UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 AT LOS ANGELES
 
 UNIVERSITY of CALlFoKlAl* 
 
 AT 
 
 LOS ANGELB3 
 
 LIBRARY
 
 THE REPORTS 
 
 ON THE 
 
 PRESENT STATE OF THE UNITED PROVINCES 
 
 OF 
 
 SOUTH AMERICA; 
 
 DRAWN UP BY 
 
 MESSRS. RODNEY AND GRAHAM, 
 
 COMMISSIONERS SENT TO BUENOS AYRES BY THE GOVERNMENT OF 
 NORTH AMERICA, 
 
 And laid before the Congress of the United States ; 
 
 ■ 
 
 WITH 
 
 THEIR ACCOMPANYING DOCUMENTS ; OCCASIONAL 
 NOTES BY THE EDITOR ; 
 
 AN INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE, 
 
 INTENDED TO PRESENT, WITH THE REPORTS AND DOCUMENTS, A VIEW OF 
 
 THE PRESENT STATE OF THE COUNTRY, AND OF THE PROGRESS 
 
 OF THE INDEPENDENTS. 
 
 WITH A MAP. 
 
 London : 
 
 PRINTED FOR BALDWIN, CRADOCK, AND JOY, 
 
 PATERNOSTER-ROW. 
 
 1819. 
 
 
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 ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 1 HE observations prefixed to these Reports under the 
 title of Preliminary Discourse, and the Notes added to 
 them in illustration of their contents, were written, and 
 the former printed, before the documents published in 
 the Appendix had arrived in this country. The Reports 
 themselves first reached Europe through the medium of 
 the American journals, which did not contain the docu- 
 ments referred to, the latter not being considered of the 
 same intrinsic importance, or at least not of the same 
 popular interest as the former. They could only be ob- 
 tained therefore by procuring a copy of the Reports and 
 their accompanying papers as presented to Congress, and 
 such a copy had not arrived when the present edition was 
 first sent to press. The Editor did not think proper how- 
 ever to delay the publication on that account. Though 
 divested of the documents which served as proofs and 
 illustrations of some of their statements and reasonings, 
 the Reports themselves conveyed information of such 
 importance, and detailed facts, the authenticity of which 
 was so well established through other sources, that he 
 did not hesitate a moment about the propriety of re* 
 
 a2
 
 IV ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 publishing them in a more convenient and durable form 
 than in the pages of a newspaper, accompanied with 
 such remarks and notices, as opportunities similar to 
 those of the American Commissioners enabled him to 
 supply. Had he seen the Appendix at the same time 
 that he received the Reports, some of his own observa- 
 tions might have been shortened or rendered more pre- 
 cise ; but upon re-perusing them along with this fresh 
 accession of knowledge, no reason was seen for omitting, 
 and few calls for correcting them. It has however been 
 thought proper to mention the circumstance, to account 
 for any repetitions that may occur, and as an apology for 
 any trifling inconsistencies or contradictions that may be 
 detected. 
 
 The Editor cannot help thinking that by this publica- 
 tion a benefit is conferred, both on the English public, 
 and the Provinces to which these Reports relate. If the 
 government of the United States, which has apparently 
 so little interest compared with the English in the coun- 
 tries here described, was at the trouble and expense of 
 appointing special commissioners to survey their physical 
 and geographical position, and to report on their com- 
 mercial and political situation and resources, it was not 
 presuming too much on the curiosity of the latter to 
 suppose that they would desire with some impatience, 
 and receive with some satisfaction, accounts procured 
 from such authentic sources and clothed with such an
 
 ADVERTISEMENT. V 
 
 official character. It was considered to be of the great- 
 est importance that our prejudices should be dispelled, 
 and our knowledge enlarged, regarding countries where 
 the most interesting political changes have recently taken 
 place, and with which our intercourse by these changes 
 may in future become so extensive and so beneficial. 
 With this idea the Editor proposed to collect into a 
 general view the most important topics connected with 
 the South American cause, in the preliminary discourse ; 
 and by notes on the Reports, to supply some of their 
 omissions and to qualify some of their statements. After 
 the documents in the Appendix came to hand the press 
 was stopped, that by their insertion the work might be 
 rendered more complete. 
 
 The History of the Revolution by Dr. Funes will be 
 read with great interest. It is seldom that an author 
 is able, with so much coolness, to describe scenes in 
 which he himself acted, or to paint characters to whom 
 he himself was opposed, or with whom he associated. 
 In making this remark we cannot, however, refrain from 
 expressing our fears that the worthy Dean has, in the 
 execution of his task, in some degree verified the ob- 
 servations with which he sets out at the beginning of 
 his History : some of the transactions, in our opinion, 
 being represented under a colouring that shows how 
 difficult it is for a contemporary historian to avoid all 
 party feelings and preserve a strict impartiality.
 
 VI ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 This is not the proper place for making any remarks 
 on the provisional constitution towards the end of the 
 Appendix, but it will at least be allowed to be an object 
 of great curiosity. But of all the papers in the Ap- 
 pendix, those which pleased the Editor the most, are 
 the notes placed in the hands of the North American 
 commissioners by the Secretary of State of the Buenos 
 Ayres government, not so much for the information they 
 contain, as the spirit with which they were communi- 
 cated. The frankness with which the accounts were 
 exhibited shows that the new republic affects no re- 
 serve or mystery ; and that it wishes to derive no ad- 
 vantage from the concealment of its resources.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 Introductory Discourse 3 
 
 Mr. Rodney's Report to the Secretary of State 64 
 
 Mr. Graham's Report 114 
 
 APPENDIX A. 
 
 Historical Sketch of the Revolution of the United Pro- 
 vinces of South America, from the 25th of May, 
 1810, until the Opening of the National Congress, on 
 the 25th of March, 1816, written by Dr. Gregorio 
 Funes, and appended to his History of Buenos Ayres, 
 Paraguay and Tucuman 117 
 
 Continuation made, at Mr. Rodney's Request, by Dean 
 Funes, bringing the Sketch down to the Battle of 
 Maipo 177 
 
 APPENDIX B. 
 
 Manifesto directed to all Nations by the General Consti- 
 tuent Congress of the United Provinces of Rio de la 
 Plata 215 
 
 APPENDIX D. 
 
 Notes, which the Secretary of State, in the Department 
 of the Government, ana of Foreign Relations, places 
 in the Hands of Messrs. the Deputies of the United 
 States of North America for the Information of the 
 President of those States 233 
 
 APPENDIX E. 
 
 Provisional Regulations, sanctioned by the Sovereign 
 Congress of the United Provinces of South America, 
 for the Government of the State, to be observed until 
 the Adoption of the Constitution 246 
 
 Section I. Of Men in Society 246
 
 VUI CONTENTS. 
 
 Section II. Of the Legislative Power 250 
 
 III. Of the Executive Power 251 
 
 IV. Of the Judicial Power 260 
 
 V. The Mode of choosing public 
 
 Officers 268 
 
 VI. Of the the Army and Navy 276 
 
 VII. Personal Security and the Liberty 
 
 of the Press 282 
 
 APPENDIX H. 
 
 The Director (ad interim) of the State, in Buenos 
 Ayres, to the Citizens of all the Provinces 298 
 
 Plan for the Establishment of Harmony, presented by 
 the Deputation of the Chief of the Orientals to the 
 Government of Buenos Ayres 290 
 
 Official Letter of his Excellency the Director of the 
 State, to the Chief of the Orientals 291 
 
 Official Letter of Don Antonio Saens, to the Director 
 of the State 294< 
 
 Another Official Letter from his Excellency the Director 
 of the State, to the Chief of the Orientals 298 
 
 APPENDIX I. 
 
 General Artigas to the Supreme Director, Pueyrredon. . 299 
 
 APPENDIX J. 
 
 Extract from the Gazette of Buenos Ayres of the 5th 
 of February, 1818 304- 
 
 Official Letter of the General of the Portuguese Army, 
 in the Banda Oriental, in Reply to that of this Go- 
 vernment, published in the Gazettee of the 1st of De- 
 cember last 305 
 
 Reply to the foregoing Letter by the Supreme Director. 306 
 Notes on the Reports, &c. 310
 
 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 
 
 J. HE object of this publication is to diffuse 
 among our countrymen correct notions of the 
 situation and resources of the provinces on the 
 Rio de la Plata. The reports of Messrs. Rod- 
 ney and Graham have already appeared in 
 most of our newspapers. But a newspaper is 
 seldom read with that degree of attention and 
 reflection, which a subject so important as the 
 present requires : and as those documents were 
 printed in detached morsels on successive days, 
 no person had the full extent of the Commis- 
 sioners' views before him at once. Only a small 
 part of their map of the political state of 
 Buenos Ayres was unfolded to the general eye 
 at any one given time. It has therefore been 
 thought advisable to republish the reports of 
 Messrs. Graham and Rodney, so as to enable 
 the reader to take a connected survey of the 
 whole subject, and in the hope that they may 
 be perused at times admitting of more steady 
 thought than the moments which are devoted to 
 
 a 2
 
 4 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 
 
 the papers of the clay. They will amply repay 
 whatever labour may be bestowed on them. 
 The information which they contain is valuable, 
 and the language in which it is conveyed is 
 clear and forcible : sometimes it even aspires 
 to the praise of elegance. 
 
 There is no country which better deserves the 
 attention of Britons than the provinces on the 
 Rio de la Plata. They contain an immense 
 extent of fertile soil, blessed with a salubrious 
 climate, and fitted for the growth of every 
 species of produce. Under a liberal government 
 they must soon teem with inhabitants and wealth. 
 They must every day abound more and more in 
 all sorts of raw commodities, in exchange for 
 which they must want manufactures for the 
 consumption of a rapidly increasing population. 
 To England, therefore, they open the prospect 
 of a constantly increasing market for the sale of 
 her goods. Without looking forward into the 
 future, even our present commerce with them is 
 considerable. It must surely be of importance 
 to us that we should be well acquainted with the 
 state of a region with which our commercial 
 intercourse, already great, will probably in a 
 few years be much greater. Every circumstance 
 relating to it may lead to important results. No
 
 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 5 
 
 tme can foresee what benefits may result from 
 knowledge ; no one can be certain that we may 
 in any case be ignorant with safety. Friendship 
 among nations, as well as among individuals, is 
 best cemented by an intimate acquaintance with 
 the situation and character of each other. 
 
 No man can doubt but that our government 
 ought to possess the most accurate information 
 concerning all that happens in the provinces of 
 the Rio de la Plata. There is, however, no 
 more effectual mode of inducing rulers to collect 
 information with care, and to take their mea- 
 sures with wisdom, than to diffuse accurate 
 knowledge of the subject through the nation at 
 large. Official men partake in the benefits of 
 the general illumination. Their minds are pre- 
 pared for the reception of additional information, 
 and for distinguishing intelligence which may 
 be useful from what can be of no value. A 
 great addition is at the same time made to the 
 strength of the motives which lead them to be 
 industrious in collecting, and wary in applying, 
 all that can elucidate the probable event of their 
 policy. They are aware that they are acting 
 before the eyes of a community whom they can- 
 not blind. The nation, they know, is too well 
 acquainted with the subject to be easily deceived.
 
 6 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 
 
 Whether it applauds or condemns, it will have 
 reason for its decision. Public opinion, flowing 
 from ignorance, may and should be braved : it 
 is wavering in its tendency, unsteady in its direc- 
 tion, mischievous in its effects. But public 
 opinion, founded on a knowledge of the truth, 
 acts with a force which, in a country like Britain, 
 nothing can long resist. If, therefore, it is of 
 any importance that our ministers should exer- 
 cise prudence in the management of our relations 
 with Buenos Ayres, it must be of equal import- 
 ance to diffuse through the nation the substance 
 of what may be learned from the Reports of 
 Messrs. Rodney and Graham. Whoever means 
 to exert the privilege of a free man in praising 
 or blaming our policy towards that government, 
 is bound in duty to make himself so far familiar 
 with the subject as to have a chance of bestow- 
 ing his applause or condemnation correctly. 
 
 The Americans have here set us an example 
 which we ought to imitate. They deem the 
 transactions at Buenos Ayres so important, that 
 they will not trust to the casual information 
 obtained by commercial intercourse,, or even to 
 the intelligence that may be communicated by a 
 regularcommercialagent. Special commissioners 
 are sent to survey the state of the country ; and
 
 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 7 
 
 the result of their examination is promulgated 
 through every part of the United States. What is 
 important to them cannot be trifling to us. We 
 have at least as great an interest as they in 
 knowing accurately the situation of what once 
 constituted the viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres ; 
 and we have at least an equal need to spare no 
 pains in collecting information. 
 
 The ignorance that prevails in England on the 
 subject of South American affairs is truly won- 
 derful. All feel a strong interest in the cause of 
 the independents — all are aware that their 
 success will be the source of inestimable advan- 
 tages to ourselves ; yet scarcely a man is to be 
 found who has a distinct conception of the actual 
 state of their fortunes, or of the series of suc- 
 cesses and reverses which they have experienced. 
 The names of one or two chiefs, or of the places 
 which have been the scenes of bloody conflicts, 
 are familiar to the public, but nothing more. 
 South America, according to the conceptions of 
 the generality, is one undivided kingdom, where 
 the inhabitants are endeavouring to throw off* 
 the yoke of tyranny, while Spain is struggling to 
 subdue them, and where it is difficult to say 
 which party will ultimately prevail. No distinc- 
 tion is made between the different parts of that
 
 8 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 
 
 continent. The successes obtained in one pro- 
 vince are confounded with those in another; and 
 circumstances which characterize the war in one 
 quarter are rashly applied to very distant regions. 
 The transactions in Venezuela, for instance, 
 have had many features peculiar to themselves. 
 Venezuela abounded in negro slaves ; the royal- 
 ists, to create a diversion, and fill their ranks, 
 set the example of emancipating them, and they 
 now constitute a great proportion of the armies, 
 The patriots too have employed in their service 
 many European adventurers, who, arriving at the 
 scene of action with the hopes of dignity and 
 wealth, but finding only danger or privation, re- 
 turned home, disappointed in their expectations, 
 with their fortunes impaired, and their constitu- 
 tions shattered, to execrate those whom they con- 
 sidered the instruments of their delusion. In Ve- 
 nezuela both parties may, perhaps, be accused of 
 having proceeded to the utmost verge of cruelty 
 and perfidy : treaties have been concluded only to 
 be violated ; and prisoners have been murdered 
 by hundreds at a time. The contest has like- 
 wise been maintained with a greater variety of 
 fortune than anywhere else. The independents 
 have been masters of the whole province to day; 
 to-morrow, they have been in possession of
 
 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 9 
 
 Scarcely a foot of ground, and have been com- 
 pelled to limit their efforts to threatening 
 expeditions along the coast, or unexpected 
 descents from their vessels where an oppor- 
 tunity of success seemed to offer. Now it has 
 happened, partly from the vicinity of Vene- 
 zuela to our West Indian colonies, and partly 
 from the number of English officers who have 
 engaged in its service, that the events in it have 
 been detailed by our daily press with more 
 minuteness than the transactions of any other 
 part of the New World. The consequence has 
 been, that we meet with few who do not con- 
 found Venezuela and its revolution with the 
 cause of independence throughout the whole of 
 South America. They are aware that Vene- 
 zuela is not Buenos Ayres ; but their notions of 
 the latter are derived from what they have heard 
 of the former. Yet nothing can be more unlike 
 than the state of these two regions. Venezuela 
 has been laid waste by civil wars ; the greater 
 part of the territory of Buenos Ayres has never 
 been violated by hostile armies : the authority 
 of Spain is now predominant in the former; it 
 has for eight years been completely disowned in 
 the latter : there is only a provisional indepen- 
 dent government in Guyana, one of the provinces 
 of Venezuela j a steady administration has been
 
 10 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 
 
 long established at Buenos Ayres: negroes and the 
 mixed casts are now almosttheonly inhabitants of 
 Venezuela ; in Buenos Ayres these classes have 
 never been numerous : in the one, war had been 
 carried on with savage barbarity ; in the other, 
 it has been conducted on the side of the patriots 
 at least according to the usage of civilized 
 nations : Venezuela has held out encourage- 
 ment to induce foreigners to enter into its 
 service ; Buenos Ayres has asserted her indepen- 
 dence by her native officers and troops. Not 
 only are these countries placed in circumstances 
 totally different j there subsists not the slightest 
 connexion between them. They are united by 
 no treaties ; they can lend no assistance to each 
 other. For the most part indeed, Buenos Ayres 
 knows nothing of what has happened in Vene- 
 zuela except through the medium of English 
 newspapers. The provinces of the river Plata 
 have great reason to complain of the erroneous 
 application to them of notions derived from the 
 transactions of a country to which they bear no 
 resemblance, and with which they have no inter- 
 course. Tranquillity, order, humanity, have 
 hithertobeen maintained among them; the cause 
 of independence has advanced with constantly 
 increasing influence ; and they have trusted for 
 deliverance solely to their own efforts. Yet they
 
 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. H 
 
 are confounded with the people of a region, 
 whose misfortunes have rendered it the prey of 
 anarchy and desolation, where the sword is the 
 only lawgiver, where the slave has been armed 
 against his master, and where the patriots have 
 trusted for success in a great measure to the aid 
 of foreigners. It is difficult to conceive how 
 widely this error is extended. We do not mean 
 to say that it exists in minds which have in- 
 quired into the subject : but we assert that few 
 have inquired, and that the mass of the 
 community form their conceptions of South 
 American affairs from their indistinct recol- 
 lection of what has happened in some one 
 province. 
 
 Even those who have studied the affairs of 
 the Spanish colonies with more than usual at- 
 tention, do not always keep clear of this source 
 of popular mistake. Its influence may be de- 
 tected, for example, in a very judicious article 
 in the thirty-fifth number of the Quarterly 
 Review. " As few or no women," says the 
 author of that article, " accompanied the first 
 settlers, their intercourse with native females 
 produced a race of successors, of a most ano- 
 malous character; and these in a few generations 
 mixing with the slaves imported from Africa,
 
 12 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 
 
 still further increased the different classes, who 
 in process of time, more by the rules of society 
 than by the influence of the laws, assumed a 
 variety of ranks according to the greater or less 
 affinity to the white race. From this mixture 
 of colours and castes arose a degree of in- 
 equality in property scarcely to be paralleled in 
 any other country, which has continued to the 
 present period." * The representation is applied 
 to the whole of Spanish America, but in reality 
 holds true only of Mexico, Peru, and Venezuela. 
 In the viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres, there was 
 less inequality of fortune than in any other 
 country which had made equal advances on 
 civilization. " That the Spanish colonies,'* 
 continues the same author, " if like those of 
 North America they escape subjugation, must 
 therefore necessarily like them start up into vi- 
 gorous, steady, and mature states, is a propo- 
 sition which no man will very confidently main- 
 tain, who recollects another more recent example 
 of colonial revolution in St. Domingo. Far be 
 it from us to anticipate such a consummation of 
 the present struggle, though there can be no 
 doubt, we think, in which of the two proto- 
 
 * Quarterly Review, No. xxxv. p. 537.
 
 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. IS 
 
 types, that of North America or of St. Do- 
 mingo, the elements of society were com- 
 pounded in the manner more nearly resembling 
 the South American colonies of Spain."* This 
 remark, like that which we quoted before, is 
 not devoid of truth when limited to Venezuela 
 or Peru ; but so far as the provinces of the 
 River Plate are concerned, is altogether inac- 
 curate. 
 
 That the error of confounding one part of 
 Spanish America with another prevails to a 
 great extent, is a matter of fact, which every 
 one who is not himself infected with it must 
 have observed. It has arisen naturally from the 
 little knowledge, which the world had any 
 means of acquiring concerning the colonies of 
 Spain. The court of Madrid kept its foreign 
 possessions shrouded in darkness, so that no 
 distant eye could trace their distinguishing fea- 
 tures. Spanish America seemed to present one 
 uniform aspect. The generality of men were 
 habituated to conceive of it as one great king- 
 dom, because, shut out from communication 
 with it, their thoughts had never been accus- 
 tomed to dwell upon the peculiarities of its 
 
 * Quarterly Review, No. xxxv. p. 510.
 
 \4f INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 
 
 different parts. It is therefore by no means 
 wonderful that ideas drawn from that division 
 of it which of late years has chiefly attracted 
 the attention of the English press, should have 
 been extended to the whole. 
 
 South America is in fact an assemblage of 
 kingdoms altogether dissimilar in character and 
 in their respective local advantages, connected 
 by no other tie than that of their common 
 union to the crown of Castile, and resembling 
 each other in few points except this, that they 
 all have the capacity of becoming very rich, 
 but have all been kept back in the career of 
 improvement by the most flagrant misgovern- 
 ment. Mexico, Peru, New Grenada, Vene- 
 zuela, Chili, Buenos Ayres, differ as widely in 
 the commodities which they are fitted to export, 
 in the facilities which they exhibit for foreign 
 trade, and in the dispositions and the intelli- 
 gence of their inhabitants, as any six kingdoms 
 of Europe : nor can any two of them be se- 
 lected, in which the trains of events since 1808 
 have been at all parallel. Considerable revolu- 
 tionary movements occurred early in Mexico, 
 but they were soon suppressed. In that quarter 
 Spain has ever maintained a decided supe- 
 riority, and the opposition which she has met
 
 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 15 
 
 with has been that of tumultuous assemblages 
 of the lower orders rather than the resistance 
 of regular warfare. At Lima, the authority of 
 the Viceroy has hitherto remained so entire, that 
 he has even been able to dispatch armies for the 
 support of the cause of the mother country in 
 the adjacent provinces. New Grenada has been 
 the theatre of much bloodshed : the adverse 
 parties have alternately prevailed ; yet upon 
 the whole the cause of independence is not 
 there in a flourishing condition. Venezuela 
 has been laid waste in the course of the war : 
 the system of society is completely broken up, 
 and the province in this state of desolation 
 is chiefly in possession of the Spaniards. 
 A new government was established in Chili : 
 internal dissensions then arose; and in con- 
 sequence of these, an army from Lima re- 
 duced the country to subjection, and that 
 army was expelled only by the aid of Buenos 
 Ayres, which, unlike any of her sister colonies, 
 has maintained her independence steadily and 
 successfully. From the formation of the junta, 
 in 1810, order has been established throughout 
 her territory, and the most cheerful disposition 
 manifested to obey and support the new govern- 
 ment. Spain has directed her attacks both
 
 16 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 
 
 from the side of Montevideo and from that of 
 Peru ; but Montevideo was compelled to capi- 
 tulate, and though the royal troops have occa- 
 sionally gained advantages on the Peruvian 
 frontiers, they have never been able to advance 
 far beyond Salta ; nor have they ever had more 
 than military possession of the districts which 
 they over-ran. They were masters of the 
 ground covered by their encampments, but 
 their victories gave them nothing more : the 
 population never submitted. Not only has 
 Buenos Ayres been able to defend herself; she 
 has even stretched out a helping arm to Chili, 
 and delivered that kingdom from the yoke of 
 Spain. 
 
 Nothing therefore can be more fallacious 
 than to judge of one part of Spanish America, 
 by what we know of another. The political 
 features of each division of it are peculiar, and 
 in each political events have moved in a pecu- 
 liar course. Buenos Ayres, more especially, 
 both in its circumstances and in its fortune, 
 differs widely from the other possessions of 
 Spain. If we mean to understand the situation 
 of that state, we must study it apart, and we can 
 no where study it with more profit, or with less 
 expense of time, than in the reports of Messrs. 
 
 1
 
 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 17 
 
 Rodney and Graham. That of Mr. Rodney, in 
 particular, is drawn up with considerable talent, 
 and comprises a great mass of information 
 within a very small space. He has avoided a 
 formal distribution of his matter under heads, 
 perhaps, as too stiff for a document coming 
 from a public envoy, and intended for the 
 perusal of the supreme executive magistracy of 
 his country. At the same time, however, he 
 has observed a very strict arrangement. He 
 begins with delineating the state of Spanish 
 America, under the administration of the mo- 
 ther country. He then briefly traces the pro- 
 gress of the cause of independence in the New 
 World, especially in the provinces of the river 
 Plata. Thirdly, he presents us with a statis- 
 tical survey of those provinces. Fourthly, he 
 sketches their political situation, under the five 
 topics of their government, their commercial 
 connexions, their financial arrangements, their 
 military establishments, their foreign relations ; 
 and points out the difficulties under which they 
 at present labour. Lastly, he gives us a brief 
 view of the effects which the revolution has 
 already produced, or is likely to produce here- 
 after. To the information contained under 
 these five heads, Mr. Graham makes no ad-
 
 13 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 
 
 dition of much moment. Still his report de- 
 serves to be perused, both because it confirms 
 the other, and because its style and arrange- 
 ment are different, though the matter is in sub- 
 stance the same. 
 
 A political survey of a kingdom is an arduous 
 task. The facts, of which it must consist, are 
 not so much insulated events to be ascertained 
 by testimony, as general conclusions deduced 
 from a multitude of particulars difficult to be 
 collected, and still more difficult to be kept 
 steadily in the grasp of the understanding. 
 What would be arduous to a native must be still 
 more arduous to a foreigner. The reports, 
 however, of the American commissioners are 
 entitled to more credit than similar productions 
 usually are ; for the nature of the country, the 
 form of government, and the state of society, 
 afforded them very favourable apportunities of 
 ascertaining the truth. In the capital and its 
 vicinity are to be found all the foreign com- 
 merce, nearly all the talent, one-tenth of the 
 population, and a much larger proportion of 
 the wealth of the whole country : out of it, 
 there is little to attract notice, except the topo- 
 graphy and the physical geography of the re- 
 gion. He who knows the political situation of
 
 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 19 
 
 Buenos Ayres knows the political situation of 
 the United Provinces. The objects, therefore, 
 which the Commissioners had to survey, were 
 brought within a narrow compass. In obtaining 
 the requisite information, they were further 
 aided by the form of the government, which, 
 though by no means a model of liberty, is 
 yet extremely dependent on popular opinion. 
 Every measure is freely discussed both in public 
 meetings and through the public press. They 
 who hold the reins of power are watched by a 
 strong party, firm friends to the independence 
 of their native land, who are eager to detect 
 and expose every instance of misconduct in the 
 administration. In such a state, information, 
 if sought, may be acquired without much dif- 
 ficulty, especially as there is no place where 
 foreigners find so easy access to society as at 
 Buenos Ayres. There are in the town few 
 families of respectability, who do not open their 
 houses, one or more nights in the week, for 
 the general reception of their acquaintance. 
 An introduction is readily obtained into one of 
 these companies ; and he who is admitted to 
 one, is soon invited to many more. In all of 
 these, social intercourse is on an easy and agree- 
 able footing ; for there are no men of over- 
 b 2
 
 20 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 
 
 grown fortunes, whose notions of their own 
 superiority may inspire them with the wish, and 
 whose wealth may give them sufficient influence, 
 to introduce stiff and artificial forms. It is not, 
 we admit, in such societies that a politician 
 should collect his facts ; but in occasionally 
 frequenting them he cannot fail to improve his 
 knowledge of the national character, and to 
 correct the over hasty conclusions which he 
 may have formed previously. Diplomatic men 
 are too apt to live in a narrow circle of persons 
 imbued with the same habits and modes of think- 
 ing as themselves, strangers to the people among 
 whom they live, without the inclination to study, 
 or the habit of observing, mankind, and unable 
 to recognize the principles of human nature, 
 unless when they are clothed in an external 
 garb similar to that which their eyes have been 
 accustomed to at home. The American Com- 
 missioners belong not to that feeble-minded 
 class. They are obviously men of vigorous and 
 enlightened intellect. They had the capacity, 
 as well as an opportunity, to acquire accurate 
 knowledge. Aware that their statements might 
 be laid before Congress, they had motives to 
 exert their talents to the utmost, and avail them- 
 selves of every means of procuring information.
 
 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 21 
 
 Their reports, therefore, are much more deserv- 
 ing of credit, than expositions of the state of a 
 nation usually are. 
 
 Some may be inclined to imagine that, as the 
 government of Buenos Ayres would naturally 
 exhibit every thing in the most powerful light 
 to the agents of a foreign power, and as these 
 agents would be disposed to magnify the im- 
 portance of the country in which they exercised 
 political functions, their reports may be pre- 
 sumed to present a very flattering picture. But 
 the ruling party, as we have already stated, 
 encounters a keen opposition from men of 
 talents and influence, who would pull off any 
 mask which might be used to disguise the 
 actual state of the country. It is obvious like- 
 wise that Messrs. Rodney and Graham are far 
 from agreeing in political sentiment. Mr. Rod- 
 ney is well satisfied with what has been done 
 towards the establishment of a regular system 
 of freedom in the provinces of the Rio de la 
 Plata; Mr. Graham, on the contrary, is of 
 opinion that much more might have been ef- 
 fected, had not the present rulers been luke- 
 warm in the holy cause. These circumstances 
 give us a moral certainty that they will not 
 paint South America in more flattering colours
 
 22 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 
 
 than she deserves : and we have still another 
 security for their veracity and correctness. 
 At their departure they left their colleague 
 Mr. Bland behind them, who has since made a 
 report on the state of Buenos Ayres and Chili. 
 Though the whole of that document has not 
 been published, extracts from it have been 
 given, which, if we assume them to be correct, 
 would lead to a conclusion that Mr. Bland is 
 by no means equal, either in prudence or pene- 
 tration, to his coadjutors. He seems eager to 
 embrace every opportunity of mixing actively 
 in intrigues, and of prejudicing the South 
 Americans against the English. What is of 
 still more importance, he is obviously inclined 
 to favour the faction of the Carreras in Chili. 
 As that faction is adverse to the existing sro- 
 vernment, which was originally formed under 
 the auspices of Buenos Ayres, no partisan of 
 the Carreras can feel any partiality towards the 
 state which prevented the three brothers from 
 again ascending to power. Mr. Bland's predi- 
 lections, therefore, are such as would incline 
 him to delineate Buenos Ayres in a harsh rather 
 than a flattering style : so that even if his col- 
 leagues had been under the influence of opposite 
 feelings, his presence would have been a check
 
 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 23 
 
 upon them. And in fact, wherever any mis- 
 take can be imputed to them, their error will 
 be found to lie in exaggerating rather than in 
 extenuating the imperfections and disadvantages 
 under which the government of Buenos Ayres 
 at present labours. Artigas, for example, is 
 represented as a personage of much more con- 
 sequence than he really is ; and undue import- 
 ance is ascribed to the defections of Santa Fe 
 and Paraguay. 
 
 It was to correct these mistakes and a few 
 others of a similar nature, that the Editor first 
 thought it adviseable to annex some explanatory 
 notes. But as he advanced in his task he found, 
 that even where the statements of Messrs. Rod- 
 ney and Graham were perfectly accurate, several 
 points were omitted, and others touched upon 
 very lightly, which it is desirable for the pur- 
 pose he has in view to unfold more fully. 
 The objects with which the Reports were 
 originally drawn up, and that with which they 
 are now republished, are altogether different. 
 They were drawn up to convey to the public 
 functionaries of the United States such additional 
 knowledge as might enable them to determine 
 on the line of policy which they should pursue. 
 They are republished with the view of affording
 
 24 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 
 
 our countrymen the means of informing them- 
 selves with some accuracy concerning the state 
 of Buenos Ayres. There are many topics 
 proper to be explained fully to Englishmen, 
 which it is prudent for America merely to hint 
 at : many, which should be stated more co- 
 piously in a publication addressed to common 
 readers, than in a document intended for the 
 perusal of a few politicians. These are dis- 
 cussed in the notes. But there are four topics 
 of paramount importance, which could not 
 with propriety be thrown into the form of an- 
 notations. These are — the character of the 
 revolution in the provinces of the Rio de la 
 Plata — the mode in which it will probably ter- 
 minate — the policy which England should pur- 
 sue — and the system on which it is likely that 
 the United States will act. 
 
 1. The character of the revolution in the 
 ancient viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres ought to 
 be observed with more than common attention, 
 because in its origin and progress it has borne 
 little resemblance to any other. There are men 
 to whom the mere name of revolution is more 
 than a sufficient recommendation. To subvert 
 an old government is in their eyes an epitome of 
 all virtue. Our mode of thinking is different. All
 
 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 15 
 
 political convulsions are calamities, and can in 
 no case be justified, except when the necessity 
 of change is urgent, and the opportunity for 
 effecting it is favourable. Now there never was 
 a country where the necessity of change was so 
 undeniable as in the Spanish colonies. The 
 total annihilation of all commerce, except with 
 the mother country — the restrictions by which 
 domestic industry was checked — the royal 
 monopolies which destroyed many valuable 
 branches of trade — the despotic power with 
 which the viceroys were invested — the suppres- 
 sion of all freedom of thinking or writing — the 
 corrupt administration of justice — the exclusion 
 of natives from offices of trust — these were a 
 few of the prominent features of the Spanish 
 administration in America. Partial abuses must 
 exist everywhere j but here the essence of the 
 system was abuse. The whole scheme was con- 
 trived with a view to bring money to the mother 
 country without the slightest regard to the 
 welfare of the colonies. It would be difficult to 
 define in abstract terms the point at which a 
 people have a right to refuse obedience to the 
 authorities set over them by the laws. But here 
 the greatest extreme of endurance was far 
 exceeded ; and it would be more difficult to
 
 26 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 
 
 excuse submission than to justify resistance. 
 Though the evil was such as could not be tole- 
 rated, there was no chance of its removal except 
 by throwing off the sovereign power of Spain. 
 Her prejudices were too strong, and the interests 
 concerned too weighty, to allow any hope of 
 curing the mischief by gentler means. The 
 restrictions upon commerce, for instance, con- 
 stituted one of the great grievances. They were 
 of two classes : some of them fettered the inter- 
 course with Spain ; others of them prevented 
 intercourse with foreign countries. The mother- 
 country for her own sake might have abolished 
 the former ; but there was no chance that she 
 would consent to the renunciation of the latter. 
 Though the prosperity of the colonies would have 
 been increased by such a measure, she herself 
 would have been a loser. She would have lost 
 the duties which she had been accustomed to 
 derive from the merchandize which passed 
 through her ports to her transatlantic posses- 
 sions ; and the loss would not have been com- 
 pensated to her by the extension of her trade ; 
 for the state of industry in Spain was such that 
 she would have had no share in the commerce of 
 the New World, had that commerce been allowed 
 to flow in its natural channel. It was not to be
 
 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 27 
 
 expected, therefore, that she would ever be 
 induced, except by force of arms, to allow her 
 colonies a free trade with the world. 
 
 If this point is not sufficiently clear in itself, 
 we may appeal for proof to what happened in 
 1811. The British minister at Cadiz had made 
 several ineffectual attempts to obtain for England 
 the benefit of a free trade withSpanish America. At 
 last, in April, 1811, the subject was brought for- 
 ward, and debated in the Cortes. Instantly the 
 newspapers of Cadiz were filled with invectives 
 against the demands of England ; and the Consu- 
 lado, or Board of Trade, having been assembled, 
 published a manifesto, which declares, and 
 attempts to prove, " that a free trade with the 
 American provinces would work a ruin greater 
 than that which Spain then experienced — that 
 those who were desirous of establishing it were 
 impostors, deserving of exemplary punishment 
 and of perpetual banishment — that the political 
 existence of Spain depended on this question — 
 that the names of those who proposed so disas- 
 trous a measure ought to be transmitted to 
 posterity, that they might be mentioned by 
 distant ages with the indignation they justly 
 merited — that Spain would be ruined, and made 
 the tool of foreigners — that her merchants and
 
 28 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 
 
 manufacturers being destroyed, she herself would 
 lose all freedom — that, in short, this commerce 
 would be subversive of order, morality, religion, 
 and society." Accordingly, in the following 
 August, the proposal was formally rejected. The 
 impatience with which the mere mention of par- 
 tial freedom of trade was heard, though at a time 
 when all that remained of Spain depended for 
 protection on England, shows how chimerical 
 was the hope that a relaxation of her commercial 
 system might be obtained by solicitation. There 
 were others of the leading abuses in which the 
 Court of Madrid had a more palpable and direct 
 interest than in the restraints upon trade. It 
 was, therefore, equally improbable that a volun- 
 tary sacrifice would have been made of them. 
 Thus Spain had long abused her power over her 
 transatlantic dominions : the abuse was gross ; 
 it pervaded every part of her system, and no 
 remedy could be expected while her power 
 remained entire. These grounds were more 
 than sufficient to justify the people of Buenos 
 Ayres in establishing a government of their own. 
 The establishment of a new government, 
 however, was not the fruit of any long con- 
 certed design. Independence was not so much 
 sought after by the people of Buenos Ayres,
 
 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 29 
 
 as thrown in their way. Two years had elapsed 
 since the commencement of the struggle be- 
 tween France and Spain ; yet, except in the 
 district of La Paz, no steps had been taken to 
 disown the authority of the mother country : 
 on the contrary, considerable sums of money 
 had been sent to her aid. In 1810 intelligence 
 arrived of the flight of the junta of Seville. 
 The cause of Spain seemed desperate, and the 
 Viceroy himself, confounded by the destruction 
 of those from whom his authority emanated, 
 did all but invite the inhabitants to free him 
 from the burthen of government. Thus the 
 revolution arose not so much from any plan as 
 from the spontaneous course of events. It was 
 the work of time and accident more than of 
 man. In the generality of political convulsions 
 it is easy to fix upon a few individuals, and say, 
 These were the men from whom such and such 
 changes originated, and had they not appeared, 
 the old order of things might have continued 
 unassailed. This cannot be affirmed of any 
 who have taken an active share in the changes 
 at Buenos Ayres. None of the actors there 
 have done any thing, which might not, and 
 which would not have been done, by any man 
 of common understanding and common cou-
 
 30 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 
 
 rage, placed in the same circumstances. They 
 employed not cabal or intrigue : they only 
 yielded to the impetuous current of events. 
 They were in fact the heads of a people, not 
 the leaders of a faction. 
 
