UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
AT LOS ANGELES
UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA
AT
LOS ANGELES
THE KING OF ROME
fuk^
iyt^Cry y^^y'^2^
THE
KING OF ROME
A BIOGRAPHY
BY
VICTOR von KUBINYI
^be Itnfcherbocher press
NEW YORK
1907
■i ' r r '-
Copyright, 1907
BY
VICTOR VON KUBINYI
^
To
MADAME CAROLINE LE ROY BONAPARTE
This little work is most respectfully dedicated
<i7
Napoleon I.
MOTTO : "Genius, is the talent for seeing things straight. — It
is seeing things in a straight line without any bend
or break of aberration, seeing them as they are,
without any warping of vision. Flawless mental
sight I That is genius 1 "
(M. A.)
preface
HUS far no one had ever doubted him,
because it was impossible to do so
with justice: Napoleon I., in the
modern age, is as yet the greatest general.
Whether the famous General will have a suc-
cessor as great as he, can be told only by Him,
in whose hands our future lies. That Napo-
leon, through history, rightly called "The
Great," will ever have a counterpart, is the
secret of the future.
Would we think Napoleon greater, had he
not put the crown upon his own head, is a
question upon which disputants, according to
their greater or lesser shortsightedness, will
hereafter argue many times.
If we judge history's greatest men, not by
their actions, but by what they have accom-
plished through their success — if we attempt
vii
viii preface
to find results — then, all who wish to be im-
partial, must realize that Napoleon Bona-
parte set such an example that not malice nor
slander can work him harm, and only time can
do him justice.
As the unlucky King Louis XVI. — ^he w^ho
was worthy of a better fate — was beheaded, the
deserted French Nation fell into the depths of
misery, — nay, not fell, but plunged. Insulted,
not only in their human, but also in their
moral rights, and at times even cheated out
of these, the now completely deprived French
Nation, moved by desperation long pent up,
rebelled, and in self-defence overthrew the
Bourbons, and their centuries-existing throne
of stolen power, determined at last to manage
their own fate. A crisis such as has no equal
in the history of nations, followed. The blood
filled nation (the people make the nation),
came to a perfect whirlpool, — a whirlpool that
ruined and devoured everything. A few steps
more and the " Grande Nation " with all its
glorious past, would have ceased to exist.
preface ix
If a people, deprived by continuous rob-
bery of its rights, once shakes off the weight
of the despised throne and gets the reins of
government in its own hands, the nation's posi-
tion is harder and more dangerous than it was
before. No end of care and peaceful consid-
eration of affairs must be given, if speedily
she does not want to see her end.
With the French Nation the danger was
great and near.
Would the uncontrolled subjects gain
control?
Was not the indignation of the people just?
Yes, it was, now more than ever before.
If the individual needs in his daily course
calm and peaceful judgment, how much more
the Nation, when its future depends on it so
much. What would have been the future of
the once glorious France? What would the
country itself have been, if the leaders of the
hated government had managed it longer?
To-day we would sorrowfully say : " France
was."
X preface
Some one there must be who has not
mingled in the past of bloody actions, — some
neutral man who can save the country from
destruction. But where is the man?
Who will undertake it and crown the effort
with success?
Let us pause here.
We could not tell in one breadth all that had
happened from the time King Louis XVI.
was dethroned, till Napoleon ascended the new
imperial throne. Pause, and let each one an-
swer this question, Who placed France in this
jDOsition? for himself (but only those who
know history) ; and, Who gave the French
Nation to herself?
I am far from flattering Napoleon. Flat-
tery is insipid, and flattery is not necessary
to one as great as Napoleon. Each of his acts
gives us so many great and extraordinary
facts, that no matter who reads or hears them,
he must at least think them over.
In my little task, I am speaking strictly ac-
cording to the pages of History, and only the
preface xi
facts of History lead me to call Napoleon's
son " King of Rome."
Am I not right?
Napoleon himself gave his son this title, and
he gave it by virtue of acquired right and
power. Whoever — and there are some —
wishes to hesitate over it, should not forget
that the first French Emperor was despoiled
of his right, but the mantle of his might was not
worn by any other shoulders. Allow, instead
of the foregoing arguments, at least as much
as the settlement of historical names, even
those who depend largely on the fragments
of History must admit that the son of Louis
XVI. had not the least chance of becoming
King of France, Louis XVII. If any one
should answer to this, that the dynasty of
Bourbons had not ceased, and that therefore
poor Capet's son was " in evidence," as Louis
XVII. — we say, neither did Bonaparte's end.
And if we want to be truthful, we will not
call Great Napoleon's son King of Rome, but
simply Napoleon II.
xii preface
On Berezina's frozen mirror of broken
glory there still remains one streak of light,
by which we recognize that, behind the " King
of Rome," the descendant is the son of Na-
poleon I., or if you like it better, of the Great
Hero.
miusttations
Victor von Kubinyi , . Mrontispiece
Napoleon I.
Napoleon I. at the Battle at Friedland
The Cradle of the King of Rome
Empress Marie Louise with the King of Rome
Empress Marie Louise ....
"The Prince of Parma" ....
The Duke of Rbichstadt as Austrian Cor
poral
Napoleon II. as Austrian Colonel
Miss Maude Adams as Duke of Reichstadt in
Rostand's "L'Aiglon"
Napoleon II. on his Bier
"Madame Mere" — Letizia di Ramolino .
Young Napoleon's Grandmother.
Hon. Charles J. Bonaparte
Attorney-General of the United States
xiii
IV
viii
2
6
10
20
26
36
46
58
90
92
xiv miustratione
PAGE
His Imperial Highness Peincb Napoleon 91:
Victor
H. I. M. The Empress Eugenie ... 98
His Imperial and Royal Majesty, Franz
Josef 1 100
Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary
President Madison 108
THE KING OF ROME
Zhc Ikino of IRome
^71^]
HE 20th of March, 1811, was a hard
day for Napoleon, the great Em-
peror of France. The arrival of the
anxiously expected Crown Prince was dan-
gerous for the Empress, Marie Louise.
So many anxieties made the Emperor tired
and sick. The great hero, who had faced so
many times all the dangers of war without any
fear — trembled.
Can you imagine a Napoleon trembhng?
He became alarmed. He really trembled,
but not for his crown; he trembled for his well-
beloved wife, and for his anxiously expected
child. He became nervous. He was like a
child, seeing some "ghost." To cahn his
fears, he took a warm bath. And when Du-
bois, the physician-in-chief of the Imperial
House entered his bath-room, the hero lost his
breath.
2 Zbc Mm ot IRome
Dubois came to ask the Emperor what he
should do, being unable to help the Empress
without some very dangerous undertaking.
Napoleon, making a strong effort to calm
himself and growing pale, answered the
physician:
" Well, Dubois, what would you do in such
a case if you w^re called by some citizen's
wife?"
" Imperial Majesty," answered Dubois stut-
tering, " I would use my instruments."
*' I see," replied Napoleon. *' Now, Du-
bois, I will tell you what has to be done. You
have to forget you are in the Imperial Palace,
and you have to do the best you can, as you
would do in some merchant's house. Take
care of both, and if you cannot keep both
alive, save me the mother."
Napoleon, dressing himself in a hurry, hast-
ened to see his wife. He would help her in
such a dangerous situation, but seeing he
could be of no help, trembling again at the
sight of his wife's sufferings, he was forced by
Dubois to leave the room. Behind the next
door he awaited with palpitating heart what
would happen.
The Cradle of the Kin(; ov Rome
(Made by Odiot aiul Thoniire)
Imperial Family Treasure, Vienna
Zhc Iking of IRome 3
After a few moments of fear, such as he
never knew before, Constant, his intimate
valet came, looking like the happiest one on
earth.
" In deepest reverence I most humbly beg
to announce to Your Imperial Majesty the
happ}'- arrival of His Imperial Highness the
Crown Prince of France."
" May God bless you. Constant,'* rephed
the Emperor.
Then he hastily ran to see his son, crying
delightedly : " My guards, and a hundred-one
gun shots! '*
Returning from his son's cradle, he smil-
ingly spoke to the dignitaries gathered to-
gether in the ante-chamber.
" Gentlemen," he said, " Napoleon II. is
arrived. We have a nice and strong boy!
But he kept us waiting for such a long time.
jNIy poor wife ! She had to suffer very much !
For such a high price I do not wish any more
children."
March 23, 1811, eleven o'clock in the fore-
noon, a fast running mail-coach passed the
frontiers of Vienna, the capital of the Aus-
4 ZTbc Mm of IRonic
trian Empire, and did not stoj) before arriv-
ing at the door of the French Embassy. A
young officer hastily left the coach, and wear-
ing a solemn demeanor asked the officer at the
door at once for the Ambassador. It was
Captain De Robelau, who, coming by Napo-
leon's special command from Strassburg,
brought the Ambassador, Count Otto, the
news of little Napoleon's fortunate birth.
And, while the Captain walked up-stairs to
see the Count, his companion, a French
grenadier, being unable to withstand the
portress's questions, betrayed the great secret.
The good old woman ran out to the street
and being all out of breath, she cried:
"Archduchess Marie Louise has a lovely
boy! Oh my! What a great joy for our
good Emperor! "
Little Napoleon's birth was shortly known
in the whole of Vienna, and raised much joy.
The cordial Austrians, first thinking of Na-
poleon as a formidable " sansculotte " later,
after they have seen him, took to him at once
with great affection, and now, being their
Emperor's son-in-law, gave him genuine es-
teem, as a Prince of Habsburg.
^bc IkiuG of IRomc 5
Only a certain party of the Austrian peer-
age kept a frosty neutrality. Among this
circle, moved round the strangest rumours
about Napoleon, and they beUeved all these
uncontrolled tittle-tattles, which were spread,
so it is alleged, by one of the " would-be truth-
ful secretaries " of the Austrian Embassy at
Paris. These aristocrats took no care to find
out from what sources these stupid stories
came, but on the contrary, they kept on with
characteristic greediness on every occasion, to
blame the " parvenu," being unable to under-
stand how Napoleon, the former captain,
could become the most powerful Sovereign of
Europe, having no . . . Royal ancestors.
They did believe it, — they even ambitiously
spread stories about Napoleon's terrible
cruelty towards his wife, the full-blooded
Habsburgian Princess Marie Louise. (I
think that was the genuine " Stolen Story,"
but later we can see which of them was a
"tyrant," the parvenu, or the Princess?)
Francis II., the Austrian Emperor, and
little Napoleon's grandfather, took an occa-
sion to celebrate his "well-beloved" grand-
child's birth, giving one of the most splendid
6 Z\)c Iking of IRome
receptions, which, many centuries ago, dazzled
all those, who were worthy to receive a call to
Vienna's Imperial Palace. Such a reception
was, and now really is a royal entertainment,
which reminds one of the centurian glory of
the Habsburgs, — but the above reception was
badly disfigured by a clumsy " wit snapping "
of one adulator. During this splendid festiv-
ity, a " Gentleman " made the following char-
acteristic remark : " Well, it may be a few
years later, that this King of Rome will call
here as a beggar-student."
And this dull headed prophecy, alas, was
realized to the aforesaid " Gentleman's " and
his companions' great satisfaction.
At Paris, the joy was sincere. There no-
body cared for such " ingenious " remarks.
The French Nation showed a genuine enthusi-
asm, upon which Archduke Ferdinand, con-
gratulating Napoleon in his father-in-law's
name, said in his letter sent to Vienna (March
29, 1811) : " It is really impossible to give an
adequate description of the sincere and
fervent gladness of the whole of France. I
never before have seen such enthusiasm which
baffles all imagination."
Emprkss Marie Louise with the King oe Rome
Zbc IkiiiG of IRomc 7
May 21, 1814, at seven o'clock in the even-
ing, a coach of the Austrian Imperial stables
stopped at the main door of Schoenbrunn, the
summer residence of the Austrian Emperors,
and ten minutes later, another one came. The
first one brought Marie Louise, the " Prin-
cess of Parma." When the second coach
stopped, Duke Trauttmannsdorff, the Imper-
ial marshal took out of the same with great
care a " package," and handed it to Gen.
Count Kinsk}^, the Emperor's acting cham-
berlain. Kinsky hastened up-stairs carrying
the package very carefully: he had brought
the King of Rome! — and he had hard work to
arrive at the drawing-room, where the whole
Imperial Court gathered to meet the Ex-Em-
press of France, and her son. All the ladies
of the Austrian aristocracy were waiting for
the arrival of their Emperor's grandchild,
and would kiss the httle dethroned Majesty's
hand, and poor Kinsky could do nothing
against these " attempts."
The beggar student arrived!
Eut he was received very cordially. The
police commissioner of Vienna saj^s in his re-
port (^lay 21st) : "An innumerate crowd of
8 ZTbc mm of IRome
people awaiting Napoleon's son cried inces-
santly, ' Hurrah for the Prince of Parma ' I "
As though the people knew how this baby;
needed love!
