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 THE 
 
 1NDEPENDANT BRITON: 
 
 O R, 
 
 FREE THOUGHTS 
 
 ON THE 
 
 Expediency of gratifying the People's 
 Expectations ; 
 
 AS TO 
 
 Securing the Liberty of the Prefs •> reftoring the* 
 Freedom of the Stage ; preventing Bribery in 
 Elections ; excluding Place-Men from Seats 
 in the Houfe of Commons -, repealing the Sep- 
 teimial A£t y Sec. 
 
 Dedicated to the 
 
 COMMONS of Great-Britain. 
 
 Non minor eft virtus quam qucerere, parta tueri, 
 
 Cafus ineji illic, hie erit Artis opus. Ovid. 
 
 Omnia fumma ratione gejia fort una etiam fequitur . Liv. 
 
 Jfhtifacilis credit facilis quoque fallitur idem. Palingen. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 Printed for T. Co o p e r, at the Globe in Paterno/ler-Ri/u:. 
 
 MDCCXLn.
 
 !>] 
 
 215 
 
 O T H E 
 
 Commons of Great-Britain 
 
 L 
 
 CO 
 
 Brctiwen, breemcn^ FciJr/:v-S^hjevfs 7 
 
 U R Condition at prefect 
 feems to reiemble that of 
 
 a Skip's Crew j e 
 from the i^ry of a Tempejl, and 
 beyond their own Expectations, ar- 
 rived fafely on Shore. That we 
 fhould dedicate a yk# Moments to 
 the Expreilion of our j^jj, on fo 
 great a. Deliverance is not ftrange,, 
 but certainly it becomes us to take 
 Care after this happy Event at Sea^ 
 not to fubject. ourfelves to new Dan- 
 gers on Land, by forgetting to take 
 the necejfary Precautions, for fixing 
 fafely where we find ourfelves -at 
 
 pre-
 
 C vi ] 
 
 prefent. Our Perils were caufed by 
 others ; our Security mull be a 
 Work of our own. 
 
 We have often heard it faid, 
 that the People are mutable, irre- 
 folute, and incapable of taking Ad- 
 vice ; we have heard this particu- 
 larly applied to Britons, as if we 
 were infected with thefe Follies in 
 the hi^hejl Degree. We have in 
 fome Meafure vindicated ourfelves, 
 by the Vigour and Steadinefs of our 
 Conduct for fome Years paft. It re- 
 mains that we per ft ft with like Re- 
 folution, till we have gain d what 
 we fought, and reap'd the Fruit or 
 our long continued Toils. 
 
 To fet the Expedie?2cy> and even 
 the Necefity of this in a c/^r Light, 
 to ihew you what we have been 
 feeking, and how happy we fhall 
 be, if we acquire what we fought, 
 is the Buunefs of the following 
 Pages ; wherein I have endeavoured 
 to be faccincl without Obfcurity, 
 
 and
 
 [ vii ] 
 
 and to exprcfs myfelf plainly ^ but 
 with Decency, I know that your 
 Freedom is derived from, and muft 
 be protected by Laws ; and there- 
 fore I have fhewn you from Rcafon, 
 and the Authority oi the greatejl 
 Patriots, what Laws are wanting 
 to make you for ever free. 
 
 Far from defiring to give vou 
 high Ideas of your own Power, to 
 encourage you to loud Clamours on 
 Pretence of Rights, or to raife your 
 Authority above that of the Leo-if- 
 lature, I have fhewn you the legal 
 Path, which will lead you to all hM 
 Purpofes, without tranigrefling the 
 Bounds of Moderation ; and having 
 done this, I hope I ihall be entitled 
 to your Protection, if my Freedom 
 in Difcourfe mould expofe me [as 
 I am not confeious it will] to the 
 Difplcafure of any. 
 
 Country-
 
 [ ™ } 
 
 rmerty 
 
 1 have but a /ew Words more to 
 my : Be /<?jW to your Prince^ obe- 
 dient to the Law<; y united amongft 
 vour/:e/ves 7 , and Corruption will ne- 
 ver be able to emrvate the Strength, 
 o^ your Gov:ernme7i$ again, , nor will 
 any foreign Foes, be able to- look 
 you in, the Face-. The Love-o£ Li- 
 berty y and a jui? Concern for Pro- 
 ■pert)>> will make every Briton- a $<?/- 
 dier, i£ invaded from -Abroad ; and 
 tour juil Title to the Sovereignty of 
 she $&?% will ever be maintained 
 hy the Valour of our Seamen y if 
 tiie Goniiituii^n fiourifli at hime* 
 
 AdtesB
 
 1 1 ] 
 
 THE 
 
 Independant Briton, 
 
 S Quarrels amongft Frienc^ are 
 beft prevented by free Expoj- 
 tulations, fo it feems to be 
 the molt natural Way of a- 
 voiding public Difturbances, to 
 hear patiently the Sentiments of "a free Peo- 
 ple. We have been lately told, and I doubt 
 not with Truth, that fome great Mai de- 
 fire nothing lb much as to have their Power 
 fandilied by the Voice of the Nation, and 
 to be fure this is a wife Choice, efpecially 
 at this Time, when we have had fo late, 
 and fo flrong an Example of the Power 
 of the Nations Voice, with refpedt to the 
 Great,and the Poffibility there is,that popular 
 Bijlike may affect a Man, however ftrength- 
 ened by political Arts, or encircled by a 
 Crowd of Dependants. 
 
 B There
 
 [2 ] 
 
 There are indeed fome who have fug- 
 gefted, that the People are very unfit Judges 
 of the Conduct of Minijlers, becaufe Ex- 
 perience fhews that they are very hard to 
 be phafed, as on the other Hand it is ap- 
 parent enough, that the right Management 
 of public Affairs is a Point out of their 
 reach, whence it is inferred, that it would 
 be better for them to mind their private 
 Concerns. But fuch Men conclude too hafti- 
 ly, the People are far from being unreason- 
 able in their Demands, or infenfible of good 
 Ufage j on the contrary, they are very 
 ready to bear with Dijappointments and 
 Inconveniences , when they are fatisfied of 
 their Governors good Intentions, and then 
 as to the Meafure of their JJnderflanding, 
 though it be true that all Men are not 
 born Politicians, yet it is not very eafy 
 for Folks to live in the World without 
 feeling; whence it falls out, that when a 
 Nation is fenfibly diftreffed, it will fcarce 
 be brought to believe that it is well go- 
 verned, nor will Men have any great Heart 
 to attend their private Concerns, when their 
 Minds are full of Doubts as to the public 
 Safety. It would be hard to beat a Cabin 
 Boy for not cleaning his Knives, when the 
 Ship was fnking. 
 
 Sir Paul Ricaut, who was a very agree- 
 able, and at the fame time a very fenfible 
 Writer, tells us an odd Story of a Cook that 
 i was
 
 [3] 
 
 was made Prime Minijlcr in Turky, and 
 behaved very well in his Station. It fell 
 out thus , there was at Conjlantinopk Co 
 great a Scarcity of Provifions that fuch as 
 went not to Market early, were in Danger 
 of coming home without a Dinner. This 
 happened one Day to be the Cafe of a 
 Cook to a Chamber of Janiffaries, an Ac- 
 cident hindered him from being fo foon 
 as ufual at the Shambles, and when he 
 came, there was no Meat left. He knew 
 and dreaded the Reception he mould meet 
 with at his Return, and fancying that he 
 felt the Cudgel of the Chief of the Cha?nber 
 about his Shoulders for this Misfortune, he 
 let his Tongue run at a ftrange Rate. 'The 
 Grand Seignior, laid he, ?nuft needs have bad 
 Minifters about him, that things run to this 
 Jirange Pajs, and that in the Capital of Jo 
 great an Empire, a Man at nine o'Clock jhall 
 be at a Lofs for a Joint of Mutton, and that 
 with Money in his Hand too. A Plague of 
 feck Counfellors fay I, now will my Bones 
 fufj'er for their Faults, with this additional 
 Curfe, that for ought I know, I may be next 
 Week in the fame Condition. 
 
 As he went thus raving and fwearing 
 along the Street, the Grand Seignior came by 
 in Difguife, and feeing a Man in i'o great 
 an Agony, afked him civilly what was the 
 Matter. Why there it is, anfwered the Cook,. 
 I Jhall get much by telling you the Matter, 
 
 B 2 when
 
 [4] 
 
 when you have heard it, you'll fay I am a 
 poor Dog, and that it is no great Matter, 
 yet none but the Grand Signior can help 
 i Matter ; but my Family will loofe their 
 Dinner, and I J hall be drubbed; confound 
 all evil Counfellors fay I. The Sultan ftill 
 copfinue! prefs him to a more particular 
 Explanation, and having at laft brought 
 him into a little better Temper, he pro- 
 ceeded in thefe Words. 
 
 Why look you Friend, I am a ; to 
 a Chatnber of fanijjaries, I came abroad 
 to-day, it may be half an Hour later tr 
 ufual, there is not an Ounce of Meat 
 at the Butchers, I muft go home now with 
 my Fingers in my Mouth, and the comfor- 
 table News, that for this Day we muilfaft. 
 The Grand Vizir and his worthy Ajfociates, 
 are ib thoroughly employed in enriching 
 fhemfelves, that they have no time to en- 
 quire, whether other People have any thing 
 to eat j if I were Vizir, I would undertake 
 to have the Markets well fupplied, or be 
 cut into Pound Pieces, and now, what 
 have you got by hearing my Tale, or what 
 am I the better for telling it ? Things will 
 ftill go on thus, till Matters mend above, 
 I tell you as I told you before, no-body 
 but the Grand Seignior can remedy this 
 Grievance, little as it may feem, and fo 
 Good b'ye fye, I will go take a Beating 
 as patiently as I can. 
 
 The
 
 [/] 
 
 The Grand Signior returning to his Pa- 
 lace, and confidering of the Difcourfe the 
 Janizaries Cook had made him, whether to 
 prove the Abilities of the Man, or becaufe 
 he conceived Providence had offered this 
 Encounter, or that Princes delieht to exer- 
 cife their Power in vaifing up great Men from 
 nothing, fo it was, that he fent immediately 
 for the Cook, who beinr come into his Pre- 
 fence, and fenfible of the familiar Difcourfe 
 he had made him, trembling, caff himfelf 
 down at his Feet, fuppofing that the free 
 Language he ufed of the Vizier •, and the 
 Government, was the Caufe he was now to 
 lofe his Life. It happen'd quite otherwife, 
 the Sultan kindly bid him lay afide his Fear, 
 told him, he was refolved to make him 
 Grand Vizier , in order to fee whither he 
 would keep his Word, and remedy the 
 Grievances he had complained of, and that 
 he might not tranfgrefs thofe Cuftoms which 
 are held facred among the Turks, he firft 
 made him Chief of his Chamber, the next 
 Day Captain, the Day following Aga of the 
 Janijfaries, and thence at a Step, Grand 
 Vizier. A good Minifter he proved, no 
 great Politician indeed, but to make Amends 
 extremely honeft, and one that meant well 
 to his Majler, and to the People. 
 
 Inltances of this Sort, are common enough 
 among the "Turks, and are agreeable to the 
 
 Genius
 
 [ 6 ] 
 
 Genius of their Government, which is ty- 
 rannical and violent; a Minijier wb^ :curs 
 the Difpleajure of his Prince, livto not an 
 Hour, and in a Week's Time the Vizier is 
 destroyed, who is upon &z*/ Terms with the 
 People. It is the fame Thing in other 
 Countries in Effect, tho' the length of 
 Time fuch Revolutions take up gjtet their 
 Appearance, at leaft to unattentive Specta- 
 tors. Publick Calamities whe n they are not 
 brought upon a Nation by Providence, are 
 the Remit of Male- Admini fir ation ; and to 
 tell the People that this is not */&«> Ajfair, 
 is to tell them a Falfiood, to bid them not 
 trouble themfelves about it, is to bid 
 them be infenfible. The only Remedy in 
 fuch Cafes is a Change of Me a fur es, and 
 whenever the Prince is wife enough to make 
 fuch a Change, he will certainly have the 
 Goodnefs to make it known to his Subjects. 
 Their Interefts are his, he can only bs great 
 in confequence of their being happy; whence 
 it is clear, that unlefs their Happinefs be un- 
 derstood and meant by him and his Minijier s, 
 neither he nor they can be eafy, and this it 
 is that makes a free People, more likely to be 
 iappy, than fuch as live under an arbitrary 
 Government ; becaufe the former are allow'd 
 to difcufs this Subject, which muft render it 
 more plain and familiar, whereas the latter 
 dare never talk about it, fo that Prince and 
 
 People
 
 m 
 
 People may labour whole Ages under the 
 grojjeft Mi/lakes. 
 