 A revolution is for the most part the work of 
 one class of the community. But at Buenos 
 Ayres all the natives concurred in the changes 
 that were effected : the Europeans alone made 
 opposition. It was a struggle not of the poor 
 against the rich, but of the rich and poor con- 
 junctly against the oppressors of their country. 
 The men of property, as became them, have 
 been conspicuous for their public spirit, and 
 their sons have crowded to fill the ranks of the 
 patriot armies. 
 
 When changes are the fruit of conspiracy, 
 they are regulated by the views of ambitious 
 individuals, and it is impossible to say where 
 they will stop. All will be destroyed, that is 
 the object of fear or dislike to the rulers of the 
 revolutionary tempest. From this calamity, the 
 greatest that can befall a nation, Buenos Ayres 
 has escaped. As her inhabitants proceeded no 
 further than they were led by events, they only 
 threw off the Spanish yoke, and substituted 
 another supreme authority in its stead. Every
 
 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 3t 
 
 thing else, in the internal administration of the 
 country, remains as before. The rights of pro- 
 perty have never once been infringed. The 
 cabildos or municipalities have continued in the 
 exercise of all their former prerogatives. 
 
 As a revolution frees men from the restraints 
 of law, at the same time that it calls the most 
 violent passions into operation, it exhibits in 
 most cases a series of atrocious crimes. Buenos 
 Ayres has not been deformed by any stains of 
 this kind. Parties have of course arisen in its 
 bosom, but their mutual fury has never termi- 
 nated in bloodshed. 
 
 Thus the subversion of the Spanish authority 
 in the provinces of the Rio de la Plata was jus- 
 tified by the strongest reasons ; it was forced 
 upon the inhabitants by events, rather than pain- 
 fully accomplished by design or labour ; it was 
 the work, not of a party, but of all the native po- 
 pulation, whether rich or poor j it was carried 
 no further than necessity required, and it was 
 not polluted by the perpetration of any enor- 
 mities. In these respects it exhibits a striking 
 contrast to the greater number of political 
 changes, but more especially to that compound 
 of all vice and all folly, the French Revolution. 
 It would be a waste of time to enter into 
 a comparison of two events so dissimilar
 
 32 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 
 
 that they have no one feature alike, proceed- 
 ing from opposite principles, conducted on 
 opposite plans, and productive of opposite 
 effects. There is more analogy between 
 the transactions which have led to the inde- 
 pendence of Buenos Ayres, and those which 
 terminated in the acknowledgement of our own 
 North American colonies as a sovereign state. 
 Yet even here the comparison is decidedly in 
 favour of the South Americans. For our co- 
 lonies had been governed better perhaps than 
 an equal number of men ever were before : 
 they had enjoyed domestic tranquillity with 
 the most perfect freedom ; and the restraints 
 to which, at a time when the maxims of poli- 
 tical economy were ill understood, their com- 
 merce had been subjected, operated little to 
 their disadvantage : because, from natural 
 causes, independently of artificial regulations, 
 nearly the whole of their commerce would have 
 centred spontaneously in the mother country. 
 The grievance of which they complained might 
 be oppressive in principle, but could not be 
 felt to be so in fact : for the taxes imposed on 
 them by the British Parliament were extremely 
 light. The assertion of an abstract doctrine 
 was in truth the ground on which they flew to 
 arms. The parent against whom they armed
 
 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 33 
 
 was not in the decrepitude of old age. She 
 abounded in all the resources of war, and, 
 elated by the triumphs which she had obtained 
 over foreign foes, was prepared to strain every 
 nerve to crush what she deemed rebellion. If 
 the North American colonies were justified in 
 taking up arms for such a cause against so for- 
 midable an opponent, what praise is not due to 
 the provinces of the Rio de la Plata for throw- 
 ing off* the yoke of Spain. They rose not 
 against an abstract metaphysical principle, but 
 against the extreme of practical oppression; not 
 against a power strong to protect and to re- 
 strain, but against a state too feeble to render 
 the issue of the contest doubtful, though suffi- 
 ciently obstinate to make it long and tedious. 
 
 II. From the character of the revolution of 
 Buenos Ayres, let us proceed to consider how 
 it will probably end. It must terminate in the 
 independence of the provinces. Let us look to 
 their extent, to their situation, to their resources, 
 to the intelligence and courage of the inhabi- 
 tants : then let us turn our eyes to the languid, 
 exhausted condition of the Spanish monarchy ; 
 and let us say whether it is within the compass 
 of probability that the decrees of the Court of 
 Madrid should again be received as oracles and
 
 34 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 
 
 laws on the banks of the Parana. Upon survey- 
 ing the history of the war in Upper Peru, we 
 find that the utmost exertions of the Spaniards 
 have given them only a few temporary successes; 
 and that they have never been able to re-esta- 
 blish their authority in any district on a firm 
 basis. But how immense the efforts which 
 would be requisite to subdue the whole country ! 
 how vast the force which, after the completion 
 of the conquest, would be necessary for retain- 
 ing it ! Spain could neither levy, nor pay, nor 
 transport, nor feed armies, adequate to such a 
 service ; and if she could, she would gain posses- 
 sion of the country only for a time : the struggle 
 would be continued ; her strength could not 
 always be kept so violently exerted, and she 
 would at last be compelled to yield. Even if 
 the people were, in a moment of infatuation, to 
 acknowledge her sovereignty once more, and 
 were to admit her viceroys quietly among them, 
 her dominion would rest merely on the good 
 pleasure of her subjects. It would be thrown 
 off the moment it was found to press heavily. 
 There is, therefore, no probability that Spain can 
 either gain possession of the country, or keep it 
 if gained. 
 
 The only conceivable mode in which her
 
 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 35 
 
 authority can be re-established is by the sponta- 
 neous consent of the provinces. They, it may 
 be imagined, will acknowledge her supremacy, 
 and she in return will redress the grievances of 
 which they complain. But these grievances are 
 redressed already ; she can only promise not to 
 introduce them anew ; and a promise to abstain 
 from oppression is surely not the price with 
 which an empire is to be bought. What pro- 
 posal can be more extravagant than to say, 
 " Acknowledge my sovereignty, and I will not 
 exert it tyrannically!" Spain asks much, and 
 should, therefore, have something to give in 
 exchange. The equivalent which she offers is 
 already in the possession of the party with whom 
 she has to deal. The people of Buenos Ayres 
 now know the value of independence, and will 
 not sell it for any consideration, much less make 
 a gratuitous present of it to those who bear to 
 them the most deadly enmity. Were any party 
 or any individual to propose the acknowledg- 
 ment of the supremacy of Spain, the power of 
 that party or of that individual, however great 
 it might be, would instantly expire. The sub- 
 jection of the provinces of the Rio de la Plata to 
 Spain is no longer a possible event : these 
 provinces must be independent. 
 
 c 2
 
 Si) INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 
 
 But after their independence ceases to be 
 opposed, what will be their fate ? Will the social 
 system remain steadfast, or will it be torn up by 
 the roots ? Will the country be broken into 
 separate states ? or will it remain united under 
 one supreme power ? If one supreme power is 
 acknowledged, by what species of union will the 
 different parts be held together? Of these ques- 
 tions, the first is easily answered ; the rest are 
 perplexing and difficult. 
 
 The social system is in danger of destruction 
 only when there exists from natural or accidental 
 circumstances an irreconcileable enmity between 
 the elements which enter into its composition. 
 Such was the case in France and St. Domingo. 
 But in Buenos Ayres, the utmost harmony pre- 
 vails between the different orders of the people. 
 There is little inequality of fortune compared 
 with what exists in other civilized countries j 
 and nowhere can the poor man so easily provide 
 himself with all the necessaries, and even many 
 of the comforts of life. The number of slaves 
 is small; and such legislative measures have been 
 adopted as in a few years will extinguish slavery 
 altogether. Thus there is no class which has an 
 interest in the depression or destruction of any 
 other. Accordingly amid the relaxation of civil
 
 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 37 
 
 power, which necessarily accompanies political 
 changes, all orders have remained in their rela- 
 tive situations, and have co-operated zealously 
 in promoting the public welfare. Of course we 
 do not speak of those districts over which the 
 sway of Artigas extends. Persons of property 
 fly from a place which falls under the despotism 
 of that barbarian chief, and law and order are 
 annihilated together. But the disorganization 
 of society which thus takes place is the work of 
 external violence, and that violence proceeds 
 from a power which must be of limited operation, 
 and short continuance. There is not the slightest 
 chance that the established order of civil life can 
 be weakened through the country at large. 
 Indeed we should not have thought it worth 
 while to allude to the possibility of such an 
 event, had it not been mentioned in some politi- 
 cal disquisitions as a result which should not be 
 thrown wholly out of contemplation. In a 
 passage already quoted in the Quarterly Review, 
 it is stated, that in the South American colonies 
 of Spain, the elements of society are confounded 
 in a manner more nearly resembling that of St. 
 Domingo than that of North America ; and the 
 inference suggested, though not directly ex- 
 pressed, is, that we have some reason to dread 
 
 .., ., q :y ,j
 
 38 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 
 
 such a termination of their struggles for indepen- 
 dence as we have witnessed in St. Domingo. The 
 premises, as we have already remarked, are 
 inaccurate. Nothing can be more unlike a 
 West Indian colony than the provinces of the 
 Rio de la Plata. 
 
 The second question cannot be answered 
 with so much precision as the first. Upon the 
 whole, the probabilities are, that the provinces 
 will continue to form one empire. The only 
 cause that would lead to separation, is that 
 spirit of provincialism, the prevalence of which 
 in South America we shall have more than one 
 occasion to lament. From the low state of 
 agriculture and manufacture, there is not much 
 communication between the different parts of 
 the country. A district does not feel so sen- 
 sibly as in more advanced kingdoms, its de- 
 pendance on its neighbours, or the benefits of 
 mutual intercourse. At the same time, the 
 ignorance in which the people were kept under 
 the Spanish yoke, fostered those narrow views 
 which lead each small assemblage of men to 
 consider themselves as the criterion of excel- 
 lence, and to despise all that differs from them 
 as imperfect. These two causes have in some 
 districts predisposed the minds of the inhabi-
 
 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 39 
 
 tants to form an independent government for 
 themselves ; and they have met with power- 
 ful auxiliaries in the pride and ambition of in- 
 dividuals. In a large society the generality of 
 men can view themselves only as subjects : they 
 cannot hope to lay hold of the reins of power, 
 or to taste the pleasures of dominion. But in 
 a small state, each person is either one of the 
 governors, or closely connected with those who 
 are : so that all may at least flatter themselves 
 with dreams of grandeur, and enjoy the present 
 satisfaction of exerting an immediate controul 
 over their rulers. Such are the sources of the pre- 
 dilection which exists in some provinces of South 
 America for erecting separate governments. 
 That predilection, if not counteracted, would 
 doubtless have the effect of breaking down the 
 ancient viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres into small 
 communities, in some of which democracy, while 
 in others aristocracy, might prevail. Such an ar- 
 rangement would be a check toimprovement,and 
 a plentiful source of misery. There could not be 
 the same freedom of intercourse between the dif- 
 ferent districts as if the whole were under one 
 government ; obstacles would thus be opposed 
 to the ready exchange of the commodities of 
 one place for those of another. Labour would
 
 40 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 
 
 be less productive, because the industry of each 
 republic, instead of being almost exclusively 
 directed towards those objects for which it was 
 best fitted, would be distributed in a great 
 variety of less profitable branches. Wars and 
 dissensions would be of frequent occurrence, 
 and would be constantly dreaded. It is not 
 easy to conceive the full extent of the private 
 suffering which such a state of things occasions, 
 or how much it retards the progress of improve- 
 ment. Some of the most valuable physical 
 advantages of the country would be in a great 
 measure lost. The Parana, with its auxiliary 
 streams, affords to each province the means of 
 ready communication with every other. But 
 the navigation of these rivers can never be 
 fully enjoyed, if their banks are parcelled out 
 among a multitude of petty states. That they 
 may confer in commerce all the benefits which 
 nature intended they should, they must flow 
 through the territory of one great power. It 
 is therefore fortunate that the spirit of political 
 schism is likely to be kept within narrow bounds. 
 A knowledge of the mischief to which it leads 
 is one of the great antidotes to its operation. 
 Many are already impressed with a sense of its 
 baneful tendency ; and the conviction of its
 
 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 41 
 
 injurious consequences will become still more 
 general, in proportion as time shall more clearly 
 unfold the blessings of union. Habit too is 
 here on the side of sound policy ; for provinces 
 which have long been under the same govern- 
 ment cannot be torn asunder without a violent 
 effort. Lastly, the existing government must 
 always possess considerable influence, and that 
 influence will be exerted to the utmost to 
 maintain and strengthen the bands of union. 
 
 But though the spirit of separation will not 
 be strong enough to effect a total disunion, it 
 will probably have influence sufficient to cause 
 the preference of a federal to a consolidated 
 government. As each considerable subdivision 
 of territory will, under such a constitution, 
 retain the managemeut of its local concerns in 
 its own hands, while the general administration 
 is left to the supreme power, provincial ambi- 
 tion will have objects to aspire to, and pro- 
 vincial vanity will be flattered by the show of 
 distinct existence. To reflecting minds this ar- 
 rangement will be recommended by more solid 
 benefits. One central power could scarcely 
 pervade the whole extent of a region so thinly 
 peopled j for civil authority acts upon men only 
 through their connexions with their fellow-crea-
 
 42 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 
 
 tures, and meets with no greater obstacle than 
 the interposition of immense wildernesses. It 
 is for this reason advantageous to have a number 
 of points, from which, as from so many centres, 
 the rays of power may emanate. The local le- 
 gislatures will be more efficacious than a con- 
 solidated government in preserving good order 
 within their respective limits, and will be more 
 zealous in promoting improvement in their own 
 immediate neighbourhood. They will likewise 
 train the people to habits of correct thought 
 on political subjects, and will form excellent 
 seminaries for the general legislature. These 
 advantages of the federal government must re- 
 commend it strongly to a country situated like 
 the provinces on the Rio de la Plata. The 
 weakness arising from the division of the powers 
 of sovereignty between the general government 
 and the provincial assemblies, and the dissen- 
 sions that cannot fail to be occasioned by the 
 indeflniteness with which, from the very nature 
 of the case, the departments of each must be 
 marked out, constitute no doubt very weighty 
 objections. In seasons of war and difficulty 
 more especially these inconveniences will be 
 strongly felt. But before the period arrives, 
 when the feebleness of a federal government on
 
 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 43 
 
 the river Plate might endanger the peace or 
 the safety of the whole society, the circum- 
 stances which now recommend the adoption of 
 that system will probably have vanished ; the 
 spirit of provincialism will have disappeared 
 before the progress of information and the 
 habits of extended intercourse; the country 
 will have become more populous, so that a cen- 
 tral civil authority will be enabled to act with 
 increased energy ; and rational sentiments of 
 liberty will have been diffused among the inha- 
 bitants. All the provinces will then naturally 
 tend to an indissoluble union under one conso- 
 lidated legislature. 
 
 Revolutions have often terminated in a mili- 
 tary despotism, and therefore some may be in- 
 clined to anticipate the same result here. Such 
 an event, however, is to all appearance impos- 
 sible. The people are so much on a level, the 
 country is so extensive and so thinly inhabited, 
 the military establishment is so small, and the 
 number of persons who are not in easy circum- 
 stances is so few, that if a man were found mad 
 enough to usurp despotic power, his attempt 
 would most assuredly fail. He would be op- 
 posed by the whole population, and he would 
 be unable to find in the country the materials
 
 44 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 
 
 of an army suited to the purposes of a tyrant. 
 The only case in which despotism could be in- 
 troduced with a likelihood of success, would be 
 after the division of the country into a multi- 
 tude of petty states. These petty states might 
 easily become the patrimony of an equal 
 number of petty tyrants. 
 
 III. Since then there is scarcely a possibility 
 that the provinces of the river Plate should fail 
 in establishing their independence, and since 
 there is every likelihood that they will form a 
 flourishing nation under a free government, it 
 becomes an important question to consider what 
 line of policy Britain should pursue. Hitherto 
 we have maintained a strict neutrality : we have 
 given no assistance either to the mother country 
 or to the colonies. We have acted thus cau- 
 tiously, not because we contemplated with in- 
 difference the struggle for the deliverance of 
 one of the fairest portions of the earth, or were 
 blind to the favourable effect which the eman- 
 cipation of South America will have on our 
 own prosperity ; but because there are few 
 cases in which a foreign state ought to inter- 
 pose between two contending parties of one 
 empire, in any other way than by an offer of 
 its good offices j because deference and respect 
 
 2
 
 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 45 
 
 were due to our ally Spain ; and because our in- 
 terference on one side would have created jea- 
 lousy in Europe, and urged other powers to 
 take the part of those whom we opposed. Of 
 the prudence of adhering to the wise policy 
 which we have hitherto followed, there can be 
 no doubt : nor would the patriots themselves 
 ask us to deviate from it. The government of 
 Buenos Ayres has no need of foreign assist- 
 ance ; the Spaniards are almost completely ex- 
 pelled, and the work of deliverance will soon 
 be finished without the incumbrance of aux- 
 iliary forces. But though we ought not to take 
 an active part in the hostilities of either side, 
 would it not be prudent for us ere long to con- 
 sider the expediency of taking some steps 
 which ultimately might lead to a treaty of 
 commerce with the new power? Such a pro- 
 ceeding would be no deviation from our neu- 
 trality. We have all along been the ally of 
 Spain ; yet that circumstance did not make us 
 the enemy of Buenos Ayres : no more will a 
 treaty with Buenos Ayres be a breach of friend- 
 ship towards Spain. The provinces of the liio 
 de la Plata now are, and must remain, inde- 
 pendent : at some time or other, therefore, we 
 must mean to be connected with them by po-
 
 46 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 
 
 sitive treaties ; so that the only question is, 
 how long are we to delay, before we determine 
 upon such a measure ? In solving this doubt, 
 we hope that they with whom the decision rests 
 will recollect, that England has long claimed 
 the proud pre-eminence of teaching nations how 
 to do their duty. It becomes our dignity to 
 set an example rather than to follow one. While 
 Spain maintains the conflict actively, there may 
 be some reasons for our reserve : but as soon as 
 she can only make claims without prosecuting 
 them effectively, we can have no reasonable 
 motives to prevent us from forming specific con- 
 nexions with a country which opens up the most 
 brilliant prospects to our manufacturers and 
 merchants. 
 
 A question has sometimes been started, whe- 
 ther the provinces of the river Plate should be 
 recognized by England and the other kingdoms 
 of Europe as an independent state, and whether, 
 till so recognized, they have a claim to the privi- 
 leges and rights usually considered as apper- 
 taining to a nation. The whole discussion 
 seems to us entirely futile. The existence of a 
 community as a sovereign state is determined by 
 the circumstances of that community, and not 
 by the will of strangers. The inhabitants of an
 
 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 47 
 
 extensive territory, who live under a regular 
 government, raise taxes, and maintain garrisons, 
 fleets, and armies, de ipso facto constitute a 
 nation, whatever may be said of them by men 
 who live at the distance of many thousand miles. 
 Is there any authority in any book of public law 
 to prove that a community which exercises all 
 the attributes of an independent government is 
 not a sovereign state till it has been acknow- 
 ledged as such by foreign nations ? From how 
 many kingdoms must this recognition be 
 received ? Will that of England alone suffice ? 
 Or must her suffrage be strengthened by that of 
 a majority of the princes of Europe ? In what 
 assembly, and with what formalities, are these 
 suffrages collected ? From what source is this 
 prerogative derived, which entitles one or more 
 of the sovereigns of Europe to decide upon the 
 condition of millions, in a distant quarter of the 
 globe, over whom they do not even pretend to 
 have any jurisdiction? In fact, the whole doc- 
 trine of recognition is a gross fallacy, without 
 principle or precedent to support it. A com- 
 munity, which is, dejacto, independent, is for 
 the time being a sovereign state : what strangers 
 may say of it is no part of the question. Were 
 we to conclude a treaty with Buenos Ayres, her 
 6
 
 48 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 
 
 title to be considered as a nation would not be 
 derived from that compact. Treaties are agree- 
 ments between nations : they suppose the parties 
 to be nations, but cannot create nations : their 
 only effect is to establish particular relations 
 between those who enter into them. Our own 
 ministers seem to have been of this way of 
 thinking. They have sent a consul to Buenos 
 Ayres ; they profess neutrality between her and 
 Spain ; they forbid our cruizers to molest her 
 flag. All these acts imply that they regard the 
 inhabitants of the provinces of the river Plate as 
 constituting a nation. 
 
 IV. Whatever doubts there maybe with respect 
 to the policy which we shall follow, we cannot 
 help thinking that the views of North America 
 may be conjectured with tolerable certainty. 
 The appointment of commissioners to inquire 
 and report concerning the situation of Buenos 
 Ayres is a proof of the great interest which the 
 American government takes in the affairs of the 
 Spanish colonies; and the voluntary promulga- 
 tion of the facts collected, and the opinions 
 expressed by the Commissioners, authorise us 
 in imagining, that it is the wish of the rulers of 
 the United States to direct the attention of their 
 countrymen towards the same quarter. They
 
 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 49 
 
 had as good means of information as any of the 
 cabinets of Europe ; but they were not satisfied 
 with this : the transactions seemed to them to 
 be assuming so important a character, that they 
 ought no longer to act without a complete and 
 accurate survey of all the circumstances by 
 which their conduct should be regulated. A 
 special mission was, therefore, dispatched. The 
 reports made by that mission might have been 
 kept secret, like a light in a dark lanthorn, to 
 guide their own steps without lending the 
 assistance of a single ray to the rest of the world. 
 Such a procedure would have been agreeable to 
 the usual practice of cabinets, which are but too 
 apt to believe that the wisdom of each is in pro- 
 portion to the ignorance of the others. It would 
 at the same time have been consistent with the 
 constitutional law of America ; for there was no 
 obligation upon the President to lay the docu- 
 ments transmitted to him before Congress. He, 
 however, has followed a more frank and open 
 system, with an intention, we cannot help sus- 
 pecting, of disposing the public mind to a tone 
 of feeling, which may lead speedily to a closer 
 connexion than at present subsists between 
 North America and Buenos Ayres, and to the 
 
 D
 
 50 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 
 
 acquisition by. the former of important commer- 
 cial benefits. / 
 
 There is, perhaps, no country which has so 
 little interest in the independence and grandeur 
 of the provinces of the river Plate as North 
 America. The commerce of these provinces 
 consists, and for many centuries must consist, 
 in the exchange of their own raw produce for 
 manufactured commodities. There is scarcely 
 any likelihood that the United States will be 
 able to supply the requisite manufactures at so 
 cheap a rate as England. They have, therefore, 
 little reason to expect a large share in the com- 
 merce of the river Plate, if that commerce is 
 allowed to flow in its natural channel. On the 
 other hand, a powerful state will have arisen in 
 their own continent, capable of balancing their 
 political ascendency ; jealous, perhaps, of their 
 prosperity ; and prepared to watch and retard 
 all their movements, as often as they engage in 
 the politics of Europe. It would, therefore, 
 have been by no means surprising if they had 
 looked with a suspicious eye at the steps of their 
 southern neighbours to freedom and indepen- 
 dence. That they have hitherto exhibited no 
 symptom of so selfish a policy is to be ascribed
 
 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 5i 
 
 to the general diffusion of sentiments of liberty 
 among them. Freemen cannot contemplate a 
 struggle against despotism without entering 
 warmly into the cause of the enemies of oppres- 
 sion : and in a popular constitution, sympathy, 
 with the public feeling, always acts with more 
 or less force on the measures of government. 
 Hitherto, accordingly, the United States have 
 professed a strict neutrality in the South Ame- 
 rican contest; but in some cases have shown, 
 that in their hearts they are partial to the cause 
 of independence. Questions have arisen before 
 their public tribunals, which involved the claims 
 of the existing government of Buenos Ayres to 
 be considered as invested with national rights ; 
 and the decision has uniformly been, that the 
 colonies of Spain, so long as they dej'acto govern 
 themselves without foreign interference, are 
 sovereign states ; that they must be treated by 
 the mother country as belligerent powers ; and 
 that third parties are not entitled to deny their 
 national existence. Such decisions are not, per- 
 haps, a recognition of their independence j but 
 (for the word recognition seems to imply that 
 the right recognized depends, in some degree, 
 on the party recognizing) they are more than a 
 recognition •, they are an admission of it. Thus 
 
 1) 2
 
 32, INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 
 
 far the United States have proceeded ; and 
 though the President, in his message to Congress, 
 has recommended a steady adherence to the 
 line of conduct which has been followed hitherto, 
 we suspect, or rather as our partiality to British 
 interests would lead us to say, we fear that they 
 will now take a bolder step. They may connect 
 themselves with Buenos Ayres by positive trea- 
 ties. They will thus gain the advantage of 
 exciting in the people of that country a senti- 
 ment of affection and partiality towards them, 
 as being the first who were willing to enter into 
 specific relations of amity with the newly-born 
 power. Such a feeling of preference can hardly 
 fail hereafter to promote the influence of those 
 in whose favour it is exerted. This, however, is 
 not all. They will not remain satisfied with 
 remote and contingent advantages. The treaty 
 will, of course, be a treaty of commerce j and 
 by means of it they may place their trade with 
 South America on a much more favourable foot- 
 ing than that on which it now stands,. 
 
 In the present condition of manufacturing 
 industry in the United States, we can scarcely 
 imagine that any privileges which can be con- 
 ferred on them, would materially increase the 
 consumption of their commodities in the terri-
 
 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 53 
 
 tories of Buenos Ayres. They have few or no 
 articles for exportation, which suit the South 
 American market, and a treaty would alter 
 neither the nature of the demand nor the nature 
 of what they have to dispose of. But political 
 regulations might very easily increase their 
 carrying trade, so as to add greatly to their 
 naval power, and at the same time enable them 
 to supply themselves with South American pro- 
 duce more easily than they now can. For 
 this purpose all that would be necessary is, that 
 they obtain from the government of Buenos 
 Ayres, in return for their proffered friendship, 
 a diminution of the duties on exportation and 
 importation in American vessels. Such a boon 
 would, probably, be granted without much diffi- 
 culty, and would give them the command of 
 the carrying trade both from and to Europe. 
 Their ships, after having carried the bulky 
 produce of their own soil to European ports, 
 might take in cargoes of manufactures and 
 transport them to the river Plate. Suppose 
 similar cargoes to arrive in British bottoms, the 
 advantage which the Americans would have in 
 paying a lower rate of duty, would enable them 
 to undersell every competitor ; so that even 
 our own manufactures would be exported in
 
 54 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 
 
 their vessels. The freight which the American 
 merchant would thus earn, together with the 
 European commodities which would be carried 
 out on speculation, by the persons who had an in- 
 terest in the vessel, would supply funds for the 
 purchase of a return cargo for home sale. The 
 traders of the United States would thus be freed 
 from the difficulty which they at present find 
 in making up an assortment of articles to pay 
 for the South American produce which their 
 country requires, but which it cannot purchase 
 in sufficient quantities with its own manfactures, 
 or with raw commodities of its own growth. 
 With the increased ease of purchasing the pro- 
 duce, the demand for it would probably in- 
 crease too ; and the connexions between Buenos 
 Ayres and the United States would become 
 closer and closer from the rapid augmentation, 
 which would thus take place in the amount of 
 their commercial transactions. While such 
 would be the effect of the favour shown to the 
 flag of the United States in duties on importa- 
 tion, a similar preference in duties on expor- 
 tation would enable them to be the carriers of 
 South American produce to almost every 
 country in Europe. Some nations might, per- 
 haps, endeavour to counterbalance these advan-
 
 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 55 
 
 tages, by imposing taxes on importation in 
 foreign bottoms. Such a regulation, however, 
 could not be universally adopted, and even 
 where adopted, would not always be effectual. 
 It may, perhaps, be thought that the magnitude 
 of the evil could never be very alarming, be- 
 cause the greater" part of the exports from the 
 river Plate are for the British market, and of 
 this proportion we must, in consequence of our 
 navigation laws, be the carriers. No such 
 necessity exists. South American produce is 
 not admitted into our ports in foreign vessels, 
 nor from any country in Europe, except Spain : 
 but by a late treaty with the United States, it 
 may be imported from them in British vessels. 
 Not satisfied with introducing this anomaly into 
 our navigation laws, we give a direct bounty 
 to encourage circuitous importation through a 
 foreign country. For he who imports directly 
 from Buenos Ayres is liable to the South Sea 
 duty of two per cent, ad valorem, from which 
 the merchant who brings the same commodi- 
 ties home through a port of the United States, is 
 altogether exempt. If then the hides and 
 tallow which are intended for our market can 
 be exported from Buenos Ayres in American 
 bottoms, at lower duties than in British, there
 
 56 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 
 
 is no doubt but that they will be conveyed in 
 the vessels, and deposited in the storehouses of 
 that nation, whence they will be brought to us 
 by ships of our own. In estimating the value 
 of this branch of the carrying trade, we must 
 not forget that the voyage from South America 
 is very long, and the commodities which she 
 furnishes are for the most part very bulky. 
 
 These are advantages of first rate import- 
 ance, and may probably be obtained by the 
 United States, at the easy price of being the 
 first to propose a treaty of commerce with the 
 government of Buenos Ayres. Not only are 
 the advantages valuable in themselves — they are 
 of the very class which America is disposed to 
 prize the most. Her great ambition is to lay 
 a strong and broad foundation for a mighty 
 naval power, which may enable her to divide 
 with her parent the empire of the ocean. This 
 is best done by whatever increases her commer- 
 cial tonnage. There are, therefore, weighty 
 reasons to apprehend that she will not let slip 
 so favourable an opportunity of promoting her 
 favourite plans. And what motive has she to 
 forbear grasping at that which is within her 
 reach ? If she can obtain commercial prefer- 
 ences in exchange for her amity, why should 
 
 9
 
 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 57 
 
 she hesitate ? Delicacy towards Spain, it may 
 be imagined, will restrain her from entering 
 into treaties with those whom that ancient 
 kingdom holds to be rebellious subjects ; and 
 respect towards the powers of Europe will make 
 her averse to being the first to enter into formal 
 engagements with a government not recognized 
 by them. America is not so scrupulous ; she 
 fears not Spain, nor any member of the holy 
 alliance. Britain is the only power which could 
 awe her ; and we certainly should not be in- 
 clined to quarrel with her for openly declaring 
 her favourable disposition towards those for 
 whose success we ourselves must be anxious. 
 America most assuredly will not be restrained, 
 by false delicacy or hypocritical reverence, from 
 appropriating to herself advantages which she 
 knows to be valuable, and which none can 
 justly blame her for making her own. 
 
 The declaration of the President, that he 
 sees no reason for deviating from the line of 
 policy which has been hitherto pursued, is far 
 from being a proof that a very different system 
 may not soon be adopted. In democratic states 
 a little coquetry on the part of the executive 
 power is usual, and even pardonable. The
 
 58 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 
 
 President and Senate, though vested with the 
 legal right, may think it hazardous to take so 
 decisive a step as that of concluding an alliance 
 with a people who, till lately, were in subjection 
 to Spain. But if they are urged to that measure 
 by the public voice loudly expressed by the 
 people at large, and more formally pronounced 
 in the House of Representatives, they would 
 be exempted from all responsibility, and would 
 with pleasure obey the general call. The ex- 
 ecutive, by the steps they have taken, seem to 
 court a discussion of the system hitherto fol- 
 lowed : to court discussion in a popular as- 
 sembly is to invite attack ; and in such questions 
 they who invite attack may be suspected of a 
 willingness to yield. Every thing is done to 
 give publicity to the reports of Messrs. Graham 
 and Rodney ; and these are documents, the 
 tendency of which most undoubtedly is, to ex- 
 hibit the United Provinces of South America 
 as not un worth v the alliance of the United 
 States of the North. 
 
 In the mean time, if circumstances will not 
 permit us to baffle the projects of the Americans 
 by being ourselves the first to conclude a treaty 
 with the provinces of the river Plate, Jet us at
 
 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 59 
 
 least adhere strictly to our neutrality, and avoid 
 whatever may excite sentiments of dissatisfac- 
 tion in the minds of the South Americans. 
 Justice requires, and our own interest too, that 
 they should ultimately prevail : all measures are, 
 therefore, improper which may throw difficulties 
 in their way. The time must come when they 
 will constitute a great people, whose friendship 
 will be valuable to us ; consequently, it must be 
 impolitic to give them any just cause of displea- 
 sure at present. Of some of our proceedings, 
 they have already had too good reason to com- 
 plain. Vessels sailing under their flag have 
 been seized on frivolous pretences (though 
 instructions from the Admiralty expressly enjoin 
 that the independent flag be not molested), and 
 made the subject of litigation in our courts, 
 where some have even ventured to call in ques- 
 tion the existence of Buenos Ayres as a nation. 
 If a ship bearing the South American flag is more 
 liable to be brought within our Admiralty juris- 
 diction, and stands there in less favourable cir- 
 cumstances, than if it belonged to Spain, our 
 neutrality is an empty name ; for we are left at 
 liberty to inflict all the evils of war without being 
 ourselves exposed to any of them. The inde- 
 pendent provinces must, in that case, consider 
 2
 
 60 INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE. 
 
 us in the light of enemies ; and though prudence 
 may for a time restrain them from openly 
 expressing their resentment, feelings of animosity 
 cannot fail to rankle in their hearts. 
 
 P. S. — It may be proper to remark, as an apology for 
 some inaccuracies of language which may be detected 
 in the documents which follow the Reports, that they 
 are not to be attributed to any negligence in their re- 
 publication in this country, but belong, in a much higher 
 degree, to the originals. The copy which we have 
 used is that printed by order of Congress, which, 
 though of course official, contained many errors in the 
 orthography of names ; while omissions of words and 
 inaccuracies of expression have rendered some passages 
 almost unintelligible. The Editor alludes particularly 
 to the narrative of the events of the revolution, translated 
 from the work of Dr. Fanes. The Translator seems to 
 have been little acquainted with some of the most com- 
 mon idioms of the language which he undertook to in- 
 terpret; and the Commissioners had not, probably, 
 leisure or opportunity to revise the translations which he 
 had made, previously to their being laid before the Pre- 
 sident. Many of the inaccuracies in the names of places 
 and persons have been corrected in the present edition ; 
 and where the idiom allowed the Editor to judge of the 
 cause of the Translator's mistake, some sentences, before 
 obscure, have been, by the alteration of a phrase or a 
 word, restored to sense and meaning.
 
 THE REPORTS 
 
 OF 
 
 MESSRS. C. A. RODNEY AND JOHN GRAHAM, 
 COMMISSIONERS 
 
 SENT BY THE UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT TO INQUIRE 
 INTO THE STATE OF THE 
 
 REPUBLIC OF RIO DE LA PLATA.
 
 DOCUMENTS 
 
 REFERRED TO IN THE PRESIDENT S MESSAGE AT THE COMMENCEMENT 
 OF THE SECOND SESSION OF THE FIFTEENTH CONGRESS. 
 
 MR. RODNEY TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. 
 SlR, Washington, Nov. 5, 1818. 
 
 I have the honour to present the report 
 herewith enclosed, agreeably to the desire of 
 Mr. Graham, who, on reflection, preferred 
 submitting some additional remarks in a separate 
 paper. For this purpose, two of the documents 
 referred to in the report, remain in his possession 
 — Dr. Funes's Outline of Events in the United 
 Provinces, since the Revolution ; and the Mani- 
 festo of Independence by the Congress at Tucu- 
 
 man. 
 
 I have the honour to be, 
 
 With great respect, 
 
 Your most obedient servant, 
 
 (Signed) C. A. Rodney 
 
 Hon. John Q. Adams, 
 Secretary of Stale.
 
 64 
 
 MR. RODNEY TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 I have now the honour to submit to your 
 consideration, my report on the subject of the 
 late mission to South America, embracing the 
 information derived from the various sources 
 within my power, so far as I had an opportunity 
 of improving the advantages possessed. 
 
 With the history of the conquest of the Spa- 
 nish possessions in America, you, must be 
 familiar. They were principally, if not exclu- 
 sively, achieved by private adventurers. When 
 completed, a most oppressive system of govern- 
 ment, or rather despotism, was established by the 
 parent country. 
 
 These extensive regions were originally 
 swayed by two viceroys. The dominions of 
 Spain, in North America, were under the go- 
 vernment of the Viceroy of Mexico ; and all her 
 possessions in South America were subject to 
 the control of the Viceroy of Peru. 
 
 The remoteness of some parts of the country 
 from the residence of the viceroy at Lima occa- 
 sioned, in 1718, the establishment of another 
 viceroyalty at Santa Fe de Bogota, in the king- 
 dom of New Grenada. In 1731, New Grenada
 
 mr. Rodney's report. 65 
 
 was divided, and a number of the provinces 
 composing that kingdom were separated from it. 
 These were put under the jurisdiction of a cap- 
 tain-general and president, whose seat of 
 government was at Caraccas. 
 
 In 1568, Chili was erected into a separate 
 captain-generalship; in 1773, anew viceroyalty 
 was established at Buenos Ayres, comprehend- 
 ing all the Spanish possessions to the east of the 
 Western Cordilleras, and to the south of the river 
 Marafion. 
 
 This immense empire seems, according to the 
 laws of the Indies, to have been considered a 
 distinct kingdom of itself, though united to 
 Spain, and annexed to the crown of Castile. In 
 this light it is viewed by Baron Humboldt, in 
 his Essay on New Spain. (Note a.) 
 