It is important and characteristic to hear
Hudelist, the Austrian Senator speaking
about this memorable event. He says : " A
big crowd of people jammed together await-
ing the guests, and acclaimed Marie Louise
and her son with enthusiastic shouts of joy.
The people enjoyed the ex-Empress's friendly
manner in rejoining all the greetings, but
they liked most the little Prince of Parma.
They became crazy about the pretty looking
baby. Really, everybody thought the Prince,
I do not know why, an ailing nasty child, and
therefore all were pleasantly surprised about
the pretty little Prince. Everybody was in a
hurry to see him."
Duke Metternich, the " all-mighty " Aus-
trian Chancellor, did not feel joyful about the
arrival of his lately powerful enemy's son.
He even took alarm at the people's enthusi-
asm. He thought to do his duty, to avoid the
popularity of the innocent baby. The next
day, ^lay 22d, he did not allow any more of
Zhc Iking of IRoinc 9
the people to enter the Schoenbrunn park, and
from this time he did all he could to remove
from ]\larie Louise and her son all memory,
and even all thoughts, of their recent glory
and power.
II
APOLEON'S wife was forced to re-
sign her title " Ex-Empress," as it
was claimed " on account of the
Habshurg f amity's international position."
It is, realh^ hard to understand this in-
justice, which never had hitherto a likeness.
And it is again hard to understand, be-
ing the Austrian Emperor Marie Louise's
father.
Have you ever heard of an Austrian Arch-
duchess robbed of her titles by the Emperor,
and that man, her father ?
She had to be satisfied with the follow-
ing titles : " INIarie Louise Archduchess of
Austria, Princess of Parma, Piacenza, and
Guastalla."
And why?
Perhaps to allow her really these titles?
Perhaps to give her some compensation for
the lost power and glory?
Xot at all, but only to fool her!
Empress Marie Louise
(Pinx.: Cierard)
Property of the Countess Fraiicisca Bombelles (Pressburg, Hungary)
^be 1klno of IRome n
And later, when she went to Parma to take
possession of her Princedom, she arrived there
as genuine Princess of this land, and now, she
really thought to hecome what she was called.
She could not take the famous portrait with
her, made hy Gerard, because it represented
her as Empress of France. Her father kept
this portrait for the Imperial Gallery, and
promised her another one, as he said, " more
in keeping to her new position," — but he
never kept his promise!
And her son?
First, he was despoiled of his title given
him by his father; then he became Crown
Prince of Parma, — but only to be despoiled
soon again. At last he became *' by his
grandfather's special grace," Duke of Reich-
stadt, to be fooled again!
"Reichstadt!"
Metternich worried himself very much about
little Napoleon's "political position." He
Avas ever anxiously looking out for the Im-
perial House's " interest." He did not like the
little boy, and he, the powerful chancellor, was
afraid of the baby. When Emperor Francis
would appoint his grandchild "Duke of
12 Zbc Mm of IRomc
Babenberg," he at once was ready to avoid
this " great danger." Napoleon's son, he
said, cannot become Duke of such a historical
title of Ilabsburgian ancestors, — he thought
it to be impossible to make the " Prince " equal
to the genuine Habsburgian Princes.
" If the Prince were to become Duke of
Babenberg," he wrote to Count Neipperg,
March 24, 1818, " the glory of the former
Austrian Sovereigns would be resuscitated in
his person, and this circumstance is more than
enough to protest against His Majesty's giv-
ing such a dangerous decision."
The chancellor, by these few words, makes
the proposition to denominate the ex-Emper-
or's son " Duke of Bustiechrad." But ]\larie
Louise at once exclaimed against such a
" funny " proposal. " Do not forget," she
writes to Metternich, JNIarch 18, " nobody
could pronounce this title. However, my
dear ( ?) Duke, I am calmed; you will justify,
as you have so often, my trust in yourself."
Who could understand these words, and
who could read them mthout being much
surprised?
It is surprising to see the Austrian Em-
^be Iking of IRome 13
peror's daughter flattering her father's " ohe-
dieiit servant," — and it is hard to under-
stand how she could forget that she v/as
Napoleon's wife, — how she could forget Na-
poleon's son to be her own child, — how the
mother could confide her son's future to the
care of her husband's implacable enemy?
Emperor Francis gave a hearing to his
daughter's request, and he says : " Regarding
your son's title, I find Reichstadt to be the
most convenient." But, at the same time, he
gave to Metternich the following instructions:
" I would like to denominate my grandchild
Duke of Reichstadt, and if you do not see any
obstacles in it, you will make the adequate
arrangements."
Reichstadt was one of the most productive
properties belonging to the Austrian Imperial
family, — but what kind of " obstacles " would
the Emperor avoid, if not liis fear to make his
Chancellor angry?
Napoleon's son became by the Austrian
Emperor's " special grace," and that was
especially accentuated, Duke of Reichstadt,
but he never could take possession of " his "
(?) rich manor!
14 ^l)c KwQ ot IRonie
And JNIarie Louise hastened to give her
thanks for this common jugglery.
"^ / never would see my son on the throne/'
she wrote to her father April 17, " but it
seemed to be my holy, motherly duty, secur-
ing my son's future. You, my dear father,
did calm my anxious heart. Now I am
satisfied."
She is satisfied I
She is satisfied to see her son despoiled in
such a common way.
She is satisfied to have forgotten to be the
ex-Empress, — to be the Austrian Emperor's
daughter, — even, to be mother ! And she is
audacious enough, to talk about her " holy,
motherly duty," even at that moment she
proves to have no idea of a mother's duty.
The King of Rome was despoiled of his
title, — he became " by special grace " Prince
of an unassuming Austrian title, — and his
grandfather did not treat him like one of the
m^embers of his family. Giving him the
Reichstadt title he at the same time declares,
" to avoid any political misunderstanding," —
that he is not equal ^^^th the other family
members. Even, for the convenient rank of
Z]K Mm of IRome 15
Highness, he gave him the lower rank of
Right Honorable ... all these things are
done to show disrespect to Napoleon.
Is it justice to punish the son for his father's
" crimes "?
Such a cruel treatment of an innocent child,
however, is not all Metternich's fault. Em-
peror Francis, who speaks so often of his
*' love " for his grandchild, should not be so
jn'elding towards his Chancellor. And Marie
Louise? She has forgotten to be mother.
She should not acquiesce in Metternich's at-
tempts. She was the only one who could do
something for her son . . . and she did no-
thing at all! Even, she sacrificed her child's
future to save her own idle interest. She did
not know the motto of her mother-in-law,
Leticia, who said : " The unhappiest one of my
children is the one I love most."
JVIetternich tells us frankly what he will do
about Napoleon II. : " The education of the
Prince," he says to Neipperg, July 26, 1817,
" has to lie exclusively in our hands. He has
to be educated in a thoroughly cleared-up
spirit, and we have anxiously, and most care-
fully to keep away from him all the danger-
i6 Zbc Iking of IRomc
ous temptations which menace him even on
account of his high descent."
Who could understand these words?
It may be, if JMetternich thought his letter
would ever be read, even not in his favor, a
hundred years later, he would have written it
in a more " cleared-up spirit." He was
frightened, not at all for the Prince's fu-
ture, but, on the contrary, for himself. He
thought he would loose his position if he did
not do everything against Napoleon's child.
If he had his own way, he would cut the name
of Napoleon from the pages of History.
Perhaps he thought to save in that way the
Habsburgian political interests?
The powerful Chancellor fears the baby, —
oh, what a hero! And Francis II., when he
entrusted Gen. Count Hartmann to lead
his grandchild's education, approved Metter-
nich's opinion. " The Prince," he says, *' be-
ing now legally (?) separated from his native
country, is not a Frenchman any more. To
give him an adequate (?) compensation, I
have made him the first of my subjects, with
the rank immediately after (!!!) the members
of my family. Herewith I have stated defi-
Zhc IkiuG of IRonie 17
nitely the mutual relation between him, and
my family, and also my people. I trust in his
noble minding, and his correctness to never
abuse such a high (?) position as I have
given him." It is, you can see, Metter-
nich again, showing his anxious " w isdom,"
having not much care of the grandfather's
remorse.
Napoleon's son was christened *' Napo-
leon," — now he became, — perhaps by the Em-
peror's special grace (?) — "Franz." And
so on, JNIetternich took every occasion to turn
the Great French Emperor's son into an un-
assuming Austrian Prince.
On account of his " anxiety " it was for
Metternich a hard thing to find the convenient
teacher for " Franz," one whom he could
trust. For months he was looking out for the
convenient one, then, at last, he thought to
have found " his man." By the reiterated re-
commendations of Baron Hager, one of the
most intimate aristocrats at the Vienna Im-
perial Court, June 26, 1815, he proposed to
Emperor Francis to appoint Count JNIaurice
Dietrichstein for his grandchild's tutor.
JMontbel and some other biographers of
i8 Zhc IkiuG of IRoinc
Napoleon II. are wrong saying, Dietrichstein
Avas appointed by Marie Louise's special re-
quest. The mother did not care about her
son's education, and she was not asked at all
about that matter. She proves it herself
writing from Baden near Vienna, where she
was living, Jul}^ 7, 1815, to her father as
follows : " Yesterday I saw my boy. He
sends his respects, and does very well. Count
Dietrichstein was introduced to me, and I like
to see him there once more on account of the
circumstance, j^ou, dear father, have ap-
pointed him only temporarily, till I can take
my boy with me to Italy, or till I can choose
for him another tutor, because I do not
think the Count to be the proper one for
the purpose, however, he may be a correct
gentleman."
Six months later the same jNIarie Louise,
the same " anxious " mother shows how she
fears Metternich, and how she stays under
the influence of . . . Neipperg. She says:
" Now, knowing better Count Dietrichstein,
I am very well satisfied with his appointment,
and I shall praise his zealous j)ainstaking about
my son's education."
ZTbe Iking of IRomc 19
JMontbel says, the first time she did not
know Dietrichstein, and later she changed her
mind. Nonsense! If a mother takes some
care of her son's future, then she has to know
her son's tutor a long time in advance. That
was not the right way to show how anxious
she is to do her " holy, motherly duty."
Ill
nS far as we can see, Marie Louise
acquiesced in the appointment of
Count Dietrichstein, as her son's tu-
tor exclusively on account of her cowardice.
The King of Rome, following his childish
instinct, did not like his tutor at all. He was
afraid of him, and when Countess Scarampi,
the acting Court Lady, called him in the draw-
ing-room to introduce to him the Count, he
would not follow her, and said: " I will not go,
till the chamberlain is there."
Countess Scarampi had hard work to per-
suade her obstinate pupil, and when, at last,
" Franz " timidly entered the drawing-room,
he soon regained his courage, and eyed the
Count from head to foot with a look of
mistrust.
Dietrichstein, being surprised at his pupil's
demeanor, imputed his unfavorable recep-
tion to the " dangerous " influence of the
French ladies attached to *' Franz." " I see,"
20
"TiiK Prince OF Parma"
(Water-color Painting by Isabey 1S15)
In the Sleeping-room of His Majesty Francis Joseph I.
Zhc IRlng of IRome 21
lie says to Neuberg, one of the most influential
ImxDerial Counsellors, " I have a hard prob-
lem before me [it is: to turn Napoleon's
son into an Austrian Prince!] principally, as
long as these French women are about the
Prince." And his diary, July 1, 1815, has
the following remark: "Father Landi [the
Prince's future teacher in Italian language]
found me in my room w^eeping. I have to
suffer so many disagreeable things, and I see
I can succeed only, if I keep from him other
influences. These women do not like me, and
it seems to me they are afraid I will impede
their progress. They zealously estrange him
from me, therefore, I cannot wonder at his
mistrust."
These words are characteristic of Dietrich-
stein. Why does he fear these French ladies,
being without power and having only the
boy's personal sympathy? If he would only,
and really make Napoleon's son an educated
gentleman, then, he could have no reason for
his fear, but, on the contrary, they could help
him much in that purpose. But he did not
care so much for his pupil's education, — his
fii-st duty was to estrange " Franz " from
22 z\K Ikiiuj of IRome
France, even from his father, ^hich the French
ladies easily found out; therefore, no wonder
they did not kiss him with joy, he, who, cor-
rect gentleman though he he, came to estrange
Napoleon's amiahle son from all the glori-
ous past to which they clung with sincere
enthusiasm.
It is an undoubted fact, Dietrichstein was
obliged to estrange his pupil from his native
country, and to do it by all means. Whether
Emperor Francis himself gave him the direc-
tions and commands, or whether he only ap-
proved Metternich's proposals, does not make
much difference.
A few weeks later, Dietrichstein, with his
smoothness, won " Franz's " sympathy, but
sympathy soon became obedience, when little
Napoleon saw his tutor's smoothness was not
sincere. Then, he, Dietrichstein, never could
really gain his pupil's heart.
No wonder!