 I could give the Reader an Inftance of a 
 Nation not in the Indies, where the Monarch 
 is thoroughly perfuaded, that his Grandeur 
 confiits in the managing the Affairs of every 
 other Kingdom but his own j that he becomes 
 powerful by lending great Armies out of his 
 0w;z Country \ to be knock'd on the Head in 
 other People's Quarrels, and that he is to 
 be a Gainer by remitting all the Monev, 
 that he can wr^/> and r^W to Folks, who 
 were never known to refund half a Crown 
 fince they knew it would fetch thirty 
 Pence ; and what is {till more extraor- 
 dinary, many of this King's Subjects, are 
 content to believe that whatever he accounts 
 his Glory , muft be their Felicity ; at which 
 rate of Reckoning, they may be very fhortly 
 the mifi happy People in the World, with- 
 out Bread to eat or Clothes to cover them. 
 Now it is plain, that if they were free they 
 could never fall into fuch \nonftroUs Errors 
 as thefe, nor in Confluence of their falling 
 into them, could they be made the Inftru- 
 ments of Plague and Punimmcnt to other 
 Nations. It is the Property of Slaves, that 
 they are ready to do, as well as to fkff'er 
 any thing that comes into their Majiers 
 Heads, and therefore they are equally dan- 
 gerous as Allies or Neighbours, the only 
 Way to be fafe from them is to keep them 
 
 at
 
 [8] 
 
 at the Staffs End, and to uie them with 
 as little Ceremony as they meet with 
 from their Majlers, nay their very Condi- 
 tion requires it. 
 
 A miferable Condition this for any Peo- 
 ple to be in, and yet how far were we 
 from it ? Slavery did not invade us indeed 
 in a terrifying Manner, we were treated 
 fo gently, that many apprehended themfelves 
 to be in no Danger, and laughed at thofe 
 who thought otherwife. Lethargies are as 
 fatal as Convulfwns, and the Patient is in 
 the greateft Danger, when he has the leafi 
 Senfe of his Difeafe. We are now to 
 come under other Hands, under the Hands 
 of thofe who have refcued us from the 
 perilous State we were in, and the Defign 
 of this Pamphlet is to {hew, what Treat- 
 ment we may expect from them. That 
 we have a right to jpeak upon this Oo 
 cafion cannot be denied; they have often 
 encouraged us to Jpeak, by afluring us that 
 we had fuch a Right. Farther ftill they have 
 led us by their own Example, they fpoke 
 what they thought, and fo may we ; efpe- 
 cially if we proceed upon found Principles, 
 on the Maxims of natural Equity, and oi 
 our Antient Conjlitution. Thefe are what 
 we ou^ht to glory in defending, and from 
 which we ought to think it Sacrilege to 
 Jwerve. But to be particular. 
 
 Since
 
 [9l 
 
 Since we have fo lately efcaped, fo emi- 
 nent a Danger , we cannot provide too 
 early again it a Return of the Difeafe ; 
 when the Body is in an ill Habit, a Dif- 
 tcmper is not eafily fhaken off, it may be 
 removed for a time, and recur with double 
 Violence ; our Bufmefs is not to be weary 
 of Pbyjic too foon, but to be content to 
 ufe proper Medicines till the Cure is per- 
 fected. We have (hook off our old Mafters 
 it's true, but this is nothing, if there be 
 any Danger left of our having new ones, 
 let us eradicate the Core of Slavery, let all 
 Tendency to an Anti-Conftitutional Depen- 
 dance be rooted out, this was what we 
 complained of heretofore, and it certainly 
 imports as much that we may never have it 
 to complain of again ; for mould a Set of 
 Men at any time, arife capable of playing a 
 back Game, we are undone, our Manner 
 of moving is difcovered, the new Flayers 
 would fo mind their Hits, that we mould 
 not foon meet with a Blot ; to be fure of 
 winning, we muff pum now b -fore the 
 Tables are full. The Cafe is fo clear, it's 
 Importance ib great, and fo m; nifeft, that 
 nothing can hurt us but our own Supine- 
 nefs, it' we are beat we mufc be Bubbles, 
 for with proper Attention, Succeis may be 
 
 fecured. 
 
 The great Point to be aimed at, is the 
 Preservation of our Liberty, by removing 
 
 C all
 
 [ 10 ] 
 
 all the Impediments which can hinder the 
 People from atling freely, and this, let 
 them arife from what Caufes they will. 
 If Freedom was once thoroughly felt, it 
 would be fo generally under/food, and it's 
 Worth be fo fully known, that all Dijlinc- 
 tions of Party would be loft, there would 
 not be a Man amongft us to whom the 
 Thoughts of Slavery, fhall I fay, no, nor of 
 Dependance would be tolerable. We fhould 
 all move then in our refpective Spheres, 
 acl upon Principle, and do what we take 
 to be our Duty ; whereas, while any Re- 
 licks of Corruption remain, we ilia 11 be 
 governed by Foreign ImpreJ/ions, and be 
 guided like Machines, according to the Will 
 and Humour of thofe in who/e Hands we 
 are. All who are acquainted with the late 
 and prefent State of Politics, and dare 
 think, and judge for themfelves, will know 
 what I fay to be true, tho' they may 
 ftill have their particular Reafons for not 
 owning it, or even for affecting to treat 
 fuch a Prcpofition as wild and chimerical, 
 or at leaft impracticable. But Experience 
 has {hewn us the contrary, the fame Force 
 which has thrown off a Part of our Load, 
 may throw off the Reft, let us adhere 
 firmly to the Constitution in Church and 
 State ; and as for any Tyes that our Fellow 
 Subjects would impofe, let us confider them 
 as ignominious Badges, let us difdain to 
 i impofe
 
 It " ] 
 
 impofe on others, or to be impofed upon 
 ourfelves. Amongft a free People all Distinc- 
 tions are accidental-, there is a legal Sub" 
 mi/jion due to Government, which in fact 
 is the F«2£ we pay for Liberty j if any At- 
 tempt to lay more upon our Shoulders, we 
 ought to convince them early of our Mis- 
 take, by breaking their Chains in Pieces, and 
 cafiing their Cords from us. 
 
 The People of Great Britain may be 
 confidered in feveral Capacities, but in 
 whatever Capacities they are confidered, it 
 may be affirmed that they have a Right 
 to Liberty. This they derive from the 
 Coiiftitution, and tho' there are particular 
 Liberties annex'd to Property, yet/cw^ there 
 are which belong even to the meanejl, and 
 which every Man may claim who is born 
 a Briton. Amongft thefe I reckon a 'Title 
 to Freedom in Speech and in Writing, or in 
 other Words, of Difcourfe and of the Prejs. 
 All are ready enough to afjert this, when 
 they are angry with Power, or think it ill 
 ufed, but the Mifchief is, that when Men 
 are pojjejjed of Power, they are apt to 
 change their Opinions, and againft this we 
 ought to be guarded; I mean we ought to 
 have this Point fettled, fo as to be free 
 from all Apprehenfions, efpecially thofe 
 under which our Patriots have laboured 
 for many Years paft. 
 
 C2 I
 
 [ * ] 
 
 I would not be understood to be an Ad- 
 vocate for mobbing or railings I deteft both. 
 But as an ill Ule may be made of thefe 
 Words, methinks it would be reafonable, to 
 take away the Poflibility of confounding a 
 legal well intended Meeting of the King's 
 Subjects, with a Riot, or a free and rational 
 Difcourfe, with a Libel. Let Sedition be 
 punimed in Actions or in Words, but let us 
 know exactly what Sedition is, for other- 
 wife he who hates it moft may chance to 
 fuffer for it. I do not pretend to dictate upon 
 this S'jb;e£t, I know this is not the Bufinefs 
 of private Men, but I mull confefs that I 
 think as Things now ftand, we ought to have 
 fome clear and explicit Declaration in Fa- 
 vour of the Liberty of the Prefs, for which 
 I could offer many Reafons, but I will con- 
 tent my felf with one. The Ufe that has 
 been made of the Prefs feems to merit this, 
 by it Patriots have been raifed to Power, 
 and therefore in Gratitude they ought to ex- 
 ert their Power in its Favour. I know but 
 two Objections that can be made againft 
 this, and I think to each of thefe I can give 
 a full Anfwer. 
 
 The firft is this, that in critical Con- 
 junctures, the beft Government that can be 
 imagined, may be in Danger from licentious 
 Writings, and therefore it ought not to be 
 expecled) that fuch as are intrufled with the 
 
 Government
 
 [ '3 ] 
 
 Government, mould countenance any Law 
 for farther fecuring the Liberty of the Prefs. 
 To this I fay, that the Objection begs the 
 Quejlion ; that no good Government can be in 
 Danger from any Writiiigs whatfoever; or 
 fuppoling it might be in Danger, retraining 
 the Prefs is not the proper Remedy. Our 
 Creator has left our Thoughts free, and 
 placed them out of the Reach of Reftraint 
 from others, which fhews, fmce he is all 
 ivife, that no kind of ReflriBion on Senti- 
 ment, is neceffary to ferve good Purpofes. If 
 Men write Falfities againft the Government, 
 they may be refuted either in a legal or in 
 a rationalWay, and I am not againft either of 
 thefe Methods. But if a Thing cannot be 
 proved either falfe or mifchievous, I do not 
 think that publishing of it ought to be cri- 
 minal. Nor is it clear, that any thing has 
 been got by this. There are three eminent 
 Instances of Attempts againft the Liberty 
 of the Prefs, in our own Nation, and very 
 near our own Times. The Jirjl was by the 
 Prelates in the Days of Queen Elizabeth, 
 King 'James, and King Charles ift. and the 
 End they propofed was quelling of Puri- 
 tans, but inftead of mcceeding, they threw 
 the Weight of Popular Pity into the oppo- 
 fite Scale, and thereby made thofe they per- 
 fecuted too heavy for them (elves. The fe- 
 cond Inftance was under Cromwell: He took 
 it into his Head to gag the Prefs, by pro- 
 
 fecutine
 
 [ i4] 
 
 fecuting Lilbourne-, but here again, Power 
 was defeated, and inftead of hindering Print- 
 ing, thefe violent Meafures encouraged it. 
 The like happened in the Reigns of Cbarks 
 and James II. and has happened ever fmce, 
 when this Notion of fuppreiiing Papers has 
 prevailed j for it is in Policy, what flopping 
 Secretions is in Phyfick, a dangerous and 
 empirical Praffice, which throws the had 
 Humours into the Mafs of Blood, and there- 
 by corrupts the whole Body. So long as 
 we continue free, there can be no Pretence 
 for fuch a Conduct. An Administration 
 cannot be called good, that will take Ad- 
 vantage of idle SuggeJHons, nor will be long 
 efieem'dfo, if they have no other Way ol 
 refuting fuch as zxz plaufible , but by directii g 
 Profecutions. 
 
 The fecond Objection is, that there feems 
 to be no Occafion for this, the Liberty of 
 the Prefs appearing to be beticr eftabliihed 
 at prefent, than it ever was in this King- 
 dom ; the Rejlraints thereon being general 
 only, and fuch as may be thought necefTary 
 to fecure the Government from the Efforts 
 of inch wild and fa&ious Spirits, as never 
 can be fatisned with, or eafy under any Ad- 
 minijlration. 
 
 But when we examine this clofciy, it 
 will be found a Competition of Faljhood 
 and Artifice. The Liberty of the Prefs is 
 at prefent very precarious, and that which 
 
 is
 
 is urged to prove it otherwtfe, will, when 
 duly weigh'd, fhew it to be precarious. If 
 it has been vigoroufly exercifed of late, with^ 
 out meeting with any Oppofition from Power , 
 tho' pointed directly againft it, it was owing 
 wholly to the Weaknefs of the Admifiijlra- 
 tion ; the Force of which was worn out, by 
 a long and well-conducted Oppofition, and 
 the Eyes of the People fo effectually opened, 
 that it would not have been ealy to have 
 found a Jury in any County, capable of 
 acting fo contrary to the Senfe of the Na- 
 tion, as to ferve the Purpofes of a Prof ecu- 
 tion; but this may not be the Cafe here- 
 after, the Law, or at leaft the Pretence of 
 the Law, ftands as it did. There is a certain 
 Treatife, not long fmce publifhed, a great Part 
 of it printed in a Black-Letter, in Order to 
 make it appear more authentick, and which 
 has been ailerted to contain nothing but what 
 is Law, and if fo, we are jult where we were 
 a hundred Years ago. This Book is called, T?ke 
 Doctrine of Libels, and in it are all the Star- 
 Ch amber Precedents, fortified with Abundance 
 of modern Judgments, and this lent by the 
 Direction of a Whig Administration, to 
 prove, I fuppofe, that Power has a like 
 Effect upon all Minds. At the Revolution 
 ibme Political Reafons were offered, why 
 the Liberty of the Prefs mould not be de- 
 clar'd the Right of the Subjiff, tho' it was 
 conferled to be fo. But thefe Reafons fiibfift 
 
 no
 
 [ i6 ] 
 
 no longei, the Temper of the Nation is 
 chang'd, and I dare fay there is no body 
 mad enough to believe, that Converts are to 
 be made at this time of Day to facobitijm 
 by Dint of Reafoning. We ought there- 
 fore to be made fafe and eafy in this 
 great Point, not by permitting Men to 
 overturn the Principles of Morality and Re- 
 ligion, or of Duty and Submiffion to the 
 Government by fophiftical Writings, but by 
 fettling a plain Road in which Folks may 
 walk without Fear ; but to fay that we 
 are a free People, and yet to deny us the 
 Liberty of Speaking, when we think that 
 Freedom in Danger, is a Sort of Craft that 
 will no longer go down, nay, is a Sort of 
 Craft, ufelefs to thofe by whom it is em- 
 ployed, for Profecutions only hinder the 
 timorous or referv'd from writing, and there 
 are always Men enough of another Carl:, 
 who will venture the Publication of their 
 thoughts, in fpight of any Rifque they run. 
 It is therefore better for the Prince and Peo- 
 ple, that we fhould be no longer in the Dark 
 in a Matter of fuch Importance, but that 
 the Way fhould be left open, of informing 
 the Nation, their Reprejentatives, and the 
 Crown, of any Grievances that are either 
 felt or fufpecled, becaule this is the only 
 way to have them examined and removed. 
 To punifh Men for complaining when they 
 are injured, is unnatural as well as unjuft, 
 
 and
 
 [17] 
 
 and to make them fmart for being in the 
 Vapours, confidering our Clime and Con- 
 ftitution, is fomewhat fevere. There are 
 feveral kinds of Writings, which are de- 
 clar'd criminal by Statute, let thefe remain 
 fo j but as to other Writings, let us not be 
 any longer left to the Juggle of a Jury's 
 finding the Publication, and a Court's in- 
 ferring the rejl ; but let the Cafe of Libels, 
 like that of extraordinary c Treafo?is, be left 
 to the Judgment of Parliament only, and 
 then we mall be fure that nothing really 
 Dangerous will efcape with Impunity, and 
 that nothing will be punifked, contrary to, 
 or beyond its Deferts. 
 