 With some slight shades of difference in the 
 regulations established in these governments, 
 the prominent features of their political institu- 
 tions exhibit a striking resemblance, as the 
 general system was the same. 
 
 Their commerce was confined to the parent 
 country and to Spanish vessels exclusively. 
 They were prohibited, under the penalty of 
 death, to trade with foreigners. The natives of 
 Old Spain composed the body of their merchants. 
 (Note a.) See the notes at the end. 
 E
 
 66 mr. rodney's report. 
 
 Though this part of the system had, previously 
 to the revolution, been relaxed, in some degree, 
 particularly by the statute of free commerce, as 
 it is styled ; the relief was partial, and the 
 restrictions continued severe and oppressive. 
 
 All access to the Spanish settlements was 
 closed to foreigners; and even the inhabitants 
 of the different provinces were prohibited from 
 intercourse with one another, unless under the 
 strictest regulations. 
 
 The various manufactures that might interfere 
 with those of Spain were not permitted. They 
 were prevented, under severe penalties, from 
 raising flax, hemp, or saffron. In climates most 
 congenial to them, the culture of the grape and 
 the olive was prohibited. On account of the 
 distance of Peru and Chili, and the difficulty of 
 transporting oil and wine to these remote 
 regions, they were permitted to plant vines and 
 olives, but were prohibited the culture of 
 tobacco. At Buenos Ayres, by special indul- 
 gence of the viceroys, they were allowed to 
 cultivate grapes and olives merely for the use of 
 the table. 
 
 They were compelled to procure from the 
 mother country articles of the first necessity ; 
 and were thus rendered dependent on her for the 
 conveniences of life, as well as luxuries. The
 
 mr. rodney's report. 67 
 
 Grown possessed the monopoly of tobacco, salt, 
 and gunpowder. 
 
 To these oppressive regulations and restric- 
 tions was added an odious system of taxation. 
 From the Indians was exacted a tribute in the 
 shape of a poll-tax, or a certain servitude in the 
 mines, called the mita. A tenth part of the 
 produce of cultivated lands was taken, under the 
 denomination of tithes. The alcavala, a tax 
 varying from two and a half to five per cent, on 
 every sale and resale of all things moveable and 
 immoveable, was rigidly exacted, though, in 
 some cases, a commutation was allowed. Royal 
 and municipal duties were laid on imports, and 
 on the tonnage, entrance, and clearance of 
 vessels, under the different appellations of al- 
 moxarifasgo, sea-alcavala, corso, consulado, 
 armada, and armadilla. To these may be added 
 the royal fifths of the precious metals, the most 
 important tax in the mining districts. Besides 
 all these, there were stamp taxes, tavern licences, 
 and sums paid for the sale of offices, of titles 
 of nobility, papal bulls, the composition and 
 confirmation of land3, with a number of others 
 of inferior grade. 
 
 Under the Spanish monarchs, who had early 
 obtained from the Pope the ecclesiastical domi- 
 nion, and thus had united in their royal persons 
 
 £ 2
 
 68 mr. rodney's report. 
 
 all civil and religious authority, a most oppres- 
 sive hierarchy was established, with its numerous 
 train of offices and orders, succeeded by the 
 inquisition. 
 
 The posts of honour and profit, from the high- 
 est to the lowest, were filled, almost exclusively, 
 by natives of Old Spain. 
 
 The principal code of laws, thus maintaining 
 the supremacy of Spain over those distant 
 regions, almost locked up from the rest of the 
 world, emanated from the Council of the Indies, 
 established by the King, in which he was sup- 
 posed to be always present. The royal rescripts, 
 the recopilationes of the Indies, and the partidas, 
 furnished the general rules of decision ; and 
 when these were silent or doubtful, recourse was 
 had to the opinions of professional men. 
 
 This system was generally executed by the 
 viceroys, captains-general, and by the tri- 
 bunals of justice, with a spirit corresponding 
 with the rigorous policy that produced it. To 
 this form of government, the country had for 
 centuries submitted with implicit obedience, and 
 probably would have continued to submit much 
 longer but for events in this country, and the 
 changes in Europe. The sagacious minds of 
 many able writers, penetrating into the future, 
 had predicted, at some distant date, a revolution
 
 mr. rodney's report. 69 
 
 in South America, before that in North America 
 had commenced. From the period of the suc- 
 cessful termination of our own struggle for in- 
 dependence, that of the inhabitants of the 
 South has been with more confidence foretold $ 
 and there is reason to believe it has been 
 hastened by this fortunate event. The conduct 
 of Spain, during the war of our revolution, was 
 calculated to make a lasting impression on her 
 colonies. This result was then foreseen by in- 
 telligent politicians ; many were surprised that 
 she could be so blind to her own interests, after 
 she had on one occasion manifested the strongest 
 suspicion of Paraguay ; for to her scrupulous 
 jealousy of this power the expulsion of the Je- 
 suits from that country, in 1750, is to be at- 
 tributed. 
 
 The wars that arose from the French Revo- 
 lution have produced in Europe changes of the 
 greatest magnitude, which have had an im- 
 mense influence on the affairs of South Ame- 
 rica. When Spain joined France against the 
 combined Princes, she exposed her distant pos- 
 sessions to British hostilities. The great naval 
 power of England gave her ready access to the 
 American colonies. Engaged in an arduous 
 contest, she was prompted by her feelings and
 
 70 mr. rodney's report. 
 
 interests to retaliate on Spain the conduct she 
 experienced from her during the war of our in- 
 dependence. Encouraged, perhaps, by the 
 counsels of her enemies, the first symptoms of 
 insurrection in the continental possessions of 
 Spain were exhibited in the year 1797, in 
 Venezuela. These were succeeded by the at- 
 tempts of Miranda in the same quarter, which 
 were accompanied or were followed, since the 
 vacillating state of the Spanish monarchy, by 
 revolutionary movements in Mexico, Grenada, 
 Peru, Chili, and Buenos Ayres ; and from which 
 scarcely any part of the Spanish dominions in 
 America has been entirely exempt. 
 
 The occurrences that led the way to the sub- 
 sequent important events in the provinces of 
 La Plata, were the invasion of the British, 
 under Popham and Beresford, in the year 1 806, 
 and their expulsion, a few months afterwards, 
 by the collected forces of the country, under 
 Liniers and Pueyrredon. These incidents for- 
 tunately gave to the people a just idea of their 
 own strength ; and they afterwards repelled, 
 with a firmness and bravery that did them great 
 honour, the formidable attack of the British 
 under General Whitelock. 
 • The wretched state to which Spain was re*
 
 MR. RODNEY S REPORT. 71 
 
 duced, by the policy, the power, and the arts 
 of Napoleon ; the resignation of Charles IV 
 in favour of Ferdinand VII, and the renuncia- 
 tion of both in favour of Napoleon, were pro- 
 ductive of the most important results. They 
 threw the kingdom into the greatest confusion. 
 The alternate successes and disasters of the 
 French armies produced a new era in Spain. 
 The people, generally, revolted at the idea &f 
 being governed by the brother of Napoleon, to 
 whom he had transferred the crown. Juntas 
 were established, who acted in the name of 
 Ferdinand, then confined in France. These 
 were substituted for the ancient Cortes, and the 
 regular counsel of the nation, to which, in times 
 of imminent danger, they ought to have re- 
 curred agreeably to their usages. Conflicting- 
 authorities produced a distracted state of 
 affairs. In the scenes that ensued, the proper 
 attention was not paid to the American provin- 
 ces. Their conduct towards them was versatile 
 and inconsistent : they were lost sight of or 
 neglected, until it was too late. Conceiving 
 they were abandoned by the parent state, they 
 thought it justifiable to act for themselves. (Note 
 b.) It was not very long before the inhabitants of 
 Buenos Ayres, embracing the example of their
 
 72 mr. rodney's report. 
 
 brethren in Spain, established a junta, which 
 assumed the reins of government, and finally 
 in the year 1810, sent off the Viceroy Cisneros, 
 and his principal adherents. (Note c.) For a sum- 
 mary of events subsequent to this period, until 
 the time of my departure, I beg leave to refer 
 to the outline subjoined (Appendix A.), from 
 the pen of Dr. Funes, drawn up, in part, at my 
 request. Without vouching for the perfect ac- 
 curacy of the work, I think, from the informa- 
 tion received, it will probably be found to 
 contain,, in general, a correct and impartial 
 sketch of the prominent transactions and oc«< 
 currences. 
 
 In perusing this interesting document, I have 
 to lament, that its pages are marked with some 
 cases of severity and cruelty, which seem almost 
 inseparable from great revolutions. It must, 
 however, be consoling to observe, that they 
 appear to have passed through the state which 
 might possibly have rendered examples neces- 
 sary, and to have arrived, perhaps, at that stage, 
 when the passions becoming less turbulent, and 
 the people more enlightened, a milder system 
 may be expected to prevail. (Note d.) 
 
 Their dissensions have produced most of their 
 calamities. In such seasons they were natu-
 
 MR. RODNEY S REPORT. 75 
 
 rally to be expected. But their disputes have 
 been principally healed by the prudent and 
 energetic measures of the Congress, which 
 commenced its sittings in Tucuman in the year 
 1815, and adjourned in the year following from 
 thence to Buenos Ayres, where it remained in 
 session, occupied with the task of forming a 
 permanent constitution. This respectable body, 
 besides acting as a convention, or a constituent 
 assembly, exercises temporarily legislative 
 powers. Their sittings are public, with a gal- 
 lery of audience for citizens and strangers. The 
 debates are frequently interesting, and are con- 
 ducted with ability and decorum ; they are 
 published every month for the information of 
 the people. 
 
 The dispute with Artigas, the chief of the 
 Orientals, has not been adjusted. This, with 
 a certain jealousy of the superior influence of 
 the city of Buenos Ayres on the general affairs 
 of the provinces; the conduct of the government 
 of Buenos Ayres towards the Portuguese, and 
 the high tariff of duties, which I understand 
 have been since reduced, appeared to consti- 
 tute the principal causes of dissatisfaction at the 
 time of my departure. 
 
 The declaration by Congress of that inde-
 
 74 mr. rodney's report. 
 
 pendence which they had for many years pre- 
 viously maintained in fact, was a measure of 
 the highest importance, and has been pro- 
 ductive of an unanimity and a decision before 
 unknown. This summit of their wishes was 
 only to be reached by slow and gradual pro- 
 gress. The public mind had to be illumined on 
 the subject by their pulpits, their presses, and 
 their public orations. The people were to be 
 prepared for the event. When the season ar- 
 rived, they cut the knot which could not be 
 untied. The declaration of independence was 
 adopted in the directorship of Mr. Pueyrredon, 
 on the 9th day of July, 1816. It was succeeded 
 by an able exposition of the causes that ex- 
 torted it, to justify, to their fellow-citizens and 
 to the world, the measure they had deliberately 
 voted to support with their fortunes and their 
 lives. 
 
 Believing the latter paper might be thought 
 worthy of perusal, a translation has been an- 
 nexed. (Appendix B.) 
 
 The salutary influence of this bold and de- 
 cisive step, was at once felt throughout the 
 country. It gave new life and strength to the 
 patriotic cause, and stability to the govern- 
 ment. The victories of Chacabuco and Maipo, 
 7
 
 mr. rodney's report. 75 
 
 achieved by the arms of Chili and Buenos Ayres, 
 have produced and confirmed a similar declara- 
 tion of independence by the people of Chili, 
 which is also annexed (Appendix C.*), and ce- 
 mented the cordial union existing between the 
 confederate states. (Note e.) The consequence 
 has been, that, within these extensive territories, 
 there is scarcely the vestige of a royal army to 
 be found, except on the borders of Peru. 
 
 Having thus, in connexion with the succinct 
 account given by Dr. Funes, traced the prin- 
 cipal events, since the revolution in Buenos 
 Ayres, I shall proceed to state the result of the 
 information received, according to the best 
 opinion I could form of the extent, population, 
 government and resources of the united pro- 
 vinces, with their productions, imports and 
 exports, trade and commerce. 
 
 The late viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres, of 
 which that city was the metropolis, was by 
 many considered the largest, as well as the 
 most valuable of all the Spanish dominions in 
 South America, extending in a direct line, 
 from its north to its south boundary, a distance 
 of more than two thousand miles j and from its 
 
 * Not given in the original.
 
 76 mr. rodney's report. 
 
 eastern to its western not less than eleven 
 
 hundred. 
 
 It was composed, at the commencement of 
 
 the revolution, of the nine provinces, or in- 
 tendencies following : — Buenos Ayres, Para- 
 guay, Cordova, Salta, Potosi, La Plata, Co- 
 chabamba, La Paz, and Puno. 
 
 Watered by the great river La Plata and its 
 numerous tributary streams, which afford an 
 easy communication with countries of an im- 
 mense extent, and furnishing an easy access to 
 the treasures of South America, it has always 
 been regarded by Spain as one of her most pre- 
 cious acquisitions. Enjoying every variety of 
 climate to be found between different and dis- 
 tant latitudes, and blessed with a large portion 
 of fertile soil, it is capable of producing all that 
 is to be found in the temperate or torrid 
 zones. Immense herds of cattle and horses 
 graze on its extensive piains, and constitute at 
 this time their principal source of wealth. — The 
 mines of Potosi are also included within its 
 boundaries. There are no woods for a very 
 considerable distance from Buenos Ayres. No 
 forest trees are to be seen on the widely ex- 
 tended Pampas, except at intervals a solitary 
 umboo. After passing the Saladillo in a 
 northerly direction, the woods begin, and pro-
 
 mr. rodney's report. 77 
 
 ceeding in the upper provinces, the hills appear, 
 and mountains rise in succession, interspersed 
 with rich valleys. On the east side of the rivers 
 La Plata and Parana, the country is said to be 
 very fine. The Entre Rios is represented as 
 capable of being made a garden spot ; and the 
 Banda Oriental presents hills and dales, rich 
 bottoms, fine streams of water, and at a dis- 
 tance from the great river, on the banks of the 
 smaller streams, some excellent wood land. 
 Between Maldonado and Montevideo, the east 
 ridge of the Cordilleras terminates on the river 
 La Plata. 
 
 Since the revolution, five more provinces 
 have been erected, making in all fourteen within 
 the limits of the ancient viceroyalty ; viz. Tucu- 
 man, taken from Salta ; Mendoza or Cuyo, 
 taken from Cordova ; Corientes, Entre Rios, 
 comprising the country between the Uruguay 
 and the Parana, and the Banda Oriental, or 
 eastern shore of the river La Plata. The two 
 last were taken from the province of Buenos 
 Ayres, which was thus reduced to the territory 
 on the south side of that river. The subordi- 
 nate divisions of the country, with the principal 
 towns, will be found in the Appendix to this 
 Report, with an account of the produce or
 
 78 imk. rodnky's report. 
 
 manufactures of the different districts. (Appen- 
 dix D.) 
 
 Of the fourteen provinces into which the 
 ancient viceroyalty is now divided, five were, 
 at my departure, principally occupied by the 
 royal forces (which, in consequence of the 
 victory of Maipo, were expected soon to re- 
 treat to Lower Peru), or partially under their 
 influence, viz. Potosi, La Plata, Cochabamba, 
 La Paz, and Puno ; and the nine following in- 
 dependent de facto of Spain, were in the pos- 
 session of the patriots, viz. Buenos Ayres, Pa- 
 raguay, Mendoza, Cordova, Tucuman, Salta, 
 Corientes, Entre Rios, and Banda Oriental. 
 But Paraguay and the city of Santa Fe act in- 
 dependently of Buenos Ayres, though Paraguay 
 is not on unfriendly terms with them, and it is 
 hoped by some will before long join the union. 
 Entre Rios and the Banda Oriental, under 
 General Artigas, in the character of chief of 
 the orientals, are in a state of hostility with 
 Buenos Ayres. 
 
 Montevideo, the capital of the eastern shore, 
 was occupied by a Portuguese army, and a 
 squadron of ships of war from Brazil blockaded 
 the ports of Colonia and Maldonado, and prohi- 
 bited the entrance of neutral vessels, unless
 
 MR. RODNEY S REPORT. 79 
 
 they paid them the same duties on their cargoes, 
 that were charged on the importation of the 
 goods when landed in the country. 
 
 The territory of the United Provinces is 
 computed to contain 150,000 square leagues, 
 though it probably exceeds that quantity. The 
 lands occupied in the country, remote from the 
 cities, are generally converted by their owners 
 into estancias, or large grazing farms for cattle, 
 and chacras for growing grain. The small 
 farms or quintas, in the neighbourhood of cities, 
 are in fine order. Those around Buenos Ayres, 
 which furnish their market with an ample supply 
 of fruit and vegetables, are, by irrigation, in 
 the highest state of culture. 
 
 The population, exclusive of the Indians, is 
 now calculated at 1 ,300,000 ; but, adding the 
 civilized Indians only, who are of great im- 
 portance, it would in all probability exceed two 
 millions. (Note f.) 
 
 The whole population consists of natives of 
 Old Spain, and their descendants, born in the 
 country, or, as they style themselves, South 
 Americans ; of Indians civilised, or unreclaimed, 
 with different " castes," or mixed blood ; of 
 Africans, and their descendants, or Negroes 
 and Mulattoes.
 
 80 mr. rodney's report. 
 
 I could not ascertain, with satisfaction, the 
 population of the different provinces : the pro- 
 vince of Buenos Ayres contains about 120,000, 
 whilst the population of Entre Rios, and Banda 
 Oriental is computed at 50,000. (Note g.) 
 
 The city of Buenos Ayres contains a popu- 
 lation of 60,000. The inhabitants of this place 
 appear to be amiable, and an interesting people. 
 They are considered brave and humane ; pos- 
 sessing intelligence, capable of great exertions 
 and perseverance, and manifesting a cheerful 
 devotion to the cause of freedom and inde- 
 pendence. (Note h.) 
 
 There is also a certain mediocrity and equality 
 of fortune prevailing among them, extremely 
 favourable to a union of the popular sentiment, 
 in support of the common weal. Many indus* 
 trious mechanics and enterprising merchants 
 are, however, increasing their estates, and 
 adding to the stock of capital in the country. 
 
 The people of the province of Buenos Ayres, 
 residing out of the city, are, generally speak- 
 ing, poor, and rather indolent, though a hardy 
 race j and when excited to action, they become 
 zealous defenders of the liberties of their 
 country. They are capable of great improve- 
 ment, and, under the influence of a good ex-
 
 MR. RODNEY S REPORT. 81 
 
 ample when a change takes place in their habits 
 and manner of living, they bid fair to become 
 useful and industrious citizens. 
 
 The inhabitants of Cordova are said to be 
 more superstitious, and more industrious, but 
 less patriotic. This is principally attributed to 
 the loss of the trade with Peru, occasioned by 
 the revolutionary war. 
 
 Tucuman, I was informed, possessed an ex- 
 cellent population. (Note i.) 
 
 The people of Mendoza, or Cuyo, are moral, 
 industrious, and patriotic. They have sacrificed 
 largely at the shrine of independence, support- 
 ing with zeal and confidence the cause of their 
 country ; whilst the citizens of Santa Fe are re- 
 presented as immoral and insubordinate, and 
 manifesting, on most occasions, an extreme 
 jealousy of their neighbours. 
 
 The population of Entre Rios and Banda 
 Oriental is perhaps not inferior in valour to 
 that of Buenos Ayres. Nor is it deficient in 
 military skill, particularly in carrying on a par- 
 tizan warfare, for which its troops are admirably 
 adapted. (Note k.) Their other good qualities 
 have been probably somewhat impaired by the 
 system pursued in that quarter, where they have 
 been compelled to give up every thing like civil 
 
 F
 
 82 mr. rodney*s report. 
 
 avocations, and to continue without any regular 
 kind of government, under the absolute control 
 of a chief, who, whatever may be his political 
 principles or professions, in practice concen- 
 trates all power, legislative, judicial, and execu- 
 tive, in himself. 
 
 The general Congress of the United Pro- 
 vinces, assembled at Buenos Ayres, on the 3d 
 of December, of 1817, established, by a provi- 
 sional statute, a temporary form of government, 
 which will be found in Appendix marked E. 
 
 The Congress is comprised of deputies from 
 the different provinces. It actually consists of 
 twenty-six members. But, as a representative 
 is allowed for every 15,000 citizens, it would 
 be more numerous, if all the provinces had 
 sent delegates in that ratio of population. 
 
 With some exceptions, and particularly of 
 that palladium of our rights, which is unknown 
 to the civil law, the trial by jury, the provisional 
 constitution will be found, on an attentive 
 perusal, to contain a distinct recognition of 
 many of the vital principles of free government. 
 A church establishment also, that of the Ca- 
 tholic faith, is contrary to our ideas of religious 
 freedom ; though a measure adopted from 
 necessity, perhaps, by them.
 
 mr. Rodney's report. 83 
 
 It declares, that all power, legislative, judi- 
 cial, and executive, resides in the nation. The 
 Congress are to be chosen by electors, who are 
 to be voted for by the people in the primary 
 assemblies. The cabildos, or municipalities, 
 are to be elected immediately by the citizens. 
 It recognizes the independence of the judiciary, 
 and declares the tenure of office, with respect 
 to the superior judges, to be during good be- 
 haviour. It provides for the election of a chief 
 magistrate by Congress, removable when they 
 choose to appoint a successor, and responsible 
 for the execution of the duties of his office, 
 which are defined and limited. In the oath of 
 office, he is sworn to preserve the integrity and 
 independence of the country. 
 
 The three great departments of state, of the 
 treasury, and of war, are distinctly marked 
 out, and their respective powers and duties as- 
 signed. 
 
 On some subjects it enters more into detail 
 than is usual with us, particularly in those of 
 their army, navy, and militia. But this, per- 
 haps, in their situation, was necessary. 
 
 It provides that no citizen shall accept a title 
 of nobility, without forfeiting the character of 
 citizenship. 
 
 T 2
 
 84 mr. rodney's report. 
 
 It provides, also, against general warrants, 
 and the arrest of individuals, unless on probable 
 proof of guilt. 
 
 It contains a salutary provision, that a judge, 
 having original jurisdiction, before taking cog- 
 nizance of the cause, shall use all possible 
 means of reconciling the parties. This consti- 
 tution is but temporary. The Congress are en- 
 gaged in the task of forming a permanent one. 
 In the mean time, no alteration can be made 
 in the present, unless with the consent of two 
 thirds of the members. In this manner some 
 alterations have been adopted. 
 
 The subject of a permanent constitution was 
 before a committee of sixteen members of Con- 
 gress. There was a difference of opinion pre- 
 vailing among them on the point of a con- 
 federated or a consolidated government. If 
 they should adopt the former, they will frame 
 the constitution, in all probability, nearly after 
 the model of that of the United States. Should 
 they decide on the latter, it is highly probable 
 they will incorporate the leading features of our 
 system into their form of government. They 
 seem to concur in the proposition to have a 
 chief magistrate elected for a term of years, 
 and a representative legislature, to consist of
 
 mr. rodney's report. 85 
 
 two branches. A senate, to constitute the most 
 permanent body, and a house of representa- 
 tives, whose term of service shall be of shorter 
 duration. 
 
 Perhaps it would be better for them to delay 
 the completion of this all important task, after 
 the example of the United States, until a 
 period of peace. Their present provisional 
 statute is an improvement on those which pre- 
 ceded it; and we may expect their proposed 
 constitution will be still more perfect, as they 
 advance in the knowledge of those principles 
 on which republican governments are consti- 
 tuted. 
 
 But, however free in theory this provisional 
 statute may be, it is undoubtedly true that, 
 unless administered agreeably to its letter and 
 spirit, it will not afford security to the citizen. 
 Whether any infractions have occurred since 
 the date of its existence, I cannot pretend to 
 determine, not being in full possession of the 
 facts. 
 
 When we recollect that they have the benefit 
 of our example, it may reasonably be expected 
 that they will, in general, adhere to the consti- 
 tution. They have also the fatal result of the 
 French Revolution, warning them of the dangers
 
 86 mr. Rodney's report. 
 
 of its excesses, of which they appear to be 
 sensible. 
 
 The productions and the manufactures of the 
 different provinces will be found in Appendix D; 
 but I was unable to procure any satisfactory 
 estimates of the probable value or amount in 
 each province. There is, however, a considerable 
 internal trade carried on in the interchange of 
 various articles between the several provinces ; 
 cattle, horses, and mules, furnish a considerable 
 source of barter : with the latter, Peru is usually 
 supplied ; the Paraguay tea is a great article of 
 trade throughout the country. The brandy, 
 wine, raisins, and figs, of Mendoza and San 
 Juan, are becoming important ; the hides of 
 oxen, the skins of the vicuna and guanaco, with 
 a number of fine furs, afford valuable articles of 
 exchange. These, with the foreign goods trans- 
 ported in every direction from Buenos Ayres, 
 very readily, by oxen and mules, which also 
 furnish the means of carrying their native pro- 
 ductions to their sea-ports, form a branch of 
 trade of great magnitude, considering the popu- 
 lation of the country. (Note l.) 
 
 Their exports are calculated, with some degree 
 of accuracy, at ten millions of dollars. These 
 consist principally of ox-hides, jerk beef] and
 
 MR. ROPNEY S REPORT. 87 
 
 tallow, the present great staples of the country. 
 A variety of furs and peltries, some grain, cop- 
 per, mostly brought from Chili, with gold and 
 silver, in bullion and coin, chiefly from the mines 
 of Potosi. 
 
 The imports are computed to be about equal 
 to their exports. British manufactures form the 
 principal mass, and they are to be had in great 
 abundance. They consist of woollen and cotton 
 goods of every description ; some of them 
 wrought to imitate the manufactures of the 
 country ; ironmongery, cutlery, hardware, sad- 
 dlery, hats, porter, ale, and cheese, are among 
 the remaining articles. 
 
 From the United States they receive lumber 
 of all kinds, and furniture of every description ; 
 coaches and carriages of all sorts, codfish, mack- 
 arel, shad, and herring, leather, boots, and shoes, 
 powder, and munitions of war, and naval stores, 
 ships and vessels, particularly those calculated 
 for their navy, or for privateers. 
 
 From Brazils, they receive sugar, coffee, cot- 
 ton, and rum. 
 
 From the north of Europe, they receive steel 
 and iron; and from France, a number of articles 
 of its manufacture. 
 
 Their foreign commerce is principally carried
 
 88 MR. RODNEY S REPORT. 
 
 on by British capitalists, though there are some 
 Americans, a few French and other foreign mer- 
 chants, also settled at Buenos Ayres ; they are 
 all placed, I believe, on the same footing of 
 equality. 
 
 The revenue of the state may be estimated at 
 about three millions of dollars annually ; but 
 their system of finance is very imperfect; and, 
 although their debt is small, their credit is low. 
 They have hitherto avoided the issuing of paper 
 money, and they have no established bank ; but 
 they have sometimes anticipated their revenue, 
 by giving due bills receivable in payment for 
 duties or goods imported, or articles exported ; 
 the impost furnishes the principal part of the 
 revenue. A copy of their tariff, as at first esta- 
 blished, was some time since transmitted, I 
 believe, to the department of state ; in this, the 
 duties were generally specific and high. I un- 
 derstand they have been lately reduced, as 
 their exorbitancy had occasioned much smug- 
 gling. 
 
 Voluntary contributions from those friendly 
 to the revolution, and forced loans from the Old 
 Spaniards, have constituted another portion of 
 their funds. To show the public capital ade- 
 quate to all exigencies, their different civil, mili-
 
 MR. RODNEY S REPORT. 89 
 
 tary, and naval establishments have been taken 
 into view, and are comprised in the estimate 
 furnished — a thing unusual with us ; but they 
 have omitted their public lands, which, if a pru- 
 dent use be made of them, must, at no distant 
 day, become a very productive source of revenue 
 to the state. 
 
 The mines of Potosi, which, in all probability, 
 will very soon fall into their hands again, may 
 furnish them with a considerable supply of the 
 precious metals. It is stated, on respectable 
 authority, that so late as the year 1790, the 
 amount of gold and silver coined at Potosi in 
 that year was calculated to have been 299,846 
 dollars in gold, and 2,983,176 dollars in silver. 
 The state of their army, and the condition of 
 their navy, will be seen by a reference to the 
 original return presented. — (Appendix F.*) 
 
 Their army is composed of regular troops, 
 civicos, and militia. In one or other of these 
 classes, they are educated to the military art; 
 and, as far as I had an opportunity, and was 
 capable of judging, they appeared to be well 
 acquainted with the elements of their profession. 
 Their forces, according to the paper furnished, 
 are estimated at nearly 30,000 men. They are 
 composed of 1,296 artillery, 13,693 infantry, 
 
 * Not given in the original.
 
 90 mr. rodney's report. 
 
 and 14,718 cavalry; of which 12,143 are troops 
 of the line, 7,041 are civicos, and 10,573 militia. 
 These form the different armies of the centre of 
 Peru, of the Andes, of Cordova, and the auxiliary 
 forces in the Entre Rios. This statement, how- 
 ever, only includes the militia of the province of 
 Buenos Ayres itself. Their supply of arms and 
 munitions of war is ample, as will be seen by the 
 statement annexed on that subject. 
 
 Their navy is small, and some of their vessels 
 are laid up in ordinary. A list of them, as well 
 as of their privateers, will be found in Appendix 
 F.* Their private armed vessels are subjected to 
 very strict regulations, agreeably to their prize 
 code, which is among the original papers pre- 
 sented and herewith delivered. It may be 
 proper in this place to introduce the subject of 
 the irregular conduct of the privateers under 
 the patriot flag, against which the Commission- 
 ers were directed to remonstrate. Having taken 
 an opportunity of explaining to Mr. Tagle, the 
 Secretary of State, the proceedings of our 
 government relative to Amelia Island and Gal- 
 veston, agreeably to their instructions, the Com- 
 missioners embraced a suituable occasion to 
 urge the just cause of complaint, which the 
 malpractices of private armed vessels, wearing 
 * Not given in the original.
 
 mr. Rodney's report. 91 
 
 the patriot colours, had furnished our govern- 
 ment ; on both topics they had long and inte- 
 resting conversations. With the conduct of the 
 government respecting Amelia Island and Gal- 
 veston, Mr. Tagle expressed himself perfectly 
 satisfied ; and he disclaimed for his government 
 any privity or participation in the lodgments 
 made at those places, by persons acting in the 
 name of the patriots of South America. 
 
 In reference to the acts of cruisers under the 
 patriot flags, he said he was sensible that great 
 irregularities had occurred, though his govern- 
 ment had done every thing in their power to 
 prevent them, and were willing, if any instance 
 of aggression were pointed out, to direct an 
 inquiry into the case, and if the facts were esta- 
 blished, to punish those concerned, and redress 
 the injured individuals. He professed his readi- 
 ness to adopt any measures that would more 
 effectually prevent a recurrence of such acts, in 
 which he expressed his belief that the privateers 
 of Buenos Ayres had rarely participated, though 
 the character of the government had suffered 
 from the conduct of others. He stated that 
 they had on one occasion sent out some of their 
 public vessels to examine all cruisers wearing 
 the Buenos Ayrean flag, to see that they were
 
 *J2 mr. rodney's report. 
 
 lawfully commissioned, and to ascertain whether 
 they had violated their instructions. 
 
 Amongst the causes of dissatisfaction to which 
 I have alluded, the preponderance of the capital 
 has been mentioned. Its great weight in the 
 scale of national affairs is to be ascribed to its 
 greater exertions in the national cause. These 
 are owing to its comparative wealth, and to its 
 active, intelligent, and enterprising population. 
 The armies that have been raised in this city 
 and the neighbouring country, with the supplies 
 in money, and munitions of war drawn from 
 these sources, have been truly extraordinary. 
 
 It would be a difficult task to make an exact 
 calculation, or to form even a probable estimate, 
 but all seemed to concede the superior merit 
 claimed on account of their exertions, when 
 compared with their wealth and population; and 
 it is not unlikely that Buenos Ayres has, in con- 
 sequence, assumed a higher tone, and acquired 
 a controlling influence, which she has sometimes 
 abused. (Note m.) 
 
 Another source of discontent is the unfortu- 
 nate dispute between the Banda Oriental and 
 Buenos Ayres, which had an influence on the 
 proceedings of the latter towards the Portu- 
 guese.
 
 mr. rodney\s report. 95 
 
 The original cause* of division may be traced 
 to a jealousy long subsisting between the rival 
 cities of Montevideo and Buenos Ayres. This 
 has become habitual, and has extended to the 
 country. Private interests and personal views 
 have also increased their dissensions. 
 
 General Artigas (who bears the character of 
 chief of the Orientals, as has been already stated, 
 and has also assumed that of Protector of the 
 Entre Rios and Santa Fe) was originally in the 
 royal service, a captain in a provincial corps. In 
 this he continued for some time after the revolu- 
 tion had commenced at Buenos Ayres. But, in 
 the year J 81 1, taking offence, as it is said,atsome 
 conduct of the Spanish commandant of Colonia, 
 he abandoned the royal cause, and entered into 
 the service of the patriots. So early as the year 
 1813, when acting against Montevideo, he 
 became dissatisfied with Sarratea, the com- 
 mander-in-chief from Buenos Ayres. On his 
 removal from the head of the army, he quar- 
 relled with General Rondeau, who, it was 
 supposed, would have been acceptable to him, 
 and finally withdrew, before the siege of Monte- 
 video was finished under General A ivear. For 
 this conduct, Posadas, when he succeeded to 
 the government, treated him as a deserter from
 
 94 mr. rodney's report. 
 
 their service. By a proclamation, he offered a 
 reward for his apprehension, and set a price 
 upon his head — an act which General Artigas 
 never forgot or forgave. 
 
 During the subsequent directorship of Alvear, 
 he induced the cabildo of Buenos Ayres to issue 
 a similar proclamation against General Artigas. 
 When Alvear was dismissed, the people of Bue- 
 nos Ayres endeavoured to atone for their con- 
 duct, by burning, with every mark of ignominy, 
 the degrading proclamation. They also ad- 
 dressed a conciliatory letter to the General, and 
 received from him a corresponding answer. 
 These were preliminary to a fruitless attempt at 
 reconciliation, made by the director, ad interim, 
 Colonel Alvares, who succeeded Alvear. The 
 correspondence on this occasion is annexed 
 (Appendix H). Other endeavours to reconcile 
 him have failed, notwithstanding the changes in 
 the office of director at Buenos Ayres. On one 
 occasion the proposition was made, that the 
 Banda Oriental should remain independent of 
 Buenos Ayres, and merely send deputies to the 
 General Congress, to concert measures against 
 the common enemy. On another, when the 
 Portuguese army was approaching the frontiers 
 of the Banda Oriental, an effort was made by
 
 MR. RODNEYS REPORT. 95 
 
 Pueyrredon to reconcile him, and to unite him in 
 the common defence. Ample supplies of arms 
 and munitions of war were offered, and some 
 furnished ; but this attempt also failed. (Note n.) 
 In order that a fuller view of this subject may 
 be had, T have subjoined a translated copy of an 
 animated letter from General Artigas to Mr. 
 Pueyrredon. (Appendix I.) It is butjustice to 
 add, that General Artigas is thought, by persons 
 entitled to credit, to be a firm friend to the inde- 
 pendence of the country. To express a decided 
 opinion on this delicate question would scarcely 
 be expected of me, as my position did not 
 command a view of the whole ground. I had 
 not the satisfaction to be derived from a personal 
 interview with General Artigas, who is, unques- 
 tionably, a man of rare and singular talents. But 
 if I were to hazard a conjecture, I think it not 
 improbable that in this, as in most family dis- 
 putes, there have been faults on both sides. It 
 is to be lamented that they are in open hostility. 
 The war has been prosecuted with great animo- 
 sity ; and, in two late engagements, the troops 
 of Buenos Ayres have been defeated with great 
 loss. By some it was said, that the inhabitants of 
 the eastern shore were anxious that a reconci-
 
 96 mr. rodney's report. 
 
 liation should take place, whilst the people in 
 the country preferred their present state. 
 
 I must not omit to take a glance at the situa- 
 tion of Paraguay. This province presents a 
 singular spectacle. It stands aloof from the rest. 
 The people, with the aid of the few remaining 
 royal troops, repulsed an army sent to compel 
 them to join the common standard. Very soon 
 afterwards they expelled the royalists, and set up 
 for themselves. Since this period, they appear 
 to have adopted a partial non-intercourse system. 
 But Buenos Ayres, on one occasion, succeeded 
 in obtaining an understanding with them. Some 
 suspect that they are secretly inimical to the 
 existing order of things, and wish to keep them- 
 selves within their shell, that, in case of a change, 
 they may profit by future events ; others calcu- 
 late with some confidence on their ultimate union 
 with Buenos Ayres, with which at present they 
 indulge a limited and reluctant intercourse. 
 Paraguay is under the immediate control of a 
 person named Francia, who styles himself 
 Director of Paraguay. (Note o.) 
 
 From the domestic concerns of the provinces, 
 we naturally turn to their foreign relations. On 
 this subject the Commissioners were informed,
 
 mr. rodney's report. 97 
 
 that they had nothing more than a friendly 
 understanding with any foreign nation. With 
 the Portuguese government, they concluded an 
 arrangement in 1812, under the mediation, it is 
 said, of the British, with respect to the Banda 
 Oriental. They have since had a correspond- 
 ence with them on the subject of their entrance 
 into that province, and the forcible occupation 
 by the Portuguese army of the city of Monte 
 Video, of which a copy is annexed (Appendix 
 J). This will present the state of affairs between 
 Buenos Ayres and the Brazils, which has been 
 the theme of much discussion. The superior 
 naval force of the Portuguese, stationed in the 
 river La Plata, could have effectually blockaded 
 all the ports of Buenos Ayres. By this means 
 they would have prevented supplies of arms and 
 munitions of war, and entirely destroyed the 
 great source of revenue to the state, the duties 
 on imports and tonnage, at a season when money 
 was much wanted. 
 