Even the contrary could not surprise, if we
take into consideration, that Franz, with his
sharp-sightedness inherited from his father,
soon found out Dietrichstein to be not only
his tutor, but Metternich's political agent.
Zbc Ikiiuj of IRomc 23
Therefore, he has to be praised. He never
manifested his discontent to the Count even
when his will was most oppressed.
Being only a short time in his employ, Die-
trichstein frankly hopes for an entire success.
Really, it would not be hard for him to suc-
ceed, having plain instruction on all particu-
lars. But, to surpass all expectations in his
charge, — and that was his greatest wish, — he
was looking out for a fellow-laborer. Upon
his reiterated requests, September 6th, Cap-
tain Foresti was attached to him. And to
tell the truth, it is remarkable Foresti was ap-
pointed with Marie Louise's knowledge, even
at her request.
" Words will be inadequate," she writes to
her father, " to express my gratitude for your
kindness, dear father; j^ou have appointed
Captain Foresti, whom, after all I heard of
him, I hope to be the most proper one, to
secure my boy's education. Now, I can leave
Franz calmed, I see him under such excellent
influences."
All right. Marie Louise appears now like
a mother, showing much interest in her son's
future. But that is all! She has, really, no
24 ^be frtinG of llvonic
care for the indispensable immediate influence
upon her son's education.
Foresti, of Tyrolian birth, was thirty-nine
years old when he was appointed Franz's
teacher. He was an earnest, worthy, noble-
hearted man, praised by everybody on account
of his irreproachable character, and he under-
stood — in spite of the circumstance, he had
strictlj'' to obey [Metternich's and Dietrich-
stein's instructions — to take every occasion,
and they were many, to alleviate his pupil's
hard situation, whom he liked, and towards
whom he had a sincere pity.
According to enlargement of the teaching,
shortly a third teacher had to be appointed.
Matthew Collin, professor of history at the
Vienna University, was chosen for this posi-
tion. Emperor Francis, probably made anx-
ious by Metternich, resisted this project. He
did not like to appoint for his grandchild a
special teacher of history, but Dietrichstein
and Foresti won with their repeated requests.
It is interesting to hear IMarie Louise's
mind about Collin, who was going to have the
most important, and at the same time, the
most responsible part. " I had an interview
Zbc Mm of IRome 25
.with him," she sa5's, " and am sure he will be
able to teach my son in the right way. I trust
my boy, educated by such excellent men, will
become a worthy man of highest education."
When Collin died, November 24, 1824, the
Austrian Senator Obenaus, later (1827) pro-
moted to the rank of Baron, came in his place.
He was chosen for the position because he had
been Archduke Ferdinand's tutor.
Obenaus zealously would turn his pupil's
mind to the way convenient to his descent, and
to his sharp-willedness. His promotion shows
clearly what he meant by this " convenient
way." However, he undeniably was a man
of highest scientific education, having care of
his pupil besides the lessons too, and trying
to get a favorable influence upon the frame of
his mind, he, like Foresti, tried to accord the
rigorous directions with his personal sym-
pathy for " Franz."
Edmond Rostand, the celebrated French
poet, showing in his famous UAiglon, Obe-
naus like a blind instrument to make Franz
stupid, even perverse, does it exclusively on
account of poetical liberty (licentia poetica) ,
It is true, Obenaus was far from being an
26 ^be Mm ot IRomc
impartial, and an ideal teacher of history, —
however, his character was simply incapable of
such base-minded intents.
Not only Dietrichstein, but Obenaus and
Foresti too, soon understood they had a hard
task. The little, self-willed ex-King, in-
clining even to obstinacy, caused them many
cares in point of view of pedagog}^ and gave
them occasion for many inconveniences.
Wertheimer, the intimate, and undoubtedly
highly educated investigator of Habsburgian
history, has collected together many letters
and annotations made by Dietrichstein, Col-
lin, Foresti, and Obenaus about their pupil.
All these remarks enhghten L'Aiglon's edu-
cation, and show many remarkable, inter-
esting, and hitherto unknown things and
opinions, w^hich contradict the previously
spread opinions about Napoleon 11. He
corrects many times Welschinger and INIont-
bel, the celebrated historiographers, and all
his contradictions are based upon historical
documents. The most interesting of Wer-
theimer's remarks are those, w^iich show us
L'Aiglon's private hfe, the secrets of his state
of mind, and his thoughts. He disproves
/■'/, ..'^
*^'
TiiK Di'KE OF Reichstadt as Austrian Corporal
(Drawing by Peter Kraflt)
Gallery of Portraits, Imperial Library, \ii.niia
Z\x IkiuG of IRoinc 27
many fantastic stories, also many dull calum-
nies. First of all, he disproves the opinion,
ambitiously spread by certain people, that the
teachers were forced to make their pupil
stupid, to stifle his intellectual development,
even to ruin his sanity, leading him in the way
of immorality. Also he disproves the stories
about their severity bordering on cruelty.
At the Vienna Imperial House no expense
was spared to give the Emperor's grandchild
an exact education; — no one dared put any
affront upon the Prince, even the teachers
liked him. And about cruelty?
Well, certainly, it was cruel in view of his-
tory, that they were forced to turn Great
Napoleon's son into an Austrian Prince.
Little Napoleon says to his uncle. Arch-
duke Rainer: "You can beheve me, it is my
highest desire to become a thoroughly edu-
cated, earnest man."
IV
is a fable, a clumsy calumny, Em-
peror Francis would send his grand-
child into a cloister. It is true, the
whole Vienna Imperial Court was afraid of
" Franz " on account of his striking intelli-
gence; — they did not like his courage, and the
inclination to arbitrariness, shown by him al-
ready as a child, and they were afraid he would
overthrow Metternich's plan, which was to
make him a celebrated Austrian soldier.
They had much care for the open question,
what might happen if Franz should find
occasion to leave his prison? At Vienna every-
thing was done in the favor of the Bourbons,
to lame the Napoleon politic for ever; jNIetter-
nich was many times in conference with
Emperor Francis about the Prince's " dan-
gerous" future, and he anxiously would
avoid, as he says, " even in the interest of
Napoleon II.,"\ny " pohtical folly." It is
28
Z\)C Mm of IRome 29
true, the Emperor took every occasion to
favor the Bourbons on account of his grand-
child, and reading Senator Hudehst's follow-
ing words: " It is beyond my comprehension,
what is to be done with this Prince of Parma.
If it depended upon me, I would make him a
priest, and later, may be, a bishop," — we can
see it was a capital question at Vienna to
erase little Napoleon's political career. But
it is hard to believe Emperor Francis would
force him to become a priest. He, certainly,
would be glad if " Franz " would do it of his
own free will for then Francis II. would be-
come at once free of this political question,
and he would not be forced any more to con-
fer about it so often with Metternich. How-
ever, he loved his grandchild, — he loved him
only like a weak-willed old man, but cer-
tainly never thought about Franz's priesthood.
If it seems to be incredible the grand-
father would condemn his grandchild to be a
priest, — it is just as hard to believe a remark
of Count Prokesch-Osten, who will be men-
tioned later which, he says, shows Em-
peror Francis's nobility : " If the French
Nation and the confederated powers would
30 Zbc IkiuG of *lRome
allow it to 3^ou, I never would impede you in
keei)ing possession of thj^ father's throne."
This sounds just like a fable. Especially
in view of the circumstance that the Emper-
or's " love " towards his grandchild was con-
fined just to his sentiments, and never proved
by political acts. And it is hard to under-
stand how this fable could be made even
by Prokesch, who knew everything about
" Franz " and who never told fables. If Em-
l^eror Francis would allow his grandchild to
walk in his own w^ay, he had many occasions
to give proof of it. And if Count Prokesch-
Osten knew the instruction given by the
Emperor to Count Hartmann, June 9, 1831,
— and he certainly did know it, — how could
he make such a remark?
" I strictly forbid you," says Emperor
Francis to the said Count, " to allow anyone,
whom you do not know entirely, to see the
Prince who is not to be infected by danger-
ous ( ?) and adventurous ideas.'*
I am really far from excusing the grand-
father's narrow-mindedness towards his
grandchild, for which no political circum-
stance could lay down reasons, — however, we
Zhc Mm of IRome 31
can frankly say, the bad treatment of little
Napoleon was not all his fault. Emperor
Francis, on account of his education, was ac-
customed to let other persons think for him,
and he stood entirely under ^Metternich's in-
fluence. The Chancellor's political merits
were highly esteemed by him, — therefore he
was not energetic enough to impede his pro-
posals, and it is undoubted he would do every-
thing in his grandchild's favor ... if ]Met-
ternich had given him adequate suggestions.
And JMetternich?
Well, he would become a better Austrian
than his Emperor.
Certainly, he had to save the Austrian po-
litical interests, but he could do that without
any injustice.
It was an injustice to estrange little Na-
poleon from his native country, even from
his father! Metternich would like to see
" Franz " forget everything about his father
and France. But he could not succeed on
account of Franz's sincere and enthusiastic
love towards his father and France, and that
makes the Chancellor once more guilty of
injustice.
32 ZTbc IkiriG of IRome
Who could imagine an education whicK
does not allow the pupil to love his father
and his native country? Such cannot be
called " education," — it is cruelty and . . .
stupidity.
When Napoleon II. had occasion to return
to Paris and to ascend his father's throne, he
was by all means prevented from doing it. It
is possible to find a reason for this injustice
in view of Europe's political concert, — but,
who could find reason or excuse for the fact
that " Franz " never could keep possession of
" his " Princedom of Parma, and that he never
had seen " his " Reichstadt manor?
It is hard, if not merely impossible, to find
in history's dictionary an adequate expres-
sion for such treatment. It is an undoubted
historical fact, the whole Vienna Imperial pal-
ace was afraid of little Napoleon's splendid in-
telligence. Therefore the motto was : to avoid
the arousing of his intelligence.
Marie Louise had not enough vigor, not
enough motherly sentiment to do anything
against these machinations. Her son's future,
it can be frankly said, was in her hands, and
she was the only one who could moderate
Zhc Mm of IRome 33
Metternich's blind odium and ailing fear. A
little bit of perseverance, — a little bit of cour-
age, — and a little bit of . . . love, — and
3''oung Napoleon's life were a happier one.
A mother has not only to be courageous. A
mother has to be, under certain circumstances,
a hero. History shows us the greatest hero-
ines among mothers. But JNIarie Louise did
not belong to that class of women. She flat-
tered JNIetternich, — she ever and ever gives
thanks to her father without knowing what
for, — she was ever satisfied. Her feebleness
is a great excuse for her father.
Why?
If Emperor Francis had seen his daughter
fighting for her son's and his grandchild's in-
terest, it is impossible to think he would not
appreciate his daughter's wishes. It may be,
he had refused several of her requests, — how-
ever, so many injustices would not have been
done. But seeing his daughter the incarna-
tion of contentment, he thought his grand-
child's education and future were in the best
way. To get a clear view of L'Aiglon,
we have to elbow our way through many
contradictions.
34 ^bc HUuG of IRome
For example: It was said, — and it is be-
lieved to-day by a great many persons, — the
teachers were forbidden to mention before the
Prince his father's name, even his French
descent.
Nonsense.
That were too hard a task in view of the
pupil's intelligence. Another piece of non-
sense was to attribute excessive value to
Emperor Francis's instruction, given to Met-
ternich in the following: "I wish to hold in
great respect before the Prince his father's
name. Bo not keep from him the truth,
and teach him to love, to esteem, and to re-
spect his father."
To keep the straight way between these
contradictions, it has to be stated that ]Met-
ternich visited his helpless odium against Na-
poleon upon his innocent son, and did
everything to cross little Napoleon's political
and historical career, even to juggle with
history, — but he was not so insane as to deny
his descent.
And Dietrichstein's remarkable report, given
to the Emperor, June 17, 1816, and say-
ing: *' It is undeniable we cannot keep from
^be IkluG of IRoine 35
the Prince his descent and his father's past
glory, but, on the contrary, he should know
everything, — however, it is of greatest conse-
quence to tell him these things only when he
has gained a certain degree of mental matur-
ity, otherwise it were dangerous for him," —
shows nothing else than his (Dietrichstein's)
fixed delusion to surpass everybody even
Metternich.
One morning in July, 1816, the King of
Rome, taking his daily walk accompanied by
Foresti, took occasion to drive his teacher into
a delicate conversation.
" Will you tell me, please, who is the pres-
ent Sovereign of France? "
"A King," answered Foresti.
*' Well, but I know it was formerly an Em-
peror. Could you tell me who it was?"
" It was your father, my Prince, who lost
his crown and all his power on account of his
exceeding warlike inclination."
" Franz " listened. Then he said he had
read through the history of France {Fastes de
France), and after this characteristic remark
he grieved that this book was taken from him,
and said he knew all the wars fought by his
2,(> Z\)C Ikiiuj of IRome
father. And then the hoy of six years asked
the following question:
" What do you think about my dear father?