 If what I have already faid, be not fuffi- 
 cient to fhew the Neceftity of eftablifhing 
 the Liberty of the Prefs, I have fomething 
 to add that will. The Cafe of the Stage is 
 recent j we all know what was pleaded in 
 Favour of its Rejlraint ; we all know what 
 was faid againjl it ; and what Ccnfequences 
 it was faid would follow, if that Reftraint 
 took Place. We have feen thefe Predictions 
 ftrictly and literally fulfilled, Wit and Hu- 
 mour are no more ; we have loft one great 
 Char acieri Pick of a free People, let us not 
 lofe another too, left Senfe and Reajon mould 
 follow the Track of Humour and Wit, and 
 the Britijlj Genius be reduced to the Fre?ich, 
 Spanijh and Italian Employments, of fpin- 
 ning out new Sy/lems in Philojbphy, or la- 
 
 D bouring
 
 [ .8] 
 
 bouring in Defence of lyranny and Super- 
 Jlition, The Reader will eafily perceive 
 that this Argument might have been put in 
 a much monger Light, but the Arts of 
 fine Writing are unneceiTary in a. /air Caufe-, 
 I do not labour to ferve the Purpofes of a 
 Party, but to procure a juft Meafure of 
 Safety and Security for the Commons of 
 Great-Britain, that we may not at every 
 Turn be expo fed to fhort and fharp Strug- 
 gles to fecure our Liberties, or be obliged 
 to go thro' the Drudgery of twenty Years 
 Oppo/ition at the Expence of the Wealth 
 and' Spirits of the Nation, without having 
 the Satisfaction of knowing at the End that 
 we need never undergo this Fatigue again. 
 
 The next thing I am to take Notice 
 of is EleBions, on the Freedom of which, 
 as the Right Hon. the Speaker of the Houje 
 of Commons, on a late folemn Occafion told 
 the Nation, their Freedom depends. Hitherto 
 have been enacted Laws upon Laws, which as 
 yet have had no Effect. It is notorious 
 to all the World, that Numbers of Peo- 
 ple pretend to undertake arid manage 
 EleBions, it is become a Trade, and there 
 are People not afhamed of acting as Bo- 
 rough-Brokers, which is in plain Terms 
 faying, that they live or would live by 
 jelling their Country, It is as well known, 
 that Abundance of Arts are ufed to keep 
 Places in a thorough and conftant Depen- 
 
 dance,
 
 [ '9 ] 
 
 dance, fo that the Perfons they fend to Par- 
 liament, are not fo properly their Represen- 
 tatives, as the Agents of fuch as have them 
 in their Power. A due Senfe of this has 
 made many People think, that the Form of 
 our Conjiitution ought to be altered, at leafl 
 in this Point. I confefs that in my Opi- 
 nion, this mould be the lafi Remedy, be- 
 caufe in every Corporation there is a Sue- 
 cejjion, and I think it hard that Poftcrity 
 mould be deprived of their Rights, thro' 
 the Corruption of the prefent 'Times. But 
 if another Remedy is to be applied, we 
 muff appear to be in earneji, and the Peo- 
 ple mufl be convinced, that the Intent of 
 the Legijlature is to extirpate the perni- 
 cious Practice of influencing the Minds of 
 the Electors, by any Method whatfoever. If 
 the leaft Indulgence be mewn to one Party, 
 it will certainly afford a Handle to the 
 Other; and therefore the fureft way of 
 curing this Evil, is to ftrike at all the Me- 
 thods of influencing yet known, by provi- 
 ding, that if there be any Expence at E- 
 leBions, the Electors and not the Candi- 
 dates mould bear it ; as alio that Members 
 mould purge themfeives of all Sujpicion 
 of Corruption, as they do of Dijloyalty and 
 Popif/j Principles, when they take their 
 Seats. I am feniible that I go too fir, 
 and therefore I will flop fhort, but I hope 
 the Honejty of my Intention will attorie for 
 
 D 2 any
 
 [ 20 _] 
 
 any unguarded Exprcjjion ; and that nay 
 Zeal for the Honour of Parliament will ex- 
 cufe rny fpeaking fo plainly on fo nice a 
 Subject, the rather, becaufe Doctrines of a 
 different kind have been artfully and in- 
 duitriouflv fpread among the People, where- 
 by their Notions, as to this Point, have 
 be./ fo nn fettled^ that they have come to 
 confiuer E'etiioiis in every Light, but that 
 in which alone they ought to be confi- 
 dered. The time I hope is come when 
 thefe Delufions will be expos'd, and the Com- 
 mons of Great-Britain will be brought to 
 apprehend, that the moft folemn, facred, 
 and important Adlion of their whole Lives 
 is giving their Votes at an Election, and 
 that therefore they ought to come prepared 
 in another Manner, than that which has 
 been for many Tears too common ; for till 
 this is brought about, the End never can 
 be anfwered. People hot, and fcarce in 
 their Senfes, are not likely to act upon 
 Principles, and all Laws muft needs be in- 
 effectual among fuch as have no Confciences. 
 Unfafhionable Language this, but fit and 
 proper, becaufe I combat a fajlrionable 
 Folly, which has induced even Perfons of 
 Rank, of Parts and of Probity to believe, 
 that Men heated with Liquor, or drunk 
 with Pajjion or Prejudice, are in a Condition 
 f.coJ enough to give their Votes, where their 
 cich and tkefr Country's Safety ftands imrriedi- 
 
 ately
 
 1 21 ] 
 
 ately concerned, whether more to our 
 Shame, or to our Detriment as a Nation, 
 would be a Point hard to determine. 
 
 The Place-Bill is another Matter of in- 
 finite Confequence, and indeed, when the 
 People are io willing to be retrained from 
 doing themfelves Mifchiefs in their Elections y 
 it feems to be but a reafonable Requefi, that 
 they mould be fecured as far as may be in 
 their Members, by a Provifion that too ma- 
 ny of them may not have more to do than 
 is confident with the Service they owe 
 their Country. I own, that on the other 
 Side, abundance of plaufible Things may 
 be faid upon this Head, more I think than 
 upon any other ; and yet when we examine 
 them to the bottom,we find that moftof thele 
 are Arguments, founded in Authority rather 
 than Reajon ; inftead therefore of anfwer- 
 ing fucb, I (hall offer a few ihort, but 
 cogent Motives for the pairing of this La r d\ 
 and leave them to the Confideration of the 
 Reader. 
 
 In the firfl Place, fuch a Law feems to 
 be neceiTary to prevent abundance of Ab- 
 furdities, for while Place-Men have Seats 
 in the Hoi/Je, it frequently happens that a 
 Servant fits as "Judge upon his Maficr ; an 
 Officer decides on the Obedience which the 
 military Power owes to the civil Magi- 
 (Irate, and People obey in one Capacity what 
 they are faid to direct in another. It is im- 
 
 pofiibl
 
 t 22 ] 
 
 poiiible not to difccrn at firft Sight that, 
 thefe are Incongruities, which Diforder the 
 Frame, and very poflibly may fometime or 
 other affcdt the very Being of our Conftitu- 
 tion. It is therefore extremely fit they 
 Should be removed, as in fome Cafes it has 
 been confefTed, and a Remedy applied, and 
 by what Rule thofe that remain were diftin- 
 guifhed from the reft, is, I think, hitherto 
 untaught us by any of our profefjed Politi- 
 cians. r 
 
 The Mi/chief complained of is a Novelty, 
 notwithftanding all that has been faid of the 
 Refpect paid to the Crown in former Times. 
 If we confider the Parliaments before the 
 Rejloration, we (hall find but a Handful 
 of Place Men in them, and even thofe 
 Place Men fuch as we do not defire ihould 
 be deprived of Seats. The multiplying of 
 Places began after the Revolution, when m- 
 ftead of the great Officers of the Crown, we 
 came to have Bufmefs done by Colleges or 
 Boards, which fome penetrating People 
 have thought a Change neither honourable 
 nor beneficial, for when a Treajurer or an 
 Admiral did any Thing amifs, the Error 
 was eafily traced to its Author, and tne 
 Commons knew how, and from whom, to 
 obtain Satisfaction; but the Thing is quite 
 otherwife now, to diicover where the Blame 
 lies is not fo eafy, and to fix a Charge upon 
 any particular Per/on, is almoft impra<fti- 
 J * cable.
 
 [ n 1 
 
 cable. One fees therefore that in this Light 
 there can be nothing more reafonable, than 
 to recur to our firjl Principles, and bring 
 Things back to their antient Standard, that 
 our Parliaments like the Parliaments of 
 old, may be the Support of the Crown, and 
 the Refuge of the People. 
 
 Add to all this, that fince the Method of 
 beflowing of Places on the Members of the 
 Houfe of Commons, firft came in Ufe, it has 
 been a growing Evil, and tho' it be true, 
 that there is a legal Provifion againft their 
 poffeffing any late created Offices, yet it has 
 been evident enough, that for a long Series 
 of Time paft, every Year has produced new 
 Places, which by the Help of proper Chan- 
 ges, have been converted into Gratifications. 
 The beft Way therefore to give a Check to 
 this Grievance, and to ipare that mighty 
 EfFufion of Public Money, which has been 
 fquandered on unprofitable Servants, is to 
 lerfen the Number of Place Men in the 
 Houfe of Commons, for it will be found that 
 when Men have no Places, nor can have 
 them, they will be lefs ready 'to create them 
 for other People. One might add Abun- 
 dance of Things to ftrengthen this Argu- 
 ment, but that they are for many Rcafons 
 unneceffary, efpecially for this, that every 
 Reader, who will take the Trouble of weigh- 
 ing Matters ferioufly with himfelf, will dif- 
 cover fo many Ways of applying what has 
 7 been
 
 [24] 
 
 been already faid, that there will be no Dan- 
 ger of his not apprehending a Place-Bill 
 the moil effectual Remedy for creating bur- 
 denfomc and unneceiTary Offices, perhaps a 
 proper Introduction to the fuppreffing many, 
 with which we are loaded already. 
 
 It is like wife plain that Perfons have not 
 lime to perform fuitably, and fuccefsfully, 
 what is required of them in double Capa- 
 cities. A Man cannot be in two Places at 
 once, which feems to be a good Reafon why 
 he mould not take upon him Characters 
 that interfere with each other ; and which 
 confequently put him under an abfolute 
 Neceffity of neglecting one, if not both. The 
 Service of the Plonfe is in a Manner cer- 
 tain, both as to Time and Place, with what 
 Propriety then can a Man accept a Poft, 
 which he knows may, nay probably willy 
 require his Attendance at the fame time in 
 fome other Place ? We have been told by 
 iuch as defend this Practice, that Placemen 
 1 are the People's Servants ; it is not therefore 
 eafy to understand, how a Man that takes 
 upon him to reprefent his Country in Par- 
 liament, can reconcile to himfelf taking 
 Wages from his Country, for other Services 
 which he does not perform -, or if he earns 
 his Wages, how he can be fatisfied as to 
 the Safety of his Country, which at any 
 time may, and very frequently has depended 
 upon a f:igh Vote. In this Refpedt too the 
 
 Con-
 
 [ *5 1 
 
 Conduff of Senators has a great Influence 
 on the People ', they feklom fcruple to fol- 
 low their Examples ; and for this Reafon the 
 greater!: Care fhould be taken not to mif- 
 lead them into a Notion, that the public 
 Mo?iey may be innocently taken without 
 earning, or the public Service neglected 
 without a Crime : But if this be in the Na- 
 ture of Things at all Times requiiite, it is 
 much more fo in an Age like this, when 
 it is but too evident that Men are very lax 
 in their Notions, and are willing to lay 
 hold even of the Jlightejl Pretences to ex- 
 cufe themfelves from a ftricl: Performance 
 of their Duty. 
 