 For about this period Buenos Ayres had a 
 powerful army to contend with on the side of 
 Peru, and had taken the burden of the renewed 
 contest of Chili with Spain. Under such circum- 
 stances they were in some measure obliged to 
 adopt a cautious and moderate policy. Their 
 
 G
 
 98 MR. RODNBYS REPORT. 
 
 conduct in this respect seems to have been 
 coerced. Their unhappy state with the Orien- 
 tals had also an influence on their measures , 
 they alleged that the restless conduct of Artigas 
 had furnished the Portuguese a pretext for the 
 invasion j but it is probable that they will 
 ultimately break with the government of 
 Brazils. (Note p.) 
 
 The British government has, through their 
 official agents, entered into commercial stipula- 
 tions with General Artigas, as the chief of the 
 Orientals, on the subject of their trade with the 
 eastern shore. A copy of this instrument will 
 be found in Appendix K.* 
 
 The government of Buenos Ayres have a 
 confidential person in Europe, soliciting from 
 England and other Powers, it is said, assistance 
 of every kind, and a recognition of their inde- 
 pendence. (Note r.) England has a consul, who, 
 with her naval commander on that station, 
 appeared to conduct the confidential affairs of 
 the British cabinet with the government of 
 Buenos Ayres. 
 
 What effects the victory of Maipo will pro- 
 duce abroad, it would be hazardous in me to con- 
 
 * Not given in the original.
 
 mk. rodney's report. 99 
 
 jecture. Whether, like the capture of Burgoyne, 
 it will procure for the United Provinces foreign 
 alliances, I cannot pretend to say. 
 
 From a source which is entitled to credit, I 
 was informed that the raising and embarkation 
 of Osorio's army in Peru was not accomplished 
 without serious difficulties. Alternate force and 
 persuasion were used to collect them, and 
 nothing but the name, character, and promises 
 of their General, could have induced them to 
 go on board of the vessels prepared for the pur- 
 pose, at the port of Callao. Some of them 
 were actually in a state of mutiny, notwith- 
 standing they were told they would be received 
 with open arms by their brethren in Chili. 
 
 The forces finally embarked, agreeably to an 
 account furnished by a gentleman of undoubted 
 veracity on the spot, consisting of the follow- 
 ing troops : — 
 
 One company of artillery 70 
 
 One ditto sappers and miners. . . 81 
 
 regiment of Burgos 900 
 
 ditto of San Carlos infantry 907 
 
 ditto of Arequipa 1,000 
 
 Arequipa dragoons 160 
 
 Lamas 14-4 
 
 3/262 
 q 2
 
 100 mr. rodney's report. 
 
 This army was composed of all the regular 
 soldiers they could spare from Lima, who were 
 united, at Talcaguna, to the Royal forces left 
 in Chili. By the battle of Maipo it has ceased 
 to exist. The probable effects in Peru, and 
 other parts of South America, may be conjec- 
 tured, but cannot be affirmed. The same Gen- 
 tleman who has been mentioned, and who is 
 conversant in Peruvian affairs, apprehended 
 that important changes would result. 
 
 I cannot conclude this paper without draw- 
 ing your attention to a rapid survey of the re- 
 forms and improvements in the province of 
 Buenos Ayres, produced by the Revolution, 
 and its influence on knowledge, society, and 
 manners. 
 
 The effects of the Revolution are visible in 
 the changes produced in the state of society. 
 The difference in the freedom of acting and 
 thinking, which preceded the revolution, must 
 necessarily be great- The freedom of com- 
 merce must have given a spring to exertions of 
 native enterprize and intelligence, while the 
 active scenes of war and politics, for the last 
 ten years, have awakened the genius of the 
 country, which had so long slumbered. The 
 generation now on the stage may almost be-
 
 WH. RODNEY S REPORT. 101 
 
 said to have been reared under a new order of 
 things. The common stock of ideas among 
 the people has been greatly augmented — the 
 natural consequence of the important political 
 events which daily transpire, and in which 
 every man, like the citizen of Athens, feels an 
 interest. The newspapers are every where cir- 
 culated, together with the manifestos of the go- 
 vernment, which is obliged to court the appro- 
 bation of public opinion on all measures of 
 moment. It is not very unusual for the same 
 countryman, who, a few years ago, never trou- 
 bled himself about any thing beyond the narrow 
 circle of his domestic concerns, to purchase a 
 newspaper on coming to town as a matter of 
 course, and, if unable to read, to request the 
 first one he meets to do him that favour. The 
 country curates are, moreover, enjoined to read 
 the newspapers and manifestos regularly to 
 their flocks. — The spirit of improvement may 
 be seen in every thing. Even some of those 
 who are under the influence of strong preju- 
 dices against the revolution, frequently remark 
 the changes for the better which have taken 
 place. Their habits, manners, dress, and mode 
 of living, have been improved by intercourse 
 with strangers, and the free introduction of
 
 102 mr. rodney's report. 
 
 foreign customs, particularly English, Ame- 
 rican, and French. Great prejudices prevail 
 against whatever is Spanish. It is even offensive 
 to them to be called by this name — they prefer 
 to be identified with the aborigines of the coun- 
 try. The appellation which they have assumed, 
 and in which they take a pride, is that of South 
 Americans. 
 
 A powerful stimulus must necessarily have 
 been given to their industry, by two important 
 circumstances — the diminution in prices of fo- 
 reign merchandize, and the great increase in 
 value of the products of the country, with the 
 consequent rise of property. Though the 
 grounds in the neighbourhood of cities are 
 highly improved, as I have already stated, agri- 
 culture, comparatively speaking, is in a low con- 
 dition. In general the lands are badly tilled. 
 The plough is rarely used, and the substitute 
 is a very indifferent one. But notwithstanding 
 the disadvantages of the present method of cul- 
 ture, I was informed by reputable persons, that 
 the average crop of wheat is not less than fifty 
 bushels per acre in good seasons. 
 
 On the subject of religion, especially, the 
 change in the public mind has been very great. 
 The Catholic faith is established as that of the
 
 MR. RODNEY S REPORT. 103 
 
 state, but there are many advocates, both in con- 
 versation and in writing, of universal toleration. 
 Some members of congress are said to be 
 strongly in favour of it j but the ignorant and 
 superstitious part of the people, together with 
 the regular clergy, would not be satisfied with 
 such a measure — while the liberality prevailing 
 among the better informed classes is such as 
 to secure a virtual toleration for the present. 
 Besides, from the circumstance of there being 
 no sects in the country, such a provision may 
 wait the progress of liberality in public opinion. 
 In fact, the human mind has been set free on all 
 matters of a general abstract nature, although 
 the liberty of the press is circumscribed in 
 some degree with respect to strictures on 
 public measures and men, and the esta- 
 blished religion ; but there is neither inqui- 
 sition nor previous licence. They acknow- 
 ledge the Pope as a spiritual head merely, 
 and do not think him entitled to any authority 
 to interfere with their temporal concerns. His 
 Bull in favour of the King of Spain against 
 the colonies, which may be almost regarded 
 as an excommunication, produced little or no 
 sensation.
 
 104 mr. Rodney's report. 
 
 The number of monks and nuns was very 
 great in Buenos Ayres, when compared with 
 other portions of the Spanish dominions. They 
 have diminished since the revolution. There 
 was at one time a positive law passed, forbid- 
 ing any one to become a monk or a nun ; but 
 they were obliged to repeal it, and it was after- 
 wards passed with some modifications. The 
 restrictions substituted, aided by public opinion, 
 have nearly produced the desired effect. Few 
 of the youth of the country apply themselves 
 to the study of theology, since other occupa- 
 tions, much more tempting to their ambition, 
 have been opened to their choice. Formerly 
 the priesthood was the chief aim of young men 
 of the best families, who were desirous of dis- 
 tinction ; as, in fact, it constituted almost the 
 only profession to which those who had received 
 a liberal education could devote themselves ; 
 which will readily account for the circumstance 
 of so many of the secular clergy directing their 
 attention, at present, almost exclusively to po- 
 litics. The regular clergy, who are not per- 
 mitted by the nature of their profession, to take 
 part in the business of the world, or to hold 
 secular offices, are many of them Europeans ;
 
 mb. rodney's report. 105 
 
 but those of them who are natives, take the 
 same lively interest in passing events, with the 
 other classes of the community. 
 
 They have gone cautiously to work in re- 
 forms in the different branches of their muni- 
 cipal laws, and the administration of them. 
 The number of offices has been considerably 
 diminished, and responsibility rendered more 
 direct and severe. The judiciary system has 
 undergone many improvements, and nearly all 
 the leading features of the law, which did not 
 harmonize with the principles of free govern- 
 ment, have been expunged, though some of 
 the former evils still remain. The barbarous 
 impositions on the aborigines have been abo- 
 lished — the odious alcavala, and other obnoxi- 
 ous taxes, modified, so as to be no longer vexa- 
 tious — slavery, and the slave trade, forbidden 
 in future — and all titles of nobility prohibited, 
 under the pain of loss of citizenship. — The law 
 of primogeniture is also expunged from their 
 system. In the provisional statute, as has 
 already been stated, nearly all the principles 
 of free representative government are recog- 
 nized, accompanied, it is true, with certain 
 drawbacks, for which they plead the necessity 
 of the times, but which they profess their in-
 
 106 mr. Rodney's report. 
 
 tention to do away, on the final settlement of 
 the government — a consummation anxiously 
 desired by all classes of inhabitants. The ex- 
 ample of France has warned them not to at- 
 tempt too much at first ; they have followed 
 the plan of the United States in the introduc- 
 tion of gradual reforms, instead of resorting to 
 violent and sudden innovations and revolutions. 
 Next to the establishment of their independ- 
 ence by arms, the education of their youth ap- 
 pears to be the subject of the most anxious 
 interest. They complain that every possible 
 impediment was thrown in the way of education 
 previous to the revolution ; that, so far from 
 fostering public institutions for this purpose, 
 several schools were actually prohibited in the 
 capital, and the young men were not without 
 restraint permitted to go abroad for their educa- 
 tion. There was a college at Cordova, at 
 which those destined for the bar, or the priest- 
 hood, completed their studies, upon the ancient 
 monkish principles. Another, called San Carlos 
 (now the Union of the South), had been opened 
 at Buenos Ayres, but was afterwards converted 
 into barracks for soldiers. It is an immense 
 building, more extensive, perhaps, than any 
 which has been dedicated to learning in this
 
 mr. rodney's report. 107 
 
 country ; and it has lately been fitted up at a 
 very great expense. The school was to have 
 opened in May or June last, on a more modern 
 and liberal plan of discipline and instruction. 
 The library of the state is kept in an adjoining 
 building ; it occupies a suite of six rooms, and 
 contains nearly 20,000 volumes, the greater 
 part rare and valuable. It is formed out of the 
 library of the Jesuits, the books collected in 
 the differeut monasteries, donations from in- 
 dividuals, and an annual appropriation by the 
 government, and contains works on all subjects 
 and in all the languages of the polished nations 
 of Europe. A very valuable addition has been 
 lately made of several thousand volumes, 
 brought to Buenos Ayres by M. Bonpland, the 
 companion of the celebrated Humboldt. 
 
 Besides the university of Cordova, at which 
 there are about 150 students, there are public 
 schools in all the principal towns, supported 
 by their respective corporations. In Buenos 
 Ayres, besides an academy in which are taught 
 the higher branches, and the college before 
 mentioned, there are eight public schools, for 
 whose support the corporation contributes 
 about seven thousand dollars annually; and, 
 According to the returns of last year, the 
 
 3
 
 108 mr. Rodney's report. 
 
 number of scholars amounted to 864. There 
 are five other schools exclusively for the benefit 
 of the poor, and under the charge of the dif- 
 ferent monasteries. These are supplied with 
 books and stationary at the public expense. 
 There are also parish schools in the country, 
 for the support of which a portion of the tithes 
 has been lately set apart. It is rare to meet with 
 a boy ten or twelve years of age, in the city of 
 Buenos Ayres, who cannot read and write. Be- 
 sides the scholars thus instructed, many have 
 private tutors. In addition to all this, I must 
 not omit to mention the military academies 
 supported by goverment at Buenos Ayres and 
 Tucuman, at which there are a considerable 
 number of cadets. 
 
 There are no prohibited books of any kind ; 
 all are permitted to circulate freely, or to be 
 openly sold in the book stores ; among them is 
 the New Testament in Spanish. This alone is 
 a prodigious step towards the emancipation of 
 their minds from prejudices. There are several 
 book-stores, whose profits have rapidly in- 
 creased ; a proof that the number of readers 
 has augmented in the same proportion. There 
 had been a large importation of English books, 
 a language becoming daily more familiar to
 
 mr. rodney's report. 109 
 
 them. Eight years ago, the mechanic art of 
 printing was scarcely known in Buenos Ayres ; 
 at present there are three printing offices, one 
 of them very extensive, containing four presses. 
 The price of printing is, notwithstanding, at 
 least three times higher than in the United 
 States ; but, as there is no trade or intercourse 
 with Spain, all school books used in the country, 
 some of them original, are published at Buenos 
 Ayres ; the business is, therefore, profitable 
 and rapidly extending. There are many poli- 
 tical essays, which, instead of being inserted 
 in the newspapers, are published in loose sheets; 
 there are also original pamphlets, as well as 
 republications of foreign works. The constitu- 
 tions of the United States, and of the different 
 states, together with a very good history of our 
 country, and many of our most important state 
 papers, are widely circulated. The work of 
 Dean Funes, the venerable historian of the 
 country, comprised in three large octavo 
 volumes, considering the infancy of the typo- 
 graphic art in this part of the world, may be 
 regarded as an undertaking of some magnitude. 
 There are three weekly journals or news- 
 papers published in the city, which have an ex- 
 tensive circulation through the United Pro-
 
 110 mr. rodney's report. 
 
 vinces. They all advocate the principles of 
 liberty and republican forms of government, as 
 none other would suit the public taste. The 
 year before last, it is true, one of the papers 
 ventured to advocate the restoration of the 
 Incas of Peru, with a limited monarchy, but it 
 was badly received. No proposition for the 
 restoration of hereditary power of any kind, as 
 far as I could learn, will be seriousiy listened 
 to for a moment by the people. Even the 
 ordinary language has changed. They speak 
 of " the state," " the people," " the public," 
 " country," and use other terms, as in the 
 United States, implying the interest that each 
 man takes in what appertains to the community. 
 The first principle constantly inculcated is, 
 " that all power rightfully emanates from the 
 people." This, and similar dogmas form a part 
 of the education of the children, taught at the 
 same time with their catechism. It is natural 
 that the passion for free government should be 
 continually increasing. 
 
 A fact may be mentioned to show the solid 
 advancement they have made, which is, that the 
 number of votes taken at their elections in- 
 creases every year. In becoming habituated to 
 this peaceful and orderly mode of exercising
 
 ME. RODNEY S r REPORT. HI 
 
 their right of choosing those who are to be in- 
 vested with authority, the tumultuous and ir- 
 regular removal, by a kind of general oratory 
 or acclamation, of those who have been chosen, 
 will gradually cease. 
 
 Rather than disturb the order of society, they 
 will endure with patience, until the time arrives 
 for effecting a regular and constitutional change. 
 Since the election of the present Director, none 
 of these tumults, before so frequent, have oc- 
 curred. These tumults have seldom been at- 
 tended with bloodshed ; yet they produce great 
 confusion and disorder, and give rise to habits 
 of insubordination, at the same time that they 
 are ruinous to the character of a nation. 
 
 The viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres differed 
 from the rest in one important particular. It 
 contained no nobility, or, if any, very few. 
 This may be regarded as a favourable circum- 
 stance in their society. Another favourable 
 feature, very necessary to the successful admi- 
 nistration of their affairs, is the conduct of 
 many individuals who have rilled the highest 
 office of state, in descending from that dig- 
 nified situation to inferior posts, and dis- 
 charging their duties with alacrity. Thus we 
 behold General A. Balcarce, who was formerly
 
 112 mr rodney's report. 
 
 Director, acting as second in command to Co- 
 lonel San Martin. Colonel Alvarez, also a 
 Director at one period, now serving in the staff 
 under the chief of that department, General 
 Azcuenaga, and General Rondeau, once elected 
 to the chair of state, is at present employed in 
 a minor office. There are others who have 
 occupied the same elevated post, who have 
 retired to the station of private citizens. 
 
 The general capacities of the United Pro- 
 vinces for national defence are also important 
 in many respects. The nature and extent of 
 the country afford the inhabitants numerous 
 advantages over an invading army. The ease 
 with which their herds of cattle may be driven 
 to distant places, beyond the reach of an 
 enemy, and the rapid movements which the 
 troops of the country can make, from the 
 ample supply of horses and mules, are circum- 
 stances of great consequence in a military view. 
 Even the towns, not fortified, from the manner 
 in which they are built, and from the con- 
 struction of their houses, furnish powerful 
 means of defence, as the British army, under 
 General Whitelock, experienced in their attack 
 on Buenos Ayres. 
 
 I am sensible that, in the course of these
 
 mr. rodney's report. US 
 
 statements and remarks, some inaccuracies and 
 errors must have occurred, but they have been 
 unintentional. 
 
 I have only to add, that the reception of 
 the commissioners at Buenos Ayres, by the 
 chief magistrate, was friendly and flattering. 
 From every class they met with a cordial 
 welcome. The people, in general, appeared 
 to be very much attached to the American 
 character, and to the Government and citizens 
 of the United States. 
 
 Should any thing further occur, it shall be 
 made the subject of a future paper. 
 I have the honour to be, 
 
 With great respect, 
 Your most obedient Servant, 
 (Signed) C. A. Rodney. 
 
 h
 
 114 
 
 MR. GRAHAM TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. 
 SlR, City of Washington, Nov. 5, 1318. 
 
 Mr. Rodney having undertaken to draw up, 
 for our joint signature, a report respecting the 
 present situation of the country we recently 
 visited under the orders of the President, and 
 circumstances having prevented him from pre- 
 senting it to me for perusal, until his late ar- 
 rival in this city, I was not aware until then 
 that I should have occasion to present to you 
 my individual views on that subject. But on 
 an attentive perusal of the paper he drew up, I 
 found that although there was not perhaps any 
 important fact on which we essentially differed, 
 yet that some were stated of which I was not 
 aware ; and that we had taken views which it 
 might be difficult to combine during the short 
 time then allowed to us, and of which it might 
 be proper that you should be put in possession. 
 Under these circumstances, I thought it better 
 to submit to the disadvantage of hastily throwing 
 my observations together, and of presenting
 
 mr. graham's report. 115 
 
 them separately, than to ask him to derange 
 the general tenour of his report by introducing 
 them into it. 
 
 The arrival of Mr. Bland, who will necessarily 
 make a separate report, will, I trust, reconcile 
 the President to the course I have taken ; as, 
 from a combined view of what we individually 
 state, he may perhaps be better enabled to draw 
 his own inferences as to the actual situation and 
 future prospects of the country we visited, than 
 from any joint report in which we could all have 
 agreed, as, under ordinary circumstances, that 
 must have been the result of a compromise of 
 opinions, and would probably have excluded 
 some facts, or some views, which one or the 
 other of us will, in the mode now adopted, 
 present to you. 
 
 In my particular situation, however, I thought 
 
 it less necessary to go into detail, as I knew 
 
 that the report of Mr. Rodney would furnish 
 
 information on points which I omit. 
 
 With great respect, 
 
 I have the honour to be, Sir, 
 
 Your most obedient Servant, 
 
 The Hon. John Q. Adams, JOHN GRAHAM. 
 
 Secretary of State. 
 
 H 2
 
 I J 6 mr. Graham's report. 
 
 The country formerly known as the vice- 
 royalty of Buenos Ayres, extending from the 
 north-western sources of the river La Plata to 
 the southern cape of America, and from the 
 confines of Brazil and the ocean to the ridge 
 of the Andes, may be considered that which 
 is called " the United Provinces of South 
 America." 
 
 Under the royal government, it was divided 
 into the intendencies or provinces of Buenos 
 Ayres, Paraguay, Cordova, Salta, Potosi, Plata, 
 Cochabamba, La Paz, and Puno. Subsequently 
 to the revolution, in the year 1814, another 
 division was made, and from the provinces of 
 Cordova, Salta, and Buenos Ayres, were taken 
 those of Cuyo or Mendoza, Tucuman, Corientes, 
 Entre Rios, and the Banda Oriental. The 
 others, it is believed, retained their former 
 boundaries, and, with the exception of Para- 
 guay, are generally called " Upper Peru." 
 
 This widely extended country embraces al- 
 most every variety of climate and soil, and is 
 capable of almost every variety of production. 
 A large part of it, however, particularly on the 
 west side of the river La Plata, and southerly 
 towards Cape Horn, is deficient in wood, even
 
 117 
 
 for fuel, and in water ; that which is found is 
 generally brackish. 
 
 Although three centuries have passed by, 
 since the Spaniards made their first settlement 
 in this country, and some considerable towns 
 and cities have grown in it, yet its general im- 
 provement and population have by no means 
 kept pace with them $ for the lower provinces 
 have been almost entirely abandoned to the 
 immense herds of cattle which graze on their 
 plains, and require only the partial care of a 
 comparatively few herdsmen ; and the inhabi- 
 tants of Upper Peru have been engaged more 
 generally in the business of mining than was 
 fevourable to improvement or population. 
 Certain small districts have peculiar advantages, 
 are said to be well cultivated, and very pro- 
 ductive : but agriculture has in general been 
 very much neglected. It is, in a great degree, 
 confined to the vicinity of the towns and cities, 
 and may be said to limit its supplies to their 
 demands. This state of things, combined with 
 the regulations of the former government, the 
 influence of climate, and the force of example, 
 has stamped the character of indolence upon 
 that class of society usually considered as the 
 labouring class. The same causes have not
 
 118 mr. graham's report. 
 
 operated, at least with the same force, upon 
 the other inhabitants of the country : hence 
 they are more industrious, and more active ; 
 their manners are social, friendly, and polite. 
 In native talents they are said to be inferior to 
 no people ; and they have given proofs that 
 they are capable of great and persevering 
 efforts ; that they are ardently attached to their 
 country, and warmly enlisted in the cause of 
 its independence. 
 
 It is not necessary for me to enter into a de- 
 tail of the causes which led to the revolution 
 in 1810. The most immediate, perhaps, are to 
 be found in the incidents connected with the 
 two invasions of the country by the British, in 
 the years 1805 and 1806,, and in the subsequent 
 events in Spain, as they had a direct tendency 
 to show to these people their own strength, and 
 the incapacity of Spain to give them protection 
 or enforce obedience. The ground-work was, 
 however, laid in the jealous and oppressive 
 system adopted at a more early period by the 
 kings of Spain, whose policy it seemed to be 
 to keep within as narrow limits as circum- 
 stances would permit the intelligence, wealth, 
 and population ot that part of America subject 
 to their dominion, as the surest means of pre-
 
 MH. GRAHAM'S REPORT. 1 19 
 
 serving an empire which they considered the 
 great source of their wealth and power. 
 
 The revolution having been auspiciously com- 
 menced in the city of Buenos Ayres, was warmly 
 and zealously supported by the great mass of 
 the people descended from the Spaniards j but 
 the native Spaniards, as well those domesti- 
 cated in the country as those in the service of 
 the king, were almost all opposed to it, parti- 
 cularly at the time and under the circumstances 
 it took place. Dissensions were the immediate 
 result, and their long standing jealousy and 
 distrust of each other have, by subsequent events, 
 been heightened into deadly hostility, which 
 time alone can wear away. These dissensions 
 have been considered as one of the causes that 
 produced those which subsequently took place 
 among the patriots themselves, and which have 
 been most serious obstacles to the progress of 
 the revolution. Other obstacles, however, have 
 been presented by the royal government at 
 Lima, which has hitherto not only been able to 
 sustain itself there, but has found means, by 
 enlisting the native Peruvians in its service, to 
 send at different times considerable armies into 
 the upper provinces of La Plata, where the 
 war has been carried on from the commence-
 
 120 MR. GRAHAM'S REPORT. 
 
 ment of the revolution to the present day with 
 various success ; the great extent and peculiar 
 character of the country, and the want of re- 
 sources, having prevented either party from 
 making a blow decisive of the contest. When 
 we came away, the advantage in that quarter 
 was on the side of the Spaniards, as they 
 were in possession of the provinces of Upper 
 Peru, which had, to a certain degree at least, 
 joined in the revolution, and some of which 
 are represented in the Congress. Every where 
 else they have been obliged to yield up the 
 government and abandon the country, or sub- 
 mit to the ruling power. The peculiar situation 
 of Montevideo, on the east side of the river 
 La Plata, open to the sea, and strongly forti- 
 fied, enabled the Spanish naval and military 
 forces, at an early period in the revolution, to 
 make a stand there ; they were ultimately 
 obliged to surrender it j not, however, until 
 long-protracted, and perhaps ill-directed, efforts 
 on the part of the assailants, had given rise to 
 many jarring incidents between those that came 
 from the opposite shores of the river ; probably 
 the effect, in part at least, of ancient jealousies, 
 kept alive by the individual interests of particular 
 leaders j these have been followed by events
 
 mr. graham's report. 121 
 
 calculated to produce a still greater alienation ; 
 and, although several attempts have been made 
 to bring about a union, they have hitherto been 
 unsuccessful. The provinces of the " Banda 
 Oriental " and the " Entre Rios," on the 
 eastern side of the river, under the direction 
 of General Artigas, are now at war with those 
 on the western side, under the government of 
 the Congress at Buenos Ayres. 
 
 This war has originated from a combination 
 of causes in which both parties have, perhaps, 
 something to complain of, and something to 
 blame themselves for. 
 
 General Artigas and his followers profess a 
 belief that it is the intention of the govern- 
 ment of Buenos Ayres to put them down, and 
 oblige them to submit to such arrangements as 
 will deprive them of the privileges of self- 
 government, to which they claim to have a 
 right. They say, however, that they are will- 
 ing to unite with the people on the western side 
 of the river ; but not in such a way as will sub- 
 ject them to what they call the tyranny of the 
 city of Buenos Ayres. On the other hand, it 
 is stated that this is merely a pretext ; that the 
 real object of General Artigas, and of some of 
 his principal officers, is to prevent a union on any 
 7
 
 122 mr. graham's report. 
 
 terms, and to preserve the power they have 
 acquired, by giving an erroneous excitement to 
 the people who follow them : that it is wished 
 and intended to place these provinces on a foot- 
 ing with the others : that the respectable por- 
 tion of their inhabitants are aware of this fact, 
 and anxious for a union ; but are prevented 
 from openly expressing their sentiments from a 
 fear of General Artigas, whose power is uncon- 
 trolled by law or justice ; and hence the pro- 
 priety and necessity of aiding them to resist it. 
 Armies have accordingly been marched within 
 the present year into these provinces ; but they 
 were not joined by a number of the inhabitants, 
 and were defeated with great loss. 
 
 This war is evidently a source of great injury 
 and regret ; and, at the same time, of extra- 
 ordinary irritation to both parties ; for, inde- 
 pendently of other causes of recrimination, 
 each accuses the other of having brought about 
 that state of things which threatens to place a 
 most important and valuable portion of their 
 country in the hands of a foreign power, who 
 has invaded it with a regular and well-appointed 
 army, and is gradually taking possession of 
 commanding points, from which it may be dif- 
 ficult for their united force hereafter to dislodge 
 
 3
 
 mr. graham's report. 123 
 
 them. That they will unite is, I think, to be 
 calculated on, unless some event disastrous to 
 the cause of the revolution itself takes place ; 
 for their mutual interest requires a union. But 
 more of moderation and discretion may be 
 necessary to bring it about than is at this time 
 to be expected from the irritated feelings of 
 some of the principal personages on both sides. 
 
 The city of Santa Fe, and a small district of 
 country around it, also refuse to acknowledge 
 the authority of the government of Buenos 
 Ayres. (Note s.) 
 
 In Paraguay the events of the revolution have 
 differed from those in any other province, as the 
 inhabitants of that country have uniformly re- 
 sisted the efforts of the other provinces to unite with 
 them. After having aided the Spanish authorities 
 placed over them, to repel a military force which 
 had been sent to overthrow them, they them- 
 selves expelled from their country these authori- 
 ties, and established a government of their 
 own, totally unconnected with that of the 
 other provinces, with whom they manifest an 
 unwillingness to keep up even a commercial 
 intercourse. This has given rise to a suspicion 
 in the minds of some that there is a secret pre- 
 dilection among them for the ancient order of
 
 124 mr. graham's report. 
 
 things. But, from what is said of their cold 
 and calculating character — from the safe posi- 
 tion of their country, and its capacity to supply 
 its own wants, it is probable that their object 
 is to husband their resources, and profit by the 
 exertions of others, without giving their own 
 in aid of them ; and possibly, in case of ulti- 
 mate failure, to place their conduct in a less 
 objectionable point of view before the govern- 
 ment of Spain. Whatever may have been their 
 motives, they have hitherto contrived to escape 
 in a great measure the evils of war. 
 
 Their resources, in men and money, are said 
 to be considerable, and no country is more in- 
 dependent of foreign supplies. 
 
 Their conduct furnishes a striking contrast 
 to that of the people of Buenos Ayres, who 
 entered into the revolution with unbounded 
 zeal and energy, and have ever been ready to 
 meet the difficulties of so great an undertaking. 
 This circumstance connected with their local 
 situation, greater resources, and more general 
 information, and perhaps the fact of their 
 having been the first to get power into their 
 hands, have had the effect to give them a con- 
 trolling influence over the revolutionary govern- 
 ment, which has not failed to excite, in some
 
 MR. GRAHAMS REPORT. 125 
 
 degree, the jealousy of the other provinces, 
 and amongst themselves a feeling of superiority 
 little calculated to allay that jealousy. Great 
 evils were at one time apprehended from this 
 state of things ; but the Congress which met at 
 Tucuman, in March, 1816, composed of de- 
 puties from the several provinces then united, 
 assumed the sovereign power of the country, 
 boldly declared its absolute independence, and 
 adopted a provisional form of government, 
 which is understood to have the effect of allay- 
 ing dissensions, and of introducing a more re- 
 gular administration of public affairs. 
 
 It will be seen from the documents in your pos- 
 session, that this provisional constitution re- 
 cognizes many of the principles of free govern- 
 ment: but with such drawbacks as are little 
 calculated to enforce them in practice. Great 
 allowances are doubtless to be made for the 
 circumstances of the times, and the danger and 
 difficulty of tearing up ancient institutions, or 
 of adapting new principles to them. But, after 
 due allowance for all these considerations, it 
 did not appear to me that so much had been 
 done for the cause of civil liberty as might have 
 been expected, or that those in power were its 
 strongest advocates. (Note t.) It is generally
 
 126 mr. graham's report. 
 
 admitted, however, that some changes for the 
 better have been made. Much care seems to 
 be taken to educate the rising generation, and 
 as those who are now coming on the theatre of 
 action have grown up since the commencement 
 of the revolution, and have had the advantage 
 of the light thrown in by it, it is fair to suppose 
 that they will be better prepared to support and 
 administer a free government than those whose 
 habits were formed under the colonial govern- 
 ment of Spain. 
 
 The commerce and manufactures of the 
 country have grown beyond its agriculture. 
 Various causes, however, have contributed to 
 lessen some branches of manufacture since the 
 revolution, but commerce is understood to have 
 been increased by it. A much greater variety 
 and quantity of foreign goods are imported, 
 and a greater demand is opened for the produc- 
 tions of the country. The city of Buenos 
 Ayres is the seat of this commerce. From it 
 foreign and some domestic goods are spread 
 through the interior, as far as Chili and Upper 
 Peru j and, in return, the various productions 
 are drawn to it. This trade is carried on prin- 
 cipally by land, as is that between the different 
 provinces, though some small portion of it finds
 
 MB. GRAHAMS REPORT. 127 
 
 its way up and down the large rivers forming 
 the La Plata, which is itself not so much a river 
 as a great bay. The abundance of cattle, 
 horses, and mules, and of some other animals 
 peculiar to the country, which are used in the 
 mountainous regions of Peru, furnish facilities 
 for transportation not to be found in any other 
 country so little improved ; hence the price of 
 transportation is very low, and the internal 
 trade greater than it otherwise would be, 
 though it had been materially lessened in some 
 important branches by the war with Peru, and 
 the system adopted in Paraguay. 
 
 The export and import trade is principally in 
 the hands of the British, though the United 
 States and other nations participate in it to a 
 certain degree. It is depended on as the great 
 source of revenue to the state ; hence they 
 have been tempted to make the duties very 
 high, and to lay them upon both imports and 
 exports, with the exception of lumber and mi- 
 litary stores. This circumstance, connected 
 with the fact that payment is demanded at the 
 custom-house before the goods are delivered, 
 has led to a regular system of smuggling, which 
 is said to be carried to great excess, and doubt- 
 less occasions the official returns to fall short of
 
 128 mr. graham's report. 
 
 the actual amount of the trade. This may be 
 the reason why they were not given to us. The 
 articles imported are almost every variety of 
 European and East India goods, principally 
 from England ; rum, sugar, coffee, tobacco, 
 cotton, and timber from Brazil ; lumber of al- 
 most every description, cod-fish, furniture, gin, 
 and some smaller articles, from the United 
 States, together with military stores ; which, 
 however, find their way into the country di- 
 rectly from Europe, and are thus furnished at 
 a cheaper rate than we can sell them. The 
 principal articles of export are taken from the 
 various animals of the country, tame and wild, 
 from the ox to the chinchilla ; copper from 
 Chili, and some of the precious metals, drawn 
 principally from Peru ; (Note v.) but as gold is 
 worth seventeen dollars the doubloon, and 
 passed by tale at that rate, very little of it is 
 exported ; hence the currency of the country 
 is gold ; for they have no paper money. The 
 " Libranzas," or bills of credit, issued by the 
 government, are, however, an article of traffic 
 among the merchants, as they are received in 
 paymenf'of one half of the duties. No distinc- 
 tion is made in favour of the trade of any nation, 
 save only that the British merchants have some
 
 mr. graham's report. 129 
 
 peculiar facilities granted them in relation to 
 their letters, which are an object of taxation, 
 at -least so far as applies to those sent out of the 
 country. (Note x.) 
 
 In the official statements given to us, and to 
 which I beg leave generally to refer for informa- 
 tion as to the foreign relations, the productions, 
 military and naval force, revenue, and popula- 
 tion, the latter is stated at 1,300,000, exclusive of 
 Indians. This is understood as comprehending 
 the population of all the provinces ; but, as 
 some of them are not under the government at 
 Buenos Ayres, I have thought it proper to 
 annex the several estimates I have collected of 
 the population of each province, as they may 
 serve to give some general information on that 
 point. The most immediate difficulty felt by 
 the government, whilst we were in the country, 
 seemed to arise from the want of money : for, 
 although the debt was small, their credit was 
 low. It had not been found practicable to 
 adopt a system of finance adequate to the exi- 
 gencies of the times, though it would seem, 
 from the statement given to us, that the re- 
 venue of the last year exceeded the expenses. 
 The important events of the present year in 
 Chili, of which you are informed, will doubtless 
 
 i
 
 130 MR. GRAHAMS REPORT. 
 
 have the effect to raise the credit of the country, 
 and to lessen the pressure upon it, at least for 
 a time, and will probably leave the govern- 
 ment more at leisure to attend to its internal 
 affairs. 
 
 When we came away, it was understood that 
 a committee of the congress was engaged in 
 drafting a new constitution, the power of form- 
 ing and adopting it being exclusively vested in 
 the congress. Whether it will assume a federal 
 or a national character, is somewhat doubtful, 
 as there are evidently two parties in the country, 
 whose views in this respect are very different, 
 and it is believed that they are both represented 
 in the congress. The one party is in favour of 
 a consolidated or national government j the 
 other wishes for a federal government, some- 
 what upon the principles of that of the United 
 States. The probability seems to be, that, al- 
 though there might be a majority of the people 
 in the provinces generally in favour of the 
 federal system, it would not be adopted upon 
 the ground that it was not so well calculated 
 as a national government to provide for the 
 common defence, the great object now in view. 
 The same general reason may be urged, per- 
 haps, for giving to the latter, should it be
 
 MR. GRAHAM S REPORT. 131 
 
 adopted, less of a republican character than 
 probably would have been given to it in more 
 quiet and peaceful times. There is danger too, 
 as the power of forming and adopting the con- 
 stitution is placed in the hands of a few, that 
 the rights and privileges of the people may not 
 be so well understood or attended to as they 
 would have been had the people themselves 
 had a more immediate agency in the affair. It 
 is not to be doubted, however, that it will at 
 least have a republican form, and be bottomed 
 upon the principles of independence, which is 
 contended for by all descriptions of politicians 
 in the country who have taken part in the 
 revolution, and will, it is believed, be sup- 
 ported by them, in any event, to the last ex- 
 tremity. 
 