Was he a malefactor on account of all the
blood he shed? "
"It is not our task to judge of him. Love
your father and pray for him."
Returning from his walk he gladly said
before Collin : " I had a talk with Captain
Foresti about many things in regard to my
dear father."
Two years later he gave the same Collin a
similar cross-examination.
" Could you tell me," he said, *' why I was
called former King of Rome?"
" That was at a time when your father had
still great power."
" Do you not know whether Rome did be-
long to my father? "
" Not at all. Rome is the Pope's
residence."
" My father is now in the East Indies, — is
it not so? "
*' I cannot understand why he should be
there?"
*' Then, where is he? My ladies told me
Napoleon II. as Austrian Colonel
(Pinx.: Daffingc.)
Imperial Oallery of Engravings, \'ienna
^be IkiuG of 1Romc 37
once my father had been in England, and later
he escaped from there."
" That is entirely wrong. Do you not re-
member, my Prince, how many times you have
misunderstood things you heard? I can give
you my word of honor, your father has never
been in England."
For a short time the intelligent boy
pondered, then he replied: "If I do well re-
member, I heard my father struggled with
penury."
" How could you get such an idea? "
" You majr be right," the Prince replied,
*' it seems to me improbable too."
Then he smiled. And his smile showed
the son's anxious love towards his father, about
whom he liked so much to know the truth, —
and his smile proved it to be hard to fool
him.
On another occasion, during a lesson, he
once surprised Foresti with this remark : " I
think Napoleon was, however, a great gen-
eral, becoming King by his own power."
" You are mistaken," replied Foresti, " he
was Emperor."
" Tell me, please, this Napoleon was the
w ? f^ ''» r er
± ^ > D ^ D 5
3S Zhc Mm of IRoine
same who married my mother one year before
mybh'th?"
" Certainly," answered the teacher, and at
once made the remark, " all European powers
were confederated against Napoleon because
he would conquer all the world."
Young Napoleon was not yet satisfied.
" Many times I heard," he said, " my dear
father to be now in Africa. Will you tell me
the truth about that?"
At the same instant an Imperial valet en-
tered the room and saved Foresti from an-
swering this delicate question, which he, now
and later, always avoided answering.
These conversations are a true mirror of the
" cleared-up " spirit in which little Napoleon's
education was led. No other arguments are
necessary to see how this " education " was
adequate to the grandfather's " love," and
to the mother's " holy duties."
Y grandchild's education has to be
based upon the truth," says Em-
peror Francis to Dietrichstein.
" Answer any question. That is the straight-
est and the best way to satisfy his curiosity
and to gain his sympathy, which you need if
j'ou will lead him with success."
These words are perpetuated in a historical
document, otherwise it could be disproved in
view of the circumstance that the Emperor
did nothing to prove their sincerity.
The teachers did not disclose before their
pupil his father's past glory, — ^they knew he
would take notice of it without their " kind "
communication. But they showed him his
father merely as a heartless tyrant, and denied
all his good and great qualities. Foresti was
the most intimate of the teachers, which cir-
cumstance was noticed by Wertheimer, the
aforementioned historiographer, to show how
much L'Aiglon hked his tutors, and to prove
39
40 ^be IkiuG of IRotne
thereby that no exception could be taken to
the method of education.
It is true Foresti's kindness was entirely
appreciated by little Napoleon, — we can even
speak without exaggeration of their mutual
friendship. But this friendship was not sin-
cere on Foresti's part, because he still did not
tell him the truth as to his father's where-
abouts.
One of the teachers, Obenaus, gives an in-
teresting characterization of " Franz." He
calls him willful, vehement, and ungovernable.
Then he complains that his pupil hates to
learn " by rote," but at the same time he ad-
mires his sharp intellect, his curiosity, and
his unlimited ambition to know everji:hing.
Napoleon's son shows soon his inclination to
independence; he is looking out for occasion
to do his own will ; and having his will entirely
suppressed, he, for example, opens his over-
coat not caring for his health and the nasty
and cold weather, — only to do what he wishes
to do. Many particulars could be told to
show how anxiously he searched to be free, at
least for a moment, from his teachers' control,
which has gone beyond the limits called for
Zhc Iking of 1Romc 41
by a reasonable education. Obenaus always
showed a kind demeanor towards his pupil,
and he was always consistent in his treatment
towards him, — however, he wished to turn
Franz's mind to JNIetternich's instructions,
but he never used any force, on the contrary,
he tried to fulfill his duty with much of tact.
Dietrichstein, on the contrary, was often
exceedingly severe, even impolite towards
*' Franz " ; he was hypnotized by the fixed
idea that every responsibility was upon his
shoulders, — ^he feared JNIetternich, and his
ambition was to become the most influential
of the teachers. It may be, he did this not
entirely because of cruelty, but through ser-
vility; however, he is guilty of rude injustice.
[By all means he would stifle his pupil's lively
humor, to erase, he says, radically any war-
like inclination. He is not only the leader
of Franz's education; — he really makes psy-
chological studies about him, but for his own
and not for Franz's good.
The difference between Dietrichstein and
Metternich is only this:
Metternich fears Napoleon II. and he does
ever}i:hing to impede the possibiHty of Franz's
42 ^bc MwQ of IRome
political future, — Dietrichstein does not be-
lieve the political situation could be ever
favorable for his pupil, therefore, (oh, the
gentleman he is!) he anxiously takes care to
save his pupil any grief, which could be not
avoided, if the Prince were educated for a
Sovereign. He goes even further in his
imagined wisdom, thinking to save Franz's
own interest, suffocating every self-willed in-
clination, and he does it with a roughness. He
would make the lion's son a lamb. That was
a hard task, even a dangerous undertaking
with the young lion's brain and sensible heart.
And he thought he had succeeded, though he
could not reach his end. He could only squeeze
the young lion in a lambskin, but he could
not make him feel quite at home in this
'' stranger " suit.
Dietrichstein was satisfied with himself.
All right.
The Frenchman says: " Chaqu'un a son
gout." (Everybody does according to his
taste).
We can easily see In which way Dietrich-
stein became satisfied with himself.
" I do not like to become an Austrian. I
^be 1klno of IRotnc 43
have to be, I scarcely dare say it, a good
Frenchman," says the boy, probably under the
influence of the " cleared up " education ( ?) .
And Dietrichstein, the heroic soldier, took oc-
casion to put into his diary the following re-
mark: "That is too much! He has to be
made, by all means, all over an Austrian."
And so on.
He really was proud of his great " success,"
but he has forgotten, it was not to his effort
alone that little Napoleon's will was later en-
tirely quelled.
Every excess in education is a fault. If
such an excess be made maliciously, then it
becomes a sin, a grievous crime, ^vhich bears
with all its heavy weight upon the educator's
conscience. It may be, if Dietrichstein really
would give his pupil a good education, trying
to turn him wdth kindness into an Austrian,
he could have gained more of success, because
what he reached cannot be called " success."
" The Prince," he says to Archduke Rainer,
September 17, 1816, "already reads French
fluently. I am exceedingly glad to inform
Your Imperial Highness, he has spoken Ger-
man for three wrecks for the most part, and
44 <rbc liuiuj Of IRomc
shows in this language a pretty cleverness.
It is remarkable, some weeks before he spoke
German only to his servants, but at the pres-
ent time he uses this language without any
force."
And he calls that a " success."
Is it a success if a young French boy uses
the German language in his conversation with
his teachers, when they speak to him only in
German? If he could inform the said Arch-
duke, " the Prince already likes to speak Ger-
man," that were really a success, but he never
could reach that.
When the King of Rome was fifteen
years old, Dietrichstein was happy in saying:
" The Prince speaks the French language
sufficiently well. His pronunciation is cor-
rect but his writing is imperfect. The way in
which he expresses his thoughts shows clearly
that he thinks in German. His translations
from German to French show plenty of " Ger-
manisms," and he is simply unable to write a
letter in French."
Why does not this " proud gentleman " tell
us the greater "success" his pupil made in
Zhc IkiiiG of IRomc 45
the German language, the more he disliked
this language?
Count Dietrichstein really became blind
about everything except the imagined glory
of his " successes." No, he was not blind
when he saw the golden eagles upon some
books brought by ^larie Louise from Paris,
and he anxiously took these " dangerous "
books from " Franz." And that was called a
" cleared-up " education afraid of printed
French Imperial eagles.
Young Napoleon hked to speak often about
his father. Who does not like to do it?
Later he gave up this innocent pleasure, hear-
ing ever and ever the same reply; " These
things you know only by nursery tales which
you heard when you were a child, unable to
understand such fables."
VI
T has been told before that DIetrichstein
was anxious by all means to remove
the French ladies from young Na-
poleon, but he had hard work. These ladies
were brought by Marie Louise and he had to
reiterate many times his requests before Count-
ess Montesquieu, the Lady of Honor, and Ma-
dame Marchand, the boy's faithful and true
nurse, were finally sent away. Then Emile
Goberau, the Fi-ench valet's son, a boy of
seven, and young Napoleon's favorite play-
fellow — even Flambeau, the true old grenad-
ier, who never left the Prince's ante-chamber,
were removed too. All these Dietrichstein
thought to be dangerous obstacles to a good
education.
Going further in his mania he forbade his
fellow-laborers to speak with " Franz " about
his father and this fantasy goes so far that he
is afraid even when he sees his pupil playing
with his wooden soldiers, which play, he thinks,
46
Miss Maude Adams as Duke ok Reichstadt in Rostand's
"L'Aiglon"
^be Ikino of IRoine 47
may awaken warlike inclinations. From 1815
to 1830 he anxiously took care to avoid any
*' dangerous " conversation, and during this
time nobody could enter young Napoleon's
room without undergoing a hard cross-exami-
nation. Even when Gen. Belliard, sent by
the French King Louis Philippe, came to see
the Prince, Dietrichstein curtly forbade him
this visit.
If we like to know Dietrichstein's " peda-
gogical wisdom," it is remarkable to hear his
own words, spoken to young Napoleon Au-
gust 24, 1826, because he did not like to take
his daily walk: "Do wdiat you wish. You
hold your future in your own hand. We,
your tutors, can easily give of ourselves a most
satisfactorj^ account. Our great merits ( ?)
in regard to your education are well knowTi
and appreciated by everybody. But I think
it is now time you would take into considera-
tion how greatly you are responsible for every-
thing you do. You are responsible not only
at the present time, but in the next world too."
This great philosopher — do you not think
Dietrichstein was one? — contradicted himself
many times. He does not like to speak with
48 Zhc Mm of IRome
3^oung Napoleon about the Great French Em-
peror, and he carefully avoids any remem-
brance of Napoleon's glory. Then in 1818
he says to Obenaus: " I think it is time to in-
form the Prince, together with other things,
about his father's history, of which he now
knows so many particulars. I am very sorry
I could not find the proper book which could
be used for that purpose without any danger.
However, I trust in you that 3^ou will perform
this dehcate task wisely in the Prince's inter-
est as you have hitherto done."
The same year Franz was appointed by his
grandfather Captain in the Austrian Imperial
Hunter regiment. The new Captain was
happy. The following letter, sent by him to
Foresti, shows his exceeding joy.
"Vienna, August 19, 1828.
" My Dear Colleague :
*' I hasten to inform you of the happiest
event of my life. This is an event, which, at
last, the more unexpected it is, the more joy-
ful it has been. It makes me the happiest
man in the world.
" Yesterday, before noon, the Emperor
Zhc Mm of IRome 49
called my mother to his writing-room. After
a brief interview, she came out with shining
face, and apparently in good humor, spoke
with the General and the Count.
" During the dinner she spoke much with
the Emperor, always smiling at me. After
dinner the Emperor played, as usual, cards.
Then, finishing the play, he called me. ' I
know,' the Emperor said, 'you have wanted
something for a long time,' while in my em-
barrassment, I could only answer: ' I, your
Majesty?' 'Yes,' replied the Emperor, 'and
to show my appreciation of my satisfaction,
and for the services I exj^ect from you, I here-
with appoint you Captain in my Hunting
Regiment. Be a good man, that is all I ask of
you.' With these words His Majest}^ dis-
missed me. I was so elated that I could hardly
respond. As I got into the reception-room,
I found there the Empress (he ever called his
mother 'Empress'), the Archduchesses, and
all the gentlemen, already waiting to con-
gratulate me. I hurried to my mother know-
ing I owed my appointment to her.
" She had been preparing the Emperor for
the last few days, but yesterday she openly
50 Zhc IkluG of IRome
came out with her request. The Emperor was
first reluctant and wanted to know Count
Dietrichstein's opinion. He joined my mother
in her request and this decided it. The de-
cision was made yesterday, and Gen. Kutsch-
era, of whom I shall always think with deep
gratitude, notified Prince Ilohenzollern (the
Commander of the Austrian Imperial Hunt-
ers) last night.