 I beg leave to fubjoin on& other Motive, 
 which will perhaps appear more concluiive 
 than the reft j I mean the Authority of 
 feveral great and glorious Patriots, who 
 have maintained this Doclrine for many 
 Years paft, and, who without doubt are 
 fixed in this Opinio?! ftill. Should we fup- 
 pofe them capable of altering it, fuch Con- 
 fequences would follow as I abhor the 
 Thoughts of; we mould be then at a Lofs 
 how to know certainly what is right or 
 or wrong-, we fliould begin to doubt of our 
 paft Conduct and theirs, at leaft we fhould 
 rind it very difficult to fatisfy ourfelves, 
 whether they were right- before or are (o 
 now, which might prove prejudicial to 
 them and to our/elves. But the Suppofition 
 
 E is
 
 t 26 ] 
 
 is groundlejs , and to infill upon it would 
 be indecent, we may reft fatisried that fuch 
 as have heretofore fupported the Place-Bill? 
 againft all the Influence of Power , will now 
 life all their Power to fecure the pafling of 
 the Place-Bill, in Cafe any Arts fhould be 
 praclifed or Oppofition formed to prevent it. 
 This to be fure will give the People the high- 
 eft: Satisfaction, and bring them for once to 
 belkve that Places cannot alter Patriots, 
 but that Men truly attached to the Service 
 of their Country are the fame in Public. 
 as in private Stations, and incapable of be- 
 ing biafjed in either. 
 
 A more favourable funflure than this 
 there cannot be for the fajjing fuch a haw. 
 The Expedience, the NeceiTity of it have fo 
 lately appeared, that no Imputation can be 
 fixed on the the Earneftnefs with which Peo- 
 ple expeB it ; as on the other hand, the Repu- 
 tation of fome who have lately acquired Places 
 is fo perfectly unblemifhed, that the De- 
 mand of it can be no Reflection upon their 
 Adtniniftration j but on the other fide, if 
 we fliould be now deceived in our Hopes, 
 if by any Accident, any Overfight, this Bill 
 ihould be loft (I fuppofe the Thing only, for 
 it can never happen) we muft for ever defpair, 
 fo fair an Opportunity we can hardly imagine 
 will ever be had again, and of a fairer 
 we can form no Idea. I take it then for 
 granted, that the beft Law that can be con- 
 
 2 trived
 
 [27] 
 
 trived for this Purpofe will fpeedily be 
 given us, that all our Fears and Apprehen- 
 fions in this refpect will be quite taken 
 away, that ?iational Councils being freed 
 from this dead Weight : , will a6t with more 
 Dignity i as well as greater Alacrity, and 
 that the People in coniideration of fo great 
 a Bleffing, will addrefs themielves with 
 the utmoft Ardour to the Service of the 
 Publick, efteeming nothing a Hardjhip, that 
 an Independant Parliament mall think fit 
 to impofe upon them, for reftoring the Re- 
 putation of Britain, the long loft Balance 
 of Power, and the Freedom of Europe, all 
 of which might otherwife have been 
 thought defperate. 
 
 The Rejloration of triennial Parliaments 
 is another thing which the People cannot 
 but expecJ, becaufe they muft be perfectly 
 iatisfied that they cannot be fafe or free 
 without it. This has been fo ftrongly 
 proved to them, and offer ted by Perfons 
 of fuch Weight and Character, that it never 
 can depart from their Thoughts till it be 
 accomplished, in Fact till they are reftored 
 to one of the greatefi Bleffings they deriv- 
 ed from the Revolution, and which when 
 it was taken from them, was taken by 
 Surpri/e, was taken as an Expedient to ferve 
 a pr effing Occafion, for nothing could have 
 brought them to endure Septennial Parlia-* 
 ments, but the Apprehenfion of another 
 
 E z thorough
 
 [28 ] 
 
 thorough Change in the State, which very 
 poilibly might have ended in their hav- 
 ing no I arli anient at all. To dwell ever 
 fo little even on the mod: important Ar- 
 guments which have been offered, to fhew 
 the Neceffity of reftoring this falutary 
 Law, would take up a whole Treatife, 
 and iurely to very little Purpofe, confider- 
 ino- that the People are already convinced, 
 and that they in fome Meafure owe that 
 Conviction to the Reafonings of Perfons in 
 Power on this Subject. I mail content, my- 
 felf therefore, with hinting 2. few things that 
 feem to fhew it ought not to be delayed 
 or pojlponed. 
 
 It feems to be not a little odd to call 
 a Parliament, the Nation's Rcprefentative, 
 and yet to continue them by Law beyond 
 that Period, for which the People incline 
 to chafe them. One may venture to fay, 
 that there is not a County, a City, or a 
 Borough throughout Great Britain, where 
 the pJlcBors have not fhewn a Diflike to 
 Septennial Parliaments, and a Defire to have 
 their Old Rights return again into their 
 Hands. Neither ought this to be ftiled a 
 fond and factious, but rather a juft and 
 natural Defire, for as Princes do not readily 
 bear with Encroachments on Prerogative, 
 fo it cannot be fuppoied that the People 
 will tamely fubmit to any Diminution of 
 their Freedom, efpecially when they eonfider 
 
 the
 
 129] 
 
 the bad Confequences that have, and the 
 much more dangerous Confequences that 
 may attend it. Hence arifes that imiverfal 
 Dema?id of the Repeal of the Septennial Act, 
 and hence in my Judgment, arifes the clearefr. 
 and moft cogent Argument that can be of- 
 fered for it. The People for whofe Benefit 
 Government was inftituteJ, the People of 
 Great Britain, who long ago were allowed 
 to have a Right to triennial Parliaments, 
 this People who have experienced the Lofs 
 of that Right, unanimoully wifi and defire 
 that they may enjoy it again ; can there be 
 any thing more fit, than that the wife and 
 worthy Patriots of the prefent Age, fhould 
 fecure their Affections by granting them this 
 Demand ? 
 
 The Repeal of the Septennial Act, will 
 be a natural Confequence of the Care taken 
 to prevent Corruption in Elections, and the 
 unreafonable Biafs derived to Members from 
 a Multitude of Places. When thefe Obfhu 
 cles are removed, all the Pretences that ever 
 were alledged in Favour of Septennial Par-* 
 liaments will be taken away ; for if Bribery 
 and Confufwn can be excluded at the Choice 
 of Members, as furely they may, then there 
 need be no Appreheniion of the frequent 
 Returns of Elections ; they will be as peace- 
 able, as it is to be hoped they are no lefs 
 ujeful and necejjary AfTemblies, than Affixes 
 and Quarter-SeJJions j the Frequency of 
 
 which
 
 [ 3° ] 
 which was never yet thought a Grievance. 
 Farther itill, if but a moderate Number of 
 Placemen have Scats in the Houfe > and if it 
 be, as it has been often ftrongly arlerted, a 
 Mardjhip on Gentlemen to be rendered in- 
 capable of Puhlick Triffls, by the People's 
 Choice of them for Reprefentatives ; then it 
 is plain, that the only Way to remedy this 
 Evil, is to reftore triennial Parliaments ; for 
 an Incapacity of three Years, will be furely 
 a kfs Mifchief than an Incapacity for [even. 
 Nay, by this Means, the People's Choice may 
 recommend their Members to Places, without 
 Prejudice to their Conflitnents -, for when a 
 Gentleman has jerved with Attention, 
 Steadinefs and Integrity, one or two Parlia- 
 ments, the People ought not, nor will they 
 grudge, if they fee him all the reji of his 
 [Life in Office. But if on the other hand, 
 we confider an 'EleBion to Parliament, m 
 the Light of an honourable, but burthen- 
 (ome Duty, in which it may be well con- 
 sidered, then it muft be confeffed, that an 
 pjkolion for /even Years is a very great 
 Hardffip on Members j fuch a Hardjhip, as 
 may very probably deter Men who are heft 
 qualified, from accepting the Office. 
 
 It mud likewife occur to ever) 7 Man of 
 Reflection, that till we have this Security, 
 other Alterations will be of little Coxj'e- 
 qnence* The Iniquity of private Per fans 
 bartering, away their Votes may be pre- 
 vented,
 
 [ S» ] 
 
 Tented, the Power of the Crown hi be* 
 flowing Flaxes on Members of Pariiam-enf 
 may be limited., but (till the l?2CQ?rccm*- 
 ences fufpedted, nay and felt too from /»^- 
 tcnnial Parliaments, will not be fuiticiently 
 provided again ft. The Continuance y the 
 unnecejj'ary Continuance, I was going to iky, 
 the unwilling Continuance of fo graz^ a T/:/^ 
 for fo /s/zg- a Time, is a thing juftly to &> 
 feared. Corruptim we know is as fubtlc 
 and ingenious, as it is bold and enterpri- 
 sing $ if therefore we would fecure our- 
 ielves effectually againft its Attempts on 
 the Confiitution, let us take away tfoisfjftesfc- 
 erful Temptatku to it, for it is allowed, thar 
 when a Parliament is to lair, for three Years 
 «nly, it cannot anfwer the Ends of Cer- 
 ruption^ and mull therefore in all proba- 
 bility efcape it. It is true fome Incoiv- 
 veniencies may attend the Repeal of the 
 Septennial Act, tho" I muff confeis 1 do 
 not forefee them ■> but if there ihould, St 
 is time enough to think of them whoa 
 they appear- There never was any Syfiem 
 of human Contrivance abfolutely free 'froaaa. 
 Difficulties, and therefore if they mould oc- 
 cur here, thcv ouajht not to dilcredit thkif- 
 Meafure more than any other, neither ougiift 
 we to defpair of finding Remedies for fcfaem. 
 The Cafe m Fact k this, that the Miichidfe 
 attending another Situation 9 are too well imowm 
 and too deeply experienced. T!>:\ is the Colt
 
 [ 3? 1 
 
 in fact, I fay, which demands our imme- 
 diate Notice ; and as to the Cafe in view, it 
 muft be allowed not the belt alone, but 
 the only Cure that can be thought of, even 
 tho' it was expofed to fome Inconveniency, 
 therefore the People in general defire to 
 have it applied. 
 
 As foon as thefe Regulations fhall take 
 Place, the Nation will be delivered from 
 all rational Jealoufies, as to the Safety of 
 the Conflitution ; Parliaments will be reftor'd 
 to that Reverence and Authority, which 
 they had amongft our Ancefiors ; and which, 
 from a Profpect. of thefe Benefits, we al- 
 ready pay to the Parliament in Being ; after 
 this, private Men will no longer concern 
 tbemfelves, as they have done, in cavaffing 
 publick Affairs, but will return to the Care 
 of their domeitic Concerns, from a tho- 
 rough Confidence, that all things relating 
 to Government are in a right Channel. To 
 this defirable Condition, may the Bufine/s 
 of our State be brought by thefe few and 
 eafy Amendments, which are render'd re- 
 quilite through the Injuries done by Time 
 and Accident to the Frame of our Govern- 
 ment, which human Fore fight perhaps could 
 not prevent, but which human Induflry may 
 certainly remove, otherwife it would be 
 in vain to enquire or talk about them^ 
 The Ejfeffs of thefe Diforders hrft made 
 them the Subjeit of publick Difcourfe ; and 
 
 fines
 
 [33] 
 fince then the Remedies here mentioned, 
 have been the Refult of every grand Con- 
 futation. If therefore Experience, Reafon 
 and Authority have any Weight if what 
 we know ourfelves, or what we learn from 
 Hiffory can afford us any Direction ^ then 
 we have all the Reafon in the World to 
 hope, that by having a due Refpect to the 
 Freedom of Elections, by a juft and mo- 
 derate Reftraint of Place - Men in the 
 Hou/e of Commons, and by reftoring the 
 People to their Right of electing once in 
 three Years a new Reprejentative, we (hall 
 put an end to all the Fears and 'Jealou- 
 fies that have fo long fubfifled amongft us, 
 eftablifh our Liberty on a Foundation not 
 to be fliaken, and thereby fill the Peo- 
 ple with thofe warm and vigorous Senti- 
 ments of Zeal for the Public k, which Li- 
 berty only can infpire. 
 
 There are indeed fome other things which 
 very nearly concern the Inter eft of the Publick, 
 and which we can have no Doubt will 
 be immediately taken Care of; I will men- 
 tion a few. The publick Debts have been 
 a long and heavy Burthen on the People, 
 a great Incitement to Luxury, or at leaft 
 to Idlenefs, by providing a fare and certain 
 Income for the mofl indolent, and confe- 
 quently the molt ufelefs Part of Society, and 
 a great Difcburagement to Induftry and 
 Trade } becauie this Income of theirs arifes 
 
 F from
 
 [34] 
 
 from the Labour of others. Yet long and 
 heavy as this Burthen is, I own it to be, 
 and I hope it will be always thought, a 
 juft and neceffary Burthen, till fuch time 
 as we are able to pay it. But the Mif- 
 chief is, that fome Arts have been ufed 
 to perfuade us, that paying of it is a thing 
 that will not be foon thought of\ nor have 
 Endeavours been wanting on the other Hand 
 to poflefs us with an Opinion, that perhaps 
 a quick Payment thereof may not be our 
 Inter eft. No Wonder then, while fuch odd 
 Sugge/lions were flying about, that the Peo- 
 ple might be much disturbed in their Minds 
 with Apprehenfwns on this Subject, efpe- 
 cially when they heard thofe who could 
 agree in nothing elfe clear in this, that it 
 was a Matter of great Perplexity \ and of 
 which, Folks of ordinary Tinder /landing could 
 not be Judges. A little Consideration might 
 poffibly convince them of the Truth of this 
 laffc Affertion, in refpect to the Circumjian- 
 ces of paying the "National Debt - y but as to 
 the two great Points of its not being the In- 
 tereft of the Government or the People, to 
 fet ftiil patiently under this Load, they 
 could not poffibly be under any Doubts 
 about them. 
 