 Their means of defence, of which they are 
 fully aware, are, in proportion to their numbers, 
 greater perhaps than those of almost any other 
 people, and the duration and the events of the 
 war have strengthened the general determina- 
 tion never to submit to Spain. This determi- 
 nation rests upon the recollection of former 
 sufferings and deprivations j upon a conscien- 
 tiousness of their ability to defend and to 
 govern themselves ; and upon a conviction that, 
 
 i 2
 
 132 
 
 in case of submission on any terms, thay would, 
 sooner or later, be made to feel the vengeance 
 of the mother country. These considerations 
 doubtless have the most weight upon those who 
 have taken a leading part. They, of course, use 
 all their influence to enforce them, and thus to 
 keep up the spirit of the revolution. In this 
 they probably have had the less difficulty, as 
 although the sufferings of the people have been 
 great, particularly in military service, and in 
 raising the contributions necessary for that 
 service, yet the incubus of Spanish power being 
 thrown off, and with it that train of followers 
 who filled up almost every avenue to wealth and 
 consequence, the higher classes have been 
 awakened to a sense of advantages they did not 
 before enjoy. They have seen their commerce 
 freed from legal restraints, their articles of ex- 
 port become more valuable, their supplies fur- 
 nished at a lower rate, and all the offices oi 
 government, or other employments, laid open 
 to them as fair objects of competition. The 
 lower classes have found their labour more in 
 demand, and better paid for ; and their import- 
 ance in society greater than it formerly was. 
 
 They are yet, however, from their indolence, 
 general want of education, and the great mix-
 
 MR. GRAHAM S REPORT. 133 
 
 ture of " castes " among them, in a degraded 
 state, but little felt in the affairs of the govern- 
 ment. The stimulus now given will operate to 
 produce a change in them for the better, and, 
 it is to be presumed, will gradually have its 
 effect, as their docility, intelligence, and activity, 
 when called into service, give evidence that they 
 are not deficient in natural or physical powers. 
 
 Labour, as it becomes more general, will 
 become less irksome to individuals, and the 
 gradual acquisition of property which must 
 necessarily result from it in such a country, 
 under a good government, will doubtless pro- 
 duce the happy effects there which it has uni- 
 formly produced elsewhere, and more especially 
 in countries where the population is small when 
 compared to the extent of territory. 
 
 I am very sensible that I may have been led 
 into errors of fact, or inference. In that case 
 I can plead honesty of intention, and the dif- 
 ficulty of collecting at a single point, and 
 within a limited time, correct information ; or 
 of analyzing that which was collected, respect- 
 ing a people in a state of revolution, who are 
 spread over an immense country, and whose 
 habits, institutions, and language, are so dif- 
 ferent from our own.
 
 134 MR. GRAHAM S REPORT. 
 
 I have only to add, that we were politely re- 
 ceived by the Supreme Director, who made 
 every profession for our government, and every 
 offer of accommodation to us, as its agents, 
 which we had a right to expect, and that the 
 people manifested on all occasions the most 
 friendly dispositions. 
 
 Estimate of the Population of the Provinces of 
 Buenos Ayres, Cordova, Tucuman, Mendoza 
 or Cuyo, and Salta, under the Nai?ies of the 
 different Towns or Districts which send Repre- 
 sentatives to the Congress. 
 
 By an imperfect census, taken, it is believed, 
 in 1815, Buenos Ayres contained 98,105, ex- 
 cluding troops and transient persons, and 
 Indians. 
 
 Excluding 
 Indians. 
 
 Buenos Ayres 105,000 
 
 Cordova 75,000 
 
 Tucuman 45,000 
 
 Santiago del Estero 45,000 
 
 Carried forward 270,000 300,000 
 * Probably the town only, 
 
 By mere recent estimates, 
 A 
 
 Excluding 
 Indians. 
 
 Including 
 Indians. 
 
 120,000 .. 
 
 250,000 
 
 75,000 .. 
 
 100,000 
 
 45,000 .. 
 
 20,000* 
 
 60,000 

 
 -MR. GRAHAM S REPORT. 13.5 
 
 By more recent estimates, 
 
 I " 1 
 
 Excluding Excluding Including 
 
 Indians. Indians. Indians. 
 
 Brought over 270,000 300,000 
 
 Valle de Catamarca 36,000 . . 40,000 
 
 Rioja 20,000 . . 20,000 
 
 San Juan 31,000 . . 34,000 
 
 Mendoza 38,000 . . 38,000 
 
 San Luis 16,000.. 16,000 
 
 Jujuy 25,000 . . 25,000 
 
 Salta 50,000 . . 50,000 
 
 489,000 523,000 
 
 PROVINCES OF UPPER PERU. 
 
 Cochabamba 100,000 .. 120,000 .. 200,000 
 
 Potosi 112,000 . . 1 12,000 . . 250,000 
 
 Plata, or Charcas 112,000 .. 112,000 .. 175,000 
 
 La Paz . . . . 300,000 
 
 r under the name t 
 Puno < of Santa Cruz J- 120,000 . . . . 150,000* 
 
 Cde la Sierra. 3 
 
 Oruro 30,000f . . . . 50,000 
 
 Paraguay . . . . 300,000 
 
 Banda Oriental and 1 _ ^^ 
 
 Entre Rios J 
 
 Note. — It is not understood that any part of the province 
 of Corrientes, or that of the city or district of Santa Fe, is 
 included in this estimate ; and some districts of some of the 
 other provinces may be omitted. 
 
 * Under the various names of Santa Cruz de la Sierra, 
 Mojos, and Chiquitos. 
 t Probably the town only.
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 APPENDIX A. 
 
 Historical Sketch of the Revolution of the United Provinces 
 of South America, from the 25th of May, 1810, until 
 tlie Opening of the National Congress, on the 25th of 
 March, 1816, written by Dr. Gregorio Funes, and 
 appended to his History of Buenos Ayres, Paraguay, 
 and Tucuman. 
 
 IT is the advice of a sage, that the history of revolu- 
 tions should be written, neither so long after they have 
 happened, that many of their events will be forgotten, 
 nor so immediately after they have occurred, as to pre- 
 clude it from being executed with the requisite impar- 
 tiality. In the last case, all who read it, sitting in 
 judgment upon it, approve or condemn according to 
 their feelings, and in consequence it is deemed a chaos 
 of uncertainties. We have, therefore, determined to give 
 merely a sketch of the revolution, and to refrain from 
 such narrative as would perhaps revive animosities 
 which patriots wish never to see renewed. 
 
 1810. — A succession of reverses had deranged all the 
 plans of defence adopted by Spain to resist the attacks 
 of France. The pass of Sierra Morena being forced, 
 the army of the enemy extended its conquests to the 
 island of Leon. Affairs were in this desperate situation, 
 when the timid Cisneros addressed his celebrated 
 proclamation to the people, more for the sake of repel- 
 ling the danger which menaced his authority, than of 
 furnishing them with rules to regulate their conduct, in 
 case of the French succeeding in their ambitious designs
 
 138 APPENDIX A. 
 
 against the mother country. A martyr to the suspicions, 
 to which he had surrendered himself, as if he disdained 
 artifice, he endeavoured to gain credit with the people 
 for a noble sincerity, by palming upon them his state- 
 ment of the utter imbecility of Spain, which they knew 
 as well as he. In fine he descended to propose a plan of 
 national representation, as remote from justice as from 
 utility. 
 
 This was a conjuncture which the people of Buenos 
 Ayres anxiously expected. The period had long passed 
 away, when America, without any object with which to 
 compare herself, had believed men bound implicitly to 
 be guided by the maxims of their predecessors. The 
 revolution of North America and the recent one of 
 France, had revived among us a knowledge of the na- 
 tural rights of man. The very regency itself, although 
 thereby doing violence to its feelings, said to us, " that 
 we were elevated to the dignity of freemen, that we 
 were not like our ancestors oppressed by a yoke, ren- 
 dered more galling by distance from the centre of power, 
 viewed with distrust, and made vile by ignorance." In 
 fine, in the re-conquest of Buenos Ayres, by expelling 
 the English, we had made trial of our strength, and 
 became convinced that we might now safely cast off the 
 leading-strings of infancy. We believed that this was 
 the time to shake off the authority of a decrepid and 
 tyrannical mother. We were also impelled to this mea- 
 sure from its appearing probable that Napoleon would 
 render permanent the government he had established in 
 Spain. 
 
 A number of brave men * united themselves secretly 
 for the purpose of extirpating tyranny, and at the 
 risk of their tranquillity, fortune, and life, formed the 
 
 * These were Castelli, Belgrano, Chiclana, Paso, Vieytes, Pena, 
 Darragueyra, Paso, Terrada, Tompson, Vieytes, Balcarce, Beruti. 
 Rodriguez, Donado,Yrigoyen.
 
 APPENDIX A. 139 
 
 plan of this revolution. Though destitute of military 
 force, they dared provoke a powerful viceroy ; without 
 experience, they yet lulled to sleep the vigilance of their 
 governors ; without money, they gained over many of 
 the soldiery; without authority, they reigned in the 
 hearts of their fellow citizens. This being the situation 
 of things, the volcano at last burst forth ; a junta o 
 nine persons, with full powers,* assembled on the 25th 
 of May, 1810, agreeably to the summons of Cisneros, 
 the viceroy. This was the first step in our revolution, 
 a revolution effected without bloodshed, maintained by 
 success, ardently desired by the good, and capable of 
 producing the happiest effects. 
 
 Although the considerations we have mentioned, 
 would have justified the declaration of independence, 
 the capital did not proceed to this extremity ; it con- 
 sidered, that to pass, at once, the immense interval 
 between slavery and liberty would be a precipitate 
 measure, and contrary to the inviolable law of nature, 
 that improvement shall be gradual. 
 
 Besides this, although the Junta knew that the enjoy- 
 ment of the social rights was nn object so dear to the 
 hearts of many Americans; they knew also, that there 
 were among them some timid men, who, exposing them- 
 selves to universal derision, reprobated the good pur- 
 chased by any other than pacific means ; others, who, 
 destitute of love of country, were strangers to the most 
 heroic passions; and others, so unenlightened, as to 
 deem servitude their natural and proper state. 
 
 Both for the purpose of making an experiment upon 
 these dissimilar classes of men, and for leaving the 
 great measure of declaring independence untried, till 
 events should render it expedient ; the capital limited 
 itself, for the present, to the only plan sanctioned by 
 
 * These were Colonel Saavedra, president, Casielli, Belgrano 
 Azcuenaga, Alberti, Mateu, Larrea, Moreno, and Paso.
 
 140 APPENDIX A. 
 
 prudence. This was, that the provinces in the name of 
 Ferdinand VII should assume the direction of public 
 affairs. Every thing prompted us to this innovation: 
 the peninsular government, its springs having lost their 
 elasticity, appeared insufficient to secure the existence of 
 the nation. The very provinces of Spain were, more 
 or less, in open opposition to her authority : the orders 
 of her government were either entirely violated or im- 
 perfectly obeyed : the monarchy was completely un- 
 hinged : the component parts of its vast body politic, 
 were so widely dispersed, that they could have no tie 
 capable of binding them together. The want of union 
 rendered the nation weak ; it was doubtful whether the 
 central junta, could of itself, establish a regency; in 
 fine, America was an integral part of the monarchy, 
 and enjoyed equal rights with Spain. 
 
 This innovation excited greatly the feelings of the 
 people, and gave birth to no little speculation. Men, 
 who had submitted without a murmur to be treated as 
 slaves, blessed the moment when, at last, they were no 
 longer instrumental to their own sufferings. But on the 
 other hand, interest and arrogance caused the European 
 Spaniards to regard with displeasure the newly awakened 
 energy of a people they had long contemned; an energy 
 which menaced them with the deprivation of office and 
 influence. 
 
 The Oidores of Buenos Ayres were the first who 
 manifested a disgust, unbounded in itself, and leading 
 to insubordination. The Junta excluded from the go- 
 vernment certain individuals,* regardless of every thing 
 but self-interests ; for them it substituted others more 
 worthy. 
 
 The royal marine, characterized by ignorance, and 
 
 * They were sent to the Canaries, and were Cisneros, Velazco, 
 Reyes, Billota, Caspe, Darragueyra, Echavarria, Medrano, an* 
 Cosio, the fiscal.
 
 APPENDIX A. 141 
 
 obstinacy, also gave loose to selfish passions ; it retired 
 to Montevideo, endeavoured to stir up the people to 
 insurrection ; implored succours from Brazil, dispersed 
 the army, imprisoned its chiefs, even sent them to Spain j 
 in fine, threw all things into confusion. 
 
 The state was upon the eve of a civil war. Lima, 
 Montevideo, Paraguay, the chiefs of Cordova, Potosi, 
 and Charcas, prepared themselves for a bloody contest 
 with the capital and its adherents. But their animosity 
 excited vigilance in the government, and enthusiasm in 
 the patriots. 
 
 To guide the people in the novel and daring career 
 upon which they had entered, the government and the 
 clergy furnished them with productions written with 
 ability and with energy. To enlighten the public mind, 
 and consequently to triumph over the errors of educa- 
 tion, was deemed a sacred duty. The conduct of the 
 ecclesiastics was particularly praiseworthy, since they 
 acted in opposition to the bishops of their dioceses, 
 more occupied with the advantages of dignities which 
 they feared to lose, than interested for their flocks. 
 
 As the provincial chiefs, in opposition to the govern- 
 ment, were deaf to persuasion, it determined to obtain 
 by force for the people the enjoyment of their rights. 
 It organized an auxiliary expedition to operate against 
 the enemies of liberty in the interior provinces. At this 
 very time, Concha, governor of Cordova, and the 
 bishop Orellana, excited by the ardent Liniers, viewed 
 the revolution as a criminal enterprise against the state, 
 and excited the people to disobedience and to vengeance. 
 To cure them of this frenzy, and to convince them 
 that they were labouring for their own ruin, and that of 
 the people, my opinion, delivered in a Junta,* was in- 
 
 * This Junta met at the house of the governor Concha; Liniers, 
 Orellana, two OiJores Honorarios, Col. Allende, the Asesor Rodri- 
 guez, the Alcaldes Ordinarios, the Ministro de !a> CV.as, Moreno
 
 142 APPENDIX A. 
 
 effectual. At last, these deluded men discovered, to 
 their cost, that they were struggling in an unknown sea, 
 against a tempest they could not withstand. Abandoned 
 by their own soldiers, who never heartily embraced their 
 cause, they were taken prisoners.* 
 
 The Junta determined to cement the revolutionary 
 government, with the blood of those mistaken men, and 
 thus to terrify into silence the enemies of freedom. 
 When informed of this resolve, my surprise and grief 
 were equally great. It was on the eve of its execution 
 that I was informed of this determination. To avert 
 from a cause, so far untainted by injustice, the imputa- 
 tion of atrocity, nay, even of sacrilege, which those 
 accustomed to kneel before their bishops, would have 
 deemed this act: to prevent the secession from the 
 patriot cause of many reputable and influential families, f 
 whose reputation and feelings, such an execution would 
 have deeply wounded : in fine, from motives of humanity, 
 I felt bound to urge these reasons upon Don Francisco 
 Antonio Ocampo, and Don Hipolito Vieytes, chiefs of 
 the expedition, and to supplicate the suspension of so 
 odious a sentence. The impression which these reasons 
 and others added by my brother, Don Ambrosio Funes, 
 made upon their minds, produced the desired effect, a 
 few hours before the time appointed for the infliction of 
 the punishment. The government deemed this extreme 
 moderation incompatible with the security, of the state : 
 the blockade of the capital by the royal marine from 
 
 and myself were present. Talone was in favour of the capital, my 
 opinion may be seen in the Gazeta de Buenos Ayres, or in the 
 Periodico Espanol. 
 
 * Except the Oidores, and Alcaldes Ordinarios. 
 
 f Allende and Rodriguez were related to the principal families of 
 Cordova, Liniers and Concha to the most respectable of Buenos 
 Ayres ; some of the relatives of the two last had taken part in the 
 revolution.
 
 APPENDIX A. 143 
 
 Montevideo, the intrigues of the European Spaniards, 
 ever on the alert ; in fine, opinions in favour of Liniers, 
 whispered among our troops, the companions of his 
 dangers and his glory, compelled the government to 
 choose, between the death of these conspirators, and 
 the ruin of dawning liberty. Placed in this dilemma, 
 from a sense of duty, it did violence to its feelings, and 
 confirmed the sentence, except that part relating to the 
 bishop. Thus died prematurely men, who in other 
 times might have been useful citizens.* 
 
 Among the chiefs, instigated by Concha and Liniers, 
 the most conspicuous were Sans, governor of Potosi, 
 and Nieto, president of Charcas. Nieto, licentious as 
 was ever any minion of tyranny, oppressed with vexa- 
 tions each garrison under his command, imprisoning 
 the soldiers in dungeons, and even condemning them to 
 toil in bake-houses. Thus, this idiot expected to prop 
 the tottering fabric of slavery, and to perpetuate degra- 
 dation and misery. While these and other events agi- 
 tated the centre of Peru, the Junta gave additional re- 
 spectability to the auxiliary expedition. Castelli having 
 resigned the command, Don Antonio Balcarce, was 
 appointed in his stead. The victory of Suipacha put an 
 end to the enterprises of certain rash men. The major 
 general Cordoba, Sans, and Nieto, were shortly after 
 put to death. 
 
 It was not so much from external obstacles, as from a 
 weakness, common to all states in times of revolution, 
 that our affairs were not always prosperous. It may be 
 perceived, that we are now about to speak of intestine 
 dissensions. When we threw off the yoke, we thought 
 that in organizing a government, it was impossible to re- 
 cede too much from the tyranny which had caused our 
 
 * The execution took place between the Post Cabrza del Tigre, 
 and that of Lobaton.
 
 H4f APPENDIX A. 
 
 sufferings and our shame. A youth of talents and infor- 
 mation, says a modern author, astonished at reading in 
 each page of the ancients, a diary of what passed before 
 his eyes in the late French revolution, happily thought 
 of writing its history with passages extracted from these 
 authors ; and without any other labour, than that of 
 citation, composed an original work. So true it is, 
 adds he, that there are no annals, more authentic and 
 instructive, than those of the human heart. When we 
 attentively consider our dissensions, it appears as if 
 Cicero, and Tacitus, and Sallust were their historians. 
 
 Governments, destitute of solid foundations, will al- 
 ways be the sport of accident. Scarcely had the first 
 Junta begun to exercise its authority, when the clouds 
 gathered and the lightnings flashed around them. One 
 germ of discontent, not dissembled, was exclusion from 
 a share in command of the deputies of the people, ap- 
 pointed to give a legal existence and form to the new 
 political * structure. This exclusion excited personal 
 resentments; and those who deemed themselves injured, 
 endeavoured to avenge themselves in the name of the 
 public weal. The events which occurred in consequence 
 will be narrated in the course of this sketch. 
 
 The provinces were now theatres of civil war. The 
 Paraguayans had not yet resolved to sacrifice a tranquil 
 slavery for a liberty precarious and tumultuary. The 
 first Junta perceived that the state of that province was 
 the consequence of fears, inspired by its governor 
 Velasco, and felt it a sacred duty to open its eyes to its in- 
 
 * To reunite the provinces in a congress by their representatives, 
 was the first resolve of the capital. Circular letters having been 
 written for this purpose by the Junta, elections were holden in the 
 tranquil cities, fn these letters it was stated, that the deputies, 
 when elected, should be incorporated in the government. It was 
 now the middle of December, and the deputies (of whom I was 
 one, representing Cordova,) were not incorporated. 
 
 a
 
 APPENDIX A» 14-3 
 
 terest and honour. This was the object of another expe- 
 dition commanded by Don Manuel Belgrano. It was at 
 first unsuccessful ; but what three bloody battles failed to 
 win, was the fruit of a negotiation, most sagaciously con- 
 ducted by the general. The Paraguayans began to be 
 persuaded that the zeal of Velazco was refined selfish- 
 ness ; obedience to him, meanness of spirit ; and sub- 
 mission to Spain contrary to the public good. The 
 inti-igues of the enemy at Montevideo, though sedi- 
 tious, were unimportant. The arrival there of a viceroy 
 for Buenos Ayres inspired the hope of humbling us. — 
 Idiots ! to indulge such hope. We knew Elio, and 
 counted upon his follies as most efficient auxiliaries. 
 This soldier, whose motto was " boldness," promised 
 the Regency to convert the capital into a dungeon of 
 slaves. It was natural that silly and extravagant expec- 
 tations should be indulged by himself, and announced to 
 his employers by a viceroy incompetent to fill the most 
 petty office. Elio had the insolence to require the Junta 
 to recognize him ; but this body treated his demand with 
 the contempt it deserved. 
 
 1811. — In consequence of this repulse, Elio declared 
 the Junta rebellious and answerableTor all the blood that 
 might be shed in the contest. — His first effort was to 
 reduce the Orientals to obedience. But these brave men 
 taught him what daring spirits, in robust bodies, could 
 effect. The conquest of Gualeguaichu, and the victory 
 at Soriano, were merely preludes to actions more 
 glorious. 
 
 Certainly the fury of Elio was far less dreadful to the 
 state, than the internal dissensions which now convulsed 
 it. While the Junta of deputies laboured in the per- 
 formance of its duties, new plots were hatched, during 
 a repose which was compulsatory, by a rival party. It 
 was attempted, by black calumny, to abuse credulity, in 
 order to render the deputies suspected, It was whispered
 
 146 APPENDIX A. 
 
 that they intended to sell their country^to the Portu- 
 guese for money and office; — a base calumny* which 
 never would have obtained believers, were not blind 
 deference to leaders at all times the great characteristic 
 of party. The Junta did not yield to this persecution 
 —but the deputies, stigmatized as traitors and tyrants, 
 opposed no other shield against calumny, than a faithful 
 discharge of duty. 
 
 Nevertheless they were still victims of detraction 
 when a revolution, known as that of the 5th and 6th of 
 April, in which the government had no share, took 
 place. This event afforded no pleasure to the Junta*— It 
 knew that in the ordinary course of the passions one 
 revolution engenders others of the same kind, for when 
 parties are once formed, interest and justice become 
 with them convertible terms. The Junta had always 
 been persuaded, that the true object of the revolution 
 ought to be to secure to the people the advantages of a 
 free government. It held the opinion, that persons in 
 authority, if unrestrained by the jealous and unceasing 
 attention of colleagues, invariably become corrupt ;— 
 that after being guilty of usurpations, to become 
 despotic was necessary to insure impunity; — and that 
 from violations of the laws to despotism, is but a step. 
 Supported by these reasons, and the unanimous voice 
 of the people, it introduced the government of juntas 
 into all the provinces. 
 
 Animated by the same spirit, it introduced also the 
 liberty of the press. The Junta was of opinion, that 
 
 * In support of this calumny, a letter written by the English 
 Captain Fleming to the government of Chili was triumphantly 
 urged. But ^Lord Strangford, the British embassador to the 
 Prince Regent of Portugal, in his official letter of September 7 
 to the governor of Buenos Ayres, thus expresses himself: "lean 
 in the most authentic manner, in the name of my court, disavow 
 the letter of Captain Fleming,,"
 
 APPENDIX A. 147 
 
 the time had arrived, when thought ought no longer to 
 be imprisoned by the will of the magistrate, who, in the 
 words of a celebrated genius, with the cord that binds 
 it in his hand, measures and fixes the distance of its 
 flight. 
 
 These events were succeeded by others of a different 
 nature and importance. To excite the Orientals to 
 resist their foe, and not to be at the mercy of the furious 
 Elio and his rapacious followers, were the points that 
 claimed a preference among the different objects, solicit- 
 ing attention. By repeating frequently the words 
 Sparta, Rome, Liberty, Patriotism, and by aid lavish 
 and opportune, we had at last the consolation of in- 
 teresting them in the salvation of the country. The 
 taking of Canelones by Don Benancio Benavidez, and 
 the victory of San Jose, gained by the troops of Don 
 Jose Artigas, will always excite delightful feelings. But 
 the Junta expected to gather the best fruits afterwards, 
 from the policy of having transferred the command 
 of the army, and sent reinforcements to Colonel 
 Don Jose Rondeau ; nor was it deceived. The towns 
 of Minas, San Carlos, and Maldonado yielded succes- 
 sively to the conqueror Don Manuel Artigas ; and the 
 Orientals rising in mass invested the walls of Monte- 
 video. Success so brilliant filled Elio with consterna- 
 tion, and made him deem it necessary to stop the 
 patriots, in their prosperous career, by some great effort. 
 Twelve hundred of his best troops, with a great train of 
 artillery, occupied Piedras. Notwithstanding their 
 superiority in numbers, arms, situation, and discipline, 
 they were conquered by men, who, animated by the 
 glory of conquering, forgot their nakedness, weariness, 
 and all the horrors of death. The General, Don Jose 
 Artigas, manifested on this occasion that ardour and 
 coolness with which he inflamed or moderated the pas- 
 sions of his troops as circumstances required. 
 
 k 2
 
 US APPENDIX A. 
 
 These victories and the removal of General Ron*- 
 deaus head quarters to Mercedes, for the purpose of be- 
 sieging Montevideo, filled Elio, till then over confident, 
 with despair. He inquired of the Junta if an accom- 
 modation were possible, and offered to purchase it even 
 with the humiliating sacrifice of his office. While the 
 Junta was deliberating upon this proposal, it received 
 intelligence that Paraguay had at last awakened from its 
 lethargy, and turned against its oppressors arms placed 
 in the hands of its sons, in order to be used against the 
 country, thus profiting by its error. This pleasing in- 
 formation produced a reply to Elio, which showed him 
 that nothing remained for him but submission. 
 
 This energetic reply lighted up anew the flame of 
 war. Elio, hearkening only to the rage which filled his 
 bosom, prepared to bombard the capital. Michilena, 
 with a squadron of five ships, appeared off the harbour 
 and informed the Junta of his hostile intent. This body, 
 unintimidated, boldly answered in reply, " Proceed and 
 receive practical lessons of the energy of a people, whose 
 courage and resources are incalculable." The bombard- 
 ment was executed, but with more injury to the enemy 
 than to the capital. 
 
 It is now time to turn our eyes to the army of Peru. 
 Hitherto it had been successful. Castelli, with 6,000 men 
 under his command in the vicinity of the Desaguadero, 
 expected decisive events, which would cover our arms 
 with glory : * but, instead of adopting measures suitable 
 to his circumstances, he entered into useless negociations y 
 and obtained an armistice which Goyeneche perfidiously 
 turned to his own advantage. Six days before it ex- 
 pired, the armies of the countiy were attacked in 
 Guaqui and Chibiraga, points distinct and distant from 
 each other. In the first battle the enemy was victorious f 
 
 * As Castelli himself states in a dispatch.
 
 APPENDIX A. 149 
 
 in the second (at Chibiraga) neither party conquered ; 
 but the dispers'on of our army left the foe master of the 
 field of battle on the following day. Our auxiliary ex- 
 pedition being thus unfortunate, the enemies became 
 masters of Upper Peru. The Junta was undismayed by 
 their reverse of fortune. In its proclamation to the 
 people, it reminded them that the Roman Senate, after 
 the defeat at Cannae, thanked the consul Varro for 
 not despairing of the republic, and declared that it did 
 not despair. This proclamation, circulated throughout 
 the country, roused the people to generous exertions. 
 
 It is proper here to narrate the capture of the island 
 of Ratas. — The besieging army of Montevideo was 
 greatly in want of powder, and this island contained a 
 quantity equal to what it required. Although the attack 
 was extremely hazardous, it was made with sagacity and 
 valour by Don Jose Quesada, commander of our troops, 
 and crowned with success. Jrle abandoned it after 
 spiking the cannon, bringing with him twenty quintals 
 of powder. 
 
 We had not only to contend against the Spanish 
 troops, but also to be on our guard against foreigners, 
 whose ambition was well known. Our revolution had 
 early interested the policy of the Portuguese ; and the 
 court of Brazil, under the pretext ot preserving, in favour 
 of Ferdinand VII, the integrity of his dominions, de- 
 sired to get possession of his South American territories, 
 in order to secure the rights which might accrue to the 
 Princess Carlotta. The Junta considered that if Por- 
 tugal refrained from doing what both her fears and her 
 ximbition prompted, it would be a phenomenon in history. 
 It therefore mistrusted this power, and took all the pre- 
 cautions prudence dictated to render Elio's demands for 
 assistance unavailing. 
 
 The court of Brazil caused its troops to enter the 
 territory of the state; but, before it resorted to anus,
 
 150 APPENDIX A. 
 
 made experiment of what it could effect by policy. Re- 
 moving at last the veil that had enveloped its designs, it 
 proposed to the Junta to purchase by voluntary submis- 
 sion its acknowledgment of the independence of La 
 Plata, and its solemn engagement that, even if Ferdinand 
 recovered the Spanish throne, it should not be again 
 subjected to the authority of the mother country.* The 
 Junta considered that it would merit public hatred and 
 vengeance, should it listen favourably to a proposal with 
 which it could not comply without imbecility and base- 
 ness. Although, since the victory of Goyeneche, it was 
 almost environed with foes, the Junta thought only of 
 calling forth all the resources of the country, and when 
 these failed, to bury itself beneath its ruins ; a little less 
 folly on the part of Elio would have placed him in a 
 situation to open a negotiation (as he proposed) with 
 the Junta, to have assisted and been assisted by it against 
 the Portuguese, and to have settled satisfactorily all 
 matters in controversy. From the various sources for 
 bettering the situation of the country which suggested 
 themselves to the Junta, it selected that of reforming the 
 government. We had long experienced the evils of an 
 unbalanced system, incapable of commanding means 
 adequate to the ends to be effected, and destitute of the 
 power necessary for putting in motion, and directing, 
 the machine of government. The exclusion of the de- 
 puties from a share in the government, which we have 
 before related, may have resulted from artifice, preci- 
 pitation, or some similar cause ; but it is certain, that to 
 have admitted them all would have been incompatible 
 with the secresy, celerity, and vigour, without which to 
 govern well is impossible. To obviate the inconveni- 
 ences resulting from the want of these* essentials, the 
 Junta determined to create an executive power which, in 
 
 * The Portuguese Contuchi was the agent in this negotiation. 
 
 .9
 
 APPENDIX A. 151 
 
 the language of the sapient Necker, w should in the 
 body politic represent that mysterious power which in 
 man causes the action to correspond with the will." The 
 consideration that when the executive authority has no 
 just limits, the state is but a confused heap of oppressors 
 and oppressed, induced the Junta, in order to temper it, 
 to reserve to itself, with the title guardian of the 
 public rights, the power of legislation, not however to its 
 full extent, for it could be thus exercised only by a 
 national congress, but merely to provide for exigencies, 
 to restrain the operation of laws prejudicial to the state, 
 to deliberate upon important affairs, and to calm the 
 distrust in their governors with which growing fondness 
 for liberty inspired the people. 
 
 With these limitations the Junta created an executive 
 power, vested in three persons, who were Dr. Don 
 Juan Jose Paso, Don Feliciano Chiclana, and Don 
 Manuel Sarratea. If these new magistrates had respected 
 the barriers that limited their power, they would have 
 spared the capital a tumult, the deputies an affront, and 
 their own reputations a death-wound. From a repre- 
 hensible desire of authority without the proper counter- 
 poise, they stigmatized the regulation made by the de- 
 puties, in virtue of the power they had reserved, " as 
 a code calculated to precipitate the country into the 
 abyss of ruin." The deputies being made the victims 
 of public disorder, their place in the government re- 
 mained vacant. The manifestos issued in justification of 
 this measure could easily have been refuted; but the 
 deputies, aware that, when the feelings of the people 
 are in a state of irritation, it is in vain to appeal to them 
 for justice, wisely trusted their defence to events, which, 
 they were confident, would sooner or later make appa- 
 rent their innocence. They did not miscalculate: for 
 the prosperity subsequently enjoyed by the country, 
 under a political system very similar to the one they
 
 152 APPENDIX A. 
 
 proposed, has completely refuted the calumnies of their 
 adversaries. 
 
 It is impossible, in a sketch like the present, to give a 
 full view of the perturbed state in which this violent 
 measure left the capital. It was divided into factions 
 familiar with every kind of petty artifice. Bitter invec- 
 tives, false relations, exaggerated fears, were employed 
 to obtain whatever they deemed conducive to their in- 
 terests. " Each party," says an intelligent observer, 
 " strengthens itself by railing at, and calumniating, its 
 opponents. Party zeal gives reputation to factions ; and 
 to be deemed by them a man of worth, it is sufficient to 
 be one of them." The most despicable persons were 
 selected for chiefs ; for the absence of talent and honesty 
 ensured impunity to their partisans. The situation of 
 the capital was truly deplorable. 
 
 In this state of things, the sergeants, corporals, and 
 soldiers, of the first regiment, openly mutinied and 
 hazarded their safety, by indiscreetly attempting to pre- 
 vail against their officers. The capital was converted 
 into a field of battle. The mutineers were compelled 
 to surrender, and eleven of their number were executed, 
 to punish this outrage against the laws. The govern- 
 ment did not confirm their sentence with dry eyes, but 
 it knew that rulers invariably bring their authority into 
 contempt by giving impunity to criminals. 
 
 Fear and trouble mingle with the very elements of 
 unstable governments. The deputies of the people re- 
 tired to their homes, after they were left at liberty to 
 do so, by their exclusion on the 5th and 6th of April 
 from the government. The intractable Bishop Orellana, 
 by his hypocrisy, obtained his restoration to a chair 
 from which his crimes excluded him. These occurrences 
 augmented distrust and jealousy. When government 
 adheres to a party, it makes, says a sage, the political 
 bark to incline to one side, and accelerate a shipwreck in
 
 APPENDIX A. 153 
 
 which it is also lost. Yet it is true, adds he, that 
 neutrality is not always warranted by justice, but rather 
 by ambition, which, standing aloof from disorders, draws 
 from them its greatest advantages. 
 
 While the bosom of the country was thus torn to 
 pieces, the extremities were in no better condition. It 
 is certain that, in consequence of an almost general in- 
 surrection of the Indians, the district of Paz was re- 
 covered, the city besieged, and the army of Lombrera 
 routed : it is also true, that the brave Don Estevan 
 Arce made himself master of Cochabamba. But not- 
 withstanding these triumphs, the conqueror of Guaqui 
 retained his conquest. The retreat made from Potosi 
 by Colonel Don Juan Martin de Pueyrredon, with 
 the remnant of the army and wealth of the country, 
 was executed so heroically, that it deserves to be taken 
 for a model. It is only given to intrepid spirits to make 
 themselves respected in the hour of danger. 
 
 The Banda Oriental presented nothing which could 
 tranquillize us. It is true, that the Portuguese, though 
 acting with their accustomed dissimulation, had not 
 gathered its expected fruits. Their troops had ap- 
 proached Montevideo, with the hope that, circumstances 
 opening to them the gates, she would change her lan- 
 guage even if her feelings remained unchanged. Ex- 
 perience showed that the projects of cabinets sometimes 
 fail. A treaty of peace made between this city and the 
 capital, by which it was agreed that, upon our troops 
 raising the siege and retiring beyond the Uruguay, the 
 Portuguese should evacuate the Banda Oriental, dis- 
 concerted all their plans. Still they did not despair- 
 As remarkable for perfidy as we for good faith, by a 
 scandalous invasion on their part, they renewed the war, 
 and gave the troops of General Artigas an opportu- 
 nity of showing these foes that none Offended them 
 with impunity. It was evident, that to obtain Monte-
 
 154 APPENDIX A. 
 
 video was the object of the Portuguese. Their seductive 
 influence induced her to break the treaty and renew the 
 blockade of the capital. 
 
 It is only the pusillanimous that are disheartened by 
 danger. Men count the number of their efforts by their 
 reverses. Fortune enters into their calculations in 
 doubtful cases, but they rely solely on virtue. The go- 
 vernment, convinced that victory is not essential, and 
 that brave men when reduced to the greatest straits are 
 most efficient, undismayed, strained every nerve to save 
 us. The scarcity of money was supplied by a confisca- 
 tion of enemy's property, and an annual contribution of 
 six hundred and thirty eight thousand dollars ; a general 
 staff was created; a methodical plan furnished for re- 
 forming the army ; subordination was better established, 
 the liberty of the press confirmed, the army of Peru 
 reinforced, and additional troops opposed to the coali- 
 tion of our enemies. 
 
 While these measures were adopting a new occur- 
 rence relighted the torch of discord in the capital. By 
 a regulation of the executive power, an assembly to 
 meet at stated periods was organized, for the object of 
 deliberating, during a session positively limited to eight 
 days, upon great state affairs, and of electing every six 
 months a successor to the chief of the government, 
 whose term of service expired. As love of liberty had 
 generated inquietude and distrust, it was difficult to take 
 any step without interrupting tranquillity. Don Juan 
 Martin Puerreydon was elected. The assembly consi- 
 dered that it could not without imbecility refrain from 
 assuming supremacy over the general government and 
 all the provinces of the union. This was stigmatized 
 by the executive as an excess subversive of the law 
 which gave this body being. The assembly urged that 
 the law cited against them was the work of force ; force
 
 APPENDIX A. 155 
 
 terminated the contest, the assembly was dissolved, and 
 the citizens became still more disunited. 
 
 Discord, the tendency of which is to subvert all au- 
 thority, debilitates the state. But this does not happen 
 when it is awakened by love of liberty. Nothing is 
 more natural than that the people should observe with 
 fear the hand which governs them, but it is a fear 
 neither enervating their courage, nor weakening their 
 understanding. The confusion into which General Arce, 
 after the rout at Astete, and General Artigas, after a 
 victory over a division of Portuguese, put the Generals 
 Goyeneche and Sousa, ought to have made them 
 know, that attempts against liberty are always vain. 
 The court of Brazil, convinced of this truth, per- 
 ceived that it would be best for it to be upon terms 
 of amity with us. It therefore, by its plenipotentiary, 
 Don Juan de Rademaker, submitted proposals to us, 
 to which, under the guarantee of Great Britain, we 
 acceded. 
 