" I shall also soon be announced as a Cap-
tain in the army. Gen. Neipperg, who al-
ways manifested his good will towards me,
was glad that I have become an officer, and
Gen. Salis, whom I told about my appoint-
ment, immediately thought how pleased you
would be to hear this.
*' And, really, my dear friend, you are
the one, whom I should first inform of my ap-
pointment to the officers' corps, which you
have been serving with great honors for years,
since you gave me the first lessons in the mili-
tary profession, outside of which you told me
I must not choose any other. Now we shall
really study the military sciences, and nothing
shall discourage me.
" My self-respect and the desire to become
Zhc Mm of IRome 51
worthy of the great honor bestowed upon me
will cliange me. I shall give up all childish-
ness, and shall become a man in the truest
sense of the word. This is my earnest de-
cision. It is unnecessary to say, my dear
Colleague, that there is no question yet of
entering active service, but I know that this
can only take place when I shall have finished
my studies and proved the maturity of my
mind.
" The Count will write you in detail about
my equipment and I only ask you to kindly
hasten it.
" Give my best regards to Mr. Obenaus,
Major Weiss, and Barthelemy, who shall, I
feel certain, be glad of my appointment, and
also the Court Chaplain.
" I remain, dear Colleague,
" Your servant and friend,
" Franz von Reichstadt, Captain."
The youth of seventeen who gained his men-
52 Zbc Ikino of IRome
tal maturity so quickly, was on account of his
appointment so hopeful! Alas he had to be
convinced soon that he had with this " appoint-
ment " absolutely nothing else than the uni-
form. The Captain Avas moreover treated
like a schoolboy, and even his thoughts were
anxiously controlled. No wonder he searched
every occasion to show his own will and it was
not his fault that he had only childish occasions
to do tliis. During lessons he acted very often
as if he were absolutely incapable of under-
standing his teachers' explanations and the
easiest questions were answered b}'- him in a
wrong way, and only after a while, having
fooled the desperate teachers, he shows that he
understood everything. He was exceedingly
curious, he liked to know everything, and he
passed all his free time in reading. In learn-
ing as his father did, he does not care to
know his lessons "by heart." He "under-
stood " all the things he learned.
Often he played during lessons or he played
a trick upon one of his teachers ; he even fibbed
a little, but only because he knew it to be
forbidden.
These are some of the drawbacks of this
^be 1kino of IRotne 53
" excellent " education, suffocating all the
individuality.
He watches Dietrichstein's every move-
ment and when he sees him talking with some
one of his entourage, he steals up and hides be-
hind the door or some piece of furniture listen-
ing, hoping that he might hear a few words
. . . about his father.
Metternich had no reason to fear Napoleon
II. as all his will had been thoroughly ener-
vated.
Young Napoleon was a good-hearted boy,
inclining to gaiety. These qualities were
anxiously controlled.
When he was ten years old, he took a walk
accompanied by Dietrichstein. Beside the
road he saw a sparrow eating a caterpillar and
big tears proved his good heart. He gladly
gives his favorite toys to the boys he sees in
his walks, and often he distributes all his
pocket-money to the poor. INIany times he
says how he regrets poor children being in need
of bread while he abounds in all good things.
The amiability of his character is shown in
that he never was angry with Dietrichstein, not
even when he gained his maturity, and under-
54 Z\K Ikiiuj of IRome
stood all the injustices; and he shows attach-
ment for one who rules him in every trifle. He
even appears like a little hero saying to his
tutor: " I will think of you with gratitude for
ever."
We would like to know for what will he think
with gratitude of Dietrichstein? Foresti tells
us of saying to Dietrichstein: "Your Excell-
ency, we better keep the straight way of
justice."
nJ When the King of Rome was eighteen years
of age, 1828, Emperor Francis made him
Colonel of the Sixtieth Austrian Infantry
regiment, and on this occasion he wished to
declare his majority and to give him a separate
household. Possibly he w^ould calm his remorse.
Really that would have been a great thing
for young Napoleon, because then he would
have been equal to all the other members of
the Habsburgian family, and he would be
indemnified for many injustices. But Die-
trichstein again was filled with " anguish."
" Whatever resolution may be made by Your
Imperial Majesty," he says in his report, Au-
gust 28, 1828, "my conscience is calmed.
Zhc Iklno ot IRomc 55
However I should feel the sincerest sorrow if
my well-meant proposition should not be taken
into consideration because I see the Prince's
future would become most dangerous in that
way. I have been so many years at his side —
I know him thoroughly, and therefore it seems
to be my duty to call Your Majesty's high at-
tention to the circumstance, that the Prince has
to be judged by a special law."
Then he further says he knows the Prince the
best and he fears to jump him into dangerous
political adventures for which his majority
would furnish many on occasion.
And he succeeded. Emperor Francis, how-
ever, gave to his grandchild the title and uni-
form of a Colonel, but nothing else. And that
was only a little bit more than nothing.
Count Dietrichstein retained even after he
left his employ, a decisive influence upon Na-
poleon II.'s education, and he always did
ever^i;hing against his former pupil's interest.
'I would rather know my boy to he
strangled than to see him become an Aus-
trian Prince" said Great Napoleon at one
time, when he spoke of his son's future.
However, we have to be impartial.
56 ^bc Mm of IRomc
It is true young Napoleon's education was
led exclusively by the view of Austrian poli-
tics. It is true he had to suffer many great
and hard injustices; and it is undeniable he
could have been treated even without any of-
fence to this policy in a much kinder and bet-
ter way. Eut it is wrong, it is a clumsy
fable that his tutors had him tortured to death
like base-minded hirelings, and it is still
greater nonsense to believe they did it, not
only with Metternich's, but even with
the Emperor's knowledge, yea even by his
command.
In 1842 a pamphlet was published in which
was said the aforesaid Count Prokesch-Osten
gave the King of Rome a piece of poisoned
watermelon. By another party it was told
his tutors had maliciously ruined his morals,
and these fabulists tell dreadful stories about
a notorious dancer, Fanny Elsler.
Count INIontbel, the French Ambassador at
Vienna, positively disproves these fables by
immediate experience, and the story of at-
tempted poisoning was clearly disproved by
the said Count Prokesch-Osten, who, later, had
occasion to see Napoleon III. and whom he
^be Ikino of TRoine 57
assured that his cousin, " Franz," was not even
acquainted with Fanny Elsler.
The act, taken upon Napoleon II.'s death,
July 23, 1832, and signed by the most cele-
brated Austrian physicians (IMalfatti, Wirer,
Jemlitsch, Hieber, Rima, and Zangler), and
based on the autopsy, clearly tells us the cause
of his death. This act says young Napo-
leon's brain, heart, and liver were normal; his
stomach was strikingly small, his chest also
too small, and his left lung thoroughly de-
stroyed by pus. Therefore, it is clear,
" Franz " was not killed by the poisoned wa-
termelon nor by his " friendship " with Fanny
Elsler. A many times more dangerous
enemy: phthisis killed him!
Foresti's diary, date July 22, 1832, has the
following remark: " The Prince died July 22,
1832, five o'clock in the morning at the Schoen-
brunn Imperial palace. His death was
caused by phthisis, and by . . . foretold by;
Obenaus."
These dashes gave occasion to the afore-
mentioned clumsy fables. But what do they^
mean?
They mean the said Obenaus mistrusted
58 Zhc 1Idiu3 of IRomc
from the first the celebrated Doctor ISIalfatti,
the physician-in-chief of the Vienna Imperial
Court whom he says is responsible for a wrong
diagnosis. He did not like to tell frankly his
opinion of the physician, so these dashes do
not mean anything else than: "Doctor ]Mal-
fatti's stupidity."
On another page of his diary Foresti says;
" It was sorrowful to see how these " would-be
geniuses" [he means Malfatti and Hieber],
stuck to their wrong diagnosis, when they
knew the destroying disease and their big
mistake."
It is a remarkable historical fact that the
King of Rome was doctored for liver com-
plaint and the real disease was recognized by
the " medical celebrities " only on the last day.
But there is no reason to cast suspicion upon
these physicians. However, the fact that they
were Metternich's, j^es, even Emperor Fran-
cis's physicians does not excuse their ignorance.
p w
t-H ^
^ A. ^
c ^
O
VII
HE King of Rome was well-beloved
by everybody, though it will be hard
to believe this of Count Dietrich-
stein. Only jNIetternich hated him.
His winsome appearance, his personal
amiability and his fascinating look made
everybody forget he was the son of the late
hated Napoleon.
His grandmother, the Austrian Empress,
called him " ]My dear little boy," and she
signed her letters, " Thy sincerely loving
grandmamma." Archduchess Sophie, the
mother of the present Austrian Emperor and
Hungarian King, who nursed " Franz " many
times during his illness called him " iNIy dear
old boy," and her husband. Archduke Francis
Charles, signed his letters, " Thy tender lov-
ing Franz." We can see he was not in need
of love. But all these had no power to do
anything for their beloved cousin and they
59
6o Zbc IkiuG of IRome
had to be satisfied to show their love in good
words, and kind treatment.
The time came soon when " Franz " did not
care much for any love. It was the beginning
of the end. His humor became day by day
more sad. He lost his gaiety and his winsome
smiles could be seen but seldom, and when he
did smile those about him were forced to turn
their heads and wipe away the tears from their
eyes. That was not young Napoleon's nor
" Franz's " smile — that was death's cruel grin !
He cast down his talking blue eyes, he went
about with his head cast down as if he were
walking in another world, where he at last! —
would soon know the truth about his father,
from whom the cruel fates had torn him, and
who loved him so much.
The weaker he got the more he spoke about
his father and he wept only for shame. But
when he was alone with Archduchess Sophie
then his tears ran freely.
Dietrichstein himself was seized \^dth great
consternation when, coming to see his former
pupil, he saw the great change, but he had for-
gotten he had his part in it: he would have
turned him into an Austrian Prince but he was
^be Iking of IRome 6i
unable to consummate this task. He filled
the youth's heart with bitterness and that only.
The healthy development of " Franz " was
essentially hindered by his sudden growth
together with the fact that his heart was filled
wdth so many wishes and frustrated hopes
that he was never able to realize. The youth
of twenty-one years appeared like a dried up
old man, and the fact that he was in need of
the sympath}^ which even the poorest beggar
enjoys, made his sufferings harder still.
Marie Louise, who had changed from Great
Napoleon's wife to an " elegant " adventuress,
confined herself to saying to her boy only
" good night." A " good-night " after which
there was no " good-morning."
Captain Baron Moll, the most intimate
friend of " Franz," did not leave him for a
moment during his last days; he did every-
thing to alleviate his sufferings; he spared no
trouble to soothe his pains.
" You see, dear friend, what a hard time I
have made for you," said Napoleon II. a few
hours before his death, with a touching look
as if he would beg ]M oil's pardon.
July 21, 1832, " Franz " talked with Moll
62 tibe IkiuG of IRome
about his favorite plan, the journey to Naples,
and he was discontented to hear from Moll
that the coach ordered especially for that pur-
pose was not yet ready. At the same time
Doctor Malfatti states death's immediate ap-
proach . , . and in the Habsburgian fam-
ily vault masons are about to prepare a new
sepulchre.
The night, his last one, notwithstanding his
poor condition, was fairly good, and he had a
short sleep. Then, July 22, fifteen minutes
before four o'clock in the morning, he waked
up and turned cold all over.
His agony begun.
" Help ! Help ! I will sink ! " he cries, shak-
ing, and then, exerting all his power, he re-
gained for a short time his calmness.
"I want to see my mother! Call her!
Keep off this table! I do not need anything
more ! Mother ! Mother ! " After these words
he convulsively presses Moll's hand, and after
a pitifully short silence he sat up mth extreme
exertion in his bed.
" Compresses! Compresses! " he cries. And
then he fell backwards. ]Moll hastened to call
Marie Louise who some davs before arrived
Zhc Mm of IRome 63
at Vienna. When she, accompanied by Arch-
duke Charles and the whole Imperial staff,
entered her son's death-room, she, in sight of
her dying child, fainted away.
It was too late!
The Court Chaplain came to administer ex-
treme unction and " Franz " kept his eyes upon
the priest's every motion. Then he laid his
tired head on his cushions.
The 22d of July, 1832, at five o'clock in the
morning, " L'Aiglon " left the same room,
where his father had addressed (1805) liis
proclamation against the Bourbons.
He left it forever!
At the fifteenth anniversary of his ap-
pointment as Duke of Keichstadt he followed
his father's call: "Come on, my dear child.
Now thou art mine, and nobody can keep thee
away !
The death of Napoleon II. roused not only
in France, but in Austria, too, great
compassion.
" Emperor Francis was deeply touched by
his grandchild's death," says Foresti. And
the Emperor himself approves these w^ords,
64 Zbc MwQ of IRome
saying: "If I consider my grandchild's suf-
ferings, then his death seems to me his re-
demption. But I will miss him all the time."
And Metternich?