 For firft in refpect to the Government, 
 It would be impoffible to impofe it on Men 
 of common Senfe, though altogether un- 
 acquainted with Funds, that a wife and 
 
 well-
 
 [ 35 ] 
 
 well-meaning Adminiftration mould think 
 it their Inter eft to keep the Nation under 
 fuch a Load of Debt, without ever think- 
 ing of Means to relieve it. The barely 
 fuggefting this, would fufficiently imply, 
 that the Government had a different Lite- 
 reft from the People ; and that therefore 
 they were content to let fuch a Load reft 
 upon them, that they might render them 
 the more tradable and eafy to be mana- 
 ged. To fpeak the Truth, and why mould 
 we conceal it ? this was the very Reafon 
 offered to fupport fo ftrange a Paradox 
 in Politicks. But tho' it might be a Rea- 
 fon which fome Men would chufe to act 
 on, it was fuch a Reafon, as the wickedft 
 Miniftry we ever had durft never avow. 
 It was a Reafon that fully proved a good 
 Government never could have any Intention 
 of continuing the Burthen of Publick Debts, 
 longer than it was abfolutely neceffary, be- 
 caufe fuch a Government would exped: not 
 the Service only, but the Affections of the 
 People. In fhort, this Maxim might do well 
 enough amongff Slaves, or might fuit the In- 
 tentions of Men who fought to make Slaves, 
 but could never enter the Hearts of any 
 who inclined to leave their Countrymen 
 free. 
 
 Then as to the Inter eft of the Nation 
 it was impoffible, let the Subject be ever 
 fo myfteriouSj that any Sophifm fhould be-* 
 
 F z get
 
 [ 36 ] 
 get a Doubt, whether we were not the 
 ivorfe fur owing a r oafi Debt, and paying 
 a large Inter eft for it. The plaufible Pre- 
 tence that this inclined Foreigners to trufl 
 their Money here, fo that we were really 
 the richer for what we owed, might con- 
 jble us a little while, which we are obliged 
 to be in Debt, but could never fat isfy us 
 that we were the better jor it, or that 
 we mould be lefs Wealthy for owing nothing. 
 It is very true, that Men well acquainted 
 with Figures, having different Apprehen- 
 fions of fome things, from what others 
 have who are lefs ver/ed in Numbers, but 
 does it follow from thence that any Skill 
 in Accounts can bring a Man to believe 
 that a Debt is no Burden, if fo I would 
 boldly pronounce fuch a Skill to be of no 
 Ufe? But the contrary is true, fuch as un- 
 derfland Figures beft, fee this Matter in 
 quite another Light, and have enabled us 
 to mew the Fallacy of that Argument, even 
 to the molt ordinary Under/landing. If 
 Foreigners truft us with their Money, it 
 mud: be becaufe they can make more of 
 it here than they can at home, and if fo, 
 then we have juft Reafon to apprehend 
 that we pay ?nore for their Money than it 
 is worth, or to fpeak in fofter Terms more 
 than we can afford, the End of which 
 muft be beggaring ourfelves and cheating 
 tiiem, for we can only pay them Intereit 
 
 fo
 
 [37] 
 fo long as our Money Id/is, and when they 
 come to lofe the Principle, they will think 
 themfelves hardly dealt with, whatever the 
 Intcrejl may be which they have received. 
 To make this plainer and put the thing 
 out of Dilpute. We know that the Dutch 
 are great Proprietors in our public k Funds. 
 But the Dutch are a trading Nation, a Na- 
 tion careful of their lnterefi, and who are 
 well known feldom to make a rafi, hardly 
 ever a wrong Judgment, in Affairs of this 
 Sort. We mufl therefore conclude that 
 they confider this Method of employing 
 their Money as a Kind of Trade , and all 
 Circumftances, all Hazards confidered, a 
 beneficial Kind of Trade, otherwife they 
 would not employ fuch large Sums therein. 
 But if it be advantageous to them, how 
 can it be fo to us f their Profit mufl arife 
 from drawing mote from our Funds, than 
 they could do from their own Commerce, 
 but we know that our Trade is not driven 
 at fo Jinall an Expence, or with fuch high 
 Advantages as the Dutch, and therefore 
 we may be fatisfied if we will be fatisfied 
 of any thing that they gain, and we lofe 
 by this Confidence which they repofe in 
 us. We may apply this Reajbning to other 
 Cafes, and be from thence convinced that 
 the public Debt is a real^ not an imagi- 
 nary Grievance, tho', as I faid before, it 
 is a Burden that mufl: be taken off by De- 
 grees,
 
 [38 ] 
 
 grees, and not thrown down in a Pelf, 
 tho' it may be trouble feme to bear. 
 
 Bat it may be objected, if the Cafe 
 be (6 clear, how comes it to pafs that fo 
 many able Men, who fcem to have under- 
 stood this Subject, have been of a different 
 Opinio??, or what R.eafon is there to fup- 
 pofe that you are more infallible than they f 
 To this I think I can give a very iatisfadtory 
 Anfwer. The natio??al Debt is fwollen to 
 fo immenfe a Bulk, that a very confider- 
 able Part of the Nation, are fo far in- 
 terefted therein, as to denre that it mould 
 not be efleemed a Burden, or at leaft not 
 fo great a Burden as it really is. Now 
 among thefe People there are many who 
 are Men of great Skill in Figures and in 
 Argume?its ; and therefore we need not 
 wonder that they employ their Skill, as 
 mod People do, for the Furtherance of their 
 particular Interejl, without having a due 
 RefpecT: to that of the Publick. We 
 know what an Outcry was made againfl 
 the Scheme of that truly diiinterefled Pa- 
 triot, Sir John Barnard, and yet there 
 is nothing clearer, nothing more certain, 
 than that this was an Outcry of Part of 
 %he Nation againfl: the Whole, an Outcry 
 made by fuch as were maintained by, or 
 were railing Fo?'times out of the publick 
 Debt, againfl the Interejl of the whole Peo- 
 ple of Great Britain, who bend under the 
 2 • Weight
 
 f39l 
 
 Weight of it. This therefore folves the 
 Difficulty, this (hews how we are come 
 to have a potent Party amongft us in Fa- 
 vour of the publick Debt, nay, it {hews 
 more, it (hews us that if the public Debt 
 mould grow ftill greater than it is, the 
 Party who are for it would grow flronger, 
 and when this is maturely weighed, it 
 will appear a very alarming Argument a- 
 gainft the Continuance of fuch a Burden, 
 But bleffed be God, we have the Profpecl 
 of an immediate Remedy, 1 mean the Bill 
 lately brought into Parliament for appoint- 
 ing CommiJJioners to ftate the publick Debts* 
 this (hews a true Spirit of Patriotifm, and 
 is fufiicient to convince us, that we mall 
 at lali fee what the Circumftances of the 
 Nation really are, and then perhaps it will 
 not be fo difficult a Matter, ev 1 for private 
 Men, to contrive a Met hod for a. juit, ipeedy, 
 and effectual Removal of this grievous 
 Load; but I have dwelt too long upon 
 this Point, and muft therefore be the {bar- 
 ter upon Others. 
 
 The regulating of our Taxes would be 
 a Work of great Utility to the Publick, for 
 next to taking them off it is certain, there 
 could be no greater Ea/e given to the Sub- 
 ject than laying them equally, fince there 
 can be no juft Reafon affigned, why one 
 part of his Majefty's Subjects mould bear 
 more in this Refpect than another. Every 
 
 Body
 
 [4°] 
 Body knows the Hard (Lips that attend the 
 Window Tax , which is ib contrived, that 
 it affecls an induftrious Weaver more than 
 the richejl Peer. There are abundance of 
 Inconveniencies in the Management of the 
 Excife, more in the Gujioms^ but mod: of all 
 in the Land-Tax, which, tho' it might be 
 the faired, is, and ever has been, the bar deft 
 and moft unequal Tax that is levied upon 
 the People, iincc at the fame time that 
 four Shillings in the Found is paid to the 
 full in London, the Inhabitants of the North 
 and Weji do not pay above one, or between 
 one and two at molt. If this Mifchief was 
 taken away, a Land-Tax of two Shillings 
 would produce as much as Jour does now, 
 which, tho' it would be the fame thing to 
 the Publick, yet it is plain that half the 
 private People would be relieved who pax 
 this Tax^ and the other half could not juftly 
 complain, fmce they would then pay no 
 more than they ought. 
 
 It would be alio a very commendable as 
 well as acceptable Work, to regulate the 
 Laws relating to the Poor, lo that they 
 might be maintained like Englijhncn and 
 Chrijlians, yet with fuch Oeconomy, that 
 paying for their Maintenance, might not 
 contribute to bring others into their Condi- 
 tion. Something to this Purpoie was talked 
 of in the nrft Seflion of the lajl Parliament, 
 and if I miftake not, the Heads of a .Bill 
 
 were
 
 [ 4.» ] 
 
 \?ere drawn up, whereby the feveral ^<*?j 
 relating to this Natter, would have been 
 reduced to one general Law ; but as I ob- 
 ferved this was in the firji SeiTicns, and no- 
 thing more was : d of it to the Lift, 
 which certainly was )ut too generally re- 
 marked by the P ho exped to feel 
 the Hands of their R ; ntitives, in ea- 
 Jing as well as in g Burthens. Nor 
 Would it be an improper Addition to this 
 Care, if fome Methods were taken for pre- 
 venting the Increafe of our Poor, by re- 
 training fuch iniquitous Profefiions, as have 
 a vifible Tendency to multiply Beggars, 
 fuch as Pawn- Brokers, Tally-Men, T^ipling- 
 Houfes, Geneva-Shops, and all other Recep- 
 tacles of idle and debauched Perfons, which 
 have been carried on for many Years pad, 
 with fuch fhamelefs, or rather lhameful Im- 
 punity, that Foreigners, from a Viewoi our 
 Corruption, might doubt whether we had 
 any Government at all. I hope it will not 
 be thought a Crime in me to mention, 
 on fuch an Occafion as this, what our Grand 
 Juries have fo often, tho' to fo little Pur- 
 pofe complained of, when things are not 
 reached by ordinary Courts, which yet are 
 highly detrimental to the Publick, the Par- 
 liament is the fole Refource of the People. i 
 and to it every Man may refort. 
 
 The Repeal of obfolete or ufelefs penal 
 Laws, would be an Aft of great Jullice 
 
 G in
 
 U* ] 
 
 in itfeif, and of much Benefit to the Peo- 
 ple. It is notorious that thefe are now 
 multiplied to fuch a Degree, as that it 
 would require Volumes to comprehend 
 them. Some are arbitrary, fome con- 
 tradictory, and numbers of them unrea- 
 fonable, which is the Caufe that many re- 
 main unexecuted, tho' in fome Refpect 
 this too may prove detrimental to the Peo- 
 ple, fince in many Cafes it is equally un- 
 reafonable to pimifi beyond Meafure, orab- 
 folutely to pcifs by an Offence. One great 
 Source of thefe Evils has been a modern 
 Principle, of adverting rather to the In- 
 tereji of the Revenue than the Service of 
 the Nation ; whence it has come to pafs, 
 that Laws have been exerted or fufTered 
 to Jlecp at the Difcretion of Officers, which 
 is a thing entirely repugnant to our Conjli- 
 tution, this making Laws the Mafiers of 
 Men, and that giving to Men a Power over 
 the Laws. One cannot imagine that fuch 
 a Regulation as this mould be inftantaneous j 
 no, as Mifchiefs difcover thernfelves gradu- 
 ally ' fo there muff, be time taken to root 
 them out ; but if the great Council of the 
 Nation, would have the Condefcenfion to 
 appoint a Committee to enquire into the 
 Number, Nature and Confequences of the 
 penal Laws x it would give us Hopes, that in 
 fome reafonable Space, they would be di- 
 gefled into fuch Order, as might render 
 2 them
 
 f 43 ] 
 
 them no longer terrible, but falutary to the 
 Subjecl, which certainly would be a great 
 and happy Change. 
 
 There is indeed one of thefe Laws, which 
 deferves to be particularly mentioned, be- 
 caufe it is among the Number of the repu- 
 ted Canfes of our intefiine Divifons. The 
 Law I mean is the left A5t, for the repeal- 
 ing of which feveral fruitlefs Attempts have 
 been made, and tho' no body would be 
 better pleafed to fee it repealed than I, 
 yet I own that I am very well pleafed 
 they were fruitlefs. The known Motive 
 to thefe Attempts, was the Difpute fub- 
 fifting between the late Miniflry and the 
 Opposition; and if in fuch a Situation 
 of Things, the Repeal of the Teft Act had 
 been carried, it might have revived our 
 religious Jars, and been the Means of per~ 
 petuating DiJJentions. But thofe Times are 
 now over; Men are reftored to the free 
 Ufe of their Reajon, in public k as well as 
 private Capacities, and therefore this furely 
 is the fitted Time for removing fuch a 
 Jumbling Block of Offence, and for refloring 
 to us as Chrijlians that Liberty, which feems 
 to be the Birth-Right of Britons. This is 
 fo juft, fo equitable, fo rational a Demand, 
 that it ftands not in Need of Party Affif- 
 tance, as on the other Hand we have now 
 juft Grounds to hope, it will never more be 
 oppofed through Party Influence. The 
 
 G 2 Rea-
 
 1 44 ] 
 Iv.afons in Favour of this Step have been 
 fo often fo unanfwerably ftated, that it 
 might well be difpenfed with, if in fo fhort 
 a Tract as this, I took them for granted ; 
 but as I have put the Matter upon a fair 
 Ifjue, and entirely difengaged it from Party, 
 1 think it may not be amifs to offer a few 
 Arguments in fupport of my Afertion, that 
 all Parties ought to think this Meafure 
 right. 
 