 Although Goyeneche, in Upper Peru, was filled with 
 grief by the desertion of his troops, and other repeated 
 misfortunes, pride would not permit him to abandon 
 his conquest. Thus circumstanced, availing himself of 
 our retreat to Tucuman, from the right bank of the 
 river Suipacha, he resolved to attempt the conquest of 
 Cochabamba. With the greatest and best part of his 
 troops, he marched, routed general Arce, and ap- 
 proached the city. Antezana, president of its junta, 
 perceiving himself without resources, offered submission, 
 and implored the clemency of the conqueror. This 
 proceeding, though prudent, was viewed with extreme 
 disgust by a magnanimous people, who had acquired so 
 much glory. Although destitute of solid support, they 
 preferred the horrors of war to the advantages of a 
 humiliating peace, and commenced an irregular fight,
 
 156 APPENDIX A. 
 
 iai which the women * mixed with the men. The con- 
 test was very unequal : after some resistance, they yielded 
 with considerable loss. This gallantly was sufficient to 
 incite Goyeneche to the most base and cruel vengeance. 
 The town was delivered up to plunder for three hours, 
 which afforded opportunity for the commission of every 
 sort of crime. That the soldiers should have been guilty 
 of monstrous excess, is not surprising, since Goye- 
 neche f himself incited them by his example. It is a 
 fact, well authenticated, that, entering with one half of 
 his cavalry the gate of the principal church, the sacra- 
 ment being exposed, he killed, with a stroke of his 
 sword, the Fiscal Lopez Andreu, who presented it 
 trembling: with terror. 
 
 He then pursued boldly the several precedents of 
 tyrants : by banishments, confiscations, and executions, 
 this homicide rivalled Nero in infamy. In the places 
 subjected to his yoke, a gesture, a clouded visage, an 
 indiscreet word, a tear stealing down the cheek, was a 
 crime of state. It may be remembered, that eleven of 
 the dispersed soldiers of General Arce were sacrificed 
 to his vengeance at Chuquisaca. It was necessary for 
 the timid to be encompassed by men like themselves, 
 that they might not encounter, on whichever side they 
 turned, this head of Medusa which froze the heart. 
 But, in general, he failed to obtain the expected fruit 
 from his barbarous policy. He inspired more hatred 
 
 * To commemorate the heroism of these families, and as an in- 
 citement to patriotism, an ayudante in each corps of the army of 
 Peru, at roll-calling in the evening, calls out the women of Cocha- 
 bamba, as if they ought to be present, and a sergeant replies, they 
 died in the field of honour. 
 
 f By the express orders of Goyeneche, the monastery of Santa 
 Clara was not plundered, because he knew that the most valuable 
 property of the town was there deposited, and wished to appropriate 
 it to his own use. 
 
 1
 
 APPENDIX A. J57 
 
 than terror. On all sides his troops were attacked with 
 fury. 
 
 While we are drawing near the moment, when the 
 arms of the country achieved more important victories 
 over the enemy, let us notice other successes, more 
 nearly relating to the capital. 
 
 The measures of the Portuguese we last mentioned, 
 and the obstinate resistance of Montevideo, induced the 
 government to send Don Manuel Sarratea to the other 
 side of the river, as its representative and general. The 
 primary object of this mission, was to renew the siege 
 of Montevideo, and to set limits to extravagant pride. 
 The success of this undertaking depended upon the co- 
 operation of the eastern with the western troops. But 
 the appointment of Sarratea was not approved by 
 General Artigas, and his jealousy impeded the execution 
 of this project. At last, after some opposition from 
 Agui and Salto Chico, the union, which should ever 
 subsist between the several members of the same state, 
 was in fact obtained. Some troops joined the army, 
 though slowly, and bodies of men were stationed in the 
 vicinity of Montevideo, by General Rondeau. Th« 
 Governor, Vigodet, perceived that this new siege wae 
 about to produce inevitable misfortune. Knowing that 
 all our forces had not united, he formed the design of 
 surprising our camp, and executed it with vivacity, at 
 the head of two thousand men. In this history are re- 
 corded few days more glorious than the 31st of De- 
 cember, 1812, in which our General, his subalterns, 
 Soler, Ortiguera, Quintana, Escalada, and other officers, 
 manifested a valour and intelligence worthy our cause. 
 Their efforts turned the audacity of the enemy into 
 cowardice. Being very roughly handled, the foe re- 
 treated, leaving dead on the field of battle Major-ge- 
 neral Muesas, with many officers and soldiers. Many 
 prisoners were taken.
 
 158 APPENDIX A. 
 
 It was decreed that our freedom should be purchased 
 with blood and with danger. The rejoicings for this 
 victory were mingled with astonishment at the discovery 
 of a most atrocious plot. A considerable number of 
 European Spaniards, resident in Buenos Ayres, had 
 confederated to cover it with slaughter and mourning. 
 These perfidious associates held their treasonable meet- 
 ings in profound secresy, and adjusted a plan so in-«, 
 human, that posterity will be unable to read the account 
 of it without shuddering. The members of the govern- 
 ment, the magistrates, the most zealous Americans, and 
 even European Spaniards, friendly to independence, 
 were to be beheaded on the scaffold. Those who es- 
 caped from the carnage were to be banished from their 
 habitations, to make room for Spaniards from the inn 
 terior. The provinces, these assassins expected, would 
 speedily be subjugated to their authority. Martin de 
 Alzaga, a man formed by nature for crimes of this sort, 
 had the direction and execution of this atrocious conspiracy 
 confided to him. For the sake of humanity, the tutelar 
 genius of the country defeated the plan of these con- 
 spirators. At the very instant they were issuing forth 
 to commence the work of desolation, they were disco- 
 vered and arrested sword in hand. When this affair 
 became public, indignation could be read in every coun- 
 tenance. By the assistance of the citizens, the principal 
 criminals were apprehended. The government, subject- 
 ing these disturbers of the public peace to the utmost 
 rigour of the law, inflicted on them the punishment they 
 designed for others. 
 
 While we were rejoicing at our escape from so atro- 
 cious a plot, we were still apprehensive of being as- 
 sailed by an army, which, considering our weakness as 
 part of its strength, menaced us from Jujuy and Salta. 
 Three thousand men, with three pieces of artillery, 
 commanded by General Don Pio de Tristan, a native of
 
 APPENDIX A. 159 
 
 Arequipa, and second in command of Goyeneche, fell 
 upon our army of Tucuman, amounting to only sixteen 
 hundred soldiers, the greatest part of whom heard in 
 this battle for the first time the whizzing of balls. Only 
 the most daring could hope for victory. General Bel- 
 grano, who united the most insinuating sweetness of 
 manners, with the most rigid justice, possessing the 
 art of penetrating the designs of the enemy, and 
 concealing his own, at the head of a patriotic band of 
 the vicinity, decided the fortune of the day. Colonel 
 Don Ramon Balcarce also signalized himself; where 
 the battle most raged, there was he to be found. The 
 other officers also entitled themselves to their country's 
 gratitude. As if they had not been humbled in the 
 action of the 24th of September, the enemy offered us 
 a new insult on the following day. Conquered as they 
 were, without artillery, munitions, or baggage, they 
 dared demand the surrender of a town to which the in- 
 fantry had retired with part of the cavalry. The Major- 
 general Don Eustoquio Diaz Velez, who commanded 
 there, was one of those men who live only for their 
 country. His energetic reply put to flight the hope 
 which the enemies were silly enough to indulge, and 
 forced them to a disorderly and shameful retreat. 
 
 The news of this memorable victory reached the ca- 
 pital, when it was convulsed by a new commotion. The 
 spirit of party we have so much lamented, on every 
 change in the government produced some disturbance. 
 In this state of things, says an elegant observer, no one 
 grasped the command but an adventurer, destined to 
 fall by reason of his very elevation. To give a suc- 
 cessor to the chief of the government, whose term of 
 service expired, the assembly met and chose Dr. Don 
 Pedro Medrano — a popular commotion ensued. The 
 consistorial assembly re-assumed the authorities of the 
 people — a new government was appointed, composed of
 
 160 APPENDIX A. 
 
 the citizens Don Juan Jose Paso, Don Nicholas Pena^ 
 and Don Antonio Albares Jonte, and was recognized. 
 
 Power is a mere nullity, if those who ought to obey 
 it think that in all cases they have a right to sit in judg- 
 ment upon what it commands. This was the situation 
 of the state. Instead of having recoui'se to the energetic 
 measures necessary to support governments, the new 
 government weakly resorted to decrying the one which 
 had been subverted, and to the promise of great advan- 
 tages from the subsisting one. It believed that a general 
 assembly with unlimited powers was indispensably ne- 
 cessary to give constitutional existence to the state, and 
 accordingly one was summoned. 
 
 This step being taken, it turned its attention to the 
 internal and external security of the state. The Eu- 
 ropean Spaniards had not taken warning from the ex- 
 emplary chastisements we had inflicted upon them. 
 More obstinate than ever, they confederated again for 
 our destruction ; the conspiracy was discovered, five of 
 the traitors were executed, and their bodies exposed to 
 public view, as a salutary warning to rash men. 
 
 1813. — This desperate plot originated in a criminal 
 combination between the Spaniards resident in Buenos 
 Ayres and Montevideo, who, terrified by the siege of 
 the last mentioned place and goaded by pride, upon 
 Don Manuel Sarratea's withdrawing from the command, 
 brought to its height that quarrel, which, being the em- 
 poisoned source of a thousand evils, prevented the com- 
 plete re-union of the Oriental troops with the besieging 
 army. The besieged, who always retained the hope of 
 profiting by our discord, were filled with consternation 
 by the defeat of this conspiracy. Ever obstinate, they 
 repeated their sallies, but the besiegers, headed by Soler, 
 Villarino, Terrada, Cruz, Ortiguena, and French, re- 
 pelled them all. 
 
 The possession of Montevideo was important to the
 
 APPENDIX A. 161 
 
 Spaniards, in prosecuting their scheme of subjugating 
 us. Availing themselves of their marine they infested 
 our coasts, and endeavoured to recover, by brutal inroads, 
 the reputation they had lost in regular campaigns. 
 With the confidence their superiority inspired, they 
 landed 250 men in the vicinity of San Lorenzo. They 
 speedily perceived that they had landed only to augment 
 their misfortunes. Attacked by a force as inferior in 
 numbers, as superior to them in bravery, by General 
 San Martin, who, contemning death, knew how to win 
 the favours of inconstant fortune, they were completely 
 routed. 
 
 This Victory was soon followed by that gained by the 
 arms of the country, over the army of Tristan. This 
 General, fortified in the city of Salta, perhaps hoped to 
 repair his past misfortunes by future success in his cri- 
 minal designs against his country. The conqueror of 
 Tucuman sought him there with his army, filled with 
 the enthusiasm liberty inspires. The signal for battle 
 was given, and it continued for three hours and a half. 
 The combatants availing themselves of all that geniils, 
 science, valour, nay even desperation, could supply; 
 victory at last declared in our favour. In the heat 
 of the fight, Major-general Diez Velez was severely 
 wounded; but not prizing so much a prolongation 
 of his days, as to risk for it the loss of the battle, he 
 concealed his wound, and remained on the field until, 
 his strength entirely failing him, he was forced to retire. 
 In this action General Don Martin Rodriguez and the 
 Commandantes de division, Dorrego, Saperi, Pico, Forest, 
 Alvarez, Pedricl, Zelaga, Balcarce, Rodriguez, Ari- 
 valo, &c. were much distinguished. General Belgrano, 
 being strongly urged by Tristan and his troops to set 
 them at liberty, complied. This General, doubtless, 
 thought it would be glorious to give freedom to men 
 who had endeavoured * to enslave us, and that it would
 
 162 APPENDIX A. 
 
 be impolitic to let slip an opportunity of conquering by 
 clemency the hearts of those whose bodies his brave 
 troops had by force subdued. For this and other ge- 
 nerous acts, they made a base return. Freed from cap- 
 tivity, they employed, in seducing the people, the time 
 they ought to have devoted to proclaiming our ge- 
 nerosity, and manifesting their gratitude. 
 
 After the victory of Salta, the tyrant Goyeneche fled 
 precipitately to Oruro, thus relieving from suffering 
 Potosi, Charcas, Cochabamba, Santa Cruz de la Sierra, 
 and other places. The fear this defeat inspired, caused 
 him to supplicate General Belgrano for an armistice. 
 The moderation of this officer, which no success could 
 affect, induced him to grant it, but the perfidy of Goy- 
 eneche soon frustrated it. 
 
 Our country was now advancing by rapid strides to 
 independence. We were led to think so from these vic- 
 tories, and principally because the national assembly 
 was organized, and commenced its session on the 31st of 
 January, 1813. This body thought it a glaring incon- 
 sistency for the nation to make such sacrifices for li- 
 berty, and still to shelter slavery in its bosom. The 
 situation of the country not permitting this evil to be 
 corrected at once, this assembly decreed, that from the 
 day of its creation, all children of slaves should be born 
 free ; thus in part repairing the injury committed against 
 nature, and immortalizing its birth day. 
 
 It did itself no less honour by the abolition of tribute 
 and mita, which were odious permissions to commit 
 every species of crime, and the abolition of which had 
 been decreed in 1811. These benificent measures were 
 no less politic than just. The Indians, whose services 
 we needed, were thus conciliated. 
 
 The celebrated victory of Salta filled with surprise 
 the Viceroy of Lima, and made him resort to the usual 
 measures of alarmed despotism. The General Pezuela
 
 APPENDIX A. 163 
 
 assumed the command of the army of Goyeneche, 
 which, with a reinforcement, took up its head quarters 
 at Oruro. Pezuehi undoubtedly possessed military ta- 
 lents far superior to those of Goyeneche ; and if towns 
 which had sworn to be free could have been subdued, 
 he would have achieved the odious victory. 
 
 All measures preparatory to a battle between the op- 
 posing armies were taken. The victory gaihed, and the 
 flame kindled by the spark of liberty in all parts,' not 
 even excepting Lima, presaged a happy issue to the 
 patriots. But, perhaps, to give us lessons of modera- 
 tion and prudence, the Almighty decreed that we should 
 lose the battles of Vilcapugio and Hayouma. Upper 
 Peru was thus snatched from our hands. Pezuela ex- 
 tended his conquests even to Jujuy and Salta, and the 
 remnant of our army took shelter in its former place of 
 refuge, Tucuman. 
 
 But this imprudent contest could not impede nature 
 in her course. Our good fortune was the offspring of 
 reverses, which corrected our inexperience. From this 
 fatal moment, a new enthusiasm for the country, and a 
 new order of things gradually established, produced the 
 happiest effects. The Cochabambinos, full of the fury 
 desperation inspires, retired to Valle-Grande. Although 
 by one of the reverses incident to warfare, the victory 
 of Florida, gained over a body of 1000 men by General 
 Warnes, in conjunction with his crucenus, checked the 
 daring march of our forces, the flame was rapidly com- 
 municated. The same Warnes marched to Chiquitos, 
 where he shut himself up with the royal troops. General 
 Camargo defended himself in Chayanta, destroyed se- 
 veral detached parties, and preserved the province from 
 the detested yoke. — Padilla established his head quarters 
 at Yamparaez, routed Tacon in many encounters, and 
 changed the aspect of the enemy's affairs. The Indians 
 made great exertions to prevent the yoke from which 
 
 h 2
 
 164 APPENDIX A. 
 
 they had escaped being again imposed upon them, and 
 tasted the pure pleasures of liberty. 
 
 After garrisoning several places in Peru, Pezuela 
 brought a force equal to what he left there, to Jujuy 
 and Salta. Parties of the inhabitants under the orders 
 of the Captain Seravia, and of the advance under their 
 Commandaule Guemez, after the droves of horses and 
 provisions had been withdrawn to places inaccessible to 
 the enemy, attacked them whenever they moved, and 
 wherever they were posted. Those of the enemy, who 
 imprudently left the main body of their forces, were in- 
 stantly made prisoners by our parties. Never was par- 
 tizan warfare better conducted, and more successful. 
 General Pezuela saw with bitterness his laurels wither; 
 and, to escape the ruin with which a half-starved army 
 menaced him, retreated, first, to his ancient posts, and 
 thence, filled with apprehension, retired to Peru to suc- 
 cour there the terrified royalists. 
 
 He misled some patriots by blandishments, places, 
 and promises, but always distrusting them, kept them 
 in subaltern stations, although the importance of their 
 services entitled them to the first offices. One of these, 
 Don Saturnino Castro, a native of Salta, whose efforts 
 had cost his country dear, felt his indignation redoubled, 
 when he cast his eyes upon his scars, and, impelled by 
 wounded self-love, hearkened to the salutary councils of 
 reason. In this state of mind, he determined to avense 
 his country and himself, by a plot against the op- 
 pressors. It was discovered, he was arrested, and con- 
 demned to death. 
 
 Pezuela was unnecessarily cruel and vindictive. En- 
 thusiasm for the country daily gained ground. The 
 city of Cuzco at last broke its chains, and new Peruvian 
 heroes espoused the cause. Pinelo, the preshitcro, Dr. 
 Munecas, the king's brigadier, Pumakagua, and An- 
 gulo, joined the patriots, and caused an almost general
 
 APPENDIX A. 165 
 
 revolution in public opinion. The two first triumphed 
 at La Paz ; but their lives and those of their troops were 
 more endangered after the victory, than during the 
 battle. The enthusiastic Spaniards conceived the pro- 
 ject of burying them under the ruins of their laurels. 
 These barbarians had familiarized themselves with every 
 species of crime. They poisoned the springs, and 
 formed two mines, for the destruction of the patriots. 
 Their foresight was not sufficient to apprise them of the 
 horrors that environed them. One of these mines ex- 
 ploded, and the death of a hundred and fifty persons 
 (some say three hundred) was the melancholy result of 
 this treachery. The people who could only think of 
 taking vengeance for this last and worst of their atro- 
 cities, put to the sword all the Spaniards, with their 
 Governor Valdehoyos. In recompence for the risks 
 they had incurred, these brave men deserved to be the 
 arbiters of their fortune. But fortune is by nature a 
 coquette, who denies her favours when most needed. 
 Pinelo and Munechas left La Paz, and uniting at the De- 
 saguedero, formed a body of 800 men, with which they 
 opposed the troops of Pezuela, who marched in pursuit 
 of them; battle was given, and the enemy was victo- 
 rious, by reason of superiority of numbers. 
 
 The Indian Pumakagua marched upon Arequipa, that 
 noble city, which, stifling its feelings, was enslaved. With 
 manly courage, he quickly engaged an army of more 
 than a thousand men, routed it, took prisoners its chief 
 Picoaga, the Governor Moscozo, and Lavalle, who, 
 being conducted to Cuzco, were put to death. More 
 than two hundred Spaniards were sacrificed to a just in- 
 dignation. The victor was compelled to march to Cuzco, 
 by the defeat of Pinelo and Munecas. Ramirez, a name 
 that will be eternally infamous, pursued the patriots 
 furiously. The retreat of Pumakagua left the passage
 
 166 APPENDIX A. 
 
 to Arequipa open to the royalists, and afforded an op- 
 portunity to repeat the enormities perpetrated at La Paz. 
 
 Another of the Angulos had displayed his energy at 
 Guamanga, routing 400 talaverinos detached by the 
 Viceroy of Lima; but the capture of Arequipa by 
 Ramirez called his attention to Cuzco. This great 
 pity was a prey to disorder. Nothing could support its 
 wretched existence. There the three Angulos were be- 
 headed, and their heads carried upon a pike to Sicuani. 
 
 A reform of the goverment, reducing it to a single 
 director of the state, in the person of the citizen Don 
 Gervasio Posadas, placed in the capital great obstacles 
 to the vibrations of the passions. Titus Livius ob- 
 serves, that Rome would have perished, if from a pre- 
 mature love of liberty, it had in its infancy abolished 
 regal power. The public authority was strengthened 
 by the politic measure of trusting the affairs of the state 
 to the activity of a single individual. 
 
 Our Oriental army rendered itself more respectable, 
 by a stroke which proved its vigilance and its firmness. 
 The Spaniards of Montevideo, losing the hope of ad- 
 vancing their cause by open warfare, had recourse to 
 assassination. A conspiracy of their agents was dis- 
 covered in our camp, and the traitors sacrificed to the 
 public security. 
 
 1814. — But this fortunate discovery did not free the 
 state from all peril ; for in its bosom a storm was brew- 
 ing, and ready to burst. General Artigas, that singular 
 man, who united to extreme sensibility the appearance 
 of coldness; a most insinuating urbanity to decent gra- 
 vity ; a daring frankness to courtesy ; an exalted patriot- 
 ism to a fidelity at times suspicious; the language of 
 peace to a native inclination to discord ; in fine, a lively 
 love of independence to most extravagant notions as to 
 the mode of achieving it; this man, we say, disgusted
 
 APPENDIX A. 167 
 
 with the government, because it bestowed rewards upon 
 thosewhom he expected to see chastised, had already sowed 
 the seeds of civil war among the troops. His great 
 ascendency over the Orientals compelled them either 
 to seek his friendship, or to tremble at his enmity. 
 Those citizens who loved order laboured, with zeal and 
 dexterity, to extinguish a flame threatening ruin to the 
 state. This end appeared to be obtained by an Oriental 
 Congress, which General Rondeau convened, in the 
 name of the government, for the purpose of nominating 
 deputies for a national congress, and appointing a pro- 
 vincial governor. All was on the eve of being realized, 
 when General Artigas, as chief of the Orientals, com- 
 manded, in the name of the same government, that 
 the electors should present themselves at his head- 
 quarters in order to receive instructions from him. This 
 proceeding, so strongly savouring of despotism, offended 
 every one. The electors assembled in the chapel of 
 Maciel, and fulfilled their trust. General Artigas, then 
 discovering his real disposition, annulled the Congress, 
 thus assuming absolute power ; but this daring measure 
 had no effect upon what that body had done. The 
 selection of deputies, and a governor, was celebrated in 
 all the encampments, and the last named officer began 
 to exercise his functions. General Artigas, viewing these 
 measures with a lively but dissembled hatred, prepared 
 to avenge himself. Under various pretexts he withdrew 
 his men, and at last, in the garb of a countryman, de- 
 serted his post, thus leaving exposed the right of our 
 line. This rash proceeding made it apparent, that he 
 preferred his own interests to those of his country. But 
 many officers, and others of the Orientals, did not 
 follow this pernicious example. 
 
 It is not easy to conceive the terrible confusion into 
 which this event threw the besiegers. Three times 
 orders were given to raise the siege, and as often they
 
 168 APPENDIX A. 
 
 were revoked, so great were the evils on each side. At 
 last the encampments were abandoned with incalculable 
 loss, and unutterable grief. The enemy, upon dis- 
 covering this, were filled with surprise, though they did 
 not abandon themselves to immoderate joy? because 
 they feared it might be a feint ; but the people less cau- 
 tious, hurried away by the desire to breathe fresh air, 
 went in crowds without the walls. From proper fore- 
 sight, the redoubts of our advanced parties had not been 
 abandoned ; French, officer of the day, ordered a most 
 unexpected discharge of cannon, which made the enemy 
 attribute to stratagem what resulted, in truth, from our 
 weakness. The terror this created in the city prevented 
 sallies being made. 
 
 This advantage, combined with the lucky arrival, on 
 the same day, of supplies, and the consolatory informa- 
 tion that a small squadron was equipping to transport 
 a reinforcement, changed the appearance of things. 
 The public mind was tranquillized ; the fugitives returned 
 in parties ; the people of the vicinity tendered their as- 
 sistance, and General Rondeau knew how to profit by 
 these inestimable advantages; the siege was renewed 
 more efficiently than it ever had been. 
 
 The Director, Posadas, viewed the desertion of Gen. 
 Artigas with a hatred carried beyond the bounds of 
 prudence. Taking counsel from his anger, he thought 
 that justice should take its course. By a solemn decree, 
 he declared him infamous, deprived of his offices, and an 
 putlaw, and incited the people to pursue him as a duty 
 they owed the country ; in fine, believing that he could ex- 
 tinguish rebellion in the blood of the rebel chief, he set a 
 price upon his head, offering 6,000 dollars to whomso- 
 ever would bring him in, alive or dead. Experience has 
 shown, that moderation would have been far wiser than 
 this violence. The Director took a wrong course ; whe-. 
 ther Artigas was as guilty as he thought him, the reader
 
 APPENDIX A. 169 
 
 can decide. But even if he was so, what other effect 
 could impotent rigour produce, than contempt of autho- 
 rity, and obstinacy in the delinquent? Even this was 
 not all. The Orientals had enthroned Artigas in their 
 hearts : as that which is abhorred is deemed always to 
 be in the wrong, the very proofs upon which the Director 
 founded his decree were, with the partisans of Artigas, 
 so.many evidences of his innocence. This proscription 
 became that of a vast district, and reconciliation almost 
 impossible. God grant that we may not see this sad 
 truth perpetuated. 
 
 The army of the capital, and the naval force of the 
 country, were at this time considerably augmented. 
 The troops demanded to be led to battle; the fleet were 
 eager to dispute with the enemy the command of the 
 river. In short, the fortune of war gave us decisive 
 successes. Two men, with all the talents required for 
 the ends for which they were destined, the Secretary 
 Larea, and Colonel Alvear, being substituted for Gen. 
 Rondeau, concerted the capture of Montevideo, and all 
 obstacles yielded to their activity, and the accuracy of 
 their calculations. A naval battle, in which Brown com- 
 manded our ships, and defeated the Spaniards, who were 
 stronger in vessels than we, made us masters of the port. 
 To give the finishing stroke to their misfortunes, Monte- 
 video shortly after yielded, notwithstanding a criminal 
 correspondence between Vigodet and the patriot Otor- 
 gucz. Thus was despotism deprived of its strong hold. 
 
 Our Peruvian army was now commanded by General 
 Rondeau, who, having sustained with credit the siege 
 of Montevideo, had not the glory of triumphing over 
 it. The government transferred the command of this 
 army from him to the conqueror of Montevideo. It is 
 certain that Alvear united all the qualities of a warrior, 
 and possessed a military experience which he owed more 
 \o genius than to years. But this change o; command was
 
 170 APPENDIX A. 
 
 viewed by the chief of this army, as the result of a policy 
 without forethought, and the evidence of an ambition 
 without limit. Something further contributed to render 
 it odious, and this was the alarming suspicion that the 
 country was about to be shamefully betrayed by treachery. 
 This suspicion was countenanced by the anticipated mis- 
 sion of Don Ventura Vasquez, confidential officer of the 
 government, to place in the hands of Pezuela certain 
 letters; his exclusive nomination to treat with this 
 enemy ; the sending commissioners to the Spanish court ; 
 and the appointment of new officers in this army. The 
 public mind was thus distracted with doubts and appre- 
 hensions, when General Rondeau abdicated the com- 
 mand ; notwithstanding which his subalterns coalesced, 
 the regiments confederated, and Alvear was not ad- 
 mitted. 
 
 This event was foreseen : a general disgust portended 
 and precipitated it. It has often happened that people 
 have refused to submit to despotism, and not known 
 how to use liberty. The General, thus rejected by the 
 army, returned to the capital, and was created Director. 
 This impolitic act challenged hatred, where there was 
 already sufficient motive for vengeance. 
 
 This election caused an almost universal murmur, 
 which presaged important commotions. The reasons 
 assigned in justification of this dissatisfaction were, that 
 as the army of Peru could not obey, as supreme Director, 
 one whom they had refused to recognize as their chief, 
 all the terrible effects of anarchy were about to be ex- 
 perienced ; that the capital and other parts of the country 
 felt too much animosity against the party to which the 
 Director owed his elevation, to recognize him without 
 discontent; and that under protection of the army of 
 Peru and General Artigas, they might dissolve an as- 
 sembly disgraced by intrigue, in their opinion, and 
 prostrate an idol, to which the tongue paid homage, 
 2
 
 APPENDIX A. 171 
 
 which the heart disavowed : in fine, that the recollection 
 of those acts, by which the provinces deemed themselves 
 outraged, might induce them to push resentment further 
 than they ought. 
 
 These apprehensions were, in a great measure, real- 
 ized. The army of Peru refused obedience to the new 
 Director. Cordova, listening more to anger than to pru- 
 dence, preferred danger to ignominy, and withdrew 
 from its connexion with the capital. Santa Fe, count- 
 ing more upon its courage than strength, adhered to the 
 system of independence it had adopted, since the troops 
 of Artigas had invaded it. 
 
 The situation of the army of Peru was critical and 
 dangerous. The anxiety which began to prevail as to the 
 consequences of these dissensions ; desertion veiled under 
 the shadow of a new government; succours withdrawn; 
 in fine, the unfortunate action of Tejar ; multiplied cares, 
 and alarmed the imagination. Nevertheless, General 
 Rondeau did not lose his natural equanimity. He knew 
 how to make the discontented hearken to reason, and to 
 give a favourable beginning to an enterprise. Putting his 
 army in motion, he opened an entrance into Peru, by 
 the victories of Puesto Grande and Mochara. 
 
 1S15.— The new Director perceived the cloud that 
 had gathered over his head, and hastened to use all ex- 
 pedients in his power to avert it. Convinced that hope 
 and fear are the great exciting principles of human ac- 
 tions, he endeavoured to operate upon the first by re- 
 wards, upon the other by chastisements. These instru- 
 ments failed in his hands. The tragical death of the 
 unfortunate Ubeda, on one of the most solemn days of 
 worship, caused less terror than indignation ; and the 
 triumph over the Cabildo of the capital, by compelling 
 it to subscribe an odious proclamation against General 
 Artigas, served only to make it resolve to prolong its 
 existence in spite of this usage.
 
 3 72 APPENDIX A. 
 
 On the eve of a political disorganization, the Director 
 marched the veteran troops to subject the towns to a 
 detested yoke. But the chief of the vanguard, Don 
 Ignacio Alvarez, with 350 men under his command, 
 ashamed of being the instrument of his exaltation and 
 vengeance, declared in favour of those he was sent to 
 attack, and arrested the suspected officers, among whom 
 was General Viana, who came to take the command. 
 He encamped, and was joined by several detachments 
 from Mendoza. The Director, surrounded in his en- 
 campment, put into play whatever could contribute to 
 save him in so critical a situation, but in vain ; for for- 
 tune had determined to put an end to his glory and pro- 
 sperity. The Cabildo of Buenos Ayres, instructed by 
 Alvarez, and called by general acclamation to the com- 
 mand, assumed it. The civicos, with many officers of dis- 
 tinction, rallied round it, as its protectors. So many 
 obstacles filled the Director with despair. At last he 
 yielded, and, cast out of his country, was forced to beg 
 an asylum in a foreign land. This cable being broken, 
 the national assembly, with its system of favouritism and 
 peculation, was involved in ruin. All, even the Orientals, 
 irreconcileable enemies of the capital, applauded a suc- 
 cess which appeared to be the beginning of order. 
 
 In order to give a successor to the deposed Director, 
 a body of electors was constituted, who chose General 
 Rondeau chief of the army of Peru, and named as his 
 deputy, Colonel Alvarez, who took the lead in the re- 
 cent subversion of A lvear's authority. 
 
 His election would not have secured the public tran- 
 quillity, if the causes which disturbed it had not been 
 removed. It was perceived that, heretofore, the ex- 
 ecutive, availing itself of the distractions or patience of 
 the people, had gradually rendered itself absolute. 
 Reason required that this power should be balanced by 
 another ; therefore a provisional statute was formed, and 
 
 9
 
 APPENDIX A. 173 
 
 • 
 
 a junta of observation erected, to watch the punctual fid- 
 jilment of this law, to protest against the least infraction, 
 and to resist every thing prejudicial to tfw general good. 
 It was to be regretted that this statute gave more liberty 
 than was compatible with the public good ; but we had just 
 escaped from one of those cruel situations, in which the 
 excesses of oppression prevent us from seeing those of its 
 relief. A system of distrust and restriction made 
 authority a mere political skeleton : we shall see the dis- 
 orders which arose in consequence. 
 
 One of the earliest advantages, expected to result 
 from this new order of things, was the re-establishment 
 of that fraternal union with the Orientals, the rupture 
 of which had cost the country so many tears. The 
 Cabildo of Buenos Ayres, regarding with indignation 
 the proclamation Alvear had extorted from them, com- 
 manded it to be burned by the common executioner, in 
 the Plaza de Victoria. The government also substituted 
 moderation for the ancient system ; and if the Orientals, 
 with their chief, had been capable of perceiving the 
 greatest enemy of the country and themselves to be 
 anarchy, doubtless a reconciliation would have been 
 effected. But experience has shown that they had de- 
 termined to bury themselves in an abyss of evils rather 
 than yield. Without doubt, too, General Artigas be- 
 lieved that a calm would diminish the authority with 
 which he had been invested in tempestuous times. 
 
 The government, fearful of seeing civil war propa- 
 gated in the centre of the neighbouring provinces, 
 marched troops to Santa 1Y, under the command of 
 Don Juan Jose Viamont. This city was a key with 
 which General Artigas opened at pleasure the door to 
 his seditious communications. In order to remove the 
 distrust, and to prevent the opposition of those in the 
 vicinity of this city, the Deputy Director promised them 
 perfect liberty, and engaged that the troops should not.
 
 174» APPENDIX A. 
 
 meddle with their domestic affairs. The death of the 
 Governor, Candioti, produced much disorder. Contra*- 
 dictory pretensions, well or ill founded, acrimonious de- 
 bates, stratagems inseparable from party, all attended 
 the selection of the Lieutenant-governor, Don Juan 
 Francisco Tarragona. The city of Santa Fe was much 
 incensed at this appointment. What resulted from it 
 will be seen. 
 
 Grieved at the melancholy posture of affairs in this 
 section of the county, we were consoled by pleasing pro- 
 spects in Peru : we will give briefly the principal heads 
 of General Rondeau's dispatches. Pezuela, filled with 
 consternation, abandoned his positions, and retreated to 
 the neighbourhood of Oruro. The desertion of his 
 soldiers, and the difficulty of subsisting those that re- 
 mained announced his weakness. Our troops " im- 
 proved in numbers, in arms, and discipline ; the in- 
 surrection of La Costa by Penaranda and Reyes; the 
 approach of Dr. Municas ; the state of fermentation in 
 which all the provinces were ; the aids on their march 
 from the capital ; all indicated a prosperous warfare. 
 
 It was necessary that the fortune of arms should be 
 sometimes inconstant as a game of chance, to give the 
 melancholy shading of misfortune to this picture. Our 
 reverses commenced with the battle of Venta and Media, 
 where a party of the enemy, attacking Brigadier Rodri- 
 guez, were most unexpectedly successful. This event 
 seemed to give its character and colour to the succeed- 
 ing ones. The active Pezuela fell upon our army with 
 the rapidity of lightning. To avoid the encounter, 
 General Rondeau removed his camp to a rocky situation, 
 remote from Cochabamba. Here the enemy sought 
 him, filled with the boldness which success inspires. 
 Battle being inevitable, Rondeau took post at Sipesipi* 
 forming a camp according to military rules: hostilities 
 vommenced. The enemy would not have had much
 
 APPENDIX A. 175 
 
 cause for boasting, if fortune, which a general cannot 
 command, had not favoured his cause. His left wing 
 outflanked, his right wing almost routed, his centre 
 almost destroyed by our artillery — such, said Rondeau, 
 was the state of the battle, when a series of inauspicious 
 occurrences gave the victory to the foe, and deprived us 
 of glory and of hope. 
 
 The victory of Sipesipi, by turning the brain of Pe- 
 zuela, advanced the cause of liberty. Our situation was 
 not so disastrous as that of the United Provinces of 
 Holland, when they caused themselves to be repre- 
 sented under the image of a ship, without sails and 
 without rudder, at the mercy of the waves, with this 
 Latin inscription, Incertum quo fata ferant. General 
 Rondeau placed his head-quarters at Tupiza with the 
 remnant of his army, and endeavoured to reorganize it. 
 Our government, as if foreseeing the unfortunate issue 
 of the battle, had sent forward troops, arms, and mu- 
 nitions, nor were the towns of the union, at this dis- 
 tressful period, backward in extending assistance. The 
 brave Camargo, La Medria, Padilla, Warnes, and 
 Munecas, by rapid incursions, showed that the cause 
 of liberty would prevail in spite of our misfortunes. 
 
 The accession of strength our cause seemed to gain 
 even by reverses, ought to have made Pezuela see that 
 his hopes of re-establishing despotism were chimerical, 
 but he still cherished the delusion. He displayed his 
 inhumanity by atrocious violations of the rights of his 
 prisoners, appearing to think, that to become a rebel 
 was to cease to be a man, and to forfeit all claims to 
 justice and to compassion. Even that sex,* regarded 
 
 • Among many others, Dona Antonia Paredez, Dona Jnsta 
 Varela, Dona Fclipa Barrienles, ladies oftheageof nineteen — Dona 
 Teresa Bustos, the two sisters Malari w, and Dona Barbara Cevallos, 
 were imprisoned — Dona Teresa perished in prison — Dona Barbara
 
 176 APPENDIX A. 
 
 with some respect by the most abandoned, was not 
 exempt from his rage. Many women, among whom were 
 the most circumspect matrons, were banished, or im- 
 mured in dungeons. 
 
 The dangers which menaced the political existence 
 of the country demanded an executive sufficiently 
 energetic to maintain order, and to triumph over the 
 enemy. Unfortunately the provisional statute had too 
 much curtailed the executive power. It was embarrassed 
 by so many restrictions, as to be prevented often from 
 availing itself of circumstances upon which success 
 depends, and which must be seized the instant they 
 present themselves, or the opportunity is for ever lost. 
 In a situation so critical, the ad interim Director appealed 
 to the sovereign people, and asked for a reform of the 
 constitution. The capital, always docile and provident 
 when not misled by designing men, actuated by that 
 prudence which dictates pacific measures, approved the 
 proposed change, and, by direct vote, appointed re- 
 formers of the constitution. 
 