He said to Emperor Francis: *' I am glad
that Your Imperial Majesty has not seen the
Prince. I never saw such a sorrowful sight."
These words are the Chancellor's true photo-
graph.
In the Vienna Habsburgian vault (in the
cloister of Cappucine Fathers), we find the
following epitaph:
" To the perpetual memory of Joseph
Charles Francis, Duke of Reichstadt, son of
Napoleon, Emperor of France, and Marie
Louise, Archduchess of Austria, who was born
at Paris, JMarch 20, 1811, in his cradle called
King of Rome, distinguished from his contem-
poraries by his excellent mental and bodily
qualities and his winsome appearance and
discourse; making remarkable progress in
study of the military profession, and showing
exceeding cleverness in exercises. Phthisis,
pitifully, called him back to his ances-
tors, at Schoenbrunn, near Vienna, July 22,
1832."
Zhc Mm of IRome 65
Some persons may be will find something
satisfactory in this epitaph.
Well, if it seems to bring satisfaction, that
there is made remembrance of Napoleon I.,
even of the Kingdom of Rome, we will not
fight against such an opinion. However, we
like to state Napoleon II. was not in need of
any recognition. He could be made an Aus-
trian Prince — he could be called " Franz" —
though he was Great Napoleon's son!
May he have an undisturbed, pleasant sleep !
<f upplements IT
67
Countess Camerata
OUNTESS NAPOLEONA ELIZA
CAMERATA, born in Normandy,
June 3, 1806, was the daughter of
Great Napoleon's sister, Marie Anna Eliza-
beth Bonaparte. Her father, Felice, Duke
of Piombino and Lucca, went, after the Em-
peror, his brother-in-law, lost all his power,
to Trieste, then to Vienna, and later to Bo-
logna. Napoleona Eliza was married in 1825
to Count Camerata, but five years later they
were divorced and after that time she was sup-
ported by her father's bounty. When she
died her son, Count Napoleon Camerata, in-
herited her fortune of about fifteen million
francs, which she had received on the death of
her father. He received an appointment in
the French Navy. After the political strata-
gem of Napoleon III., 1851, he became a
member of the French Senate. Two years
later he committed suicide.
69
70 ^be Iking of TRome
The said Countess Napoleona Eliza Cam-
erata had a hard task: she would secure the
escape of her cousin, the King of Rome, from
Vienna, and on account of this undertaking
many strange stories were spread about
her.
The truth is she was a courageous and very
interesting young woman — of course, every
courageous woman is interesting — and it was
not her fault that she could not take an im-
portant part in making history.
When she saw her uncles, Joseph and Lu-
cian Bonaparte, would only help their cousin
by letters and wTitten communications, she be-
came impatient, and she hastened to " do "
something for the young " prisoner."
August 26, 1830, she says in her letter sent
from Rome where she was living, to her
friend, Countess Lipona: "Who can foretell
the future ending of the political events? For
my part, I think we are at the beginning of a
great event."
Really she stood before a great event which
was frustrated without her fault.
Still at the beginning she showed her po-
litical cleverness.
ConntC06 Camera ta 71
To get the necessary passport she asked the
personal influence of the Pope with the pre-
text that she would make an absolutely private
visit to her father's Vienna home. In that
way she at once received her passport, and she
cleverly solved another hard task. To get her
passport conntersigned by the Austrian Em-
bassy at Rome, she went to see the Ambassa-
dor, Count Lutzow, and would make him
believe that she could not stay any longer so
far away from her father whom she wished to
see once more. " I am now just like my
father," she said, " an Austrian subject." Lut-
zow believed this story and countersigned her
passport with the condition that she shall go
via Venice and Trieste. He has no idea that the
Countess will use his signature for a political
purpose. His letter sent September, 1830,
to Duke Porcia, Governor of Trieste, shows
how " well " he was informed about the young
Countess's undertaking: " I am sure," he says,
" there is no reason to give the Countess any
political importance. I know she is very proud
of her uncle (Napoleon I) , whom she admires,
and whom she likes to imitate, but I do not
think her able, nor capable of any political
72 Z]K Mm of IRome
undertaking. For such things she has not
enough inteUigence nor consideration, further-
more she has not enough money for such a
purpose."
A\^hen Countess Camerata arrived at Ven-
ice she again sent a letter to her friend.
Countess Lipona, informing her that she was
going on a voyage " about a very important
affair." This letter fell into wrong hands:
those of a police officer, and he brought it to
the Police-prefect Cattanei, who, after read-
ing it, sent, October 18th, a special report
to Baron Sedlnitzky, the Vienna Police-pre-
fect, calling his attention to the Countess.
" This young adventuress," he says, " un-
doubtedly seems to set her wits to work in
favor of the Bonapartes." The same Cat-
tanei called the Countess to his office to see
her passport and when he could not find any
legal reason to stop her travel he personally
investigated her baggage thoroughly hoping
to find something " suspicious." Not being
able to find anything, he let her go.
Countess Camerata arrived at Trieste Sep-
tember 15th, where she had an interview in
regard to her plan with her aunt, [Marie
Countc00 Canierata iz
Annunziata Murat, ex-Queen of Naples.
The next day she continued her travels.
Frederick Masson, one of Napoleon's
biographers, tries to disprove in his essay
" L'Aiglon et la Comtesse Camerata," issued
in the June copy, 1900, of the Revue de
PariSj that the Countess ever had a passport,
even though she had been in Vienna, but later,
when he saw his mistake he retracted his opin-
ion. It is a historical fact that she received
the passport and reached Vienna, but it is sur-
prising, however, how she could get so far in
her undertaking with the surveillance she was
under by the anxious Austrian police? She
had one great advantage, that she would make
everyone believe that she really would become
an Austrian subject. Later the same police
had reason to regret their somewhat careless
surveillance.
The historical fact is, the Countess was on
November 11, 1830, at the Vienna Imperial
palace, where she found out which way her
cousin is to go as he went from the second
floor to Obenaus' room downstairs. There
she met him and at this interview she enthusi-
astically siezed and kissed her cousin's hand,
74 Z\x Mm ot IRome
and at his protest she cried: "Who may for-
bid me to kiss my Emperor's hand?"
Probably at this interview she had no time
to intimate to her cousin about her plan. This
is proved by letters she sent to him. But this
interview really happened, and that young
Napoleon laiew the visitor is proved by Die-
trichstein's diary, which date, November 11,
1830, has the following remark: " The Prince
has seen down stairs near Obenaus's room the
Countess Camerata."
The Countess spoke German fluently and
owing to this she was able to bribe one of the
valets who smuggled her letters into the Im-
perial palace. At the question, why L'Aiglon
did not take his cousin's advice (?) we have
to answer, because these letters fell into Die-
trichstein's hands, who tells us in his diarj'-,
November 30: "Countess Camerata sent two
letters to the Prince.'*
Count Prokesch-Osten — it is hard to find
out the reason, why — tries to disprove that the
Countess had time to see her cousin, and he
says, she could not have arrived at Vienna be-
fore November 9th, and two days, he says,
were too short a time to find an opportunity
Countc06 Camcrata 75
to enter the Imperial palace secretly. Now
we know the Countess left Trieste October
19th, and she certainly, even with the slowest
post-chaise, could reach Vienna within ten
days, in which case she arrived at the Austrian
metropolis at least two weeks before the said
interview.
Another surprising remark of the same
Count Prokesch is an untruth: lie would make
us believe neither Duke Metternich nor Baron
Sedlnitzky, the Vienna Police-prefect, knew
nothing about the Countess's journey and ar-
rival in Vienna, and he says this " secret "
came out only after young Napoleon's death.
The historical fact is, ISIetternich and Sedlnit-
zky knew very well about her arrival, they
knew everything about her journey to Vienna
and they were exactly informed in regard to
all her movements. The Archives of the
Vienna ministerium for home affairs has a let-
ter of Metternich addressed to Count Lutzow,
the aforesaid Ambassador, dated INIay 3, 1831,
in which the Chancellor informs the Ambassa-
dor in the following words : ** Countess Cam-
erata (he says: * Frau von Camerata') was
expelled from Vienna where she left a disa-
76 Zbc MwQ of IRome
greeable memory. She undertook the danger-
ous task of helping the Duke of Reichstadt
to escape in order that he might have the lead-
ing part in Bonapartian pohtics. She
was sorry that her undertaking came to no-
thing, therefore, she did not like to return
either to her father, nor to her brother, and she
went to Prague, because she did not yet give
up her plan, and she would stay for a time
still on Austrian territory."
At the same time at the Vienna Imperial
Court it was resolved to take " Franz " to
Prague, the Bohemian Capital, where he
should take part in the military exercises.
Really that were a good occasion to make the
world believe young Napoleon thinks himself
nothing else than an Austrian officer. But
on account of his unexpected sickness this pro-
ject could not be carried out and he never saw
Prague.
When Countess Camerata later was con-
vinced that she would never see her cousin
again and accomplish her plan, she returned
to Italy. However, it is undeniable, she was
a courageous woman. To promote family
politics she was scorned and ill treated by the
Couute00 Cainerata n
Vienna Imperial Court and INIetternich with
the venom which ever characterized him, sadly
misjudged her. But this judgment does not
at all helittle her character: her love for her
country and her family.
Anyway it remains an open and most im-
portant historical question, what would have
happened, if Countess Camerata's project had
turned out well?
All other stories spread about young Na-
poleon's lovely cousin are nothing but fabri-
cations, and were spread abroad for no good
purpose.
SOMETHING ABOUT AN INTER-
ESTING POEM
ETER JOHN BERANGER, the
celebrated French poet, (born Paris,
August 19, 1780, died July 16,
1875), wrote in 1812 one of his most interest-
ing poems entitled Les deux cousins, ou let-
tre dfun ijetit Eoi a un yetit Prince (" The
two cousins, or letter of a little King to a little
Prince"), in which he gives the Prince of
Bourbon the advice that he should not trust
those about him in their simulated, flattering
loyalt}^ and that he should learn of the King
of Rome how good luck is unsteady.
August Marseille Barthelemy, another
French poet (who is not to be confounded
with August Barthelemy De Saint Hilaire,
j'^oung Napoleon's teacher in the French lan-
guage), follows Beranger's example and
writes in 1825 another political poem about
Napoleon II. entitled Le fils de VHomme,
78
an Untcresting poem 79
(" The son of the Man ") , and this was a great
surprise to the public. Barthelemy, the
former implacable enemy of the Bonapartes,
speaks now in the interest of one of them.
This poem was published to try and turn the
public mind (already somewhat favorable to
young Napoleon) thoroughly in his favor, and
therefore this publication jarred the Paris and
Vienna governments like a bomb.
With splendid enthusiasm Barthelemy
speaks about the Great Emperor's son, and
says he was sacrificed by the " heartless "
Austrian politics. In the beginning he calls
upon L'Aiglon not to forget his name, and to
look out to regain his father's crown. Then
he attacks the Austrian Imperial Court, and
asks INIetternich and the others why they will
ruin b}'' every means Napoleon's son?
And then he prophecies, and says the faith-
ful son of the " Grande Nation " will pull
asunder his fetters, and he will return to his
well-beloved France.
And this prophec}^ frightened both the
Bourbon and the Habsburg politicians. This
poem is remembered on account of tliis char-
acterizing circumstance.
8o ^bc H^ino of IRotnc
Count Joseph Ai)f)onyi, the Austrian Am-
bassador at Paris, calls, in his report sent to
Metternich, June 12, 1829, the Chancellor's
attention to this poem.
And Barthelemy?
Like an exceedingly enthusiatic poet ex-
plodes all the stories spread about young Na-
l^oleon. In the first place he repeats the stor}'-
of the poisoning. Afterward he goes to see the
" Emperor." Arriving in Vienna December
31, 1828, there he says he came only to offer
a copy of his celebrated work. Napoleon en
i^gyiite to " Franz." Then he, January 3,
1829, went to see Dietrichstein, he took with
him two copies of his aforementioned book and
offering one of them to the Count, asked him
for permission to give the other copy to the
Prince. The diplomatic Dietrichstein smil-
ing takes both copies, explaining to the poet
that the book has to be read by him thoroughly
first, then he will give him his opinion in which
behalf he may call again.
Barthelemy distrusting the Count did not
call again, but decided to carry out his own
plans. For four weeks he conceals himself in
Vienna, trying by all means to see j^oung
Hn UntercstltiG poem 8i
Napoleon. Then, at last, convinced he has no
hope for success, breathing vengeance, returns
to Paris, and upon arriving there he immedi-
atety published his poem Le fils de VHomme,
The French government taking notice of
his publication gave a special order to confis-
cate all the copies wherever they may be
found, but the police could not find more than
8000 copies three days after the poem was
published, out of an issue of 300,000.
" I worry about this order," says Count
Apponyi to Metternich, "this may result in
great trouble. However, the government
cannot remain idle seeing how the principle of
legitimacy will be shaken and the common
peace disturbed."
