can affed: them as a Court. It may not be unneceflary, for the fake of the Englifli reader, to explain the terms in this article, and to dcfcribe the people mentioned here by the like kind of offices known in England, and to note, 1. That the College of Juflice confifts of the Lords of Seffion, advocates, and writers to the fignet. The Lords of the Seffion are a bench of Judges, confifling of fifteen, of whom one is Lord Prefidcnt of the Seffion, now pof- feffed by Sir Hugh Dalrymple, brother to the Earl of Stair. Thefe are Judges of all caufes of private right, like as the Court of Queen's Bench and Common Pleas, from whom appeals lay before the Parliament, called Peti- tions for Remeid of Law. Their falary was two hundred pounds per an- num, but is now fince the Union five hundred pounds. 2. The Court of Jufticiary is a criminal court, confifling of five Judges, who are called the Lords of Jufticiary, of whom the Earl of Cromcrty is Prefident or Chief, and is called Jullice General. Advocates here are lawyers, fuch as the counfellors at law in England, who plead before the Lords of the Seffion, (the Judges) and give advice, take fees, Sec. as the counfellors of the inns of court in England. Writers are fomething like attornies, who profecute law fuits, and prepare things in due form for trials at the bar. Writers to the fignet are a felcd: number of thofe by whom all proceffi;s muft be figned before they can go in form. 3 M It 450 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLA ND, It was the fubjeft of no fmall debate here, whether any writer fliould be capable of being lord of the feffion, or advocates or counfellors only ; it had been alledged, that it was difhonourable to the bench of judges to raife any of the writers, which are a lower rank, of praftitioners, to the dignity of a lord of the feffion; that it was advancing them over the heads of the advo- cates, that in England no man arrives to the dignity of a judge, till he is firfl received within the bar; that is, made a ferjeant; and that till now wri- ters were not admitted. The firll motion was even againft advocates or clerks of the feffion too, *' till they had ferved a certain number of years as advocates ;" but the wri- ters finding themfelves excluded by that vote, got it added after a long de- bate. It remained then to determine what writers fliould be qualified, and which excluded ; but as this debate feemed fomething of a furprize to the Parlia- ment, and the whole faculty feemed concerned in it, it was put off to the next day. The debate feemed of no great concern to the public, but as it affefted private perfons, whofe intereft was at that time ftrong in the Parlia- ment, it occafioned warm debates. MINUTE L. Friday, January Sj 1707. , Prayers faid. Rolls called. Then the Parliament refumed the confideration of the debate anent the qua- lification of writers to the fignet, before they can be named ordinary lords of feffion ; and after fome farther debate, as to the time they are to ferve as writers, before they can be capable to be named lords, there were two ftates of a vote offered ; the firft in thefe terms, " Whether they fhall ferve twenty years, or " none;" and the fecond in thefe terms, "Whether they are to ferve eight or " ten years ;" and after fome reafoning, which of the two fhould be the ftate of the vote, " Firft or fecond," The Earl of Abercorn gave in a proteft againft the firft ftate of the vote in thefe terms : " I proteft againft the ftating of the firft vote, becaufe, which way fo- " ever it may be carried, it, in my humble opinion, elides one of the two votes " paft yefterday, relating to the additional claufe; for if it ftiould be carried, *' that a writer to the fignet may be admitted to be an ordinary lord of the {c{- " fion, without limiting a reafonable time for qualifying himfclf by experience,. '< as to the pradical part of the law, then that feems to be inconfiftent with the VQte^ WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. 451 atc of the vote, ilrll or fe- " cond;" and it carried, " Firlt." 3 There- WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. 457' Thereafter, the vote was put, " Approve the twcnty-firft article of Union, *' or not;" and it carried, " Approve." Then the twenty-fecond article of Union was read ; and the confidcration thereof delayed till next Jederunt of Parliament, to be then proceeded upon previous to all other bufinefs. Adjourned till to-morrow at ten o'clock. OBSERVATION LII. The affair of the Courts of Admiralty and Exchequer need very little remark; they were by the nineteenth article referved, and their diflincft powers are very expreffly ftated In the article itfelf ; nor did it occafion any great debate in Parliament ; for thofe debates which were raifed upon a fup- pofition of the Union taking place, it was obferved, gave the Houfe the leafl trouble ; which I take to be a farther proof, that the main defign in oppofing and debating the particulars was, as they pointed at the general ; and it was therefore a juft obfervation, that any head of argument became more or lefs vigoroully oppofed, as it more or lefs pulhed at the Union in ge- neral. The office of the Lord High Admiral for all Britain, it was abfolutely neceffary to reduce to one. But the Courts of Admiralty having their feveral jurifdidtions and authorities were as neceffary as feveral private rights, which by the next article were to be referved, depending entirely upon it. The heretable rights of Admiralty, and the Vice Admiralties, were alfo necefliiry to be fupportcd ; and all thefe things made it abfolutely neceffary to preferve a Court of Admiralty, the trials being to be had in Scotland, and which by the conftitution and laws of Scotland, referved as before, could not be legally transferred to, or taken cognizance of, by the Court of Admiralty of England. The like in the affair of the Exchequer, where, if the feizures of the cuftoms, if private rights and debates between the Queen and fubjedt, could not have been tried in Scotland, the general referve of the laws to Scotland could not have been maintained, and the fubjed: would have been put to intolerable inconveniences and expences in purfuing and defending in all pleas of the Crown, or cafes between the Queen and her fubjedts, Thefe things, therefore admitted of very little debate, but were regu- lated by the methods required by the cultoms and forms of laws, and then paft, as It were, in courfe. The affair of the Privy Council was alfo left to its own fate, the ftory of which I omit here, becaufe it will come neceffarlly to be fpoken of In the 3 N fub- 458 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, fubfcquent part; of this Hiftor)', when It was depofed with fome flniggle, snd, as fome thought, a little fooner than was needful. The prefent article, which I t^ke to be a very extenfive one, had paflcd, and been in all its parts unexceptionable, had not one unhappy word been brought in, and this was, the word " fuperiorities ;" but this being added, without any condition or power lefl; in Pdrliame.nt to diflblve thofe fuperiori- ties, upon an equivalent to the owners, whenever the united Parliament fliould find occafion for the public good to do fo, has bound down Scotland to the private tyranny and oppreffion of the heretors and lairds, which .it is eafy to make appear, is at t;his time one of the greateft objedions-.to her peape and profperity. , The fuperiorities meant here are the rights of vaflalage which the genti;/ of Scotland have over the people; which, as it is extended, gives the chiefs and heads of clans, lairds, and heretors, fuch an abfolute dominion over both the pejfous and goods Qf the poor fubjedted people, as feems pei:feftly ipconfiilent both with the peace and improvement of Scotland,- in paxticular, f Scotland, from whence the true copies of them are taken, and added in the Appendix to this work. No. K.. L. M. N. Then they went upon the debate of triennial Parliaments, included In the third paragraph of the twenty-fecond article,, and fome were very urgent for a new claufe, as in the minute ; but when the gentlemen were put in mind,, that by the very words of the paragraph, it was expreflly provided, that the firft Parliament of Great Britain could fit no longer than the next enfuing feffion, being the termination of the Englifh Parliament then in being, and that by the adt then in force in England, called the Triennial A<5t, every Parliament was to terminate in three years ; the thing appeared already fettled, and fo admitted no farther debate, that law being, among others, continued by the twenty-fifth article ; of which in its order. « It WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. 467 It was very ftrange, that notwithftanding the debates of this da^^ and ih^ exprcfs provifion of the treaty, many people flattered themfelves with the no- tion of the Parliaments continuing to fit; nor could it be beaten out of their thoughts in England as well as In Scotland, till they faw the very preparations making for anew elecflion. The propofal for explaining the fl^vcral oaths to be taken by the members of the Britifli Parliament was oppofed, not that there could be any concealed oath that wa3 not known to the members; and the particular oaths of Allcg-i- ance, the Declaration, and Abjuration, were laid before the Houfe: but the gentlemen who thought fit to oppofe it, did it on this foot, that they thought the articles fo expreflly diredcd to the particular adts in which the faid oaths were contained, and in which no other oaths were cxprefled, that- the adts be- ing named at large and referred to, and the cullom and ufage of Parliament known and public, there could be no poffible fraud, miftakc, or mifconftruc- tion, but that it was this way as expreflly and diredtiy pointed out, as if it had been repeated in the articles word for word. The exception about the limitation, mentioned in the 13 William III. cap. 6, referring to the qualification of the fucceflbrs to the Crown, alfo will come to be fpoken to again in its place. The overture about the qualification of perfons to ofiices of truft has been fpoken to more than once already, and needs no farther obfervation at this time. MINUTE LVI. Friday, Jannary 10, 1707. Prayers faid. Rolls called. Addrefs of citizens, burgefles, trades, and other inhabitants within the town of Perth, fubfcribers of the fame, againfl: an union with England In the terms of the articles, given in and read. Then the overture for exeeming perfons in any office or employment in Scot- land from taking the oath of Abjuration, mentioned in the twenty- fecond article of Union, was again read ; and after fome reafoning thereon, the overture was paft from. Thereafter the overture for additional claufe to the faid twenty-fecond article, for explaining the word limitation, mentioned in the oath appointed to be taken by flat. 13 W. 3, cap. 6, was again read in thefe terms : *' Likeas It is declared, " that, by the word limitation in the oath mentioned in the above article, is 3 2 " only 468 MINUTES OF THE PARLL^MENT OF SCOTLAND, " only underftood cnt:iil of the fucceilion, and not the conditions of government " upon the fuccelior; and that all perfons of Scotland, who may be lyable to •' take the faid oath, fwcar it in that fenfc only." And after reafoning thereon, the vote was pur, " Add the faid claufeor not," and it carried, " Not." Then the third overture for a claufe to be added to the faid twenty-fecond ar- ticle, mentioned in the minutes of the latt/ederunt, was again read in thefe terms : ' And farther, it is agreed, that fo long as that part of the 2d adl, anno 2:;, ' ch. 2d, appointing a facramental Tell:, Ihall ftand, and continue in force in ' England, all perfons in public trull, civil or military, within the limits of ' Scotland, fliall fwear aad lign the Formula under written within fix months ' after the commencement of the Union : and all who fhall be admitted to any ' public truft thereafter, Ihall, before exercifing their faid office of trull, fwear ' and fubfcribethe fame, to be adminillered by the Lords of Privy Council, or * any one of them, under the like penalties and difabilities as are provided by ' the forefaid ad; made in the Parliament of England." Follows the Formula, " I A. B. do fincerely and folemnly declare, in the pre- ' fence of God, that I owne the Prefbyterian government of the church, as by ' law ellablillicd in Scotland, to be a lawful government of the church j and ' that I fhall never, dircftly nor indireftly, endeavour the fubverfion thereof, ' nor any alteration in the worlhip, difcipline, or government of the faid church, ' as by law ellablillicd. So help me God." And after reafoning thereon, a vote was Hated, " Add the claufe or not ;" but, before voting, it was agreed, that the members votes fball be marked, and that a lift of their names as they vote be printed and recorded. Then the vote was put, " Add the claufe or nor," and carried, " Not." Thereafter the twenty^third article of Union was read ; and, after reafoning thereon, the farther debate was adjourned till the next federunt of Parliament, to be then proceeded upon previous to all other bufinefs, except a proclamation to be then brought in, for propagating the dyet for the choofing of collcdlors and clerks of the fupply in the feveral fhires of this kingdom, and continuing the lall colledlors and clerks for the tcrmof Candlcfmas next. The Committee appointed to meet to morrow at ten of the clock in the ufual place. Adjourned till Monday next at ten o'clock. OBSERVATION LVL This whole day was taken up in debating the fubjed: of the word limitation, mentioned in that famous adl of 13th W. 3. in England : fome had alledged, that, by that ad, if any perfon took upon him the Crown of England, unqua- lified WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREOxM. 469 lified by any of the articles therein named, the allegiance fworn was not due, and that the fubjeft would be thereby obliged, by his oath, to oppofe fiich fiicceiror; others had declared the limitations to mean nothing but an entail of the fucceffion by Parliament, without any conditions of government ; and upon thefe feeming uncertainties, the pcrfons that moved this claufe de- manded an explanation ; but it was upon the whole not thought proper to undertake any explanation of an adt, which, as it flood, fccmed fufficient to fettle the Proteftant fucceffion, and could not hurt the prefcnt fcheme, fince, fo far as it might oppofe any branch of the Union, it was provided againft in the twenty-fifth article ; and to put any conftruftion upon it, which might be jnconfiftent with the Englillaaftairs, would be but to lay a tumbling block in the way of the Union ; and therefore this projccfl was alfo rcjtdtcd. The affair of the facramental Tell had been mentioned before, but never fo plainly moved in Parliament as now; it had been moved in the commifTion of the alTembly, and great endeavours had been ufed to bring the miniflers in as objeftors ; and a formula like this had been propofed there, as Is noted, already, but it failed on their fide : the miniflers were, in the firfl place, not willing to meddle with things of that nature. And, fecondly, as to the For- mula, many of the miniflers gave their opinion, that they did not approve of impofing any oath, or acknowledgment of the church, as a teft of civil em- ployment ; and to have an oath of acknowledgment to the church of Scot- land be a counter tell, was a tacit approbation of the method pratflifed in England, which they detefted'. Others again were of the opinion, chat the fubjedts of Scotland were al- ready, by the Union, exempted from the facramental Teft in England by two feveral claufes; i. In th-at the fubjeds of both kingdoms were, by the fourth article of the Union, to enjoy equal privileges and encouragements ; and, 2. That, by the aft for the fecurity of the church government, no oath was to be impofed upon the members of the church of Scotland, contrary t© their principles. In arguing the firll of thefe, it was alledged. That if a fubjeft of Scotland taking the facrament in the national eflablifhcd church of Scotland fhall not be capable of any place of preferment under the go- vernment of Britain, as well as a fubjcdl of England taking the facrament: in the national eftablrfhed church of England, then do not the fubjecls of either kingdom enjoy equal privileges. And lallly it was argued, that, by the laft article of the treaty, the facramental Teft might be underftood to be adlually repealed, as contraveening the equalities of the treaty. Upon thefe debates It was thought, that to meddle with this matterTnTght do much more harm than good ; and therefore it was firft let tall without doors, and now rejedlcd within, and the article pallid- without it. MINUTE >- 470 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, MINUTE LVIL "Monday^ January 13, 1707. Prayers faid. Rolls called. Then the twenty-third article of Union was again read, and after fome rea- foning, an overture was given in for adding a claufe thereto in thefe terms : " With this exprefs provifion, that none of the Peers of Scotland fliall have " perfonal proteftion within Scotland for any debts owing before the com- •• mencement of the Union." As alfo another overture was given in for adding a claufe thereto in thefe terms : " That all the Peers of that part of Great Britain now called Scotland, *' qualified according to law, fhall, after the Union, have right to fit covered in . * the Houfe of Peers of Great Britain, notwithllanding that the right to give vote therein belongs only to the faid fixteen Peers, who are to be fummoned *' in the manner appointed by the preceeding article." And after reafoning upon the faid two overtures, and upon two feparate mo- tions, the firft in relation " to allowing all the Peers of Scotland to fit upon the ** tryal of the Peers of Britain;" and the other in relation to their prece- dency according to their patents, the vote was ftated in thefe terms : *' Approve the twenty-third article of Union, or alter, refcrving intire the con- *' fideration of the above two overtures, and whether the fame fliall be added to ** the article," and it carried, " Approve." Then the firfl overture for the claufe, in relation to perfonal protccftion, was again read; and after debate, it was put to the vote, " Add the claufe or not," and it carried, " Not." Thereafter the fecond overture, or a claufe, ** in relation to all the Peers of " Scotland, their fitting covered in the Houfe of Peers of Great Britain," was again read ; and after reafoning, the vote was put, " Add the claufe or not." But before voting, it was agreed, that the members' votes fliall be marked, and that the lifl: of their names as they fliall vote be printed and recorded. Then it was put to the vote, " Add the claufe or not," and it carried, « Not." Adjourned till to-morrow at ten o'clock. a OBSER- Wim OBSERVATIOxNS THEREON, 471 OBSERVATION LVII. The debates of this day related wholly to the privileges of the Peers, and particularly to the differing privileges of thofe who were to fit in the Parlia- ment of Great Bi'itain, from thofe who were not, that is, for the time they were to fit : fome would have it, that thofe that did not fit fhould have no manner of privilege, any more than as a commoner, till fuch time as they Ihould come to fit by eledtion in the Houfe of Lords, and then thofe that were formerly fitting Peers, or Parliament Lords, became divefted of all their privileges, unlefs they were of the new eledtion. Some thought the gentle- men who were of this opinion moved it chiefly to bring the Peers into a dills^e of the Union, (all other hopes being now almoft over, as to the Union on the fide of Scotland ;) and that the nobility being thereby, as it were, de- graded of their charafters, would think it too great a hardlhip, and fo fly off from the treaty in general, or fly to fome extreme on the other hand, making fome demand which the Peers of England would not fubmit to. Others, it was thought, had this farther view in the propofal for levelling the Scots nobility that were not fitting Peers with the Commons, that they defigned to propofe the unfitting Lords to be capable of being elefted into rhe Houfe of Commons, and fitting in the Lower Houfe. This wSs received with fome refentment, as a great diflionour to the Peerage of Scotland, by fome people, and efpecially without doors ; the Englifli were upbraided with endeavouring to have it fo, in order to lefl~en the charafter of the nobility of Scotland: but in this they wronged their own judgement, as well as the Englifli nation, fince, had fuch a thino- been offered, it had been rejected in England as unequal and injurious to the equa- lity we have been fo often fpeaking of, as the ground of the whole treaty : nor could it have been confented to in England, fince it had been bringing the Scots nobility into too great an influence of parliamentary affairs, when fixteen being already judged fufKcient; there might be now fixty-one Scots Lords in every Parliament, viz. fixteen in the Houfe of Lords, and forty- five in the Commons; which, when any thing relating, efpecially to the nobi- lity, or to the privileges of one Houfe againft the other, might turn the ba- lance to this or that fide, to the manifeft injury of the conftitution, which now confifts in the equality of powers and privileges, and the due limits fet between each kind, to prevent their encroachment upon one another. But the wifdom and modefty of the nobility in Scotland prevented this; and the article had been fo well confidered at London, and was fo warily worded, that there was room for little or no exception on behalf of the Peers; for. 472 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, for, I. As to privileges, the fixtccn Peers, or the Peers of Parliament for the time being, had effectually all the privileges of the Peers of England in the utmoft extent, and all the privileges they ever after could receive, could not be received but in common with the faid fixteen ; nor could any exception be made to it, whether in the cafes of parliamentary privileges, or the perfonal privileges in cafe of trying of Peers, or being tried as criminals. 2. The remainder of the nobility enjoyed privileges every way equal to the Englifh nobility, excepting only, as it is in the article, the rights of fit- ting in the Houfe of Lords, and the privileges depending thereupon. But the great debates of this day began upon this claufe, the rights and privileges of the Scots nobility who were not Loids of Parliament for the time being. And firft it was moved to be excepted, that the faid Lords fliould not enjoy the privilege of perfonal protedtion in cafes of debt, as is the privilege of the Peers of England : fome had alledged they pleaded for the honour of the Scots nobility in this head, that it was below their dignity to be pro- tected by their titles againft their juft obligations, and a meannefs they had all along contemned, to plead the privilege of their Houfe againft the proceed- ings of the law; that it was not agreeable to the true intent and meaning of parliamantary privileges, that this privilege lliould extend to thofe that did not fit in Parliament, fince the privileges of Parliament of this kind were at firft appointed to provide againft any impediment to fitting in Parliament, that the members of either Houfcs fliould on no pretence whatever behindrcd from the fervice of their country in Parliament : and this could not be of any fignification in thofe Peers that were not fitting members of the Houfe of Lords; that for the Scots Peers to claim protcdfion for their perfons againft their juft debts, was more than levelling iheir perfons with the Commons, for it was fctting them below the Commons, fince no man would then truft the nobility in matters of debt without fome commoner being fecurity for ihcm, againft whom they might have remedy at law. Thefe objccftions had no little weight, and this privilege of the perfons of the Peers in cafes of debt fcemed, at firft view, very grievous to Scotland, and fome of the Peers themfclves looked upon it as diftionourable. But when it was calmly confidered and anfwcrcd, that the perfons of the Peers in England are accounted facred on fevcral accounts, bcfides thofe of debt ; that even the Government cannot proceed againft a Peer, but in an ex- traordinary way ; that no warrant can be executed in the houfe of a Peer, but by three jufticcs of the peace : and that there arc feveral ncccflary exemp- tions to the peerage which this privilege prefcrvcs, bcfides that of debt; and which, as they arc hereditary counfellors of the nation, and have frequently 3 g''^^'" WITH Oli^KRVATIONS TIIJ:RE0N. 4^7 _^ great trufts committccj to them ; and both are, and ought to be a great and ready afllftance to the public good, upun fudden emergencies, whicH'j upon pretence of arrclls and attachments for debt, may be prevented. That as to the julVice of perfonal protection in cafe of debt, it was anfwered, their cilatcs were not protected in Icvcral cafes, only their [>erfons; and it was as reafon- ble to puifue the eftatc as the perfon of the debtor, and efpecially in Scot- land, where the law reaches the effedls of the debtor, though on perfonal bonds. That as to the credit and honour of being protected againft jull debts, it would be much more for the honour of the Scots nobility that'they gave all meri notice that they defpifed the advantage of their perfonal credit, and fincethcy could not fue a nobleman, they might decline trufting him and welcome ; and for thofethat were trufled, though they could not be fucd, it was yet greater reputation to them, that the principle of honour in them was fo well known, that men would depend upon their honour, where they could- not otherwife oblige them to make payment. •'-"'' Upon the;fe and the like confidcrations this motion was rcjedVed, and the' Scots nobility, by virtue of that claufe in the twenty-third article, " And " fhall enjoy all other privileges of Peers, as fully as the Peers of England " now do, or as they, or any other Peers of Great Britain, may hereafter en- *' joy the flime," are protected in their perfons and eftates as the Peers of England are, whether they (the Scots Peers) are Peers of Parliament at that time or not. The next difpute was a privilege demanded for the Peers of Scotland, that they, not being of the Parliament at that time, might fit in the Houfe of Lords covered, &c. but not have any right to vote. This was urged many ways, either that they might have a gallery to fit in as fpeftators, or that they might fland behind the Throne, as the eldeft fons of the Englifh Peers may; and either of thefe it was thought might have been obtained. But the main defign of bringing them in to be prefent at debates, to argue, fpeak and debate upon the feveral matters that fliould be brought before the Houfe. This was oppofed upon feveral accounts; firft. As it was thought impradticable, and an evafion of the Houfe of Peers as a houfe, and what could not be obtained if pulhed at. Secondly, As it was thought an infigni- ficant thing to have perfons to fit and argue who had no power to determine. .And thirdly. As it would be far from any honour to the nobility of Scotland to be admitted into debates, where they muft always have the mortification of being diftinguifhed, and like mere folicltors, whofe place is without the bar, be allowed to talk, and yet have no fignification in a queftion; but if the Houfe divided, be obliged to ftand together like mutes in an alphabet, who have no found in the exprcffion of a fyllable. 3 P And 474 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND^ And thus ended the debates of this great point, the privilege of the Jieerage, and the article received no manner of alteration. MINUTE LVIII. Tuefday, January 14, 1707. r prayers fald. Rolls called. Then the tv/enty-fourth article of Union was read, whereupon a memorial was given in for the Lyon King at Arms, in relation to his precedency, which Ipeing yead, after reafoning, it was moved, That the rank and precedency of the Lyon King of Arms be left to Her Majefty, and that next to thefe words in the fald article, viz. " And that the quartering the arms," thefe other words, viz. " And the rank and precedency of Lyon King of Arms of the kingdom of *« Scotland," be added. And it being alfo moved, That bis rank fliould be infert in the faid article, tp be immediately next after, " Garter principal King of Arms in England ;" after debate it was put to the vote, " Add the above words," " That the rank *' and precedency be left to Her Majefty, or infert the rank and precedency," and it carried, " Add the words." Which being accordingly added, there was another claufe oifered to be added" to the faid twenty-fourth article, in thefe terms, " And the crown, fcepter and •* fword of ftatc, records of Parliament, and all other records, rolls, and re- ** gifters whatfomever, both publick and private, general and particular, and " warrants thereof, continue to be keeped as they are, in that part of the united *' kingdom now called Scotland, and that they fliall fo remain in all time com- ** irrg, notwithftandingof the Union;" which being read, the fame was agreed- to be added, and was accordingly fubjoyned, and the article as amended read over. Then the vote was put,. " Approve of the twenty-fourth article of Union as " amended or not," and it carried, " Approve." Thereafter the twenty -fifth article of Union was read, and after reafoning thereon, the vote was put, " Approve of the twenty-fifth article or not," and it carried, " Approve." Moved, that a dyet be appointed for confidering the manner of ele£t:ing the rcprefentatives for Scotland to the Parliament of Great Britain, and agreed that the motion be entire ncxt/edermt of Parliament, Adjourned till to-morrow at ten o'clock*. OBSER. WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. 475 OBSERVATION LVIII, The debate of the rank and precedency of the heralds, and of the quarter- ing of arms, the ftandards and colours, vvas a thhig of no great confequencc, nor could it be referred to any body better than to Her Majclly ; and there- fore the difpute of this was not long. -The keeping the honours, as they called them, in Scotland, viz. the crown, fcepter and fword, was indeed a material point, at leaft as it had been made fo by fome gentlemen, who had pretended to alarm the common peo- ple with apprehenfions, that they were to be carried aM'ay to England as tokens of furrendering the fovereignty of Scotland to the Englilh; but as no fuch thing was ever thought of in England, the propofal met with no oppofition ; and fome people thought, that not only the enfigns of royalty, but the roy- alty itfelf, fovereignty and government of Scotland, remain as intire, as the fame things refpediing England remain intire, either kingdom voluntarily confenting to an union of power, an union of government, and of all things' needful to preferve both. The laft article refpedting the abrogation of all laws, which might be fup- pofed to contravene the treaty, met with no oppofition at all. And thus this weighty affair was finiflied on the fide of Scotland, con- trary, I believe I may fay, to the expectation of all the world, who were amazed to fee a thing of that confequence, and with difficulties which feemed -in themfelves infuperable, fo fuccefsfuUy brought to a clofej a ■'- 'thing which had been fo many times attempted in vain; a thing which had '■ fo often been fet about, rather in a fhow than defign of uniting; and I think I may fay, a thing that never was heartily fct about on both fides before. It had held the Parliament of Scotland a long, a troublefome, a dange- rous, and I muft own a very uncomfortable debate, ftep by flep, and article by article, from the third of October to the fourteenth of January, with very little intermiffion; for never was bufinefs clofcr applied, more ftrenu- oully pufhed, or more vigoroully oppofed. The work that.remained (I mean to the Parliament) was but fhort, and I Ihall do little more than relate the fadV, which will be found in the minutes of Parliament; and I fhall fet them down in their order, omitting what relates to private bufinefs as not material here, fince I can very ill fpare room for any thing but what relates immediately to the bufinefs, and agrees with the title. 3 P z MINUTE 476 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, MINUTE LIX. Wednefday, January 15, 1707. Prayers faid. Rolls called. Draught of an a(5l ratifying and approving the treaty of Union of the two kingdoms of Scotland and England, given in and offered to be read. Whereupon it was moved, That the Parliament fhould firft proceed to the conftitution of the manner of eledting the reprefentatives of Scotland to the Parliament of Great Britain, and cither now to determine that matter, or to ap- point a dyet for that end. And after debate the vote was ftated, " Proceed to the ratification of the " treaty of Union, and adt for Security of the Proteftant religion and Prefby- *' tcrian church government, or to the conftitution of the manner of cle<3;ing ** the reprefentatives for Scotland to the Parliament of Great Britain." But before voting it was agreed, that in cafe it fhall carry to proceed to the ratification, the Parliament will immediately, after paffing the adl of ratification, proceed to the conftitution of the manner of elefting the reprefentatives for Scotland. Then the vote was put, " Proceed to the ratification or conftitution,", and it carried, " Ratification." Thereafter the draught of the adt, ratifying, approving, and at length nar- rating the articles of Union as enlarged, explained, and amended, and the adt ior fecurity of the Proteftant and Prelbyterian religion church government, was read. And afccffome difcourfe, it was put to the vote, " Mark a firft reading on " the ad or ..•ot," and it carried, " Mark a firft reading;" and accordingly a fnft reading was marked thereon. Adjourned till to-morrow at ten o'clock. OBSERVATION LIX. The articles were now gone through, and finifhed as before; yet there' re- mained two things to be done in order to compleating the affair, fo far as re- ferred to Scotland; one was to pafs the adl of Security for the Preft))terian church government in Scotland, which was to be ingroffcd and inferred in the body of the adl of Union, and made a part of it; and then to pafs in Parlia- ment fome fubfcqucnt afts, which being previous to the treaty, or depending upon it, ought to be fuiilhcd in Parliament before the Union, and would be of courfc confirmed by it, by virtue of the eighteenth articlcj continuing 3 ^'''' WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREOI^. 477 . , f ■ ■ and confirming all laws and afts then in force, except fuch only as came within the reach of the twenty-fifth article, viz. fuch as were contrary to, and in- confiflent with the Union. Thefe were, i. An ad: to fettle and determine the conftltution of the man- ner of clefling the reprefentativcs for Scotland in the cnfuing Parliament of Great Britain. 2. An adt for plantation of kirks, a thing long wanted in Scotland ; together with the valuation of tcinds or tithes, and about the re- vcrfions of kirk lands. 3.' For the fettling the public debts, difpofing and appointing the equivalent; that is, the payment of it according to the true intent of the treaty, adjufting the affair of the African Company, &c. which " was now under reference to a Committee. Thefe things were neceflary adjundts to the treaty; but as the adt of Union itfelf was the foundation on which all thefe things were depending, and that there was a great deal yet "to be done to it, viz, to be ingroffed and pafled in- to an aft, and fent to London; the interval of time, after the main affair fhould be difpatched, was thought the proper fcafon to fettle, pafs and enadt all thefe things , wherefore they rcfolv'ed to go firft to work with the adt, and that no time might be loftj the adl had been drawing up, with all the amend- ments to every article, as they had paffcd in the Houfc, and was ready to pre- fent to the Houfe this day ; and, as per'the minute, obtained a firft readings all other bufmcls being delayed. ■' MINUTE LX".. Tbur/daj, January 16, 1707. Prayers faid; 'i--3t'"'i ' Rolls called. • ^^f^ '• Draught of the adt, " Ratifying and approving the treaty of Union of the " two kingdoms of Scotland and England," read a fecond time. Then the adt " For Security of the Proteftant religion and Prcfbyterian church " government," which is infert in and ratified by the above adt, was touched with the royal fcepter by Her Majefties High Commiffioner in the ufual manner^ Reprefentation and petition of the commiffion of the General Affembly of the church of Scotland civen in and read. And after reafoning upon the adt and reprefenta'tion, the vote was ftated, *' Approve of the adt or not." And before voting, it was agreed, that the members votes be marked, and that the lift of their names as they vote be printed and recorded, and the Loal High Chancellor was allowed to have his name marked, printed and recorded as an approver. Likeas 478 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, Likeas a proteft was given in for the Duke of Douglafs, and read in thefe terms : " We underfubfcriberSj tutors, teflamentars to his Grace the Duke of " Douglafs, whereof three is a quorum, in name and behalf of thefaid Duke ; *' forafmuch as his Grace -the Duke of Douglafs^ and his heirs, has, by their " inveftitures and honours of thecftate of DoiJglafs_^,,(ip confideration of the *' great and faithf\,Ti feryices done and performed to this crown and kingdom by ** his anccftors) provided to them the honov^r of leading the van of the arms *' of Scotland in the day of battle, the .carrying of the cr9wn of Scotland in " procefTions., and jglviug the firil vote in all p.frli.ament?^ councils, or conyen- " :tions in Scotlapdj wd ficklik^, by the tWi^nti^et^ article, .qf. Union, ajl here- " table offices are referved to the ovi'ji^rs,,?LS, F^hpsi of property,;, jin the fame *' manner ^s they are^o.w ei^ioyned by-th,e,;laws,.,of S.cptland, notwithftanding of '^ this treaty; whereby his Grace's forefaicj ptfiqe^, and privileges, by parity of " reafon and juflice, ought to.be preferved. Yet, feeing the intire union of " the two kingdoms will be attended wjth an vniqn of their a^t^iSj crowns and " councils, whereby his Grace's offices land privilege? naay ft^etntp be,,of njpre •" difficult explication, his Grace's tytors and guardians, in his pupillarity, do ." now, before the treaty be ratified in this Parliament, judge it indifpenfibly " their duty, for his Grace's intereft, in his name and theirs, underfubfcribers, as " tutors to him, with all humility, to proteft, that the faid treaty may not, in any " fort, prejudge the honours and privileges belonging to his Grace and fuccef- *' fors, which have been the glorious rewards and marks of honour to the il- " luftrious families of Douglafs and Angus for their loyalty, great and faithful " fervices to the crown and kingdom of Scotland; and that this their proteft *' may be received and marked in the minutes and records of Farii;;ment." As alio, another proteft was given in by the Duke of Hamilton, in thefe terms: " Forafmuch as there is a proteftation made in behalf of the .Duke of " Douglafs, in relation to his pretcnfions of having the firft feat ;anji, vote in ** Parliament; which proteftation being altogether groundleJs, therefore I " James Duke of Hamilton do proteft in the contrary, in rqgard that none of " the faid Duke of Douglafs his predeceflbrs has, or enjoyed any fuch privi- " lege Cnce there were Dukes or Marquifles created in Scotland, and my pre- " deceftbrs were dignified with patents of Marquifs and Duke fuccefljvely long " before he or his predecelTors had the fame. Secondly, William Earl of *' Angus, the faid Duke his predcceflbr, did, upon the fourth day of June « one thoufand fix hundred and thirty-three years, rcfign all right and claim *' that he or his predeceflbrs or fuccefl'ors had, or ftiould havf, to that privjr *' lege of firft fitting and voting in Parliament, in His Majefties hands; which « refignation is rcgiftrate in the books of Parliament the twentieth day of the " faid month of June one thoufand fix hundred and thirty-three years. Thirdly, 2 *' land WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. 479 " I and my pfedeceflbrs have been in continual pofiefllon of having the firft " feat, and of firft voting in Parliament, and have been firft called in the rolls *' of Parlianlent paft memory of man: and upon this proteftation I take inftru- ** ments, and defire the fame to be infert in the records of Parliament." And the feVeral proteftors, or ingivers, took inftruments upon their refpcdlve protefts. Then the vbte was put, " A'ppfbVe of the adt, ratifying and approving the " treaty of Union of the two kingdoms of Scotland and England, yea or not," and it carried, " Approve." Arid the &&. was ^thereafter touched with the royal fcepter by Her Majeftles High Commiffioner in the ufiial manner. The Committee appointed to meet to-morroW at nine of the clock* Adjourned till Monday next at ten o'clbck. OBSERVATION LX. The a(Et for the Union admitted now no debate, the articles having been voted and approved one by one, as is feen at large ; fo there was nothing to do but to put the queftionupon, and to make it a fecond reading, according to the cuftom of the Parliament of .Scotland. . The church aft was to be inferted in the body Of the a€t of Union as a part ©f the treaty, and yet it was to be pafled into an a£t by itfelf, and touched by the fcepter in form as an adl of Parliament, before the a& of Union was pafTed, and it was accordingly done fo, as per the minute ; fo that the aft for the eftablifliment of the church of Scotland received a double fanftion in this Parliament ; it was not enafted fingly by the Union as an effeft of the treaty, but was eftabliflicd by a law before the Unioii, and again repeated in the body of tlie treaty of Union, as a ratification only, or recognition of what before was an eftabliftied law of the kingdom. Of the firft reprefentation and petition of the commiflion of the General affembh', I have fpoken already at large: there was fome little debate about it now, but it made no alteration in the aft of the church,, but it pafled as it had been before fettled. However, that it may be feen what addition was made to the firft overture, I have added both the overture as firft given in, and the aft as it vvas paflTed in Parliament ; and what more was required will be feen in the reprefentation of the commiflion : all which are added in the Appendix. It is to be obferved here, that there was a fecond reprefentation and peti- tion prefented to the Parliament this day from the commiflion of the General AlTembly, upon the following occafion. The 48o MINUTES OF THE/PARLI-AMENT OF SCOTLAND, The church qf Scotlaitd havuig beea.efFcdtually fccured by an adt of parlia- ment, called The AA of Security, &cu and wltich was made a part of the zd: of Union, as appears in its place, there,.\yas a claufe added at the end of the aft of Union, in thefe words : ".Declaring neverthclefs., that the Parliament " of England may provide for thq.fe9urity of the church 0;f England as they " iliall think expedient, to take place within the bounds of the faid kingdom *' of England, and not derogating from. the fecurity above provided for eila- " blifliing the church of Scotland within the bounds of this kingdom, " which fhall not fufpend or derogate from the force and cffeftof this prcknt *' ratification, but fliall be underftood as here included, without any necc^tity *' of any new ratification in the Parliament of Scotland." This was called an eflablifliing the church of England with the hierarchy of epifcopacy and ceremonies of tlie church of England, by the Prefbyterian church of Scotland; I have, for the more dirctfl undcrftanding this part, given the faid reprefentation and petition in the Appendix, N° K x. with the reafons at that time given for it, to which I i?$fef . I could not fuffer the two proteftations of tire families of Douglafs and Hamilton to be omitted in the minutes; 'though with refpefl to the length of this work, I have induftrioufly,lhune"d private affairs ; but the honour of leading the van of the Scots armies, which thefe, families contended for, might give. both the kingdoms a remembrance of what the Union has deli- vered them from, fince thefe armies were only fucli as within the bowels of this poor ifland fought with', and fhewed their courage in butchering and deftroying one another ; a thing, which, it is hoped, is now effcdlually put an end to. The affair of war is now carried abroad, againft the ancient profeffcd ene- my of all Protellant powers, where the English and Scots valour need no rnore contend, but unite together to overthrow their foreign adverfaries; a conteft, which if they had been united in, as they are now, in former ages, perhaps Europe had paid hpnours enow to us before now, as to the greateft nation in the world. This is the famous day to Scotland, in which flie fet her fignal to the Union of Great Britain-: we fhall now make a fhort digreffion, to inquire how it went on. in the Parliament of England, and what reception it met with there, whichj becaufe it is "but very fhort, I fhall bring in here, and adjourning the minutes a little, iliall return to them again in tbcir courfc. 0/ WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. 481 Of the An of Ratijlcatiort, after it zvas paft in the Tarlianienl of Scotland, til! the Exemplification of it was returned from the Tarlianient of England. THE Parliament of England being to be the finilhers of this great work, and the Parliament of Scotland not meeting till it was late enough in the year, viz. the fecond of Oftober, the Englifli Parliament were, by fmall adjourn- ments, put oft" as long as it was poffible the public affairs of England could permit, and longer than any Parliament fince the Revolution, had been delayed, not having met till the third of December, when the public bufincfs admitting ■no more delay, they came together. It is worth obfervation," that this was a ftrange concuking jundlure, a criti- cal moment, as it may be called, in which Providence fcemcd to bring every thing together that could propagate the great affair of the uniting the king- doms ; and which it may not be improper to notice in this place, becaufe at: the opening of this feflion of the Englifli Parliament, the Queen herfelf took notice of it. The campaign abroad had ended in the moft glorious manner for the Con- federates, that could be defired, and above all manner of expeftation ; the French had received three blows that very fummer, enough to overthrow the greateft empire in the world : One under the condudt of the Earl of Peter- bb^ow, with the Englifh forces and fleet in the Mediterranean, relieving the city of Barcelona, and caufing the French, with the lofs of all their cannon and. ammunition to raife the fiege : one under the command of the Duke of Marl- borough, being the great vidfory at Ramillies in Flanders : and the laft under the command of Prince Eugene of Savoy, at Turin. In all which acftions, it was calculated, that the French loft flain in aiftion, taken prifoners, deferted, and dead of their wounds, above 100,000 men, with 300 pieces of cannon and mortars, and other fpoil without and indeed paft all manner of account. There are two rcafons why 1 take this opportunity here, and both are intfo- duiflory to the prefent affair, I. The people of England by thefe great fuccefTcs, made glad and eafy in hopes of a fpeedy peace, were prepared to grant almoft any thing which the Queen difcovering a paflionate defire, to fee her two jarring, long-contending kingdoms united, the Parliament came together with a temper difpofed to yield (as far as reafon could fuggeft) more, than perhaps at any other juncture could have been expefted. 3 Q^ 2- The 4S2 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, 2. The enemies of the Union, whether abroad or at home, received moft fenfible difcouragement in their dcfigns againft it ; and firft abroad : There could be but two kinds of enemies abroad to the Union, and thefe were the French or the Dutch. As to the Dutch they were now in fo clofs a confederacy with England, and their whole concern as to the war, was fo involved together, that there was no room for any public differences about it. Nor indeed could the Dutch have put in any rational objeftion againft it ; to either fide, if the intereft of Holland clafhed with the Union upon any fort, it was only with refpect to trade; and though they might perhaps on that fcore have fome reafon to be jealous of it, as what might fome time or other clalh with them in the fifliing and Eaftern trades, yet they could have no pretence to concern themfelves publicly and nationally againft it : and as for private negociations to prevent it, though as I have been informed, they were once or twice confidering of it, yet they never thought fit to meddle : whether it was that they faw no profpeft of fuc- ,ceeding in it, or that they were not willing to do any thing at that time that fhould give an uneafinefs to England or not, I fliall not pretend to deter- mine. 2. The French, thefe had no doubt ftomach enough to it, and had tools enow to work with, and I muft own, had they but made the leaft attempt, they had effedually broke up the treaty at that time: but God had tied their hands and cut them out other work ; they were befet and embarrafled on every hand, and had no Icifure to look this way, nor if they had had leifure, had they men or money then to fpare, being employed with all their power and diligence, to recruit their troops, and reftore their own affairs. And I cannot but record this as a Angular hand of heaven in the affair of the Union : for though, when the next year the French did make an attempt upon Scotland, when their affairs being better after their fuccefs in Spain, they thought themfelves in a condition for it, they found it too late, and that the oppofers of the Union were fettled and would not appear for them, yet I muft fay, had they made that attempt at the time of this treaty, whatever they might have done in the end towards opening the eyes of the people, and reftoring them to their fenfes, they had certainly put all the nation into the utmoft confufion for the time, and effcdually have broken up the treaty. The Parliament of England was now met, December 3, 1707, and the Queen opened the feffion whh the following fpeech, .which I infcrt here, as it refers to the treaty of Union, and'alfo as it hints at the iucceffcs I mentioned above. The <( WITH OBSERVATIONS THiaiKON. 483 The Queen's Speech to the Parliament of England, On 1'ue/day the third of December, \ 706, ?ily Lords and Gentlemen^ I hope vvc are all met together at this time, with hearts truly thankful to Almighty God, for the glorious fucceiles with which he has blefled our arms and thofc of our Allies through the whole courfe of this year, and with ferious and ftcady reiblutions to profecute the advantages we have gained, till we reap the defircd fruit of them, in an honourable and durable peace. " The goodnefs of God has brought this happy profpeft fo much nearer to us, that if we be not wanting to ourfclves, we may, upon good grounds, hope to fee fuch a balance of power eftabliiht in Europe, that it fhall no longer be at the pleafure of one prince to difturb the repofe, and endanger the liberties of this part of the world. " A juft confideratlon of the prefent pofture of affairs, of the circumftances of our enemies, and the good difpofition of our Allies, muft needs excite an uncommon zeal, and animate us to exert our utmolt endeavours at this critical conjuncture. Gentlemen of the Houje of Commons, " As I am fully perfv.'aded you are all of this mind, To I muft eameftly defire you to grant me the fupplies fufficient for carrying on the war next year, in fo effeftual a manner, that we may be able to improve every where the advantages of this fuccefsful campaign : and I alTure 3'ou, I fhall make it my bufinefs to fse all )ou give apply'd to thofe ends with the grcateft care and m.anagem.ent. My Lords and Gentlemen, " In Purfuance of the powers vefled in me by adl of Parliament both in England and Scotland, I have appointed Commillioners to treat of an Union between the two kingdoms; and though this be a work of fuch a nature as could not but be attended with great difficulties, yet fuch has been the appli- cation of the Commiffioners, that they have concluded a treaty, which is at this time before the Parliament of Scotland ; and I hope the mutual advan- tages of an entire Union of the tv/o kingdoms will be found fo apparent, that it will not be long before I fhall have an opportunity of acquainting you with the fuccefs which it has met with there. " Your meeting at this time being later than ufual, I cannot conclude, with- out earneftly recommending to you to give as much difpatch to the public' affairs, as the nature of them will admit j it being of the greateft confequencc that both our friends and our enemies Ihould be fully convinced of ,yonr firm- nefs, and the vigour of y our proceedings. 