 One of the most urgent objects which claimed the 
 attention of government was the city of Santa Fe. 
 The disgust with which this city saw itself governed by 
 a Lieutenant-governor whom it abhorred, the exile of 
 many reputable citizens, the suggestions of the Oriental 
 chief, all conducted to some violent measure. The in- 
 habitants rising in mass under the citizen Don Mariano 
 Vera, and aided by the troops of Baxada, civil war 
 commenced. General Viamont was attacked by the 
 disaffected, with all the fury that marks insurrections, 
 > and, after bloody contests, capitulated. We know not 
 why the capitulation was not fulfilled. Cordoba adhered 
 to its system of independence. La Rioja imitated its 
 
 was banished to Oruro, being forced to abandon nine infant children 
 —the Malarias were also banished.
 
 APPENDIX A. 177 
 
 example, and the other cities became more or less 
 anarchical. 
 
 1816. — All desired a tutelary authority, which, being 
 created by common consent, should be powerful enough to 
 make the laws respected. This authority could only be 
 derived from representatives of the people. The people, 
 convinced of the necessity of the change, elected them, 
 and a sovereign congress was opened at Tucuman, on 
 the 25th of March, 1816. Its principal care was to 
 select a director, who would draw closely the cord of 
 union, and direct the efforts of all to their darling 
 object, independence. Don Juan Martin Pueyrredon was 
 chosen Director. 
 
 Continuation made, at Mr. Rodney's request, ly Dean Funes, 
 bringing the Sketch down to the battle of Maipo. 
 
 With many, the most desirable object was to obtain 
 a moment of calm, during which the supreme authority 
 might be consigned to able hands; it was however at 
 the very moment that the national congress was deli- 
 berating on this matter that the tempest was heard to 
 roar with the greatest violence. 
 
 In consequence of the resignation of the directorship 
 ad interim, by Colonel Alvarez, the Junta of Observation, 
 in conjunction with the Cabildo of the capital, elevated 
 Brigadier-general Antonio Balcarce to that station as 
 his successor. This remedy was momentary ; the mca-? 
 sure was by no means in consonance with the wishes of 
 the people ; and, by a kind of fatality which often pre- 
 sides over events, it was not long before an explosion 
 was produced among materials so well prepared. The 
 electors and elected were soon discovered figuring to- 
 gether on the theatre of discord. 
 
 In the mean while, the new Director ad interim used 
 every exertion to destroy the seeds of discord, which 
 had already produced so much opposition between the 
 
 M
 
 178 APPENDIX A. 
 
 Orientals and the capital, and to render all parties sen- 
 sible of the advantages of living under the same law. Al- 
 though the first attempt madeby him for this laudable pur- 
 pose promised a favourable result, every means were found 
 in the end unavailing to bring about a reconciliation. 
 
 This discord had been propagated in the manner of 
 a contagion, and the remedies applied to restrain its 
 devastations were found to possess no efficacy. The city 
 of Santa Fe,* although just escaped from a bloody con- 
 test, and threatened by dangers of a more serious nature, 
 still pursued its peculiar ideas of independence, with what 
 may more properly be called obstinacy than constancy. 
 
 Cordova always devoted to the maxims of federalism, 
 notwithstanding her having sent deputies to the general 
 congress, considered her absolute submission to the 
 capital as unworthy a free people, and still cherished 
 the idea of this submission being temporary. 
 
 The other provinces, according to their respective si- 
 tuations and characters, expressed more or less their 
 dislike to what they considered a species of subjection. 
 
 The causes of this political phenomenon, if sought 
 for, will not be difficult to be found. The opinion 
 most prevalent in the provinces was decidedly in favour 
 of the federative system, and which they were desirous 
 of seeing realized, even in anticipation of all the essen- 
 tial and first objects of their new career. It had been 
 the darling wish of the provinces, almost from the com- 
 mencement of the revolution ; — one which had still 
 greater charms for them, since they had seen it realized 
 with so much glory in the United States of North 
 America. For the present, however, the governments, 
 the capital, and not a few of the more intelligent citizens, 
 were opposed to this idea. Each of these parties sup- 
 ported its opinion by weighty reasons. From the state- 
 
 * General Dias Velez, with a body of troops, was besieged at 
 San Nicholas.
 
 APPENDIX A. 179 
 
 ment of these I am about to make, the enlightened 
 reader may judge between them. 
 
 Those in favour of the government already established 
 were of opinion that the federative system could not be 
 legally substituted, until sanctioned by a general con- 
 gress ; assuming it as a principle, that the constitution 
 of a state should receive its existence from the hand of 
 the nation itself, and not from partial concurrence, and 
 unconnected acts ; that when the nation first regained 
 its liberty, and all the provinces were united under the 
 same government, the present was the form they adopted, 
 and under this form it was, that the existence of the 
 republic had been preserved in the midst of the most 
 trying disasters ; that until all the provinces could be 
 again united, a thing by no means hopeless, it would be 
 improper to deviate further than was absolutely unavoid- 
 able from what had before existed ; and that at all events, 
 if the preponderance of the capital was an evil, it was 
 one which would soon be corrected, when that prepon- 
 derance ceased to be necessary to the common safety. 
 Further reasons, derived from views of policy, were 
 added. According to the federative system, said they, 
 each state is sovereign and independent as respects the 
 rest; each may possess, and in reality does possess, sepa- 
 rate interests : it is therefore to be feared that each will 
 rather seek what it may conceive to be its own interests, 
 than the interest which is common to all ; and in con- 
 sequence of this egotism and misplaced jealousy, be 
 involved in a common ruin. That in the midst of the 
 alarming dangers which threaten this new born state, 
 the necessity of a complete union of all the parts, under 
 the guidance of one head, for the better concentration 
 and direction of its forces, is dictated by the plainest 
 maxims of prudence ; and where, it was asked, can this 
 be placed with more propriety than in the capital, where 
 the revolution itself received its origin, whence every 
 
 m 2
 
 ISO APPENDIX A. 
 
 great effort in the general cause has emanated, and 
 which, from its position, its enterprise and intelligence, 
 is enabled to manage the common concerns of the nation, 
 for the present at least, to the greatest possible advan- 
 tage ? The first thing to be done, continued they, is to 
 place our independence out of danger ; let this be ac- 
 complished before we disagree about the manner of 
 using it. They further insisted, that it was not alto- 
 gether safe, to confide in the example of the United 
 States of North America, which had always been edu- 
 cated in the republican virtues, and to whom we were 
 not to be compared, reared as we have been, under the 
 rod of despotism ; and that it would be unwise to trust 
 the fate of the nation, in such dangerous times, to 
 virtues which had not yet been sufficiently put to the 
 trial. That it would be most prudent to leave to time 
 and education, under the influence of a free government, 
 to produce the same character of enlightened patriotism. 
 Those of the federal party contended on different 
 principles. They admitted that the government of 
 Buenos Ayres, the capital of the former viceroyalty, had 
 been the first to shake off the Spanish yoke, and by its 
 influence had mduced the provinces to follow its example; 
 at the same time they alleged the repeated protestations 
 on the part of this government, that its preponderance 
 should be but momentary, that a general congress 
 should be convened without delay, for the purpose of 
 fixing the general government on a permanent basis. It 
 was by these protestations that the provinces had been 
 induced to enter into the views of the capital, and 
 to place their resources at its disposal. They com- 
 plained that so long a time had elapsed without 
 performing this engagement, that their situation thus 
 far was but little different from that under the Spanish 
 monarchy, that they had obtained but little more 
 than a change of masters. They did not deny the
 
 APPENDIX A. 181 
 
 difficulty of calling a national congress during the stormy 
 period of the revolution ; but said that in default of a 
 congress, the general government of the capital ought 
 to have ceased, and the provinces ceased to be swayed 
 by it, seeing that the general voice was in favour of the 
 federative system. Far from being inadequate to* the 
 exigencies of the times, and the objects of the revolu- 
 tion, they asserted that the individual acts of the pro- 
 vinces had contributed most to raise the character of 
 the republic, and to advance the general cause. If our 
 dissensions, said they, have caused us discredit with 
 foreign nations, it is to be attributed to the clashing of 
 the government of the capital with the feelings and 
 wishes of the provinces. That as there can be no effect 
 without a cause, the federative system, by putting an 
 end to these odious rivalries and jealousies, would pre- 
 vent the recurrence of scenes so disgraceful. It is true, 
 said they, the tumultuous proceedings of the capital, 
 had generally sprung from other causes ; chiefly from 
 the inordinate thirst for office in many of its inhabi- 
 tants; the ambitious turning to their advantage, even 
 the extreme jealousy of their liberties on the part of the 
 people; was it just, it was asked, that the provinces 
 should be compelled to follow these frequent and ca- 
 pricious changes, in which they took no part? But 
 would not these evils have long since ceased with the 
 establishment of the federative system ? What tempta- 
 tions could there be to seduce the aspiring in the limited 
 and definite powers which the federative system would 
 present ? On the contrary, wKat could be more tempt- 
 ing to the ambitious than a system which enabled those 
 in power to be the masters and arbiters of the republic ? 
 One which would enable them to prefer their flatterers 
 and favourites, and those who were neither, but mcre'y 
 happened to be about them, to able and meritorious 
 citizens : and to consult their private wishes more than 
 ibe public good. They alleged that, in fact, the capital
 
 182 APPENDIX A. 
 
 had thus far paid much more attention to its own pecu- 
 liar interests, than to the rights of the provinces ; that 
 she had gratified the ambition and avarice of many in 
 the provinces, in order, by enlisting the human frailties 
 and passions on her side, to sow the seeds of discord 
 and 'disunion in other parts of the confederacy ; these 
 persons engaging to repress the sentiments of the people, 
 and draw them into a subordination which accorded 
 only with their interested views. When these things, 
 said they, are impartially considered, how can we draw 
 closer the ties of union under a government like the 
 present; which, by its oppressions as well as by its 
 favours, weakens that love of country which the 
 federative system has a tendency to foster; a system 
 which, at the same time that it leaves the citizen in the 
 full enjoyment of that portion of liberty which the good 
 of society does not require him to surrender, imparts 
 enough for all the purposes of the general safety and 
 happiness. But let it not be said, continued they, that 
 there are no republican virtues amongst us; to what 
 else is to be attributed the noble resolution we have 
 taken, and which we have sanctioned by our oaths, to 
 die rather than not live free and independent ? To what 
 else that energetic and heroic resistance which has given 
 so many days of glory to our country ? And even if 
 it be admitted that we do not possess those virtues, are 
 they to be inculcated by the example of a government 
 which teaches nothing but selfishness and corruption ? 
 
 Thus reasoned the opposite parties. With respect to 
 our own opinion, we should say, that from the impos- 
 sibility of attaining this end without encountering the 
 evils of anarchy and perhaps civil war, on account of 
 the preponderating influence of the capital, it was per- 
 haps the wisest course on the part of the provinces to 
 make a sacrifice for the present, of their obedience, to 
 that unity of action without which our ultimate success 
 must be doubtful. It is to be expected, that our ene-
 
 APPENDIX A. IgjJ 
 
 mies will labour without ceasing to regain their lost do- 
 minion, and, flattered by our dissensions, they will be 
 continually engaged in forming new projects to enslave 
 us, lured by the hope that we shall be able to bring 
 forward but feeble and divided efforts in support of our 
 liberties. I have thus traced without dissimulation the 
 melancholy picture of our domestic discords. 
 
 A number of the citizens of Bnenos Ayres, touched 
 with the unfortunate antipathy of the provinces to join 
 heartily in the cause Of their common country, and 
 fearing that our dissensions would form a bridge over 
 which the enemy might pass to reduce us to subjection, 
 united their wishes; and honestly confessing that the 
 balance of public opinion inclined to federalism, peti- 
 tioned the Governor-intendant of the province, to strip 
 Buenos Ayres of its prerogative, and to place it on the 
 same footing with the other provinces. They believed 
 that this measure would put an end to their irritated 
 jealousies, that afraternal feeling would succeed, enabling 
 them to complete the edifice which they had so glo- 
 riously begun. In an affair of so much importance, the 
 Intendant, in order to ascertain with accuracy the sen- 
 timents of the people, decreed that the petition be taken 
 into consideration in a general assembly or Cabildo to 
 be convened for the purpose, and one was accordingly 
 ordered to meet on the 19th of June, 1816. This un- 
 expected event lighted up anew the imperfectly extin- 
 guished fire of discord. The Junta of Observation, 
 although agreeing in opinion with the Intendant as to 
 the propriety of taking the sense of the people, were 
 not satisfied that this should be done by general suffrage, 
 from apprehension of dangerous * and tumultuous agi- 
 tations ; they thought it would be more adviseable to as- 
 
 * Two petitions were presented, one with 101 signatures, :1k 
 other with 1 10.
 
 184 APPENDIX A. 
 
 certain their will through deputies elected for the pur- 
 pose. This contrariety of opinion divided the state into 
 parties, whose disputes were conducted with so much 
 heat and violence, that it was seriously feared they 
 would not stop short of an appeal to arms. Had this 
 subject been considered unmixed with private and per- 
 sonal feelings, it would scarcely have given rise to a dif- 
 ference in thinking. 
 
 This contest, although 'suffered to remain in statu quo, 
 left the minds of the parties too sore to permit them to 
 settle down in peace and harmony. It was at the same 
 time so far aggravated by another dispute, that the Junta 
 of Observation in concert with the Cabildo assuming 
 the tone of authority proceeded to depose the Director 
 ad interim. In his place was substituted a governing 
 commission, composed of Don Francisco Antonio £s- 
 calada and Don Miguel Irigoyen. 
 
 While these things were taking place, the troops of 
 Buenos Ayres, under the command of Colonel Don 
 Eustacio Dias Veles, were approaching the city of Santa 
 Fe, while at the same time a small squadron of vessels, 
 under the command of colonel Don Mathias Irigoyen, 
 placed it under blockade. The arms of these two cities 
 rivalled each other in intrepidity and courage. It 
 would be uncandid to conceal the admiration we feel in 
 beholding a small town like Santa Fe, without disci- 
 plined troops, and with little assistance, causing itself 
 to be respected by its enemy, and under the direction 
 of its chief supporting the cause of its independence. 
 It is true the Santafecinos abandoned their city, be- 
 lieving that they carried it along with them, wherever 
 they could live free. It was not long before they be- 
 sieged the invaders themselves, and caused them to ex- 
 perience the sufferings of famine; and by a lucky ac- 
 cident haying made themselves masters of several of 
 their enemies' vessels, together with the commander of
 
 APPENDIX A. 185 
 
 the squadron, there appeared but little likelihood of 
 their being about to succumb to their invaders. 
 
 Two important occurrences which had taken place in 
 the city of Tucuman, were of a nature to divert the 
 current of dissension. The first was the election to the 
 supreme directorship of Colonel Don Juan Martin 
 Pueyrredon ; but the exigencies of the war claimed the 
 first attention of the Director, the cities of Salta and 
 Jujui being menaced by the enemy : this of course de- 
 layed his return to the capital. 
 
 The other was the solemn declaration of our inde- 
 pendence made by Congress on the memorable 9th of 
 July, 1816. Six years had elapsed since that dark pe- 
 riod, when we were regarded in no other light than a* 
 a flock tamely obedient to the will of its owner, in 
 which we quietly looked on, while strangers directed 
 the economy of our house, in which our own hands were 
 employed to erect fortresses intended to enslave us; six 
 years of the most profound and universal interest, felt, 
 I might almost say, even by the infant in its mother's 
 arms, had awakened a crowd of new ideas throughout 
 all classes of society, and inspired a general wish to 
 rise to that condition which nature herself seemed to 
 point out to us. These provinces, ashamed of having so 
 Jong delayed to declare their emancipation, raised at last 
 the sublime voice of liberty. 
 
 It was thought sufficiently probable that those im- 
 portant occurrences would have quieted the provinces, 
 and convinced them of the necessity of a well organized 
 whole. Unfortunately this was not the case. " From 
 Cordova," said the Director in his manifesto, " with 
 what painful .anxiety did I cast my eyes towards the agi- 
 tated province of Buenos Ayrcs." And not without 
 cause; for in going to enter upon his government, he 
 was about to place himself on the summit of a volcanic 
 mountain. It was, notwithstanding, his good fortune to 
 succeed in conquering the antipathies of his most in-
 
 lSf> APPENDIX A. 
 
 veterate enemies. Would to God he bad been equally 
 successful in finding the means of restoring perfect tran- 
 quillity to the state ! The wild and ungovernable Orien- 
 tals and Santafecinos still however persisted in their 
 restless and inconsiderate course. Over and above the 
 numerous causes which rendered their rupture so ca- 
 lamitous, others followed of a nature to render them 
 more lasting. The court of Brazil, about this time, 
 raised the mask which bad hitherto concealed the 
 perfidious project it had long since formed of taking 
 possession of the delightful countries on the eastern side 
 of the river. 
 
 The court of Brazil had already made frequent at- 
 tempts to obtain this territory, which for more than a 
 hundred years it had coveted with so much greediness, 
 but was so often compelled to abandon its prey, until our 
 lamentable dissension at last seemed to guarrantee the 
 success of an invasion. The Director seized this oppor- 
 tunity to revive with General Artigas that ancient friend- 
 ship, whose force had on former occasions frustrated the 
 shameful designs of the Portuguese. A deputy was de- 
 spatched to him, carrying a supply of arms and muni- 
 tions of war, and requesting him to state with frankness 
 what were his wants, that these should be the measure of 
 the aid to be furnished. But to speak of reconciliation 
 with Artigas was to speak to the desert. His obduracy 
 could neither be softened by concession, nor his pride 
 humbled by dangers. Although he received the dona- 
 tions, he heard the proposals with displeasui'e, preferring 
 that history should accuse him of having sacrificed the 
 occasion to his private hatred, his duties to his caprice, 
 and his country to his interests. 
 
 With respect to the Santafecinos, the Director was not 
 more actuated by a desire to prevent the disagreeable 
 consequences of this city remaining in a state distinct 
 and separate from all the other members of the repub- 
 lic, than anxious to place the forces under General Dias
 
 APPENDIX A. i87 
 
 Veles in security : with this view he despatched deputies 
 with propositions highly advantageous to them, and 
 which ought to have sufficed for the restoration of the 
 ancient harmony and brotherhood. Before their arrival 
 at Santa Fe, our army had already evacuated the place 
 and descended the river. The late invasion was by no 
 means calculated to dispose their minds to reconciliation. 
 And even if the Santafecinos had given this proof of their 
 love of order, it is probable they would soon have re- 
 pented of an act which would have lessened them in the 
 estimation of their protector, General Artigas ; however 
 this may be, the negotiation terminated without effect. 
 
 The city of Cordova, although with her deputies in 
 congress, and submitting to the capital, inclined to the 
 side of the Orientals and Santafecinos; her character 
 would not permit her to abandon the latter in the period 
 of adversity; the dangers which threatened her neigh- 
 bour served but to draw more closely the ties of amity, 
 and which increased in proportion to the risk she en- 
 countered. A body of Cordovians to the number of four 
 hundred, under the command of Don Juan Pablo Bulnes, 
 hastened as far as the city of Rosario in aid of the San- 
 tafecinos; but rinding no enemies, they returned home 
 without any material occurrence. 
 
 The expedition of Bulnes was not undertaken with 
 the approbation of the governor of Cordova, Colonel 
 Don Josef Dias; not because this officer was not inclined 
 to the side of the Santafecinos, and the cause of federal- 
 ism, but because it suited the political course he had re- 
 solved to follow, to give merely a negative consent ; or 
 perhaps seeing Bulnes at the head of a more considerable 
 force than he himself could command, he did not think it 
 prudent to oppose him. Be this as it may, it laid the 
 foundation of a reciprocal animosity, as indiscreet as 
 badly intended. While Bulnes was on his return to 
 Cordova, Dias was collecting a force to receive him. He 
 
 6
 
 188 APPENDIX A. 
 
 was fearful that his rival might entertain the intention of 
 deposing him, and placing himself at the head of the 
 government. These two bodies were in a little while 
 arrayed against each other, and after acting a military 
 farce, a few shot fired in the air, Bullies was left in pos- 
 session of the field of battle, and entered the city in 
 triumph. 
 
 These agitations and disorders were in direct violation 
 of the public authority. They proceeded from an active 
 force, supported by the opinion which was most preva- 
 lent; in their consequences they were to be dreaded both 
 for the present and the future, as exhibiting the most 
 dangerous examples. The rights claimed by the govern- 
 ment and the congress were weighed in distinct scales 
 from their own. The only remedy which the congress 
 could apply to these evils was in appealing to the good 
 sense of these people. A manifesto was published, 
 breathing in eloquent language the sentiment of love of 
 country, lamenting and severely censuring the public dis- 
 orders, thundering anathemas against the disturbers of 
 the public repose, and exhorting all to obedience and sub- 
 mission to the supreme authority, which had only for its 
 object to secure the safety and happiness of the republic. 
 As might have been expected, little impression was pro- 
 duced by this publication, amongst a people who consi- 
 dered themselves as betrayed, when denied the form of 
 government which they preferred. In fact they regarded 
 the manifesto like one of those autumnal clouds, which 
 lighten much, but bring them no rain. 
 
 A more successful measure was adopted with respect to 
 the province of Cordova, which was the placing its go- 
 vernment in the hands of Don Antonio Funes, (brother of 
 the author of this sketch), a native and inhabitant of the 
 city of Cordova. This appointment, whether considered 
 with a view to the capacity and virtues of the individual, 
 or the prudence of the choice, was worthy of applause.
 
 APPENDIX A. 189 
 
 He was a citizen who possessed talents by no means com- 
 mon ; of a mind refined by application to belles-lettres, 
 and elevated by the study of the sciences, he was regarded 
 as an honour to literature. A man of unusual nerve, of 
 a character severe without austerity, more a lover of vir- 
 tue, than of his fortune, his family, or his life. Exem- 
 plary in the fulfilment of his social duties, his house wore 
 the appearance of a sanctuary, to which the unfortunate 
 might resort for comfort and protection. From his poli- 
 tics, dark intrigues, cunning management, and all perfi- 
 dious practices were excluded. A noble frankness cha- 
 racterised his deportment; detesting artifice, yet prudent 
 and cautious in his speech, and in all times a friend of 
 social order. Our revolution, on which justice had set 
 her seal, could not fail to draw him to its side ; he em- 
 braced its cause with sincerity, and propagated it with 
 discretion ; but the unsettled state of things which suc- 
 ceeded, had induced him to bury himself in a retirement 
 where, without being exposed to the clashing of contend- 
 ing parties, he might pursue the stoical severity of his 
 life, and indulge his passion for literary pursuits. With 
 a firmness superior to the reverses of fortune, he sup- 
 ported without murmuring the *loss of nearly all that he 
 possessed, his credits to a great amount, and what was 
 more severe, of two promising sons in the flower of 
 youth, when the national congress cast its eyes upon him 
 as the most suitable person to oppose the torrent of dis- 
 orders of which Cordova had become the theatre. 
 
 To a common mind, the situation in which the Gover- 
 nor was placed would have presented almost insuper- 
 able difficulties ; the city of Cordova being occupied 
 by Bulnes, his son-in-law, and in the very first step he 
 would have to take, it would be necessary that he should 
 
 • This estimable man happened to possess property to a larirr 
 amount in Peru, which on the breaking nut of the revolution wa> 
 confiscated by the royalists. — Translator.
 
 190 APPENDIX A. 
 
 be armed with a severity which knows no relationship 
 but that of reason and the law. In the course of the re- 
 volution he had not declared himself in favour of any 
 of the forms of government which this republic might 
 think proper to adopt. His opinion was in favour of 
 that which the will of the nation, solemnly expressed in 
 congress, should sanction; and until this could be known, 
 he thought that no one, without violating the laws of 
 order and just subordination, could forcibly resist the 
 established authorities. In opposition to these senti- 
 ments Bulncs made a show of force before his eyes, and 
 his conduct gave few or no indications of a sense of ho- 
 nour, respect, or deference. The Governor prudently 
 concealed his determination, until he should be supported 
 by a sufficient force to enable him to carry it into effect. 
 It was not long before a body of veteran troops, under the 
 command of Colonel Sayos, came down from Tucuman 
 to his assistance. Bulnes had the arrogance to take the 
 field against him, but Sayos, in the presence of the Gover- 
 nor himself, completely routed his forces and put him to 
 flight. A common mind would have been pleased with 
 a flight, which would have spared the painful conflict be- 
 tween the ties of relationship and the demands of jus- 
 tice. But this was a case calculated only to call forth the 
 firmness and energy of the new Governor. He caused a 
 diligent pursuit to be made, until, placed in his power, he 
 should be delivered over to ail the severity of the law. 
 The fortitude required by such occasions allows of no 
 mixture of human weakness; and as a celebrated orator 
 has justly said, the magistrate who is not a hero scarcely 
 deserves to be regarded as an honest man. The pro- 
 vince for the present remained tranquil, and the cause of 
 Bulnes was subjected to the legal forms by order of the 
 congress. 
 
 From the volcanic eruptions of the provinces, which 
 about this time, happily, became less frequent, let us di-
 
 APPENDIX A. 1£I 
 
 rect our attention to exterior affairs. The policy of 
 assailing the enemy's commerce was found to operate as 
 a powerful aid to our cause, and was about this time car- 
 ried on with great success. The enemy's ports in the 
 Pacific were greatly harassed by the flotilla under Com- 
 modore Brown. — Nothing could more fully prove the 
 state of subjection to which the people were reduced by 
 Spanish tyranny ; under its vile domination, it seemed 
 as if all the springs of the mind had been destroyed, and 
 instead of national feeling there existed nothing but sor- 
 did personal interest. Near the isle ofOrmigas, Brown 
 captured five prizes ; he dared even to brave the castles 
 of the port of Callao, and to defy the Spanish armed 
 ships. He found the port of Guayaquil in a still greater 
 state of abandonment; here he entered in triumph, and 
 carried off property to the amount of seven hundred 
 thousand dollars. 
 
 While the Viceroy of Lima was thus harassed by sea, 
 his armies in Peru and Salta experienced an almost un- 
 interrupted series of disasters. Col. Don Manuel As- 
 ensio Padilla sustained with much glory the standard of 
 our country against the inhuman Tacon. The valour 
 and patriotism of this officer had attached to his person 
 a considerable number of patriots, into whom he in- 
 spired confidence, activity, and courage. In order to 
 throw some obstacles in the way of his triumphs, a body 
 of about one thousand men was ordered to march to- 
 wards Laguana. Here they were expected by Padilla, 
 who had entrusted the defence of various posts to hi* 
 captains, and one of them, which may sound somewhat 
 singular to the reader, to the command of his wife, a 
 very extraordinary woman, Dona Juana Azunduy. The 
 enemy was completely repulsed, after having made a fu- 
 rious asault ; and this heroic female had the satisfaction 
 »f presenting to her husband the banner of the enemy,
 
 192 APPENDIX A. 
 
 which she had taken with her own hands*. Padilla did 
 not go to sleep beneath his laurels; without giving time 
 to the enemy to collect his forces, he pursued them in 
 every direction, and shut up what remained of them in 
 the town of Chuquisaca. Scarcely less glorious was the 
 victory of Warnes, who destroyed another body of 
 nearly one thousand men, commanded by Tacon in 
 person. 
 
 The perils of the war in the district of Jujui and 
 Salta, drew from the inhabitants proofs of heroism, in 
 support of their independence, equal to what was exhi- 
 bited in declaring it. General Guemes, formidable 
 alike for his constancy and valour, continually presented 
 a threatening front to Pezuela, and, by his activity, 
 deprived him of his conquests as fast as they were made. 
 Abandoning Jujui precipitately, Pezuela encountered 
 losses of considerable moment. The Guerillas, led 
 by Don Augustin Ribera, Don Diego Calla, Don 
 Diego Tallangiani, Don Justo Gonzales, Don Joseph 
 Miguel Valdiviesa, Don Francisco Guerreros, and Don 
 Francisco Briondo, contributed much to diminish his 
 credit, and the weight of his authority. 
 
 1817. — These advantages in some measure made 
 amends for the mortification of seeing the troops of Por- 
 tugal in the territory of the state. From the time it 
 was known that the Prince Regent of Portugal had 
 raised the colonies of Brazil to the pre-eminence of a 
 metropolis, it was strongly suspected that he would at- 
 tempt to aggrandize himself by the occupation of these 
 countries. The powerful temptations which had con- 
 
 * This was the celebrated banner under which the enemy had 
 reconquered La Paz, Peru, Arequipa, and Cusco, and on which ac- 
 count it was distinguished by magnificent embroidery. For this 
 action, the lady was rewarded by the State with the commission and 
 emolument of lieutenant-colonel.
 
 APPENDIX A. ld$ 
 
 tinually attracted the Portuguese towards our territories 
 had almost become one of the fixed principles of their 
 policy; it was therefore not surprising that they should 
 profit by an opportunity which seemed the most fa- 
 vourable for the gratification of their ambition. But as 
 mere ambition furnishes no justification for the invasion 
 of the territory of other nations, the Director considered 
 it as his duty to remonstrate with General Lecor, com- 
 mander of the Portuguese forces, on the step he was 
 about to take, and to warn him of the consequences of 
 the aggression. At the same time that he took this 
 step, he communicated it to General Artigas, and the 
 Cabildo of Montevideo, requesting that, at this mo- 
 ment of common danger, which required the combina- 
 tion of all their forces, their differences might be for- 
 gotten ; and in order to fix upon the principles of re- 
 conciliation, he deputed, with full powers, the Alcaldes 
 Don Juan Jose Duran and Don Juan Giro. In the 
 preliminary conferences which took place, the errors of 
 discord and the benefits of harmony between the two 
 countries were represented in the most animated terms; 
 and it was finally agreed, that the eastern shore (Banda 
 Oriental) should acknowledge the sovereignty of Con- 
 gress, and the authority of the Supreme Director of the 
 state; that members in proportion to its population 
 should be sent, and that the government should prompt- 
 ly furnish what assistance was necessary for its defence. 
 
 The joy produced by this event, which in putting an 
 end to the unhappy disputes that divided the country 
 appeared to restore its pristine strength and glory, was 
 celebrated with pomp and magnificence. At the very 
 moment, however, when the people were engaged in 
 giving vent to their feelings, which were excited to a de- 
 gree that might almost be considered immoderate, in- 
 formation was received that the Orientals had refused 
 to ratify the convention, no doubt influenced by their
 
 194- APl'ENDrX A. 
 
 chief. Artigas considering the natural tendency of the 
 connexion and dependence of the eastern shore as des- 
 tructive to the absolute sway which he had so long been 
 accustomed to exercise; in his opinion, the dangers and 
 devastations of a war with the Portuguese were to be 
 preferred to the influence of the capital. 
 
 The remonstrance of the Supreme Director with Ge- 
 neral Leeor did not produce the effect on his mind 
 which it merited. This chief contented himself with 
 declaring that, in order to place the Portuguese frontier 
 out of danger from the contagion of anarchy which 
 threatened it, it had become necessary to take possession 
 of a country which, in becoming independent, had given 
 itself up to every species of disorder and misrule. The 
 futility of this pretext was fully exposed by the Director 
 in his subsequent official letters, and also by the eloquent 
 Editor of the ministerial Gazette, Don Julian Albares; 
 nothing; can be added to the force of their reasonings. 
 Taking it for granted, that a sovereign has a right to 
 interfere in the domestic quarrels of his neighbours, 
 whenever he may think them of a nature to disturb the 
 tranquillity of his own states, yet it is an undoubted 
 principle of the law of nations, that he should first make 
 suitable representations to the party offending, before 
 actually resorting to the use of force. To occupy a 
 country by force, under the mask of peace, can only be 
 learned in the school of Machiavel. There is certainly 
 some difference between acting the part of a centinel, to 
 watch for the preservation of self, and thus intruding 
 into the country of another, hospitc insalutato, with no 
 object in reality but that of conquest. The dispute of 
 the Orientals and the capital was a family quarrel ; but 
 a quarrel which had not dissolved the ties of the first 
 with the nation. These people, as well by their own 
 will as by the constitution of the state, were integral 
 parts of the American confederation. Common decencvj.
 
 APPENDIX A. 195 
 
 not less than respect for the laws of nations, would have 
 forbidden this resort to violence, before all the proper 
 measures had been taken without effect, to place in a 
 state of security the nation which declared itself in dan- 
 ger ; otherwise the world would be continually exposed 
 to become the prey of the first occupant who could sup- 
 port his cause by force ; like the ambitious Portuguese, 
 there would never be wanting a pretext for invasion. 
 
 The management of the war, together with the other 
 important cares of government, rendered it desirable 
 that the Congress and the Director should be nearer each 
 other, in order by their combined wisdom to conduct 
 the affairs of the state with greater promptitude and 
 judgment. Its removal to the capital was, however, a 
 step of no small danger. The sound of discord was still 
 heard, like the hollow murmuring of the waters after the 
 tempest has subsided. It was much to be feared, in the 
 agitations which might ensue, that this national assem- 
 bly, which was considered by many of the friends of 
 order as the last resort, would, like the similar attempts 
 formerly made, prove abortive. Besides this, the pro- 
 vinces were desirous that the congress should hold its 
 sessions at a distance from the capital, in order that 
 being free from undue influence, and the fear which bay- 
 onets might cause, they would be able to pursue their 
 course with the more perfect freedom. After much dis- 
 cussion, and important reasons urged on both sides of 
 the question, they finally yielded to the solicitation of 
 the Director, who strongly urged their removal to the 
 capital; and accordingly carried the resolution into 
 effect, in the midst of new commotions and disturbances. 
 
 One of them had its origin in the audacious mind of 
 -an inhabitant of Santiago del Estero, named Don Fran- 
 cisco Borges. This indiscreet man had been engaged 
 for some time in secretly exciting the minds of those 
 who entertained an aversion to the constituted authori- 
 
 n2
 
 196 APPENDIX A. 
 
 ties. His intrigues engaged on his side not a few of 
 his fellow-citizens, who, together with others in the 
 neighbouring towns, raised the standard of rebellion 
 under his command. A corps of veteran troops was 
 immediately despatched against them from Tucuman. 
 Borges, more skilled in forming factions than in profit- 
 ing by them when formed, was unable to maintain his 
 ground ; beaten, pursued, and taken prisoner, he paid 
 with his life the price of his temerity. 
 
 The Governor of Cordova, although possessing more 
 prudence and foresight than his predecessor, was unable 
 to provide against a conspiracy, which surprised him in 
 his own house. Bulnes, from his prison colleaguing 
 with some of those wretches who are every where to be 
 found in an unsettled state of society, was enabled 
 through this means to corrupt the garrison; and not 
 satisfied with obtaining his release, he assailed the house 
 of the governor, whom he seized and placed in con- 
 finement, together with the military commandant Sayos. 
 
 The chief of this plot was not possessed of sufficient 
 talents to direct any important object, nor had the sol- 
 diers whom he had corrupted a sufficient interest to 
 serve him. These were, with few or no exceptions, ve- 
 teran Spanish troops, who had deserted to us, and who 
 had been placed under the command of an European 
 named Quintana, but who would willingly sell them- 
 selves to whoever oifered most. Bulnes was deposed, 
 and in his stead was chosen a certain Urtubei, a person 
 in whom the conspirators fancied they could repose their 
 confidence with greater safety. The situation of the 
 conspirators was critical ; they knew that their indecent 
 and dishonest conduct was detested by the inhabitants 
 of Cordova, and that their force was inadequate to sus- 
 tain them ; they therefore justly feared the punishment 
 which the Congress and the Director would inflict 
 upon their crimes. In this embarrassment, they fell
 
 APPENDIX A. 197 
 
 upon the plan of compelling Don Juan Andres dc 
 Pueyrredon, brother of the Director, to accept the office 
 of governor of the province, in an open Cabildo or as- 
 sembly, composed chiefly of the factious. It was not 
 long before all those who were openly concerned in this 
 disgraceful business were obliged to beg an asylum in 
 Santa Fe, to which place they retreated. Colonel 
 Sayos, who, with his officers, was ordered to be con- 
 ducted to some remote place, contrived to gain over 
 the guard to his 6ide, at the end of a few days' march. 
 At this moment, he was accidentally joined by Governor 
 Funes, who, by the permission of Bulnes, was on his 
 way to Buenos Ayres. They immediately set about col- 
 lecting a force, for the purpose of returning to put down 
 the insurrection. This consisted, however, of very in- 
 different militia, upon which little or no dependence 
 could be placed. Notwithstanding this, and the ob- 
 stacles thrown in the way by a handful of vicious, un- 
 principled men, the Governor succeeded in re-establish- 
 ing order, and in entering upon the duties of his office. 
 
 The chief of the insurrection was arrested, and sent 
 to Buenos Ayres, where, together with several of the 
 European soldiers, he was tried, condemned, and exe- 
 cuted. 
 
 These discords in the east, the west, and the north, 
 contributed chiefly to flatter the hopes of our enemies, 
 and encouraged them to form new plans for our subju- 
 gation. Ten thousand Portuguese, under the command 
 of General Lecor, in three divisions, were marched into 
 the territory of the eastern shore. The first consisted 
 of five thousand men, under his immediate command, 
 who directed his march by the way of Santa Teresa ; 
 the second, under the command of General Silveira, 
 consisting of sixteen hundred, by the way of Cerro 
 Largo; the third, which formed the right of the enemy, 
 under Curao, proceeded towards the town newly found-
 
 1<J8 APPENDIX A. 
 
 ed by Artigas, in the vicinity of the Uruguay. It was 
 utterly impossible for the General to oppose this torrent. 
 Although the Orientals were gifted with great strength 
 of body and intrepidity of mind, yet neither their num- 
 bers, the nature of their arms, their discipline, nor their 
 subordination, could enable them openly to take the 
 field against invaders, in these respects so much superior. 
 This superiority Very soon manifested itself. General 
 Pinto, with nine hundred men, advanced as far as India 
 Muerta, where he was attacked by General Ribera, with 
 eleven hundred ; and although he sustained a vigorous 
 fight, he was compelled to retire with less than one half 
 his division ; possessing, however, that coolness which 
 characterises the brave in critical situations, he did not 
 neglect to detach a part of his force to watch the opera- 
 tions of the enemy. Soon after this, a detachment, con- 
 sisting of one hundred men, fell in with an equal num- 
 ber of Portuguese, who had marched out of Maldonado; 
 stung by shame, and roused to desperation by the dis- 
 grace of the last affair, they rushed with irresistible fury 
 upon their enemies, who were literally cut to pieces. 
 