If the leaders of Austrian and Bourbon
politics did not see and know young Napole-
on's popularity, why then were they so afraid
of tliis poem?
At the Bourbon Royal Court it was a rule
to stifle by all means any remembrance of the
name "Napoleon," and now they; lost their
calm.
Portalis, the secretary for foreign affairs,
who had to thank Great Napoleon for every-
82 Zhc MwQ of IRome
thing and who was formerly Napoleon's pro-
tege became his enemy, involved Bartlielemy
in a law-suit alleging " high treason done by
liis poem." He really could not have taken
a better way. He hoped to erase Napoleon
II. from history forever, but on the contrary
he made evei*ybody talk about the famous suit
and about Napoleon's son. Portalis instead
of attaining his effect raised young Napole-
on's popularity higher than was done by any-
one else before him.
The trial of Barthelemy's " crime " was be-
gun July 20, 1822. A big crowd entirely
filled the Court House and Victor Hugo, the
great poet, also Gen. Gourgaud, Napoleon's
faithful friend were among the audience. The
public's great interest was once more height-
ened by the interesting rumor that the
defendant would appear before his judge
without a lawyer, and would plead his case
himself . . . versifying.
And when Barthelemy was called to the
bar, he really versified his apology, and the en-
thusiasm reached such a height that no one
cared that he was sentenced to a penalty of
1000 francs, and to prison for three years, even
En flntercsting poem 83
it was stated by the big crowd leaving the
court room that this sentence raised young
Napoleon's name and caused a perpetual re-
membrance of his popularit}'-.
Obenaus's diar\% August 11, 1829, says:
" I had a talk with the Prince about Barthe-
lemy's poem, and I told him the author had
been here and should have liked to see him
very much. I have shown the Prince this
poem so he may see by what means some peo-
ple like to mislead the public mind." On the
same page he confesses to have made a " mis-
take," speaking to his pupil about the matter,
then he says the Prince read this poem and
told him with enthusiasm: "Yes, really, the
chief object of my life can be nothing else than
to become a worthy heir of my father's glory."
That was the reason for the great fear caused
by Barthelemy's poem.
Do you not think so?
Supplements flfl
8s
SHORT VIEW OF THE GENEALOGY
OF THE IMPERIAL HOUSE OF
BONAPARTE
HE descent of the Bonaparte family
goes back many centuries. The his-
tory of Italy says this family was a
celebrated one during the XIII centurj^ and
the history of the ItaHan cities of Florence,
Treviso, San Miniato, and Geneva are con-
nected with the Bonaparte name. James
("Jacopo") Bonaparte, who in 1527 pub-
lished his celebrated historical work entitled
Ragguaglio storico de tutto L'accorso par
giorno nel sacco di Roma dell anno 1527 was
still known as a descendant of the old nobility.
Later another Bonaparte, Nicholas ("Nic-
olo"), the author of a play, La vidova, was
called to fill a chair in the university of San
Miniato, and was a nobleman of high descent.
The Bonaparte family became divided into
different branches and one of them settled
87
88 Zbc Iklno of IRomc
during the XVI century in Ajaccio, the Capi-
tal of the Isle of Corsica, there many of them
held high social and political positions (Cit-
tadini, Fadri del Commune). The proper
institutors of the Ajaccio Branch of Bona-
parte's were Napoleon (" Nabulione di Buon-
aparte"), the Emperor's grandfather, and
Lucian, uncle of Great Napoleon, later Car-
dinal of Paris. The following list shows the
generations of the Imperial family of the
Bonapartes :
IBonapartc 6cncaIog^ 89
Nabulione di BUONAPARTE
Carlo Bonaparte
Born Ajaccio, Mar. 29, 1746,— died MontpelUer Feb. 24, 1786.
(Mary Letizia di Raraolino, of Saracen, North African, de-
scent, born Ajaccio Aug. 24, 1750, died Rome Feb. 3, 1836.)
I.) Joseph (Mary Juha Clary).
II.) Napoleon (1. Josephine Tascher).
(2. Marie Louise of Austria.)
III.) Jerome (1. Elizabeth Patterson).
(2. Catharinaof Wuerttemberg. )
IV.) Lucien (1. Christine Boyer).
(2. Laurencia Bleschamp.)
V.) Mary Anna Elizabeth (Paschalis di Bacciocchi).
VI.) Louis (Hortensia Beauharnais).
VII.) Pauline Carohne Mary (1. Leclerc).
(2. Camillo Borghese.)
Vni.) Carolina Mary Annunziata (Joachime Murat).
90 Zhc Iking of IRomc
I.) Joseph,
King of Spain.
Born Corte, Jan. 1, 1768,— died Florence, July 24, 1844.
(Mary Julia Clary, born Marseille, Dec. 27, 1777,— died Flor-
ence, Apr. 7, 1845.)
1. Charlotte Zenaide,
July 6, 1801— July 8, 1845.
(Prince Lucien Charles Bonaparte.)
2. Charlotte,
Oct. 31, 1803— Mar. 9, 1839.
(Louis Napoleon, Duke of Bergen.)
"Madamk Mkkk
Letizia di Ramolino
Young Napoleon's Grandmother
:Bonaparte 6cncalOG\> 9^
II.) Napoleon I,
Emperor of France, King of Italy, etc.
Bom Ajaccio, Aug. 15, 1769,— died St. Helena, May 5, 1831.
(1. Josephine Tascher de la Pagerie, widow of Marquis Stephen
de Beauharnais.)
(2. Marie Louise, Archduchess of Austria, daughter of Empe-
ror Francis II.)
Napoleon II,
King of Rome,
Prince of Parma,
Duke of Reichstadt.
Born Paris, March 20, 1811, — died Schoenbrunn, July 22, 1833.
92
Zhc Mm ot IRome
III.) Jerome,
King of Westphalia,
Count of Montfort.
Born Ajaccio, Nov. 15, 1773,— died Apr. 4, 1860.
(1. Elizabeth Patterson, Baltimore, Maryland,
born Dec. 27, 1803,— died April 9, 1879.)
Jerome Napoleon, Camberwell, England,
Born July 7, 1805, — died Baltimore, June 17, 1870.
(Susan Mary Williams, Baltimore, Nov. 3, 1829.)
1. Jerome Napoleon.
Born Nov. 5, 1830,—
died Sept. 3, 1893.
(Caroline Le Roy (Appleton)
Edgar, Sept. 7, 1871.)
2. Charles Joseph,
Attorney-Gen. of U. S. .
Born June 9, 1851.
(Ellen Channing Day,
Sept. 1,1875.)
1. Louise Eugenie,
Born Feb. 7, 1873.
(Adam, Count Moltke-
Huitfeldt, Dec. 30, 1896.)
2. Jerome Napoleon
Charles,
Born Feb. 26, 1878.
HOiN. CHARI.es J. BONAI'AR'IE
Attorney-General of the United States
3Bonapartc (Bencalog^
93
m.) Jerome
(see page 93).
(2. Catherine, Princess of Wuerttemberg, Dec. 1, 1807.)
Napoleon Je-
rome Charles,
Count of Mont-
fort, Bom Graz
(Austria) Aug.
14, 1814. Died
May 25, 1874.
2. Matliilde Leti-
cia WUlielmina,
born May 27,
1820,— died Par-
is, 1903. (Ana-
tole, Duke Dem-
idow.)
3. Napoleon Joseph
Charles, "Prince
Napoleon, Plon
Plon." Born
Trieste (Austria),
Sept. 9, 1822,—
died Mar. 8,1891.
(G 1 o t h 11 d e,
daughter of Vit-
torio Emmanu-
ele, King of Sar-
dina.)
Napoleon Vic-
tor, bom July
19, 1862.
Louis, Gen. in
the Russian
Army. Born
June 16, 1864.
3. Mary Leticia,
bom Dec. 20,
1866. (Amadeo,
Duke of Aosta.
94 ^be Iking of IRome
rV. ) L u c i e n ,
Duke of Canino.
Bom Ajaccio, May 21, 1775, — died Viterbo, Apr. 30, 1840.
(1. Christina Boyer, died May 14, 1821.)
1. Caroline, born May 13, 1776, — died Rome, May 6, 1865.
(1. Mario, Duke Gabrielli.)
(2. Cettino Centamori.)
2. Christina Egypte, born Oct. 19, 1798,— died May 18, 1847.
(1. Ai-ved, Count Posse.)
(2. Lord Dudley.)
3. Leticia, born Dec. 1, 1804, — died March 1, 1871.
(Thomas Wyse.)
1. Marie Louise, 2. Thekla.
born Apr. 25, 1832. (Francis Tiirr, Hungarian,
(1 . Solms.) former Gen. in Garibaldi's army.)
(2. Ratazzi.
(Rute.)
4. Johanna, born July 22, 1806,— died 1826.
(Marchese di Honorati.)
5. Paul, 1808-1827.
6. Louis Lucien, bora Thorngrove, Jan. 1, 1813, — died Fano,
Nov. 3, 1891.
7. Peter, " The Black Prince, born Oct. 11, 1815,— died Ver-
sailles, Apr. 7, 1881.
1. Roland, May 19, 1858. 2. Johanna.
(Marquis de Villeneuve.)
8. Anton, bora Frascati, Oct. 31, 1816,— died Florence, 1877.
(IMary Anna Cardinalli.)
9. Alexandrine Mary, born Oct. 12, 1818,^-died Perugia,
Aug. 26, 1874.
(Vincenzio Valentini, Count of Canino.)
10. Constancia, born Jan. 30, 1821,— died Sept. 6, 1876.
Ills liiri'.KiAL Highness Pki.nce Napolkon Victur
Bonaparte (Bencaloo^ 95
rv,) L u c i e n
(see page 94).
(2. Laurencia Alexandrine Bleschamp, bora 1778, — died Sina-
gaglia, July 12, 1855.)
Charles Lucien Julius, Prince of Canino and Musignano,
born Paris, May 24, 1803,— died July 29, 1857.
(Charlotte Zenaide, daughter of King Joseph of Spain.)
1. Joseph, Prince of Musignano, born Philadelphia, Sept. 13,
1824,— died Rome, Sept. 2, 1865.
2. Lucien, Cardinal, born Nov. 25, 1828, — died Rome, 1868.
3. Napoleon Charles, bom Feb. 15, 1839.
(Christine Ruspoli.)
4. Julia, 1830.
(Alessandro, Marchese di Gallo.)
5. Carolina, born Mar. 4, 1832.
(Peter Primoli.)
6. Mary, born Mar. 18, 1835.
(Paolo, Conte di Campbello.)
7. Augusta, born Nov. 9, 1836.
(Placidio, Duca di Gabrielli.)
8. Bathilda, born Nov. 26, 1840.
(Count Cambaceres.)
96 ^be Iking of IRome
v.) Mary Anna Elizabeth,
born Ajaccio, Apr, 3, 1777, — died Trieste, 1820.
(Pascalis, Duca di Baceiocchi.)
1. Napoleona Eliza, 3. Napoleon Frederick
bom June 3, 1806,-died 1825. 1814-1833.
(Count Camerata.)
Napoleon,
Count Camerata,
Died 1853.
Bonaparte (Benealog^
97
VI.) Louis,
King of Holland,
born Ajaccio, Nov, 2, 1778, — died Livorao, July 25, 1846.
(Hortensia Beauharnais, Napoleon I.'s step-daughter.)
1. Napoleon Louis
Charles, born
Oct. 19, 1802,—
died Mar. 5, 1807.
2. Charles Louis
Napoleon,
Duke of Bergen,
Crown-Prince
of Holland,
born Oct. 11, 1804,
died 1831.
3. Napoleon III.,
Emperor of France,
died 1873.
(Eugenie, Countess
Monti jo, Spain.)
Napoleon IV.,
" Prince Lulu,"
died 1879.
98 Zhc Mm of IRome
VII.) Pauline Mary Caroline,
Born Ajaccio, Apr. 22, 1780, — died Florence June 9, 1825.
(1. Gen. Leclerc.)
(3. Camillo, Duca di Borghese.)
II. I. iM. The E.mi'Kess Eugenie
Bonaparte Genealogy
99
VIII.) Carolina Mary Annunziata,
born Ajaccio, Mar. 26, 1782,— died Florence, May 18, 1839.
(Joachim Marat, Imperial Prince of France, King of Naples,
shot by order of the King of France, Vincennes, Oct. 13,
1813.)
1. Achilles,
Prince Mu-
r a t, boi"n
Jan.21,1801,
— died Apr.
15, 1847.
2. Leticia
Josepliine,
Princess
Murat(1802-
1859.)
(Marchese
Pepoli.)
3. Lucien
Charles,
Prince Mu-
rat, born
May 6, 1803,
— died Apr.
10, 1878.
(Georgina
Frazer.)
4. Louise
Julia
Caroline,
Princess
Murat,
1805-1889.
(Count
Rasponi.)