3 CL 2 I fl-iall 484 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, I fhall not meddle here with any of the proceedings of the Parliament of England in their own affairs, they having no relation to the cafe in hand ; only make this fhort remark ; that, notwithftanding the latenefs of their coming toge- ther, the occafion of which was known to be to attend the debates of the Parlia- ment of Scotland, they fell fo heartily about their bufinefs, and went on fa fmoothly in every thing, that they got the land-tax bill paft rather fooner in it than it ufed to be in any former Parliaments ; and before Chriltmas, had not only the land tax but feveral other of their public funds fettled, and in an unufual forwardnefs, which is a confirmation of the extraordinary difpofition, which, as I have noted, appeared in England at this time, and of which we ihall fee farther inftances prefently. It was the fixteenth day of January, that the ratification of the Union paffed in Scotland ; on the eighteenth the Duke of Queefberry difpatched it away by an exprefs. There were feveial gentlemen who contended for the honour of carrying it up to the Queen, but to avoid giving any offence, it was fent by an ordinary courier or exprefs. As foon as it came to the Queen, Her Majefty caufed it to be laid before both Houfes, that though It was firfl to pafs one Houfe, and then the other, yet the particular houfes might be upon the feveral articles together. Great was the expeftation in both kingdoms from thefe debates, of the Englifli Parliament/, and in Scotland, the fears on one hand, and the hopes on the otlier, are not to be exprefled, but the Houfe of Commons deceived both fides. On the twenty-fecond of January, it was read in the Houfe of Commons ; and, as the befl way ta go through the whole, they ordered every article to be read and voted upon fingly in a committee of the whole Houfe. It may, perhaps, furprize pofterlty, when the debates, difputes, heats, and long fpecches, which thefe articles occafioned in Scotland come to be read, and they Ihall come to uriderftand that, in the Houfe of Commons in England, every article paffed one by one after the fcdateft reading, calmeft confidering,. and leifurely proceeding, without any oppofition, amendment, or alteration, no not in the leaft. There was fome fmall oppofition againft it in general in the Houfe of Lords, but no amendment offered to any particular article, nor any thing confiderable objedtcd : what was objedled feems generally contained in fome protefts, and reafons given in by the perfons protefting againft it, which were but few, and not much noticed. At the fame time that the articles were reading in the Houfe of Commons,. an aft was alfo prepared by the Bilhops, to whom that affair was referred, for fecurity of the church of England, to be paffed in the Parliament, and then ratified WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. 485 ratified, by being infertcd in the body of ihe a have done in all the other parts of this great work. My Lords end Gentlemen, " The leafon of the year being now pretty far advanced, I hope you will con- tinue the fame zeal which has appeared throughout this feffion, in dlf- patching what yet remains uniiniflied of the public bufinefs before vou." It took up fome time in England to ingrofs and inroU, and make copies of this great tranfaftion, the original of which was to be lodged in the Tower of London/ and an exemplification under the Great Seal of England, to be fent down to Scotland, to be again read in Parliament there, and then laid up in the regiflers and rolls of Parliament in ■perpeluam ret memoriam. I muft now return to the minutes of the Parliament, where feveral things fufequent to the treaty, but really abfolutely neceflary to its exiftence, was to be finiilied, and which took them up the time between the fending up the ra- tification, and receiving down the exemplification as above. The Minutes of the Parliament of Scotland continued. MINUTE LXI. Monday, January 20, 1707. Prayers faid. Rolls called. Upon reading of the minutes, it was moved to infert therein the petitory part of the reprefentation and petition of the Commiffion of the General AlTemblv of the church of Scotland, mentioned in the faid minute?. And after debate thereon, the vote was Hated, " Infert the petitory part of the faid reprefenta- tion and petition, yea or not. And after farther debate, the Duke of Hamilton made a motion for a flate of a vote, wherein the petitory part of the faid petition was repeated ; but that ftate of the vote being reclaimed againft, as yielding the queflion, the Duke of Hamilton protefted, " That he having made a motion, and being feconded, " it was againft the rule of Parliament to refufe a vote, and to infert his mo- " tion in the minutes. Then the vote was put, " lafert tlie petitory part of the above rcprefcnta- " tion and petition in the minutes, yea or not," and it carried, " Not. There- 488 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, Thereafter It was moved, " That conform to the minutes of the fifteenth ' of January inftant, the Parliaire.it proceed to coufidcr the manner of electing ' the rcprefentatives for Scotland t3 the Parliament of Great Britain." Where- upon a relblve was given in, and rt-ad in thcfe terms : " Refolved, that the ' fixteen Peers, and fourty-five commiffioners for fliires and burrows, who arc ' to be the members to the firfi Parliament of Great Britain, for and on the ' part of Scotland, be chofen out of this prefent Parliament : and that the ' members fo chofen, be the members of the firft Parliament of Great Britaiji, ' if Her Majcfty fhall declare, on or before the fuit day of May next, that the ' Lords and Commons of the prefent Parliament of England, be the members ' of the firft Parliament of Great Britain, for and on the part of Eng,land." And after reafoning thereon, the farther debate was adjourned till next Jede' rant of Parliament. Adjourned till to-morrow, at ten o'clock. OBSERVATION LXI. It was not very eafy to know the reafon why they defired the petitory part, as they called it, of this paper to be inferred in the minutes ; fome were of the opinion, it \'^ to fhow the nation, that the oppofers of the Union were friends to the church, and that they would have it appear they flood up for the church of Scotland; others thought it v/as with dcfign to expofc the Prefbyterians to the church of England, as utter enemies to their conllltution j nor could I ever hear any other rcafons given for it. However, the Duke, after having with fome difficulty obtained a vote upon it, loft it ; and fo the reprefentation and petition was lef-t-juft where they found it, viz. as a tcfti- mony of the church agalnft fome things which were thought to clafli, both with their conftitution and a Jittle with their principles ; and in this it was thought It had its ufes, though it was not effectually anfwered In Parliament. The affair of the eledting their members for the firft Parliament of Britain came next upon the ftage ; and the ground of the motion mentioned in the minutes, was founded upon a fuppofitlon mentioned in the twelfth article of the treaty, viz. That Her Majefty on or before the firft day of May, on which day the Union was to take place, fhould declare under the Great Seal of England, that it is expedient that the Lords of Parliament of England, . and Commons of the prefent Parliament of England, fhould be the members of the refpedive Houfes of the firft Parliament of Great Britain, for and on the part of Great Britain. Now it was thought very equal, that if the then prefent fitting Parliament of England fhould be named for the firft Parlia- ment of Great Britain, in conjunction with the feveral members that fhould be named from Scotland, that the members of both Houfes which were to 2 reprefent WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. 4By reprcfent Scotland, fliould be likcwilc named out of the current or then pre- fcnt fitting Parliament of Scotland. It was pretty eafy to conjctlure, that Her Majcfty would appoint thefc members of the Englifli Parliament, to conftitute the firfl; Britifh Parliament, as it after happened, and therefore this was moved now, in order to feule it in the adt of parliament now to be made, in which it was abfolutely ncceflliry to be determined, this matter being to be figned, and pafTcd into a law, be- fore the Union was to take place. What vigorous oppofition it met with, will be feen in the next obfervation. MINUTE LXII. ^uefday, January 21, 1707. Prayers faid. Rolls called. The Earl of Stair fwore the Oath of Alledgeance, fubfcribed the fame with the Affurance, and took the Oath of Parliament. Then the refolve inlert in the former days minutes, ancnt choofing the repre- fcntatives for Scotland to the firfl: Parliament of Great Britain, was again read. And after reafoning thereon, an overture was given in for eflablifhing a cer- tain way for elcdling the reprefentatives of Scotland to the Parliament of Great Britain in all time coming, in the terms of the treaty of Union, which was read; and thereafter another overture was offered for an adl for choofing the fixty-one members to reprefent Scotland in the Parliament of Great Britain : as alfo, a refolve was given in and read, " That previous to all other bufinefs, the Par- *' liament proceed to determine the manner of eleftlng the reprefentatives for *' Scotland to the Parliament of Great Britain, and to determine the number ** and quota of barons and borrows." And after the debate, the vote was flated, " Approve the refolve infcrt in the *' former days minutes, yea or not." But before voting, the Duke of Hamilton gave in a proteftation in thefe terms : " I James Duke of Hamilton do hereby proteft for myfelf, and in the " name of ail thofe who flaall adhere to this my protefl;atIon, againft the elcft- ** ing by this prefcnt Parliament the fixteen peers and fourty-five barons and bo. " roughs, who are to reprefent Scotland in the firfl; Parliament of Great Britain, *' as inconfiftentwith the whole tenor of the twenty fecond article of the treaty " of Union, and contrair to the exprefs words thereof, whereby it is provided, " that after the time and place of the meeting of the fald Parliament is ap- pointed by Her Majcfl;Ies proclamation, which time fliall not be lels than fifty days after the proclamation, a write fhall be immediately iffucd under the great feal of Great Britain, direfted to the Privy Council of Scotland, for fummoning the fixteen peers, and for eledllng fourty-five members, by whom 2 R " Scotland i( C( 490 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, " Scotland is to be reprefented in the Parliament of Great Britain ; and farther, ** as utterly fubverfive of the right of eledtion competent to the barons and " burrows of this kingdom, and dcfires this my proteftation may be infert in- ** the minutes and records of Parliament, and thereupon takes inflruments." And Mr. William Cochran, of Kilmaronock, gave in a proteftation in thefe terms : *' I Mr. William Cochran, of Kilmaronock, do proteft in my own " name, and in name of all thofe that llaall adhere to this my proteftation, that " the eleifting of members to reprefcnt this part of the united kingdom in the '* Parliament of Great Britain, out of thisprefent Parliament, by the members " of this Houfe, is contrary to, and inconfiftent with the birth-rights and pri- *' vileges of the barons and burrows of Scotland ; that it is contrary to the " principles of common law, and divers adts of Parliament, and direftly op- " pofite and contradiftory to the exprefs words and meaning of two feveral para-- " graphs of the twenty two article of the treaty of Union betwixt Scotland and: ** England, fo lately ratified in this Houfe j and. I dcfire this my proteftation-. " may. be infert in the minutes, and recorded in the books of Parliament, upon *' which I take inftruments." And after reading of the above proteffations, each ef the faid proteftcrs took inftruments upon their refpedtlve proteftations, and adhered to the proteftation given in by the other ; and it was agreed that the members votes be marked, and that the lift of their names, as they vote, be printed and recorded, and that at calling the rolls, the adherers to the above protefts be alfo marked. Then the vote was put, " Approve the refolve infert in the former days ml- " nutes, or not," and it carried, " Approve." And the Earl of Errol, the Earl Marifchal, the Earl of Buchan, the Earl of Eglingtoun, and the Earl of Galloway ; the Vifcount of Kilfyth ; the Lord Semple, the Lord Balmerino,. the Lord Blantyre, the Lord Bargany, the Lord Beilhavcn, and the Lord Colvil ; Sir John Lauder, of Fountainhal ; Alexander Fletcher,, of Saltoun ;, Sir Robert Sinclair, of Longformacus ; John Brifbane, younger, of Bifhoptoun ; Sir Humphry Colquhoun, of Lufs ; John Grahame, of Killearn ; Robert Rollo, of Powhoufe ; Thomas Sharp, of Houfton ; Sir Thomas Burnet, , of Leys ; Sir David Ramfay, of Balmain ; John Forbes, of Colloden ; Mr. Thomas Hope, of Rankcilor ; David Grahame, younger, of Fintry ; Alexander Mackye, of Palgown ; James Sinclair, of Stcmpfter ; Mr. James Dumbar, younger, of Hemprlgs ; Sir Henry Innes, younger, of that ilk ; Mr. George Mackenzie, of Inchcoulter ; Alexander Edgar, James Scot, Francis Mollifon, Robert Scot, John Hutchefon, Archibald Shiels, Mr. John Lyon, George Brodic, and Mr. John Carruthcrs, adhered to both the above two proteftations. Thereafter, an overture given in, and read, for appointing the manner of clefting the peers of Scotland to the Parliament of Great Britain, to be by di- viding WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. .^91 vlding the peerage into four fcveral clafles, out of which they are to bcchofen, with fome regard to the feveral ranks of peers, in manner mentioned in the fuid overture. And after reafoning thereon, the farther debate was adjourned till next fede- runt of Parliament. Adjourned till to-morrow, at ten o'clock. OBSERVATION LXII. The rcafon of the Earl of Stair's taking the oaths now, and his place in Parliament, was very unhappy at this timej his father, the EarJ of Stair, juftly reputed the greatefl man of counfel in the kingdom of Scotland, died fuddenly the eighth of this month ; he had been an eminent inftrument in carrying on the Union, and had, the very day of his death, fpoken very ear- neftly in the Houfe, upon fome particular cafes relating to the Union, he went out of the Houfe not very well, yet went home, and wrote feverallet- • ,tets .that very night to England, and in the morning died in his bed, without being able to fpeak fo much as to his lady, who was with him, to the ge- neral grief of the whole ifland, being univerfally lamented. The dehate was now renewed about chufing the rcprefentatives for the firft Parliament, the principal objed:ion was againfl choofing them out of the current Parliament ; as to the allegations of its being againfl law and con- ftitution, and againfl the twenty-fecond article of the treaty jufl then ratified, they all centered in this, that it was to be pafTed and approved by Parliament ; and that Parliament having yet the whole legiflature in their hands, had power to repeal any law, or flatute then in being, and confequently did fo far repeal any claufe in any aft of Parliament formerly made; as to its being againfl the treaty now ratified, that was redlified thus. That whereas the adt of ratification of the treaty of Union in the Parliament of Scotland, in v/hich feveral adls fince made and to be made in the Parliament of Scotland, were yet to be infcrted, lay now before the Parliament of England ; \vhatevcr me- ■ thod tlie Parliament of Scotland thought fit to take, for the nomination of .thcmembers of Parliament, for the firfl Parliament of Great Britain, iliould, and muft of courfc alfo be inferred, and fo be and become an efTential part or branch of the Union ; and this vote having pafTed as per the minute, is inferred in the faid a£l for fettling the eled:ion of the members, and again recited in the aft of Union, as per the exemplification, apjiears in thefc words: *' in that cafe only, doth hereby ftatute and ordain. That the fixteen peers " and fourty-five commiflioners for fhires and burghs, who fhall be chofen *' by the peers, barons, and burghs refpeftively in this prefent fefTion oF Par- ** liament, and out of the members thereof, in the fame manner as committees 3R2 "of 492 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, " of Parliament are ufually now chofcn, fliall be the members of the refpeftive " Houfes of the faidfirll: Parliament of Great Britaui, for and on the part of " Scotland ; which nomination and eleftion being certifyed by a write under *' the Lord Clerk Rcgifter's hand, the perfons fo nominated and eledted Ihall *' have right to fit and vote in the Houfc of Lords, and in the Houfe of " Commons of the faid firft Parliament of Great Britain ; as by the faid aft " pafled in Scotland, for fettling the manner of eledting the fixtecn peers *' and fourty-five members to reprefent Scotland in the Parliament of Great *' Britain may appear : Be it therefore farther enafted and declared by the " authority aforefaid, that the faid laft mentioned aft palTed in Scotland, for " fettling the manner of elcfting the fixteen peers and fourty-five members to " reprefent Scotland in the Parliament of Great Britain, as aforefaid, fhall *' be, and the fame is hereby declared to be, as valid, as if the fame had *' been part of, and ingrofled in the faid articles of Union, ratified and ap- ** proved by the faid aft of Parliament of Scotland, and by this aft as afore- •' faid, and carried it for the new model." The two proteftations againft it made a great noife, and were printed and carried all over the kingdom, bc- Cdes their being printed in the minutes of Parliament. Some faid, the chief reafon why they infilled on this fo much was, that the party who oppofed the Union forefaw, that, as they had been outvoted and overpowered, as they called it, in every quefl;ion relating to the Union, fo they would be in this ; and that, by confequence, few or none of them would be named to the firfl: Britifii Parliament, which was really true in the confequence. The feveral overtures relating to the form of future eleftions will be fpoken to in their places. MINUTE LXin. JFedneJday, Januar-y zi, 1707. Prayers faid. Rolls called. Thereafter the three feveral overtures and refolvc mentioned in the former days minutes, relating to the way of elefting the reprefentatives for Scotland, to the Parliament of Great Britain, was again read. And after reafoning thereon, the vote was put, " Whether the fixteen peers, " who are to be reprefentatives for Scotland in the faid Parliament, fhall be " fent by rotation, or by elcftion," and it carried, " Byclcftion." Then it was moved. That it be confidercd what way the eleftion fliall be, whether by balloting, or by an open eleftion, and after debate thereon, the vote was pur, *' Whether it ftiail be by open ele^ion, or by balloting," and it carried, <♦ By open eleftion." 3 Thereafter WITH OBSERVATIONS THI'REON, 49; Thereafter moved to proceed to confulcr what proportions the barons and boroughs Ihall have of the fourty-five members, who are to fit in the Houfe of Commons of Great Britain, and after reafoning thereon, the farther debate was adjourned till ncxtjederitnt of Parliament. The Committee appointed to meet to-morrow at nine o'clock. Adjourned till Friday next at ten o'clock. MINUTE LXIV. Friday y January iJ^, 1707. Prayers faid. Rolls called. Then the debate mentioned in the former days minutes was refumed, anent what proportions the barons and borrows fhall have of the fourty-five mem- bers, that are to fit in the Houfc of Commons of Great Britain. And thereupon a claufe was offered to be infert in the adV, regulating the manner of eledting the reprefentatives for Scotland, in thefe terms, " And Her " Majefty, with advice and confent forefaid, ftatutes and ordains. That thirty *' fhall be the number of the barons, and fifteen the number of the boroughs " to reprefent this part of the united kingdom in the Houfe of Commons ** of Great Britain ; and that no peer, nor the eldeft fon of any peer, can be *' chofen to reprefent either fhire or burgh of this part of the united king- *' dom in the faid Houfe of Commons." And after debate upon the firfl part of the faid claufe, the vote was ftated^, ** If the number fliall be thirty for the barons, and fifteen for the boroughs, ** Yea or not." But before voting, the Earl of Cromerty gave in a proteftation, in the terms following, viz. " I George Earl of Cromerty do protcft, that nothing that fhall ** be enadted, as to the fhire of Cromerty their being adjoyned to any other " fhire, as to the method or manner of elefting of Commiilioncrs to the Par- ** liament of Great Britain, fhall infer any derogation to the privileges of that *' fhire, or to my right as herctable fheriff thereof," and took inflruments thereupon. Thereafter the vote was put, " If the number fhall be thirty for the barons^ ** and fifteen for the boroughs, yea, or not j" and it carried, " Yea." Adjourned till Monday next at ten o'clock, MINUTE 494 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLANI>, MINUTE LXV. Monday, January if, 1 707. Prayers faiJ. Rolls called. Then the fecond part of the overture mentioned in the former days minutes was again read in thefe terms, " And that no peer, nor the cldeit ion of any " peer, can be chofen to reprefent either fliire or burgh of this part of the " united kingdom in the faid Houfe of Commons." And after debate thereon, another claufe was offered in thefe terms, *' De>. " daring always, That none Ihall elek the fame as a publick debt. Thereafter it was moved. That no reprefentative from either fliire or burgh from this kingdom to the Parliament of Great Britain fhall have any allowance for their charges and expenfes in attending the fame. And after debate, it being moved to delay the confideration thereof till next federunt of Parliament, The vote was put, " Proceed or delay," and it carried, " Delay." The Committee appointed to meet to-morrow at nine o'clock. Adjourned till Monday next at ten o'clock. OBSERVATION LXVIIL This propofal was ill received indeed, and a horrid clamour raifed at it with- out doors : the people who had been hot againft the Union took hold of it with an uobridled raillery, reproaching the treaters in a moll indecent manner, exclaiming at the very thing itfelf. Now the nation might fee they faid what they ha^ been doing at London, and what they had been purfuing ever lince that they had fold their country for a fum of money, and they were beginning to Ihare it among them : this referred to the equivalent, out of which this money was to be paid : that they voted for one another, the new Commif- fioners and the old; and that this was taking the money away to their private »ifc8, which they had pretended was to be employed in encouraging the ma- nufaftures WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. 501 nufadliires and employing the poor, railing ftocks for the woollen trade, and funds for the fifhing ; that thefe were the fpccious pretences, when the nation was brought in to accept of the equivalent ; but that now it was done and over, they were dividing the fpoil. It would be cndlefs to fet down the ill na- ture of the day as foon as this propofal was talked of without doors, and yet there was really no reafon, the gentlemen who went to England upon that occafion, who fet all their private affairs alide to fervc their country, and at- tended in England fcveral months at expence enough, fliould do all this at their own charges, when, at the fame time, every other article had its fupply out of the general fund; and therefore, notwithftanding the clamours of the people, and feveral attempts within doors, firll; to reject it wholly, then to re- fufe the payment of it out of the equivalent, which was indeed refufing it wholly, fince there was no other fund to pay it : and laftly, to reflridt the quantity; yet at laft it pafied, as it had been at firlt propofed. The allowance to the old treaters, they alledged, was a trick to draw in the allowance for the nev/, becaufe, being to be voted together, it was certain the old would vote for the new, that they might be fure the new would in return vote for the old : but there was ceitainly the fame reafon that one fliould be allowed their expence as the other ; fince, though they could not then bring it to a conclufion, yet their pains and expences might not be the lefs, but rather the more for that : and thus they were both voted to be allowed their charges, as per the minute. MINUTE XLIX. Monday, February 3, 1707. Prayers faid. Rolls called. Thereafter the firft federunt of Parliament (after paffing the adt, fettling the manner of elcfting and fummoning the reprefentatives for Scotland to the Par- liament of Great Britain) was appointed for private bufinefs. Then the motion made the former /ederunt, anent ** allowing no charges or " expences to the reprefentatives from the fhires and burghs of this kingdom " to the Parliament of Great Britain," refumed. And after debate thereon, the vote was pur, "Whether there Ihall be aclaufe ** in relation ta the charges and expences of the reprefentatives for Ihires aryd *' burghs infert in the adt fettling the manner of eleding, &C. yea or no," and it carried, " No." I Thereafter „ory for endowing their work with the privileges of other manufadories, and for im;>ormg a duty on foreign ftarch, read, and the defire thereof granted in part, conform to a deliverance on the petition. James Finlayfon fervitor to Mr. Robert Alexander, one of the Clerks of Coun- cil and Seffion, recommended to her Majefty's Thefaury, conform to a deliverance on his petition. Petition John Hamilton Town Clerk of Irvine moved, and recommended to her Majefty in the terms of a deliverance thereon. Adjourned till to-tnoriow at Ten of the Clock, MINUTE LXXXIX. Tuefday, 2 ^^ March ^ 1707, Prayers/aid, Rolls called, James Cunninghame of Auchinharvie younger, was upon his Petition recom- mended to her Majefty in the terms of the deliverance thereon. The Lord Prefident and remanent Lords of Council and Seffion recommended la a fpecial manner to her Majefty for the augmentation of their fallaries, con- form to a recommendation apart; The macers and clerk's fervants, and keepers and fervants of the houfe, re- commended to the Lords of her Majefty's Thefaury, for a gratification for their attendance and fervice this Seflion of Parliament, conform to deliverances on their refpeflive petitions. James Steven, ufher, , likeways recommended to the Lords of Thefaury upon a petition, conform to a deliverance thereon. William Bayne, upon a petition, recommended to her Majefty, conform to the deliverance on the faid petition. Afts of Ratification in favours of feveral perfons read and paft. Proteftation taken in favours, of the Duke of Hamilton againft one of the above ratifications in favours of the Duke of Douglafs, in fo far as concerns his firft vote in Parhament, and other precedencies therein-mentioned. As alfo feveral warrants for fairs read and granted. Ordered, that the fairs granted this feffion of Parliament, if not cxtraded within fix months, ftiall be void and null. It being moved to recommend Mr. William Paterfon. to her Majefty for his good -fervice ; after fome reafoning thereon, it was put to the vote, recommend him to her Majefty, or not ; and it carried, recommend. Alexander Bailiie, fervitor to the Lord Regifter, recommended to the Lords of Thefaury, on a cetition conform to deliverance thereon. The 526 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, The following A6ls, viz. Afl i.i favours of the Incorporations of Edinburgh for a maiden hofpital, A61 in favours of the town of Dundee, Aft in favours cf the town of Aberdeen, Aft in favours of the Duke of Hamilton and Town of Borrow ftounefs, Aft In favours of the Burgh of Kirkaldie, A& renounc- ing the reverfiou of Kirk-lands, A& in favours ef the burgh of Kinghoin, A£t for clearing the Paffage through the Mary-Wind, in the burgh of Sterling, Aft in favours of the Earl of Linlithgow and Callendar, Aft in favours of the Lady Littlegill and her Son, Aft of naturalization of John Henry Huguetan, Aft for the naturalization of feveral foreigners, Aft for preferving the Game, Aft in favours of the E;.rl of Buchan, Aft of diffolution of the mines and minerals belonging to his grace the Duke of CKieenfberry, Aft for burying in Woollen, Aft in favours of the maiden hofpital, founded by the company of merchants and Mary Erlkine, Aft concerning the payment of the funis out of the Equivalent to the African company, and Aft concerning the publick debts, were all touched with the royal fcepter by her IMajefly's High Commiffioner in the ufual maa- iier. Aft Salvo Jure Cujuflibet read, and it being again read over, it was voted and approven, and touched with the royal fceptre by her Majefties High Commif- fioner in the ufual manner. Then his Grace Her Majefties High Commlfiioner made the following fpecch. My Lords and Gentlemen, The publick bufinefs of this feflion being now over, it is full time to put an end to it. I am perfwaded, that we and our pofterity will reap the benefit of the Union of the two kingdoms, and I doubt not, that, as this parliament has had the honour to conclude it, you will, in your feveral ftations, recommeird to the peo- ple of this nation, a grateful fenfe of her Majefties goodnefs and great care for the welfare of her fubjefts, in bringing this important affair to perfeftlon, and that you will promote an unlverfal defire in this kingdom to become one in hearts and affeftlons, as wc are infeparably joyned in intereft with our neighbour nation. My Lords and Gentlemen, I have a very deep fenfe of the aOlflance and refpeft T have met with from you in this feflion of Parliament; and I fhall omit no occafion of (hewing, to the outmoft of my power, the grateful remembrance 1 have of it. Adjourned till the Twcnly-fecond Day of April ttext. I O B- WITH OBSERVATIONS THEREON. 527 OBSERVATIONS LXXXVII, LXXXVIII, LXXXIX. ** We arc now come to the End of the work, the cxemphTication of the * Treaty had been read and recorded, and all things rtlating to the Union * was over.. " What follows, amounted to nothing but pafling and touching the * private A&s of the Parliament that lay yet before them, and recommend- * ing to her Majefty fuch perfons as the Parliament thought merited well * from the government, and mod of whofe employments were to ceafc with * the alteration of the government — ; and this being done, the Commif- * lioner concluded the whole with a fpcech as above, and the Parliament * broke up — , was adjourned as /^r the minute, and afterward,, viz. the * twenty-eighth of April, difiblved;" Here follows the exaflcopy of the A£t of Ratification of the treaty of Union,, as it was pafTed in the Parliament of Scotland, with the exemplification thereof from England, as it (lands recorded in Scotland, by order of the Parliament; there». j^ ratifying and approving^ the Treaty of the i'wo Kingdoms of Scotlaiul and England. January 16, 1707. THE Eftates of Parliament confidcring, that Articles of Union of the king- doms of Scotland and England, were agreed on the tv/enty-fecond of July, one thoufand feven hundred and fix years, by the Commiflloners no.iiinated on behalf of this kingdom, under her Majeflics great feal of Scotland, bearing date the tv/enty-feventh of February lad paft, in purfuance of the fourth act of the third feiiion of this parliament,, and the Coraraiffioners nominated on behalf of the kingdom of England, under her MajeRies great feal of England bearing date at Weftminfter the tenth day of April lall pall, in purfuance of an a£l of Parliament made in England the third year of her Majeflies reign, to treat of and concerning an Union of the faid kingdoms; v;hich Articles were, in all humility, prefented to her Majefty, upon the twenty-third of the faid month of July, and were recommended to this Parliament by her Majefty's Royal Letter of the date the thirty-one day of July, one thoufand feven hundred and fi\- ; ami that the faid cftatcs of Parliament have agreed to, and approven of the faid Ar- ticles 5i8 MINUTES OF THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND, tides of Union, with fome additions and explanations, as is contained in the Articles hereafter infert. And nckljke, her Majefty, with advice and confent of the Eflares of Parliament, refolving to eilablifh the Troteflant Religion and Prefbytciian Church Government within this kingdon:i, has pafl: in this fcrflion of Parliament an adt, intituled, AQ. for fecuring of the Proteftant Religion and ■ Prefoyterian Church Government, which, by the teiior thereof, is appointed to be infert in any ad ratifying the Treaty, and exprefly declared to be a funda- mental and effential condition of the faid Treaty of Union in all time comiug. Therefore, her Majefty, with the advice and confent of the Eftates of Parlia- ment, in fortification of the approbation of the Articles as above-mentioned, and for their further and better eftablifhment of the fame, upon full and mature deliberation upon the forefaid Articles of Union, and Aft of Parliament, doth ratify, approve, and confirm the fame, with the additions and explanations contained in the faid Articles, in manner, and under the provifions after men- tioned, whereof the tenor follows. L ARTICLE, That the two kingdoms of Scotland and England fliall, upon the fird day of May next enfuing the date hereof, and for ever after, be united into one kingdom by the name of GREAT BRITAIN, and that the Enfigns Armorial of the faid United Kingdom be fuch as'her Majefty fhall appoint, and the Crofles of St. Andrew and St. George be conjoined in fuch manner as her Majefty fliall think fit, and ufed in all flaggs, Ibanners, ftandards, and enfigns, both at fea and land. II. That the fucceflion to the Monarchy of the United Kingdom of Great Britain, and of the domi- nions thereunto belonging, after hermoft facred Majefty, and in default of iflue of her M.ijefty, be, remain and continue to the moft excellent Princefs Sophia, Eleitorefs and Dutchefs Dowager of Hannover, and the heirs of her body, be- ing Proteftants, upon whom the Crown of England is fettled by an aft of Parliament made in Engl md, in the twelfth year of the reign of his late Ma- jefty King William the Third, intituled, An aft for the further limitation of the Crown, and better fecuring the rights and liberties of the fubjeft : and that all papifts, and perfons marrying papifts, fliall be excluded from, and for ever iiic.'pable to iiii erit, poflefs, or enjoy the Imperial Crown of Great Britain, and the dominions thereunto belonging, or any part thereof ; and in every fuch cafe, the Crown and Government fhall, from time to time, defcend to, and be enjoyed by fuch perfon, being a proteftant, as fliould have inherited and en- joyed the fame^ in cafe fuch papift^, or perfon marrying a papift, was na« turally dead, acc(,rding to the provifion for the defcent of the Crown of Eng- land, made by anot'^rr ae rewards as barley. And in rcfpecl tlie i.'.iportation of TiiSual into Scotland, from •^ny place beyond fea, would prove a difcourageracnt to tillage, therefore, that the prohibition,, as now in force by the law of Scotlaiid, againft impoi'tation of vinflnal from Ireland, or any other place beyond fea into Scotland, do, after the Union, jtemain in the iame fo'-ce as now it is, until more proper and effe-f^ual ways be provided by the Parliament of Great Britain, for difcouraging the importation of the faid victual from beyond fea. VI I. That all parts of the united kingdom be for ever, from and after the Union, liable to the fame excifes upon all excifeablc liquors, excepting only, that the thirty-four gallons Englifh barrel of beer or ale, amounting to twelve gallons Scots prefent meafure, fold in Scotland by the brewer at nine fliillings fix pence flerling, excluding all duties, and retailed, including duties and the retailer's profit, at two pence the Scots pint, or eight part of ihc Scots gallon, be not, after the Union, liable, on account of the prefent excifc upon excifeable liquors in England, to any higher impofttion than two fhillings. fterling upon the forefaid thirty-four gallons EngUfli barrel, being twelve gallons the prefent Scots meafure, and that the excife fettled in England on all other liquors, when the Union commences, take place throughout the whole united kingdom. VIII. That, from and after the Union, all foreign fait, which fliall be imported into Scotland, fhall be charged, at the importation there, with the fame duties as the like fait is now charged with, being imported into England, and 10 be levied and fecurcd in the fame manner. But in regard the duties of great quantities of foreign fait imported may be vecy heavy on the merchants importers, that therefore all foreign fait imported into Scotland (liall be cellared and locked up under the cuflody of the merchant importer, and the officers employed for levying the duties upon fait, and that the merchant may have what quanthies thereof his occafion may require, not under a weigh or forty buflicls at a time, giving fecurity for the duty of what quantity he receives, jiayable in fix months . fcut Scotland ftiall, for the fpace of feven years from the faid Union, be exempted ffom |>avlng in Scotland, for fait nude there, the duty or excife now payable for felt AS FINISHED IN SCOTLAND. 551 fait made in England: bur, from the expiration of the fald i'evtn years, fhall be fubje£t and liable to proportional duties for fait made in Scotland, as fliall he then payable for fait made in Englnnd, to be levied and fecnred in the fame man- ner, ;ind with the fiine drawbacks and allowances, as in England ; with this ex- ception, that Scotland Ihall, after the faid fevcn years, remain exempted from the duty of two (hillings and four-pence a bufliel on home fait, impofed by an act made in England in the nindi and tenth of King William the Third of England. And if the Parliament of Great Britain (hall, at or before the expiring of the faid feven years, fubftitute any other fund in place of the faid two (hillings and four pence of excife on the bufliel of home fair, Scotland (hall, after the faid feven years, bear a proportion of the faid fund, and have an equivalent in the terms of this treaty: and that, during the faid fcven years, there lliall be payed in Eng- land, for all fait made in Scotland, and imported from thence into England, the fame duties upon importation, as (hall be payable for fait made in England, to be levied and fecnred in the fame manner as the duties on foreign lalt are to be levied and fecnred in England. And that, after the faid feven years, how long the faid duty of two (hillings and four-pence a bu(hel upon fak is continued in England, the faid two (hillings and four-pence a bulhel (hall be payable for all fait made in Scotland, and imported into England, to be levied and fecured in the fame manner; and that, during the continuance of the duty of two fliillings and four-pence a bufliel upon fait made in England, no fait whatfoever be brought from Scotland to England by land in any manner, under the penalty of forfeiting the fait, and the cattle and carriages made ufe of in bringing the fame, and pay- ing twenty (hillings for every bufliel of fuch fak, and proportionally for a greater or le(rer quantity ; for which the carrier, as well as the owner, fhall be liable jointly and feverally, and the perfons bringing or carrying the fame to be im- prifoned by any one judice of the peace by the fpace of (ix months without bail, and umil the penalty be payed. And for ertablifliing an equality in trade, that all fleflies exported from Scotland to England, and put on board in Scotland, to be exported to parts beyond the feas, and provi(ions for fliips in Scotland, and for foreign voyages, may be faked with Scots fait, paying the fame duty for what lalt is fo employed as the like quantity of fuch fait pays in England, and under the fame penalties, forfeitures and provifions, for preventing of frauds, as are mentioned in the laws of England : And that, from and after the Union, the laws and afts of parliament in Scotland, for pineing, curing and packing of her- rings, white filli arid falmond for exportation with foreign fait only, without any mixture of Britifli or Irilh fak, and for preventing of frauds in curing and packing of fifli, be continued in force in Scotland, I'ubjefl to fuch alterations as fhall be made by the Parlianient of Great Britain ; and that all filh exported from Scot- Y y y I land 532 THE TREATY OF UNION, land to parts beyond the feas, which (hall be cured with foreign fait only, and without mixture of Britiih or Irifli fait, fhall have the fame eafes, prsemiums and draw-backs, as are or (hall be allowed to fuch perfons as export the like fifli from England: and that, for encouragement of the herring fifliin', there (hall be allowed and payed to the fubjects, inhal)i'ant£ of Great Britain, during the prefent allowances for other fiflies, ten (hillings and five-pence (lerling for every barrel of white herrings vvhi. h (hall be exportpd from Scotland ; and that there (hall be allowed five (liillings (lerling for every barrel of beef or pork ialted with foreign, fait, without mixture of Biitifh or Irifli fait, and exported for fale from Scotland to parts beyond fea, alterable by the Parliament of Great Britain. And if any matters or fraud relating to the faid duties on fait (hall hereafter appear, which are not fufficiently provided againll by this article, the Id me (hall lie fubjefl to futh further provifions as (hall be thought fit by the Parliament of Great Britain, IX. That, whenever the fum of one million nine hundred ninety-leven thoufand, feven hundred and fixty-three pounds, eight fhiilings and four-pence half-penny fliall be enafted by the Parliament of Great Britain, to be railed in that part of the united kingdom now called England, on land, and other things ufually charged in acls of parliament there, for granti g an aid to the crown by a land tax, that jiart of the united kingdom now called Scotland Ihall be charged, by the fame ^6^, with a further fum of forty-eight thoufand pounds free of all charges, as the quota of Scotland to fuch tax, and fo proportionally for any greater or lefl'er fum raifed in England by any tax on land, and other things ufually charged together with the land ; and that fuch quota for Scotland, in the cafes aforefaid, be raifed and coUeftcd in the fame manner as the cefs now is in Scotland ; but fubjed to fuch regulations in the manner of coUefting, as (liall be made by the Parliament of Great Britain. X. That, during the continuance of the refpe7u:')!, from the refpcdive times of the payment thereof, (ball be payed ; upcn payment of which capital (lock and intereft, it is agreed the faid Company be dilTolvcd and ceafe ; and aUo, that, from the time of pafliiig the aft of Parliament in England, for raifing the faid fum of three hundred ninety- eight thoufand eighty-five pounds ten (hillings, the faid Company fhall neither trade, nor grant licence to trade, providing, that, if the faid ftock and intereft 5 ' (ball AS FINISHED IN SCOTLAND. 535 flvill not be payed in twelve months after the commencement of the Union, that then the faid Company may, from theiiceforeiv.ir.l, tra ie, or give licence 10 trade, until the faid hail capital flocli and inierc-fl fhall be payed : and as to the overplus of the faid fum of three himdrtd ninety-eight thoufand eighty-five pounds ten fliitliugs, after payment of v/hat confideratiuns Q;all be had for lofTcs in repairing the coin, and paying the faid ca])i!al Hock and intcrefl; and alfo the hail increafe of the laid revenues of cuftoms, duties and excifcs above the prefent value, which fliall arife in Scotland, during the faid term of fcven years, together with the equivalent which Hiall become due upon the improvement thereof in Scotland after the laid term ; and alio, as to all other fums, whicli, according to the agreements aforefaid, tiiay become payable to Scodaud by way of equivalent, for what that kingdom (hall hereafter become liable to■.^■ards i)aymcnt ot the debt of England ; it is agreed, that the fame be applied in manner following, viz. That all the publick debts of the kingdom of Scotland, as ihall be adjufled by this prefent Parliament, fliall be j)ayed ; cmd that two thoulaud pounds /cr rf«;;aw, for the fpace of leven years, (hall be applied towards encouraging and promoting the jaiSLQufaffure of coarle wooll, within thefe fliires which produce the wooH, and that the firfl; two thoufand pounds fierling be payed at Martinmafs next, and fo yearly at Martinmafs during the fpace forefaid ; and afterwards, the fame fliali be wholly applied towards encouraging and promoting the filherics, and fuch other manufaftures and improvements in Scotland, as may mofl conduce to the general good of ihe united kingdom. And it is agreed, that her Majefty be im- povvered to appoint Commiffioners, who fliall be accountable to the Parliament of Creat Britain, ifor difpofing the faid fum of three hundred ninety-eight thoufand and eighty-five pounds ten fliilling?, and all other moneys which fhall arife to Scotland upon the agreements aforefaid, to the purpofes before-mentioned; which Commiffioners fhall be impowered to call for, receive, and difnofe of the faid moiveys in manner aforefaid, and to infpeft the books of the fevcral Colleftors of the faid revenues, and of all other duties from whence an equivalent may arife ; and that the Collcdors and Managers of the faid revenues and duties be obliged to give to the faid Commiffioners fubfcribedauthentick abbreviates of the produce of fuch revenues and duties arifing in their refpeftive difirifts; and that the faid Commiffioners fhall have their office within the limits of Scotland, and fliall in fuch office keep books, containing accounts of the amount of the equivalents, and how the fame (hall have been difpofed of, from time to time, which may be infpefted by any of the fubjcfts who fhall defire the fame. XVT. That, from and after the Union, the coin fliall be of the fame flandart and value throughout the united kingdom, as now in England, and a mint (hall be continued in Scot- land, under the fame rules as the mint in England ; And the prefent officers of the ■536 T H E T R E A T Y O F U N I O N, tlie mint continued, lubjeft to fuch regulations and alterations as her Majefly, her litirsor fuccellbrs, or the Parliament of Great Britain, fhail think fit. XVII. That, from and after the Union, the fame weights and meafures fliall be ufed throughout the united kingdom, as are now eftablifhed in England, and llandarts of weights and meafures fliall be kept bj' thofe burrows in Scorland, to whom the keeping the llandaits of weights and meafures, now in ufe there, docs of fpecial right belong ; all which fltandarts fhall be fent down to fuch refpeftive burrows, from the flandarts kept in the Exchequer at Weflminfter, fubjefl: neverthefs to fuch regulations as the Parliament of Great Britain (hall think fit. XVIII. That the laws concerning regulation of trade, cuftoms, and fuch excifes, to which Scotland is, by virtue of this treaty, to be liable, be the fame in Scotland, from and after the Union, as in England ; and that all other laws, in ufe within the kingdom of Scotland, do, after the Union, and notwithftanding thereof, remain in the fame iorce as before (except fuch as are contrary to, or inconfiftent with this treaty) but alterable by the Parliament of Great Britain, with this difference betwixt the laws concerning publick right, policy and civil government, and thofe which con- cern private right, that the laws which concern publick right, policy and civil government may be made the fame throughout the whole united kingdom, but that no alteration be made in laws which concern private right, except for evident utility of the fubjefts within Scodand. XIX. That the Court of Seffion, or College of Juftice, do, after the Union, and notwithftanding thereof, remain in all time coming within Scotland, as it is now conflituted by the laws of that king- dom, and wiih the fame authority and privileges as before the Union, fubjedb neverthelefs to fuch regulations, for the better adminiftration of jultice, as {hall be made by the Parliament of Great Britain; and that hereafter none fhaii be named by her Majefty, or her royal fuccelTors, to be ordinary Lords of SelTion, but fuch who have ferved in the College of JuHice as Advocates, or principal Clerks of Seffion, for the fpace of five years, or as Writers to the Signet, for the fpace of ten vear be Peers of Great Britain, and have rank and precedency t>ext aixl immediately after the peers of the like orders and degrees in England, at»the time of the Union, and before all Peers of Great Britain, of the like orders and degrees, who may be created after the Union, and fhall be tried as Peers of Great Britain., and fhall cnjoyrall privileges of Peers as ftilly as the Peers of England do now, or as they for any other Peers of Great Britain may hereafter enjoy the fame, except the right and privilege of fitting in the Houfe of Lords, and the privileges depending thereon, and particularly the right of fitting upon the trials of Peers. XXIV. That, from and after the Union, there be one Great-feal for the united kingdom of Great Britain, which (hall be different from the Grcat-feal now ufed in either kingdom ; and that the quartering the arms, and the rank and precedency of the Lyon King of Arms of the kingdom of Scotland, as naay bcft fuit the Union, be left to her Ma« jefty ; and that, in the meantime, the Great feal of England be ufed as the Great-feal of the united kingdom, and that the Great-feal of the united kingdom be ufed for fealing writs to elect and fuiumon the parliament of Great Britain, and for fettling all treaties with foreign princes and dates, and all publick acls, inftrument.3, and orders of (late, which concern the whole united kingdom, and m all other matters relating to England, as the Great-feal of England is now ufed ; and i^h'at a fea! in Scotland, after the UnioB, be always kept and naade ufe of in all things relating to private rights or gralK-s, which have ufually jjafled the Great feal of Scotland, and which only concern offices, grants, coramiffions, and private rights within that kingdom ; and that, uiHil fuch feal fliall be appointed by her Majelly, the prefent Great-feal of Scotlahd fhall be ufed for fuch pur- pof.s; and that the Privy-feal, Signet, CaiTet, Sigtvet of the Judiciary Court, Quarter-feal, and finals of court now ufed ;iDi Scotland, be continued; but that the faid feals be altered, and adapted to the date of the Union, as her IVIajefty fhall think fit : And the faid feals, and all of them, and the keej)ers of them, fhall be fubjcft to fuch regulations as the Parliament of Great Britain fhall hereafter make : And that the crown, fceptre, and fword of date, the records of parlia- ment, and all other records, rolls and rcgiders whatfoever, both publick and j)rlvate, general ami pai-ticiilar, and warrants thereof, continue to be keeped as theyi^e within that part of, the united kingdom now called Scotland, and that ihey fljall fo remain in all time coming, notvvithdanding of the Union. XXV., Thiiit all laws and datotcs iu either kingdom, fo far as they are contrary 10 AS FINISHEP jN SCOTLAND. 