 In the firft Place, fuch a Diftinction as this 
 A3 makes, is contrary to natural and to Gofpel 
 Liberty, and is of the Nature of thofe Impo- 
 jitions, which have the word Effect on the 
 Minds of Men. It occafions an idle and 
 needlefs Diftinction, between their civil and 
 religious Interefls j leads to Hypocrify, In- 
 difference,Want of Confideration, Contempt 
 of Divine Things, and fo to downright Athe- 
 ifm. For when once Men have got over 
 Doubts, they come to leaping over Princi- 
 ples, as woeful Experience has convinced 
 us ; for the more Oaths, the more Decla- 
 rations, the more Subfcriptions have been 
 required amongft us, the lefs we have of 
 Conference and Chriftianity, and the more 
 Libertinifm has prevailed. It is plain, there- 
 fore, that upon this Topic, Believers and 
 Unbelievers mud agree; according to the No- 
 tions of the former, it mull be held a dip- 
 honourable DiflinBion ; and on the Princi- 
 ples profefTed by the latter, it appears to 
 
 be
 
 f 45 ] 
 
 he unchriflian and irreligious. The fole 
 Pretence is, that the left is the Bulwark 
 of the Church; but fure no Man who is 
 a Chrijlian indeed, thinks that the Church 
 of God will he endangered, by ruining 
 any of the Fortifications Men have raifed in 
 its Defence. This is both an impious and 
 a fenfelefs Petition when ftrictly coniidered, 
 however plauiible it may feem, when dreffed 
 out by Matters of Logic and Rhetoric, who 
 are able to give an Abfurdity the Colour of 
 Truth, and raile an enthuiiaftic Spirit of 
 Violence, in fupport of any Caufe. 
 
 Next, I fay, that fincere and confeien- 
 tious Churchmen have given this up long 
 ago ; they are thoroughly convinced, as in- 
 deed every confiderate Man mufl be, that 
 the Te/l AB is a Civil Eftablifhment, where- 
 by a divine Jnfiitution is perverted to a pro- 
 phone life, which muft affect every honefi, 
 every pious Mind with deep Concern ; tne 
 rather, becanfe it is evident, that inftead 
 of reconciling Diffenters to the Church, this 
 is a great Caufe why many are Dijjenters 
 ftill, who fcruple Compliance when en- 
 joined, and yet would have no Doubts about 
 it, if it were not fo. The trueft Frknds 
 to the Church, are certainly fuch as are at- 
 tached to it, from an attentive Confidera- 
 tion of its Principles, and a fincere Perfua- 
 fion that they are agreeable to the Will of 
 God -, but thefe Men are as much offend ! 
 
 w
 
 [ 46 ] 
 with the lejl Ac~l as the Di/fenters, de- 
 iire as much to lee it repealed, and think 
 their own Deliverance from the Sin and 
 Shame of proftituting the blejj'ed Sacrament , 
 would be as great as theirs. The Pretence 
 therefore that the Repeal of this Law would 
 prejudice the Church, if we take that Word 
 in its fpiritual and proper Senfe, is not only 
 idle and vain, but alio abfolutely repugnant 
 to Truth. The Church of England y as a So- 
 ciety of Chriflians, have no Intercft in the 
 "Te/l A5i ; on the contrary, they really are, and 
 many have confeffed as much under Obliga- 
 tions to get this Scandal lpeedily removed. 
 But it may be laid, that the Church is to be 
 confidered not only as a Chrijlian, but an 
 ejlablifred Church, and therefore en tit ed to 
 defend its religious Rights, by the Means 
 thought moft proper by the Civil- Power. 
 This is the laft Relburce, and to this I 
 think two very fatisfactory Anfwers may 
 be given ; fatisfactory I mean to fuch as 
 incline to be fatisfied ; for as to Men who 
 difpute with a fettled Purpofe of never 
 parting with their own Opinions, it is a vain 
 thing to talk of jatisfying or convincing 
 them. But to the Point, 
 
 Tirfi, tho' it be allowed that an efla- 
 blifhed Church may ufe the Means prescri- 
 bed by Civil Authority for its Defence, yet 
 this mu ft be in things lawful upon Chri- 
 jlian
 
 [ 47 1 
 jiian Principles, and the Method prescribed 
 by the Tefi Act, is acknowledged not to be 
 of this Number, even by fuch as are zea- 
 lous for prefer ving it ; and who, therefore, 
 according to their own Arguments* ousrht 
 rather to think of a proper Equivalent, 
 than ablblutely perfift in demanding as 
 they do its Continuance, But Jecondly, this is 
 not all, tho' the Diffenters are politically 
 within the ConfiruBion of this AB, yet it 
 is certainly again it the Spirit of it, to put 
 them under its Penalties. The Faft is no- 
 torious that the Intent of the Lezi/lature 
 in making this Law, was to it-cure the 
 Proteflant Religion, and therefore to turn 
 the Edge of it upon Proteflants, is a thing 
 very irreconcileable to that Spirit of Meek- 
 tiefs and Sincerity, which is effential to true 
 Religion. I would therefore propoie it as 
 a fair Queflion, to the Advocates for the Con- 
 tinuance of this Law, whether fuch a Pro- 
 ceeding does not argue an Attachment ra- 
 ther to a political than ecclefiajlical E/Ia- 
 bli foment \ and whether it is not betravin^ 
 the Chriflian, or at lead the ProtcJJa?it Re- 
 ligion to its capital Enemies, for the fake 
 of biterefi, thus to pofipone Principles. 1 
 would not be underilood to argue either 
 againft the ejlablijhed Church, or in Favour 
 of Sectaries, farther than is ncceilarv to 
 their Toleration ; but fince I think it is clear 
 that the Te/i is a Hardfhip on the Lav- 
 
 DiJJen-
 
 [ 43 ] 
 
 DiJJenters, and on the Clergy, of the Church 
 of England, I muft alfo think it ought to 
 be taken away for the Kale and by the Con- 
 fent of both, inch an equivalent Security be- 
 ing firft agreed on, as may anlwer the end 
 of the Teft by fome lawful Means. 
 
 The Care of our Manufactures is a Point 
 not to be paffed over; to fay the Truth, it 
 is a Point that will admit of no Delay. Our 
 Negligence in this Refpect has been too 
 great already ; and mod evident it is, that 
 we fuffer by it grievoufly, and muft conti- 
 nue to fuffer by it more and more, till it 
 is thoroughly iearched into and effectually 
 redrejfed. Tho' it muft be allowed, that 
 Complaints for Want of Money have been 
 common in all Ages, yet it cannot be deni- 
 ed, that at prefent they are remarkably jujl. 
 There is a real Stagnation of 'Trade, which 
 is too fe nfibly fell to be dijpntcd, our 
 Jiaple Commodities hang upon our Hands, 
 and Numbers of People, who were wont to 
 get their Bread by their Labour, now ex- 
 pect Alms. Such a Change as this is not- 
 only prejudicial, but fcandalous to a Nation, 
 becaufe it is an evident Proof that we have 
 neglected our Affairs, and have made little 
 or no Uie of the mighty Advantages afforded 
 us by Providence. It is therefore high time 
 to look about us, if we are concerned either 
 for cur Honour or for our Intereft ; Peti- 
 tions upon Petitions come from all the 
 
 Places
 
 £ 49 1 
 
 Places where Trade was wont to flourifh, 
 complaining of its Decay \ and of the Dif- 
 couragements it labours under. Neither does 
 the Malady ftop here, but like a Gangrene, 
 fpreads from the trading to the la?ided In- 
 ter eft, makes our Rents fall, and all Pro- 
 perty precarious. If therefore we coniinue 
 to turn a deaf Ear to all the Remonjlran* 
 ces made upon this Subject, or to behave 
 towards them with fuch Indifference, as if 
 they were Things that might be looked in- 
 to at any time-, we mall be like Men of 
 large Fortunes and larger Expences, who 
 trouble not themfelves about Debts or In- 
 cumbrances, till their Eftaies are fo affected 
 thereby, that Care comes too late, and Oeco- 
 nomy is to no Purpofe. 
 
 The Affair of Wool, and Woollen 
 Manufactures, has been for many 
 Years canvaffed in general Difcourfe, and 
 has now and then occupied the Attention 
 of a great Afjembly for a little while; I 
 wifh it was abfurd to fay, and to little 
 Purpofe. By this fort of Management the 
 thing is now grown fo perplexed, and at the 
 fame time concerns us io nearly, that we are 
 at a lofs what Courfe to take, and yet almofl 
 any would be preferable to taking no Courfe 
 at all. In fuch a Cafe, Circumfpecfion, 
 Labour and Attention are neceffary ; the 
 thing muft be examined into by proper 
 Judges -, Enquiries muff be made in a pro- 
 
 H per
 
 [So] 
 
 per Manner of, and by proper Perfons; Stories 
 mufl not be taken upon Truft, or Projects 
 received in Virtue rather of Recommenda- 
 tions than Rcafons. All Mens Opinions 
 mould be asked, and fuch as appear moft 
 rational mould be followed. All this can- 
 not be difpatched by a few Hours Atten- 
 dance twice in a Week for a Month toge- 
 ther j no, it will require a cooler and more 
 coniiderate Method, that is to fay, if defpi- 
 iing Expedients, we refolve to fettle the 
 Matter on a right Foundation, to prefer ve 
 our Wool at home, to provide for its being 
 manufacJured here and vended abroad, as 
 heretofore was wont and may be again, if we 
 are not wanting to ourfelves, which has been 
 too often our Misfortune. 
 
 It may alfo deferve Enquiry how far 
 the Exportation of raw Commodities, the 
 Increafe or Improvement of Manufactures al- 
 ready fet up, or the eftablifhing new Ones, 
 may be promoted by the Affiftance of the 
 of the Legifature, and in what Cafes it is 
 better to leave things open, that every Man 
 may ac~i as Occafion direfts; for it is certain, 
 that as in fome Refpects the Want of legal 
 Provifcns have been found detrimental, fo 
 in others, Rejlraints of this fort have been 
 no lefs prejudicial. The Nature and pre- 
 fent Circumfiances of corporate Bodies of 
 Trade/men, undoubtedly merit Injpetlion ; 
 for as the due Ufe of Charters obtained 
 t from
 
 1 51 ] 
 
 from the Crown, are of the utmoft Bene- 
 fit to the Subject, fo all Abufes of them are 
 both flagrant and extenfive Grievances. The 
 Power of levying Fines , raifing Quarterages 
 and other Jmpofitions, without being fubject 
 to Examination, or Account to the Body of 
 People upon whom fuch Sums are levied, is 
 a very unjuft and unreafonable Power , 
 which ought to be taken away. The fame 
 kind of arbitrary Authority is apparently 
 as ill-founded, tho' fometimes fupported by 
 modern Conftruclions of Law, by which 
 Parijhes are often burthened with the Ex- 
 pence of Suits, determined to their own 
 Prejudice, and are forced to pay for the 
 EJlabli(hment of a tyrannical Government, 
 which though they know not how to flake 
 off, they know as little how to bear with 
 Patience. Commijjions by Direction of Par- 
 liament for reviewing thefe Things, for en- 
 forcing Authority where it is for general 
 Benefit, and for refloiing Liberty, where 
 Power has been illegally obtained, grown 
 injurious in procefs of Time and Change of 
 Circumjianccs, or unwarrantably extended, 
 would be of great Utility, inafmuch as it 
 would manifeit the Attention of our Su- 
 periors, reprefs the Violence and Injuflice 
 of ambitious and a-varitious Men, and re- 
 lieve the common fort, who by their Labour 
 and Induftry are the moil ufeful Members 
 of Socittx, from fuch GpprefTions as at pre- 
 
 H 2 lent
 
 [ 5* ] 
 fent four their Minds, and difpirit them 
 in the Exercife of their Employments. Such 
 Commifjions would alfo prove Sources of 
 ufeful Intelligence to the State, and enable 
 us to apply to better Purpofes, confidera- 
 ble Sums which are now fpent in luxurious 
 Gluttony, or diverted into private Pockets, 
 and which with much greater Juftice might 
 be converted to the Service of the Publicity 
 if upon mature Deliberation it mould be 
 found expedient any longer to raije them at 
 all. 
 