1. Carolina 2. Joseph 3. Anna 4. Achilles 5. Louis
Leticia, Joachim, Feb. 3, Napoleon, Napoleon,
Princess Prince 1848, — Prince Prince
Murat. Murat. (Anton Murat, Murat,
(Mr. Char- July 21, Count Jan. 2, 1847. Dec. 22, 1851.
rison.) 1834. Noailles.) (Dadiana,
Duchess
of
Mingrelia.)
EX-EMPRESS EUGENIE AND THE
EMPEROR-KING FRANCISJ
JOSEPH
^HE widow of Napoleon III. wHo in
her day was so celebrated for her
beauty, made a journey to Ischl,
Austria, in August, 1906. She wished to see
the old IVIonarch of the Austro-Hungarian
Empire, Francis Joseph, before her death, in
order to thank him for the many kindnesses he
had manifested in her behalf.
Countess Clementine Castelnau, a confi-
dante of the Empress, tells us some very in-
teresting and charming details of this visit.
Francis Joseph always showed deep respect
and warm sympathy for the Empress, and
through his chivalrous manners he took every
opportunity to display this relation. It was
for the many courteous attentions paid her
that she went to thank the Monarch, and she
did not go with empty hands to the favorite
His Imperial and Royal Majesty
Franz Josek I.
Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary
i£ug^nie anb jfrand^ 3o5cpb loi
summer residence of Francis Joseph. She
offered her great benefactor some very pre-
cious furniture once possessed by the French
King Louis XIV., several beautiful gobelins,
and the gold watch of her late husband, Na-
poleon III. Francis Joseph did not accept
the presents, because he did not wish to de-
prive the Empress of these relics, undoubtedly
so dear to her heart. How tactful the JNIon-
arch was in solving this delicate question is
proved by the fact that the Empress after the
visit turned with these words to Countess
Castelnau: " Je suis hereuse," ("I am
happy"), a sentiment, she had not expressed
for a long time.
Since her glory had passed away Empress
Eugenie cherished the memory of but one
man, that was Emperor Francis Joseph. She
herself related the following in connection
with the memorable meeting with him: "His
Majesty, the Emperor, possesses the kindest
and noblest soul; his kindness is wonderful.
It is not surprising then that they call him the
' chivalrous INIonarch.' When he bent down
to kiss my hand, when he addressed me, and
softly called me * Majeste,' my whole past,
I02 Zbc Mm of IRomc
with all its sad memory deserted my much bur-
dened soul, and for a few minutes I imagined
myself the real Empress of France. His im-
pressive carriage, his voice and manners de-
monstrated that his royal personality rests
upon a royal appearance. He, I am sure, re-
tained the lost throne in his heart for me."
From Countess Castelnau we learn how ex-
cited the Empress was before the meeting.
As her train drew into the Ischl station she
hastened to the window and anxiously looked
for the IMonarch. She sighed sadly as she
noticed him.
"II porte la Legion d'Honneur," ("He
wears the cross of the Legion of Honor").
The first impression was very painful because
both, Eugenie and her escorts, believed the
Emperor was wearing the cross given him by
the former President of the French Republic,
^IcMahon, well knowing he received it from
this President too.
They did not know the soul of Francis
Joseph.
The joy was so much the greater when later
they found out that out of special courtesy
the Monarch wore the cross on this occasion,
lEuG^nle anb ifrancis 3o0cpb 103
which he had received from Napoleon III.
What memories took possession of Francis
Joseph as he stood opposite the ex-Empress
then 80 years old?
Francis Joseph at this meeting again gave
evidence of his noble manner of thinking,
which certain people like to question, but which
he gave so many proofs of, that no statements,
however much they misrepresent, cannot erase
from liistory.
Supplements IFIFIT
105
PRESIDENT MADISON AND
NAPOLEON I.
HE mutual high estimation of Presi-
dent James Madison and Emperor
Napoleon I., also the sympathy of
both nations, the French and American, is
showTi by the circumstance that the Emperor
notified the President of the birth of Princess
Josephine Beauharnais, daughter of Eugen
Beauharnais, Napoleon's stepson. It may be
of much interest to know the answer given by
President Madison to the Great Emperor.
" James Madison, President of the United
States of America.
*'• To our Great and Good Friend His Imp-
erial and Roj^al Majesty the Emperor of the
French, King of Italy and Protector of the
Confederation of the Rhine.
" I have just received Your Imperial
:Majesty's letter of the 29th of March, 1807,
107
io8 Zhc Mm of IRome
communicating the intelligence that the Prin-
cess Eugenie Napoleona, Vice Queen of Italy,
was happily delivered on the 14th of that
month of a Princess who has received the name
of Josephine.
" The friendly interest which the United
States take in an event so conducive to the
happiness of your Majestj^ and your Imperial
Family requires that I should not delay a
tender of their congratulation, with assurance
of our esteem and friendship. And I pray
God to have you Great and Good Friend in
his holy keeping.
"Written at the City of Washington, the
Seventeenth day of March, 1809.
" Your Good Friend,
"Signed: James MadisoN".
" By the President,
" N. Smith, Secretary of State."
President Madison
EXPLANATORY REMARKS
DIETRICHSTEIN, Maurice Joseph,
Count, born Vienna, August 27, 1775, died
February 19, 1864. During the Vienna Con-
gress he was attached to the King of Den-
mark. After he entered the Austrian mihtary
service at the battle at Naples (1798) he to-
gether with his commander-in-chief. Gen.
Mack, fell into a French war-prison. He was
a highly educated man, a " literary gentle-
man," and intimate friend of the great musi-
cian, Beethoven. From 1815 to 1830 he was
young Napoleon's tutor; later he was ap-
pointed Intendant General of the Vienna
Imperial theatre and director of the Habsbur-
gian family library. The family Dietrichstein
went out with the General's son, Joseph
Maurice, 1852.
" L'AIGLON." Edmonde Rostand, the fa-
mous French poet, made his name with his
beautiful poem entitled UAiglon, memor-
log
no Zbc MwQ of IRome
able forever. It is a versified drama, one of the
most fascinating plays ever placed upon the
stage. But no poetical work can be criticized
in view of historical truth. Rostand's drama
takes undoubtedly the first rank among the
many works which show us historically promi-
nent persons on the stage. UAiglon was
one of the most remarkable literary and thea-
trical successes of recent times, and it is re-
markable this drama was played in the United
States many times. In 1901 Madame Sarah
Bernhardt, the famous French actress, came
to America where she played the title role and
it was a great success. But a greater success
was even made by Miss Maude Adams, the
Re jane of America, who plaj^d it at the
same time. As UAiglon she showed the
world she was really worthy to be put in par-
allel with Madame Rejane. She afterward
played this part two hundred and sixteen
times, and showed the public how an American
actress can interpret a French author which
proves really a high art.
METTERNICH, Winneburg, Clemens
Lothar, Duke. Austrian Chancellor, born
lExplanatorp 1Remarf?0
III
Koblenz, Bohemia, Ma}^ 15, 1773, died Vienna,
January 11, 1859.
NEIPPERG, Adam Albert, Count.
Austrian General, son of William Neipperg,
born April 8, 1775, died February 22, 1829.
At the historical Vienna Congress he was
Marie Louise's " charge d'affairs," then in
1815, Governor of Parma. In 1821 he mar-
ried Marie Louise, and their son, William,
became the progenitor of the Austrian Monte-
nuovo Ducal family. Marie Louise later,
after Neipperg's death, had another relation,
this Avith Count Bombelles, then she had a
third one with the Austrian Cavalry officer
Baron Werklein. Her daughter by Werk-
lein. Baroness Ida Werklein, was educated at
the Pressburgian (Hungary) Ursulines' con-
vent, where she was one time visited by her
mother, who came in the incognito of " Count-
ess Almasy," to see her child. Baroness Bibra-
Gleicherwiesen (Budapest, Hungary), is the
only scholar still living who played many
times with the little Baroness Werklein, and
who saw Marie Louise during her mentioned
Pressburg journey.
112 Zbe Mm of IRome
PARINIA, formerly an independent Duke-
dom, since 1860 connected with Italy. Pope
Julius II., 1813, separated the cities Parma
and Piacenza from the Dukedom of INIilan;
later they were given hy Pope Paul III.,
1545, as an independent Dukedom to Luigi
Farnese, the ancestor of the Farnese Ducal
family. Two years later this Dukedom came
under the supremacy of Spain, but Pope Jul-
ius III., 1550, got it back again for the
Farnese family who possessed it until Duke
Antonio Farnese's death, in 1731, who was
the last of this family. Charles VI., Em-
peror of Germany, took possession of it later.
In 1796 Parma was conquered by France, and
1814 INIarie Louise w^as appointed by her
father Duchess of Parma with rights of a Sov-
ereign. 1847, Philipe, Prince of Spain, had
the Parma throne, but he was forced by the
revolution, 1848, to flee therefrom. The last
historical event of this Dukedom, it was con-
quered by Vittorio Emmanuele, King of
Sardinia.
PROKESCH-OSTEN, Anton, Count,
born Graz, Austria, December 10, 1795; died
lEipIanator^ 1Rcmai1^6 113
Vienna, October 26, 1876. 1815 he was ad-
jutant of the great Austrian General, Arch-
duke Charles ; then he was appointed professor
at the Olmutz (Austria) mihtary school, and
at last he was adjutant of another celebrated
Austrian General, Prince Schwarzenberg. He
was acquainted with young Napoleon dur-
ing this last employment in Vienna. June
22, 183.5, he received a command from the
Emperor Francis II. to a Court dinner, on
which occasion he was set at the left of
" Franz," who immediately after dinner, shak-
ing hands with him addressed him as follows:
" I have liked j'-ou for a long time and I will
never forget you fought for my father's honor
at a time when everybody caluminated him.
I have read your book about the battle of
Waterloo thoroughly and with the greatest
interest, and have it translated into the French
and Italian languages." Count Prokesch, in
1848, was appointed General in the Austrian
Army, later Ambassador to Constantinople.
He was a famous historiographer.
REICHSTADT (Zakupy), a town in the
Iveipa precinct of Bohemia, with an Imperial
114 ^bc Iking of 1Romc
palace, built 1573, of 300 rooms, which origin-
ally belonged to the Bavarian Electorate.
This property was given 1805 to Fernando,
Duke of Toscana, then, later, in 1819, Em-
peror Francis II. gave its title, but only the
title to his grandchild, Napoleon II.
SCHOENBRUNN (XII precinct " Heit-
zing," of the Austrian Capital, Vienna, the
celebrated Imperial palace, finished 1750 by
the famous Italian architect Valmagnini. This
palace has 1441 rooms, among them the " blue
cabinet" is the most famous: it was Marie
Therese's favorite room in which stood Napo-
leon I. during his journey to Vienna, 1809,
and here died L'Aiglon, Napoleon II. This
palace has a pretty theatre and the Court
Chapel contains many precious relics and pict-
ures by Guglielmi and Hamilton. A splen-
did park of about two miles surrounds this
palace.
i
LIST OF HISTORICAL WORKS
USED IN WRITING THIS
BOOK
L. WERTHEIMER: Der Herzog von
Reichstadt, pp. 45, 316, 372.
HELFERT: Marie Louise, p. 195.
WEIDJMANN: Moriz Graf von Dietrich-
stein, sein Leben und Wirken, aus seinen hin-
terlassenen Papieren dargestellt.
MONTBEL: Le roi de Rome; La legende
et Vhistoire.
L. OBENAUS: Diary, property of the
Austrian Colonel Baron Oscar Obenaus.
TREITSCHKE: Historisclie und poli-
tische Aufsaetze, vol. iii., p. 157.
COUNT PROKESCH-OSTEN: Mein
Verhaeltnis zum Herzog von Reichstadt, p.
41 ; Schreiben an und iiber den Herzog von
Reichstadt.
" CORRESPOND ANCE DE NAPO-
LEON," vol. xxviii, p. 133.
115
ii6 ^be MwQ of IRomc
Le due de Reichstadt, {Nouvelle Itevue,
1897.)
Comment est mort le due de ReicJistadt
{Gazette des Hospitaux, INIarch, 1900.)
Le due de lieichstadt (Annates de Vecole
lihre des sciences poUtiqiies, ]May, 1896.)
HALLWICH: Mittheilungen, pp. 36, 68.
SCHLITTER: Die Stellung der Oester-
reichischen Regierung, (Archiv filr osterrei-
cliisclie Geschiclite^ vol. Ixxx, p. 122.
FREDRICK MASSON: UAiglon et
la Comtesse Camerata (Revue de Paris, April
and June, 1900, pp. 588, 651, 888.
BERANGER: Chansons, vol. ii, p. 235;
Memoir es couronnees publics par V Academie
Royal de Bclgique, vol. viii, p. 25.
VIEL-CASTEL: Histoire de la Restau-
ration, vol. xix, p. 571.
SCHMITT: ZeitgenossiscJie Geschichte,
p. 187.
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