541 to, or inconfiflent with ihe terras of tliefe articles, or any one of them, fhall, from an^l after the Union, ceafe and become void, and fliall be fo declared to be by the refpcflive Parliamenrs of the faid kingdoms. Follows the t(mr of ihe forcfai(i A8 for/ecuring the ProtcJJatit Religion and Pxejhytgrhn Cburcb-Cevernme?it . OUR SOVEREIGN LADY and the Elites of Parliament confidering, Tliat, 'by the late Aft of ParJiamciit for a Treaty with England, for an Union of both kingdoms, it is provided^ that the Comraiflloners for that Treaty fliould not treat of or concerning any aheration of the VVorfhip, Difcipline, and Government of the Church of this jkingdom, as now by law eflabliflied: which Treaty being BOW reported to the Parliament, anjd it being reafonable and neceflary, that the true Proteftant Religion, as prefently profeffed within this kingdom, with the V/orfhip, Difcipline, and Government of this Church, fliould be etfedlually and unalterably fecured; therefore her Majefty, with advice and confent of the faid Eftates of Parliament, doth hereby ertablilh and confirm the faid true Pro- teftant Religion, and the Worfhip, Dilcipline, and Government ef this Church, to continue without any alteration to {he people of this lapd- in all fucceeding generations; and more efpecially, her Majefty, with advice and confent forefaid», ratifies, approves, and for ever confirms, the fifth Aft of the firft Parliament of ^ing William and Qiieen Mary, iatituliid, " Aft rji'.tryipg.the Confeffion of Faith, ^'.;sind fettling Prefbyterian Chnreh Gove^Jjiflienr." w,ith th? haill other Adi% of Parliamen!: relati,ng thereto, in .profecvijcioQ/of .tjig'ideclara^ioD of ^he E^?es of this kingdom, containing the cjaioa of right, t>ear.ing d^te the eleventh of Aprils one thoufand fix hundred and eighty-nine ; aisu her M.ijedy, with advice and confent forefaid, exprefly provides and declares, that the fpreliiid true Proteftaitt Religion., contained in the above«iHentioned CoafciBo«n of Faith, with the fortji ami, purity of Worihip pjref?ntly vn wfe withii* it)>i& Chitiroh,- ai>d it? Prefbyreriari Clmrch Government and Difciplinei ]hn i$ i^ fay, the Government of th?; Church by Kirk SefTions, Preftyteries, Provincial Synods, and General Aflem- blies, all eftabliihed by tlie forefaid Afts of Parliament, purfnant to the claim of right, fhall remaiji *n4 eowtipwe ■unalterable; and that the faid Prefbytpriaa Governmtfvt (hall be the-pniy GoveirniiTieRt of , the Church within the kingdom oi Scotland. And further, fof the greater Security of jhe forefaid Proteftanc Reljij- gion, and of the Worfliip, D;i{Qipli:ne,; afid Government of this Chureh a« abDV(5 eftablifhed, her Majeily, vvkh advice and confent forefaid, flatutes and ordains,. that ^he Univerfjties and Colleges of St. Andrew's, GLfgow, Aberdeen, and Edinbur:gh, as now eftabliAed hy law, Ihall oontinue within this king^Jom fpr eT,er. And that, J6 all time eoiniing:, x\o Pfofeflbrs, Principals, Regents, Mafterf* or others, bearing office i® »uy Univicriity, College ojr School withip this king- 7 dona. 542 T HE TREATY O Fi^U N I O N, domj be capable, or be admitted or allowed tocoiitinue in the exerclfe of their feidfuivftions, but fuch as (ball owti and acknowledge the Givil Government in tnanner prefcribed, or to be prefcribcd by the Ads of Parliament. As alfo,- that before, or at their admiflions, they do and (hall acknowledge and profefs, and fhall fubfcribe to the forefaid Confeflion of Faith, as the ConfefEon of their Faith; and that they will praftife and conform themfelves to the Worfhip pre- fently in ufe in this Church, and fubmit themfelves to the Government and Difci- pline thereof, and never endeavour, diredtly or indireflly, the prejudice or fubvcr-- fion of the fame; and that before the refpeftive Piefbyieries of their bounds, by vvhatfoever gift, prefenration, or provifion, they may be thereto providi^d. And further, her Majefty, with advice forefaid, exprefly declares and ftatutes, that none of the fubjefts of this kingdom (hall be liable to, but all and everv one of them for ever free of any oath, tefl 6r fubfcrip-ion within this kingdom, con- trary to, or inconfiitent with, the forefaid true Proteftant Rtligion andPretyte- rian Church Government, Worfhip, and Difcipline as abo.e elfab ifhed ; and that the fame, within the bounds of this Church and Kingdom, fhall nevet" be impofed upon, or required of them in any fcrt. And, laftly, that- after the deceafe of her prefent Majefly (whom God long preferve), the Sovereign fuc- ceeding to her in the Royal Government of the kingdom of Grc^r-Biitain (hall, in all time coming, at his or her acceffion to the Crown, fwear and fubfcribe, that ihcy fliall inviolably maintain and preferve the forefaid Settlement of the true Proteftant Religion, with the Government, Worfliip, Difcipline, Right, and Privileges of this Church, as above eftabli(hed by the laws of this kingdom, in profecution of the claim of right. And it is hereby ftatute and ordained, that this A£i of Parliament, with the eftablilhment therein contained, fhall be held and obferved, in all time coming, as a fundamental and elTential condition of any Treaty or Union to be concluded betwixt the two kingdoms, without any alteration thereof, or derogation thereto, in any fort,' for ever. As alfo, that this A&. of Parliament, and Settlement therein contained, fliall be infeit and repeated in any Aft of Parliament that fhall pafs, for agreeing and concluding the forefaid Treaty or Union betwixt the two kingdoms; and that the fame fliall be therein exprefly declared to be a fundamental and effential condition of the faid Treaty or Union, in all time c6ming. WHICH ARTICLES OF UNION, and A&. immediately above-written, her Majefly, with advice and confent forefaid, ftatutes, enafls and ordains to be, and continue, in all time coming, the furc and perpetual foundation of a compleat and intire Union of the two kingdoms of Scotland and England, under this exprefs condition and provifion, that the approbation and ratification of the forefaid Articles and Aft' (hall be no ways binding on this kingdom, until the faid Articles and Aft be rati- fied, AS F I K I 3 HE D I N SCOTLAND. 543 fied, approveh and confirmed by her Majcfly, with and by the authority of the Parliament of England, as they are now agreed to, approven and confirmed by her Majefty, with and by the authuiii^ wf ihc rarllanitm ur Oi^ua^^a. i:>o<,i„r;r,rj neverthfclefs, that the Parliament of England may provide for the fecurity of the Church of. England as. they think expedient, to take place within the bounds of the faid kirtgdom of England^ and' not derogating from the fecurity above pro- vided, for eftablifliing of the Church of Scotland within the bounds of this klng- doixi. As ,alfo, the laid Parliament of England may extend the additions and other provifidps contained in the articles 0^ Union, as above inferr, in favours pf the fubjefts of Scotland, to and in favours of the fubje are to remain fafe and intire to them, in all refpefls, as before the fame ; and that, from and after the Union, no Scots cattle carried into England fliall be liable to any other duties, either on the publick or private accounts, than thofe duties to which the cattle of England are or fhall be liable within the faid kingdom. And feeing^ by the kws of England, there are rewards granted upon the exportation of certain kinds of grain, wherein oats grinded or ungrinded are not exprelTed, that, from and after the Union, when oats fhall be fold at fifteen flilllings flerling/>fr quarter, or under, there fliall be paid two ffiillings and fix pence flerling for every quarter of the oatmeal exported in the terms of the law, whereby and fo long as rewards are granted for exportation of other grain, and that the bear of Scotland have the fame rewards as barley. And in refpeft the importation of victual into Scotland, from any place beyond fea, would prove a difcouragement to tillage, therefore, that the prohibition, as now in force by the law of Scotland, againfl importation of victuals from Ireland, or any other place beyond fea into Scotland, do, after the Union, remain in the fame force as now it is, until more proper and effeitual ways be provided by the Parliament of Great Britain, for difcouraging the importation of ihe faid visuals from beyond fea. Article 7. That all parts of the United Kingdom be for ever, from and after the Union, liable to the fame cxcifcs upon all cxcifeable liquors, excepting only. AS EXEMPLIFIED IN ENGLAND. 547 only, that the thirty-four gallons Englifh barrel of beer or ale, amounting to twelve gallons Scots prcfent meafure, fold in Scotland by the brewer at nine (hillings fix pence fterling, excluding all duties, and retailed, including durics and the rftailer's profit, at two pence the Scots pint, or eighth part of the Scots gallon, be not, after the Union, liable, on account of the prefcnt excife upon excifeable liquors in England, to any higher impofition than two {hillings fterling upon the forefaid thirty-four gallons Englifli barrel, being twelve gallons the prefent Scots meafure ; and that the excife fettled in England on all other liquors, when the Union commences, take place throughout the whole United Kingdom. Article 8. Thar, from and after the Union, all foreign fait, which fliall be fm*ported into Scotland, fliall be charged, at the importation there, with the fame duties as the like fait is now charged with, being imported into England, and to be levied and fecured in the fame manner. But, in regard the duties of "reat quantities of foreign fait imported may be very heavy upon the merchants importers, ihat therefore all foreign fait imported into Scotland (hall be cellared and locked up under the cuftody of the merchants importers and the officers employed for levying the duties upon fait j and that the merchant may have what quantity thereof his occafion may require, not under a weigh or forty bulhels at a time, giving fecurity for the duty of what quantity he receives, payable in fix months ; but Scotland fhall, for the fpace of feven years from the faid Union, be exempted from paying in Scotland, for fait made there, the duty or excife now payable for fait made in England, but, from the expiration of the faid feven years, fliall be fubjeft and liable to the fame duties for fait made in Scotland, as fliall be then payable for fait made in England, to be levied and fecured in the fame manner, and with proportionable drawbacks and allowances, as in England ; with this ex- ception, that Scotland fliall, after the faid feven years, remain exempted from the duty of two (hillings and four-pence a bufliel on home fait, impofed by an aft fiiade in England in the ninth and tenth of King William the Third of England. And if the Parliament of Great Britain fliall, at or before the expiring of the faid feven years, fubflitute any other fund in place of the faid two fliillings and four ^ence of excife on the bufliel of home fait, Scotland fliall, after the faid feven years, bear a proportion of the faid fund, and have an equivalent in the terms of this treaty : and that, during the faid feven years, there fhall be payed in Eng- land, for all fait made in Scotland, and imported from thence into England, the feme duties upon the importation as fliall be payable for fait made in England, to be levied and fecured in the fame manner as the duties on foreign fait are to be levied and fecured in England. And that, after the faid feven years, as long as the faid boih the conflituent and proxy being qualified according to law ; declaring alfo,, that fuch peers as are abfeut, being qualified as iiforefaid, inay. fend tQ all fiKh meetings lifts of the Peers whom they judge fitted, validly figned by the faid. abfent Peers, whiqh (hall be reckoned in the fame r.icuiper as if the parties had been prefent, and given in the faid lift : And in cafe of the dfidth, or legal incapacity, of any of the faid lixteea Peers, that the afore- faid AS EXEMPLIFIED IN ENGLAND. 56^ faid Peers of Scotland fliall nominr.te another of their own number in place of the faid Peer or Peers in manner before and afcer mentioned. And that of the faid forty-five rcprefentatives of Scotland in the Houfe of Commons in the Parliament of Great Britain, thirty {hall be cholen hy the ihires or fte.var- tries, and fifteen by the royal burrows, as follows, videlicet, one for every Ihire and ftevvartry, excepting the fliires of Bute and Caithnefs, wliich fhall choofe one by turns, Bote having the firft eiedlion ; the ihltes of Nairn and Cromarty, which fliall alfo choofe by turns, Nairn having the firft ele-ftion ; and in like manner the ftires of Clackmannan and Kinrofs fliall clioof; by turns, Clackmannan having the firfl: elecflion : And in cafe of the dcarh or legal incapacity of any of the faid members from the refpeftive ftiires or flewartries above-mentioned, to fit in the houfe of Commons ; it is enadted and ordained, that the fhire or ftewartry who eh-tfled the faid member fliall eleft another member in his place. And that the faid fifteen rcprefentatives for the royal burrows be chofen as follows, videlicet. That the town of Edinburgh fhall have right to eleifl and fend one member to the Parliament of Great Britain; and that each of the other burghs (hall eleft a Cominiffioner in the fame manner as they are now in ufe to eleft Commiflioners to the Parliament of Scotland ; which Commiflioners and burghs (Edinburgh excepted), being di- vided in fourteen claffes or diftri61s, fhall meet at fuch time and burghs within their refpeflive diftriflsas her Majefty, her heirs or fuccelTors, fhall appoint, and eleft one for each diftrift, viddicet, the burghs of Kirkwal, Week, Dornock, Ding- wall and Tayne, one; the burghs of Fortrofe, Invernefs, Nairn and Forrefs, one j the burghs of Elgine, Cu!!en, Banff, Inverury and Kintore, one; the burghs of Aberdeen, Inverbervie, Montrofe, Aberbrotliock and Brichen, one ; the burghs of Forfar, Perth, Dundee, Covvper and St. Andrews, one ; the burghs of Crail Kilrennie, Anfl ruther Ealter, Anftruther Wefter, and Plttenweem, one ; the burghs of Dyfart, Kirkcaldie, Kinghorn and Bruntifland, one; the burghs of Innerkeithing, Dumfermline, Queensferry, Culrofs and Stirling, one ; the burghs of Glafgow, Renfrew, PvUglen and Dumbarton, one ; the burghs of Haddington, Dunbar, North Berwick, Lawder and Jedburgh, one ; the burghs of Selkirk, Peebles, Linlithgow and Lanerk, one ; the burghs of Dumfrei«, Sanquhar^ Annan, Lochmaben and Kirkcudbright, one ; the burghs of Wigtoun, New Galloway, Stranrawer and Whitehern, one; and the burghs of Air, Irvine, Rothefay, Campbeltoun and Inverary, one. And it is hereby declared and or- dained, that where "the votes of the Commiflioners for the faiJ burghs, met to choofe rcprefentatives from their feveral diftridls to the Parliament of Great Bri- tain, fhall be equal, in that cafe the Prcfident of the meeting fhall have a calling <^ C 2 £)£ 5^4 T II E T R E A T Y O F U N I O N, or declfive vote, and that by and according to his vote as a Commiffioner from the bur^h from whicli he is fent, the Commiffioner from the eldefi: burgh prefiding in the firft meeting, and the Commiffioners from the other burghs in their refpeftive diftrifls prefiding afterwards by turns, in the order as the faid burghs are now called in the Rolls of the ParUament cf Scotland. And tliat ill cafe any of the faid fifteen Commiffioners from burghs (hall deceafe, or become leo^ally incapable to fit in the Houfe of Commons, then the town of Edinburgh, or the diftrift which chofe the faid member, fliall eleit a mem- ber in his or their place : It is alwa) s hereby exprefsly provided and declared, that none ftiall be capable to eleft or be elefted for any of the faid eflates but fach as are twenty-one years of age compleat, and Proteftant, excluding all Paplb, or fuch who, being fufpedt of Popery and required, refufe to fwear and fubfcribe the formula contained in the third aft, nude in the eighth and ninth feffions of King William's Parliament, intituled, " Ad for prevent- *' ing the growth of Popery ;" and alfo declaring, that none (hall be capable to eleft or be elgfted to reprefeni a fliire or burgh in the Parliament of Great Britain for this part of the United Kingdom, except fuch as are now capable by the laws of this kingdom to eleft or be elefted as Commiffioners for {hires or burghs to the Parliament of Scotland. And further, her Majefty, with advice and confent aforefaid, for the effeftual and orderly election of the per- fons to be chofen to fit, vote, and ferve, in the refpeftive Houfesof the Parliament of Great Britain, when her Majedy, her heirs or fucceflbrs, fliall declare her or their pleafure for holding the firft, or any fubfequent Parliament of Great Britain, and when for that effeft a writ ffiali be Iflued out under the Great-feal of the United Kint^dom, direfted to the Privy Council of Scotland, conform to the (liid twenty-fccond article, flatutes, enafts and ordains, that, until the Parliament of Great Britain fhall make further provifion therein, the (aid writ fliall contain a warrant and command to the faid Privy Council to iflue out a proclamation in her IMajefty's name, requiring the Peers cf Scotland for the time to meet and affemble at fuch time and place within Scotland as her Majefly and royal fuc- ceflbrs fliall think fit, to make election of the faid fixteen peers ; and requiring the Lord Clerk Regifler, or two of the Clerks of Seffion, to attend all fuch meet- intrs, and to adminifler the oaths that are or fliall be by law required, and to aflc the votes; and, having made up the lifts in prefence of the meeting, to retura the names of the fixteen Peers chofen (certified under the fubfcription of the faid Lord Clerk llcgilter, Clerk or Clerks of Scllion attending) to the Clerk of the Privy Council of Scotland ; and, in like manner, requiring and ordaining the ibveral freeholders in the refpcftive flwres and Itewartries to meet and convene at AS E X E M P L I F I E D I N ENGLAND. 565 at the head burghs of their feveral {hires and flewartries, to eleft their Cominif* fioners, conform to the order above fer down, and ordaining the Gierke, of the faid meetings, immediately after the faid elei^ions are over, refpecVively to return the names of the perfons elected to the Clerks of the Privy Council ; and, laflly, ordaining the city of Edinburgh to elefl: their CommifTioner, and the other ro\'al burghs to e]e£t each of them a Commiflioner, as they have been ia ufe to elcft Commiffioners to the Parliament, and to fend the fuid refpedive CommifTioners, at fuch times, to fuch burghs within their refpeftive diftrifts as her Majelly and fuc- cefTors, by fuch proclamations, {hall appoint; requiring and ordaining the com- mon Clerk of the refpedive burghs, where fuch eledtions fliall be appointed to be made, to attend the faid meetings, and immediately after the election to return the name of the perfons fo elefted (certified under his hand) to the Clerk of Privy Council ; tg the end that the names of the fixteen Peers, thirty Commiffioners for (liires, and fifteen CommifTioners for burghs, being fo returned to the Privy Coun- cil, may be returned to the court from whence the writ did iffue, under the Great- feal of the United Kingdom, conform to the faid tvventy-fecond Article : And where- as, by the faid twenty-fecond Article, it is agreed, that if her Majelly fhall, on or before the firft day of May next, declare that it is expedient the Lords and Commons of the prefent Parliament of England ftiould be the Members of the refpeclive Houfes of the firfl Parliament of Great Britain, for and on the part of England, they fhall accordingly be the members of the faid refpciflive Houfes for and on the part of England ; her Majefty, with advice and confent aforefaid, in that cafe only doth hereby flatute and ordain, that the fixteen Peers and forty-five Coramifiioners for fliires and burghs, who {liall be chofen by the Peers, Barons, and bur^Ths, re- fpeftively, in this prefent feffion of Parliament, and out of the members thereof, in the fame manner as Committees of Parliament are ufually now chofen, fliall be the members of the refpeftive houfes of the faid firft Parliament of Great Britain for and on the part of Scotland ; which nomination and ele£\ion being certified by a writ under the Lord Clerk Pvegifter's hand, the perfons fo nominated and clefled fhall have right to fit and vote in the Houfe of Lords, and in the Houfe of Commons, of the faid firfl Parliament of Great Britain, as by the faid aft pafl"eci in Scotland for fettling the manner of elefting the fixteen Peers and forty-five Members to reprefent Scotland in the Parliament of Great Britain may appear; be it therefore further enad:ed and declared, by the authority aforefaid, that the faid laft-mentioned aft paifed in Scotland for fettling the manner of eleding jhe fixteen Peers and forty-five members to reprefent Scotland in the Parliament of Great Britain, as aforefaid, {liall be, and the fame is hereby declared to be, as vaUd as if the fame had been part of, and ingrofled in, the faid Articles of Union, ratified 566 T H E T R E A T Y O F U N I O N, &c. ratified and approved by the faid 2.£i of Parliament of Scotland, and hf this aft as aforefaid. Ego Matheus Johnfon Armiger Clericus Parliamentor. Tirtute brevis dift. Domine Hegine de certiorand. mihi diretl. & his annex. Certifico fuperius hoc fcriptum verum efTe tenorum aftus Parliamenti fiipradicl. in eo brevi expreffi. In cujus rei telHmonium huic fchedule figilliim meum ap- pofui, nomenque meum fubfcripfi. Dat. feptimo die Marcii anno regni d\&.Q Domine Regine quinto, annoque Domini millefimo feptingentefimo fexto. Math. Johnfon. Nos autem feparales tenores brevis retorn. & aftus predict, duximus exemplificand. per prefentes. In cujus rei teftimonium has literas noftras fieri fecimus patentes, Tefte meipfa apud Weftmonafter. feptimo die Martii anno regni noftri quinto. W R I G H T E. APPENDIX, '( 56? ) APPENDIX. PART I. Containing an Account of Tranfaftions in both Parts of the United Kingdoms, fubfequent to the Union ; being an Abridgment of the feveral Alerations made in the Laws, Trade, Cuftoms, and Conftitu- tion, of both Kingdoms, by the Union. TH E Union was no fooner concluded, and the Ratifications exchanged, aS has been faid, but an unlucky bufinefs happened, that opened afrefli the mouths of thofe that had all along watched occafions for that purpofe, and fur- niflied them with matter of new. clamour. The particulars are as follows : The time when the Union was to take place was the firft of May, after which, by the fourth Article of the Treaty, the fubjefts of either kingdom were to have a free intercourfe of trade, to enjoy equal privileges, and were to be upon an equal foot as to taxes, cuftoms, duties, prohibitions, &c. as by words of the Treaty, viz. Article 4th. " That all the fubjefts of the United Kingdom of Great Britain fhall, from and " after the Union, have full freedom and intercourfe of trade and navigation to *' and from any port or place within the faid United Kingdom, and the do.ninions " and plantations thereunto belonging ; and that there be a communication of all <' oth.er rights, privileges, and advantages, which do, or may, belong to the fubjefls *' of either kingdom, except where it is otherways exprefsly agreed in thefe Ar- *' tic'cs." But $6S APPENDIX. But in the interval of time, between the finifhing of the Treaty and the firft of May, all things by confequence remained as they were, and all merchandizes being imported into Scotland upon the foot of the former cufloms, which were much lower than in England, the merchants in both kingdoms, laying hold of that advantage for their private gain, fraughted abundance or fliips in f'rance and Holland with all ioru of goods, which paid high duties in England, landing them in Scotland, and paying only the Scots dues, prefuming that, after the firll of May they Ihould be fent free to England, according lo the general Article of treedom of commerce. To let the reader moreexa^ly into this cafe, I Ihall flate the difference of the duties of feme of the feveral commodities, which, being thus imported into Scot- land, were after to be carried into England -, fvich as wines, brandies, fait, lintfeed, iron, timber, deals, &c. being the chief kiads of goods imported in Scotland, and ©f which the duties were moflr. complained of. Eefides this, it is to be obferved, that the Cuftoms of Scotland being let in tack, as they call it in Scotland, or in farm as in England, the Tackfmen or Farmers, to encourage the merchants to make large importations, made feveral com.pofitions and abatements to them, lefs or more, according as the quantity of the goods im- ported. Encouraged by this means, the cultoms were Itill reduced, and yet the Farmers of the CuTloms made great gain of that inter\al of trade. Another Article of the contrivance of the merchants on this head was in Eng- land, upon the drawbacks on foreign goods imported there, and exported again by certificate. And this indeed was lefs honefl by far than the other, though both of them politic enough j and, which was thought, had flipt the notice of the Treaters on both fides during the negotiating the Treaty. The exporters in this cafe fent goods from England to Scotland by certificate, drawing back the duties paid on their import in England, as being fent to a foreign country : After the Union the kingdoms becoming one, it was by the Treaty Uft open for them to carry the fame goods back into England, and fell them there, as if they had paid the duty. The principal article this circumdance relates to was tobacco, which paying a large duty of near fixpence per pound in England, above fix thoufand hogflieads, as 1 have been told (fome have faid much more, even to double the quantity, but I choofe to relate the loweft number), were fent into Scotland, and &\e per pound ot the faid cufiom drawn' back by the merchant. I nted not acquaint the reader, that the exporter was both bound in a bond Tiith lecurities, and alfo f'.vorn againit the re-landing or returning ^it into England again ; but, as tne Union gave a free intercourfe of trade, /'. e. exporting and 6, hnporting APPENDIX. 569 hnporting to and from the refpeifiive kingdoms, without paying any duties, or any moleftation whatfoever, lb their bonds feem'd to be of no value in that cafe; but whether the oath was of no value to them is another affair, and not for mc to determine here. It is evident, the tobacco was fent to Scotland in quantities fo much above the ufaal conlumption of that country, that it could rationally be efleemed to be with no other profpect than of returning it into England again after the Union, and lb to obtain the advantage of the drawback. In like manner; it is evident, the great import into Scotland of wines and brandy from France, either dlreflly, or by way of Holland, was fo much beyond the ordinary confiimotion of the place, that it could be with no otiier end than the carrying it into England after the Union (liould take place, nor did the merchants Hick to own that to be in the defii^n. The Merchants in London, elpecially fuch as were concerned iu the trade to Sj^ain, Italy, and l^ortugal, and conlcquently had the greateft injury, made loud complaints of this, as an intolerable ir.equality, and a thing fo unjull that they made no doubt 11 concern the Government in it, and the Parliament being then fitting, they addreffed th;^ Houfe of Commons for relief. Their addrefs-was Jt'lowed with numerous folicitations, they even wearied the Menibers, the Secretaries of State, and every body, that they thought would efpoufe their cMile; that, as fome have expreffed it, they almofl: drove the Iloufe, by tne force of their clamours, upon a debate of a thing which molt people thought itiey had really no power, at leaft no reafon, to meddle with. The Parliaiftent then fitting was the fame which had, in concert vv'ith the Par- liainent of Scotland, iriade this Union ; and it could not feem reafonable, that the Parliainent of England, in its feparate capacity, could be qualified to explain any part of the Articles, which were then ratified and recorded in both kingdoms, and neither Parliament could determine in things belonging to the other, any more than they could have done before the Treaty. However this was, the Houfe of Commons went upon it, great application being made by the Englifli Merchants, and after fome debate came to this refolution. Rtfolved, " That the Importation of goods and merchandifes, of the growth and pro- duce of France and other foreign parts into Scoriand, in order to be brought frbm thence into England after the firfl; of May, and with intention to avoid the payment of the Engl ifh duties, will be to the damage and ruin of the fair traders, to the prejudice of the manufactures of England, a great lofs to her Majeliy's revenue of the Cufloms, and a very great detriment to the public." 4 D Aad, Sio APPENDIX. And, in purfuance of this refolution, a bill was ordered to be brought in, the' enafling part of which I have annexed to this work, in the Appendix N° C. (3). The title of it was as follows. " A Bill to prevent the mifchiefs of a fraudulent pra£lice, in obtaining draw- " backs for goods carried from England to Scotland, in order to be brought *' back again, and in carrying goods from foreign parts into Scotland, in order " to brought into England, without paying the Englifh duties, and for better " fecuring the duties of goods brought from the Eaft Indies, was (according to " orderj read a fecond time, and committed to a Committee of the whole Houfe." This bill pafl all the ufual forms in the Houfe of Commons, and went up to the Lords, but, after long debate in the upper Houfe, the Lords re]e(fled it. It is true, that, upon the petitions and reprefentations of the Scots Merchants, there were long debates, and great difficulties in the pafiing this bill in the Houfe of Commons ; and the Scots, demanding, by the letter of the Treaty, a free inter- courfe of trade, alledged they could not be refufed the importing of any goods out of Scotland into England, which were not by law counterband in Scotland before the faid Treaty, fince having been fairly admitted to an entry in the CuC tom-houfe of Scotland, and all the duties which were demanded being paid, the free intercourfe of trade between the nations immediately opened all the ports of England to their goods. This argument was too powerful and too plain not to have its weight in the Houfe : But, to folve this, there was an exception put into the bill for the pro- perty of Scots Merchants, as a thing which would effeftually remove their fcruples, and anfwer the end both of the Union one way, and of the Portugal Merchants another ; for the complaint feemed to lie notfo much againft the free- dom of Scots Merchants importing their own goods, but of foreigners, Dutch, French, Jews, and Englifh, who, under the cover of Scotfmen, had crouded in vaft quantities of wine and brandy, merely to evade paying the Englifli dut}', taking the advantage of the interval of time, and thereby bringing their goods to market upon terms vaflly differing from the courfe of trade. To prevent this, the a£^ was to provide, that all the properties of the Scots Merchants fliould be exempted, and be allowed to' come to England, but this was rellricted in point of proof, (i.) The onus probandi lay upon the merchant, in which many niceties occurred needlefs to be mentioned here (2.) None were to be reputed Scots Merchants but fuch as refided in Scotland : this excluded the Scots Merchants at London and in Holland, who were deeply embarked in thefe importations, and on whofe management the chief part of the defign was charged. (3.) The proof of the importations an ■ properties lay before the Commiilioners of the Cufloms, and it was doubtful how it ihould be determined, Uadcr APPENDIX. 57> • Under all thefe difficulties, with other reflriftions needlefs here, this firfl ad ftruggled and part the Commons; and yetic was thought alfo, that, had the Scots been fairly excepted, they would have been well enough pleafcd with fuch a dif- ference, and they would have had fome reafon to have been fo ; nor was the ex- ception of foreigners altogether unreafonablc, the thing being really a fraud in trade, and a hardfhip upon the fair traders : Bat the main objection turned upon another point, viz. the power the Parliament of England alone could have to determine, conftrue, or explain, any one of the Articles of the Union, which being made by the concurrence of the two refpeflive kingdoms, could not be fubjeft to the cognifance of either Parliament in its feparate capacity ; and upoa this head the Lortls rejeftcd the bill. And this being the ni;nn thing in my ob- fervation, on which the whole cafe depended, I have purpofcly omitted the rea- fonings on that article on either fide, which were very many, referring my reader to the fubftance of the Addrefs of the Scots Merchants to the Houfe of Lords, and to an obfervation made by an eminent Member of the Parliament, which I have added in the Appendix, in order to leave this cafe as clear to poflerity as is poflible, marked N" (D3.) and N'' (K q.)- However, it was abfolutely necelTary, if poffible, to bring this affair to fome con- clufion; and, in order to this, the Parliament at that time drawing near an end, for they could fit no longer than the laft of April, the Union commencing the firft of May, wherefore it was thought expedient to give the Houfe a Ihort recefs, that this matter might come again upon the ftage, whereupon the Qiieen prorogued the Parliament for three days only, and in a fliort fpeech made them acquainted with the reafon of it, viz. in order to find out an expedient to prevent any mis- chiefs arifing to either kingdom in the Ihort interval of time between that and the commencement of the Union. .•>*' When the Houfe met again, the Commons began again and voted to the fame purpofe as before, and ordered a bill to be brought in, in the fame terms as before. The vote of the Houfe of Commons ran thus j " That the importation of fundry goods of the growth of France, through Scot- land into England, with defign to avoid paying the duties payable for the fame in England, is a notorious fraud, ruinous to the fair trader, and injurious to her Majefty's revenue." Upon this vote, the merchants at London renewed their clamours'; and all me- thods poffible were made ufe of to bring the Parliament into ir, the Goyernment would willingly have found out fome expedient to have foftened the general com- plaint, and to have prevented the injury to the revenue; but all mediums were found imperfeft; and the Houfe of Lords perfifting in the firft fcruple, it fell to the ground. 4 D 2 While 573 APPENDIX. While this was tranfafling, the merchants went on with their importation, and though the quantity did not amount to what had been alletiged would be brought in, yet it was a very great quantity indeed, and the damage to the revenue in Eng- land appears by the following calculation. There were not feme wanting in either kingdom, who expefled to make early objections againft this proceeding, as a breach of the Union on the Englilli fide, and; had the aft part, though with the utmoft precautions, difcovered that they would have Improved that fuggeltion to the mmofl: ; and yet it was obfervable, that none were fo forward to approve of the a, Efq. I- Englilh-meiT, Lionel Norman, Efq, J Sir Robert Dickfon, Baronet, ") q Mr. Will. Boyle, brother to the Earl of Glafgow,/ The whole extent of the kingdom lay before them, and they had not only new officers to place in the refpeftive ports, but they had all their old officers to inftruft in the new methods, cuftoms, and manner of fecuring and accounting the refpeftive duties. This obliged the Government, even before commiffioners were named, and before the time for the new colleftion beg.m, to diredt five perfons from England experienced in the methods and ufage of the Cuftoms, to go down into Scotland, to ^^5 APPENDIX. ■to put ihem into fome manner of order as to exports and imports, efpecially of goods to be paffed between the two kingdoms when the Union was to take place, •and of imports which might happen before the commiflion came down ; as alfo to .regulate the colle61ion of the fubfequent duties, fecure the payment, and inftruft .the officers; and this was about the latter end of April. If the diforders thefe gentlemen found the Cuftom-houfe in, the confufion of method and remifnefs of prarlice was material to note in a hiflory, it would take up a large difcourfe here, and make the neceffity of a new modelling the Cuftom houfe more diftinflly appear. Thefe gentlemen, though it was impolTible to build any thing upon the method they found things in, yet by their diligence and application brought them to a little of a form, and prepared them the better for the regulations which were to follow. Thefe were the following perfons. Mr. Lionel Norman, fince one of the commiffioners, from the Cuftom-houfe at Berwick. Mr. Jeflbp Bougton, fince fecretary of the Cuftoms, from the Cuflom-houfe at London. Mr. John Colquit, fince colleflor at Leith, from Chefter. I^Ir. John Sewell, from CarliQe. Mr. Warwick Arthur, from Burlington. The firft clamour I meet with againft thefe proceedings, was the filling all the commiffions up with Englifli-men and ftrangers, and I mention it; not that it was a real ground of complaint, their number being not one-fifth part of the whole, as appears by their eftablifiiment ; but to remark how readily every thing was laid hold upon to reproach the Union, as being either originally del^gned for, or confequentially improved to, the particular advantage of the Euglilh feparately confidered. Now although the fmall number of Englilli employed in the Cufioms were a fufficient anfwer to the objeiflions, and a full juftification of the Englifli Govern- ment in that cafe ; yet it is a more clear defence when it is confidered that it was impoffible to introduce the new method of collcftion, the rules of their keeping their feveral offices and their accompts, which were all now to be done after the Englifli manner, without the afliftance of officers from England, who had been bred up to tlic fame bufinefs, and were abfolutcly maftcrs of the methods prac- tiled in England ; of which by iifelf. But to return to the queflion, I mean the neceffity of a feparatc colieflion of the Culloms and Excife in Scotland, it will further appear in reflecting on the proceedings of the officers in the profecution of their new methods. For, A. P, P i: t^ D 1 X. 577 For, firft, the people finding the cluti:s on French goods fo extravagantly high, tiat the ftealiurr the Cufloras was more worth their while than ulual, fell upon that pruflice with fo much eagef ncfs, that it was not in the power of the Cuftom-houfe o;Hcers at firft to fupprefs it. At fevcral places they pradifed it fo openly, and with fuch aflurance, that, when the officers had made their feizurcs* they were driven from them by the rabbles, and the goods attempted to be taken from them by force; and a fleet arriving from Holland about the months of Augufl or September after the Union, itwas thought that feveral thoiifand fmall cafks of brandy were convejeJ fecrctly on (liore, which it was impoflible to prevent; but of this 1 (hall lie more particular by ani by. It was time therefore to take new methods; and, thecommiflloners applying themfelves to the Government in this matter, foldiers were appointed to defend the collefiors as occafion fliould offer, and the perfons who had refilled, as above, were feized, and ordered to be proiecuted. I might give a long hiftory here of the frauds and violences pui upon the Government in the matters of the Cufloms, by which whole fliips' loadings of goods were attempted to be put on fliore, without paying the Cuflom ; but this is enough to make it plain what occafion there was of a ftrift and exafl management in this alTair, and confequently of a feparate commiflion. 1 he bufinefs of the Cufloms alfo in Scotland had been under a management quite different from that in England. The eommiffioners found the trade fmall, the officers few and difcouraged, their falaries fmall, and the extent of the ports vaftly large ; fo that of that fmall bufinefs there was in the nation, much of it was carried on by the clandefline management of the merchant ; and though the farmers or tackfmen did their utmoft with the officers they had, yet it was impoffible to prevent the running great quantities of goods. If this was a general praftice before, much more was it fo now, when the fweetnefs of it was taded by the merchants after the Union, when the duty of wine and brandy was about five times to eight times as much as it was before. This, added to the inconveniencies the Cuftom-houfe at firft laboured under, made it impoflTible to put a ftop to the irregular practice of the merchants. The firrhs of Forth afnd Clyde are known to be very large, and the whole kingdom full of creeks, coves, harbours, and bays, that unlefs a little army of officers had been maintained, it was not poffible they could eafily check th running goods on (hore, where there was fo great a temptation and opportunity. But, in order toreflify this as much as poffible, riding officers were appointed to furvey the coaft. Thefe were ufeful, to obferve the officers that they did their duty ; and withal, to inform the eommiffioners of what happened, to regulate the ports, and dircd the fixing officers in proper places. 4 E Thefc 573 APPENDIX. Thefe confiHed of four general riding furveyors, who, dividing the T^^hole "kingdom in proper diftrifts, had twelve riding officers under them, three to each furveyor. Thefe were fubjeft to the orders and infpeftion of the firft four; and all fiibjedl to the general orders of the commiflioners themfelves, as they found occafion. Nor did the commiflioners themfelves ftick, as they found the fervice required it, to take a perfonal infpeflion into the bufinefs of the Culloms at their firft planting ; frequently making long journies themfelves to viCt the coafl, and rciflify fuch abufes as they found requifite; whicli, though not ufual, ihey made no difficulty to do, at the firft fettlement of this nice branch of the revenue. Several cruizing veiTels alfo and fmall boats were built, for the Cuftom-houfe officers were intirely without them before, by which they were able to vifit and fearch fhips as they appeared at any time in the fea, off of the ports, or in all the creeks and rivers, as there was occafion : for want of which it was frequently prai^ifed for fhips to appear at a diftance, make figniils for their confederate^, who came off in boats, and fo delivered the goods they defigned to run before they came into port. Thefe boats, particularly- in the firth of Forth, having the whole firth to range in, had their appointed fignals alfo on the (hores, where- by they never failed to have notice if the officers appeared, and could fhift from port taport, or from one fide of the firth to the other, till they had a clear port to land in ; and the Cuftom-houfe officers might have the fatisfaif^ion to ftand on the fliore, and look on, but, having no veffel or boat to go off in, could not prevent the fraud. But this was intirely prevented by the vigilance of the commiffioners, who "placed their cruizing vefiels in proper ftations on the fea, and their feveral fmalier boats in the rivers, creeks, and ports; and thefe concurred together with the riding officers and furveyors on fliore, who, in their conftant circuits, anfwered exaflly by land what the faid vcflels did on the fea. By the exaftnefs of this method, the affair of the Cuftoms prefently caine into form, and things looked with a new face in trade, to the fatisfaftion of fair traders, and the better colleftins; and fecuring the duties. And for the better explaining the particular management of the Cuftoms in Scotland as to this point, and giving a proof of what I have noted as above, i have added a brief fcheme of the feveral ftations of the faid cvuifers by fea, their appointed bufinefs, and original coafts, together with the ftations of the riding officers on ftiore, which will be found Appendix, part II. N° (Rxx, S X x), and to which the reader is referred. A fcheme alfo of the difference of feveral duties before and after the Union, from which the encouragement for thtfe APPENDIX. 579 thefc triforders were drawn ; thefc you will find Appendix, part II. N" (T x x, Vxx, Xxx). I have been the longer on this, as well to give the true reafons wliy it was abfolutely necefiary to place Englifli officers in Scotland, in order to regulate the colle^lion, as why it was abfolutely neceifary to have a diflinft coinmiflion ia Scotland : and this will always hold to be a reafon for fuch a method, it being impraflicable that all the variety of cafes which (Iiall happen there fcould be determined by the Board at London, or left to the arbitrary decifion of fingle coUeftors: and this was one reafon, among others, why the Parliament found it necelfary to have a court of Exchequer eftabliQied in Scotland, in which all the feizures, confifcations, and pleas, between the merchant and the Cuftom- houfe officers, ihould be determined, (ince it would have been an iufupportable grievance, both to the Queen as v/cll as to the fubjefl: : To the firft, to have had fuch pleas determined in the ordinary methods of the law; and to the fecond, to have been obliged to defend themfelves in England, whither witnefFes mufl: have been fent, and the defendants have been bound to have appeared upon every trifling occafion; of which by itfelf. As the Cufloms were thus neceffarily put under a feparate col!e(5iion, fo was the Excife. That branch of the revenue was not without its difficulties ; and as there would be every day niceties and difficulties arifing which no Government could forefee ; fo it would have been too great a negleft of Scotland to have put the determination of that whole branch of the revenue into the hands of fingle coUeflors. Again, the difputes in the Excife in England being referred wholly to the judices of the peace, and at the firft fettling this duty there being no iuftices of peace fettled in Scotland ; it would too much have expofed the fubje^t, to have left them to the arbitrary decifion of inferior collectors, and too much have expofed the Government, to have left the Queen without a due power to have fecured the revenue. But there were yet other reafons which made the eftablifning feparate Commif- fions in Scotland for the revenue, as above, to be abfolutely neceffary ; and thi'; was the eighteenth and nineteenth Articles of the Union, which appointed the laws of Scotland to remain in force as they were. One confequence of this Article was, that all the pleas of the Crown, as well as all matters of private right, became cognofcible only in Scotland, and to be judged by v,'hat w^as before or was now to be deemed the law of Scotland. Hence it appeared abfolutely neceffary to have two new courts ereded in Scotland; that is to fay, new in method, though not in name, viz. a Court of Admiralty, and a Court of Exchequer; the firft to determine niantims 4 E 2 difputes i 5So " APPENDIX. difputes ; the other, fuch as relnted to the receipt of the revenue, as felzures, forfeitures, penalties, crown lands, leafes, grunts, patents, &c. and whatever demands the Sovereign had upon the fubjefts. It was exprefsly Uipulated in the twenty-fourth Article of the Union, " That *' a Seal in Scodand, after the Union, be always kept and made ufe of in all " things relating to private rights or grants, which have ufually pafl'ed the Great " Seal of Scotland, and which only concern offices, grants, comnriffions, and " private rights, within that kingdom ; and that, until fuch Seal fliall be " appointed by her Majedy, the prefent Great Seal of Scotland Qiall be ufcd for " fuch purpofes ; and that the Privy Seal, Signet, Caffet, Signet of the Jufticiary *' Court, Quarter Seal, and Seals of Courts, now ufed in Scotland, be continued.'* By this elaufe all grants, patents, commiflions, &c. were necelTarily to be paffed in Scodand. By this elaufe alfo it became neceflary, that there fliould be •a diftinifl Keeper of the Seal, and a diftinft Keeper of the Signet, in Scotland, though there was but one Lord Chancellor. Again, by the eighteenth article it was expfefly ftipulated, " That the laws " concerning regulation of Trade, Cuftoms, and fuch Excifes, to which Scot- ♦' land is, by virtue of this Treaty, to be liable, be the fame in Scotland, from " and after the Union, as in England ; and that all other laws, in ufe within the " kingdom of Scotland, do after the Union, and notwithftanding thereof, remaia *' in the fame force as before (except fuch as are contrary to, or inconfiftent with,- ♦* the terms of this Treaty), but alterable by the Parliament of Great Britain ; " with this difference betwixt the laws concerning publick right, policy, and * civil government, and thofe which concern private right, that the laws which " concern publick right, policy, and civil government, may be made the fame *• throughout the whole United Kingdom ;, but that no alteration be made in laws " which concern private rights, except for evident vuility of the fubjefts within ** Scotland." This drove theTreaters to theabfolute necefTity of forming all thofe particulars ©f the nineteenth Article, which arc but the explanation of the eighteenth, *' That the Court of Seffion, or College of Juflice, do, after the Union, and " notwithftanding thereof, remain in all time coming within Scotland as it is now " conftituted by the laws of that kingdom, and with the fame authority and " privileges as before the Union." This fettled the laws of private right : then the Court of Admiralty comes, as a confequence of the fecond elaufe, as folows : "And that all Admiralty Jurif- " diif^ions be under the Lord High Admiral or Commiffioners for the Admiralty "of G.eat Britain for the time being; and that the Court of Admiralty nov/ ** eftablilhed in Scotland be continued ; and that all reviews, reduiflions, or " fuf^enfions APPENDIX. 