 The laft thing I fhall mention, is the Ne- 
 ceflity of enquiring into the pa ft •z.w&prefent 
 State of the great trading Companies, which 
 in the Nature of Things have and ?nufi 
 have a vafi Influence, and are therefore ca- 
 pable of doing according as they ufe it, much 
 Hurt, or much Good. Thefe were all ori- 
 ginally erected for the Encouragement of 
 Trade , but how far of late Years efpe- 
 cially they have been from anjkuering that 
 Purpofc, how much they have contributed 
 to encourage a Spirit of Avarice and Stock- 
 jobbing, which is the Bane of beneficial Com- 
 merce ; and what Opportunities they have 
 given to bold Projectors and artful Mana- 
 gers to engrofs the Wealth of the Nation, 
 which is fare to be employed in a fcandalous 
 Manner when it falls into fuch dirts Ha?ids, 
 is fo well known, from the Remembrance 
 we have of the South-Sea Scheme , the Har~ 
 
 borough
 
 t 53 ] 
 
 borough Lottery, and the Charitable Corpo- 
 ration, that the Ufefulnefs of fuch an En- 
 quiry cannot be doubted or denied. It is 
 certainly of the utmoft ill Confequence to 
 fee in a Country, which in a manner fubfifts 
 by Trade, numbers of People grow rich 
 by the Management of other Men's Money 
 Concerr.s, or raiimg Fortunes by the Z)/- 
 reclion of a Company's Affairs, while their 
 Traffick fo managed, is detrimental to the 
 Proprietors. Neither is it honourable in re- 
 flect to the Government, under which we 
 live, that private Men fhould perfectly know 
 and be thoroughly convinced, that fuch ini- 
 quitous Things are praclifed, at the fame 
 time that the Publick receives no Satisfac- 
 tion, while the Guilty live in Affluence and 
 Credit ; nay, perhaps are trufted with Pojls 
 of high Importance, inftead of being punified. 
 Such things not only aftonijh but corrupt the 
 Mirids of the People, who, following the 
 Example of thofe they are taught to call 
 their Betters, have Recourfe to Shifts and 
 Artifices, in order to raife a Fortune, in- 
 ftead of purfuing as they were wont, the 
 plain Path to Riches and Reputation, by 
 an honefl Endeavour to promote their own 
 and the Nation's Welfare, in the known 
 Methods of Cultivation and Exporta- 
 tion- of what grows, or is manufactured 
 at home. Hence the mighty Difference 
 between the prefent and former times -, the 
 
 In-
 
 [ 54 ] 
 
 Incertainty of fo many People's Properties, 
 and the Readinefs which is fhewn in em- 
 barking in Lotteries and other fuch like 
 Defigns, which flatter the prevailing Views 
 of attaining large Fortunes quickly, and 
 without Activity, which Humour was for- 
 merly the Ruin of the Common-Wealth of 
 Genoa, and is at prefcnt become very for- 
 midable in Holland, though far fhort in 
 the Mifchiefs it does there, of what it 
 produces here. Let therefore our Compa- 
 nies be retrained to things within the Com- 
 paj's of their Charters, let it be made mani- 
 feft that they perform thefe, and let fuch 
 Branches ofBu/inefs as they have undertaken, 
 and do not perform, be left to the Manage- 
 ment of others, who by skilful Methods 
 of employing their private Fortunes, would 
 increafe their own Eftates, and do fignal 
 Service to the Publick. 
 
 In drawing up this fuccinct Review of 
 the principal 'Things expected by the People 
 from the prefcnt Adminifiration ; I can 
 iafelv aver, that I have a<5ted under no 
 other Influence than that of public Spirit. 
 In Refpcdt to my Situation in Life I am 
 as much below Hope as I am above Fear. 
 I have no Intention to flatter any Man or 
 any Set of Men on the Acquiiition of Power, 
 nor have I any particular Reafon to be 
 afraid of the Ufe which they may make of 
 it. I thought a fhort Diicourfe of this 
 
 kind
 
 Iss] 
 
 Kind, might at this Juncture be ufeful and 
 necefj'ary ; ufeful to refrefh the Memories 
 of the Great, as to their Promifes before 
 they were Jo ; and neceflary to the People that 
 they might infill on juft and rational De- 
 mands, and not to be duped into fuch Re- 
 quefts as might afford a Colour of Juftice 
 to their Refufal. How I have executed my 
 Defign it will be the Reader s Talk to de- 
 termine, it is fufficient for me that I meant 
 honeftly, that 1 have acJed impartially, that 
 I have flandered no Man. 
 
 Should the ^uejlion be afked how I come 
 to know that thefe are the Claims, or 
 Wijhes of the Commons of Great Britain ? 
 I think myfelf bound to give a fair and 
 ingenuous Anfwer. I have heard Men of 
 all Ranks, as well in promifcuous Compa- 
 nies as in private Conventions, infill often 
 upon mojl and fometimes upon all of thefe 
 Topicks. as things which would give them 
 entire Satisfaction. I have collected the 
 fame thing from the moRtfenJible zw&applaud- 
 ed Papers written to promote the Country 
 Jnterefl, I find many of thefe Points re- 
 commended to the Confiderations of Mem- 
 bers by their Contituents. I am well af- 
 fured that many wife Men and worthy Pa- 
 triots, who are now in the sldminijlration, 
 have on proper Occafions declared for thefe 
 Demands, and I have heard and believe 
 that they prof els themfehes to be in the 
 
 fame
 
 t JM 
 
 fame Sentiments ftill. All which taken to- 
 gether have convinced me that thefe are 
 things certainly and ardently wiflied for 
 by the Commons of Great Britain, as necef- 
 fary to their Safety and Security, which 
 would afford them immediate Ea/e, and 
 be productive of future Happinefs j un- 
 der which Perfuafion I have thus col- 
 lected and put them together in the beji 
 Drefs I could, which tho' it may not be 
 fit for them to wear, is all that my Ward- 
 robe could furnifh j and if any Man dif- 
 likes them therein, let him array them as 
 much better as he pleafes, he cannot give 
 himfelf more Pleafure than lie will give me y 
 all my Concern is that they meet with a 
 good Reception, in Order to which I would 
 be content to be their meanejl Attendant ; , 
 rather than Mafier of the Ceremonies, to 
 which I know myfelf unequal. 
 
 There are however fome other Reafons 
 which induce me to lay hold of this Op- 
 portunity, and which I fhall very willingly 
 confefs. The firfl of thefe was the In- 
 dignation I conceived, at hearing fome Men 
 talk, as if the driving certain Perjbas from 
 their Pojis had anfvvered all the Ends of 
 the Nation, and that our Condition was 
 abfolutely altered in Confequence of the 
 Names of the great Officers of State being 
 differently fpelt from what they were be- 
 fore. Alas ! what is this to the People, 
 
 what
 
 I 57] 
 
 what imports it to many hundred thoujand 
 Perfons who occupies this Employment ', or dif- 
 charges that Office '? It is the Prerogative of 
 the Crown to appoint and remove Minif- 
 ters i a Prerogative I hope we ihall never 
 fee invaded, but the great Concern of the 
 People is Freedom and the Security of that 
 Conjlitution by which they enjoy it. For 
 this they were anxious, exceedingly anxious 
 not long ago, and for this they mu-ft be 
 anxious ftill, till fuch Steps are taken, fuch 
 Alterations made, and fuch Rules efla- 
 blifhed, as may free them from all Fears, 
 and make the Return of a corrupt Influ- 
 ence impoffible. To endeavour to talk the 
 People out of thefe Hopes, to difcourage 
 fuch Expectations^ to insinuate that Things 
 may be fafely pojlponed, is doing the utmojl 
 Mi/chief, and therefore I cannot imagine 
 that any body will have the AfTurance to. 
 addrefs themfelves in this Strain to the 
 Publick, In cafe they mould, I have been 
 too quick for them j in plain Terms, and in 
 a narrow Compafs, I have laid down the 
 Nature of the People's Claims, and faid 
 fomewhat of the Reajbns on which they 
 are founded ; the Writer therefore that 
 undertakes an cppofite Tajk, mull dijprove 
 trie one and refute the other, or he will 
 gain no great Credit by his Performance. 
 Mi flakes I have been doubtlefs liable to, 
 but upon the vshole, I dare lav mine is the 
 
 I Peo-
 
 [ 5§ ] 
 
 People s Plan, not calculated to ferve the 
 narrow Purpofes of Party, but built as the 
 Phrafe is among the genuine Patriots upon 
 a broad Bottom. 
 
 Another Reafon which moved me to 
 this Publication, was the convincing fuch 
 as are true Friends to their Country, that 
 the Mifchiefs we labour under are not 
 feigned or chimerical, but true and real ; yet 
 inch as may and ought to be cured ; this^ 1 
 thought was the bed Proof of the Falfiood 
 of that Calumny, which has fo boldly im- 
 puted modern Patriotifm to a Spirit of Dif- 
 ajf'effion. There is certainly a wide Diffe- 
 rence between Dijloyalty and Dij content -, 
 the Love of our Prince does not take from 
 us a Senje of our Misfortunes, neither does 
 it imply any Obligations to conceal them, 
 becaufe by weakening ourfelves we injure 
 him, nor is it poffible that the Kingdom 
 fhould be diftrefTed, and the King remain 
 unaffected. It is therefore the Effects of 
 Duty, when the People make known their 
 Griefs in a legal Way, they then make ufe 
 of their great Privilege as free Subjects, and 
 fhew their Defire of ferving the Crown, by 
 expreffing an Expectation of being put into 
 a Condition to ferve it, by the removal of fuch 
 Incumbrances as difable them for the prefent. 
 
 It has therefore been the Policy of the 
 beft Reigns, for the Government to fhew a 
 greater Concern for the People^ than for the 
 
 imme-
 
 [ 59 ] 
 
 immediate Rights of the Sovereign. Thus In 
 the Days of Queen Elizabeth, the Mini- 
 fay did not endeavour to raife a large Re- 
 venue, to multiply Honours, or to enlarge 
 the Royal Influence by an Increafe of 
 Places. No, they took quite a contrary 
 Method ; they were extremely frugal in 
 the Management of the hereditary Eflate 
 of the Crown, the greatefh Part of which 
 they applied to the publick Service. They 
 repaired and augmented the Navy ; they 
 intrufted the Security of the Nation at home 
 to its ?iatural Strength, a numerous and 
 well-difciplin'd Militia ; they encouraged 
 a Spirit of Induftry and Trade ; they em- 
 ployed the Prerogatives of the Crown in 
 promoting the Welfare of the People. By 
 thefe Methods they furprifingly changed 
 the Pace of Affairs, and from a low ex- 
 haufted and dejected Race of 'Men, they fud- 
 denly raifed an active, powerful, and flouriih- 
 ing Nation. By fuch Steps they equally ferved 
 both Prince and People, and were them- 
 felves fo happy, as to join Popularity .with 
 Power, and to be at once in Favour with 
 the Crown, and on the befl Terms ima- 
 ginable with the Subjects. Neither was the 
 Government ever diftfefled. Whatever 
 Supplies were necefTary, the Nation raifed 
 cheerfully and with Alacrity ; when the 
 Queen afked an Aid of the City of Lon- 
 don, they granted her double what me de^ 
 
 I 2 manded $
 
 {6o] 
 
 manded ; and on the other Hand, when 
 her Majefly had raifed a very large Sum for 
 a Service in view, whieh afterwards ap- 
 peared to be imncccfdry, (lie returned it tp 
 her Subjects. This mutual Confidence was 
 the Strength of that Government, which 
 humbled Faction at home, and triumphed 
 over foreign Foes. 
 
 The fame Management will at any time 
 have the fame E feels. To fecure the Affec- 
 tion of the Britijh People, the fiajejl and 
 fhorteft Method is to deferve it. It is a great 
 JVlifkke to imagine, that the People have 
 a natural Averfion to Power, the contrary 
 is ftridtly true, if they find Power made Ufe 
 of to protect them. Our Conftjtution has 
 placed, and very wifely top, the executive 
 Part of the Government entirely in the 
 Crown ; but inafmnch as we are free, it 
 implies that this is placed there for the 
 Benefit of the People. If therefore the 
 Minificrs appointed by the King, difcharge 
 their Offices as they ought, his Jleign will 
 be glorious and his People happy -, but if 
 they form to themfelvts Schemes of Policy 
 inconfiftent with the Frame of oqr Govern*- 
 incut, if they are weak enough to fancy 
 that Attention to the Royal Will, may at- 
 tone for neglcfiing the national Interefl, or 
 if they are fo wicked as to attempt to di- 
 vide what the Constitution hath fo care- 
 fully united, they muft neceflarily raife 
 
 a
 
 t 61 ] 
 
 s Spirit of Difcontent, for which they and 
 not the People are accountable. This is 
 as evident as any thing of a like Nature can 
 be ; and a better Ufe cannot be made of the 
 Freedom of Speech at prefent permitted us, 
 than to ftate truly and fairly, as I have 
 done, the firfl Principles of our Govern- 
 ment y fo as that they may fall under the 
 Compreheniion of the meaneft Underjianding y 
 and prevent any Man from becoming either 
 a Rebel or a Slave, for want of knowing 
 what Power he ought to obey, or how far 
 he has a Right to refijl. 
 
 A third Reafon, and I mall mention no 
 more, is the prefent favourable Opportu- 
 nity. An Opportunity fo happy, that for any 
 thing we know our Anceftors never law 
 the like\ and fo far as human Forefight 
 can extend, it is highly probable, that if 
 we neglect it, our immediate Pojlerity will 
 never fee fuch a one again. An Opportunity 
 which if we embrace, we may reftore the 
 Conftitution to found Health and its full 
 Vigour, by purging off every Relick of 
 Corruption, and freeing it from every Stain 
 it has contracted in a long Series of Time. 
 But that this may appear a juft and rational 
 Argument, and not a frothy Declamation, 
 which of late Years has become the faJhio?i- 
 able Art of political Eloquence, I will take 
 fome trouble to explain the Nature of this 
 
 Oppo?^
 
 t 62 ] 
 
 Opportunity, and to fhew the Reader haw 
 truly it merits the Encomiums I have be- 
 llowed thereon. 
 