581 '*' fiifpenfions of the fentenccs in maritime cafes competent to the jiirlfdi^tion of *' that court, remaui in the fame manner after the Union as now in Scotlai.d, *' until the Parliament of Great Britain (liall make fuch reguhittons and ahera- " tions as ftiali be judged expedient for the whole United Kingdom, fo as there " be alwa}'s continued in Scotland a Conrt of Admiralty, fuch as is in England, *' for determination of all maritime cafes relating to piivate rights in Scotland, ** competent to the jurifdi<51ion of the Admiralty Court ; fu'^jeft, njvtnhelefs, to " fuch regulauons and alterations as (hall be thoughi proper to be made by the *' Parliament of Great Britain ; and that the heretable rights of Admiralty and *' Vice-admiralties in Scotland be referved to the refpeftive proprietors as rights *' of property ; fubjeft, neverthelefs, as to the manner of exercifing fuch Lere- " table rights." That all plejs of right, whether in private right or pleas of the Crown, were cognifable only in Scotland, is proved by the fame Articles, in the following words: "And that no caufes in Scotland be cognofcible by the Courts of *' Chancery, Queen's Bench, Common Pleas, or any other Court of Weftmin- " fter-Hall ; and that the faid Courts, or any other of the like nature, after ths *' Union, fliall have no power to cognofce, review, or alter the A£is or Sen- " tences of the Judicatures within Scotland, or llop the execution of the fame." The Exchequer, as a further confequence, follows next, in thefe words i ** And that there be a Court of Exchequer in Scotland after the Union, for *' deciding queftions concerning the revenues of Cultoms and Excifes there, " having the fame power and authority in fuch cafes as the Court of Exchequer " has in England ; and that the faid Court of Exchequer in Scotland have power " of pafGng fignatures, gifts, tutories, and in other things, as the Court of " Exchequer at prefent in Scotland hath ; and that the Court of Exchequer that *' now is in Scotland do remain, until a new Court of Exchequer be fettled by *' the Parliament of Great Britain in Scotland after the Union." By thefe particular eflablilhments may be leen not only the manner of the publick management in Scotland, but the reafon of it, and from whence it became neceflary to have the Court of Exchequer, the Commiffions, and the feparate colieftion of the publick Revenue, fettled in Scotland, all flowing from this main original Hated in the Treaty, viz. that all caufes between the Qiieen and the fubjeft are only cognifable in Scotland. According to this foundation, the collections for the Cuftoms and Excifes were fettled in Scotland in dlltinft commiffions, as has been faid ; and though at firft the difficulties in the faid colleftions appeared great, and fome uneafinef&on every fide began to rife, yet as they principally lay on the backwardnefs of the fubjedl to come under a Itri(fl furvey as to the duties, time wore off thefe things, and the people; 5S2 APPENDIX. .people became more fcnfible of the neceffity of the exad colledion, hi oider to bring trade to an equal uy. At the beginiihig the people thought every feizure of prohibited goods a vio- lence upon their properties, and clamoured at the Englilh and the Union ; as if the Union had been made not to bring them under good government, but to leave them without government. Upon this notion they fell to running of brandy in particular, at that prodigious rate that fome thoufands of fmall calks of brandy was, in fpight of all the vigilance of officers, fecretly fuppofed to be put on (hore out of the firil: Dutch fleet that came to Scotland after the Union ; and when the offi- cers made feizure of feveral parcels, the rabbles by violence refcued them again, as is already noted above. But this pradice was eafily fuppreft, for not the Government only, but ail the fair merchants were concerned in it, fince the running of goods on {hore, without paying cuflom, is a known prejudice to the merchant, who entering his goods fairly, and paying large cuftoms, is by thefe people under-fold, * ind the market foredalled ; thefe things, therefore, began to meet with lefs en- couragement ; and having no countenance but from the meer rabble, the frequent loffes they met with, by the aiftivity of the officers of the Cuftoms, by little and little, difcouraged the adventurers, and trade began to run in its proper channel. The difficulties of the Excife were of another kind ; of which by themfelves ; and though the rules of collcfting the Excife, and the methods of charging the fubjc(5>, were very exacl and regular, yet they were not without great obflruftions in their work, as has been noted : The firft by reafon of a mifunderftanding of the fenfe of the Article in the Union, fettling the duty of Excife, which, having exprefl the feveral meafures not very exaftly, admitted a double conftruftion as to the quantity, what was to be eftecmed theEnglifli barrel : The Commiffioners had charged it one way, and the Brewers demanded it another, as follows. The adt expreffi.'s it thus. VII. " That a!! the parts of the United Kingdom be, for ever, and after the " Union, liable to the fame excifes upon all excifeable liquors, excepting only *' that the thirty-four gallons Englifli to the barrel of beer or ale, amounting to " twelve gallons Scots, prefent meafure, fold in Scotland by the brewer at nine " fi-.illings and fixpence (lerling, excluding all duties, and retailed, including du- " ties on the retailer's profit, at two pence the Scots pint, or eighth part of the " Scots gallon, be nor, after the Union, liable on account of the prefent excife " upon excifeable liquors in England, to any higher impofition than two fliillings " iterling upon the aforefaid thirty-four gallons Englifli meafure, being twelve 6 " gallons APPENDIX. 5S3 " gallons the prcfent Scots meafure, and that the exc'fe fettled in Fngland on all ** other liquors, when the Union commences, take place throughout the whole *' United Kingdom." When the Excife Office came to charge the brewer upon this clavifc, they could reckon it no othtrwife than as in England, by the gage of thirty-four gallons Englifli to the barrel ; and thus the brewer flood charged for fomc time. But the brewers objedted, and, flicking to the letter of the Article, demanded to pay but two (hillmgs for twelve Scots gallons, whether it over-run the FngliQi thirty-four gallons or no. This occafioned fome fmall debate, but the prudence of the Commiffioners pre vented the clamour fome people would willingly have raifed upon it, and the juftices of peace directing one-feventeenth in each thirty-four gallons to be allowed, the brewer for the prefent left it undetermined till the Parliament (hould fettle it; and thus the brewers were made eafy : it is to be obferved, to the honour of the perfons employed in the firfl fetdement of the Excife in Scotland that, confidering the ignorance of the moft part of their officers in the art of gaug- ing, and in the new methods of taking the worts, and making a charge, confider- ing the difficuly of fatisfying and convincing the people, who were to pay the duty, that they had no wrong done them, they themfelves being unable to ex- amine the gaugers accounts, no duty was ever fettled with fo little noife, or with fofew complaints, not one perfon, that ever I could hear of, having any appeal from the Coramiffioners fentences, or making any complaint of injuftice done them; but the colleftion went on eafy, was collected quietly, paid chearfuliv, and vifibly improved the revenue, though nothing was paid by the brewer more than they paid before. Nor had it been poffible to colleift this duty legally, if it had net been fo, for the commiffioners of the Excife laboured under another difficulty which none of the other branches of the revenue were troubled with, i>iz. That the laws of colleflion being by the Union to he the fame. as in England, and the juliices of the peace being by the aft of Parliament, 12 Carol. II. in England made judges between the Queen and the fubjcft, in cafes of difpute, from the beginning of the Union till about Augufl: 1708, which was fifteen months, they were without the afllftance of juftices to determine thofe difputcs. There was, indeed, a nomination of juftices by the Privy Council of Scotland, 15 Auguft 1707, as will appear in its place, and for fome few months they did meet and aft ; but this was a nevv fettlement, and the gentlemen named were yet young in their bufinefs, little help could be had from them, and, v.hich was flill Worfe, before they had titne to inform themfelves their power died by the aft of Parliament in England diflblving the Privy Council in Scotland. This aft pa0 3«4 APPENDIX. pad in the beginning of the firft Britifli Parliament, and by the ceafing of that power, from whence thofe juftices derived, the power of the juftices alfo ceafed ; and rhey were now to receive new commifllons from the Lord Chancellor of Britain, as the juftices in England alfo did; this was not fini(hed till Auguft 1708 ; fo tliat, in all that time, the Commiffioners of the Excife had no legal au- thority before whom they could convift any offender, or punifli any breach of the law, or by whom any cafe could be determined. Yet their bufmefs went on, and no complaint was heard againfl; their manage- ment, no appeal made againft them, no difficulties but what they worked through, to the general fatisfaftion. The Excife as well as Cuftoms in Scotland had been farmed out, or let in tack, as they call it, the Tackfmen or Farmers did their beft, for their own intereft; but feveral circumftances rendered their method of collefting the Excife unfit to be imitated, fuch as their officers, who were intirely ignorant of the art of gaug- ing, taking the lengths of the worts by guefs, and proving quantities chiefly by the oaths of the brewers and the like, which, joined with fome other praftices I care not to mention, expofed both the Colle£lors and the Brewers to feveral in- conveniencies, and in general made the charge on the Brewer many ways un- equal ; a thing prejudicial not to the duty only, but to the fair dealer particularly, who always fufters by the frauds and connivances of others. On this account when the firft of May came, and the Union taking place, the new duty was to begin, the Government found themfeives neccfTitated to feud down a great many officers into Scotland, if polfible, to put things into fome order, and prepare the people for the new method of colleftion ; what treatment thefe officers received in Scotland, how ill t^^e people there ufcd them, and how little they were able to do, will beft appear by this, that the Government found them- feives obliged by proclamation to let the duty go on for fome time in the fame methods, and collected by the fame officers, till the new methods could be pre- pared. Nor was this all, for though the new Conimiffion was formed as foon as pof- fible, for the Commiffioners began to aff on the ninth of June, yet they had the whole kingdom to regulate as to the collection, all their officers to inftruil, both as to method and to aft ; the firfl relating to the accounts, and the laft as to gaug- ing; not an officer in the whole kingdom underftanding the ufe of the gauging rod, as is noted already, nor the people knowing the meaning of it. This makes the diificulty of fettling the Excife in Scotland appear, and indeed whoever confiders the manner of colledion before the Union, as before, will wonder, how it was pofTible ever to bring the bufinefs into any order, for the people, being raoit intolerably averfe, at firft, to the new regulations, raifed in- numerable APPENDIX. 5B5 nnmerable clamours ai the olTicers that came from England, as impofing noveltirs on them, and confounding their bufinefs ; and here, as well as in the Cuftoms, the clamour againft Englifhmen being imployed, was laid hold of, but the con- du6t of the Commiffioncrs here likewife effeftually anfwered that pretence, for no fooner had the officers, fent by the Commiffioncrs in England, as above, done the work they came about, viz. in dirci^ing and inflrudling the officers m Scotland, but the greateft part of them were fent back again, and fofew Englilli- men remained in the Excife, that it is not worth naming. The names of the Commiffioncrs as fettled, after fome few alcerations, were as follows : Alexander Wetherburn, Efquire. John Montgomery, Efquire. John Whittham, Efquire. David Rofs, Efquire. Alexander Forbes, Efquire. Nor was the duty of Excife, as a revenue, without its difcouragements, as well as the Cuftoms ; the article of private rights, referved by the Union, had of coarfe brought feveral exemptions upon them, fome of which have proved very con- fiderable hindrances to the duty. The Commiffioncrs, however, difputed with fome of thofe people who claimed exemptions of duty, and the debate on thofe heads lay undetermined before the Barons of Exchequer at the writing thefe flieets. Under all thefe difcouragements, yet the colleflion went on, and the Brewers foon became fatisfied with the manner of charging the Excife, viz. by gauging, as the mod equal, indifferent, and undeniably certain, and as a method no man could be wronged by ; which giving them all an equality with one another, was very much the advantage of the fair traders, who always fuffer by the frauds of clandeftine dealing. Nay, this was evident by the Brevters themfelves, who, differing with the city of Edinburgh alfelTors about the taxes paid to the city, endeavoured to have the city officers charge them by the gauging rod, as in the Excife, but could not ob- tain it. I have infilled upon the difficulties of fettling thefe things, to flaow the world the abiblute neceffity of placing the colledVion of the revenue in Scotland, dif- tinft from that in England; and alfo as a thing needful, to fliow by what fteps the feveral offices arrived to that order and exaftnefs which they nov/ appeared to be managed in. I come now to the affair of the Equivalent. The calculations and proportions between the nations, being the ground from whence it became payable to Scotland, I have gone through already, as diftindly 4 E as 586 APPENDIX. as 1 can, in the feveral obfervations on the minutes of the Treaty, firft at London,. and after in the Parliament of Scotland. We are now come to the j^ayment of it.. The Parliament had determined, both how it Ihonld be difpofed of, and who- fiiould difpofe it, 172. That the Queen (hould name Commiffioners to receive anck jiiue out the faid money according to the terras of the Union; this you have- exprefsly in the fifteenth Article of the Union, as concluded at London^ as fol- lows: And it is agreed, That her Majefty be impowered to appoint Commiffioners,- whe (hall be accountable to the Parliament of Great Britain, for difpofing the: laid fum of three hundred ninety-eight thoufand eighty-five pounds, ten fhill- ings, and all other monies which fhall arife to Scotland, upon the agreements" aforefaid, to the purpofes before-mentioned : which Commiffiouers fhall be im- powered to call forj receive, and difpofe of, the faid monies in manner aforefaid, and to infpeft the books of the feveral Colieclors of the faid revenues, and of all other duties from whence an equivalent may arife ; and that the Colleflors and Managers of the faid revenues and duties be obliged to give to the faid Commif- fioners fubfcribed authentick abbreviates of the produce of fuch revenues and duties arifing in their refpeftive diftrids : And that the faid Commiffioners fhall have their office within the limits of Scotland, and fhall, in fuch office, keep books containing accounts of the amount of the equivalents, and how the fame fhall have been difpofed of from time to time, which may be infpeded by any of the fub- jeds who fhall defire the fame. The Queen, purfuant to this power, appointed Commiffioners for the manage- ment of the equivalent ; and the money, being raifed by Parliament, lay ready in ihe Bank of England. The Commiffioners named by the Queen were twenty-five in number, as follows : Sir Andrew Hume, Mr. William Dalrymple of Glenmulr, Sir Robert Sinclair of Stevenfon, Sir Thomas Burnet of Leyes, Sir John Arefkin of Alva, Sir John Swintoun of that Ilk, Sir James Campbell of Aberuchil, Sir James Smollet of Bonhil, Sir Pat. ick Johnftoun, Mr. J< hn Hadden of Glenagis, Mr. John Bruce of Kinrofs, Mr, William Seton, younger, of Pitmcddcn, Mr. Commiffioners of the Equivalent. A P P P E N D I Mr. John Clark, younger, of Pcnniecook, Alexander Abercrombie of Glaflbch, Mungo Grah^me of Gorthie, Mr. John Pringle of Haining, Daniel Campbell, Sir John Cope, Jacob Reynardfon, John Bridges, James Houblon, Merchants in London, Sir Francis Grant, Bailie of Jervifwood, Graham of Dowgalfloun, Douglafs of Kelhead, X. 587 Commiffioners of tht Equivalent, Thefe did not accceot the bufinefs at the firlt. The four Merchants of London were named, becaufe, as members of the Bank of England, they were required to be prefent upon the fpot, in order to fupport the credit of the Bank, in cafe any body had fcrupled their bills ; and indeed there was occafion fufficient for their being there, as will appear prefently. It was now the beginning of July, and the money was not yet come away from London. It would be endlefs to record here the fcandalous refle£lions fpread about, of the delay of payment, and how the Englifh, having fecured the main point, would pay the money when they pleafed, or perhaps never ; and fome ran it up to that height, as to fay, that the Englilh defigned to cheat them of the money. Again : another fort of people pretended the Union was broke, becaufe the money was not paid by the firfl: of May ; and there was a difcourfe of fome gentlemen, who came up to the Crofs of Edinburgh, and protefted, in the name of the whole Scots nation, That the conditions of the Treaty being not complied with, and the terms performed, the whole was void, and Scotland was again free, whenever an occafion offered to lay hold of that freedom ; that fome peo- ple were fo weak to talk thus, and that a certain gentleman was foolifli enough to make fuch a formal proteftation, I have fome reafon to believe; but thatD H was the man, I profefs not to know, and believe that noble perfon to underftand the nature of the Treaty, and the nature of protefling alfo, better than fo. Be it as it will, fuch proteftation was of no ufe, neither could it have any •iij3[nification, being made purely without ground, the Treaty having no where tied lip the Government of England to have the money adually in Scotland by 4 F 2 fuch 588 APPENDIX. fuch a day; nor was England by the Treaty under any obligation to a day of payment; but two things prefcribed the payment, and a third clears it all moft efleaually. 1. That, by the cuftom of England, any payment contrafl-ed ^or f.ne die be- comes a debt demander, or payable at demand ; and ib the day being not prefixed in the Articles, the money became ]^ refently due, viz, the firfl: of May; but under no forfeiture on delay of days, much lefsa diflblution of Articles. 2. But if this nicety had been infifted on, then it is anfwered, that the money xvas aftually paid by England, being delivered by the Treafury to a certain number of the Coinmilfioners appointed for receiving the equivalent ; and this either upon or before the firfl of May ; and though it was not adhially come down into Scotland, yet, if it was delivered in London to the proper perfons- appointed to receive ir, the Government of England was fairly acquitted of the payment. And this is to be feen by the faid CoramilTioners receipt in the Exche- 6oo APPENDIX. as is needfui; and indeed is as much as was intended by the Union, no aft of Parliament, law, or ftatute, that can be made, being able to oblige the country people in every place to leave off their wonted calculations and denominations of things, which are frequently made upon the foot of their ancient cuftoms ; for example, as before, the valuation of lands, tenor of leafes, the rents, the entails, rent-charges, life-rents, and payments for or out of land revenue, are all reckoned in Scotland by the chaider, boll, firlot, and lippy, and cannot be altered ; even marriage fettlements and entails are entered in this manner ; and it would run Scotland into all manner of confufion, to oblige them at once to leave oft' all the terms, by which their lands are known, valued, mortgaged, entailed, charged or conveyed. I think we have thus gently toucTied at all tbe alterations of moment which Were made in the laws, trade, cuftom, and conftitution of Scotland, accord- ing to my title; but left it may be thought, that thefe alterations lie too much ■difperfed up and down this book, in the relation of particular cafes, I (hall endea- vour to fum them up in the following abridgment. Firft, as to the Conflitution, though laft named, I conceive it fuffered fome alteration, though not, as was alledged by fome, an intire dilToiution ; it was not dilTolved, becaule the Government by King and Parliament continued the fame, •viz. a limited monarchy; it leceived no diminution, but an addition of privi- leges and liberties ; and had the Scots thought fit to have gone a little further, and made provifion for transferring their fuperiorities, they might have at laft come to an intire enjoyment of that fiime liberty that England is now fo happy in ; however, though the Conftitution received no diffolution, yet it is acknow- ledged, that it fuffered alterations in feveral articles, of which thefe are the principal. 1. That tbough the monarchy is the fame, yet that they become incor- porated into one monarchy with their neighbour kingdom, fubjedted for ever to the fame Sovereign, and engaged in war, peace, alliances, and fuc- ccffii n with them ; fo that they can no more aft in their feparate capacity, in any thing relating to Government or Conftitution. 2. They fuffer alterations in their reprefentative, and thefe confift in two branches; firft, That the number of their reprefentative is reduced to forty- five. Secondly, That the eleiftions pafs under a new regulation, and are managed by a different method. And, thirdly. That they fit not any more in Parliament by themfelves, but in conjunftion with the Englilh Parlia- ment, reprcfenting the feveral counties and corporations, as Members of the UjMtcd kingdom of Great Britain. 3. The APPENDIX. 6oi 3. The hereditary branch of Parliament, I mean the Peers, fulTer alfo an alteration, being changed from a full appearance in Parliament to a reprc- fentative appearance, and that reprefentative limited to the number of fixteen. 4. Their regal adminiftration fufFers an alteration ; the Sovereign, who before executed the Civil Power in a feparate capacity, being now oblii»ed to change the face of that adminiflration into an united management, go- verning now by one Parliament, one Privy Council, one High Admiral, one Chancery, one Treafury ; and, in Hiort, one general oeconomy of Govern- ment; thus the feveral diflinct offices of Admiral, Chancellor, Treafurer, Secretaries of State, and Prefident of Privy Council, funk in either king- dom, and new comraifTions were ifTued ; as one Privy Council, and one Prefident, under the title of Lord Prefident of the Privy Council of Britain, Lord High Chancellor of Britain, Lord High Treafurer of Britain, Lord High Admiral of Britain, and the like; and, which I clofe all with, the Queen herfelf lays down her feparate titles, and is now no more Queen of England, Scotland, &c. but Queen of Great Britain, and is called in mif- fives, and in foreign accounts, her Britannick Majefty ; her troops are no more Englifli and Scots, but Britifli forces ; and the arms of the ifland are anew incorporated and quartered together, as appears at la^ge in the fore- going fliects. This, I think, is the fum of the principal alterations in the Conflltution of Scotland by the Union ; in all which, except that of the Parliament, the Com- mons being reduced in number, and the Lords by reprefentative ; I fay, in all the reft, England fuffered the fame alterations as Scotland, fuch as dilTolvino- her Parliament, her name as a kingdom, her Council, great offices, and title of her Sovereign ; and all things began de novo in both kingdoms, under the finole de- nomination of Britain and BritiQr. The fecond head of alteration is that of the Laws ; and this is fo particularly entered into In the beginning of this very part of my work, that I need be but very Ihort. I. The Laws of Government continue as the Government continues ^{tabliflied in the claim of right, I mean as to the limitations of govern- ment and obedience; nor has Scotland fuffered any lofs, but rather been a manifefi; gainer in this point by the Union ; the Privy Council tyranny being aboliflied, who had arrived to that height in Scotland, as to give their afts alnioll of a;, equal authority to afts of Parliament ; a power v.'holiy dif- claimed by the Privy Council in England, to whofe powers and authorities tlie prefent Council of Britain is by Parliament exprefsly limited and confined. 4 H 2. The eoi APPENDIX. 2. The laws of private right have fuffered no alteration, other than as private right may be intermixed with that of the Crown ; but all .he hiws of publick right, fuch as relate to Cuftcms and Excifes, have fuilered the al- terations mentioned in the Union, a Court of Exchequer being eltabliilied in Scotland for that purpofe ; and this was neceffary, as has been noted, becaufe of the alterations neceffary in the revenue, and in the refpeftivc methods of afcertaining and collecting the Culloms, Excifes, &c. due to the Crown; and in this claufe may be included the feveral laws for penalties, fines, forfeitures, and confifcations, upon the particular trefpaffes of the laws relating to Culloms and Excife, which were wholly new. 3. The governing laws, relating to the Civil Peace, have fuffered fome alter- ation, as to what was juft before the Union, by the erefting juftices of the peace; but thiS feems a refloring what was before, rather than an alteration of what was, fince it was nothing but what was a£lually put in praftice twice before, and what there were laws then in being to judify their return. So all the alterations, that feem to be made now, were; firfl, only that the juftices of peace formerly had their commiflion from the Privy Council in Scotland, but now received it from the Lord Chancellor of Britain; and, fecondly, that the juftices of peace had fome new powers veiled in thera fince the Union, which they had not before, fuch as determining difputes in the duty of Excife, giving power of diftrefs for payment, warrants of forcible entries in cafe of concealments of Cuftcms, and the like. All the reft of the Laws of Scotland remained the fame per the Union ; the circuits of the Lords of the Jufticiary 1 take alfo to be no innovation at all, as what had formerly been praftifed. I come now to alterations of Trade ; and thefe can receive but a very fliort de- fcription here, becaufe the greateft alterations which happened in Trade could not follow the Union fo clofe at the heels as the time of the writing thefe flieets require to relate it ; but fuch as were immediately the confequence of the Union, were fuch as thefe, 1. A general prohibition and ftop of commerce with France, which, till now, Scotland publickly carried on. 2. A prohibition of all exports and imports, as in England; and, by vir- tue of that claufe, a particular prohibition of the exportation of wool, which was, till then, publickly allowed in Scotland, and which, though people feemed at firft very uneafy at, yet was, without doubt, very much for the publick advantage of Scotland, whofe manufaflures were thereby quite funk as to exportation ; this article was attended with penalties and focfeitures particular, and fuch as wcje not pradifed in Scotland, and for which APPENDIX. 6oj 5»lilch the laws of Exclfe and Cuftoms in England were introduced, and the trials on which were brought on, cither before the juftices of peace, or Court of Ex'chequcr, as above. 3. Whereas Scotland had, before this, prohibited all the Englifh woollen manufactures, under fevere penalties, and England, on the other hand, had excluded the Scots from trading with Scots (hips to their Colonies in America, dire£lly from Scotland, and had confifcated even their own Enghfh ihips trading to the faid Colonies from England, if navigated or manned with above one third Scots feamen, had laid tolls and heavy imports upon cattle and linen imported into England from Scotland, and had prohibited the exportation of corn from England to Scotland, though the occafion of it: might be never fo great, but on the fame conditions, and under the fame reflriiftions, as to other countries ; now, by the'Union, all thefe prohibitions, reftraints, tolls, impofts, and exclufions, on either hand, were taken off; the Englifh growth and manufaflures, formerly prohibited, came immediatel)', free of all interruptions, into Scotland; all the tolls and impofts upon Scots cattle, linen, or other goods in England, were taken off; all the ports of England, whether in Europe or America, were open to Scots fhips, v;ithout any impofts or reflraint; Scots failors in Englifh bottoms were immediately free ; and (hips from the Englifh Colonies might fail to, and unlade free in Scotland, without any obflrudlion. Thefe I call alterations in the laws of trade; befides which, there were fome particular alterations which relate to the drawbacks, bounties, and allowances on the exportation, and for encouragement of the exportation of fifli, corn, pork, &c. of which I need fay nothing, having been very particular already in the relation of the debates upon thofe heads in Parliament. The confequences of thefe things upon trade are at prefent few, but will nc- cefTarily be far greater hereafter ; the firft vifible confequence was the rife and fall of feveral kinds of merchandizes, as the new alterations, prohibitions, or im- portations of them happened, differing from what they were before. As for example : wines, brandy, and all kinds of goods of the growth of France, muft of courfe rife in their value, the further import being prohibited ; and this would have enriched a great many families in Scotland, who had quantities of thefe goods on their hands, had not the difficulty of enforcing thefe prohibitions at firfl laid trade open to clandelline importations, by which the fair trader was, as in fuch cafes always happens, a very great fufFerer. Secondly, all the goods of the growth of the Englifli Colonies, or which were to be had from England, being now imported direflly to Scotland, began to come 4 H 2 as €o^ APPENDIX'. as tbe return of the Scots manufa£iures, feveral fliips being laden from Scotland to Virginia and Barbadoes, tlie very firft year after the Union. Another confequence of this Union in trade was the letting fall almofl: all the woolien manufactures which had been erefled in Scotland, and where they began TO come to fome perfeflion in making broad cloth, druggets, and ftufls of all ibrts •, but, upon the opening the Englifh trade, they were immediately fo thronged with Englilh goods of the fame forts fo much cheaper, that it appeared thofe ihine-s would c'ie of courfe. Though, indeed, this feemed to be fome blow to their trade, and particularly to the employment of their poor ; yet, at the fame time, the duties upon linen from Scotland being taken off in England made fo great a demand for Scots linen more than ufual, that it feemed the poor could want no employment ; and feveral kinds of linen being fet to work by Engliflimen, which never before were made, or at leaft for exportation in Scotland, fuch as fail-cloths, canvas, dama/lc, &c. it is thought, the employment of the poor was not lelTened by this alteration. On the other hand, the lower and coarfer manufacirures in Scotland, which were made of their own wool, feemed to increafe, and not only found a larger vent in Scotland, but were bought up by the Englifti merchants, who brought ether fluffs thither, and fold in England ; and thefe manufaftures are not unlikely to rife to a confiderable height, fuch as Stirling ferges, in England called ihalloons, Muffelburgh fluffs, and the like ; and we find in England fome propofals from the African Company, for the making Guinea fluffs there, which perhaps may in time come to be very confiderable. I might enter here into the fchemes and projefts, which have made much noife in the world, for improvement of fifhing in Scotland, and of navigation and building {hips in Scotland ; but as thefe things have yet made no alterations in the trade, and are but in embryo at the writing thefe fheets, I cannot mingle them here as matter of hiftory, but have touched them more at large in the preface. It remains only to fpeak of the alterations of the cuftoms ; and this would have required a long table of the feveral duties and impofl formerly paid in Scot- land upon the export and import of merchandizes ; but, having already given an account, that the whole cuftoms are fettled upon the Englifh foot, and the duties of all kinds being too large to infert here, and already printed in the book of rates, re-printed in Scotland, it would be a vain labour to recite the par- ticulars ; and as to the difference between the duties on the Englifli foot and the duties as paid before, it required the very fame recital of particulars, the length of which would be intolerable; and for this reafon, though I have referred to fome fchemes fuid to be in the fecond part of this Appendix^ aud which I received from the Cuftom-hcufe in Scotland, yet when I came to find, 4 upon APPENDIX. 605 upon examination, that the Tackfmen of the Cuftoms in Scotland ufually com- pounded with the Merchants, and reduced the faid Cufloms to what fum they pleafed, I chofe to omit a fcheme, which, when put down, would give the reader no certain guefs at the thing, and confequently fignify nothing. If any man iliould enquire, whether, upon the whole of thefe alterations in trade, Scotland is gainer or lofer, I muft acknowledge, it is a difTicuIt point to refolve at fo fmall a diftance from the finifhing the Union ; but, as to the profit of the trade between Scotland and England in particular, as it appears at the writing thefe fheets, I Ihall leave the impartial obferver to guefs by thefe two particulars. 1. That about feventeen fliips from the feveral ports of Scotland are al- ready fitted out, and fent away to the Englifh Colonies, whofe loading is certainly the product of the ground, or labour of the poor, and whofe re- turn mufl be in fugar, tobacco, cotton, indico, &c. and money. 2. That above 170,000 bolls of corn of fundry forts have already been Ihipped off from Scotland for England, befides a very great quantity bought up by England, and (hipped direclly for Portugal; both thefe articles are additions to the trade of Scotland, and both within little more than,- a year immediately fucceeding the Union of the ifland. What further increafe of commerce may accrue to Scotland, when thefe bloody wars fliall end, and when peace fliall be reftored to Europe, I fliall not pretend to examine ; but there feems to be no queftion, but the trade of Scotland {lands fair for very great improvements. APPENDIX. ( 6o6 ) APPENDIX. P A R T IL N° A X. Acl anent Prayer for the Parliament, anent the UNION. At Edinburgh, the fourteenth day of Oflober, one thouland feven hundred and fix years. THE CommifTion of the General Aflenvbly taking to their moil: ferious con- fideration the great and weighty affairs now in agitation, fpecially the Treaty betwixt the two kingdoms ; and how much thefe call to all to be earneft with God in fincere and fervent fupplications for his direction and afliftance to the high Court of Parliament, and al! others concerned, to bring them to a happy iffue, for his own glory, and the good of this Church and Kingdom : do there- fore refolve and declare, that, in the firfl: place, they for themfelves, and for all that (hall be pleafed to join with them, will keep and obferve Friday next, the i8th inftant, at ten o-clock in this place, for a day of ferious prayer and fupplicatioti to God, for his divine prefence and affiftance for the end forefaid ; and, in the next place, do mofl: earneftly recommend to all the Lord's minifters and people, that they alfo make application to God upon all proper occafions for the faid ends and blcffings ; and that this AQ. be forthwith fent and tranfmittcd to all Prcfbyteries for their concurrence by themfelves, and by ftirring up their people to the duty- above recommended. And on the 2 2d of the fame month, this affair being moved again, the following A^ of the Commiflion was made, as per the Hillory, fol. 27. of the Treaty in Scotland. APPENDIX. 607 Ad of the Commiflion of the Heneral AfTembly, cocerning foleraa Prayer and Humiliation. At Edinburgh, the 2 2(1 of Oflober, lyod. nr'HE Commiffion of the General Affembly of this national Church, having -■■ under their mofl: feiious confideration, that the great and weighty affair of a Treaty of Union between the two Nations is now laid before the Parliament; and how much the refult of their determinations, with refpecl to the fame, may prove of the highefl: confequenee, both to this Church and Nation, in all their interefts civil and religious, and that both to the prefent and fucceeding genera- tions ; confidering likewife, that the abounding and continued increafe of impiety, popery, and prophanenefs, through the land, the abufe of the privileges and mercies we have enjoyed, and hitherto, through the infinite goodnefs and long- fuffering patience of God, do ftill enjoy; our unthinkfulncfs for, and unfruit- fulnefs under, the Gofpel ; our formality, decay of zeal, and flacknefs in pro- moving, according to our flations, the much-called for work of fincere, perfonal, and national reformation; may juflly provoke the righteous and holy God to remove our bleflings, to fmite us in his hot difpleafure, and for our fins to leave our rulers in this vafllv important and difficult exigence, wherein there isfo much need of clear and unprejuditated light, and of harmony, and onenefs in the Lord : they have therefore judged it incumbent upon them to excite themfelves, and all the people of God in tne land, to much ferioufnefs, diligence, and con- tinued fervour, in applying to the Throne of Grace, upon fo great and momentous affairs : and thev do hereby moft ferioufly and earneilly recommend to all the Prefby- tries within this national Church, to appoint, fet apart, and obferve a day for folemn publick prayer, fulling, and humiliarion, in all the Churches within their refpedtive bounds as foon as poffible ; for which end, the Moderators of the fevcral Prefbytries are to ca]\ ihem pro re >!(7tc!, as foon as this comes to their hand ; and farder, that Prefbytries continue to keep among themfelves, and miniflers with their feffions, dyets, for perfifting inftant in prayer to God, and for preferving upon their own fpirits, and of all the Lord's people, a due concern about their proper duty, with refpeifl: unto the Church of Chrift, and the great affairs now in agitation. And the Commiflion doth mod earneflly befeech and obtell in the bowels of our Lord Jefus Chrift, all their brethren of the Miniftry, and all the Lord's people, that they ftir up themfelves, and one another, to humble, fincere, and penitent confeffions of their own fins, and the fins of the land, and to unfeigned refoluiiona. 6o8 APPENDIX. refolutlons to amendment, with afllve and zealous endeavours after thorow refor- mation refpectively in their places, together alfo with ardent fupplications to the Father of Mercies in behalf of the whole Church of Chrift over the world, and particularly of the Church in this land, that he may be pleafed to take away all iniquity, to turn our hearts unro him, to return unto us, and abide with us in mercy, and gracioufly to preferve, eftablifli, and perfeft, what he has wrought for us; that our moft gracious Queen may be bleffed and preferved in her perfon, and guided of God in her Government and Councils ; and that there may be a due thankful acknowledgement of the great and wonderful things God hath done, in giving fuch fuccefs to the forces of her Majefty, and thefe of her Allies, againfl: the great troubler of the peace of Europe, and perfecutor of the Church and people of God, and that God may continue his kindnefs in profperlng her Majefly's, and thefe of her Allies' forces, both by fea and land, againft the common enemy ; and that all the confukations and determinations of the Eftates of Parliament, efpecially with refped: to an Union with England, may be influ- enced and direfted by divine wifdom and condudt in the fear of the Lord, to his glory, the good of religion, and this national Church, eftabliflied by law in doftrine, worfliip, difcipline, and government, and the well-fare, comfort, and fatisfadion of the people of this nation, and the peace and profperity of both kingdoms, that iniquity may flop its mouth, that all finful contention and difcord may ceafe ; and that truth, righthoufnefs, and peace, may flourifli and be per- petuated in this Church and land : and it is ordained, that thefe prefents be read in the Paroch Churches. This Aft being voted, was unanimoufly approven by the faid Commiffion. Extracted by me, JO. DUND AS, Cis. EccL To his grace tlie Duke of Queenlberry, her Majefty's High Commif- fioner, and to the right hoaourable the Eftates of Parliament. The humble Addrefs and Petition of the Commiffion of the General AlTcmbly of the Church of SCOTLAND, HUMBLY SHEWETH, '"p^H AT where we are called by our great Lord and Mafter, and entrufted by ■*■ the late General Affembly of this Church, to advert to the intereft and concerns of this Church on all occafions that may ofler, for promoving of its good y APPENDIX. 609 good and advantage, and the preventing of any hurt or prejudice it may fuffcr : and whereas, by the late A£l: of Parliament for a Treaty with England, for an Union of both kingdoms, it is provided, that the Commiffioners for that Treaty fhould not treat of, or concerning, any alteration of the worfliip, difcipline, and government, of the Church of this kingdom, as now by laweftablifhed; likeasher Majefty, in her gracious letter to the Parliament, hath been pleafed, on the prefent occafion, to re- new the aflurances her Majefly formerly gave of her refolution to maintain the government of the Church as by law eflabliflied ; therefore, and in regard there can be nothing more important to the glory of God, and to the perpetual peace and happinefs of this kingdom, nor agreeable to her Majefly's moft gracious pleafure, nor more becoming the wifdom and faithfulnefs of this high and honourable Court of Parliament, we do moft humbly and earneftly fupplicate and befeech your Grace and Lordfliips, that you may be pleafed to eftabhlh and confirm the true Proteftant Religion, and all our facred and religious concerns, in the moft effeftual manner, for their unalterable fecurity to the people of this land, and all fucceeding generations; and efpecially, that her Majefty, witli advice and conlent of the Eftates of Parliament, would be pleafed to ratify and confirm the fifth Adc of the firft Parliament of King William and Qiieen Mary, intituled, " Aft ratifying the Confefi*ion of Faith, and Settlement of the Preftjy- *' terian Church Government," and the other Afts of Parliament relatino- thereto, in profecution of the declaration of the Eftates of this kingdom, con- taining the Claim of Right, of the date the nth of April, 1689, exprefsly providing and declaring, that the forefaid true Proteftant Religion, contained in the above-mentioned Confeffion of Faith, with the purity of worftiip prefently in ufe in this Church, and the Preft)yterian Church government and difcipline, that is to fay, the government of the Church by Kirk-Sefiions, Prefbyteries, Pro- vincial Synods, and General Affemblies, which we are perfuaded are aofreeable to the word of God, and founded thereon, and which are eftablifhed b^' the forefaid Ads of Parliament, purfuant to the Claim of Right, fliall remain and continue unalterably ; and that the faid Prefbyteriau government fliall be the' only govtrnment of the Church within this kingdom ; and that this provifioti fliall be held and obferved in all time coniing as a fundamental article and effe'n- tial condition of any Treaty or Union that (hall be concluded betwixt the two kingdoms ; and that it be further fettled with all the lecurity that your Grac^ and the Eftates of Pariiament (ball judge to be fuificient. And your petitioners do and (hall ever pray, that God, only wife, may guide your Grace and the Eflares of Parliament, not only to the full and cffeftual ella- blifliment of our forefaid Religion and Church governrnenr, and the concerns thereof; but likewife, in this whole great and weighty affadr of the rhefe our orders, in fuppreffing and diffipating of the faid tumults, and clearing the ftreets thereof ; the aflors and authors thereof are hereby declared to be indemnified for ever, and we difcharge all purfult, civil or criminal, to be in- tented againft them on the forefaid account in all time coming, as having afted and done nothing but what was their duty : and in cafe any of our people (hall dare to be fo prefumptuous, after publication of the premifes, to aflemble or continue in arms, we hereby require and command the (heriffs of our feveral fliires, flewarts of flewartries, baillies of regalities and baronies, magiltrate^ of burghs,, and other officiars of our law, officers of our forces, and troops under their command, to pafs upon, difperfe, and fubdue, the faid convocations by open force, and all manner of violence, as enemies and open rebels to us and our Government; and in cafe any fLiughter, blood, bruifes, or mutilation, flj'all happen to be done and committed by our faid flierilTs, and officers of our forces, and other magiftrates for-efaid, or perfons under their command, we,. •with advice forefaid, do hereby fully remit, pardon, and indemnify the fame,, and difcharge the profecution thereof, civilly or criminally, in all time coming. Our will is herefore, and we charge you, that ye pafs to the Mercat-Crofs of Edin- burgh, and PJercat-Crofles of Dumfreis, Lanerk, and Glafgow, and other places needful,, and there make publication hereof, by open proclamation of the premifes, that none may pretend ignorance ; and ordain thefe prefents to be. printed, and our folicitors to fend copies hereof to the magiftrates of the refpc^ive burghs above-mentioned for that effeft. Extrafted forth of the records of ParJiament,, by JA. MURRAY, Gls. Reg- Given under our Signet, at Edinburgh, the twenty-fourth day of Oflober,. and. of our reign the lifth year, 1 706. Per Acluni Domlnorum Sccreti Condlii,. M« APPENDIX. - fij; N" Dx. To his Grace, her Majefly's High Commiffioner, and the right honour- able the Eftates of Parliament. The Addrefs of the Commiflioners to the General Convention of the Royal Burrows of this antient khigdom, convened the 29th of Oftober laft> upon the great concern of the Union propofed betwixt Scotland and England, for concerting fuch meafures as fliould be efteemed proper for them to take, v?ith relation to their Trade, and other concerns,. HUMBLY SHEWETH, THAT as, by the Claim of Right, it is the privilege of all fubjeii^s to peti- tion, fo at this time, being moftly irapowered by our Confliments, and knowing the fentiments of the people we rcprefent, it is our indifpenfable Duty, to fignify to your Grace, and the honourable Eftates of Parliament, That as we are not againft an honourable and fafe Union with England, confiding with the Being of this Kingdom and Parliaments thereof, without which we con- ceive neither our Religion, nor our Civil Interefts and' Trade as we now by Law enjoy them, can be fecured to Us and our Pofterity, far lefs can we expeft to have the condition of the People of Scotland, with relation to thefe great con- cerns, made better and improven without a Scots Parliament : And, feeing by the Articles of Union, now under the confideration of the honourable Eftates of Parliament, it is agreed, that Scotland and England lliall be united into one kingdom, and that the united kingdoms be united by one and the fame Parliament, by which our Monarchy is fuppreft, our Parlinments extinguiflied, and in confequence our Religion, Church Government, Claim of Right, Laws, Liberties, Trade, and all that is dear to us, daily indarger of being encroached upon, altered, or wholly fubverted by the Eugliih, in a Eritidi Par- liament, wherein the mean reprefentation allowed for Scotland can never fignify in fecuring to us the Intereft referved by us, or granted to us, by the: Englilh : And by thefe articles our Poor People are made liable to the Englifh taxes,, which is a certain unfupportabte burden, confidering that the trade propofed is uncertain, involved, and wholly precarious, efpecially when regulate as to ex- port and import by the laws of England, and under the fame prohibitions and leftridlons, cuftoms, and duties; and confidering, that the moft confiderable- 6 branches: Cx4 A P P E N D I X. branches of our Trade are differing from thofe of England, and are and may he yet more difcouraged by their laws; and thatall the concerts of Trade, and our Intereft, are, after the Union, fubjefl to fuch alterations as the Parliament of Great Britain fiiall think fit : r We, therefore, iuppllcate your Grace and the honourable Eflates of Par- liament-; and do affuredly expeft, that ye will not conclude fuch an Incorporate Union as is contained in the articles propofed ; but that ye will fupport and maintain the True Reformed Proteftant Pvcligion and Church Government as by law eftabliflied, the Sovereignty and Independency of this Crown and Kingdom, and the Rights and Privileges of Parliament, which have been generoufly aflertedl^y you in the feflion of this prefent Parliament : And do further pray, that effedlual means may be ufed for defeating the defigns and attempts of all Popiih Pfetenders whatfomever td the fucceflion of thil Crown and Kingdom ; and for fecuring this Nation againft all the Attempts and Incroachmems that may be made, by aay perfons 'tvhat- fomever, upon the Sovereignty, Religion, Laws, Liberties, Trade, and Quiet of the fame. And we promife to maintain with our lives and fortunes all thefe valuable things, in oppofition to all Popilh and other enemies wliatfoniever, according to our Law's, and Claim of Right. Signed by Order, and in Prefence of the Convention, by SAM. M'LELLAN, Prefe?. N° Ex. ,<* THESE arc to notify to all concerned, what are our rcafons for, and dc-» figns in, lire burning of the printed Articles of the propofed Union with England, wirh the names of the Scots Commiflioners, fubfcribers thereof ; to- gether with the minutes of the whole Treaty betwixt them and the Euglilh Com- miflioners thereanent. WE have herein no deCgn againfl her Majefly, nor agau>n: England, or any EngliQiman ; neither againft; our prefent Parliament, in their a6ls or aflings for the intcrcit, fafety, and fovercignty of this our native and antient cation i but to teftify our diifent from, difcontent with, and proteftation againft,. A P P E W D I X-k 6ij- the twenty-five Articles of the faid Union, fuhfcribcd by die forefaid Commif- fioners, as being inconfiftent with, and. altogether prejudicial to, and utterly de- ftruflive of, this Nation's independency, Crown-rights, and onr confticiite laws, both lacreci-aud civil. We fhall not here condel'cet.d upon the particular preju- dices that do and will redound to this nation, if the faid Union IhoulJ be car- ried on aocording to the printed articles, but refer the reader to the variety of addreffes given in to the prefent Parliament by all ranks, from almpfl all cor-, liers of this nation, again ft the faid Union; only we mu ft fay and profefs, that the Gommfffioners for this nation have been chher fimple, ignorant, o.r treacher- ous, if not all three, when the minutes of the Treaty betwixt the Commiflipners of both kingdoms are duly confidered-, and when we compare their daftardlv yieldings unto the demands and propofals of the Englifti Commiffioners, who, on the contrary, Inve valiantly acquit themfelves for the intereft and fafety of. their nation. We acknowledge It is in tlie power of the prefent Parliament to give remlf- fions to the fubfcribers of the forefaid Articles ; and we heartily wifh for a good, agreement amongft all the Members of the Parliament, fo as it may tend to the fafety and prefervation of both Church and State, with all the privileges be- longing thereto, within the kingdom of Scotland. But if the fubfcribers of the forefaid Treaty and Union, with their aflbclates In. Parliament, fliall prefume to carry on the faid Union, by a fupream power, ovec the belly of the generality of this nation ; then, and in that cafe, as we judge, that the confent of the generality of the fame, can only diveft them of their facred and civil liberties, purchafcd and maintained by our Anceftors with their blood ; fo we- proteft, whatever ratification of the forefaid Union may pafs in Parliament, contrary to our fundamental laws, liberties, and privileges, concerning Church aad S&ate, may not be binding upon the nation, now or at any time to come. And particularly we proteft againft the approbation of the firft Article of the faid Union, before the privileges of this nation, contained in the other articles, had been adj-ufted and fecured ; and fo we earneftly require, that the reprefentatives in- Parliament, who are tor out nation's privileges, would give timeous warning taalLthe corners of the kingdom, that we and our pofterity become not tri» butary and bond-flaves -to our neighbours, without acquitting ourfelves, as be- caraes mcn-and Chriftians : and we are confident, that the foldlers now in mar- tial power, have fo much of thofpirits of Seotfmcn, that they are not ambitious tc^be difpofed of at the pleafurc of another nation: and we hereby declare, that ^c have no defign againft them in this matter. N*^ 6iS A P P E N D I X. N" Fx. OVERTURE for an Ad for Security of tlie Church. OUR Sovereign Lady, and the Eftates of Parliament, ccnfidering, that by the late aft of Parliament for a Treaty with England for an Union of both kingdoms, it is provided, that the Commiflioners for that Treaty fhouldnot treat of, or concerning, any alteration of the Vi'orfhip, difcipline, and government, of the church of this kingdom, as now by law eflablifhed ; which treaty being now re- ported to the Parliament ; and it being reafonable and neceffary, that the true Proteftant Religion, as prefently profeffed within this kingdom, with the worfliip, difcipline and government of this Church, fhould be eflfeftually and unalterably fecured ; therefore, her Majefty, with advice and confent of the faid Eftatee of Parliament, doth hereby eftablifli and confirm the faid true Proteftant Pveligion, and the worfliip, difcipline, and government, of this Churcli, to continue without any alteration to the people of this land in all fucceeding generations ; and more efpecially, her Majefly, with advice and confent forefaid, ratifies, approves, and for ever confirms, the 5th aft of the 1 Parliament K. W. and Q^ M. intituled, '** Aft ratifying the confeffion of Faith, and fettling Prefbyterian Church Govern- *' ment, with the hail other afts of Parliament relating thereto, in profecution of *' the declaration of the Eftates of this Kingdom, containing the Claim of Right, " bearing date the 11th of April 1689." And her Majefty, with advice and con- fent forefaid, exprefsly provides and declares. That the forefaid true Proteftant Religion, contained in the above-mentioned Confeffion of Faith, with the form and purity of worfliip prefently in ufe within this Church, and its Prefbyterian 'Church Gjveinment and Difcipline, that is to fay, the Government of the Church by Kirk-fefTions, Prefbyteries, ProvinciaUfynods, and General-aJTemblies, all efiabliflied by the forefaid afts of Parliament, purfuant to the Claim of Right, fhall remain and continue unalterable; and that the faid Prefbyterian Govern- ment fliall be the only government of the Church within the kingdom of Scot- land^ and further, for the greater fecurity of the forefaid Proteftant Religion, and of the Worfhip, Difcipline, and Government of this Church as above efla- bliflied, her Majefly, with advice and confent forefaid, flatntcs and ordains, that, in all time coming, no Profeflbrs, Principals, Regent*, Maflers, or others bearing office in any univcrfity, college or fchool within this kingdom, be ca- pable, or be aiimittcd or allowed to coniinue in the exercife of their faid func- tions, but fuch as fliall own and acknowledge the civil government in manner prefcribed, or to beprefcribcd, b^ the afts of Parliament. As alfb, that before or APPENDIX. €^^ or at their admi/Tions, they do and fliall acknowledge and profefs, and fhall fub- fcribe to the forefaid Confefilon of Faith, as the confefllon of their faith, and that they will praflife and conform themfclves to the worfliip prefcntly in ufe in this Church, and fubmit themfclves to the government and dircij->line thereof, and never endeavour, direflly or indircflly, the prejudice ov fubverfion of the fame, and that before the refpective Prcfbyteries of their bounds by whatfomever gift» prefentation, or provifion, they may be thereto provided. And, further, her Ma- jefty, with advice forefaid, exprefsly declares and ftatutes, that none of the fub- jefts of this kingdom fliall be liable to, but all and every one of them for ever free of, any oath, tcft or fubfcription, within this kingdom, contrary to or in- confiftent with the forefaid true Proreftant Religion and Prefbytcrian Church Government, Worfliip, and Difcipline, as above eflablifhed, and that the fame within the bounds of this Church and Kingdom fliall never be impofed upon, or required of them in any fort. And, laltly, that after the deceafe of her prefent Majefty (whom God long preferve!) the Sovereign fucceeding to her in the royal Government of this kingdom fliall, in all time coming, at his or her accef- Con to the Crown, fwear and fubfcribe, that they fliall maintain ancf preferve the forefaid fettlement of the true Prottftant Religion, with the Government, Worfliip, and Difcipline, of this Church, as above eflabliflied, inviolably. And it is hereby fliatute and ordained, that tliis ad: of Parliament, with the eftablifli- inent herein containea, fliall be held and obferved, in all time cotniiig, as a fun- damental and efl"ential condition of any Treaty or Union to be concluded betwixt the two kingdoms, without any alteration thereof, or derogation thereto in any fort, for ever: as alfo, that this a£t of Parliament, and fettlement therein con- tained, fliall be infert and repeated in any KSt of Parlinment that fliall pafs for agreeing and concluding the forefaid Treaty or Union betwixt the two king- doms ; and that the fame fliall be there exprefsly declared to be a fundamental and eflfential condition of the faid Treaty or Union in all time coming. 4 K N' 6i8 APPENDIX. N" G X. Agred to in the Commiflion, November 8, X'jo6. Unto His Grace, Her Majeflry's High Commiffioner, and the Right Honourable the Eftates of ParUament. The Humble Reprefentation and Petition of the Commiffion of the General Af- fembly of this National Church, SHEWETH, THAT befide the general addrefs already made by us, for fecuring the Doc- trine, Worfhip, Difcipline, and Government, of this Church, and now under your confideration, wliich with all gratitude we acknowledge, there are fome particulars which, in purfuance of the defign of cur faid addrefs, we do with all humility lay before your Grace and Lordfliips. I. That the Sacramental Teft being the condition of accefs to Places of Truft, and to Benefits from the Crown, all of our Communion mufl: be debarred from the fame, if not in Scotland, yet through the reft of the dominion of Britain, which may prove of mod dangerous confequence to this Church. IF. That this Church and Nation may be expofed to the further danger of new Oaths from the Parliament of Britain, unlefs it be provided that no Oath, Bond, or Teft, of any kind, (hall be required of any Minifter or Member of the Church of Scotland, which are inconfiftent with the known principles of this Church. III. There being no Provifion in the Treaty of Union, for fecuring of this Church by a Coronation Oath, that therefore, in the Coronation Oath to be taken by the Soirereigns of Great Britain, they be engaged to maintain the Doftrine, Worfhip, Difcipline, and Government, of this Church, and the Rights and Privileges thereof, as now by law eftablilhed. IV. That, in cafe the propofed Union be concluded, the Church will fufFer prejudice, unlefs there be a Commiflion for Plantation of Kirks and Valuation of Teinds, and making up the Regifters of that Court which were burnt, and a Judicatory in Scotland, for redrcfhng grievances, and judging caufes, which formerly were judged by tlie Privy Council, fuch as the growth of Pope- ry, and other irregularities, and with which Judicature the Church may corre- fpond aneut Fafts and Thankf^ivings. V. Like wife APPENDIX. 619 V. Likewife we do humbly repri^O^nt, that, in the fecond part of the Oath of abjuration in favours of the fucceffion in the Proteftaiit line, there is refe^ rence made to fome afts of the Englifn Parliament, which every one in this na- tion, who may be obliged to take the faid Oath, may not fo well know, and therefore cannot fivear wi:h judgment. As, alfo, there feems to us fome qua- lifications required in the Succeflor to the Crown, which arc not fuitable to our Principles. VI. And in the lafl place, in cafe this pi'opofed Treaty of Union (hall be con- cluded, this Nation will be fubjefted, in its Civil Intereits, to a Britifh Parliament; wherein twenty-fix Prelates are to be conflituent members and legiilators ; and left our filence fhould be conftrufted to import our confent to, or approbation of, the civil places and power of Church-men, we crave leave, in all humility, and due refpeft to your Grace and Honourable Eflates of Parliament, to repre- fent, that it is contrary to our known principles and covenants, that any Church-man (hould bear Civil Offices, or have power in the Common- wealth. Thefe things we humbly befeech your Grace and Lordfhips to confider, and provide fuitable remedies thereto. And we fliali pray, that the only wife God may fo direft and guide your Grace and Lord(hips in thefe, and all other mat- ters that lie before you, that the refuh of your confultations may be the glory of God, the advantge of religion, the peace and comfort of her Majefty (whofe long and profperous reign we heartily pray for), the prefervation of peace and truth in both kingdoms, and the welfare of this Church and Nation in particular, the fatisfaftion of all who truly love and fear the Lord therein, the peace of your own confciences, and your comfort in the day of your accounts. Signed in Name, in Prefence, and at the Appointment, of the forefaid Commiflion of the General Affembly, by WILL. WISHART, Moderator. 4 K 2 N»- 620' APPENDIX. N° H X. Reafons given In to Mr. WiiriamWiniart, Moderator of the CommifTioti of the late General Aflembly of the Church of Scotland,, againfl the Reprefentation and Petition. T Edinburgh the twelfth day of November, one thoafand feven hundred and fix years, by the under fubfcribing noblemen and gentlemen, Elders in the faid Commifiion, reafons for difient entered, and proteft.ition taktn by them upon the feventh day of the faid month, in the meeting of the Commifiion againft an Addrefs propofed to be made by the Commillion upon the grounds contained in fix articles to the High Court of Parliament; which articles were, by feveral members of the Commifiion, urged to be put to the vote for approbatba m the form and terras following. The Articles are as follows.. 1. That the Sacramental Ted being the condition of accefs to places of truft, and to benefits from the Crown, all of our Communion mud be debarred from, the fame, if not in Scotland, yet through the reft of the dominion of Britain, which may prove of moft dangerous confequence to this Church. 2. That this Church and Nation may be expofed to the further danger of new oaths from the Parliament of Britain, unlefs it be provided that no oath, bond, ©r teft of any kind, (hall be required of any Miniller or member of the Church of Scotland, which are inconfiftent with the known principles of this Church. 3. There being no provifion in the Treaty of Union for fecuring of this Church by the Coronation Oath, that therefore, in the Coronation Oath to be taken by the Sovereigns of Great Britain, they be engaged to maintain the doctrine, uorfljipi difcipline, and government of this Church, and the rights and privileges thereof, as now by law eftabliihed. 4. That, in cafe the propofed Union be concluded, the Church will fuffcr preju- dice, un'efs there be a commifiion for plantation of Kirks and valuation of Teinds, and making up the Regifiers of that Court which w^ere burnt ; and a Juilicaiory in Scotland, for redrefilng grievances, and judging caufes,, which formerly were judged by the Privy Council, fuch as the growth of Popery, and other irregulari- ties; and with which Judicatory the Church may correfpond anent Fafts and Thankfgivings^ c.- Likewlfe. A P P E :N D I X. 621: 5. Likewife, we do humbly reprefent, That, in the fecond part of the op.th of abjuration, in favours of the Succeffor in the I'roteftant line, ihcre is reference made to fomeafts of the Englifti Parliament, which every one in this Nation, w!io may be obliged to take the faid oath, may not fo wcU know, and therefore canned fwear with judgment ; as, alfo, there fcems to us fome qualifications required ia the Succeffor to the Crown, which are not fuitable to our principles. 6. And, in the laft place, in cafe the propofed Ireaty of Union fliall be con- cluded, this Nation will be fubjefted in its civil interefts to a Britifli Parliament, wherein twenty-fix Prelates are to be conflituent members and legiflators ; and, left our filence {hould be conftrufted to import our confent to, or approbation ofr the civil places and power of Church-men, we crave leave, in all humility and due refpeft to your Grace and honourable Ellates of Parliament, to reprefent, that it is contrary to our known principles and covenants, that any Church-man fliould bear civil offices, or have power in the Common-wealth. Againfl which Articles and Addrefs propofed, the faid Elders did before the Vote proteft, and take Inftruments in the Hands of the Clerk of tl:i€ Commiflion, For the Reafons following* 1. The Commiffion of the General Affembly having already addreff to the Parliament, for fecuring the doftrine, worfhip, difcipline, and government, of this Church, and that Addrefs being read in the Hon fe upon the 17th of October laft, the Parliament did thereupon declare, that, before concluding the Union,. they would take the faid Addrefs to their confideration, and would do every- thing neceffary for fecuring the true Proteftant Religion and Church Govern- ment prefently by law eflabliflied in this kingdom ; which affurance, we con- ceive, the CommilTIon may very well rely upon, leeing it is not to be doubted, that the Parliament will, in due time, when the Addrefs is taken to confideration, make- all neceffary provifions for fecuring our Religion and Church Government by law eftabliflKd ; and it may be conftruifted jealoufy, or diffidence in this Com- miffion, to prefs and purfue the faid Addrefs further, before it appear what fteps and progrefs the Parliament ftiall make upon hy efpecially feeing there are fo many Elders of this Commiffion who are members of the Houfe, and, being heartily concerned for the Church's inrercft, will certainly take care that nothing be omitted or forgot to be reprefented in Parliament which is neceffary for the Church's fecurity.. 2. The Parliament having, upon the r5th of Oflober laff, voted to proceed prefently to the confideration of the articles of the Treaty of Union, which might he «2a A P P E N D I X. _ be known to all by the publiCbed minutes, we conceive it not decent or fuitable to the prudence of this Commiflion to prefent a new Addrefs relating to the fub- jeft of il;e former, whereby the Houfe may be impeded in its procedure, which may caufe a longer delay of confidering the firft Addrefs, by occafioning new queftions and debates in the Houfe. 3. The fixth article of the now intended Addrefs contains matters which, we conceive, are not within the fphere and compafs of the Commiffion's bufinefs pre- fcribed to them by the General Affembly. Yet a wide ftep is made in quarrelling and objecting to the conftitution of the Parliament of England, the reprefentative of that nation, with which this is now in a Treaty about an Union ; likewife in that article the form and frame of the civil policy and government of England, in the extent and latitude of it agreeable to its laws, is reflefted upon and chal- lenged; all which, in our opinion, infinuates a blaming and condemning our Par- liament for treating of au Union with a kingdom fo circuraflantiated as Eng- land is. 4. Whatever the conftitution of the Parliament of England now is, and what- ever may be the conflitution of the Parliament of Great Britain after the Union, the prefent legal eitabliftiment of our Church is not alterable by it, that being without the bounds of the Treaty, which can reach no farther than the civil policy and government of the United Kingdom ; befides that our legal eftabliHiment will po doubt be further fenced and fortified, when the Commiffion's Addrefs is taken into conlideraticn by the Parliament. 5. The Parliament having, upon the fourth of this month, voted that the two kingdoms of Scotland and England fliall, upon the firfl day of May next enfuing, 9nd for ever after, be united into one kingdom by the name of Great Britain, with this provifion (that if the Articles of Union be not adjufled by the Parliament, then the agreeing to and approving of the fird fliall be of no effecl); we apprehend it may be of dangerous confequence to prefent now any Addrefs which may admit pf a conflrudlion oppofite to that vote in Parliament; and certainly it would not be excufeable in any, who are members in the Houfe, to concur in an Addrefs of that fort, So being fully perfuaded, that the way of proceeding by the new Addrefs novv intended will tend to the great difadvancugc and prejudice of the Church as now ^ftablidied, and of the Prc-fbyteiian Interefl:, we found ourfelves obliged to enter pur diffent, and to proteft. Sicfubfcribitur, Rothes, Marchmont, Polwarth, George paillie, Alexander Ogilvie, J. C. Auchinbreck, J. Campbell. The APPENDIX. 623. The Commlfllon of the General AflTembly, Reply to the Reafons given by the Elders for their Proteft, intituled, • Some modeft Animadverfions by way of Reply to a Paper intituled, Reafons, &c. ut fupra, IT was a great grief to the Commiffion, when it pleafed fome of our honour- able friends of the ruling Elders to proteft: againfl the vote, whether the fixth Article of the Conimifiion's fecond Addrefs fliould be added to the other articles formerly agreed to ; and it doth add no Trtle to our grief, that a paper is given in with reafons againfl: the whole Addrefs j whereas they may remember the firfl three of the articles of the faid Addrefs were unanimoufly agreed unto before. We do fincerely profefs, we'have fuch a fenfe of, and confidence in, the kind- nefs of thefe noble and honourable perfons to this Church, that it afflifts us when in any thing we cannot comply with their opinion ; but we hope they will excufe us, when purely our confcience towards God maketh us differ. We heartily wifli this debate fopite, and that yet it would pleafe them to take up this paper; perhaps, on more mature and fecond thoughts, they may fee there is no ground to be fo fevere againft our fecond Addrefs, as to cenfure it as jealoufy or diffidence of the Parliament, or our friends in it, as in the firft reafons; and of indecency and unfuitable to prudence, as reafon fecond ; or dangerous and fuch as may be conflrued as contrary to a vote of Parliament, November the fourth, as in reafon 5th. For, the firft Addrefs being general, the fecond was but a humble reprefentation of fome particulars we humbly defired might be minded, when it pleafed the Parliament to refume the confideration of the firft Addrefs, leaving the time to the wifdom of the Parliament, we being far from any defign to occafion delay or debate ; and it hath pleafed the Parliament to infert diverfe of the things there defired in the aft for the fecurity of the Church, and we would gladly hope they will confider the reft of them in due time. But, we conceive, it is the 6th Article agaiufl which the chief offence is taken, and againft which the 3d and 4th Reafons are levelled ; but our honourable friends know, there had been much reafoning on that head for diverfe days ; and when there was no appearance of unanimity, how could the Commiffion flum a vote for decifion of the difference I nor can we be perfuaded that the Commiflloa went in their vote without the fphere and compafs of the bufinefs prefcribed to them by the General Affembly, or made a wide ftep in quarrelling and objeding to the /24 APPENDIX. the conditution of the Parliament of England, as is alledged in reafon 3d. For it was oft told, in the conference and debate, we did not meddle with the coa- ilitution of the Parliament of England, as. the Parliament of England, though we cannot command our judgment to an approbation of it; nor do we fpeak any thing agalnft treating with the Parliament of England, as the reprefentatlve of that nation; nor doth it blame our Parliament for treating with them, for ihey treat with the Parliament of Scotland as the reprefentatlve of the nation ; which as theirs is in its frame eflablifhed by the laws of the laud, yet a regulation there- of is treated of for conltituting the Britifh Parliament. Why then fliouldthere be fo much offence taken, that in due feafon, before the conclufion of the Treaty, it is humbly reprefented to the Parhament, that, in cafe the propofed Treaty of Union be concluded, this nation will be fubjefled in its civil interefts to a Brithh Parliament, wherein twenty-fix Prelates are to be conftituent members and legiflators ? We do not fpeak In that 6th Article of the legal ellabliihment of our Church, and fo the 4th reafon toucheth not this point. And could any thing be more modeftly exprefl, than this is by the Coramiffion in their Addrefs, in thefe words : " And lefl: our filence fliould be confiruded to import our confent to, or ap- ♦* probation of, the civil places and power of Church-men, we crave leave, in all ** humility and due fefpedt to your Grace and houourable Eflates of Parliament, *' to reprefent that it is contrary to our known principles and covenants, that ♦' any Church-man fliould bear civil offices, or have power in the Common-. <« wealth." Nor can we fee how this Addrefs doth of its own nature tend to the difadvant age of the eftabliflied Church and Prefbyterian intereft. But, as we have charity towards them, we expcft the fame charity towards us, a£ling purely from confcience towards God ; and we intreat and expeft the con- tinuance of their kindnefs to this Church. N' A p P E N D I ^. 6«5 N°Kx. Unto his Grace her Majefty's Pligh CommifTioner, and the Mofl Ho- nourable the Eflates of ParHament. The Reprefentation and Petition of the Commifllon of the General Affembly of this National Church of SCOTLAND. Edinburgh, January 1 6th, 1707, HUMBLY SHEWETH, THAT we, confidering the truft repofed in us by the late General Affembly, find it our duty to lay before your Grace and Lordfhips, when, as we are Informed, you are about the paffing of an Aft of Ratification of the Articles of the Treaty of Union betwixt the two Kingdoms of Scotland and England, which contains thefe following words : " Declaring, neverthelefs, that the Parliament of " England may provide for the fecurity of the Church of England as they fliall *' think expedient, to take place within the bounds of the faid Kingdom of *' England, and not derogating from the fecurity above provided, for eflablifliing *' the Church of Scotland within the bounds of this Kingdom, which fliall not " fufpend or derogate from the force and effeft; of this prefent ratification ; but ** fliall be underftood as here Included, without any neceffity of any new ratifi- " cation in the Parliament of Scotland ;" which claufe feems to us not only to be like a blank, put, with your Grace and Lordfliips confent, in the hands of the Parliament of England, to enaft what they fliall think fit for fecuring the hie- rarchy and ceremonies of their Church ; but alfo a confent that it be an Article and Fundamental of the Union, and, as is contiiined in your ratification, cannot but imply a manifeft homologation: We do, therefore, humbly befeech your Grace and Lordfliips, that there be no fuch ftipulation or confent for the eftabllfliment of that hierarchy and ceremonies, as you would not Involve yourfelves and this Nation in guilt, and as you confult the peace and quiet of this Nation, both in Church and State. We pray that God may blefs and preferve our gra- cious (^een, and direft your Grace and Lordfliips in this and all the great and momentous affairs which are or may be before you. Signed In name, In prefence, and at the appointment, of the Commlf- fion of the late General Affembly, by, fic fubjcribituTy WILL. WIS HEART, Moderator. <- L N! 626 APPENDIX To his Grace her Majefty's High CommiHioner, and the Right Hononrahre" Eftates of Parliament, the humble Addrefs of the FrelLytery o£ Dumblane, SHEWETH, THAT, we having feen the feveraT faithful and feafonable AddreiTes and Repre- fentations of our brethren of the Commifllon to your Grace and Lordihips,, all which we concur in, and agree to, as expreffive of our known and cove- nanted principles ; and though it may appear unneceiTary that we fhould give your Grace and the Honourable Eftates of Parliament any trouble this way, yet, from a fenfe of the duty we owe to God at this jundure, to our gracious Sotc- reign Queen Anne (whom the Lord long preferve for a blefling to this Church and Nation!),, and to your Grace and Lordfliips, we could not forbear in all humi- lity to reprefeat how much we are alarmed with the prefent fcheme of Union in the printed Articles, as apprehending the fatal confequences thereof in the event of a Britifh Parliament to our Sacred and Religious concerns, and to which we cannot go in, without guilt before God, in a manifeil: breach of our folemn covenants, by which we are engaged againfl: ecclefiaftical perfons being legiflators in the Common-wealth (the fetting up of publickmafs, and Englilh ceremonies; the illegal and dlforderly pradices of the Epifcopal Clergy, from the hopes of a Popifh SuccelTor to the Crown, without any effeftual red refs from the Govern- ment, notwithftanding of repeated application made by this Church), do give juft umbrage of what may be expecled when Scotland and England are united into one kingdom, and reprefented by one and the fame Parliament : May it therefore pleafe your Grace, and the Honourable Eftates of Par- liament, to be tender of the peace and quiet of this Church and Nation, and fettle the Succeffion in the Proteftant line, and to do nothing that may be prejudicial to this National Church in any of its religious or facred interefts, which her Majefly in her gracious letter, backed with your Grace and my Lord Chancellor's fpeeches to this prefent feflion of Par- liament, give juft ground to expeft. N" APPENDIX. 6zi W Mx. Unto his Grace her Majefty's High Commlffioner, and the Right Ho- nourable Eftates of Parhameiit ; the humble Addrefs of the Barons and Freeholders within the Stewartry of Kirkcudbright. WE the Barons, Freeholders of the faid Stewartry of Kirkcudbright, nnder- fubfcribing, having feen the Articles of the Union agreed upon by the Commiffioners nominate on behalf of the Kingdom of Scotland, and the Comraiffioners nominate on behalf of the Kingdom of England, in which they have agreed, that Scotland and England (hall be united into One King- dom, the which United Kingdom fhall be united by one and the fame Parliament ; and feeing it doth evidently appear to us, that fuch an incorpo- rating Union as is contained in the faid Articles is contrary to the honour, fun- damental laws, and conftitutions of tliis Kingdom, claim of right, and rights and privileges of the Barons and Freeholders of this Kingdom, and that the fame is deflrusftive to the true intereft of the Nation; and being likewife apprehenfive of the danger that evidently threatens our Church-government from a Parliament where there is not one member of that communion ; Therefore, we humbly befeech your Grace, and the Honourable Eftates of Parliament, that ye will not promote any fuch incorporating Union $ but do confidently expe£t that ye will fupport and preferve entire the Sovereignty /md Independency of this Crown and Kingdom, and the rights and privileges maintained by our heroic anceflors for the fpace of near two thoufand years, that the fame may be tranfmltted to fucceeding genera- tions as it has been conveyed to us ; and we will heartily concur with you for fup- porting and maintaining our Sovereignty and Independency with our lives and fortunes, conform to the qualified laws of the Nadon. N" N X. Unto his Grace her MajeAy's High Commlffioner, and the Right Ho- nourable the Eftates of Parliament ; the humble Addrefs of the Prelbytery of Hamilton, T SHEWETH, HAT we heartily concur with the Addreffes made by the Commiffion of the General Affembly to your Grace and Lordfhips, and do.believe that there is 4 L 2 a full 628 APPENDIX. a full unanimity therein amongft the minifters of this National Church, both as to the matter of thefe Addreffes, and in their humble and earneft defires that the Honourable Eftates of Parliament may take them into further confideration, to prevent the fears and dangers of this Church, that may enfue from an incor- porating Union with England in the terms of the Treaty offered to the Pv* llament. But that which more efpecially obliges us in duty and confclence, as Minifters of the Gofpel of peace, moft humbly to interpofe with your Grace and Lord- ihips, is, the lamentable and diftrafled Rate of the Kingdom, and particularly the people under our paftoral charge, from the fad apprehenfipns they have, and have exprelTed in their feveral Addreffes to the Parliament, of the woeful effefls and confeqiiences of fuch an Union to their liberties, both civil and religious; and that It cannot be entered into by the nation in the terms without incurring the guilt of national perjury : and though hitherto we have endeavoured to keep them from breaking out, yet the ferment and diffafisfaflion doth fo increafe amongft: all, that we are juftly afraid of what thefe things may turn unto. We do, therefore, after ferious fupplication at the Throne of Grace, moft earneft;ly implore, and with all humility befsech, in the bowels of our Lord Jefus Chrift, that your Grace and Lordftiips may compaffionate the trembling ftate of this Church and Nation, and liften as it were to their dying groans; God having put it in your hands to allay their fears, avert their dangers, and pre- vent the dreadful confufions that threaten this land, by laying afide this incopor- nating Union with England, as offered in the Treaty ; and by fupplicating her moft gracious Majefly (for vvhofe long and happy reign over us we do, and always (hall, mcft heartily pray ; and upon whofe royal affurances, in behalf of this Church, we do mofl chearfully rely), that the Proteftant fuccefhon to the fove- reign and independent Crown of this Kingdom may be fettled by an AG of our own Parliament; and that no incorporating Union with England may be concluded until her Majefty Ihall be plcafed to call the General Affembly of this Church, which,, being the National Church eftabliflied by Law, and founded on the Nation's Claim of Right, hath an undoubted right to be confulted about her own Seeurit-ies, before any fuch Union be entered Into with a government of another communion, where that government is to be in a manner fole mafter of the whole adminiftration. Thefe things we moft humbly beg of your Grace and Lordftiips, as our prote^ors and patrons under God, befeeching you to hearken unto us, that God may hearken unto you, and give you peace and comfort in the day of your »ccompt3j • Sic fiibfcribUvr^ ■ APPENDIX. '^9 W O X. A Letter from the Commiffion of the General Aflembly to the Prefby- tery of Hamilton. Edinburgh, December 6th, 170^. R. D. B. THE General AfTembly of this Church having appointed us to take care that it fuffer no prejudice through negleft of due application to the Honourable Eftates of Parliament, or any other Judicatory concerned in the management of publick affairs; we have in this junflure, wherein a Treaty of Union with the neighbouring Kingdom is under deliberation before the Ptepre- fentatives of our Nation, endeavoured, and are ftill endeavouring, to exoner our confciences, in doing what we judge incumbent upon us, for fecuring the doc-r trine, worihip, difcipline, government, rights, and privileges, of this Church, as now by the great goodnefs of God the fame are eflablifhed among us : and being informed of diforders and tumults in fome parts of the country, which the enemies of our prefent happy eftablifhment may be ready to improve, though without ground, to the difadvantage and reproach of this Church; wc do look ppon it as our duty to recommend to all our brethren, that, as they have in their ftations accefs, they do difcountenance and difcourage all irregularities and tumults that tend to diflurb the Government of our gracious Sovereign the Queen, to whom we are in gratitude, as well as duty, under the higheft obligations, feeing, jn the kind Providence of God, we by her good and wife management enjoy fo many advantages, and upon whole prefervation our peace, and the fecurity of all that is dear to us, do under God much depend. This in name, and by tbe order, of the Commiffion of the General Affembly of this National Church, is fubfcribed by R. D. B. for the right reverend the Moderator and remanent Members of the Prefby- tery of Hamilton. Your affeftionate brother and fervant in the Lord, WILLIAM CARSTAIRS, Moderator po tewpore. 6 K* 65«' A P P E N D I X. N° Px. The A-nAver of the Prefbytery of Hamilton to the Letter from the Commiffion of the General Affembly. Bothwelj 17 Decemb. i7o5. R. D. B. YOUR letter, figned by the R. Mr. Carflairs, Mo^&rzxor pro tempore, we received this day, being our firfl: meeting after its date of the 6th inftaht, wherein there is mention of your being informed of diforders and tumults in fome parts of the country, which you recommend unto us to difcountenance and difcourage as we have accefs. We know there have been many reports fpread abroad of tumults and difor- ders, not only iu Glafgow, which is too true, but in other places within the {hire of Lanerk j which, as to the bounds of our Prefbytery, are grofsly falfe; and wc have reafon to believe them to be fo iikewife as to the reft of the fhire. We have heard alfo of fome calumnious ftories induflrioully diffeminated concerning fome of our number. With refpeft to thefe pretended diforders, which are not only contrary to truth, but to common fenfe, we wi(h the forgers and fpreaders may be forgiven : they aft in this neither the part of good Chriftians, nor of good fubjefts. As to the difpofition of the people, the plain truth is, that they are generally mod averfe from the Union ; and many have expreffed themfelves broadly enough againft it, as what they fear may prove an iiremediable evil, if it fhould be concluded, wiQiing that fome flop might be put to it : and we have not been wanting, as there was occafion, to advife and exhort the people to calmnefs and regularity, and to refrain from any undue keennefs might be in their words; but we mud: fay, that it is utterly falfe and malicious to fuggeft, that there hath been the leaft tumult or irregular practice among them fiuce this Union came in qucftion, far lefs any fhadow or appearance of any undutiful or difloyal thought of her iViajefty ; yea, there has not been fo much as the leafl: motion towards their accullomed ordinary rendezvous warranted by law fince the pub- lifhing of a Proclamation and Aft forbidding the fame. It is true, that fome of thofe raQi youths who broke out from Glafgow paffed through our bounds, bu^ they were not allowed to make any ftay, nor received the leall: encouragement at any hand, for aught we know ; fo that we can well allure the R. Commilhon, there is as much peace and quiet within the whole bounds of this Prclbytery as in any place of the kingdom, Wc APPENDIX. 6ii We have beard, with much fatisfaftion, of the zeal which the R. CotnmlfTion hath fhewed by their AdJrefTes mentioned in your letter, for the interefls of the Church at this time, when they are in fo eminent hazard, and wc have teflificd our concurrence therewith by our Addrefs to the Pirliamcnt: but we are (till of opinion, that tlie prefTi'.ig neccfhty of the preftnt junfture, and the manifcft impoffibiliiy (in the event of fuch an Union as is moulded in the Treaty) of fccuring this Church in any of her precious concerns, now edabliflicd by the Laws and ConlUtution of cur own Government and Kingdom, doth not only require the continuance of affiduous application to the Plight Honourable Eftates of Parliament, but likewife that tlie Commiffion, in name of this Church, teftify ngainft the concluding of any Uni m with England, upon the foot of this Treaty, till the General Aflembly of this National Church, according to her undoubted right, as we have (hewed in our Addrefs, be called and allowed to confider of folid and effcntial fecurities for the Church in fuch an exigence. This, we humbly think, the trufl repofed in the Commiflion, and faiihfulnefs to the Church of Scotland, both in the prefent and fucceeding generations, doth vmdeniably demand. Thus, heartily recommending you to divine conduft aniJ affiftance, we reft,. R. D. B. Your moft afTedlionate brethren, and humble fervants in the Lord, the For the right reverend the Mode- Minifters of the Prefbytery of Ha- rator, and remanent Members milton'; fubfcribed in their name,", of the Commiffion of the Gene- and by their order, by ral AfTembly at Edinburgh. ALEX. FINDLATER, Moderator. N^ Q.X. To his Grace her Majefly's High Commiffioner, and the Right Ho- • nourable the Eftates of. Parhament ; the humble Addrefs of the Magiftrates, Town-Council, Burgefles, and Inhabitants, of the- Burgh of New-Galloway. WE the Magiftrates, Town-Council, Rurgeffes, and Inhabitants of the faid Burgh of New-Galloway, under-fubfcrlbing, having feen the Ardcles of the Union agreed upon by the Coramiffioners nominate in the behalf of the Kingdom; i^i^ APPENDIX. Kingdom of Scotland, and the Commiflioners nominate in the behalf of the Kingdom of England, in which they have agreed, that Scotland and England be united in one Kingdom; and that the United Kingdom be reprefented by one and the fame Parliament ; and feeing it does evidently appear to us, that fuch an incorporating Union, as is contained in the faid Articles, is contrary to the Honour, Fundamental Laws, Conftltution of this Kingdom, and Claim of Right, by which our Liberty and Prefbyterian Government in the Church are fecured ; and alfo contrary to the birth-right of the Peers, and rights and privi- leges of the Bjrons, Free-holders, and Burghs of the kingdom ; and that the ■fame is deftruftive to the true interefl: of the nation : Therefore, we humbly befeech your Grace and Honourable Edates, and do confidently expeft, that ye will not allow of any fuch Incorporating Union ; but that ye will fupport and preferve the Sovereignty and Inde- >pendency of this Independent kingdom, and the rights and privileges of Parliament, which has been fo valiantly maintained by our heroic anceftors for the fpace of near two thoufand years j that the fame may be tranfmitted to fucceeding generations as it has been conveyed to us; for we are refolved to defend and fupport our Crown and Independent Sove- reignty with our lives and fortunes, conform to the eftabliflied Laws of this nation. N" Rx. (Thurfday, 19th of Deceinber, 1706.) To his Grace her Majefty's High Coiiimifrioner, and the Right Ho* iiourable the Eftates of Parliament; the humble Addrefs of the Magiflrates, Town-Council, Merchants, Deacons of Crafts, and others, Tradefmen and Inhabitants of the Burgh of Dumfermling. WE the Maoiflrates, Town-Council, Merchants, Deacons of Crafts, and other Tradefmen and Inhabitants, within the Burgh of Dumfermling-, under- fubfcribing, having feen and confidered the Articles of the Union agreed upon by the Commiffioners for the Kingdoms of Scodand and England j in which they have agreed, that Scodand and England be united into One King- dom; and that the United Kingdom (hall be reprefented by one and the fame Piu-liament : and feeing it docs cvidendy appear, that fuch an Incorporating Union, as APPEND! X.- ^3$ as IS contained hi thefaid Articles, is contrary to the Ilonour, Fundamental Laws, and Conllitution of this kingdom. Claim of Pviglit, and Rights and Privileges of the Burrows and Church-government, as by Law eftabliflied ; and tliat the fame is detlruflive to the true interell of this Nation ; therefore, we humbly befeech your Grace and the Honourable Edates, and do confidently expeft, that you will not allow of any Aich Incorporating Union j but that you will fupport and prcferve entire the Sovereignty and Independency of this Crown and Kingdom, and tiic Rights and Privileges of Parliament, which have been fo valiantly main- tained by our heroick aiiceitors for near two thoufand years; that the fame raa7 be tranfmitted to fucceeding generations as they have been conveyed to us ; and we will heartily concur with you for fupportmg and maintaining our Sove- reignty and Independency with our lives and fortunes, conform to the Laws of the Nation. TOWN COUNCIL. David Adie, Biillie. David Adie younger, Baillie. Jerome Cowie, Dean of Gild. William Wilfon, Treafurer. David VV^ilfon, Counlellor. John Cowie, Counfellor. James IVIeldium, Counfellor. John Adie, Deacon Conveener. Laurance Henderfon, Counfel, William Inglis, Counfellor. William Findlay, Counfellor. William Young, Counfellor. James Walls, Counfellor. MERCHANTS. William Black. Henry Elder. Robert Anderfon. John Hart. John Balfour. William Wilfon. Thomas Mitchel. Andrew Rolland. Robert Adie. Charles Chambers. John Hay. Patrick Clow. Jofeph Kirk. John Couper. William Wilfotl. Robert Robertfoni' James Dick. David Gray. George Chriftie. John Watfon. Patrick Currie. John Brown. John Allan. James Pringle. John Bethon. Robert Wilfon. David Meldrum. Robert Walker. WRIGHTS. John Main, Deacon. Andrew Wilfon. John Simpfon. John Potter. 4 M George 634 APPENDIX. George Walker. George Walls. Thomas French. Thomas Bonnar. John Henderfon. James Henderfon. John Main. James Kirk. Patrick Thomfon. William Hutton. James French. Thomas Richardfon. MASONS. James Simel. Charles Young. David Hunter. James Somervel. David Purvas. William Murgain, SHOE-MAKERS. Andrew Duncan, Deacon, George Stewart. John Young. Andrew Main. FLESHERS. John Hodge, Deacon- James Cufin. Robert Kirk. John Belfrage. Thomas Beverage. Thomas Beverage. George Philp. William Taylor. William Wclvvoodo John Burly. Andrevif Belfrage. WEAVERS. John Wilfon, Deacon. James Wilfon. John Stark. Patrick Hutton. James Turnbul. David Marres. James Wilfon. Charles Kirk. Andrew Wilfon. ' William Kirk. Thomas Dryfdale. Thomas Richardfon. Alexander Douglafs. John Gotterfon. John Black. John Williamfon^ William Wilfon. David Dalglifli. John Ker. Andrew Wilfon. James Shortlands. John Wilfon. John Wilfon, alter. Robert Gotterfon. Robert Wilfon. Robert Strachan. Robert Buift. John Durham. Robert Dalgliefh.- Adam Robertfon,. Andrew Young. . Robert Black. Robert Stark.. Thomas Bean. Magnus Malcolm.. Robert Inch. George PuUans. William Bcanny. Robert Robert Mackraigh. John Inglis. John Mackraigh. TAYLORS. James R.ichardfon. Robert Donakl. Andrew Hepburn. Alexander Coventr/. Thomas Hanna. James Henderfon. John Jamifon. William Hodge. Alexander Couper. John Horn. James Kellock. James Wardlaw. Robert Bauld. James Hall. James Richardfon, James French. APPENDIX. John Wilkie. «3S SMITHS. James I.aw. David Black. Thomas WUfon. John Cunighame, Adam Stevinfon. William Aiiderfon. James Saiitli. BAXTERS. William Ker. John Anderfon. Robert Adamfon. Robert Donald. James Buift. Robert Fergufon. George Cravvfurd. James Legat. John Buntine. Ego Andreas Sympfon, Notarius Publicusac Scriba dl£i:I Burgi de Dumferling, fpeciali raandato Davidis Sands, Gulielmi Pierfon, Jacobi Band, et Gulielmi Robertfon, Fabrorum Feirariorum in difto Burgo, ac Roberti Wellwood, Andreae Smeitton, Jacobi Willfon, Calceariorura in dido Burgo, et Joannis Rea, Jacobi Beannie, Thomze Willfon, Joannis Hepburn, et Jacobi Maflertoun, Sar- torum in diiflo Burgo, et Eduardi Ovenwhyt, Andrew Beanny, et Joannis Beanny, Fabrorum Murariorum ibidem, ac Petri Nigrevv, Alexandri Grieve, Ro- berti Crawfoord, Johannis Brown, AndreiE Morris, Roberti Durham, Gulielmi Kirk, Andrere Kirk, Joannis Hoggan, Roberti Haggan, Patricii Stevenfon, Alexandri Gillcfpie, et Petri Cairns, Textorum ibidem, et Andrere Chriftie, Jacobi Walker, Gulielmi Walker, Davidis Chriflie, Gulielmi Eafan, Jacobi Brown, et Joannis Thomas, Fabrorum Lignarior jm, et Gulielmi Culin Lanionis in diclo Burgo, pro illis omnibus fcribei'c nefcien. ut afferuerunt fpecialiter requifitus;-^ fubfcribo, fic fubfcribitur. AND. SYMPSON, N. P. 4 M a Tbc 6^6 APPENDIX. , The names of the perfons figning this Addrefs are put hi her£, not that it was very material as to the i)erfons, but as afpecimen of the manner how thefe addreffes were ufually figned. Here follows the feveral fiates of the revenues and debts of the refpeflive king- doms of England and Scotland, as they were diflindtly and feparately ftdted by the order, and for the iervicc, of the CommifTioners of both Kingdoms, appointed to treat of the Union ; With the feveral valuations and calculations, appropriations, proportions, and net produce, as they were laid before the faid CommifTioners, being the fame referred to in that part of this hiftory, intituled. Of the Treaty in London, fol. 104. N° S X. A STATE of the Revenues and Publick Income of the Kingdom of England, viz. The Revenues appropriated for the better fupport of her Majefly's houfhold, and of the honour and dignity of the Crown (by an aft i Annoe Reginse) during her IVIajefty's life. Per annum, fer annum. THE Excife of zr. and 6f/. />!?>■ barrel on beer, ale, &c. excluding 3700/. a week appropriated thereout for publick ufes, and including fo much of the charges of management, as is paid by the Cafliicr, according to a medium of three years laft paft, amounts to 286178 o o The further fubfidies of tonnage and poundage, and other du- ties upon wines, goods, and merchandizes imported (exclu- five of drawbacks by debentures and allowances for damaged goods by like medium, is — 356841 o The revenue of the General Letter-office, or Poft-office, by a like medium, including charges of management paid by the Receiver, is loiioi o o The produce of the fines arifing in the Alienation-office, (includ- ing the neceffary expenccs of the Court of Chancery, and other charges boru thcrcoiu) is by a medium _— .— . 4804 o o The 6ji4 1040 13 13005 9869 6857 APPENDIX. 637 Per aim/m, per annum. The pafl fines by a referved rent on a grant thereof in be- ing, is '■ 2275 o o The produce of the revenue arifing by wine licences, including charges of management, by a medium, is — ■ Sheriffs profits, communibus aunts, abtait Compofuions in Exchequer by a medium of ihree years — Seizures of uncuftomed and prohibited goods the like — The revenue of the Dutchy of Cornwall, confifling of the cuf- tom, coinage, duty of tin, rents of lands, fines of leafes, and other revenues certain and cafual, amount to about — — The revenue of the Principality of Wales, about Other revenues, arifing by rents of lands, and fines of leafes, &c. by a medium of what paid into the Exchequer in laft three years, amount to about — — 2906 o o So the total of the revenues, reckoning upon a medium as afore- faid, and including the faid charges of raifing the fame, is about — — — ' — — 691240 o o The other Publick Income. Curtoms and fubfidies of tonnage and poundage, by feveral afls of Parliament, continue till the ifl Auguft, 1710, and are appropriated for difcharging fuch debts or incumbrances as in the faid a6ls are mentioned ; thefe, excluding drawbacks by debentures, portage-bills, and allowances for damaged goods, and including charges of management paid by the calhier, according to a medium of three years lad pall:, do produce about — — — ' — — • 345704 o Impofitions on wines, vinegar, tobacco, and Eaft-India goods, which continue to the faid ill Auguft, 17 10, are appropriated for difcharging of debts as aforefaid ; and, excluding draw- backs by debentures, and allowances for damaged goods by a like medium, are about — — — — 373485 o o Additional impofitions on goods and merchandizes are con- tinued and appropriated as aforefaid -, thefe (excluding draw- backs and allowances) by a like medium, produce — — 39^45 O The duties on coals, culm, and cinders, continued to the 30th September, 1710, are appropriated to luch ufes as in the a<2s '"'^ apphcable to the re- payment of loans and intereft ; the produce thereof may be eilimated to be at lealt — — — — 160000 o o Three thoufiind feven hundred pounds a week, to be taken out of the hereditary and temporary Excife on beer, ale, &c. is appropriated for payment of intereft 10 divers bankers, and others, for monies lent by them to King Charles II. redeem- able on payment of a moiety of the principal, and for annuities for feveral terms of years — — — 192400 o © Nine-pence per barrel Excife on beer, ale, he. by one adt of Parliament, is to continue till the 17111 IMay, 1713; and by another a£b is granted for a further term of 95 years ; the produce is appropriated, in the firft place, for fatisfying an- nuities on lottery tickets, which will end at Michaelmafs, , 17 10, and afterwards to the payment of annuities, by a medir dium of the laft three years — — — 164828 o © Another nine-pence per barrel Excife, made perpetual for pay- ment of annuities tathe Bank of England,- and other annuities ; this grant, not contairring all the duties given by the aft for the 9^^. laft mentioned, will produce, by a like medium, 155000 o o And one other — The fame gd. per barrel is alfo charged with 7567 /, per ann. for annuities to the Contributors of 108100/. on the ad- Vantage of furvivorfhip till the number of the furvivors be reduced tofeven,and thenthefliareor feventh part of each of them as they die to revert to the Crown : this eftate has an uncertain termination, but may be reckoned equal to a term of thirty years, and fo be an incumbrance of about The gd.per barrel Excife, granted in perpetuity, is charged ; to wit, two-feventh parts thereof with looooo/. per ann. to the Bank of Engfind for 1200000, advanced by them: this is redeemable on payment of the faid principal fum, as in the aft is mentioned ■ ■ — And the remaining two-fevenths is charged with 15336/. 13 J. 6d. per ann. for 176744/. is, gd. contributed for thofe annuities, which were at firfl: purchafed for one life, and afterwards turn'd into eftates certain for 90 years, from 25th January, 1702; which, by reafon of the fmall time ^apfed, may ftill be reckoned an incumbrance of — ^ And with the fum of 20030/. i s. per ann. for fuch of the contributers of 170917/. 2 j, 0,^. for annuities for two lives as are now in being ; and abating out of the faid con- tribution money fo much as was paid for annuities fiiice fallen, the reft is an incumbrance of — — — And alfo with 2093 /. 10 s.^d. per ann. to fuch of the contri- buters of 21235 /. 4J. for annuities for three lives, as are now in being ; and abating out of this contribution fo much as was paid for annuities of 30/. fince fallen, there refts an incumbrance of The gd. per barrel Excife, granted for fixteen years, from the 17th May, 1697, is charged with the payment of 140000/. per annum, upon tickets commonly called the Million Lot'ery tickets, for the refidue of a term which expires at Michaelmas 1710; and the faid annuity being 4 N 2 f.' d. 148455 o o — 104149 o * 1200000 O • 1 76000 1 669 r 7 20935 o 4 valued, 644 APPENDIX. valued, for the four years and a half yet to come, at a re- bate of 6 per cent, per ann. compound intereft, is worth — The 281^. /)^r bufhclon fait, and the additional ftamp-duties, are granted in perpetuity, and charged with the payment of 160000/. per annum to the traders to India, for two millions advanced to the publick, and is redeemable by Parliament upon paying the faid ■ — — — The 3700/. a week, payable out of the hereditary and tem- porary Excife, is charged with 39855/. 16s. old. per antu. for bankers and others, who lent 1328526/. to king Charles II. redeemable by Parliament upon payment of a moiety of the faid principal, which is, And with 104745/. ic j. 65^. per ann. for 1569664/. 18 s, dd. contributed for annuities for 99 years from Lady-day, 1704, Aad alfo vpith 46000/. per ann. to the contributers of 690000/. for annuities for 99 years, from Chriftmas, 1705. The one-third fubfidy, from 8 March, 1706, and the gd.per barrel Excife (at prefent applicable to the payment of the Million Lottery tickets), with an additional fupply, till thofe funds come in, are charged with 184242/. 14J. per ann. to the contributers of 2855761/. i6s. 2d. for an nuities for 99 years, from Lady-day, 1706, — - 538185 o o- 2000000 o • 664263 • • 1569664 18 6 690000 o o 2855761 16 a I 1470451 II o Total, 17763842 17 3I Mevwrandum, That nothing is inferted in this accompt as a debt on any land- tax, or malt duty, which are annual grants, except where any of them have proved deficient. Memorandum, There is a claim made by the affignee of the Earl of Kinoul, of. 17250/. out of the 4 and a h^lf per cent, on account of arrears on an annuirr- cf iQOo/. incurred before her Majefty's acceffion to the Crown. iT APPENDIX. 