 To apprehend rightly the Felicity of the 
 prc'.ent Conjuncture, we need only confider 
 the Complaints not long ago made by fome 
 of tlie worthy Patriots now in Power, they 
 told us that the Wealth of the Nation was 
 idly con fumed at home, and that its Reputa- 
 tion declined abroad; that our Commerce 
 was in a decaying State ; that we had fuffer- 
 ed our Allies to be undone for want of AJJifl- 
 ance, till at laft we had no Allies at all. 
 They infilled farther upon a yet more in- 
 tolerable Mifchief, that of our being depri- 
 ved of all ProfpeB of Redrefs ; they allured 
 us, that the utmoft of their Ability was to 
 expofe thefe things to the view of the 
 V/orld, but that by minifierial Arts, our 
 Chains were fo effectually rivetted, that 
 they could do no. more ; that Eloquence was 
 too weak for Numbers, and that we muft he 
 iatisfled with knowing our Misfortunes, the 
 Caufes and Caufcrs of them, and hope for 
 nothing more. What a »S&fc$ was f&V / and 
 how (jj'eBaalh do we find ourfelves df//- 
 vered! Minifierial Arts are no more, our 
 Minijlers are ilfhz of Probity ; , the very 
 Patriots, who in the Day of our Diflrej's 
 wiffced us Deliverance • from fuch Men 
 therefore wc m:ty reafonably expeff, what 
 under another Adminiflratim it would have 
 
 been
 
 T63 1 
 been Mains ft to wijh ; we may expect that 
 the Wounds of the Conjlituiion will be tho- 
 roughly (earched, and that the great Difeaji 
 of the Nation, under the Care of iuchPJsy- 
 ficians, will be radically cured. 
 
 On the other Hand, let us confider that 
 the mod plaufible Excufe, offered in Defence 
 of the late Minifiry, was their beiag cramps 
 by an Oppofition. It was this they laid hin- 
 dered them from redrefjing Grievances ; k 
 was this that withheld them from iuch vi- 
 gorous Meafures, as might have reiiored the 
 Balance of Power in Eurvpe, and railed the 
 Britijh Reputation as Afjgv& ^^ <mw. It was 
 their Appr^henfwns from an Oppcption, that 
 induced them to conclude fo great a number 
 of regular Forces neceffary 5 the Jame Caufi 
 they afTigned when we exprefled our Won- 
 der, that in fo many Years of Peace the 
 fublick Debt had icarce been lerTened. lu 
 fhort, according to them it was the Qppn- 
 fit ion caufed all our Mifchiefs, and the Na- 
 tion was given to underftand in pretty brmi 
 Terms, that if their Affairs were negle&ed, 
 it was in confequence of the firft Law c{ 
 Nature, Self-Pre/ervation ; and that it was 
 ridiculous to fancy a Mini/try would lifqtie 
 their own Safety to attend cloiely to pub tick 
 Bufinej's, while they were thus pufl-ed by an 
 Oppofition ; but we now fee even tins Pre- 
 tence taken away ; we are not only freed 
 from all our Terrors ofexce/Jhe Power locked 
 
 in
 
 [ 64 1 
 
 in bad Hands, but we have likewife the Sa->> 
 tisfa&ion of feeing, that our Patriot Mini- 
 jit 7 can receive no Check from an Oppo- 
 fition : no, the Snare is broken, and we are 
 delivered. Corruption was the Chain that 
 held together a certain Party ; its Links are 
 feparated, and the Connexion diilblved. To 
 imagine that out of the routed Remains of 
 theie flying Troops, fuch a Force could be 
 collected, as might look our viclotious Pa- 
 triots in the Face, is to fright ourfelves with 
 Dreams and Chimeras. The Friends of their 
 Country in Power , and acting for the Service of 
 their Country, can meet with ;zo Oppofttion ; 
 it is impomble they mould find any Grounds 
 for it, even if we mould imagine that there 
 are Men amongft us bad enough to entertain 
 any fuch Defign, it would be to combat 
 Reajbn with Sophiflry, to oppofe Fraud to 
 Wifdom, and the private Intereft of a hand- 
 ful of Jelfijh and ill-principled Men to the 
 Publick Weal, fupported by the Voice of the 
 Nation -> we muft therefore allow it to be 
 certain, that at this Jimflure we may hope 
 all things from Men in Power, and need ap- 
 prehend nothing from the Refentments of 
 fuch as have loft it. 
 
 I had Reafon therefore to fay, that this 
 was an extraordinary Opportunity, and fuch 
 a one, as we can fcarce hope to recover if* 
 it be loft j for when was it known that 
 the People of Great -Britain could abfo- 
 
 lutely
 
 [ 65 ] 
 
 lutely relie upon a Minijlry, or that a Mi- 
 nijlry was entirely free from the Fear of 
 Oppofitiont At prefent nothing can create 
 any new Difputes in the Nation, but flight- 
 ing or neglecting the Nation s Intcrefls. 
 While thefe are attended to, Unanimity 
 muft rei2;n j and therefore in fuch a Sea/on 
 all the jhlutary Laws beforementioned are, 
 if ever, to be hoped for. I know nothing 
 more I have to add, unlefs it be the refuting 
 all the few Objeclions that can poffibly be made 
 to what I have propofed j and as the doing 
 this will take up no great Room, I am con- 
 tent to make my Work as compleat as I can 
 by fuch an Addition. 
 
 We may poffibly hear it fud, that as un- 
 der this Adminiflration we can have no Ap- 
 prehenfions of Corruption, fo there appears 
 no vifible Neceffity for having Recourfe 
 to fo many and Jo firong Remedies, when 
 we have now in a Manner got over the 
 Difeafe. I defire the Reader will obferve 
 that I do not fay this will be objected, 
 but only that it may. We live in an Age 
 wherein many 'odd things have been faid r 
 and therefore Sufpicions, tho' indifferently 
 founded, may be excufed. If ever Rich an 
 Objection mould be made, the Anjwer is 
 clear and plain. Thefe are Remedies of a 
 prevent he Nature, and fuch as cannot ope- 
 rate, unlefs Corruption mould return again. 
 
 K The
 
 [ 66 ] 
 
 The prefent Miniftry cannot be affeBed by 
 them. All Parliaments muff be for them, 
 becaufe their Conftituents ivzfor them-, they 
 can therefore find no Difference in Parlia- 
 ments, continuing for Jeven Years or for 
 three. But this is not all, if we do not 
 receive thefe good Things, when thefe good 
 Men are in Powers when are we like to 
 have them ? if this be not 2. jit time, when 
 will a fit time come ? if thofe who have 
 convinced us of their Expediency will not 
 procure them, who mall ? far from any 
 Mark of Diffidence is our making thefe 
 I Demands ; on the contrary, it is the fulled 
 Proof that the People confide in the Mi- 
 niftry, and the molt fignal Token they can 
 afford them of their Efteem. For if we 
 confider it flri&ly, it is defiring them to 
 confer the highefl Honours on themfehes. 
 Surely fuch a Conddcenfion will be re- 
 membered in our Hijiories, and Pojlerity 
 mail learn to revere the Names of their 
 Benefaclors, who fixed the Freedom of their 
 Country on the firmer!: Bafis, before they 
 had well tailed of Power. Future Patriots 
 mall emulate their Virtues, without hoping 
 to reach them ; a revived Spirit of Li- 
 berty (hall enflame a new Race of Poets 
 to fing their Praifes, and whatever the Bri- 
 tijh Genius mall perform hereafter, will be 
 referred to them by whom it was preferred. 
 
 It
 
 [6 7 ] 
 
 It may poffibly be urged, that in the 
 prefent critical Conjuncture, there are fo 
 many Affairs of Importance, all of to pr effing 
 a Nature, that they are alike incapable of 
 bearing either NegleB or Delay. But Hire 
 this ought never to be pleaded in Bar to the 
 mofi important Affairs, and fuch as are lead 
 fit to be poftponed. When there are many 
 things of Weight to be done, we ought 
 furelv to take them in their turn, and if 
 fo, thefe muff certainly have the Prefe- 
 rence ; all other Matters derive their Con- 
 fequence from the Connexion they have with 
 our Liberty, but thefe are the very Means 
 of Liberty, without having which, we can- 
 not be fure of having that, or at leaft how 
 Jong we mall keep it. This Objection puts 
 me in mind of the Ji range Difcourfes that 
 are fometimes made to a fick Man. He 
 is put in Mind, that fuch a T.hing con- 
 cerns his Efiate ; fuch a Thing his Repu- 
 tation ; and fuch another Thing his Family. 
 But the wife Phyfician tells hirn, all thefe 
 things, Sir, are of great Importance ; but 
 be well before you think of them, your Health 
 ought to be your prefent Care ; and when you 
 are able to ftir about again, thefe things will 
 certainly deferve your Attention. We muft 
 look in like manner to our political Confli- 
 tution, if that be in full Vigour, we need 
 not doubt that in lime every thing will go 
 
 K 2 right,
 
 [6S] 
 
 right, but while this is on its laft Legs, 
 it is impoifible for the People to be eajy, or 
 to mind any thing elfe. We now know 
 our Wants-, we know too how they may 
 be Jupplied j and to talk of the Importance 
 of other Things at this time, is to ufe im- 
 proper La?ignag", and therefore come from 
 whom it will, it isimpoflible it mould be heard. 
 But it may be pretended, that how 
 dejirous foever all Men may be to carry 
 thefe Jeveral Projects into Execution, yet at 
 prefent it is impracticable, becaufe, whe- 
 ther we will or no, Time muft be want- 
 ing -, the current Biifinejs of the Tear muft 
 be done, the Kings Affairs muft not be 
 objlrucled j what relates to our Concerns 
 abroad, muft be attended to. Be it fo. Still 
 all this is nothing to the Purpofe, and can 
 be taken for current Coin by none, but fuch 
 as are in the Humour to be deceived. The 
 moft efTential Laws beforementioned are 
 not new Things, or fuch as require much 
 "Deliberation ; moft of their Forms we have 
 already, and as to the Matter oi them, they 
 cannot now furely admit of a- long Debate, 
 when they have been fo often fcruti?ii- 
 zed, and have already the Miniftrfs Ap- 
 probation. Add to this, that there is now 
 no Oppofitkn to delay their Paffage -, let 
 them be but once fct on Foot, they will 
 make their own Ways, or the People will 
 
 have
 
 [ *9 ] _ 
 
 have an Opportunity of feeing who hinders 
 them. The Nation has, as it were, an in- 
 terlocutory Judgment in its Favour j we 
 only wifh to fee it made final, and enter'd 
 on Record. This is the Way to end al! 
 Dijputes, to dijjohe all Parties, to heal 
 all Divifions, and by uniting us in one 
 common Caufe, to make us the firfi Nation 
 in Europe, or at leaft to put us in the Way 
 of being ib very foon. Since therefore this 
 is of fuch infinite Concern, and withall fo 
 eafy in it/elf, fince, there is nothing want- 
 ing but Refolution to adt right, which, as 
 I told you at the beginning of my Pam- 
 phlet, enabled a forry Cook to make a 
 good Prime Minijler, fince there is not 
 one of thefe Laws, but might keep Pace 
 with a Road-Bill, or at lead get to the 
 end of its Journey, with the next Ac~i in 
 Favour of Wejiminfter-Bridge ; methinks 
 the People cannot be thought too eager 
 in their Expectations, nay, I perfuade my- 
 felf they are not thought fo ; I am con- 
 fident our worthy Patriots are more in 
 ha/le than they, and long as much to per- 
 form their Promt fes, as an honejl Man does 
 to be out of Debt. 
 
 Upon the whole it appears I think clear 
 to a Demonflration, that the prefent Safety 
 and the future Profperity of out dear Coun- 
 try, depends on the Conduct we purfue 
 
 at
 
 t 7°] 
 at this very In ft ant. We have now all 
 things in our Power, except the Capacity 
 of judging how long they may continue 
 fo, which is furely a very ftrong Reafon, 
 why we ought to act vigoroufly accord- 
 ing to the Lights we have. The old Ser- 
 pent Corruption, which has fo often 
 threatened to devour our Confitution, lies 
 now at her Feet, and which is more, at 
 our Mercy j but if we do not feize the pre- 
 I '-if Opportunity to bruife his Head, he may 
 recover Strength to crawl off to fome fe- 
 cret Den, and from thence burft forth 
 again, fwollen with frefh Strength and 
 Fury. We are victorious its true, but how 
 little will our Victory redound to our Ho- 
 nour, if it appears we know not how to 
 ufe it j if inftead of following our Blow, 
 we fpend our Time in huzzaing, and vain 
 of our Prowefs fhewn in the late Combat, 
 forget to exert that Wifdom, which mult 
 fecure to us the Effects of our Conquef. 
 
 All Parties will own the Jujiice of thefe 
 Refections ; all Parties will agree that this 
 is a mod critical Conjuncture j let us then 
 act upon this Principle, let us not lo/e time 
 when it is fo precious, let us not efface all 
 
 empry of our Anccftor's Errors by a 
 more notorious Blunder of our own. We 
 were drunk with Joy at the Restora- 
 tion, we were confounded with the Sud- 
 3 denneis
 
 [7i ] 
 
 dennefs of the Revolution, whereby we 
 loft both Opportunities of fecuring our poli- 
 tical Happinefs, but thefe things are pajl and 
 cannot be recalled-, let the Thoughts of 
 them however put us upon our Guard, and 
 fince in many other Refpecls, we boaft of 
 being as wife Men., and as good Patriots as 
 our Forefathers, let us put the Thing out of 
 doubt, and ourfelves out of Danger, BY 
 BEING IN OUR SENSES NOW. 
 
 FINIS.

 
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