64^ N»Ux. A STATE of the Publick Revenue of Scotland, as it now island may- amount to. The Excife on ale and beer is 2s. flerllng /^r Scotch gallon, and now farmed for 33500/. fterling, and, if exa(fled in the fame manner as in England, may amount to — — The Cuftoms have been let at 34.000 /. and are now in time of war let for 28500/. with a condition in the leafe,. that, upon a peace, the Lords of the Treafury may let ai new leafe ; and may amount to — • The Crown rents about ■ — The cafualty of fuperiorities and compofitions at the Ex- chequer, communibus annis, about The Poft-oiBce farmed at 1194/. but, if coUefled, may amount ta -' The Impofitions for coinage — Land-tax is now 36000 pounds, and, to make it equal with the 4 J. per pound in England, it is propofed to be — — s. d,. 50000 o o. 50000 o tl 5500 o o 3:000 o o 2000 o o 1500 o o 48COO o o 160000 O O The debts due to the Army, Civil Lifl, and other charges of Covernment, about ^ ■■ ■ ■ — • 160000 ^*^ APPENDIX. N" W X. All Account of the Net Annual Produce of the Cuftoms in England, from a Medium of three years ended at Michaelmas, 1705. With the refpedlive Times or Terms for which they have Continu- ance, and the Ufes for which they are feverally appropriated or applied, v'i%. Neat Money per Ann. For the Civil Goveniment. ^. s, d, Cufloms and fubfidies of tonnage and poundage, granted ift Anne, during her Ma.efty's life — 253514 o o r Several branches, not appropriated to the payment of debts, viz. Twenty-five pt-r cent, additional duty on French goods, for the remainder of a terra of 21 years from 28 February, 1696, is applied towards the fervice of the war. — ■■ 10794 o o Coinage duties, continues to thefirft of June, 1708, and is ap- propriated to the ufes of the mint. — — — *i%S'^ o o Two fourths />£•>• cent, in fpecie from Barbadoes and the lee- ward iflands is perpetual, and applied, purfuant to an Ad- drefs of the Houfe of Commons, towards the fupport of thofe iflands, fubjeft alfo to an annuity of 1000/. per ann. to the heirs and affignees of the Earl of Kinnoul. ^459 o <5 Plantation duties upon particular commodities carried from one plantation to another 25 Car. 11. made perpetual, not appropriated to any particular ufe. — ■■ 877 o e 25480 Thefe undermentioned are appropriated for payment of debts, till firfl Auguft, 1710; though the faid debts charged thereon will by computation be paid offfooner. The iubfidy of tonnage and poundage, granted 12 Car. II. — — — — 292139 o o Impofitious on wines and vinegar, granted adjac. II. — — — — — 113918 o o 6 Impofitions APPENDIX. 647 Impofitlons on tobacco, ditto. — — — Impofitions on Eafl; India goods, ditto. — . — Additional impofitions on feveral goods and merchandizes, 4 Will. — ■ — Several impofitions and duties on whale finns, and Scotch. linen, 9 "Will. — — — — Otl^cr appropriated Branches. Fifteen per cent, on muflins, &c. granted by feveral former adts, were by an aft, 3 Anne, continued to the 24th of June, 1 7 10, and by that aft doubled, and feveral new duties thereby grained, from P'ebruary 1704, to the faid 24th June 1710, and made a fund for borrowing 7C0000 /. at an intereft of 6 per cent, per ann.\ and fo much of the faid duties as is under the management of the Com- milTioners of the Cuftoms \vas eftimated in Parliament to amount to about, per annum, — — — Two-thirds additional tonnage and poundage, 3 Anne,, for four years, from the 8th March, 1704, are appropriated for re-payment of loans, not exceeding 636957 /. 4J. o|:. with intfteft after the rate of d per cent. p;r annum ; and,, by an adt, 4 Anne, continued towards payment of an- nuities till the 30th September, 1710; by the neareft computation that can yet be made, will produce at leafl: Two-thirds tonnage and poundage granted, 2 Anne, for three years, from 8th iVlarch 1703, and thereby made a fund of credit for 300000 /. at an intereft after the rate of 5 per cent, per annum', afterwards, 4 Anne, continued for 98' years, from the 8ih March 1706, together with 91/. per barrel Excife a,pprapriated towards payment of 184242 /.. \^s. per annum in annuities; a medium of the produce thereof, in the 3 years ended at Michaelmas, 1705. IS Totals for the Civil Government . — Unappropriated -r- > — Appropriated for debts to 24th June,. 25480 o o o o 116475 o o 100338 O O 150899 o o 38548 o o 106219 O O- 116475 i6oc?oo o o> 79619 9> For 648 APPENDIX. £, J. d. For other debts, till I ft Auguft, 1 7 10. — 706471 o o For ditto, till 30 September, 1 7 10. — 160000 o o For 98 years from 8 ch March, 1706. — 7^619 o o Total />(?/■ Annum. 1 341 559 o o "Duties on.coals, culm, -and cinders, by an aft, i Anne, con- tinued from 14th May 1703, to 15th May 1708, and tliereby charged with 500000 /. and intereft ; by another aft, 4 Anne, connnued to 30th September, 17 10; and ap- propriated towards payment of annuities ; thofe duties are collefted at the Cuflom-houfe, and, by a medium of three years ended at Michaelmas 1705, are -per annum about — — - -. ' ' ~ J. i. 1 1 0958 o . 5 W Xx. An Account of the Proportions which the prefent Cuftoms of Scotland do bear to the feveral Branches of that Revenue m England, exclufive of the Increafe that may ar'ife bj the higher Duties, or greater Im- portations, after the Union. /• s. d. Scotch Cuftoms Englifli Cuftoms — 'i■l^^iS^ £' s. d. Proportions For the Civil Govern- 30000 ment — — 2535H 5669 Unappropriated as to any debts — 25480 D 570 Appropriated for debts till 24th June, 1 710. 1 16475 — 2605 1 Till I ft Auguft, 1710. 706471 — 15798 Till 30th Sept. 1 7 10. 160000 — 357S > 23761 • For 89 years, from 8th March, 1706-. — 79619 — ■1702 J 300 1341559 • Aa APPENDIX. 649 An Account of the neat annual Produce oftheExcife onBeer and Ale in England, from a Medium of three Years, ending at Michaelmas 1705, with the refpe£tlve Tlmeo or Terms for which the feveral Branches thereof have continuance, and the uies to which they are feverally appropriated, or applied, viz. For the Civil Government, s. d.. Two {hillings and 6d. per barrel on beer, ale, &c. i^d. whereof is to continue during her Majefty's life, and the other 15 i. is hereditary -, thefe during her Majefty's life are appropriated towards defraying the charge of the Civil Government, after a deduflion of 3700/. a weei<, ap- , propriated thereout for payment of annuities ; and, by a medium of three years ended at Michaelmas 1705, the neat produce into the Exchequer over and above the faid 3700/. a week will be — ■ — 269837 o o For Annuities and other public Debts. Three thoufand feven hundred pounds a week, to be taken out of the hereditary and temporary Excife, during her Majefty's life, and afterwards out of the hereditary part for ever, is appropriated for payment of — — j^, 39855. 16^. oi d. per arm. to bankers and others, for in- tereft; after the rate of 3/. percent, for 1328526/. lent to K. Charles II. redeemable on payment of a moiety of the faid principal, being 664263 /. and for payment of £. lo^y^z. 10s. 6 J. per ann. for 99 years, from Lady-day 1704, for 1569664/. 18/. ^ d. contributed for annuities. £'./\.6ooo. per ann, for 99 years, from Chriftmas 1705, for 690000/. purchafe money, contributed for annuities. jT. 190598 6s. yd. and the reft for charges in paying the faid annuities. In all ■ — 192400 o o Nine-pence per barrel Excife, granted 4 W. for 99 years, from 25 January 1692, is charged with 124866/. per ami, for annuities, for which there was contributed 1492^79/. 4 ^ 7 ^«' 6s« APPENDIX. £* s. d. 7 /. and wlib 7567/. per annum, for 108 100/. advanced for annuities on the advantage of furvivorftiip, by a me- dium of the neat produce into the Exchequer, in the faid three years, is — — — — 150106 o o Another 9^. per barrel, 5 Will, made perpetual, is appropri- ated as follows, viz. Five-fevenths thereof for payment of looooo/. per annum to the Bank of England for 1200000 /. advanced by them, which is redeemable on paying the principal fum, as ia the faid aft is mentioned. And, Two-fevenths with 15336/. 3;. 6d.per annum, for 176744/. I s. gd. contributed for annuities, which were at firll pur- chafed for fingle lives, and afterwards turned icto. eftates certain for 89 years, from 25th January 1702. And alfo, with 230/. i s. per annum, for 170917 /. 2j. 31/. advanced for annuity for two lives. And alfo with 2093 /. \os. 4c/. per annum, for 2 1235 /. 4^. contributed for annuities for three lives, the produce of the 9^/. by a medium of the faid three years,- is — 1500^4 o And one other 9 c/. per barrel for .16. years, from 17 May, continued, 4 Anne, from 17th May, i7i3,for 95 years, is appropriated for paying 1^,0000 I. per annum, on MilliQn Lottery tickets, for the remainder of a term of 16 years, %hich will end at Michaelmas, 17.10, and afterwards to- wards paying annuities, amounting to 184242/. i^s. per «■«». purchafed for g^ years, from Lady-day 1706. The neat produce of this g d. (which contains fome additional duties on brandy, &c. not granted by the two former afts), from a medium of the faid three years, is — ■ — . — 155*898 .e jLow wines and fpirjis of the firft extraftion, continued by an aft, 4 Anne, from i^th March 1706, to 24th June 1710, are apprcipriated towards re-ppyment of 700000/. authorized so be borrowed, as well upon credit of thefe duries, as upon an additional duty of 15/. per cent, on _my{lins., &c. The nctt produce hereof, by a like me- ,dium, is -^ .— — — — 25267 o o Total 6 777')5 o Out APPENDIX. 651 Out of which to be deduiHed Co much as by the aforegoing neat produce will be more than fufficient to pay the above- mentioned Annuities, viz. A fuperplus of the 9 c!. per Barrel, for the remainder of 99 years from 23ih Jan. 1692, — 17673 00 A fuperplus of the 9 d. for the Bank and others, ■ ' 12634 o o : •..; A fuperplus of the Lottery 9 d, continued for Annuities with the \ d fubfidy of tonnage and poundage, — — 55^74 6 a All which are unappropriated, and amount to 85581 6 o And then the Total of the feveral Branches of Excife ap- propriated for payment of Debts is /^r <7««. ■■ 592J83 14 o N° Y X. An Account of the Proportions which the prefent Excife upon Liquors in Scotland doth bear to the feveral Branches of that Revenue in Eng- land, exclufive of the Encreafe that may arife by the higher Duties, or greater Confumption after the Union. Scoteh Excife per Atin, £, s. d. £. s. d, Englifli Excife _/>^r (?««. 947602 00— 33500 o Proportions ' r- s, d. For the Civil Govern- ment — — 269837 o o ■» 9539 o Superplufages unap- propriated — — 85581 6 o 3025 o o 4- O %■ Approi 55« APPENDIX. Appropriated for Debts, Lt s, d. £. 3700 a week for payment of Annui- ties for 99 years, and in perpetuity re- deemable by Parli- ament, ' Nine-pence f'cr Barrel for the remainder of 99 years from 25 Jan. 1692, . ■ Nine-pence per Barrel for the Bank, &c. Nine-pence per Barrel for payment of Lot- tery Tickets, and af- terwards for Annui- ties, — — 104623 00— 14569 o o Low wines till 24 June 1710, — — 25267 00 — 893 o o s. et. 192400 GO 6802 O 9 132433 00— 4^82 O 137460 00— 48^1 D O — 20936 O Q 947602 O O 33500 O O N° Z X. If the Cuftoms of Scotland, now lett at £ 30000 f>er annum, accord- ing to the Stating of the E(^uivalent, does contribute annually, viz. Towards Payment of the Debts of England Civil Lift The general Expence or Charge of the Nation 23761 o o 5669 o o 570 o o 30000 o o Every APPENDIX. (S3 Every looo/. Encreafe on thefaid Cuftoms will contribute to the aforefuid Services, viz. Towards Payment of the Debts of England 792 o o Civil" Lift ■ 189 GO The General Expence or Charge of the Nation 19 00 loco o o If the Excife of Scotland now lett at 33500 /. per Ann. according to the Stating of the Equivalent, does contribute annually, viz. Towards Payment of the Debts of England ■ 20936 o o Civil Lift — 9539 o o The general Expence or Charge of the Nation 3025 o o 33500 o o Every 1000 /. Encreafe on the faid Excife will contribute to the aforefald Ser- vices, viz. Towards Payment of the Debts of England — — 625 o o Civil Lift 285 o o The general Expence or Charge of the Nation 90 o d 1000 o o In purfuance of the Order of the Lords Commiffioners of both Kingdoms, oa the 22d inftant, for figning the books of Journals, the Hime are accordingly figned this 25th day of July, 1706, by us, .^, DAS^ID NAiPxN. GEO. DUDDLNGTON. N' €54 APPENDIX. N' A. X X. i OVERTURE Concerning the Debts of the Afjican and Indian Company. ORDERED, That the Diredlors of the African Company, fhall betwixt and the day of next, frame and ftate a particular accompt of all the monies advanced by the Proprie- tors of the faid Company, with the Annual Rents of the feanien, from the re- fped^ive terms of payment to the firft of May next; which accompt fliall^beaf the names and defignations of the feveral Proprietors, and the place and page of the book or books out of which the fame is extradted. As alfo, That the faid Accompt (hall bear all the Transfers that have been made, and marked in the Company's books, by any of the Proprietors, with the names and defignations of the Affignees ; and mark alfo the book and page out of which thefe are extracted. Ordered; That the faid Direflors fliall alfo frame and flate a particular Ac- tompt of the Debts due by the faid Company, with the Annual Rents thereof (where the debts bear annual rent), that (hall be refting at the firfl day of May next ; which Accompts fliall bear the names and defignations of the Creditors^ and the books and pages out of which they are extradled. Ordered, That the DIreftors of the faid Company do alfo make an inventory of the books belonging to the faid Company, containing the titles and numbers of the faid book, and alfo an account of all the efFeds belonging to the faid- Company. Ordered, That the faid Accompts, and Inventory of Books and Effe frauds and abufes, that none of the CommifTion- crs of the Equivalent, or the Culhier or Cafliiers aforefaid, fliall, by themfclves, or others in their name, or to ttteir behoof, make any bargain or tranfaftion for any (hare of the (did Capital Stock or hui-refl:, direftly or indiredtly, and that under the pain of ufury and infamy. Ordered, That the Debts due to the Af ican, 8cc. Company, by the Proprie- tors, on account of the moieties called for and not paid in, or on account of their fubfcription-money, be dift barged. Ordered, Thar the efFe<5^s belonging to the Company, to be contained in the forefaid Inventory, upon paying in the forefaid fum anfwerable to the Capital Sum advanced by the Proprietors of the African Company, and to the Debts due by the faid Company, and to the lutereft of the faid Capital Stock and Debts, conform to the Accompts appointed to be made of the fame to the Cafhier to be named for that effeft, in manner above-written, fhall belong to her Majefty, and be applied, by the forefaid Coramiffioners of the Equivalent, to the fame ufes to which the other Sums to be paid to Scotland, conform to the fore- faid 15th Article, are appointed to be applied. Refolved, That an Aft be brought in, vvarranding and appointing diligence to pafs in the terms of the above orders, againfl the Commiilioners of the Equivalent, and the Cafhiers aforefaid ; as alfo prohibiting and difcharging the faid Commiffioners or Cafhiers to make any bargain or tranfadtion for any part of the Capital Stock or Interelt of the faid Sum as above-mentioned. 4P N- 658 APPENDIX. N° B X X. A PROCLAMATION Agalnft all Tumultuary and Irregular Meetings and Convocations of the Liedges. ANNE, by the grace of God, Queen of Great Britain, France, and Ire- land, Defender of the Faith : To Our Lyon King at Arms, and his Bre- thren, Heraulds, Purfevants, Macers, and IVTefiengers at Arms, Our Sheriffs in that part, conjunftly and feverally, fpecialiy conftitute, greeting : Forafmuch as, alLeit the raifing of Tumults, and making Convocations within Burgh, and the Riotous and Diforderly AfTembling and continuing in Arms, thereby infulting the Magiflrates, and hindering them in the Execution of their Office, and hin- dering of the Common Law, be contrary to fundry Laws and A&s of ParHament, as well as deftruftivc of the ends of Government, and particularly to Pari. 14. cap. 77. Ja. 2. Jj. 4. Pari. 3. chap. 34. Ja. 6. Pari. 18. chap. 17. As alfo the rifing in arm-, convocanng our Liedges in the open fields, and marching in formed bodies armed through the country, and entering into our Royal Burghs, boden in Pier of Weir, and entering into bonds, leagues, and affociatioRS, for profecuting illegal and uuwarrantable ends, be, by feveral Laws and Afts of Parliament, declared to be open and manifeft Treafon, and the Committers, Abettors, and Afliftrnts in fuch Crimes and Pra6iices, ought to be prbfecuted, and may be puniflied as Traitors to her Majefly and her Govern- ment •, and particularly by Pari. 2. ja. iff. chap. 37. Ja. 2. Pari. 6. chap. 14. Ja. 6, Pari. 12. chap. 144. Cha. 2. Pari. ift. Seff.on ift. chap. 3. Yet, ne- venhelefs,' We, and our Eflates of Parliament, are certainly informed, that in feveral corners'of the Realm, and particularly in our Bingh of Glafgow, and other places within the SheritTdom of Lanerk, and in our Burgh of Dumfries, and other places adjicent, people have prefumcd, in manifefl: contempt of the fore- faid I.a'AS, to affeaible themfelves in open defiance of our GovernniL-nt, and with manifcft defign to overturn the faine, by infulting the IMagiftrates, attacking and affaulting the houfcs of our peaceable fubje(f\s, continuing openly in arms, and marching in formed bodies through the country, and into our Burghs, and infolently burning, in the face of the fun, and prefence of the Magiflrates, the Articles of Treaty, betwixt our two Kingdoms, entered into by the authority of Parliament,. and even after the faid Articles had been prefented to Us, and were under the conlideration of Us and our Eftatcs, prefently fitting in Parliament, and fome progrefa A P P E N D- I X.'. 65$ progrefs made th-ereupon ; and fuch crimes and iiifolencies being no ways fo be tolerated in any well-governed nation -, but, on the contrary, ought to be con- dignly punilhed conform to the Laws above-mentioned, and other A61s of Par- liament made thereanent, efpecially if perfifted and continued in after our dif- pleafure therewith fliall be made known : Therefore, VVc, with advice and con- fent of the Eftates of Parliament, peremptorily require and command all and every perfon, who have aflembled themfelves in manner above-mentioned, to lay down their faid arms, and dilperfe themfelves, and peaceably and quietly to re tire, and betake themfelves to their feveral habitations and employments ; and We, with advice forelaicl, prohibit and difcharge any alTembling or convocating in arms in manner forefiid, under the pains contained in the Afts of Parliament above-mentioned, certifing all th.it (liall be guilty, aftors, abettors, or affiRants, in convocating or afTembling in ; rms, or thofe who fliall convocate and commit thefe praftices above-mentioned, fhall be treated and purfued as open traitors, and the pains of Trea(on execute upon them accordingly : And in cafe any of our people fliall dare to be lo prefumptuous, after publication of the premifTes, to aflfemble or ronrinue in arms; We hereby requn-e and command the Sheriffs of our fevend Sliires, Stewarts of Stewartries, Bailiies of Piegallities and Ba- ronies, Magiftrares of Burghs, and other Officers of our Law, Officers of our Forces and Troops under their command, to pafs upon, difperfe, and fubdue the faid convocation, by open force, and all manner of violence, as enemies and open rebels to us and our Government : And in cafe any flaughter, blood, bruifes, or mutilation fliall happen to be done and committed by our faid Sheriffs, and Officers of our Forces, and other Magiflrates forefaid, or perfons under their command j We, with advice forcfaid, do hereby fully remit, pardon, and indemnify the fame, and difcharge the profecution thereof civilly or criminally in all time coming. Our will is therefore, and we charge you, that ye pafs to the Mercat- crofs of Edinburgh, and the Mercat-croffes of Dumfries, Lanerk, and Glaf- gow, and other places needf. 1, and there make publication hereof, by open Proclamation of the premiifes, that none pretend ignorance : And ord.ilns thefe prefents to be printed, and our Solicitors to fend Copies hereof to the Magif- trates of the refpeftive Burghs above mentioned, for that effeft. Extraded forth ©f the Records of Parliament, by JA. MURRAY, Cls. Reg. God Save the Queen. 4 P 2 N» 46o APPENDIX, N° C X X. ' MEMORANDUM For the Honourable Eftates of Parliament. PRIMO, it is humbly intreated, that In cafe the Union be concluded, that, for' preferving the peace of the Nation, and redreffing of grievances of the Church, the Privy Council may be continued, or fome Court eftablifhed for judging in fuch cafes as were formerly judged by the Council, and this Church may correfpond with them for Falls and Thankfgivings. Sccundo, The interefts ■ of diverfe Heretors, as well as the exigents of the Church, will require, that there be fome fixed Court to do the work of the Commiffion for Plantation of Kirks, and Valuation of Teinds, which is the more necelfary, in refpeift of the great prejudice the Church has fuftained for want thereof; and that this Court be impowered to make up the Regifters of the Commiilions of former Parlia- ments that were burnt in the great fire in Edinburgh. Teiiio, Seemgihe terms of an oath fhould be clear, that it may be taken in truth, in righteoufnefs, and judgmentj it is defired, that, if the Englifh Abjuration Oath' be required of Scots-men, the words may be made plain and clear, without reference to Eng- lifh Statutes, which are not known here ; and that what the taker of the faid Oath is to be obliged to, be exprefsly infert in the faid Oath, and that the fame be agreeable to our known principles, ^larto, Seeing, upon the event of an Union, there ought to be a Communication of all Privileges and Advantages which do or may belong to the fubjetts of either Kingdom -, it is intreated, that due provifion be made, that, in cafe of any Union, Scots-men may be capable of places of Power and Truft in all places of Britain, without any obligation to take the Engl i(h Sacramental Teft ; for that, befides what may be faid of the danger that way, to prophane that holy Ordinance, it may prove a temptation to divers to conform, who otherways would not do it, and this way, by degrees, bring in corruption to this Church, ^linio, Seeing the Ecclefiaflical Supremacy, claime4 fome time by the Sovereigns in this Land, was fuch an encroachment on the pre- rogative of our Lord Jefus Chrid, the alone Head and King of his Church, and had fuch fad confequences, and is now fo happily rcfcinded : it is humbly in- treated, that all pollible fecurity be provided agaiuft the re-alTuming of it ia after-time. 6, N^ ^n-" APPENDIX. 661 N' D X X. Ad againfl all Mufters and Rendezvouzes during the prefent Sefllon of Parliament. Novemb. 30, 1706,. OUR Sovereign Lady, confidering, that by the 3d aft of the 2d feffion of this Paiiiamentj intituled, " Aft for Security of the Kinp,don)," it is flatute and enafted, that the whole Proteftant Heretors, and all the Burghs within the fame, (hall forthwith provide themfelves with Fire-arms for all the Fcacible- men, who are Proteftaiits, within their refpeftive Bounds ; and the faid Heretors and Burghs are thereby empowered and ordained, to difcipline and exercifc theif Fencible-men once in the month at leaft; and a!(o confidering that the diforderly and feditious meetings and tumults, in fome places in the country, dp make it neceflary at this occafion to fufpend the effeft of the forefaid claufe, during this Seffion of Parliament, allennarly : Therefore, her Majefty, with advice and confent of the. Eftates of Parliament, doth hereby fufpend' the effeft of the forefaid claufe, and that during this Seffion of Parliarpept allennarly. And fur- ther, her Majefty, with advice and confent forefaid, difeharges and flriftly pro- hibits the fubjefts of this Kingdom to meet and aflemble together in arms, after the publication hereof, upon any pretence whatfoever, during the Ipace foreDid, without her Majefty's fpecial command, or exprefs licence had or ob'iained thereto : And requires and commands all the fubjefts of this Kingdom to retire to their own habitations and lawful employments ; certifying fuch as fliail do in the contrary, that they {hall be liable to the pains of High Treafon, conform to the Laws and Afts of Parliament made againft unlawful convocations and rifing in arras*- N« $$3, APPENDIX, N'^ F X X. IN the Parliament, Monday 4th November 1706, a Vote was ftated in thir Terms : Approve of the Firft Article of Union in the Terms of the Motion mentioned in the preceeding days Minutes, viz. that, if the other Articles of Union be not adjufted by the Parliament, then the agreeing to and approving of the Firft fhall be of no efFeft ; and that, immediately after the faid Firfl: Article, the Parliament will proceed to an A<£1 for the Security of the Dodtrine, Difclpline, WorQiip, and Go- vernment of the Church, as now by Law eflablilhed within this King- dom ; and it carried Approve, in the Terms of the above Motion ; and the Lift of the Members as they voted Pro and Con (ordered to be printed) is as follows. A PP R OVERS of the Nobility. The Lord Chancellor, Dalhoufie Vifcounts. Marq of Montrofe, P. S. C. Leven Diiplia Garnock. Duke of Argyle Noithefque Marquefs of Tweddale Bellcarras Marqutfs of Lothian^. Forfar Kilmarnock Lords. Earls- Kintore Forbes Mar, Sec. Dun more Elphingftoun Lowdoun, Sec. Marchmont Rofs Crawford Hyndfoord Torpichen Sutherland Cromarty Frazer RothL-s Stair BanfF Mortoun Rofeberry Elibank EglingtoLin Glafgow, Ther. Dept. Dutlus Roxburgh Hoptoun Rollo Haddingtoun Deloraia Lord Regifler Galloway Ulay. Lord JulHce Clerk. Weymes Of APPENDIX. ^ 653 Of the Barrens. Sir Robert DIckfon of Inverafk William Nifoit of Dirletoun Jo. Cockburn, younger, of Ormiftoun Sir John Swintoun of that Ilk Sir Alexander Campbel of Cefnock Sir William Ker of Greenhead Archibald Douglafs of Cavers Mr. Will. Steuari of Caflle-flewart Mr. John Steuart of Sorbie Mr. Francis Montgomery of Giffan Mr. Will. Dalrymple of Glenmuir Mr. Robert Steuart of Tillicoultry Sir Robert Pollock of that Ilk Mr. John Montgomery of Wrae John Hadden of Glenagies Mungo Grahame of Gorthy Sir Thomas Burnet of Leyes Will. Seton, younger, of Pitmedden Alexander Grant, younger, of that Ilk William Bennet of Grubbet Mr. John Murray of Bowhill Mr. John Pringle of Haining Will. Morifon of Preflouragrange George Baillie of Jervifwood Sir John Johnftoun of Wefterhall William Douglafs of Dornock Sir Kenneth Mackenzie Mr. iEneas Mackleod of Catboll Mr. John Campbell of Mammore Sir James Campbell of Auch.nbreck Ja. Campbell, younger, of Ardkinglaft Sir William Anflriuher of that Ilk James Halyburton of Pitcurr Alexander Abercrombie of Glaflbch William Maxwell of Cardinefs Mr. Ja.Dumbar, younger, of Hemprigs John Bruce of Kinrofs. Of the Burrows. Sir Patrick Johnftoun John Scrymfour Lieutenant Coll. Jo. Areikin John Muir James Scot Patrick Bruce Sir John Arefkine James Spitle Mr. Patrick MoncriefF George Monro Sir Andrew Home William Coltran Sir Peter Halket Sir James Smollet Mr. William Carmichael Captain Daniel Mackleod Sir David Dalrymple Sir Alexander Ogilvie Mr. John Clerk John Rofs Sir Hugh Dalrymple Mr. Patrick Ogilvie George Allerdice William Alvis Mr. Roderick Mackenzie John Urquhart Srr James Steuart Daniel Campbell . Sk 664 appendix; Sir Robert Forbes Mr. Robert Douglafs Mr. Alexander Maidand Duke of Hamilton Duke of Athole Marquefs of Annandale. Earls, Errol Marifchal Buchan Gli^ncairn Wigtoun Strath more Selkrig Kincardin, Mr. Gecrge Dalrymple Mr. Charles Campbell. Sic Sub/cribitur, Seafield, Chancellor. I. P. D. .P. Noes of the Mobility. Vi/couniSt Stormount KiUyth. Lords, 'Semple Oliphant Balmerino .Biantyie Bargany Beilhaven Colvil Kinnaird. Of the Barons. George Locbart of Carnwath ■Sir James Foulis of Colingtoun Sir Patrick Home of Rentoun Sir Gilbert Eliot of Minto William Baillie of Lamingroun John Sinclair, younger, of Stevenfon John Sharp of Hoddam Mr. Alexander Fergufon of Ifle Jo. Brifiane, voun?er, of Biflioptoun Mr. Will Cuchran of Kilmaronock Sir Humphrey Colquhoun of Lufs Sir John Houflon of that Ilk John Grahame f>f Killairn James Graharae ol liucklyvie T^iomas Sharp of Houfloun Sir Patrick IMurray of Auchtertjrte John Murray of Strowan Andrew Fletcher of SaUoun Sir Robert Sinclair of Longformacus Sir David Ramlay ot Baimain Alexander Gordon of Pitlurg James More of Stoniewood John Fomes of ''olloden David Bethune of Balfour Mr. Thomas Hope of Kankeilor Mr. Patrick Lyon ot Auchterhoufe Mr. James Carn^igic of Pinhaven David Grahame, younger, of Fintrie James APPENDIX. ^65 James Ogilvie, younger, of Boyti Alexander Mackgie of Palgoun Sir Henry Innes, younger, of that Ilk Alexander Douglafs of EaglefhaW Mr. George Mackenzie of Inchoulter. Of the Burrows. Robert Tnglis Alexander Robertfon Walter Stewart Alexander Watfon Hugh Montgomery Alexander Edgar John Black James Ofwald Robert Johnftoun Alexander Duff Francis Molifon Walter Scot George Smith Robert Scot Robert Kellie John Hutchefon Mr. William Sutherland Archibald SheiJs Mr. John Lyon Mr. Dougal Steuart George Brodie George Spence Sir David Cuninghame Mr; William Johnfloua Mr. John Carruthers George Home Mr, James Bethun John B.iyne Mr. Robert Frazer. Sic fubfcrihitiiri Scafield, Cancellar, I. P. D. P» 40. Js"» H X X. iC6 APPENDIX. This belongs to Minutes 46, IN the Parliament, the 27th of December 1706, a Vote was ftated : Approve of a Proclamation, difcharglng unwarrantable and feditiouS Convocations and Meetings, Tea or Not, and it carried Approve ; and the Lift of the Members Names as they voted, Approve or Not (ordered to be printed), is as follows. APPROVERS of the Nobility. Marq. of Montrofe, P. S. C. Roxburgh Glafgow Ther. D, Duke of Argyle Haddingtoun Hoptoun Marquefs of Tvveddale Galloway Delorain Marquefs of Lothian. Dalhoufie Jlay. i Findlater Earls, Leven Northefque Lords, fJar, Sec. Belcarras Forbes g Lowdoun, Sec. Forfar Elphingftoun Crawford Kilmarnock Rofs Sutherland Kintore Torphichen Rothes Dunmore Frazer Mortoun Marchmont Banff Glencairn Cromarty Duffus EgHntoun Stair Lord Regifter Abercorn Rofeberry Lord Juftice Clerk. Of the Barons. Pvobcrt Dundafs of Arnidoun Sir Robert Dickfon of Inveralk William Nifbct of Dirletoun Jo. Ccrcklurn, younger, of Ormifloun Sir John Svvintoun of that Ilk Sir Alexander Campbell of Cefnock Sir William Ker of Greeohead Sir Gilbert Eliot of Minto Archibald Douglafs of Cavers " William Bennet of Grubbet Mr. John Murray of Rowhill Mr. John Pringle of Haining William Morlfon of Preftoungrange Sir John Johnftoun of Wclkrhall William APPENDIX. Uy William Douglafs of Dornock Mr. William Steuart of Caftle-ftewart Mr. John Steuart of Sorbie Mr. Francis Montgomery of Giffan Mr. Will. Dalrymple of Glenmuir Mr. Robert Steuart of Tillicoultry Sir Robert Pollock of that Ilk Thomas Sharp of Houftoun Mr. John Montgomery of Wrae John Hadden of Glenagies Miingo Grahame of Gorthy Sir Thomas Burnet of Leyes Will. Scton, younger, of Pitmedden Hugh Piofi of Kilravock Mr. John Campbell of Mammore Sir James CampbtU of Auchinbreck Ja. Campbell, younger, of Ardkinghfs Sir William Anftruther of that Ilk James Halyburton of Pitcurr Alexander Abercrombie of Glaflbch William Maxwell of Cardinefs Alexander Douglafs of Egilfliaw John Bruce of Kinrofs. Sir Patrick Johnftoun John Scrymfour Lieutenant Coll. Jo. Arefkin John Muir James Scot Sir John Anftruther Sir John Arefkinc James Spitle Mr. Patrick Moncrieff Sir Andrew Home Sir Peter Halket Sir James Smollet Mr. William Carmicael Mr. William Sutherland- Captain Daniel Mackleod Sir David Dalrymple Sir Alexander Ogilvie Of the Burrows. Mr. John Clerk John Rofs Sir Hugh Dalrymple Mr. Patrick Ogilvie George Allardice William Alvis Mr. James Bethun Mr. Roderick Mackenzie John Urquhart Sir James Steuart Daniel Campbell Sir Robert Forbes Mr. Robert Douglafs Mr. Alexander Maitland Mr. George Dalrymple Mr. Charles Campbell.- Sic fitbfcribitur, Seafield, CanceUar. I. P. D. P^ Duke of Hamilton Duke of Athole Marquefs of Annandale, Noes of the Nobility. Errol Marifcha! 4 (^2 Earls,- Wigtoun* 668 APPENDIX. Wigtoua Selkirk. Vifcounii, Stormount Kilfych. Lords, Saltoun Oliphant Balmerino Blantyre Bargany Beilhavcii Colvil Kinnaird. Of the Barons. ew Galloway, Stranrawer and Whitehern, one ; and the burghs of Air, Irvine, Rothefay, Campbletoun and Inverary, one. And it is hereby tl-clared and or- dained, that where the votes of the Commiffioners for ihe faid burths, met to choofe Reprefentatives from their feveral diftrifts to the Parliament of Great Bri- tain, fhall be equal, in that cafe the Prefident of the meeting fliall have a calling or decifive vote, and that by and attour his vote as a Comnriffioner from the burgh from which he is fent, the Commiffioner from the eldeil burgh prcfiding in the firft meeting, and the Commifliorvers from the other burghs in their refpedive diftrifts, prefiding afterwards by turns in the order as the faid burghs are now called in the Rolls of the Parliament of Scotland : and in cafe that any of the faid Fifteen Commiffioners from burghs (hell deceafe, or become legally incapable to fit in the Houfe of Commons, then the town of Edinburgh, or the diftria which chofe the faid Member, ftall eleit a Mem- ber in his or their place; it is always hereby exprefsly provided and declared, that none fliall be capable to elefi:, or be elected, for any of the faid eftatCs but fuch as are twenty-one years of age compleat, and Proteflant, excluding all Papifts, or fuch Vvho, being fufpeft of Popery and required, refufe to fwear and fubfcribe the formula contained in the Third Adi, made in the eighth and ninth Stillons of King William's Parliament, intituled, " Aft far prevent- " ing the growth of Popery ;" and alfo declaring, that none fliall be capable to eleft, or be elefted, to reprefent a ihire or burgh in the Parliament of Great Britain for this part of the United Kingdom, except fuch as are now capable by the laws of this kingdom to elc mediate fentiments of the Union fince the Articles have been madepnblick, where it is hi)ped'they may fall on fuch methods as may allay the ferment of the nation., fatisfy the minds of the people, and create a full underltanding betwixt the Two Kingdom?, by an Union upoi honourable, jult, and equal terms, which may unite them in affedion and intereft, the fureft feundation of peace and tranquillity for both kingdoms : and this my Proteftation I defire maybe received and infert in the minutes, and recorded in the books of Parliament, as a teftimony of my- difaffent, and the difaflent of fucLas adhere to me- M* A P P E N D 1 !!:. 679 N" M X X. And a Third Proteil: was given in by the Earl of Buchan, in thefe Terms. FOrafmiich as the chanf^lng of the right of the Peers of this realm, from a conftaiit and liereditary right to one that is ele but contrary to the faith of the faid Articles of Treaty, and a m, niftft difappoint- ment of thefe advantages and encouragements, that we ftill tlid, and do firmly promife ourfclves from your Majcfty's royal Juflice, an-d mod gracious Govern- ment, and with all fuch vifible hardfhips as mufl. be the lofs, and even the ruin, of many honefl; traders, who cannot bear their fhips and goods to be thus in- cumbered by bail and law-fuits, or double and high duties, and withal fubjefted to the delay and hazard of uncertain determination : We cannot but in the greatefl; fubmifllon whereof we are capable, and with a yet greater confidence of your Majefty's royal juftice and goodnefs, whereof we have had fo great and innumerable proofs, lay the cafe before your Ma- jefty as it is, viz. That, by the firft Article of the Treaty of Union, the Two Kingdoms are for ever united into One after the firft of May laft, which plainly, after that day, excludes the very notion of importation or importers betwix^ them, and all former reftriftions and penalties impofed thereupon : And, by the fourth Article, it is agreed, that all the fubjefts of the faid United Kingdom {liall, from and after the Union, have full freedom and intereourfe of trade to and from any port or place within the faid United Kingdom, and that there be a communi- cation of all other rights and privileges which do, or may, belong to the fubjefts of either Kingdom ; by which it is plain, that we have the fame privilege totranfport our effefts, notwithftanding of former reftraints, from one part of Britain to another, which your Majefty'sfubjedls of Berwick, Newcaftle, Rriflol, &c. do en- joy, in importing now to Scotland, without any control, all fuch goods, both of Englifli and foreign manufafiiure and growth, as were before the Union exprefiy prohibited by our laws : And farther, by the twenty-fifth and laft Article of the faid Treaty, it is by Statute enacted, that all Laws and Statutes in either Kingdom, fo far as they are contrary to, and inconfiftent with, the Articles of the Union, Ihall from and after the Union ceafe and become void ; whereby it evidently ap-- pears, that the prohibitions and reflridlions that might have been of force on either fide, while we were feparate kingdoms, are now made void and for ever to ceafe. Being then founded upon fuch clear and evident grounds, and yet much more upon the affuring experiences that we have always had of your Majefty's juftice, equity, and unparalleled goodnefs; we do, with all fubmifllon and humility, be- feech and obteft your Majefty, that you would be pleafed to give fuch orders to your High Treafurer, and Commiffioners of Cuftoms, and others in England, that the aforefaid heavy and vexatious grievances may be remedied and removed, that fo the hearts and interefts of all your good fubjeds may be united to your Ma- jefty's fatisfa^ion and perpetual glory» 686 APPENDIX. N° C s- The Claufe propofed in the F.nglifh Parliament, to prevent the French Goods being Imported through Scotland. AN D whereas it is well known, that, in divers foreign parts, great quanti- ties of goods and merchandizes have lately been (hipt, and are now fhip- ping, with intention to be carried to Scodand, and to be imported there, paying only the low duties in that Kingdom, before the fird day of May, 1707, but with a manifeft defign to have the fame brought coaft-wile, after the faid firft clay of May, from that part ol Great Britain now called Scodand, to that part of Great Britain now called England, Wales, or the Town of Berwick upon Tweed, without paying the high duties which are now payable in England, and which, after the faid firrt of May, will be alfo payable in the whole United Kingdom of Great Britain for the like goods imported there, which praflice, if it be not timely prevented, does apparendy tend, not only to her Majefty's damage in her revenue, but to the ruin or impoverifhment of many fair traders, who have flocks of fuch commodities in either of the faid Kingdoms, by giving unreafonable advantages to foreigners : Be it therefore enafled, by the authority aforefaid, that all goods and merchandize imported, or to be imported, into Scotland, be- tween the firft day of February to the faid firft of May, 1707, from any foreign parts beyond the fea, and fhall after the faid firft day of May be brought by fea or land into England, Wales, or the Town of Berwick upon Tweed, uniels fuch goods or merchandizes were fhipt from any fuch foreign parts as aforefaid, for the fale, account, and rifque, of forae of her Majefly's natural-born fubjefls of Scotland, and be afterwards brought from Scotland to England, Wales, or Town of Berwick upon Tweed, as aforefaid, upon the like account and rifque, and unlefs fuch refpeflive goods and merchandize, from the time they were fhipped in foreign parts, till the time they were brought into England, Wales, or Berwick, by the way of Scotland, as aforefaid, did wholly and l^oiia fide belong to fome of her Majefty's laid lubjefts of the Kingdom of Scotland, as the owners thereof fiiall be chargeable with, there fliall be paid or fecured for the fame fo much money as, together with the monies which fliall have been aflually paid upon the importation into Scodand, fliall compleat all the fubfidies, impolitions and other duties which are to be paid or fecured for the like goods or mer- chandize, in cafe they were imported dire(511y into England before the laid firft day of May. And APPENDIX. 687 And in cafe fnch Goods and Merchandize be fo brought in and landed before fuch payment maJe, and fecuricy given (as the cafe requires), the goods fo landed fliall and may be feized, and the fame and the Importers thereof be liable to fuch Penalties and Forfeitures as by the laws of England are prefcribed for landing the like goods without paying or fecuring her Majefty's duties, or for defrauding her Majefty thereof; and, if any doubt or queftion fhall arife, whet'her the goods and merchandize fo brought in, or any of them, were brought from foreign parts by the way of Scotland for the fale, account, and rifque of fomc of her Majefly's fubjei^ts of that kingdom, within fuch days and times as afore- faid, or were their property in fuch manner as aforefiid, the onus probc.nJi fliall lie upon the perfon or perfons that Ihall claim the faid goods and merchandize, and not upon the feizer, informer, or profecutor. The Humble Addrefs of the Scots Merchants at London, to the Right Honourable the Lords Spiritual and Temporal allembled in Pailia- ment, againfl: palling the Bill for laying Duties upon Goods which may be brought by her Majefty's Subjedts from Scotland to England after the coinmencement of the Union. BY the Articles of Union, raofl folemnly ratified in Scotland and England, it is exprefly declared, Thar, from and after the firft of May 1707, the Two Kingdoms fliall be united into One, called Great Britain, and that all the fubjefls of either Kingdom fhall have full freedom and intercourfe of trade and navigation to and from any port or place within the faid United Kingdom, and that there Ihall be a communication of ail other rights, privileges, and ad- vantages, which do or may belong to the fubje(fls of either Kingdv;m. It is humbly conceived, that the bill now before your Lordihips is direflly contrary to thefe Articles of Union ; for nothing can be a greater hindrance to the freedom and intercoufe of Trade than the laying fuch high duties on goods brought from Scotland to England as are by this bill intended to be impofed on her Majefty's En^lilh fubjcfls, and the Scots refiding here, whereby they are deprived of their jufl: right of bringing goods from Scotland to England by tran- fire duty-free, which is plainly granted to them by the fourth Article of Union, &c. ' The 688 APPENDIX, The exception in this bill, pretended to be in favour of the natives of Scotland redding there, deftroys tbeir privileges alfo, becaufe it only allows them to bring fuch goods, dutyfree, into England, after the Union commences, as have been before that time laden beyond feas, and imported into Scotland on their ov/ti accounts, but not to bring any fuch as they have bought, or may buy, at their own markets, whereby this retrofpeft bill will (lop the circulation of trade, and entail ruin on all the traders in Scotland, by confining fuch quantities of goods to that part of Great Britain as will exceed the confumptioa thereof. The Scots being alfo hindered by this bill from bringing, duty-free, unto Eng- land, any goods imported into Scotland before the firft of May, whereof they have not been the fole proprietors from the time they were firft (hipped off beyond feas for Scotland until brought into England, they will be prevented from bring- ing their own parts of any goods wherein the Englifli had any (hare at the time of importation into Scotland. And, a particular hardfliip to the Scots, the bill irapofeson them tl c unfupport- able onus probandi, whereby they will be obliged to prove their fole property from the time of buying the goods beyond feas to their arrival in England, in order whereto their faflors, mariners, coopers, warehoufe keepers, porters, and a great number of other fervants, mud be all produced together at the Exchequer bar, and all maintained during their voyages and journies, and abode in London ; fo that the evidence, neceffary on this occafion, will cod at leail 300 /. fterling for each parcel of gords, befides all the delay and vexation of a tedious courfe of law, and the fevere penalties in cafe they fhould, by one neglefl or misfortune, fail in the lead particular of an abfolute proof. This bill will not anfwer the propofed end of advancing her Majedy's revenues, but feems to be founded on midaken notions of trade, fince, after the Union com- mences, the difadvantages or conveniences to Great Britain will be equal, whether the goods then in Scotland remain, and be confumed in that or any other part of the United Kingdom. 1 he allowances granted in fome Articles of the Union, whereby the regulation of minute circumdances is left to the Parliament of Great Britair, feems to be an unanfwerable argument that, where no fuch liberty is given, even the Parliament of Great Britain was not intended to have the power of making any alterationg or regulations; and as the lad Article of the Union confirms the whole by re- pealing all laws in either Kingdom which are contrary to the Articles, thi» bill, if it fhould pal's into an As of Parliament made in England before the Union, in relation to or for the prefervation of the public Peace; provided, neverthelcfs, that, in the SefTions of the Peace, the methods of tryal and judgments (hall be according to the Laws and Cufloms of Scotland. Provided that noiliina in this Atft contained (ball be con(trued to alter or in- fringe any RijIus, Liberties, or Privileges, heretofore granted to the City of Edinburgh, or to any other Royal Borough, of being Judices of the Peace wl hin their refpeftive bounds. And whereas by an Aft made in Scotland, in the third Seflion of tljc fecond Puliamentof the late King Charles the Second, intituled, " An Act concerning " the Retjulation of the Judicatures," feveral good and wholefome provifions were made concerning the Juftice-Court, and amongft others it was thereby en.^ded, that once a year Circuit- Courts (hould be kept at the time and places in the faid A6t mentioned : Now, for the better and fpecdier adminiAration of Juflice and further prefervation of the publick Peace in that part of the Kingdom of Great Britain called Scodand, be it alfo enabled by the authority aforefaid, that for the future twice in the year, that is to fay, in the monrhs of April or May, and in the month of October, Circuit-Courts fliall be kept in the feveral places ia the faid A£l mentioned, and in manner and form as in the faid Aundm Epifcopum vcl nuncios aut procuratores fuos, vtl eorum aliquos, ad hoc fpecialitcr deputatos faftum, ordinatum vel affirmatum fiierit fuo & noftro nomine in pia?mifll-. la Cujus, kc. Sigillum noftrum fecimus prcefeutibus append!. Dat. apud Wodcftck^ 10 die April, anno, &c. eodem. Et memorand. quod iftte duze liters, licet fint de data in eis contenta, irrotulatJB fuerunt hie, eo quod tangunt faftum Norwag. & nichilominus ifta ultima Uteri irrotulata eft in Rotulo patentium de anno xvii menfe April. N" 4. OMnibus has literas vifuris vel audituris, Edwardus, &c. falutem. Noveritis- nos literas cuftodum Regni Scotiae comniuni figillo Regni ejuTdem fignatas^ non cancellatas, non abolitas, nee in aliqua fui parte vitiatas>. in forma quae fequi- tur, infpexiffe. Excellentiffimo Principi Domino Fdwardo Dei gratia Regi An- glic illuftri. Domino Hibernice, & Duci Aquitania?, cuftodes Regni Scoci^ peir communitatem ejufdem Regni, falutem, & continuum femper gloria & honoris incrementum. Notum vobis facimus per pr^fentes, quod cum ad preces 8c in- ftantiam veftram, ad prKfentiara veftram venerabiles in Chriflo Patres W. & R. permiffione divina Saniti Andrea? & Glafguen. Epifcopos, nobiles viros Robertum. de Brus patrem, Dorainum Wall. Anand. & Johannem Comyn deftinemus- pro quibufdam rebus feu negotiis, vobis per quofdam folempnes nuncios Domini Regis Norwag. illuflris, fiiggeftis, ficut per literas veftras nuper nobis railTas didicimus;. damus & concediraus prajdiftis deftinatis poteftatem &c mandatura traftandi cum diftis nunciis Norwag. coram vobis, fuper rebus feu negotiis vobis expoCtis per eofdem, & ea qus erunt in vellra pnefentia ab utraque parte concorditer or- dinata, aiRrmandi. Salvis tamen in omnibus & fmgulis &. per omnia libertate & honore Regni Scotise ; Ratum & gratum habituii quicquid per prffidi(ftns deftinatos in veftra prafcntia tra(f}atum fuerit & affirmatum; dummodo ex hoc Regno Scctiie & ejus incolis nullum impoflerum prrejudicium generetur. In cujus rei tellimo- nium, has literas patentes figillo regimini Regni Scotiae deputato fecimus figillari, Dat. apud !Mjona(lerium de Melros, tertio. die Oiflobris, anno gratise 1289. In cujus, &c. Memorand. quod ifta litera figillataliberxitafuit in Ecclefia beat^ OTarise Sar-unfi feptimo die Novenibr. anno, ^c decimo feptimo, per manum venerabilis panis R. Bathon & Wtllen. Epil'copi Cauceilar. Regis, nunciis. Regis Morwag. Et litera originalis 7fo APPENDIX. originalis una cum lltera fubfeqiiente, eodem die in eadem Ecclefia, Ilberata fult per manus ejiifdem Cincellarii Domino Epifcopo Dunelm. In prsefentia vene- rabilis patris Domini Wigorn. Epifcopi, S: Domini W. de Va!en. & J. de AVarenna. Cotn. Sarr. per manuni ejufdem Epifcopi Dunelmen. in Garderoba Regis liberand'. N'5. OMnibus lias literas vifuris vel audituris, Edwardus, bf-c. falutem. Noveritis nos 'iteras ferenifluTii Principis Ericii, eadem gratia Regis Norwag. illuftris, iigillo fuo fignacasj, non cancellatas, non aliolitas, nee in aliqua fui parte vitiatas, ■in forma quce fcquitur, infpexiffe. Excelientiffimo & magnifico Principi, affini & amico fuo kariffimo, Domino Edvvardo Dei gratia Regl Angli^e. Domino Hy- bernia;, & Duci Aquitanise, Ericius eadeu: gratia Rex Norwag. falutem, 8c fincera; dileflionis conftantiam, cum honoris & glorice perpetuis incrementis. Noverit vetlra Majeftas Regia, quod nos dileflos ac fideles noftras, Tirrlcium de campis ludi Baronem Petrum Aigothi, quondam Regni Suet. Cancellar. Thorwaldi de Shetland, Si Guthorinum de Oflcya, Milites, latores prjefentinm, facimus, con- ilituimus, &: ordinamus, nollros veros & legitimos procuratores & nuncios fpeciales, ad tra^landum & conferendum cum Serenitatc veftra, fuper quibufdam negotii?, nos 8c filiam noflram kariflimam Margaretam conllinguineam veftram, Dominam ac Reginam Scotije, ac ipfum regnum fuum'Scotis tangentibus : Dantes & conce- cientes eifdem nunciis & procuratoribus noflris authoritatem plenariam & man- datum fpeciale ad fl:al)ilienda prsedifta negotia, & ad omnia alia facienda fine quibus prasdifla negotia expedlre non poffint, prout nobis & filice noftrse fupradidas me- lius credere videriut ad commodum & honoretn. Ita tamcn quod fi omnes hiis expediendis intereffe nequiverint, tres vel duo ex ipfis nichilominus in negotiis procedant fupradifli?. llatum babituri & gratum, quicquid per diftos nuncios & procuratores noftros, feu ipforum tres vel duos faftum fuerit 8: ordinatum in praimiffis feu quolibet prafmifTorum. In cujus rei teftimonium prsfens procura- torlum figilli noftri appenfione duximus roborandum. Dat. apud Civitatem Ber- genf. Kal. April, anivj Regni noftri decimo. In cujus rei teftimonium, has liieras nollras fieri fecimus patentes. Telle meipfo apud Clarendon, 6 die Noverabr, anno Regni noftri decimo feptimo. N» P P E N D I X, N^ 6. 7n REX Prclatis, magnatlbns, ac toti communitati Regni Scotias, falutcm & dilecflioncm linceram. Quia ncgotia, qiicp contingunt kariffimam confan- guineam noftraitij Margaretam Dominam & Rcginam Regni cjufdcm, ad hcK norem Dei, & tranquillitatem totius commuuitatis ejufdem Regni, ac com- modum & piofeflum ipfius confanguineas noftrie pra-diif^ae bene & fidelitcrprof- perari, totis defideriis peroptaimis ; vos requlrimus & rogamus attente, quatlnus cuftodibus ad regimen difli Regni nomine prcedicla- nofliit confangiiinere deputatis, taliter intendentes fitis 8c obedientes, quod nos & Domina veftra antcdida poffimiis & debeamus fidelitatera veftratn habere merito commendatam. Proponimus fiqiii- dem ftatim poft inftans Parliamentum noftriim London, ad partes veftris Scotia aliquos de noftro concilio deflinare ; per quos ac etiam per ipfius terrjE cuftodes de ftatu ejufdem Regni, quern appetimus tranquiilum & pacificum fcmper effe, certificati eritnus, Deo dante. Dat. apud Clarendon, ut fupra. Et funt claufte. CU M cgregius Princeps Eryk, Rex Norvve3'e, k Domina Margareta nata Regis ejufdem, Domina Regina & hceres Regni Scotiie, requifivilTent per fuos folempnes nuncios, Dominum videlicet Terricum de Campis ludi, Pfetruin Algothi, & Guchorinum de Afeleya, magnificum Principem Dominum Edwardutn,. Dei gratia illuftrem Regem Anglize, quod ipfe opem apponeret & confilium, qualiter prasdifla Regins nepta; fuse obediretur, ut Domina Regina, h litres Regni Scotice fupradifli, 5c quod ipfa inde ordinate poflit pariter Sc gaudere, proutaliisfaciuntRegesregnisjprsfatusDominus Anglia; Rex illuftris, pro bono pacis difti regni ScotiSj & reformatione flatus fus nepts, jam diftaj, Cuftodi- bus regni Scotije Uteras fuas mifit, quod Cuffodes ipfi mitterent peifonas nominar tas 8c certas, qui poteflatem haberenr traftandi formam aliquam pro fe & aliis^ ad emendationem difti regni ScoticE, 8c reformatione flatus Reglnse iam dicla- lidem quoque Cuftodes, ad requifitionem liujufmcdi Domini Regis Anglix pr;£!i- bati, miferunt, juxta effedura requifitionis ejufdem, venerabiles in Chrifto patrcg San<5ti Andrea 8c de Glafcuen Epifcopos, & nobiles viros Dominos Robertuin de Brus, Dom. Val. de Anaunt, Si. Johannem de Comyn, ad tiaOandura prout fuperius efl jam dictum; qui apud Sarefbur. venientes, ad menfem Sandti Mi. -eliaelis, prox. nunc elapfum^ ad quem locum prediftus dominus Rex Angli:^? hQiioxSih'ilss:- ?ia APPENDIX. hoRorabiles in Chrifto patres Dominos Godefridum Wygorn. k Antonium Diinel- menfem Epilcopos, ac egregios viros, dominos Guilliclm. de Valenc. Pembiok. h Tolnnnem de Garenum Cora, pro traftatu prcEdiclo tranfmifit, qui fimiliter venientes ibideiii ad traftand. ex parte ipfius Regis Anglia^ cum nunciis Norweye, & nomina- tis ScGtorum fupradiflis, poil difceptationes inter eos varias & tractatus^ in formam tandem talem pariter concordarunt, videlicet, quod pr^efata Domina Regina ?< litres in regnui^i veniat AngliiE aut Scotia? citra feftum omnium Sanflorum proxi- mo jam futurum, ab omni contraftu maritagii & fponfalium libera & qui eta ; ^ hoc prefati nuncii Norweye, quantum in ipfis eft, bona fide promiferant, fe pTocuratores futuros & curatores citra terminum jam przediftum, nifi Re- gina rationabile & allocabile eflbnium habeat in hac parte. Promifii: infuperbona fide jam diftus Pvcx Angliffi, quod fi prxfata Domina ab omni contraftu Maritagi, &: Sponfalium, in manum fuam aut cuftodiam libera veniat & quieta ; & quando Reo-num Scotije affecuratum bene fuerit & in pace, ita quod Domina ipfa fecure •venire valeat, &c in eo morari, ipfumque Regem Anglise per gentem Regni Scotiie requiri contingct, idem Rex Anglias eandcm Dominam in regnum Scotize mitter, ita liberam & quietam a contraflibus, de quibus fupcrius eft locutum, ficut recepit candem. Jta tamen quod bona gens Scotia, antequam ipfam Dominam recipiant, fufficientem faciant fecuritatem & bonam Regi Angliae prjenotato, quod pra;- diflam Dominam, nifi per ordinationem ipfius, voluntatem k, concilium, ac per affenfum Domini Regis Norweye Patris ipfius Dominse nullatenus maritabunt. Prsenominati vero Miffi Scoiiae promiferunt fimiliter bona fide pro fe & alils Regni Scotise quod ipfi affecnrabunt terram Scotis antequam dida Domina veniat in candem, & quod fecuritatem fibi facient, quod inibi ut in Regnum fuum fecure venire poteiit, 6c pro fuje voluntatis liblco commorari, prout ipfius terrte vera Domina, Regina, &c Hceres, quodque de pra^miflis omnes fecuritates praftabunt, x\ux rationabiles fuerint, & quas diiii nuncii Norweye ipfos facere pofle dicent. Quod fi forfan de Cuftodibus aut Miniftris aliquis vel aliqui difti Regni Scotiic ipfis de Norweya vel Regin^e przediiflas inutiiis vel inutiles, fufpiciofus aut fuf- piciofi extiterit vel extiterint, totiens Miniftri & Cuftodes amoveantur hujufmodi, quotiens opus erit, & meliores alii de Regno Scotise loco ponentur eorum, fccun- I4i 153 Sc 16. videlicet, de quolibet Anno mille Marcas, quem idem Domi- nus Papa percipit ad Scaccarium noflrum. Et recipiatis ab eodem Magiftro Giffredo fafficientem quietanciam de pecunia fupradifta. Tefte Regc apud Ledes, 18 die Augufti. N^ REX omnibus ad quos, &c. falutem. Sciatis nos conceffifTe renerabilibus pa- tribus, Willielmo Dei gratia Sanfti Andreje, & Roberto Glafguen. Epif- copis, ac nobilibus viris, Roberto deBruys, Domino VVal. de Anant. &Johanni Comyn, qui ad nos ex parte cuftodum Regni Scotia nuper venerunt in nuncium ; & Terrico de campis Ludi, Fetro Aigoti, & Guithorno de Affebeye, Nunciis & Procuratoribus egregii Priacipis Domini Ericii Regis Norwag. <^iod fi Domina 4 Y Rlargareta 714 APPENDIX. Margr.reta nata Regis ejafdem, noflraque ncpta, Dcmina Regina ScHceres Scoticp, in partibus Anglic veniat, ah omni concrafta Maritagii & Sponfalium libera & quieta, nos ipfam domiceilam ita liberam & quietamab oaini contrticlu Matrimonii & Sponfalium probis hominibus Regni Scotise ad eorumrequifitionem liberabimus, quam cito terra Scotise priedifta affecurata fuerit & in pace. Ita quod ipfa Do- mina fecure venire valeat in eandem, & inibi commode commorari; flib tali tamen modo, quod pra?dicli probi homines Regni Scotise antequam pi Eei'at;>m recipiant Dominam, fufficientem ponent fecuritatem 8c bonam nobis & Regi Norwag. fu- pradifto, quod ipfam Dominam nullatenus maritabunr, nifi de conlenfu noftro, & Regis Norwag. fupradifti, & hjeredum fuccedentium nobis Regi Anglic, fi de nobis interim contingat humaniter vel in remotas partes a noftro Regno prsedifto con- tigeret nos transferre. In quibus cafibus hceredesnoftros, ac liceredumnoftrorum, & Rtgni Cuftodes in noftri abfentia obligamus ad piffimiffa fervanda, quce pro- mifimus bona fide. In cujus rei tellinionium, &c. Tefle Rcge apud Clarendon. 6 die Novembr. Et funt DuplicatJE & funlliter llberatJe per manum venerabilis Patris R. Bathon, & Wellen. Epilcopi Cancellar. Regis apud Sarum 8 die Novembris, Willielmo de Bliburg. per manum fuam liberand. unana videlicet nunciis Regis Norwag, & aliam nunciis Cuftodura Scotia. N° lo. ATouz ceus qi ceffe lettre verrunt ou orrunt, Roberd par la grace de Deu Evefke de Glafguen. & Johan Com}n Gardeyns du Reaume de Efcoce e Alayn per meime. la grace de Deu Evefqe de Chattenes folempnes Meffages & pro"' cururs des autres Garde} ns, & des Evefqes, Abbes, Priors, Countcs & Baruns e ds tote la Commune de Efcoce, faluz en Den. Come les honurablcs peres en Deu Anntoyi>e de Dureme, & Rauf deCardoyl par la grace de Deu Evefqef, « les nobles homes Johan de Garenne Sc Henry de Nichole Countes, Sire Guilliam de Vefcy, e Meftre Henry de Newerk deen del Eglife de Everwyk, efpeciaus procururs 8c folempnes Meffages !e noble Prince Sire Edward par la grace de Deu Roy de Engletcrre, pur aeons perils & fufpccions qe il auoient entendu, nus euffcnt de par meimes le P«.oy de E"gleterre'demaunde la garde des Chafliens & de Forte- lefces du Reaurhe de Efcoce & de Ccle demauiide.departir ne voleynt faunz Con- ceillier lou Scgriiur le Roy avauntdir. Nus fur ceo e autres chofes venimes a la prefence meimes le Roy de Engletcrre avauntdit. Qiii fcur celes chofes conccil e deliberation A P P E N D I X. 715 deliberation euwe a noftre requefte nous graunta celechofe delaer deqes a la venue noftre dame, qe fcrra a la touz feinz prodiein avenir, ou devaunt fi Dieu pleft. Pur la quele chofe nus Procururs et Meffiiges avauntdiz, ouek aucuns dcs Gar- dcyns des Charteux de Efcoce, cert: afaver Sire Guilliame de Scint Cler. Patrick dc Graham, e Johan de Soules, qe iloqe vindrent cue nous, en noun des avaunt- diz Gardeyns, Evefqucs, Abbes, Priors, Countes et Baruns, e tote la Com- mune du Reaume de Efcoce, grauntons, volons, et fermement promettons, qe quel hore qe la Dame veigne en Englcterre ou en Efcoce, quite et deliure de tot mariage, ertre celui, qe nus auons otrie ; nus icels Chafleus c Fortelefces ren- drons et ferons rendre a lavanndite noftre Dame, e a noble Pier Sire Edward fiz al avauntdit Roy de Engleterre. E de eel hore enauannt les obirons enfemble, come a Seignour e Dame en cefte chofe et totes autres qe al avauntdit Reaume apen- dent, de eel houre, qe il ferront venuz en Efcoce, e averont fet per eus ou per autres dedenz le Reaume ferement de quel qe il feient en iu duw, folom les leys e les coftomes de la terre de Efcoce, ne a nul autre mariage ne affentirons, ne a autre Seigneur ne obirons, taunt qil viveront, fi il ne foit par le aflent e la vo- lente le Roy de Engleterre, e Sire Edward fon liz. E fi la Dame ne veigne en Engleterre ou en Efcoce entre cy e la toux feinz prochein avenir, nus volons e promettons puF nus et pur tous les autres du Reaume de Efcoce, qe touz les Gardeyns des Chafteus e de Fortelefces de meimes le Reaume feient adonqe obligez per ferement e par efcrit, de garder e de fauver i ceus Chafteus et Forte- lefces al oes e en noun noftre Dame anauntdite, e Sire Edward fiz e heyr le avauntdit Roy de Engleterre. E fi nul des Gardeyns des Chafteus e de Forte- lefces feyt ou feyent renablement fufpecenous a eus ou a nous, il ferrount remuwe taunt de foiz comemei'er ferra per commun counfeil du Roy de Engleterre, e de bone gent de Efcoce, e as autres du Reaume nient fufpecenous, fouz bone feurtc bailleu. Memes la chofe grauntons, otrions et promettons des Gardeyns e des autres Miniftres du Reaume. N° II. THAT though it would feem moft proper for the Scots to fue to us, who are Superiors in the Field, and Mafters of a great part of their Realm ; yet, that our charitable mind and brotherly love might be known, we do, by all means poflible, provoke and call you to your own commodity and profit, as the Father does the Son, or the elder Brother the younger, and invite you to Amity and Equality ; bccaufe as we inhabit iu the fume Ifland, there is no 4 Y 2 ' Peoph / 71 f!lvely might have done-, or may do, in any fort within the Kingdoin where they arc boriii Further. APPENDIX. 723 Turtlicr, his Majerty, out of his great judgement and providence, hath not only profeiTed in publick and private fpeech to the Nobility and Council of both Kingdoms, but hath alio vouchfafed to be contented, that, for a more full fatisfac- tion and comfort of all his loving fubjefts, it may be comprifcd in the faid Aft, that his Majefty meaneth not to confer any Office of the Crown, any Oiricc of Judicature, Place, Voice, or Office in Parliament of either Kingdom, upon the fubjeds of the other, born before the death of the late Queen, until time and converfation have increafed and accompliflied an Union of the faid Kingdoms, as well in the hearts of all the people, and in the conformity of Lav/s and Policies in thcfe Kingdoms, as in the knowledge and fufficiency of particular men, who, being untimely employed in fuch authorities, could no way be able, much lefs acceptable, to difcharge fuch duties belonging to them. It is therefore rcfolved by us, the Commiffipners aforefaid, not only inregard of our defires and endeavours to further a fpeedy conclufion of this happy work intended, but alio as a teftimony of Our love and thankfulnefs for his gracious promife, on whofe fincerity and benignity we build our full alTurance, even according to the inward fenfe and feeling of our own loyal and hearty affections, to obey and pleafe him in all things worthy the fubjefts of fo worthy a fovereign, that it fliall be defired of both the Parliaments, to be enafted by their Authority, That all the fubj eels of both Realms, born before the deceafe of the late Queen, may be enabled and made capable to acquire, purchafe, inherit, fucceed, ufe, and difpofe of all Lands,' Goods, Inheritances, Offices, Honours, Dignities, Liberties, Privileges, Immu- nities, Benefices, and Preferments whatfoever, each fubj eft in either Kingdom, with the fame freedom, and as lawfully and peaceably, as the very natural anJ horn fubjefts of either Realm, where the faid Rights, Eftates, or Profits, are ef- tablifhed ; notwithllanding whatfoever Law, Statute, or former Conftitutioil heretofore in force to the contrary •, other than to acquire, poifefs, fucceed, or inherit any Office of the Crown, office of Judicatory, or any Voice, Place, or Office in Parliament; all which fliall remain free from being claimed, held, or enjoyed, by the fubj eels of the one Kingdom within the other, born before the deceafe of the late Queen, notwithllanding any word, fenfe, or interpretation of the Aft, or any circumdance thereupon depending, until there be a perfeft and full accomplifliment of the Union, as is defired mutually by both the Realms. In all which points of Pvefervation, either in recital of the words, his Majelty's facred promife, or in any claufe or fentence, before fpecified, from enabling them to any of the forefaid Places or Dignities ; it hath been, and ever Ihall be, fo far from the thoughts of any of us, to prefume to alter or injpair his Majefty's Prerogative Royal ('vyho contrariwife do with all comfort and confidence depentl 4 Z » bcrci* 724 APPENDIX. herein upon the gracous affurance which his Majefty is pleafed to give in tte Declaration of his fo jufl and princely care and favour to all his people), as, for a further laying open of our clear and dutiful intentions towards his Majefty in this and in all things elfe which may concern his Prerogative, we do alfo herein profefs and declare, that we think it fit there be inferted in the Aft, to be pro- poned and paffed, in exprefs terms, a fufficient refcrvation of his Majefty's Pre- rogative Royal, to denizate, enable, and prefer to fuch Offices, Honours, Dig- nities, and Benefices whatfoever, in both the faid Kingdoms, and either of them, as are heretofore excepted in the preceding refervation of all Englidi and Scots fubjects born before the deceafe of the late Queen, as freely, fovereignly, and abfolutely, as any of his Majefty's Royal Progenitors, Kings of England or Scotland, might have done at any time heretofore, and to all oiher Intents and purpofes, in as ample manner as if no fuch AQ. had been thought of or men- tioned. And forafmuch as the feveral Jurifdiftions and Adminiflrations of either Reahn may be abufed by malefaflors, by their own impunity, if they fliall commit any offence in the one Realm, and afterwards remove their perfons and abode into the other ; it is agreed, that there may be fome fit courfe advifed of, by the wif- doms of the Parliaments, for tryal and proceeding againft the perfons of Offen- ders remaining in the one Realm, for and concerning the crimes and faults committed in the other Realm. And yet neverthelefs that it may be lawful for the Juftice of the realm, where the offence is committed, to remand the offender remaining in the other Realm, to be anfwerable to the juftice of the fame Realm ivhere the faft was committed ; and that, upon fuch remand made, the offender ihall be accordingly delivered, and all further proceedings (if any be) in the other Realm fhall ceafe, fo as it may be done without prejudice to his Majefty or other Lords in their Efcheats and Forfeitures, with provifion, neverthelefs, that this be not thought neceffary to be made for all criminal offences, but in fpecial cafes only, as namely in the cafes of Wilful Murther, Falfifying of IVIo- neys, and Forging of Deeds, Inftruments, and Writings, and fuch other like cafes, as upon further advice in the faid Parliament may be thought fit to be added. N. APPENDIX. 72| N'^ 13. A Paper given in by the Scots Commiflioners to the Englifli Commif- fioners for adjufting the differences of Trade between the Two King- doms, Jan. 21, 1667. WE the Cominiflloners of and for the Kingdom of Scotland, nominated, and fiifficienily autliorizcd by his Majcfty, under His great Seal of that Kingdom, to treat and confuk, as alfo to conclude and determine with your Lordfhips, the Commiffiontrs nominated by his Majcfty for the Kingdom of England, of and concerning ihe Freedom and Liberty of Trad?, betiveen the Two Kingdoms of England and Scotland, do reprcfent, 1 hat, whereas his Ma- jefly's fubjefls of Scotland be under the allegiance of the King, fince the happy fucceffion of K. J.;mes to the crown of England, are fo far from being Aliens^ that they are declared to have, by the law of this Kingdom, all the privileges of natnral-born fubjifls of England : And whereas his Majefty'i fubjedts in Scotland have enjoyed tht fam.ein all the dominions and plantations belonging to the King- dom of Enghind more than 56 years, without any confiderable obftruftion all that time; yet, fince the 23th of Maich, in the 12th year of his Majefly's reign, by fome Afts of Parlirment here in England, the Kmg's fubjefts of Scotland are clearly debarred from the privilege granted to all his Majefty's other fubjefts ; feeing by thefe Ai^s feveral hnmunities and Privileges granted to fuch fliips as do truly and without fraud belong only to the people of England or Ireland, Dominion of Wakf, or Town of Berwick upon Tweed, and j\\ other fhips and veiTels (^without any exception) with all their goods and merchandizes are declared to be forefaulied ; alfo by other Afts of Parliament, fince that time, goods and commodities of Scotland are, at fome times, charged with a double duty or im- pofition alcove 16 times more than the goods of the like nature, of foreign growth, and fome unufual cuftoms are exacted in Northumberland and Cumber- land : In order to the removing of all obftruftions to the Freedom and Liberty of Trade between the Two Kirgdoms, to the end the people of Scodand may be encouraged to trade here as formerly, and to export from the Kingdom fuch fo- reign and other Commodities as are necelTary for them (which we conceive to be a great advantage to this Kingdom, the exported commodities far exceeding thefe imported hiiher), for encouraging the fhipping and feamen of Scotland, without which trade cannot be continued, and for prevendng the removal of the Trade of Scotland into foreign parts, which would be very prejudicial to his rdajcfiy's 72<$ A P P E N D I S; Majefty's cuftoms in this Kingdom (as we conceive), and to the happy Union an3 Correfpondence of the two Kingdoms, which we do above all things endeavour to preferve: We do begin with that which was firfl in time, and indeed of the grsatefl: inr-' portance to Scotland, an Aft, intituled, " An Aft for the encouraging and in- creafing fiiipplng and navigation," pafled in the 12th )'ear of his IMajelly's reign^ and ratified, confirmed, and enafted in the 13th year. Cap. 140. In relation to which Aft, we defire, firft, Tliat as to the Trade with the Lands, Iflands, Planta- tions, and Territories, to his Majefiy belonging, or in his poffeffion, or v/hich may thereafter belong unto, or be in the pofleffion of his Majefty, his heirs, or fuccelTors, in Afia, Africa, or America, the fame Freedom may be allowed to fuch fnins and vefi'els as do truly and without fraud belong to the people of Scot- land, whereof the Mafter and three 4th parts are Scotfmen, or other his Majef- ty's fubjefts, and freighted only by his Majefty's fubjefts, as are allowed to his Majefly's fubjefts of Ireland, Dominion of Wales, and Berwick upon Tweed. 2. That it be declared. That his Majefly's fubjefts of Scodand are not meaned to be debarred by the Claufe debarring men or perfons, not born within the alleo-iance of our Sovereign Lord the King, from exercifmg the trade or occu- pation of Merchants or Fadtors in any of the faid Places. 3. That the fliips or veffels belonging truly to his Majefly's fubjefts of Scot- land, navigated as is before exprefied, and freighted only by his Majefly's fub- jefts, may be declared to have liberty to bring into England the goods and com- modities that are of foreign growth, produftion, or raanufaftory, under the fame reflriftions and limitations as are exprefl: ever fince King James came to England, is of abfolute neceffity for entertaining the fiiipping of Scotland, and keeping the famen there for his Majefly's fervice, and will be an increafe of his Ma- jeft)'s cufloms. 4. Tliat all other privileges granted by this Aft to the Ihips and veflcls be- longing truly to the fubjefts of Ireland, Wales, and Town of Berwick upon Tweed, may be alfo declared to belong to the Ihips or veffels truly belonging to the fubjefts of Scotland, and navigated and freighted as is aforefaid, under the fiimc reflriftions and limitations alwife as by this Aft laid upon the fubjefts of IrelanJ, &c. that it may be declared that the penalties impofed upon Aliens for tranfporting of Goods from ports to ports, and all other penalties impofed upon Aliens by this Aft, that the fubjefts of Scotland are no ways therein concerned. 5. Tliat whereas almoft all the fliips and veffels belonging to his Majefly's fubjefts of Scotland were, during the late Ufut-pation, taicen, burnt, or dc- iftroyed, and many of the vcfTels, taken or bought fmce his Majefly's happy re- 6 turn. APPENDIX. J27 turn, are foreign-bulk ; we defire, that all vefiTcls, taken from the King's enemies and condemned as lawful prize, may be declared naturalized, as is lately done here, and that they and all fuch fliips as are truly in the poflTeflion of his Majef- ty's fubjcfts of Scotland may be declared capable of free Trade here, as if they had been built within his Majefty's Dominions; a lifl of fuch fliins being entered betwixt and a day to be agreed up»n into the cuftom-houfe Books here, provided that it (hall not be lawful for Scotfmen to trade here with any foreign- built fhips to be bought hereafter, but only with fuch (hips as are built in Scot- land, or fome other of his Majcfly's dominions, and that both the prize-fhips and other fliips, now in the polfeffion of the fubjefts of Scotland, be navigated by 3 parts of 4 of Scotfmen, or others his Majelly's fubje£ls, and freighted only by his Maje(ly's fubjecfts. 6. And whereas it may be fuppofed, that, by demanding fuch a Trade with the Plantations as is allowed to the fubjefts of Ireland, we may prejudge his Ma- jefty's cufloms here, or deftroy the ends of the Adl of Kavigation as to thefe com- modities-, we declare that we are willing to treat and conclude with your Lord- Ihips upon fuch alTurances as can be reafonably demanded, that none of thefe commodities fliall be tranfported by Scots (hips from the Englilh Plantations to any place beyond the feas, but they fliall be wholly brought into fuch parts oJ England as (hall be agreed upon, excepting only fuch, a very fmall Number,. for the confumption of Scotland^ as fliall be agreed upon betwixt your Lord? ihips and us. NT 7iS A P P E N D I X. N» 14. JOURNAL O F The Meeting held hi the Council-Chamber, in the Cock-Pit, in Wcft- minfter. B Y The Scotifli and Englifh Commiffioners, nominated by the Queen to treat of an Union betwixt the Nations of Scotland and England ; Conform to the A£ls of the refpedtive Parliaments, inpovvering her Ma- jefty to name Commiffioners to treat. Die Alar/is, 27th 0 Agreed by the faid Commifl'ioncrs of both Kingdoms, that neither Kingdom fhall be burdened with the debts of the other contrafled before the Union, and that no duties on Home Confumption, or Taxes to be levied from Scotland, fhall be applied to the payment of EngiiOi debts : And that fome time is to be allowed to Scotland to reap the benefit of the Communication of Trade, and enable them the better to pay duties on Home Confumption equal to England, but that it is raofl proper to be determined in the refpe^ive Parliaments of both Kingdoms. Ordered, That the Journals' of what has been tranfafled hitherto be made ready by the Secretaries, to be read over at the General Meeting appointed to be oa Monday the firft of February. Die Luna, i February, 1702-3. ' J "" HE Lords CommifTioners having met, the Lord Duke of Queenfberry moved, on the part of the Lords Commiffioners for Scotland, that, the firll of the Propofals offered on the 18th of January being adjufled, they fhould pro- ceed to the confideration of the other Articles ; whereupon the fecond and fubfe- quent Articles were read feverally, and fpoke to by the Lords Commiffioners on both fides ; but their Lordlhips came to no refolution on any of thefe Articles. The Duke of Queenfberry acquainted the Lords Commiffioners for England, that their Lordfhips of Scotland, having confidered their Lordlhips' anfwer to their Propofuion of the 27th of January, about the Company trading to Africa and the Indies, they did offer to their Lordlhips the following paper, which was read, and taken into confideration by the Lords Commiffioners for England, and is as follows : By the Lords Commijjfioners for Scotland. THEIR Lordfhips do flill infift for preferving and fecuring the Privi- leges of the Scots Company trading to Africa and the Indies, becaufe the Undertakers did, on the public faith of the KingJom, advance a flock of 2co,ooo/. or thereby; and it is not unknown to your Lorpfliips what part the generality of the Kingdom, and alfo the Parliament of Scotland, did take in the difcouragements and difappointments the faid Company did receive, as is fully cxpreffed in the Addrefs of the Parliament to the late King. 6 2. Their 750 APPENDIX. 2. Their Lordfhlps conceive, that the privileges of the Scots Company may conlill: with the Englifh Eafl: India Company, or any other Englifli Company which are circumfcribed to the prefent limits of England ; and it is not propofed that the privileges of the Scots Company fhould be extended beyond the bounds of Scotland, fo the feveral Companies do not interfere. 3. If the exifting of Companies for carrying on the fame traffick do appear to your Lordftiips deflruflive of Trade, it Is not expedled that your Lordfliips will infift that therefore the Privileges of the Scots Company fhould be aban- doned, without offering at the fame time to purchafe their right at the publick expence. And then they adjourned to Wednefday the 3d inftant. Die Mercuriij 3 February, 1702-3. ' i ^HE Commiffioners having met, and there being a letter from the Queen to adjourn their meeting; In the name of the Commiffioners for England, faid, that, fmceher Majerty is pleafed to adjourn our meeting, there are fome things fo effentially neceffary to compleat the Union of the Two Kingdoms, that we think ourfelves obliged to mention them before we parr, that on both fules we may come the better pre- pared to fettle them at our next meeting, particularly the Conftitution of the Par- liament, the affairs of the Church, and the Municipal Laws and Judicatories of Scotland, for the fecurity of the properties of the fubje<5ts of that Kingdom. And then the Queen's Letter, adjourning them to the 4th of 0£lober next, was read, as follows ; A. R. " "T) I G H T trufty, and right intirely beloved Coufins and Counfellors, right " X %. trufly and right well beloved Coufins and Counfellors, right trufty and " wcU-belovcd Counfellors, and trufty and well-beloved; we greet you well: " Wc are extreamly plealed with the accounts wc have received from time to " time in your proceedings of the Treaty of Union between our Two Kingdoms ; " and though there be fome very important matters ftill remaining to be adjufted " (the confideration whereof may require more time than our other weighty '* affairs will now allow), jet the great progrefs you have already made, beyond *' what APPENDIX. 751 " what has been done in any former Treaties, gives Us good hopes, that at ** your nest meeting this will be brought by your good endeavours to an *' happy conclufion ; to the end, therefore, that ye may duly confider by yourfelves " all fuch other things as may be neceflary to compleat the Union, and that " ye may attend upon your other affairs in your refpeftive flations, where our ** fervice requires you, we have thought fit to adjourn, and accordingly do ad- *' journ your meeting on this Treaty unto Monday the fourth day of Oftober *• next. Given at our Court at St. James's, the 3d day of February, 1702-3. To the Commiffioners appointed for treating of an Union between Our Two Kingdoms, INDEX* E 753 J. N D E X T O DE FOE'S HISTORY op the UNION. A. Page, ABERCORN, Eail of, piotefts againft part of the 1 8th Article - 450 — — Protefts againft part of the 22d Article 462 Addresses fent to the Queen from every part of Scotland, on the apparent danger of a French invafion - - 13 -I ■ From the General Aflembly, againft the ufe of the Liturgy - 20 Addresses to the Parliament of Scot- land AGAINST THE UnION. — Convention of Royal Boroughs - 245 -^— Commiffioners of AlTcmbly - 25(5 I . Commiffioners addrefs a lecond time 258 «— The Glafgow rabble - 266 — Midlothian, Linlithgow, and Perthftiire ^ . 3°7 ■ Stirling, Dumbartoun, Linlithgow, Dun- keld and Dyfert - 329 — — Commiffioners of the Royal Boroughs, Renfrew, Fife, Falkland, and Hamiltoun 334 - Commiffion of the General Aflembly 335 — ~ Tullialan, Dumferling, Borrowftounefs, Blantyre, and Avendale - 335 — — Forfar, Cambufnethan, Cambuflang, Kel- bryde, Bothwel and Old Munkland 337 — — Crail, Eafter Munkland, Shotts, Dalferf, Stenhoufe, a body of people in the South and Weftern Ifles, and Kircudbright 539 Page. Addresses from Covington, Carftairs, Symon- toun, Libertoun, Quothquan, Dunfyre, Rutherglen, Carnwath, and Lanerk 344, ■' Glafgow, Gorbels, Biggar and Lanerk 34^ I ' Kircudbright, Crawford, Crawford-John, Couper in Fife, and Lanerk - 353 ■I St. Andrews - - 365 Paifley • - 367 — — Glafgow, Culrofs, Saline, Carnock, Torie, Stirling, Annandale, and Innerkeithing 36S Roxburgh, Annan, Lochmabben, and Lef- 37a 37S 377 38? 387 3.97 mahago Mid-lothian St. Ninian's and Dunbar —^ Air and Burnt Ifland ■ Air, Glenftens, and New Galloway Douglafs, Carmichael and Petinean - Dumblain, Hamilton, Caputh, Lethendy, Alyth, Kinlock, Errol, Kilfpendie, Kin- nard, Inchture, Longforgan, St. Madoes, Kenfauns, Logic, Airth, Larbert, Duni- pace and Deny - - 399 — — Berwick - - - 410 - Lawder, Chainhilkrik and Calder 418 — - Mayboll, Kirkmichael, Girvan, Kirkof- wald, Barr, and Carrick - 42; • Aberdeen, Kincardine, Stone-haven, and Peterhead ... 4^6 5 D Ad- ?54 I N D X. pBge. A R OR ESSES from Perth - 4<^'7 Obicrvations on the defign of procuring the addrelies, and on the addrciies 3 3 1 -~- Counter addrelies thought of, but as it would be a kind of polling the natijn, and tend to general confufion, laid alide 332 — — Letters are written to the AddrefTera in every part of Scotland, deliring them to afiemble at Edinburgh, on pretence of waiting the cftefts of their addreifes, with the proceedings of Parliairent thereon 434 Only three trefbytenes addrelfed againll the Union - - 43^ - Copy of the addrefs of the burgh of New Galfoway, as a proof of the refpc6l due to fuch addreffes - - 631 Admiralty, trials there fettled on a new foot- ing at the Union - - i . A new Admiralty fixed - - i - Jurifdiftion to be under the Lord High Admiral of Great Britain - _ 155 • Court of Admiralty for private right, to be continued m Scotland - ii;7 - Obfervations on the proceedings refpefting Admiralty - - iii9 — — Obfervations on the proceedings refpedt- ing the Court of - - 457 A Court of, erected in Scotland 579 Advocates in Scotland, fuch as the counfellors of law in England - - 449 African Company, the fettling the affairs of, tended to prevent the Union propofed in 1-02 - - - 65 — — Account of - - . tb Open books for fubfcriptions at London and Hamburgh - - 66 — — Oppofed by the Englifh Eaft India Com- pany - - - - 66 ..■ The fliip Woreefter feized as a reprifal for one of their (hips being feized in the Thames - - _ - 78 1 Privileges to remain after the Union 169 — — Objefted to by the Commons of England, who propofe a fatisfaftiun - 176 The fund to be difeharged out of the equivalent - - . 177 Obferv ations on the proceedings refpe£ling 178 — — Trade from Scotland to, of i nail value — — Proceedings concerning it 438 OWcrvation on the proceedings 440 — — Stock oftcrcd to be fold for 10 fer tint. 441 Stock to be repaid with intereft out of the cunivalcnt - - 443 ■ Proccedingson the report of theCommittce on - 511,512,513 -— . The report of the Committee 5 1 j Page. African Company, the total (lock advanced by the proprietors with intereft, to May i, 1707 - X--29'+82 15 li Debts due by the Com- I „ o pany - } '4.8o9 '811 Both funis amounting to 244,292 14 o| Money let to proprietors 1,126 13 g^ Due to the proprietors Debts due to the Com- "1 pany by the proprietors J The dead (lock of the ~» • Company, the whole I to be allowed for trou- f ble and expences J 243,166 22,951 1,654 of It 5^4 Orders refpeding the payment to the pro- prietors - - ciS Oireftions for the application of the dead (lock - - 5ig Cnher proceedings 520,521,524 Paid fully off, and the Company died away - . - 5^2 Alexander IIL of Scotland, a great inftance of the vicilitude of royal (late 37 With his Queen, vifit the court of Edw. 1. 37 Lofes his Queen, both his fons and his daughter - - 37 — — Marries Joletta, daughter of the Earl of Dreux - . . ^8 Is killed by a fall from his horfe 38 Allegiance, proceedings againft minifters in Scotland for not taking the Oath of 17 Anderson James, allowed 1,200/. a year for fix years, in confideration of his trouble in making collections and fearch after the an- tiquities of Scotland - 455 Annan DALE Marquis of, and others, profeft againll the third article - 354 — — Names of the proteftors - 355 Anne Queen, her fpeech to the Commil- fioners of the Union, May 21, 1706 13^ Her fpeech to the CommifTioners June 26, 1706 - - 180 Her anfwer to the CommilTioners at the ' concluhon of the Treaty, July 23, 1706 196 ^— Her letter to the Parliament of Scotland at the opening of the feffion - 215 ' Her fp^ich at opening the Parliament, December 3, 1706 - 483 Her fpeech at palling the Aft of Union 486 — — Her letter to the Commiilioners on the Union in 1702, at their meeting 730 — — Her ipeech to the Coinmifrioneis of 1702, December 14 - - 738 Anne N D 1SS Page, A.VN'E Queen, her letter to the Commiffioners, Feb. J, 1701-3, to Oiftober 4, and they never met again - - 751 /lj)othecariei. See Surgeons. Appeal, fcheme rcfpedlng appeal in private cafes, to the Peers - - - 159 Army, the foot guards of Scotland received as Englifli guards, the command given to the JMarquis of Lothian, and cloathed in the Englifti manner - - 574 Articles o/Unmn as treated of, at London 197 As they paded the Pailianient of Scotland — As exemplified by the Parliament of Eng- land - - - 543 Assembly, ConimiJTlon of, addrefs the Par- liament of Scotland againll the Union 25 ," — — Their prudence and llcadinefs z^i, — — An Att for the lecurity of the Church, read and ordered to be printed - 2J5 — — Enleavoins made to perliiade the people, that the a 3*>8 Article XII. As fettled in the Parliament of Scotland - 532 ,. Article XII. As exemplified in England 549 Coin. Reformed to the Engliflt Standard, at the Union - - « Proceedings on fettling the value 167, 168, 184, 186 „ ■ Lofs on the new coinage to be paid out of the equivalent - - 177 Article XVI. Of Union re^peding, as fettled by the Commiffioners 203 . Proceedings in the Parliament of Scotland on Article XVI. - _ 297, 444, . Proceedings for the regulation of, in Scot- land - - 442' 45^ - Lofs by the rediiflion of ihe value to be p;iid out of the cfpiivalcnt - 443 . Deficiency of Englilh lilver money made good - - - 446 — — All the Fnglifli filver money brought in on one d.iy - 447 — — Proclamation relating to approved, pro- Page, ceedings refpeftlng it • 504. — — ArticleXV I. as fettled in the Parliament of Scotland - 520, 521, 535 - Article XVI. as exemplified in England Proceedings after the Union for reform in Scotland - - 1196 — — One penny allowed on each Englidi iliil- ling, and a proclamation that the whole are to be exchanged in one day 597 — — 150,0001. flerling of foreign filver money brought in - . 597 —— Denomination of money in Scotland at the Union - - 597 Scotch money pafled to Sept. 1708 599 Colleges of Scotland fecured bythe Aftof fccu- rity - 337, 340 College of Jultice, of whom compofed 449 Article XIX. Of Union refpeding it, as fettled by the Commiffioners 305 — — Proceedings in the Parliament of Scotland on Article XIX - 305, 44. , 448, 451 Article XIX. As fettled by the Parliament of Scotland - - 536 - Article XIX. As exemplified in England r . . . 553 Conscience, perfecution for, what it is not, and what it is - 23 Constitution of Scotland. The alteration it received by the Union fummed up 601 Constables efl;abli(lied in Scotland 593 Convention. The letter of, fent to William III - - - 311 Cooper, William, Lord Keeper of the Great Seal his Speech on opening the Commiffion of Union - - 114 — — His Speech to the Commilfioners of Union 1702, 729 Courts of Judicatmc and Julliciary to remain as before the Union - 148 Article XIX. Of Union refpedling, as fetled by the Commiffioners ' 204 Proceedings in the Parliament of Scotland on Article XIX 305, 445,440,451 — — Of whom compofed 449 Article XIX. hs fettled in the Parlia- ment of hcotland - 336 ArticleXIX. As exemplified in England ^ 3S3 Covenant and Solemn League made a plea agnintl the Union 221,247 — — How far the Union was againfl it 248 Dr.' Rule's opinion of the Covenant 228, 247 Criminal Procefs in Scotland, alterations made in it - - 591; Cromwell, Oliver, hit on the only flepto fix a LTnion - - 103 ~— Rendered Scotland happy and profperous, by conquering it - 104 Culm. I N D Page. Culm, Proceedings on the duty on 127, 144. — Article XII. Of the Union refpedting it, as fettled by the Commiffioners 200 _ — Proceedings in the parliament of Scotland on — — 295, 388 . Article XII. As fettled by the Parliainent of Scotland - - 532 — — Article XII. As exemplified in England 549 Customs, "ommiffioners of were appointed at the Union - - i — - Of England at the Union 1,341,559/, 123 — — Of Scotland at the Unionlet at 30,000/. 124 .1 The laws to be the fame in Scotland as England - - 148 . An account of the value of the annual funis contributed out of the Ciiftoms of Scotland, (according to the prefent produce) towaids the anticipated funds of the Cuf- toms of England - 189 — Articles Vll and XVIII Of Union re- fpeding, as fettled by the Commiffioners 199, 203 — — Proceedings in the Parliament of Scotland on Article VII and XV III 199, 203, 208, 292, 297, 298, 305, 376, 378, 385,388, 4^5, 4so — Article XVIII. Of Union refpedling 203 _ — Earl of Abercorn and others protefl againll Article XVIII - - 450 . Article VII. As fettled by the Parliament of Scotland - - 530 — Article XVIII. As fettled by the Parlia- nient of Scotland - 536 _ — Article VII. As exemplified in England 546 — Article XVIII. As exemplified in Eng- land - - 552 . Difpiites after the Union on 1167 . ■ The Scotch merchants import quantities of goods in hopes of fending them to Eng- land after the Union duty-free 568 ■ I The Englifll merchants fend quantities of tobacco to Scotland to receive the draw- back, and afterwards to return it back to England on lower duties 568 . Proceeding: to prevent fuch abufes 57°» ^72, c.n, S74 — — Proceedings of the Parliament of Great- Britain for fettling - 57 5 —I Clandefline praiftices of the merchants . Methods taken to prevent thefe praftices 577 " Put under a feparatc coileiflion 579 X. D. 7S7 Page. De Foe, Daniel, goes to Scotland in hopes of forwarding the treaty - jjj Confulted by feveral Committees of Par- liament - - 21 » Watched and fet by the mob 2^9 Confulted by the Committees on Duties of Excite on beer &c. 3/9 Dark I EN, The affair of, big with neceflary abortions - - 66 DouGi,As, Duke of, a proteft for him claim- ing privileges, of leading the van of the arms of Scotland in the day of battle; car- rying the Crown of Scotland in proceffions, and the firfi; vote in Parliament, 478 — — The firft vote claimed by the Duke of Hamilton - - 478 Drawback, Cafe of the drawback on fifli ex- ported from Scotland from the time of making the Adt of Union to the ill of iVIay, Duties, Ads prefented to the Parliament of Scotland for the continuance of Duties for private puipofes, as repairing bridges, harbours, &c. - . 373 — Obfervations on the Atte 374, East India Company, oppofe the African Company - - 66 Edward I. '1 he firft who made a coalition with Scotland, and afterwards conquered it 36 ■ of England, a marriage propoled between his fon, and Margaret of Norway, Queeu of Scotland - - 38 ■ Advantages to be expefled from this mar- riage - - 39 She dies at fea - 42 Marie umpire in the difpute between Ba- liol and Bruce for the throne of Scotland 44 . Ofters it to Bruce on terms of fubmiflion, \vhorefufesit,but Baliol accepts it on thole terms - - 44 — — Confequent wars between England and Scotland - - 45 Edward Vi, A match propofedby Henry Vlli. between him and Mary Queen of Scofs 48 — — Again revived by the Regency and Coun- cil ... 49 .Broke ofi" by the Erench and Popifli party - - 49 England makes vigorous preparations for preventing a French invafion on Scotland .3 — — In no condition for preventing an in- vafioii - - 4 England 758 N D X. Page. ENGLAND. Prepares a na\7 fupeiior to the French and yet the French fail and ar- rive at the Frith of Edinburg two dajs before them - 4 ■ Difadvantages attending the Engli(h fleet in the purfuit - 5 In a lunning fight the Saliftuiy is taken from the French - 6 . Preparations made to meet the invafion 6 — — ^ The probable fuccefs of the French, had they made good their landing in Scotland 9 ■ Addreffes fent to the Qiieen from every part of Scotland - 13 , The names, manners, and language, of the Antient Britons retained m Wales, Cornwall, and Wef'moreland 34 The inhabitants fo mixed in blood, by the influx occafionedby Commerce, that nearly all national families are loft 34. — — The national rancour with Scotland 34 _ A marriage propofed between the fon ot Edward 1. and Margaret ot Norway 38 . Advantages from iuch a marriage 39 A diipenlation granted by the Pope for the marriage - 41 . Margaret of Norway dies on her paflage 42 ■1 Wars between England and Scotland in in which 600,000 perfons perillied 46 ►.J Occurrences which tended to prevent a Union - - 65 Thoughts on the fucceffion after William III. - • - 73 .- Difficulties in fettling the fucceffion 86 . Extravagant proceedings of the miniftry oblige the Queen to change it 89 ■ Happy effeifts of the change of miniflry 90 — — — and Scotland to be united under the name of Great-Britain - 116 Cufloms at the Union i,i\i,i^c,i>l.perann. 123 — — — Excife at the Ur.ion 947,602/. per ann. 123 . — Formerly feven kingdoms now incorpo- rated - - 316 State of the trade with Scotland 4 1 4 Episcopacy, the depofition of, in Scotland 24 ■•— — Depofed, as the right owner recovers an eftate by the law - 25 . Theauthojityof theexauftoratc bifliops confitiered . - 2 f . The introdudlion of, made a plea againfl the Union - 221, 247 .. Objections to the Bifliope fitting in the Britilh Parliaincnt - 257 EciyiVALENT. I^Ieceffity of a fcale of equalities 124 •»— Proceedings for adjufling it 17;, 176, 182, 185, 186, 187, Page. ■ Manner in which the money paid for the equivalent was difpofedoi, viz the debts of^ Scotland, the fund of the African Compan)', the lofs on the coin and the furplus to the encouragement of fiflieries, manufa6tories, &c. - 177 . Obfervations on the equivalent 187 Article XV. Of Union refpefting, as fettled by the CommilTioners 201 '—— Proceedings in the Parliament of Scotland on Article XV. 292, 393, 430, 433 A Committee appointed to confult on the equivalent - 297 - Report of the Comiuittee 393 • Lord Beilhaveii and others protell againlt Article XV'. - 394 Not underftood in Scotland 396 ■ Suppoled by the Scotch to be repaid in a year - - 397 ■ Adually ninety years before it will be repaid - - 397 ■ Obfervations on the proceedings 431, 440 . Mr. Baron Clark's opinion on Article XV. - - 432 i T he expences of the Conmiiflioners to be paid out of it, with the fums to be paid to each - - 499 ■ Article XV. As fettled by the Parlia- ment of Scotland - 533 Article XV. As exemplified in England ■ Difficulties after tlie Union in fettling the - - 585 . Coramiffioners appointed by the Queen with I heir names - 586 ■ Difputes on the pretended delay of pay- ment - - 587 ■ Reproaches againft the Union, when the money arrived - i;89 Only ioo,oool. fent in ready money, the remainder in Exchequer Bills 590 ■ Difficulties railed on account of thefc Bills - - 590 Erroi, Earl of. High Conftable of Scotland protefts againll the XXII. Article 460 ExcHE - 532 .. Article IX. as exemplified in England 548 Laws of Trade, Culloms and Excife, to be the fame in Scotland as England i-l^ » Other laws of Scotland to remain in force, but alterable by Parliament 148 _— Of private right to remain the fame, except in cafes of evident utility 148 ■ > . , All laws, contrary to the Union, to be .1 ^ .l...f 37''^' ^^5' 3^8' 445. 4io . Article XXV. of Union, laws contrary to the terms of Union to be repealed, as fettled by the ComniilTioners ?o8 Proceedings in the Parliament of Scot- land, on Article XXV, 30^, 474, The pov\ er of the fuprcme power of a nation to alter the fundamtntal laws 361 Earl of Abcrcoin and othcis protclt againft Article XVIII. - 4S0 Article VII. aj fettled by the Pailia- ncnt of Scotland - - 53*^ Page. Laws. Article XVITI. as fettled by the I'arlu- ment (f Scotland - - 5)4 — — Ar', VII. asexemi)tified in England 546 Article XYlll. as exemplified in Eng- land - - Sp . The alteraiions they received i^y the Union, fummed up - 6oi Leven Earl of, writes in prefling terms lor alliftance - - _ J .1 Ordered to lelreat to Berwick, if he could not prevent the lanccietary ot State - 89 Oats. Proceedings rcfpeifling a bounty on oats exported from Scotland - 393, 398 Occasional Bill, the mifchiefs of b'9 Orkney and Zttlaii3 ■ Agreed, that none of thcfe protefts. he infcrttd in tlie minutes, but entered in the records - - 405 •— Obfervation on the proceedings on the protefts ; " • 4^'^ Parlia- I N D X. 763 Page. ParIlameItt. Proceedings in the Parliament of Scotland, onchoofingtliefirll icprclcntativts 488, 489, 492, 493 ., Obfcrvations on the proeeedings 497 ■ Diil:e of Hamilton, and others, protcll againft the proceedings - 489 . W. Cockran alfo piotcds 490 » Thirty reprefentatives to he chofen by the Barons, and fifteen by the counties 493 ^. I'roccedings rei'peding perlbns elcgiblc 49+ »- Proceedings on the manner of elections 497> 5^4- ■I Names of the firllrepi'efentatives 507 ■ Obfervations on the proceedings 50S ■ Article XXII. as fettled in the Parlia- ment of Scotland - 538 ■ Article XXII. as exempliiied in England Patricide a greater crime than parricide 319 J'eers.. Obfcrvatioi s on the right of judicature in the Scotch Peers - 159 ■I Commiffioners of England propofe fix- teen Scotch Peers, which is agreed to by the Commiilioners of Scotland i O3 » The Peers of Scotland to be elleemcd Peers of Great Britain - 166 •• Other privileges granted to the Peers of Scotland - 167, 170, 172 » Obfervations on the proceedings of the privileges of the Teers - - 173 ■ Article XXIII. of Union refpefling, as fettled by the Commiffioners - 207 «■ '. ■- Proceedings in the Parliament of Scot- land on the XXIIL Article - 470 ■ Obfcivation on the proceedings 471 1 Allowed to vote by proxy - 502 ■I Obfervation on the proceedings 502 — i Article XXIII. as fettled in Scotland ' ■ Article XXIII. as exemplified in Eng- land _ . . j^5 Fbjjicians, Roynl Ctllegt of. See Surgeons. PoriiRy likely to be reilored in Scotland by the French invafion ~ - 2 -' The depofing of, in England, on the fame footingas depofing Epilcopacy in Scot- land - - - 24 ■ Overture of ah aft againft - 504 Pretender. The French prepare to invade Scotland, in order to re-inllate him t, — — — The Earl of Middleton, and the old Lord Griffin, embark with him - 4 ■ Sail from Dunkirk, March 6, 4 Private Rights, which affefted the trade of either kingdom, to be purchafed 405 Privy Council of Scotland diifolved by the Parliament of Great Britain 594 ROC LAMATioN againrt tumults and rabbles 610 Page Protests. Diilce of Athol and others, againft the Union • - 3 7,0 ■ Lord Bcilhaven and others, againft the Aft of Security, with the names 339 ■ Earl Marilchal and others, againft the fccond Article of Union - 3^6 Marquis of Annandale and others, againft the third Article, with the names 3i4 ■ Lord Beilhaven and others, proteft againft the fifteenth Article, with the names 394 ■ Duke of Athol and others, proteft againft the SthAiticle, with the names 426 ■ Againft part of the proclamation, againft the coming of the addreifefs to Edinburgh 436 — — — Earl of Abcrcorn and others, proteft againft part of the eighteenth Article 450 — — Six protefts againll the twenty-fecond Article, viz. Duke of Athol, Earl of Bu ch^n, George Lockhart of Carnwath, Wai- ter Stuart, Earl of EitoI, Lord High Con- ftablc, and Earl Marflial 460 ■ Names of thoie who adhere to the Earl of Buchan's protelt - 46Z •■' Names of thole who adhered to the Duke of Athol's proteft - 461 Earl of Abercorn, againft part of ttie twenty-fecond Article - 461 ——— Earl of Marchmont and others, proteft againft the four protefls of the Duke of Athol, Earl of Buchan, G. Lockhart, and Walter Stuart, with the names of the coun- ter-proteftors . - 463 I Lyon King of Arms, memorial on the 24th Article - - 474 ■ For the Duke of Douglas for privileges '■ Duke of Hamilton, claiming iome of the privileges claimed for the Duke of Douglas - . - 47S ■ Some protefts in the Honfe of Lords in England againll the Union - 484 Duke of Han.ilton and others, againll the proceedings on choollng reprefenta- tives ... 489 W. Cockran, of Kilmarnock, alfo pro- tefts - - 490 Names of the adherents to both the protefts ... 4go Earl of Cromarty protefts in favour of the fliire of Cromarty - - 493 James Sinclair's proteft for the fliirc of Caithnefs - - 497 Lord Bahnerino, and others, proteft againft the councer-proteft, with the names 464 Agreed, that none of thefe protefts be : minutes, but inferted in the 465 Provi- entered in thi records SE2 764 N D X. Page. rROviDENCH, a (i.-jnal inftapce of, in bunging Captain Gieeii, and liiif crew, to p\inifli- irent - - ^ Ho OuEENSEERRY, Duke of, remr>ves all the feem- • "" ingdifllculties, on the part of Scotland, to the Union - - 99 ..^ His prudent oonduft in Scotlandrefpeft- ing the Union -- - 211 His fpeech at the opening of the fel- fion - - - 2' 5 , Highly infulted by the mob 236 «__ Appointed to repreient the Queen in the Parliamtnt of Scotland - - 2i)5 ^.^ — Iniulted. in going to and from Parlia- ment - - - 365 . , , Receives private Information of defij^ns to aflalliiiate him - 366 -I His fpeech at clofmg the Parliament cf Scotland - - - 526 ^_ Co]iy of the petition of the Com- niifiontrs of :he General AflcinUy 608 R. RsLiGioy, ftate of in Scotland, at the time of the Union - - - '^ . Proceedings aspinft minifters for not praying for the (lycen, &c. * . '7 ,L Attempts to introduce the Englilh Li- turgy - • - 19 ► Proceedings to prevent its ufe 20 . What is and what is not perfecution for confcience - - - 23 What is to be confidered as the Church of England - - - 26 _— — The ditfeience between Toleration in England and bcoiland - 30 prevented the I'uion taking place in 1702 - - 7^ «. Affairs of t!«J Church left to be fettled by the Parliament of each country 243 . Thofc who had Icaft regard for the Church, made the moft noile refpefting its fafeiy - - 2^4 Opixjfitlon made to the l^'nion by tiie Church, but will not fubaiit to be party tools - - 255 An A£t for the fecurity of, read and ordered to be printed - - 255 J'^ndeavours are made to perfuade the people, tiiat the aft is not a futtiticnt fe- curity for ihc Church • 255 Pa**-; Religion Thefe difputes wifely kept from the pulpit - - - 263 — — . Proceedings in the Parliament of Scot- land, on the Aft of Security 334, 335, „ r . , . . .337> 339 -^— — Reprefentat;on and petition of the com- miffion prefented - 335 ■ Oblervations on the reprefentation, &c. 336 • Lord Beilhaven,^nd others, proteflagainil the Aft of Security - • 350 ■ Names of the proteftors - 331^ — — — Obfervation on the proceedings on the Aft of Security - - 34.0 Reprefentation and petition of the Com- millloners againft Popery, &C. - 345 Danger it is in by a Union of Parlia- ments ... ,rg ■ — Aft for fecurity, paffed - 477 Revenue, fettled on a new footing at the Union - . - i ■ Of Scotland, eftimate of what it may produce after the Union, 216,000/. 18? Revolution-, not eltabl idled in Scotland with- out a war . . 224 Robert Bruce, King of Scotland, inftnifts his fon, " never to make a perpetual amity with England" - . - 36 - Claims the Crou n of England 4.3 ■ Ednard L is made umpire in fettling the claim of the Cro.vn of Scotland, who offers it to Robert Bruce, on condition of his fubmitting to Edward, and he nobly re- fufes it - - - 44 After various fortune, reooverihis king- dom and dies in peace - 46 Royal Boroughs, rights of, to remain after the L^nion - - - 149 ——— Article XXL of Union, on the privi- leges of, as lettled by the Commiflioners 205 ■ i Had a convention, or reprefentation of their own, confiding of lixty-fix, who, by a majority of twenty-four to twenty, addrefs Parliament againll the Union - 245 — — Proceedings in the Parliament of Scot- land on Article XXI. - 305, 456 ■ Obfervation on the proceedings 4?9 Article XXf. as fettled by the Parlia- ment of Scotland - i;37 ■ — Article XXL as exemplified in England SJ4 — — Copy of the Addrefs of the Convention of - - - 613 Rule, Dr. his opinion of the Covenant, and Solemn Lc^fgue - 228, 248 h N D X. 765 rage. Salisbury man of war, taken by Sir G. Byng, from the French - 6 Salmon. Proceeediiigs refpeiling thepackingof 171, 180 > Article Vlil. of Union refpei^ting, as fettl»d by the Commillioners log i..- Proceedings in the Parliament of Scotland, on Artick VlIl. - 292 II ' Article Vlll. as fettled in thePailia- ment of Scotland . 530 >.. , , . Article VI 11. as exemplified in England c , 547 Salt. Proceedings of the Commiffioners on the Duty on 127,138,144,147, i^i, '55'.'62> 1^7, 169, 172 — - Difficulties on fettling the Duty 142 p- Article VKI. Of Union refpefting, as fettled by the Commiffioners ■ 199- » . I Proceedings in the Parliament of Scot- land on Article VIII." 292, 386,- 388, 412, 416, 418,419, 421,423, 425, 430 ■ Ohfervations on the proceedings 41 2 ». Proceedings relative to the Duty 41 », 416, 418, 4ii, 423, 425 ■■ Ohfervations on the proceedings 3S7, 417. 419- — Articfe VIII. As fettled by the Parlia- ment of Scotland - 530 >i - Article VIII. As exemplified in Erg- land - - - 547 Scotland. The inhabitants fuppofed lo en- courage the Erench to an invafion in or- der to reinllate the Pretender 2 I. The Qiieen writes to the Privy Council, on the intended invafion - 3 . Put in a pollure of defence • 3 » State of the force railed to prevent an invafion - - 7 . The condition of Scotland at that time 8 »^ ProbTiblc fuccefs of the French, had they made good their landing - g » A fait appointed in April, 170S 12 » Addrefles to tlie Queen from every part '3 . ■ Good efferts of thefa ft -. Proceedings againfi: pcrfons taken for encoui aging the invafion 1 . State of Religion at the Union p. ■ Proceedings againft Minifters for' praying lor the Queen, &:c. c ~ Proceedings againll the ule of the Eng- lilli Liturgy - - ly — ■ . State of the depolition of epifcopaey ►— — Aa int^uiry into the Civil rights aS •3 up i6 not '7 Page. Scotland. The N. anJ N. W. parts firft in- habited from Ireland - 3^ — — — South Parts from the Roman Colonies, Danes, Saxons, and Pifts - 34. ■ The national rancour with England 34 Never had any propcnfity to peace 35 — — ■ Theirinveterate and bloody wars 35 — More than 200 000 Scotchmen fiain in in the wars with Edward I. 37 ■ A marriage propofed between thefon of E.dwardl. and Margaret of Norway 38 — ■ Adi'nntages from that marriage 39 ■ Margaret dies onhcrpaflage from Nor- way - - 42 i John Baliol, and Robert Bruce claim the Crown • . ^1 The difpute left to Edward I. 44 Wars between England andScotland 4? Six hiindred thoufand perfons pcrillied in thefe v/ars - - 46 Inconvenicncies attending the Union of the Crouns - -co Commillioners appointed for fcttliii" Commerce in 1666 - r? — Occurrences which tended to prevent a Union - . 5- — — Falfe reports of arming herfelf,&c. 84,87 — — — Exports to England above 200,000!. an- nually - . g5 — - — Floiinflied by Cromwell's conquering it 104 And England to be united under ths name of Great-Britain . j,^ • — Land-tax at is. in the pound i'2,oool. 125 Cuiloms at the Union let at 30,000]. 124 — —— Excife let St 3^,oocl. . j2j ' - ■ Revenue not appropriated to pay anv debt • - . ' ' ,,.. ■ Hiftoiy of taxation in, fince the Reftora- tion - - ,^2 , Settles ^p.oool.- /,r am. on Charles U. ^ inilead of a cefs . i^? • ■ Excife and Cuftoms 1660, did not • amount to ^o, 000/. - j,, — — ._ Five months ctfs laid on the. country ■ in 1678, and continued 16S4, when it wm ■ advanced to eight months cefi i ; . " ■ The difficulties brough: on by parties ^ '35 " Some taxes paid in Fngbnd impra.^ica- ble to be paid in ScotLind - j .q — — Quota of future taxes to be fettled bv Parliament, . ijy-- . Laws of Trade, Cufloms. and Excile, ■ to be the fame in bcotlar.d as in tng- • land - - 148 ■ Other hv.-s of Scotland to be.'rn -foi'». after the Union Ixit alterable by Parli:^- - meru - - ' 148 )&6 N D X. Page. ScoTLANB. laws of private right to remain except ill caies ot evident utility 14S - Coiiits flf Judicature to rera-.iin 148 ■ Ko caufes of Scotland to be cognizable in England - . . - i^q » A Coui t of Exchequer to be ellabliflitd 14.;; -■ ■ ■ . Rights of Royal boroughs to remain 149 • Court of Exchequer propofe 38 members to be fent to the Houle of Commons 15O -^ Court of Admiralty for private right to be continued - 157 ■ Court of Scotland wifli for a greater number of reprelentatives, and propofe a conference on the fiibjett i C7 ■ Scheme refpefting in private cafes , Court of Excheqtier propofe 45 repi e- fentatives in the Commons, and i6 in the Lords, which was agreed to by the Court of Scotland - 163 =. ' Peers of Scotland to be efteemed Peers of Great-Britain - 166 . Debts of Scotland to be paid of the equivalent - - 177 . An eilimate of what the Revenue of Scot- right of Appeal in 159 land may produce after the Union, 2 16, cool. 1 68 . Article XIV. Of Union, by which Scot- land is not to pay former Duties not pro- vided for in the Articles, but to j)ay all new Duties - - 200 n i Want of money in Scotland, the common mealure ot trade - 312 — =— L'ehind other nations of Europe for trade 313 ■ ■ Poor, and without force to proteft her Commerce - - 313 —— — State of Commerce in 3:4 - Few advantages to be reaped from France without an offenfive and defen- five league - - 314 ■ M i ■ — Cannot extend its trade in. proportion to other nations - 314 ■ Formerly divided into two kingdoms, now incorporated - 316 — — — Colleges of Scotland fecured by the A61 offecurity - 340 Various alterations made in the funda- mental lavvs - - 361 Sovereignty and independence reflored by this Union - - 362 Afts prefented fiom feveral places for the conti- nuance of Duties for private purpoles 374 State of the trade with France 413 — r State of the trade with England 414 Advantages to the trade in the firft year after the Union - - 415 . 200,000/. paid by England to 415 J Lords of Seffion of whom coaipofed 449 Page; ScoTLANP. College of JuQice of whom com- pofed "•■ ^Aq Courts of Jufticiaiy, of whomcompoled . 449 Advocates, fuch as Counfellors in Eng- land - - . 449 ' — VViiters, like Attornies in England 449 ■ Writers of the Signer, perfons by whom all procefies niuft be lignt d - 449 Crown, Step re, and Records, to be kept in Scotland - - 47^ • Proceedings on lettling a feal in Scot- land - - - 5'ckj ■ Juilices cf peace nominated by the Privy Council, Aug. 15, 1707 - 583 New JuiiiL-es appointed by the Parlia- ment of Great Britain, in Augull 170S, 584 Proceedings for the fettlement of Juftice in Scotland - - 592 Juftices of Peace, Conllables, &ic. ef- tabliflied - - 59^ Privy Council of Scotland dilfoived by the Britilli Parliament - 594. Alterations in the criminal procefs in Scotland - - ^95 Proceedings for a reform in Scotland 596 ■ Proceedings for the retorm of weights and meafures - 599 The alterations on the Conftitution, by the Union, i'ummed up - 600 The alteration on the laws - 60 r The alterations of trade 602 SEAFiELn, Earl of, his fpeech on opening the Commiffion for Union - 11^ ■ His fpeech in favour of the Union 216 Seals, to be only one Great Seal, but the leal of Scotland to be made uie of in matters of private right and jullice 171,181,184, 186. ■ Privy Seal, lignet and other ieals to be continued, but altered as may beft fuit the Union - - 181, 1S4, 186 ■ Article XXIV. of Union, refpeding, as fettled by the Commillioners - 207 Proceedings in the Parliament of Scot- land on Article XXIV. - 305 Art. XXIV. asiettledby the Parliament of Scotland - - 540 ^ Art. XXIV. as exemplified in England 557 Security, Aft of, tends to prevent a Union propoied in 1702 - - 83 The Scotch refufe to treat refpefting a Union before the aft to pi event the danger of the Aft of Security is repealed, and which is repealed - - 97 Engliiiid grew uneafy at it, and paflcd an aft to prevent the dangers of it 97 ■ Read in the Parliament of Scotland, and ordered to be printed - 255 Securjtv, N D X. ^67 Page. Security, A£l of, attempts made to perfuade the people agamll it - 255 „_ Voted in the Pailiament of Scotland 259 >--' ■ , Proceedings in the Parliament of Soot- lanJ on - 334? 335' .337. 339 -_ Peprefentation and )ietilionof the com- ' midio.; prefented - - 335 ■ ■ Obiervation on the reprefcntation, &c. 336 . Infufiiciency of, made a plea againft the Union - - - 33^ . Lord Beilhaven and others, protell againft it - ■ 339 —— Names of the proteflors 339 II Names of thofe who voted for and againft the Aft, to be printed 340 I Obiervations on the proceedings on the Aft of Security - - 34° > Pafled in the Parliament of Scotland 477. » For England, drawn up on the plan of that for Scotland - - 484 Overture of an aft - - 616 mon mealure of trade Scotland behind Europe for trade Scotland poor, ai* Page. Seton, Mr. fliould Scotland conquer Engla. d with the alfdlance of France, Scotland would not be bettered by it - 314. Scotland cannot extend its trade in pro- portion to other nations - 314 ' Fccderal Union iiiiprafticabic betwixt two nations accuftonied to a monarchical go- vernment - - 315 ■ Spain and Portugr.l fubjeft to Philip II. under moft advautaj^eou- conditions, revolt under Phili]) IV. - - 31^ Sweden and Denmark aie united, the Seton, Mr. of Pitmedden, one of the Com- miffioners, his fpeech in the Parliament of Scotland, before the Treaty is voted for >— In which he fliews the advantages of the Union of Scotland - 312 1.1 1 Two kingdoms under one Monarch, the welfare of the flrdngeft is to be pre- ferred . ' - 313 '*- Money, want of in Scotland, the corn- s' 3. '1 other nations of - - 313 d without force to 313 proteft its conime,.(-g ■ State of Commerce' '^ Scotland ^^3 —— Scotland has .., ^>a^uable branch of ex- jiort, in which 'fome more powerful nation does not interfere - - 313 Holland- will not fuffer Scotland to im- prove the fidiery - - 314 AH export to England will be dif- couraged as far as Scotland dilcourages im- port from I'ngland - 314 - Eaft India trade already enhanced 314 Trade «f Africa, of imall value 314 Scotl.md can make aUlaiicc with no na- tion, except Holland, England, or France 3'4 \Vith Holland no advantageous alliance 31 + With England, no profitable fiiendihip 3'4 Few advantages to be reaped from France, \vithoiit an ottenfive and dcfenfive ka^ue - - :: 314 Swedes revolted Spain formerly divided into feveral kingdoms, ten of them incorporated 316 ' - France divided into twelve ftates, now incorporated - - 3)6 England divided into feven kingdoms, now incorporated - - 316 Advantages of an incorporating Union with England, viz. all the advantages of the commerce which England enjoys; to im- prove our national produft; and our liberty, property and religion fecuied - 316 • Uifadvaniages Ihould the Union be re- jected - - - 316 Seton, Mr. junior, of Pittmedden, his fpeech Nov. 18, in fits'our of Article llf. 360 Fundamentals in government, alterable by the iuprcme power of a nation 361 Sovereignty and independency of Scot land, firrt ftirrendered to the French by the Treaty, April 4, 1554, and afterwards to the Englifti at the Union of the Crowns, will be reftored by this l^'nion - 36^ Objeftions againft the number of mem- bers to be lent to Pailiament removed 362 Seymour, Sir Edward, lofes the place of Comptroller of the houlhold 69 Ships, Proceedings for the regulation of the iliips of Scotland, 169, 171, 172, 180, 184 ■ Obiervations on the proceedings 173 Article V. of Union rei'pefting, as fet- tled by the Commiffioners - _ 108 ■ Proccetlings in the Parliament of Scot land on the ;th Article 292, 367, 369 Art. V. as fettled by the Parliament of Scotland ';i9 I Art. V. as exemplified in England 545 Sinclair James, his proteft refp&^tmg the re prefentation of the fliireof Caithncfs ■ 497 Spain, formerly feveral kingdoms, ten of them incorporated - - ■ 1,6 Stair, Earl of, his fuddcn death, Januaiv S, 1706 - - - '^g, His fon takes the oaths and ftat 4S9 Stamp duties, proceedings of the Conimiffioa erson - 127, 137, 144, 147 — — — Article X. of Union refp,efting, as fet- tled by the CommilTioners - . joo Proceed- y« N 3?. Page. ' ' " ■■ Proceedings in the Parliament of Scot- land, on Art. X. - - 295, 388 Art. X. as lettled by the Parliament of Scotland ... ^^j Art. ,X as exempHfi'-d in England 549 Si UA.RT Walter, a Coniniiffioner of Linlith- gow, protefls ngainfi: the zzd Article 460 • This protell protefted againll by the Earl of iVJarchmont and others 463 ■ Agreed, that thefc protefls fliall not be entered in the minutes, but inferted in the records - - - 465 Succession. The difficulties in fettling it, tend to prevent a Union propofed in 1^02 73 — i To the Crown, after William III. ac- count of fettling it - -3 . Difficulties in iettling it • 84 Oppofed by partits in both countries ... 9S '■ Limitations oppofed by fecret influence 99 Handles againft the Succeffion ; i. Strength of party, on general dillike, and dilhonoiirable ; 2. To load it with ridicu- lous amendments - - go "— — Proceedings of the Commillioners on 1 16, 1 19 -■ - Art. n. of Union refpeding, as iettled by the Commiifioners - 197 . Proceedings in the Parliament of Scot- land, on Art. II. - 292, 344, 341; . — — — Earl Marifchal and others proteil .again ll Art. 11. - - • 3^5 — — — Lord Eeilhaven's fpeech on 347 ■ ' Obiervation on Loid Bcilliaveti's fpeech 35' ■ ' — Art. II. as fettled by the Parliament of Scotland - - .. - 528 . .— — .'^rt. II. as exemplified in England 545 Superiorities, or ^';tllalage, obfervations on the proceedings on - 458 . Explained, what they are 4^8 The ill cffeets of 4S9 Surgeons and Apothecaries, Proceeding on an overtureof as 3(51: relpe(f ting them 509, ^10 ' Royal t ollege of Phyficians petition againll the atl - . ijjo SuTHtui-AND, Earl of, claims to be firil Earl if Scot land - - 288 -T. Taxes. Proceedings of the Commiflioners on an equality of - - -120 Ilihory of in Scotland fincc the Rcflo- ration - - 13 » — — — Some paid in England, impraAjc.tble to be |>aicl in Scotland, quotas to be fettled by I 'arl lament - 148 ■■ L>i)immi(lioners of Union o( James I. refpetting the trade of both kingdoms « 719 Copy of 3 paper of the Scotch Commii- fioners for adjiilling the trade betweetj the two kingdoms, Jan. 21, 1667 715 Trinity, blalphemed by eiirhulialls in Scot- laud - - - 51 u. UiJiON OF THP Crowns. Dcciy of trade, removin* the concourfe of llranfjtrs, exporting their ready money, cmpiyin;; the nation of their inhabitants, bringing; Scotland under Englilh influence, poli- tically though not legally under the nianagcment of tb.v' Eiigl'.fli Court, and other'bad cftlc'ts of a p.utial Union ;<» N D X, 769 .Union of the Kikcdoms of England AND Scotland. InTP. ODUCTION. Page. Thefirft Parliament fits with applaufe i Endangered by the Frencli invafioa 2 Strengthened by the French invafion, caufing unanimity in defence of the Union 1 1 Stale of religion in Scotland at the Union 16 Cafe of the drawbacks on fa't fifli exported from Scotland, from the time of making the A3, of Union to the lil of May 31 Union of the Kingdoms. The origin ok it traced out 33 The ftrange oppofition made to it 34 The firft coa'ition with Edw. I. 36 Firft proje£l of a Union in the fame reign 36 Always the wifli of both nations 38 Projefled through a marriage between the fon of Edw. i. and Margaret of ^iorway 38 Advantages from that marriaoe 39 Both nations fee the advantages of a Unio and not the a.£i. of a few overawed by the king — - ■■ 40 An end put to the Union by the death of Margaret ■ 42 Pifmal confequences of this difappoint- ment — - 42 Again attempted by the marriage of James IV, of Scotland, and Margaret daughter of Kenry VII. 46 And again, by a propofal of Henry VIII. for Ja'iies V. to marry the Princefs iM^ry 47 This match prevented by French and Popiih councils • ■ 48 Henry Vlil. makes another propofal of a ma.ch between his fon Edward and a daui^hier of James - 48 Renewed by the council >- — — 49 JJrokeofl'by theFrencb anJ Popifii parties 49 Fropofedia 1604, by James I, at which time CoiTimiiTioners were appointed, with their names ~— .* -~ — ~- 51 Articles were agreed on by the Commiffion- Crs, who pretent them to the King, who offers them to the Parliament, which fends them to the commoB law, where they are Nothing move done mU I 66q 53 CommilHoncrs appointed for fettling com- mci'cc, i666 ■» '" • 53 A Union propofed to both Parliaments, in ibd^, b«i jiQthiog done in it 53 Re-alTuincd in 1670 - Tranfcript of the Treaty Preliminary Articles Articles of the Union Page. 53 54 57 57 rroceeding,s of the Cemmiflioners on the Ariiiks 57 CommifTioners adjourned, Nov. 8, 1670, and never met more 62 Obftruflions to former I'reaiies of Union, the death of the Maid of Norway, Popery, French interefi:, home tyranny and court intrigues — — — — — 63 The opinion of Will. III. on an Union 64 Occurrences which tended to prevent a Union propofed in 1702 65 -Viz. tlie fettling an Afncin or Indian Com- pany in Scotland 65 The affair of Glenco 68 Difficulties about the fuccefuon and limita- tions 73 The feizlng the fiiip Worcefter, execution of (-apt. Green and three of the crew 78 The Acl of Security 83 A crifis in which we rnufl either fight witji the Scotch, or unite with them 91 The Miniftry conclude to grant the Scotch what they ought to have, and to gain of them what they ought to grant 91 Union of the Kingdoms, THn last Treaty. Care is taken to remove all obRacles 94 A concurring Providence affifls in bringing it about — — 95 Committee of Parliament appointed to ex- amine the expoits and imports between England and Scotland ,. 96 The Ciueen propofes to the Scots Parliament to revive the Treaty of Union ; who re- fufe to treat until the r.ci to prevent the dangers of the Act of Security is repealed, and which is repealed f 97 Inclination to Union, univerfal — 07 Obflacles to the Union from the nobility 98 Becomes popular by the joining of the tv./o Whig partii-'s — — 99 Scribblers harrafs the w orld wjth theirfchemes, in which they confider the advantages to the nation to which they belong loO Geperal retribution in a Treaty of Union, like a man giving pref^tits to a lady whom ite defires to make his wife ici Miita.ke in looking for partial i.nftead of ^;eri"ral auvRntages to one "vaii united pody IC3I Ciouiht )7o N D X. Page. Brougrit to p-ifs not by gaining from, but by yielding 10 one another — — 102 A bsautiful creature, admirable in its con- texture — : — IC2 A compleat and indifTolvable Union muft de- pend upon equalities of privileges, and equalities of burdens 102 Oliver Cromwell hit on the only ftep to fix a Union — ^ — 103 Formed on Olivet's fcheme — 104 ConimiiTioners meet to confider of the me- thod of priceeding — — 105 Agree to meet apart, and give their refolu- tions in writiug 105 CommilTioners had only one public confer- ence, and that on the number of reprefenta- tives in Parliament ■ 106 Note of the fpeakers, and arguments on th s confererxe — — i°o Commiffion to the perfons appointed for Scotland ■ — — 130 Natiies of the CommiiEoners for Scot- land 108,113 Coinmiffion to the perfons appointed for England — no Names of the Commiffioners 1 1 0, U 3 The Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of Eng- land, his fpeech on opening the com- iniffions ■ — 114 The Earl of Seafield's fpeech on the pare of Scotland — — • — 115 Proceedings or the Commissioners, Articles of Preliminaries ■ 115 England and Scodand to be united under the name of Great Britain — — 116 Proceedings of the Commiffioners on the fuc- ceilion _ 116 The Commiflioners of Scotland give in pro- pofats to partial, rather than a general Union, which the Englifti Commons re- fufe to treat on, infifting on a general Union — — m6 Obfervation on the minutes of the three firft days — — ' 117 The Scotch Commiffioners agree to the name of Great Britain, to the rcprefcotation by one Parliament, and to the fucctflion in the Princefs Sophia and her heirs, being Proteftants, and a full Union of Trade, A Committfec for rcvifing the minutes ap- pointed - ■ ■'■ — 11 9' Page;. The ireaters on the part of Scotland called /ri7//orj by the rabble of Edinburgh J20 Proceedings on an equality of taxes, &c. 120 Committee appointed to confider matters to them referred 121 Committee of England deliver a flate of the revenue, income, and debts of England 122 Committee of Scotland deliver a flate of the revenue and debts of Scotland 123 Private rights of corporations referved to be confideied — — 123 Land-tax at is. in the pound, i2jCO0l. 123 Neither Kingdom to beburthened with debts contrafted before the Union 123 Guftoms of England at theUnion Ij34Ij559/. perann. — — — — 123 Excife of England at the Union 947,602/. pel a in. — — — 123 Cuftoms of Scotland, let at 30,000/. pir ann. • 124 Excife of Scotland, let at 35,000/. /xronn. 124 Revenue of Scotland not appiopriated to pay any debt — 124 Difficulties on account of the national debts 124 Neceffity of a fcale of equalities — i 124. Proceedings for regulation of Excife IC5 Difficulties in fixing a fair land tax 129 Proceedings on flamp duties — 137,144 The duties on fait 127, 138, 144, 147, 152, 155, 162, 167, 169, 172 On the duty on windows 127 On the duty on coal and culm 127, 144 On the duty on malt — ^ 127 On the duty on cinders - 138, 144, 147 The Queen's fpeech to the Commiffioners, May 21, 1706 139 Some taxes paid in England, impradlicable to be paid in Scotland — — . 140 Quota of future taxes to be fettled by Parlia- ment — 147 Laws of Trade, Cuftoms, and Excife, to be the fame in Scotland, as England 148 Other laws of Scotland to be in force, but alterable by Parliament — 148 Laws of privite right in Scotland to remain, except in cafes of evident utility 148 Courts of judicature and judiciary to remain as before the Union — 148 No caufes in the Kingdom of Scotland to be cognizable in the courts of England 149 A Court of Exchequer to be eredted in Scot- land -— 149 RighU N D X. ^^t Page. Rights of Royal boroughs to remain 149 Admiralty jurifdi£lIon to be under the Lord Migli Admiral of Great Britain I55, 156 Commons of England propore 38 members to be fciit from Scotland to tlie Houfe of Commoiis • — 156 Court of Admiralty, for private right, to be continued in Scotland — — 157 Commons of Scotland wiOi for a grea:er number of reprefcntatives, an J propole a conference on the lubjcft — 157 Scheme refpecling riglit of appeal in private Commons of England piopofe 45 repre.'en- tatives in the Commons, and 16 in the Lords, which is agreed to by the Com- mons of Scotland •163 Obfervatii n on the proceedings for unit'ng the Parliament — • — 104 Peers of Scotland to be eftecmed Peers of Great Britain 166 Proceedings on the privileges of the Peers of Scotland — '■ — 167, 170, 772 Proceedings on the coinage 167, 16S, i8j, i8t. On weights and nieafures 167, 168, 184 Rights of corp'jrations and companies tJ be leferved — — 169 Proceedings for the regulations of" fliips 169, 171, 172, 184 To be only one Great-feal, but the feal ol Scotland to be made ufe of in matters of private right and juftice 171, 181, 184 Proceedings rcfpeilirg the packing of her- rings, white fifli and falmon 171, 180 Obfervation on the proceedings on the pri- vileges of the Peers 173 Cbfervation on the proceedings for the re- gulation of flipping 175,180 Proceeding's for ailjufting the equivalent 175, 176, 182, 185, 1S6, 187 ©bje£lions to the Afiican Corapa iy by the Commons of England, who offer to regard the lofTes, 6cc. 176 Out of the equivalent allowed to Scotland, the debts of Scotland to be paid, the fund of the African Company difcharged, the lofs on the coin to b; made good, and the furplus applied to the encouragement of fiflieries, manufaftures, &c. — 177 The Queen's fpeech to the Commiffioners, June 26 • — — 180 Four CommifTioners appointed to draw up the Articles agreed on 180, 183 Page. The croOes of St. Andrew and St. George to be joined in flags, 5cc. 183, 185, 186 Privy leal, fignct, and other fe.ds, to be con tinned, but alter<.-d to fuit the Union i8t, ■ 184, 186 An eflimate of what the revenue of bcotlanJ may produce after the Union, 216,000/. 18S An account of the value of the annual fums contributed out of the culloms of Scotland, according to the prefent ])roduce, towards the anticipated funds of the Cuftoms of England ' 189 And of the Excife 190 The Union to take place May i, I707 191 Oaths an J declarations to be made and takeft by the reprelentatives 192 The Articles of Union figned by the Com- mifTioners July 22, 170b — — 194, Articles of Union prefented to the Queen, and the commiffion clofed, July 23, 1706 194 Speeches of the CommiiTioners to the Queen 194 The Queen's anlwer 196 J he Articles of Union, as concluded by the CommifTioners at London 197 Article L Name and fldndards 197 U. SucccfTion 197 IIL To be reprefented by one Parliament 198 IV, Full freedom and intercourfe of Trade and Navigation 19S V. Ships of Scotland ^^ • 198 VL Lncouragemcnis and retlriflions on trade, with the cuflims and duties to be the fame in both counirirs 199 VII. Excife to be the fame in both countries VIII. Salt duties and ex IX. J^and Tax — X. Stamp Duties Xf. Window duties — XII. Coal, Culm, and Cinder duties Xin. IVlalt duty XIV. No former duties laid by the part of England to extend to Scotland except provided for in the Articles, but to pay all future duties — XV. Equivalent XVr. Coin 203 XVn. Weights and Mcafures 203 XVIIf. Laws of I rade, Cuffoms, and Ex- cife 203 5 ^' 2 XIX. 200 201 77« N D X. Page. XIX'. Court of Seffion and College of Jullice 204 XX. Heretable offices, &;c. — — 205 XXI. Privileges cf Roval boroughs 205 XXil. Reprefentatives to be Cent to the Lords and Commons — — 205 XXIII. Piivileges of the Peers 207 XXIV. Great ieal and other fcals 207 XXV. All laws, contrary to the terms of the Union, to be repealed 208 Progress OF the Tr£ATY in Scotiand 209 No part taken by thofe who h:d no great concern foi tnegood of their country, and by thcfe who had fuppofed it would be loft in Parliament 209 Oppofed bv pretending to amend what they meant to deft oy 2!0 Sixteen days fj^ent in reading the Articles and diffourfing on them — — ?. 10 Moved that the Parliament now proceed to approve thc-m or not 210 Moved the further confideration be poflponed, that the I'entiments of the Parliament of England, and of their conflituents might be known - '■ ■ 21O Both motions lofl: 210 The opponents endeavour to clo^ the bill with things impoffible for the Parliamer.t of England to pais 211 The prudent conduft of thcDuke of Queenf- berry, her Majefty's High Conuniilioner 212 The Queen's letter to the Parliament cf ScotUnd at opening of the fcffion 214 Duke of Queeniberry's fpeech at the opening of the feflion — — 215 Eail of Seafield's fpeech — — 216 'i he Treaty ordered to be printed 218 Oppofed by four parties; 1. The profefled Jacobite party ; 2. The Epifcopal party; 3. A miftaken people; 4. Thofe who op- pofed it upon po'itical enigma, &:c. who Itir up all other parties to oppofition 219 A general alann in Scotland againft the Treaty. The poor for taxes and wint of employmcrit : the merchants for exceffive cuftoms, everv thing being left to the dif- pofal of a Britifh Parliament : Epifcopacy : and laltly, as a breach of the Covenant and Solemn League ■ 221 Mr. Hodges writes a large bpok acainft it, ^^ containing the mod palpable untruths 223 Pagff, The Articles read over one by one and de- bated on — — 224 Innumerable pamphlets publifhed againft it 225 A general cry of " No Union," and th^ treaters ciUed traitors 226 The various parties j^in in oppofing the Union as a common evil 227 Proceeding's without doors againft the Union 230 Endeavours to procure an adjournment on the pretence of confulting their confti- tuents 239 Several boroughs wrote letters to their repre- fentatives, requiring them not to vote for the Union 231 Public AddrefTes to Parliament for the fame purpofe — — • 231 " No incorporating Union," was the vvrrd A firing of AddrefTes againft an incorporat- ing Union A public faft propofed, and by foine objcfted to 233 A public faft appointed by the Church 235 The Union oppofed by the Dukes of Ha- milton and Atliol 236 The High C'omminioncr infuUed 236 Sir Patrick Johnflon ill-treateJ by the mob -37 Me:r.bers of Parliament grofsly infulted, their windows broken. Sic. 238 Edinburgh delivered from the terror of a mob, by the appearance of the guards 238 Pleas for and againft bringing in the guards 240 Falfe reports of various parts of the country being in arms ■ ■ 241 Aftairs of the Church left to be fettled by the Parliament of each country 243 Thofe who had leaft regard for the Church, made the moft iioife iefpc(tting its fafety 244 ConveJitlon of Royal Boroughs addrefs Par- liament againft the Union 244 How far the Covenant was againft it 248 Oppofed by the Cameronians — 249 The Articles, with the r.ames of the Com- miflioners, burnt by about 200 Camer- onians at Dumfries, who alfo fix a fcdi- tioLis paper on the Crofs ■ 250 Their numbers exaggerated io6jOSO, 7,000, or even 10,000 ■ — 250 The paper printed at Edinburgh 250 The r N D X. 773 The Camcronians after this beliavc with great calinncfs and difcretion 251 The Articles again read, to be voted on 252 'J'he fiift Article voted and approved No- vember 4, whicli had been twice a day of hap;-incfs to this kingdom, hy the birth of Will. III. and the day on which he landed atTorba/ _ 253,333 1 he Articles difputed article by article, clauQ; by clauf'-, and word by word 2^j^ AmenJraenti made by the Parliament of Scot- land ■ 254 Tlie opponents endeavour to introJuce alter- ations, which could not have been recon- I ciled, and niuft have overthrown the Treaty 254 Aitein;its to make the Church a tool for op- pofmg it ' •— — 2 '55 Commiffioners of Allembly addrefs againit the Union 255 An a£l for the fecurity of the Church, read and ordered to be printed 255 Endeavours are made to perfuade the peojjle, that the ail is not a fufficient fecurity to the Church 255 Some of theCommiflioners in the Committee withdrew thenifeives on account of the warmth of fomc of the mi aiders 256 Difficulties debated on in the Committee 256 ObjeiSlinns to the Bifhops fitting in ttie Britiffi Parliament 257 Proceedings on a fecond addrc-fs from the Commifficners to Parliament 257 Protefl againft the fecond Addrefs 258 The protefl recorded with anfwers to it 258 The Aft of Security voted 259 Letters and addreffes from various parts of the coun:ry fent to the Commiilioners 260 Various attempts to make the Commiflioners proteft sgainft the Union, but in vain The prudence of Wifliart, Moderator of the Afl'embly and Commiflioner 260 The difputeskept from the pulpit 263 Country tumults againft it, which tend to open the eyes of the oppofers, who in the [ end choofe rather to agree to the Union, , than to the admifiion of civil war and Popiftior tyrannical powers 264 The eafe with which the common people arc impofed on and peiluaded to join in a mob 2O5 Pape. Account of the Glafgow rabl Ic 266 They fign a mob addrefs — — • 270 The little refpedt wliich ought to be paid to fuch addreffes . 270 The fecond Glafi/ow rabble 271 Finlay, a Jacobite, becomes their leader 274 Marches at the head of 45 men, to meet other difcontents at Hamilton 27c Return to Glafgow and is Rized by the Qiicen's tioops _— . 279 Undcihai.d proceedings of the opponents to the Union 281 Tumults were raifed under pretence of ex- ercifing the fenfible men 281 The Parliament of Scotland pafs an aft and proclamation againft it — 282 383 The affairs of the Englifh debts ftatcd Proceedings in the Parliament of Scotland, MET Oct. 3, 1706 285 Duke of (^uecnfberry appointed to rep efent the Queen 2S5 Several Lords take the Oath of Allegiance 286 Articles of Union ordered to be read 286 Ordered, the minutes of the proceedings of the Commifficners be printed 286 Reafons for and againfl printing the Artie les 2S7 Articles of Union again read, Oft. 12 288 Ohjcition againft tl e fecond rending ; con- fulting conftituents 289 A propofal for a general readmg, but ad- journed ■ — 289 Motion for poftponing the confideration for eight days, but thrown out 290 Firft article read. Oft. 15, and adjourned 290 The addrefs of the Commiffioners of tnc General Affembly read, and promifed to be confiJered before the vote on tlie Treaty 2^2 The fecond Article read, Oe^. 17 202 Articles 3, 4 5, 6, 7, 1:', reaa the fame day Obfervation on the proceedings on the Articles ■— — — 293 Articles 9, 10, II, 13, 14, 15, read anddil- couifedon — 295 Obfervation on the proceedings on the above articles • 29c Articles 16, 17, 18, ;read, and difcourfed on = 97 Obfervations on the proceedings on the above articles •- ■ 297 ';4 N ^ j-<«* h committee appointed to C)nfult on the equivalent ■ 297 Article 1 1, ai'-ain read, Oft, 2^ 29S Ob ci-vationj on liie procsrecinig of Oft. 23 Great tumults, bo'.h in the ftieet and in Pai- liamer.t -- — ■ 299 Gl-tat uneafineiTfs raifed on account of the duties on fait and beer 303 Guards brought to. Edinburgh, and a pio- "clam.'.tioti iflued againft tumultuary meet- iiitrs, bv or ler of the Piivy Coiinr 1 301 Thefc proceedings approved by i'arliament 70 I Name< of proteflors, againit thtfeprocetdini^s 301 Obfervations on thefc proceedings 302 i^rticlc 18 again read, alfo articles 19, 20, 21, read 305; 7 he fame articles tead, alfo articles 22, 23 505. Anicles 22, 23, again read, OcT. 25, alio articles 24. 25 — 3OS Moved and carried Nov. I, to proceed on thearirl;s — — 306 Moved alfo to be a^oumed, until the fenfc of the nation be known ; tlie motion iofl. 306 Addreflfes againft the Union, from Mid Lo- .tiiian, Linlithgow, and Perthlhire 307 Obfervations on thsfe proceedings 307 Motions and debates befoie voting on the 'firft article, Nov. 2. 309 Obfervatiois on the above proceedings 310 'J'hepleatffetling the Church, made both by the enemies of the Church and opponents of the Union ' - 310 Tlie fpecch of Mr. Seton of Pitmedden, one of the Commiilioners before the Articles are voted for, in which he fiiews the ad- vantages and difadvantages of the Union, (for particulars, {ttSeton) 312 Lord Beilhaven's famous fpeech againll it (f r paiticulats, fee Bellhaven) 3J7 Sterling, Dumbartoun, Linlithgow, Dun- keld and Dy'ert, aJdtefs againit an incor- porating Unicxi — — 329 Pioceedmgs in the Parliament of Scotland on the firft article, Nov. 4, Dui;e of Athol and againft the Union 329 meny others proieft 3iO The firft artick' voted ■' 331 Nain'.s of thofs vvh-j voted for and againit, 01 dcred to be printed . ■ 331 Obfervations on the defign of procuring ad- Pa^e. drefies, and on the addrefTes themfelves 331 Coui'tfr addrefTes thought r f, but, as it would have been a kind of puUii g the nation, laid afide 331 Some counter addreiresfigned, bet never pre- fe..ttd . 332 Struccles ncainft it, now made in Parliament cnly 332 Many objcft;onj r iltd, tvhiJi were liOt griunded on fail 332 A tcederal Union offefed for tie furpofe of throwing out the general Union 332 Procetdini in il'.e Parliament of Scotland on (he Aft of becuriiy, 334, 335, 337, 339 The Lord Chancellor delnes his name to be recorded among thofe who voted for ihe Union 334 Commifiioners of the roy?d bur^ihs, Ren- frew, Fife, Falkland, and Hamihoun, ad- drefs againft the Union 334. Reprefentation and petition of the commifli. a of the General AfTembly of the Church prefented 33-5 Addrclies from TuUiallan, Dumfeiling Bor- rcwfiounefs, Blantyre, and Anendale, againfl the Union 335 Supply of eight months granted for the Queen — ■— _ 335 Obferva ions on the reprefentation and pe- tition -i - — - 336 Obferv-atlons on pafling the fupply 336 Forfar, Camburnethan, Caniburling, Kil- bryde, Botliwel, and Old Munkland, ad- drefs againft the Uni( n - 337 InfufHciehcy of the Aft of Security, made a pica againft the Union 338 Crail, Katier Munkland, Shotts, Dalferf ijtenhoufe, a body of people in the South and VVellern Hies, and Kircudbright, ad- drefs againft the Union — ■ 33g Lord Beilhaven and others, proteft againit the Aft of li-curity — — 339 Names of the proteftcrs 339 Names of thofe who voted for and againft the Aft of Security, tobeprintcd 3^0 Obfervations on the [irocecdings on the Aft of security 340 Colleges of Scotland fccured by the aft 340, Difficult es on aicount of the Tell 340 'J'he Lord Chancellor dcfired to ha\c his name printed with tiiofc who voted for the Aft of Security 3^3 Coving- N X. 775 Page. Covingtoun, Carflaiis, Lymonfoun, Liber- toun, Quothqiian, Dunlyre, Ruthcrglen, Carriwarth, andLanerk, addrcfs againd the Union 344. Proceedings on Article II. 344, 345 Rcprefentation and petition of tlie general AfTcmbly, on the iiicieafe cf Popery, &c. 34S Glafgow, Gorbels, Bicgar, Laneik, adJi. is againft tlie Union - - 345 E'arl Marilchal and others p-oteft againft tiie Cecond article - - 346 Names of the proteftors - 346 Loi'd Chancellor allowed to have his name printed with tliof who approve of Art. If. « . 347 Compared withSatan's deceiving Eve 348 ObferVdtion on L rd Beilhaven's fpeech 351 Kirkcudbright. Crawford, Crawford-John, Couper in Fife, and Lanerk, addrefs againft the Union - - 353 Marquis of Annandule and others, proteft againft the third article — — 354. Names of the proteftors - 355 Obfervation on the proceedings on the third article - - 355 Arfjuments for and ajrainft a union of Parli.i- ment - - - 356 Speech of Mr, Seton, junior, in favour of the tliird article 360 Fundamentals of Government alterable- by the fupreme power of a 1 ation 361- Sovereignty and independency of Scotland, farrendercd to the French by treaty April 4, 1554) ^'"''^ again to the Englilh at I'le Union of the Crowns, will be reftored l)y this Union - - - 362 Objections againft the number of members in Parliament removed . 362 Complaint made to Parliament of the High CommiiTioner being ill-in ated by the mob, and enquiry referred to the Committee on the Equivalent • - - 364 St. Andrews- addrefles againft the Union Proceedings on tiic fourth Article 36q, 367 Obfisrvations on tlie tumult, in which the Lord Commiflioiier was ill-treated 365 Paiiley addreffes againft the Union 367 Proceedings on the 5th Article 365, 367 Proceedings on the 5th Article, 369 Dbfervations on the proceedings on the 4th Page, and 5th Articles - 368, 370 Glafgc'v^., Culrof'', Saline, C^rnock, ! orie. Sterling, Annandale,Innerkeithing, addrefs againft the Union. - 368 The oppofers of the Union had prnpofed objeftions to he made in the Parliament of England, to the alteratior.s they had caufed to be made in the Parliament of Scotland - - "71 Roxburgh, Annau, Lochmabban, Lchna- hago, addrefs againft the Union 373 Proceedings on the fixih Article 373, 37^, 397 • 399 Obfervations orathe proceedings on the fiy.th Article — 373, 375, A£ls prefented from various places for the continuance of duties for various private purpofes, as repairing bridges, harbours, &c. 572 Obftrvatinns on thefe acts 374 Mid-Lothian addrefs againft the Union • 375 Proceedings on the feventh Article C V,- • , r> 376, 378, 385. 3^8 bt. Nmian and Dunbar addrels againft the Union — — ■ ■:^-jn Obfervaiions on the proceedings on the" fe- venth Article 378, 385 Calculations refpe£ling the Excife on beer 380 Proceedings in Parliament refpeiling the Glalgow rabble 382 Cbfervations on the proceedings 383 That part of the Aft of Stciiriiy repealed which authorized the arming and di- fcipling the fenfible men, uithobfcrva- tionSjpn thefe prcceedirgs 383, 38? . Air and Lurnt-lfland addrefs againft the Union n^r Proceedings on the Sth Article 386, 388 Dbfervations on the proceedings on the 8th Article 387.3S3 Air, Glenkcns, and New Galloway, addrefs againft the Onion ■ oS'7 Proceedings on the 9th Article Proceedings on the 13th Articles JO, nth, 1 2th, ard 388 Proceedings on the 14th Article 388, 389, Cbfervations on the proceedings. 388, ,389 391 Repo t of theComm'ttec of equivalent 303 Proceedings on the 15th A-riicle 393 Lord 776 I N P E X. Page. Page l,orJ Jkilluncn aiiJ others' pvoteft againft Seven or eight fliips fent to tlie Englifli the proceedings on thii Article 394. plantations in t!ie firft year ^ 415 Nam s of llie I'^otcftors — 394 Three or foor fliips r.-turn with wines from Obiervation- on the proceeding's 394 1 rJy and Portugal, in return for fifh 415 Equivalent not unJerliood in Scotland In the open tr;K!e with Franco ul'ed to pay jq'} a balance of ico,OOOl. ~ 41^ Kjtionnl Debt of England at the Union 20 In the trade with England Scot'and will rs- mi lions 397 ccive 2co,ooqI. 415 Douolas, Cariiiichael, and P ti;.can, addrefs Reports of the Committee on the 3th Ar- asainfl the Union 357 "t^'^ . ' 4l(* Rep )it of the Committee on the li>:th rtr- Obfervations on the reports - 417 tjcie 398 Lowder, Cliainhilkirk, and CaUer, addixfs Obfervation' on the report - 39S agamft the Union < 48 Du.nblain, Hjrnilto', Capu'h, Lethendy, Piccecdings on fe drawback on falt-filh Alyth, Kinlook, Errol, Kilfpendi.', Kin- _ ^ _ 42O nairJ, Inchture, Lo jjforoan, St. Madoes, Obfc.vations on the (roceedinus 4^0 Kinfaun-, Lo_ie, Airih, Larbt-rt, l)u- Proceedings on the drawbacks on fait beef n:paee, and Deny, a^clrefs agaiafl: the and pork 421,423 Union 399 Obfervations on the proceedings 421, 423 Second, 3d, ard 4ih reports of the Com- MayboM, Kirkmichacl, Gervan, ICirkef- itiittee on the 6'h Article 400 wald, Barr, andCanick, addrefs againft Obfervations on the reports of the Com- the Union — 425 miitee — — 401 The Duke of Athol and otliers proieft Q^K-ries to the Pr.fbyterian Nobbmen, &c. againil the 8th Article ' 426 cidereJ to be burnt by the comnion hang- Names^of the prottftors — . 426 man ' — 4O2 Obfervations on the proceedings 427 Fifth, 6th, and 7:h reports of the Committee Pioceedings on the 15th Article 430,438 on the 6th Article 403 Obfervations on the proceedings 431,440 P.oceedings on the 5th, 6th, and 7th re- Mr. Baron Cleik's opinion on the i^th Ar- ports 403 t'cle ~>— ~ 433 Obiervations on the procfcdings 405 Letters are written to the AddrcfTers n\ Private riglits that affecied the trade cf either evoiypart of Scotland, definng their4 to kingdoms to le puichafed — - 405 aflemble at Ediabur^h, on pretence of Berwick ad rcflcs againft the Union 410 waiting the eliefts of their addrelles, with A pr nt on the drperidencv of the Crown die proceedings of i'arliament ther?on ordered to be burnt by the haagman 410 433 The 9th report of tlic Cciiirnittee on the A proclamation againft the addreflcrs com- 6th article - - 41O ing to Edinburgh — — 435 The 6th A'ticle app-oved » 413 Protcfl againfl fome part of the procbma- Proceedings on the Sth Article 412, 416, tion — -~- — 436 418, 412, 421, 423, 425, 430 Obfervations on rhefe proctiedings 456 Obfervations on tlie proceedings on the 6th Only three Prefbyicrics in the whole king- and 8th Articles _— ^ 41?. dom addrcffed, viz. Lanerk, Hamilton, State of the trade between Scotland and and Dumblaia -^-^ 438 France »■•■■•■ 413 Proceedings on the i6th Artcle 444 St "JOi Obfervations on the proceedings 500 Peers to vote by proxy — 502. Obfervations on the proceedings 5C2 Proceedings on the manrer of cle£iions, on the planta'ion of Kirks, proclamation re- fp-fting coin, and the A£l againft Po- pery _ 504 Obfervations on the proceedings 1504 The eleftion of the firft Reprefentatives of j_ of Scotland by Parliament, with the names of the Peers and Commons ekfted 507 Obfervations on the proceedings 508 Proceedings on the fum to be allowed to the Africa ! Company 511, 512, Si3>5i7 Report ol the Commit ce 513 The fum fettled to be allowed to the Atri- can Compnny 232,884/. 55. o|(^. 517 Orders refpedi g the payment — 518 Procecdmgs on th. co n 520 Obfervations on the proceedings i;2i The exemplification of the treaty read before the Parliament of Scotland, with the Lord Commiflioner's fpeech on the occafion 522 Obfervations on the proceedings 523 Several pejt'ons refpe£ling private rights 524 Some of the petitioners, and others, recom- me dcd to her Majefty ■ 525 Se.e:al private Afto palled 526 Cloie of the Parliament of Scotland, with licr Majelty's High Cominiflioiier's fpeech 536 Page, An exaft copy of the Ai^^ of P.atilication, with the Artcles at large 527 Copy of the excmplification under the Great Seal of England, a> tranfmitted to the ' Parliament of Scotland 543 Transactions subsequent io the Union 675 DifpJtes on the 4th Article on taxes, cuftoms, prohibitions, &c. — • — ^bj Between the pafling of the Aft and tht Union, the Scotch merchants import great i;L:an- tities of wines, brandies, fait, ixc. on the low Scotch Duties, in hoprri of fei.dina; them to England after the Union Duty-free 568 The Englifli merchants fend quantities of toods, particularly tobacco, to Scotland, and receive the drawback ofDuti;s, in hopes of returning them to England Duty-free 568 Proceedings in the Parliament of England to remedy theft abufes 569 An Aft paded the Commons, but rejefted by the Lords, on a want of power before the Union took pLce, to j afs luch an Aft Thefe wines and brand/es are fent to Lon- don in about 40 fhips, which art all feized by the officers of the Cufloms on their arri- val in the Thames — 572 The opinion of the judges taken, who vary much 573 The merchants permitted to land the goods on giviUji fecurity to abide the judgment of the Britifh TarTiament ; thofe who do not comply with it have their goods, on being ferved with a writ of Divenirunt out of the Exchequer 573 All profecutions flopped by a vote of the Commons 573 Proceedings on fettling the Sta.e of the na- tion after the Union, viz. the Cufloms, Excife, the Equivalent, Petty Juftice, the Forces, and the Coin 574 Public affairs left to the Pi7vy Council 574 The Foot CJuards of Scotland received as Fnglifh Guard?, the coinnrand t;ivcn to the Marquis of Lodiian and clothed after the Englirti manner 574 Proeecdinos on fettling the Cuftoms and Ex- cife 575 Public clamours againft fcizures 582 Difficulties N D E X, nv Page. DIfBcuItles refpc^ing the Excife on beer - . 583 Name? of the CommilTioners of Excife 585 Difficuliies in fettling the equivalent 58^5 The African Company fully paid 592 Proceedlnj'S for the fettlement of juftice in Scotland 592 Privy Council of Scot'and difib'veJ by the Parliament of Grejt Britain 59_j. An Al-1 paifeti for rendering the Union more compicat ^94 Alterations in the criminal procefs 595 PrcceeJin^s fo: the reform of coin in Scot- land ' ■ 596 Proceedings for the reform of weights anJ meafures - - 599 Alterations on the conftitution of Scotland fummeJ up 6oD Alterations en the laws 60 1 Alterations on the trade — — 602 Appendix. Order of the Commiflioners of General Aflembly for a day of prayer and fuppli- cation, N°Ax. 606 A£tof tiic C :aimiuioners concerning folemn prayer and humiliation — — 607 petition of the Commiflioners of the General Aflembly to the Duke of Queenfberry, N"Bx. - — 608 Proclamation againft tumults and rabbles, N°Cx. — - 610 •Addrefs of the General Convention of the Eoyal boroughs to the Lord High Com- miiTionerSj >v° D x. 613 Rcafons [of the Glafgow rabble] for burn- ing the Articles, 5cc. N° E x. 614 .Overture of an A£t for t!ie fecurity of the church, NTx. 6j6 Reprefentation and petition of the Commif- fion of the General Aflembly to the Duke of Queenfberry, N* G x. — 618 Resfons of W. Wifliart againft the repre- fentation and petition, N° H x. — 620 Modelt aniinaJverlions on the reafons, &c. 623 Reprefcntations and petitions of the Ccin- niiffion of the General AlT.-mbly to the High Commiffioner, 1S° K x. — ■ 625 Addrefs of the Prefbytery of Duniblanc to Parliament, W Ljt — . 626 Page. Addrefs of the Barons, &c. of Kirkcnbright, N'Mx. _ 627 AJdrefs of the Prc%tery of Hamilton, N^Nx. 627 Letter from the Comm'ffion of the General Aflembly to the Prcfbytcry of Hamilton, N°Ox. 629 Anfwer of the Pteflwtery of Hamilton, N'Px. 630 Addrefs of the Burgh of New Galloway, N^ Q_x. _ 631 Ad 'refs cf the Magiftratcs, &c. of Dum- fcrmling, N". R x. 632 A Hate of the revenues and public income of England, 5,691,803/. 3;. i^\d. N" S x. 636 A ftateoflhe debts of England, 17,76^,842/. 17;. 3UN°Tx. — 641 A flate of th- public revenue of Scotland, 160,000/. N° U X. — 64s Debts due to the Army, Civil Lift, and other charges of Government, about 160,000/. — 645 Net annual produce of the Cufloms in En: appointing Commif- lioners to treat of the Hate of the kingdom, N°6 7,x Copy of the order of Edward I. for the pay- ment of 5COO marks, in arrearto the Pope, for the purpofc of inducing him to forward the match between his ion and Margaret 01 Norway, Queen of Scotland, N°8 71^ Two other papers relating to the treaty, N°9,io 71 J Copy of a paper wrirten by Edward Ift, fhew- ing tne aJvantages which would accrue to Scotland from the match, alio promifing them a free trade to a!! the parts of Epj- land, paying the ufual Duties, N° ti 715 Proceedings of the Commiflioners appointed by James I. refpefting a U-,ion, N" 12 717 Copy of a paper of the Scors Commiflioners for adj afting the trade between the two kingdoms, Jan. 21, 1667 71^ Journal of the proceedings of the Coniniif- fioners in 1702 728 Lord Keeper's fpeech, and the Duke of Queenberry's anfwer, to the Commiflionecs 702, 729 The Queen's letter to the Commiflioners 730 The Queen's fpeech to the Commiffioriers, Dec. 14, 1702 738 The Queen's letter to the Commiflioners adjouMii.ig them f om Feb 3, 1702-3, to Oft. 4. They never met again 751 V. N D X. 78i Page. V. Vasjalagi. Sec Su/xriori/Us. W. Wallace, Sir William, made Regent of Scot- land - . - 46 . Is overthrown at Falkirk - 4« Weights and meafuies regulated in Parlia- nieiit at the Union - - ' , Proceedings onlettling 167, 168, 184, i8fa Article XVII. Of Union refpeding, as fettled by the Commiffioners - 203 ^——Proceedings in the Parliament of Scotland in Article XVll - 297, 445 Article XVII. As fettled by the Par- Hient of Scotland - ^i^ . Article XVi I. As exemplified in England .^ Proceeding for a reform of 599 Whig and Tory, their chara6tevs by Lord Beilhaven - . 3^' William 111. his opinion on a Union 64 . ihe letter of the convention lent to him Wi NDOu s. Proceedings on the Duty on Article Xl. Of Union refpeaing, as fettled bv the Commiffioners 200 — — I'roceedings in the Pailiament of Scot- land on Article v I. - 29;, j88 Windows. Aiticle XI. As fettled by the Parlia- ment of Scotland - S32 « Article XI. As exemplified in England 549 Page. WlSHART WiLLt AM modcratorof the Aflembly and commilfion, his prudence, patience, and temper - 262 Wool exported from Scotland to France in great quantities in 1705 - Si8 . Proceedings refpcdling the exporting of it from Scotland - 403 — — Obfervations on the proceedings 406 — — — Confiderations on taking away the ex- port of - 444 A confideration of 2000.'. a year to be made out of the equivalent 444 Worcester, an Englifh Ihip feizcd in Scot- land - - 78 Captain Green, and the crew fiippofed to have been guilty of piracy and murder 7S — — Captain Green and three of his men hanged, a fignal inftancc of a divine Providence - 79 The people of Scotland exafperated, fearing a reprieve - 80 . The people of England exafperated at the execution - 82 Wright, Sir Nathan, Lord Keeper depofed 89 Writers in Scotland, fomething like attorneys in England - 449 Writers of the fignet, pcifons by whom all proceffes muft be figned 449 Z. Zetland and Orkneys. Draught of an Art for their diilblntion from the Crown in favour of the Earl of Morton prefented . 45 J I N I S. UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY ngeles University of California SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY 405 Hilgard Avenue, Los Angeles, CA 90024-1388 Return this material to the library from vKhich it was borrowed. last^ate stamped below. ast^ate stampi 4r^ 17 1QPf / 3 1 58 00277 0393 illiMllmlll llill IlillillliJllilllll D 000 716 715