 General Otorgues was opposed to General Silveira, at 
 the head of eight hundred men, but was more distin- 
 guished for stratagem and astuteness than enterprise* 
 It was of great importance to impede the march of Sil- 
 veira, whose object was to form a junction with Lecor. 
 Ribera having united his force to that of Otorgues, they 
 determined to attack, but, through some unaccountable 
 accident, the former retreated to Rio Negro. The Por- 
 tuguese army, although continually harassed by Ribera, 
 reached the Barra de Casupa, at Santa Lucia La 
 Grande. Ribera did not despair of being able to de- 
 feat the enemy; but, considering the smallness of his 
 force, he besought the town of Montevideo to send the 
 delegate, Barcino, with a reinforcement of four hundred 
 men. The only force that could be spared was the corps 
 
 6
 
 APPENDIX A. 1S)9 
 
 •f Libertos, commanded by Colonel B ; but, from 
 
 a spirit of rivalry, ill becoming the times, this officer 
 was unwilling to serve under Ribera. This reinforce- 
 ment being thus denied, General Silveira effected a junc- 
 tion with General Lecor ; after which they proceeded to 
 the capture of Montevideo, on the 19th of January, 1817, 
 Barcino having abandoned it in much disorder. 
 
 The fortune which had formerly attended the Orien- 
 tals was now reversed. They fled the presence of those 
 whom they had been before accustomed to repel, or, if 
 they showed resolution, it usually degenerated into rash- 
 ness. The right wing of the Portuguese army, com- 
 manded by Curao, directed its march towards the place 
 at which the chief of the Orientals was stationed, and 
 arrived at the Arroyo de los Catalanes. This frontier 
 was defended by General La Torre with three thousand 
 men. Full of an arrogant confidence, which did not 
 permit him to calculate the risk, he determined on at- 
 tacking the enemy. Mondragon, who commanded the 
 cavalry, with more prudence, remonstrated against this 
 step; alleging, that having had the good fortune to 
 deprive the enemy of his horses, oxen, and carts, these 
 ought first to be secured, before exposing himself anew 
 to the chance of battle, which, considering the present 
 situation of the Portuguese, must be extremely doubtful. 
 La Torre, either not convinced by this reasoning, or 
 despising it, exercised his authority, and imprudently 
 fell upon the enemy with his whole force. The action 
 was obstinate and bloody, but terminated in the most 
 disastrous manner; General Artigas occupied a position 
 some distance in the rear with a small corps of one hun- 
 dred men. The consequence of this unfortunate affair 
 reached even his encampment ; here he was surprised 
 by four hundred men, and was only enabled to escape 
 with the assistance of a Charna Indian, but with the 
 loss of all his baggage.
 
 2CNJ APPENDIX A. 
 
 In the midst of the progress of Lecor, he found him- 
 self all at once shut up in Montevideo, suffering hunger 
 and all the privations of a siege : his situation becoming 
 intolerable, he marched with two thousand men in search 
 of cattle and other provisions. The indefatigable Ri- 
 bera, who closely watched his movements, prepared an 
 ambuscade with much sagacity at the pass of San Lucia, 
 and causing no small loss to the enemy, attained his ob- 
 ject for the moment. Lecor was not compelled, how- 
 ever, to abandon his enterprise, but proceeded as far as 
 the pass of Pinto, where he was again attacked by Ri- 
 bera, and experienced a loss of two hundred men. 
 These advantages were of too partial a nature to enable 
 the Orientals to derive hopes from them in the face of 
 an enemy so powerful. They contributed chiefly to 
 raise the reputation of Ribera. 
 
 The cry now became universal on the part of the 
 Orientals, and even of their chiefs, for a re-establishment 
 of their union with Buenos Ayres, as the only means of 
 finding shelter from the desolating tempest. In virtue 
 of this state of mind, a communication was opened with 
 the Director, who at once met so desirable a proposition, 
 and immediately sent a supply of arms and munitions of 
 war by way of Colonia. — Although Ribera had given his 
 consent to the union, he stipulated to withdraw it in 
 case it should not meet the approbation of Artigas. — 
 For this purpose, he communicated the stipulation he 
 had entered into in his absence to that chief. To Ar- 
 tigas it was of little importance that such an event would 
 be advantageous to the republic; he saw in it nothing 
 but a diminution of his own consequence and power. In 
 order to prevent the discontent which his refusal might 
 produce, at the same time that, with one hundred men, 
 he went down to dissuade Ribera, he caused his parti- 
 zans to circulate the most scandalous abuse of the capi- 
 tal and its intentions ; proclaiming, that a union with
 
 APPENDIX A* 201 
 
 the capital would be a union with perfidy and robbery, 
 and that it would be exchanging their liberty for a 
 shameful and atrocious servitude. These odious impu- 
 tations could not fail of producing an effect upon the 
 simple, well-meaning people, who reposed implicit con- 
 fidence in Artigas, as well as in the minds of those 
 who had on former occasions been ill treated by the go- 
 vernment of Buenos Ayres, of which number was Ri- 
 bera. The party in favour of the union was, however, 
 too strong to be easily dissuaded from its purpose. In 
 fact, Barcinos, Bansa, Col. of the Libertos, Ramos, com- 
 mander of the artillery, a body of chasseurs, and some 
 corps of militia under the command of Don Tomas 
 Garcia, having elected the latter as their commander, 
 entered into articles of union with Buenos Ayres. Ri- 
 bera, offended with an act which was very little short of 
 a revolt against him, by a part of the troops under his 
 command, hastened with three hundred chosen men to 
 call them to an account for this procedure. After some 
 warm altercation, Garcia being the strongest, remained 
 with the command; and Ribera sending a copy of the 
 offensive articles to Artigas, called for a detachment of 
 five hundred men, for the purpose of attacking his op- 
 ponents. It was well known that Artigas would destroy 
 without mercy those who attempted to diminish his au- 
 thority. In truth, this man taking counsel only from his 
 ambition, and from amischievous Franciscan friar, who for 
 along time had swayed him, resolved to comply with the 
 request of Ribera with all possible expedition. General 
 Forges, one of the most repute among the Orientals, op- 
 posed with energy a measure which was about to awaken 
 the horrors of civil war, and declared for a union with 
 the capital. Of the five hundred, only fifty were dis- 
 patched to Colonia, under the pretext of defending this 
 place, which was threatened by a Portuguese flotilla, but 
 with the real intention of uniting with Ribera, and to 
 
 7
 
 102 APPENDIX A. 
 
 make war upon those who should be in favour of thrf 
 union. The party of Artigas prevailed. The Director 
 had hoped that the Orientals, won over by his friendly 
 conduct, would lower their pretensions, but his patience 
 was wearied out by so much obstinacy. 
 
 While these clouds obscured the east, the west appear- 
 ed more serene; the Governor of Cuyo, Colonel Don Jose 
 de San Martin, a man bold enough to conceive great de-' 
 signs, sufficiently a lover of glory to devote himself to 
 them, and not wanting good fortune in their execution, 
 had for some time past meditated in silence the re*con- 
 quest of Chili. This country had been completely sub- 
 dued by the Spaniards ; more than one hundred of the 
 most influential people had been banished to the island of 
 Juan Fernandez, the inhabitants completely disarmed 
 and held under the most rigid subjection ; their secret 
 wishes, however, as may be readily supposed, were in fa- 
 vour of independence, and San Martin had every reason 
 to believe that if he could cross the mountains with a re- 
 spectable army, he would have none but the Spaniards to 
 contend with, and would find the people, as far as was in 
 their power, disposed to co-operate with him. The situ- 
 ation of the United Provinces, continually threatened 
 from Chili and Peru, plainly pointed out the immense 
 importance of expelling the Spaniards from the former, 
 by which means, they would at the same time, strike the 
 severest blow to their enemy, and gain a powerful ally : 
 a sense of duty also called upon them to assist their bre- 
 thren, those who on a former occasion, when Buenos 
 Ayres was threatened by the Spanish general Elio, had 
 contributed both men and money to her assistance. But 
 the chief difficulty lay in procuring the means of raising 
 such an army as would be adequate to the enterprise. 
 The state, notwithstandingpts recent declaration of inde- 
 pendence, was at no time since the commencement of the 
 war in a condition so deplorable ; it might almost be said
 
 APPENDIX A. 203 
 
 lo be drifting at the mercy of the winds and waves. The 
 province of Cuyo, at the first glance, seemed to promise 
 less ; its soil but indifferent, its population small, its pro- 
 ducts of late much reduced in value, and as the frontier, 
 continually exposed to the invasion of the Spaniards. 
 But San Martin possessed the talent of winning the 
 heartsof those with whom he was connected, of awakening 
 the higher passions, and of enlisting them not by halves, 
 but entirely in his plans. He had possessed himself so 
 completely of the affections of the people of Cuyo, that 
 they placed without reserve every thing they had at his 
 disposal. They freely yielded up their male slaves to 
 the number of six hundred, they furnished three thousand 
 horses, ten thousand mules, and contributed their per- 
 sonal services for the construction of quarters, encamp- 
 ments, armories, and in conducting troops and munitions 
 from Buenos Ayres. Much of this is doubtless to be at- 
 tributed to the moderation and self-denial, both in public 
 and private life, of the chief who commanded, the best 
 security for the confidence of the people ; but it is like- 
 wise to be attributed to a cause which does much honour 
 to the province, to wit, its uniform patriotism and good 
 conduct. Correct morals are most conducive to love of 
 country, and love of country is not less conducive to 
 good morals. Had they been less pure, this patriotism 
 would have been less, and less also would have been the 
 influence of San Martin. After twelve months spent in 
 collecting, organizing, and disciplining his army, which at 
 the same time afforded Marco an opportunity of making 
 the necessary preparations to oppose him, San Martin 
 put in execution his daring attempt to cross the Andes. 
 The mere idea of such an undertaking is enough to 
 strike the mind with astonishment, as amounting almost 
 to a violation of the laws of nature. We can form but a 
 faint idea of this enterprise, when we consider that the 
 mountains to be crossed for one hundred leagues arc the
 
 SO* APPENDIX A. 
 
 highest on the globe, with defiles so narrow as not to 
 admit two persons abreast along the giddy verge of 
 frightful gulls, while the severity of the climate seemed 
 to contend with the ruggedness of the passage ; added to 
 to these the difficulty of transporting artillery, at the 
 same time embarrassed with the baggage and provisions 
 for thirty days, and after all trusting to the uncertain 
 chances of success, after the termination of these labours 
 and fatigues; in truth, when every thing is considered 
 fairly, this achievement may justly rank with the most 
 celebrated of those recorded in history. In thirteen 
 days the army effected its passage, with the loss of about 
 five thousand horses and mules, and of a small number 
 of men, chiefly blacks, who were unable to stand the 
 cold. After some slight skirmishes, the army took up 
 its position at Aconcagua. 
 
 The passage of the mountains was, in itself, an achieve- 
 ment of a nature to give assurances of the result. The 
 heroic army which had vanquished the Andes, fighting 
 under the banners of liberty and the country, could no 
 more be resisted than a torrent of the mountains. The 
 splendid triumph of Chacabuco, which took place soon af- 
 ter, raised San Martin to the pinnacle of glory, and gave a 
 new aspect to the affairs of South America. " In twenty- 
 four days," said the general, " we have terminated the 
 campaign ; we have crossed the most elevated mountains 
 of the globe, put an end to the sway of tyrants, and given 
 liberty to Chili." The President Marco was taken pri- 
 soner, and the remains of his forces took refuge in the 
 fortress of Talcaguana. A junta of the Chilians wa* 
 convened at Santiago ; through gratitude to San Martin, 
 they offered to invest him with the directorship, which 
 he declined; they then elected Don Bernando O'Higgins* 
 The Chilians afterwards sought by various modes to ex- 
 press their gratitude to the General of the Andes, by which 
 name San Martin, by a kind of involuntary concurrence,
 
 APPENDIX A. SOS 
 
 was now distinguished ; but considering these offers as 
 Incompatible with the notions of greatness which he en- 
 tertained, they were positively declined. It would be 
 improper not to mention the restoration of the banished 
 Chilians to their families, which was almost the first act 
 of the government. San Martin returned to Buenos 
 Ayres, to receive new ordex % s and to concert new plans 
 with the government, all eyes being now turned towards 
 Peru, as the quarter in which their long looked-for peace 
 and liberty would be sealed. On approaching Mendoza, 
 the capital of Cuyo, he was met by its inhabitants, the 
 youth strewing roses in the road, and all demonstrating 
 the most heart-felt expressions of regard : the inhabitants 
 of Buenos Ayres were equally desirous of showing every 
 mark of veneration for this hero; but San Martin, being 
 apprised of their preparations, stole into the town unob- 
 served. Some are disposed to condemn what appears t« 
 them an affected squeamishness, and false delicacy, in 
 thus declining honours which are known in general to be 
 grateful to the human heart ; but for this very reason, in 
 my opinion, it is great and noble to decline or despise 
 them. 
 
 The cause of the state in Peru, when conducted by 
 the virtues, experience, and abilities of Belgrano, who, 
 on his return from his important mission to Europe had 
 once more assumed the command, was again seen to re- 
 vive. In die rencontres already related we have seen 
 that victory had also returned to our side. General 
 Serna, who succeeded Pezuela, was not possessed of the 
 abilities of his predecessor; although the celebrated 
 leaders Padilla and Munecas were killed, Warncs and 
 Ganderilla and Fernandez supported the cause of their 
 country. By these the sanguinary Tacon was pushed to the 
 very verge of the precipice ; but this victim was reserved 
 for another hand; a ray of lightning, sen* from heaven,
 
 206 APPENDIX A. 
 
 put an end to his days and his cruelties. His army was 
 reduced almost to nothing. 
 
 General Sera a discovered only a vain and arrogant 
 confidence in his own powers. He had scarcely assum- 
 ed the command, when he conceived the design of at- 
 tempting the reconquest of Salta and Jujui and even of 
 Tucuman. The history of his predecessor ought to have 
 opened his eyes. These places had proved the sepul- 
 chres of the Spaniards, and he might cause them to be so 
 again. These admonitions were disregarded by Serna, 
 who, more haughty than the knight of La Mancha, en- 
 tered Jujui at the head of an army of upwards of two 
 thousand men. Governor Guemes rendered the posses- 
 sion of the place little better than a trap for his destruc- 
 tion. He and his brave countrymen invested him so 
 closely, that he soon began to repent of his folly. His 
 forces were incessantly harassed by a great number of 
 guerillas, and much reduced by the actions of San Pe- 
 drita, Huniaquaca, Tarija el Barrada, and others. From 
 the deserters, who were continually coming over with, 
 misery painted in their countenances, it appeared that 
 they were perishing of famine m their trenches. Guemes, 
 with his brave officers, Roxas A , Tarenos, La Ma- 
 drid, Cardad, &c. compelled Serna to retire at last with- 
 great loss, and to renounce his designs upon the cities 
 before mentioned. These flattering occurrences were 
 only interrupted by the lamentable rivalry of the Ori- 
 entals with the capital. Although Artigas, by means of 
 his chiefs, succeeded in gaining over the greatest part of 
 those whom his conduct had alienated, there were still 
 many who remained firm in their resolution of a separa- 
 tion from his authority, a conduct which they considered 
 necessary to the safety of the republic. Of these, not a 
 few who were of the province of Entre Rios, by their 
 chiefs Erenu and Samanuego, lowering their tone, ac-
 
 APPENDIX A. 207 
 
 knowledged that they had been wrong, and sought the 
 friendship of the Director. A circumstance which might 
 possibly lead to the overthrow of an ambitious man, and 
 assure the liberty of the country was not to be despised. 
 Resentment for personal insult might also perhaps have 
 had its influence with the Director; he had just received 
 from Artigas a letter couched in the most declamatory 
 and abusive language ; accusing him of paying no regard 
 to his offers by letter, of sending deputies to the union; 
 charging him with connivance at the supplies furnished 
 the Portuguese, with being in their interest, and threat- 
 ening to pursue him even to the capital itself. 
 
 1818. — The Director, with a view of securing the 
 Baxada de Santa Fe, whi^h commands the interior 
 country of Buenos Ayres, and at the same time of fur- 
 nishing assistance to the inhabitants of Entre Rios, 
 dispatched a body of troops under Montes de Oca. 
 These were furiously attacked by a detachment from 
 Artigas, and completely defeated. This unfavourable 
 occurrence did not deter the Director from his design; he 
 dispatched Col. Marcos Balcarce with reinforcements to 
 take the field anew. The Orientals, inflamed by that 
 rage which characterises civil wars, and the more on this 
 occasion as they regarded themselves as ungenerously 
 attacked by their countrymen at the moment they were 
 fighting the enemies of the republic, with an impetuosity 
 bordering on desperation, fell upon the army of Balcarce, 
 and after a short but brave resistance on the part of the 
 latter, victory declared itself for the Orientals. Let us 
 deeply lament the fatal policy, or necessity, of delaying 
 with our own hands the progress of events by which 
 we are to gain our independence, and turning upon one 
 another those arms which ought to be reserved only for 
 our common enemies. 
 
 About the same time news of a much more serious na- 
 ture reached the capital, and produced the most painful
 
 208 APPENDIX A. 
 
 sensations. While San Martin and O'Higgins were en- 
 deavouring to reduce the last strong hold of the Spaniards 
 in Chili, the fortress of Talcaguana, the Viceroy of Lima, 
 with all possible despatch, threw fifteen hundred men 
 into that place, which in point of strength may be com- 
 pared to Gibraltar. The army of Chili, under the com- 
 mand of San Martin, was increased to nearly double its 
 number by the new levies among the Chilians ; but time 
 was requisite to train and discipline them. O'Higgins 
 took possession of the town of Conception, of which Tal- 
 caguana is the sea-port. Here, a great part of the sum- 
 mer was passed away in skirmishes, in which the enemy 
 were generally worsted. San Martin was, however, oc- 
 cupied in designs of greater magnitude ; he was unremit- 
 tingly engaged in preparing to strike the same blow in 
 Peru which had so successfully paralyzed the power of 
 Spain in Chili. The want of transports was the princi- 
 pal cause of delay, as a march through the desert of Ata- 
 cama would be impracticable. The Viceroy dreading 
 the enterprise of San Martin, and knowing the materials 
 by which he was himself surrounded, conceived it most 
 prudent to risk the fate of Peru in Chili. Accordingly 
 after an effort, which in the present fallen state of the 
 Spanish power might be considered great, he collected 
 about five thousand men, which were hastily embarked 
 for Talgacuana under Osorio, leaving Peru entirely de- 
 fenceless. Osorio had scarcely reached that place, when 
 he commenced preparations for proceeding directly to the 
 capital of Chili : he calculated with confidence on the 
 superiority of his troops over those whom experience had 
 not yet taught him to respect ; he also flattered himself 
 with being able to overtake the army of O'Higgins, be- 
 fore it could form a junction with San Martin. Osorio, 
 taking with him nearly all the garrison of Talcaguana, 
 together with two thousand of the natives of Chili, 
 marched rapidly through the province of Conception
 
 APPENDIX A* 209 
 
 With an army of nearly eight thousand men. Before he 
 passed the Maule, the patriot army had already formed a 
 junction, and consisted of an equal number of regulars, 
 besides considerable bodies of the militia of the country. 
 In a few days it was completely organized and consoli- 
 dated ; but so large a body of men, when collected, soon 
 began to experience considerable wants. The capital of 
 Chili confidently trusted to the abilities and valour of 
 San Martin, while the circumstance of the wants of his 
 army, when made known to them, afforded an opportu- 
 nity of displaying a magnanimity which we have unjustly 
 supposed to have been buried beneath the ruins of Greece 
 and Rome. San Martin announced that his army was 
 ready to take the field against the enemies of the country, 
 and that all were willing to sacrifice their lives in its de- 
 fence, but that it was in want of bread and other supplies. 
 The effect which this intimation produced in the noble- 
 minded people of Chili, is best displayed in the reply 
 which they made through the different officers of the 
 municipality and corporations. 
 
 " Your Excellency," said they, " has just informed us 
 that our brethren in the field of battle are in hourly ex- 
 pectation of being called upon to shed their blood anil 
 sacrifice their lives for our preservation. Your Excellen- 
 cy recalls to our recollection the sad image of Chili, laid 
 waste for two years and an half, with an atrocity truly 
 Spanish; whilst our children, our lathers, and our wives, 
 who (terrified at the chains and gibbets preparing for 
 them by the monsters that have reached the plains of 
 Talca) turn their tearful eyes towards the brave that, on 
 the banks of Tangcuca, have sworn to perish sooner than 
 behold their desolation. But your Excellency, at the 
 same time, intimates to us that these brave men are in 
 want of bread and other supplies, in order to support w ith 
 vigour the arms destined to exterminate our enemy, and 
 that the public fund having been exhausted, there scarce- 
 
 o
 
 210 APPENDIX A. 
 
 fy remained a sufficiency for the hospital, where the 
 wounds received for our defence are to be healed. And 
 what does your Excellency expect will be the reply of the 
 Chilians to a representation so mournful and affecting ? 
 That all our fortunes, without reserve, belong to our 
 country. That from this moment we request your 
 Excellency will be pleased to accept the spontaneous offer 
 of whatever silver we have in our possession, together 
 with the vow which we make before our country and the 
 universe, that so long as the war shall last, and the wants 
 of Chili may require it, there shall not be seen a single 
 article of plate in our houses. 
 
 " The people of Chili are unwilling that the silver of 
 the churches should be touched, until that which belongs 
 to individuals shall be entirely exhausted, we shall then 
 humbly say before the Supreme Being, To preserve the 
 precious gifts of life and liberty, which thou hast bestowed 
 upon us, we present ourselves naked, to implore thy protection, 
 while we endeavour to support thy ordinances with the aid 
 of those things ivhich we had set apart to adorn thy worship ; 
 our vows and ardent adoration shall henceforth be the most 
 pure and becoming homage we can offer Thee. 
 
 " In the mean while, will your Excellency be pleased to 
 accept the offer on the part of the secular and regular 
 clergy, of whatever articles of plate belong to them in 
 particular, and which do not appertain to the ceremonies 
 of religion, and whatever belongs to the magistrates and 
 corporate bodies, which we offer in our name and in the 
 name of the people of Santiago. 
 
 " Your Excellency will therefore be pleased to accept 
 these offerings, and to inform our brethren that they may 
 rely on the utmost exertions of our gratitude." 
 
 This unexpected but sublime display of gratitude was 
 replied to by the Director in a suitable manner : accepting 
 their offer, he declared himself unable to find expressions 
 sufficiently strong to do justice to the magnanimity of
 
 APPENDIX A. 211 
 
 their conduct ; but for the purpose of commemorating 
 so glorious an action, he ordered the following inscrip- 
 tions to be engraven on the two columns which adorn 
 
 o 
 
 the eastern and western entrances of the city : 
 
 " On the 5 th of March, 1818, the people of Santiago 
 voluntarily stripped themselves of all their plate and utensils 
 of silver, protesting that tliey would acquire no others, until 
 their country shall be out of danger. 
 
 " Nations of the Jiniverse I Strangers who enter Chili, 
 say whetlier such a people deserve to be slaves." 
 
 The patriot army lost no time after its junction, in 
 marching to meet the enemy. The army of Osorio had 
 already passed Talca ; it was not long before a continual 
 skirmishing took place between the invaders and the 
 patriots. These were kept up for several days, until the 
 19th, when an affair of some importance took place 
 between the advanced corps under O'Higgins, and apart 
 of the Spanish army, in which the latter was compelled 
 to fall back with considerable loss, being pursued into 
 the very streets of Talca. The whole Spanish force had 
 been compelled to fall back upon its steps. Osorio now 
 discovered that his contempt of San Martin's army had 
 led him into error ; it was so much superior to his, par- 
 ticularly in cavalry, that the chances of success would be 
 decidedly against him ; knowing that in all probability 
 San Martin would attack him the next morning; with his 
 whole force, and that if defeated, with a large river and 
 numerous bodies of militia in his rear, retreat would be 
 no longer possible. In this critical situation, by the ad- 
 vance of General Ordones, he determined to select two 
 thousand of his best troops, and try the fortune of anight 
 attack, which, if successful, would enable him to retire 
 without fear of pursuit. The principal part of the army 
 had in the evening halted within a short distance of 
 Talca : the remainder of the infantry having arrived, 
 and the ground being reconnoitred, orders were given 
 
 o2
 
 212 APPENDIX A. 
 
 about nine o'clock, for each division to occupy the posi- 
 tion assigned to it. The right wing had already been 
 posted, and the left was also in motion, when the enemy 
 rushed upon them in the most furious and unexpected 
 manner ; the baggage and artillery were first thrown 
 into confusion, which was soon communicated to the 
 troops on their march ; these, after a short resistance, 
 broke and dispersed in every direction, in spite of the 
 exertions of their leaders. The Director of Chili, who 
 commanded in person, was severely wounded in the arm, 
 in his efforts to rally them. The right, however, under 
 the immediate command of that excellent officer, Colonel 
 Las Heras, retired in good order, and together with 
 some other bodies, collected by the exertions of San 
 Martin and his officers, continued the contest for some 
 time, but were compelled at last to give way. The next 
 morning presented a spectacle truly melancholy : an 
 army, of which the day before our country might justly 
 have been proud, the best appointed that had ever taken 
 the field on the side of independence in South America, 
 stripped of its artillery and baggage, and more than one 
 half dispersed, and this without having been beaten. 
 
 San Martin conducted the fragments of his army to 
 the narrow pass of Angulemu, which lies on the route 
 to Santiago, and which the enemy could not avoid with- 
 out making a very considerable circuit. Here he re- 
 mained in the most painful situation, deprived of hi* 
 baggage, and his men in want of every thing. In the 
 mean time the stragglers, dispersed through the valleys 
 of Chili, spread the most disheartening accounts among 
 the inhabitants, and so complete was supposed to have 
 been the defeat of San Martin, that the partisans of 
 Spain, wherever any of them happened to be, could 
 scarcely refrain from openly declaring themselves. San 
 Martin with the Director, whose presence was required 
 in the capital, made it a hasty visit for the purpose of
 
 APPENDIX A. 213 
 
 inspiring confidence in the people, and of procuring 
 the means of recomposing his army. He now judged 
 it most prudent to fall back upon the capital, where his 
 army could be recruited with greater celerity, and intend- 
 ing in case of defeat to retire into the city, which the 
 Director was actively engaged in placing in a state of 
 defence. The army, under the creative hand of San 
 Martin, with a celerity almost incredible, in the course 
 of a few days, and after a march of eighty leagues, 
 once more presented a formidable front on the plains of 
 Maipo. The most animated proclamations were cir- 
 culated through the country by him and the Director ; 
 hope was seen to revive, and the patriot army was ani- 
 mated by a desperation gathered even from its late dis- 
 grace. The news of this lamentable occurrence, arriving 
 at the same time with that of the misfortunes of the eastern 
 shore, cast a gloomy shade over Buenos Ayres. The 
 most melancholy anticipations filled the breast of every 
 American, while the Spaniards among us discovered 
 their joy, on some occasions, with very little discretion. 
 Our apprehensions induced us to believe that the affairs 
 of Chili were still worse than the government had been 
 willing to communicate ; the very importance of the 
 contest in that country was enough to produce doubts 
 in the minds of the most sanguine. Osorio finding 
 the success of his attack to have so far exceeded his ex- 
 pectations, determined to follow up his blows, but 
 having himself experienced a considerable loss, he was 
 somewhat retarded in setting off; his march was not- 
 withstanding rapid, having approached the Maipo in 
 twelve days after the dispersion of the patriot army. On 
 the 3d and 4th of April there were frequent skirmishes, 
 and early in the morning of the fifth the two armies 
 came in sight of each other; the body of the Spanish 
 forces having crossed the Maipo. The whole morning 
 was passed in manoeuvring; each chief in vain endea-
 
 214 APPENDIX A. 
 
 voured to gain some advantage over his opponent. San 
 Martin rode incessantly along his lines, addressing each 
 individual corps, and infusing into them his own feel- 
 ings, while the patriotic songs and marches resounded 
 through the army. Seeing, at last, that there was no 
 probability of his being attacked that day by the Spa- 
 niards, and finding his men roused to the highest pitch 
 of enthusiasm, he gave orders to advance. With the 
 exception of a small height, which the enemy had oc- 
 cupied with some pieces of artillery, the ground was 
 nearly level and well adapted to military manoeuvres. 
 The infantry was placed under the command of General 
 Balcarce, Colonel Las Heras on the right wing, and 
 Colonel Alvarado on the left; the artillery and cavalry 
 posted on each wing, and a strong reserve in the rear 
 under Colonel Quintana. In this order the army moved 
 towards the enemy, who opened a dreadful fire from his 
 infantry, and from several pieces of artillery posted on 
 the small elevation before mentioned, but without arrest- 
 ing its progress ; a body of the enemy's cavalry charged 
 at the same time, but were driven back by that of the 
 patriots who pursued them even under their guns. The 
 action now became general and bloody ; our line, at last, 
 appeared to vacillate, but at this moment the reserve 
 being ordered up, the whole returned to the charge, 
 and with an irresistible impetus carried every tiling be- 
 fore them. The resistance of the enemy was, however, 
 so obstinate, that they had to be literally pushed from the 
 ground with the bayonet. The regiment of Burgos, com- 
 posed of the bist troops of Spain and twelve hundred 
 strong, was not broken until after repeated charges, which 
 San Martin is said to have led in person. The remnant 
 of the enemy's force then threw themselves into some 
 narrow lanes, made by walls, and under their shelter 
 commenced the contest anew, but were at length entirely 
 overcome. This action lasted from noon until six
 
 APPENDIX B. 215 
 
 o'clock in the evening, and was contested on either side 
 with a courage and firmness worthy of the great prize 
 which was at stake; not merely the independence of 
 Chili, but perhaps of South America. The history of 
 wars furnishes us with few instances of a victory more 
 complete ; the whole Spanish army was annihilated ; 
 artillery, military chest, every thing belonging to it fell 
 into the hands of San Martin. Its chief alone fled with 
 some horsemen, when he saw that the day was lost. 
 Ordonez, the second in command, 198 officers, 3,000 
 rank and file, surrendered their arms; and 2,000 of their 
 dead covered the field of battle. The loss of the 
 country did not exceed 1,000 in killed and wounded. 
 The capital, from its extreme depression, was now elevated 
 to the highest pitch of joy. The streets, before silent 
 and fearful, were suddenly filled by the inhabitants, like 
 the blood, which, after some moments of deep suspense 
 and anxious fear, rushes again from the heart to tlie 
 extremities of the body. The scene which ensued can 
 only be conceived by those who have witnessed the 
 sublime effusions of popular feeling, when each thinks 
 his own happiness, that of his posterity, his friends, and 
 his country, are entirely involved. There was a general 
 and almost universal exclamation, " At last we ark 
 independent ! " while San Martin was hailed as the 
 genius of the revolution. 
 
 APPENDIX B. 
 
 Manifesto directed to all Nations by the General Consti- 
 tuent Congress of the United Provinces of Rio de la 
 Plata. 
 
 Honour is the jewel which mortals prize above exist- 
 ence itself, and which it is their duty to defend above 
 every earthly good, however great and valuable. The
 
 til 6 APPENDIX B. 
 
 government of Spain has accused the United Provinces 
 of Rio de la Plata, before the nations of the world, oi 
 perfidy and rebellion, and has denounced as perfidious 
 and rebellious, the memorable declaration of independ- 
 ence of the 9th of July, 1816, by the national Congress 
 of Tucuman, imputing to them ideas of anarchy, and 
 intentions of introducing seditious principles into other 
 countries, at the very moment of soliciting the friend- 
 ship of those countries, and their recognition of this 
 declaration that they may assume a place among the 
 nations of the earth. The first among the most sacred 
 -duties of the national congress is to do away so foul an 
 imputation, and to justify the cause of our country by 
 publishing to the world the motives which concurred 
 to impel the declaration of independence. This is 
 not a submission which concedes to any one the right 
 to dispose of a condition purchased by America with 
 torrents of blood, and every species of sacrifice and 
 endurance. It is a duty of imperious obligation which 
 it owes to its wounded honour, and to the respect due to 
 other nations. 
 
 We shall wave all discussion with respect to the right 
 of conquest, of papal grants, of other titles by which 
 the Spaniards have supported their domination ; it is 
 unnecessary for us to recur to principles which may give 
 rise to theoretic disputes, or to questions which have found 
 advocates on both sides. We appeal to facts, forming a 
 lamentable contrast between the sufferings endured by 
 us, and the tyranny of the Spaniards. We shall expose 
 to view the frightful abyss into which these provinces were 
 about to be precipitated, had not the wall of their eman- 
 cipation been interposed. We shall give reasons, the 
 soundness of which no rational being can question, un- 
 less it be his aim to persuade a nation to renounce for 
 ever all idea of felicity, and adopt for its system ruin, 
 opprobrium, and shameful acquiescence. We shall ex- 
 hibit this picture to the world, that no one may con-
 
 APPENDIX B. 217 
 
 template it without being deeply affected with the same 
 feelings that belong to ourselves. 
 
 From the moment the Spaniards took possession of 
 these countries, they thought only of securing their 
 power, by exterminating and degrading. Their systems 
 of devastation were immediately set on foot, and were 
 continued without intermission for 300 years. They 
 began by assassinating the Incas of Peru, and they 
 afterwards treated in the same manner the other chiefs 
 who fell into their power. The inhabitants of the 
 country, attempting to repel these ferocious invaders, be- 
 came victims to the sword by reason of the inferiority of 
 their arms, while their cities and villages were consigned 
 to the flames, every where applied without pity or dis- 
 crimination. 
 
 The Spaniards then placed a barrier to the increase 
 of the population of the country ; they prohibited by 
 vigorous laws the entrance of strangers into it, and in 
 latter times they opened it to criminals, to convicts 
 cast out of the Peninsula. Neither the vast but beauti- 
 ful deserts, formed here by exterminating the natives ; 
 nor the benefits which might accrue to Spain herself, 
 by the cultivation of plains fertile as they are extensive } 
 nor the existence of minerals, the richest and most 
 abundant of the globe; nor the attraction of innumer- 
 able productions, some until then unknown, others pre- 
 cious from their intrinsic value, and capable of ani- 
 mating industry and enlivening commerce, carrying the 
 one to its highest pitch, and the other to the utmost ex- 
 tent of opulence ; nor, in fine, the unceasing exertions 
 necessary to keep the fairest regions of the earth sub- 
 merged in wretchedness, had sufficient influence to change 
 the dark and portentous policy of the court of Madrid. 
 From one city to another of this country there are 
 hundreds of leagues lying waste and uninhabited. Entire 
 nations have disappeared, buried under the ruins of mines,
 
 218 APPENDIX B. 
 
 or perishing in an atmosphere poisoned with antimony, 
 under the diabolical institution of the mitas. Neither 
 the lamentations of all Peru, nor the energetic repre- 
 sentations of the most zealous ministers, sufficed to put 
 a stop to this system of extermination. 
 
 The science of working mines, regarded with indiffer- 
 ence and neglect, has remained without undergoing 
 those improvements common to other nations in an en- 
 lightened age ; thus rudely wrought, their riches have dis- 
 appeared, either by the falling in of excavated hills, or 
 by the influx of water. Other rare and valuable pro- 
 ductions of the country have remained in the great 
 storehouse of nature without having excited the atten- 
 tion and zeal of the government; and if at any time 
 an enlightened individual presumed to publish these ad- 
 vantages, he was sure to be reprehended by the court, 
 and compelled to be silent, lest, possibly, a diminution 
 of the demand for some of the productions of Spain 
 might ensue. 
 
 It was forbidden to teach us the liberal sciences, we 
 were only permitted to learn the Latin grammar, the 
 philosophy of the schools, civil and ecclesiastical juris- 
 prudence. The Viceroy, Don Joaquin Pinto, gave much 
 offence by permitting a nautical school at Buenos Ayres, 
 and in compliance with a mandate of the court, it was 
 ordered to be shut; while at the same time it was strictly 
 prohibited to send our youth to Paris for the purpose of 
 studying the science of chemistry in order to teach it on 
 their return. 
 
 Commerce was ever a monopoly in the hands of mer- 
 chants of the Peninsula, and of their consignees sent by 
 them to America. All public offices and employments 
 belonged exclusively to the Spaniards; and although 
 Americans were equally called to them by the laws, they 
 were appointed only in rare instances, and even then 
 not without satiating the cupidity of the court by enor-
 
 APPENDIX B. 219 
 
 mous sums of money. Of one hundred and seventy vice- 
 roys that have governed in this country but four have 
 been Americans ; and of six hundred and ten captains- 
 general and governors all but fourteen have been Span- 
 iards. The same took place in every other post of im- 
 portance ; and even amongst the common clerks of of- 
 fices it was rare to meet with Americans. 
 
 Every thing was disposed on the part of Spain, in 
 America, to effect the degradation of her sons. It did 
 not suit the policy of Spain that sages should rise up 
 amongst us, fearful lest men of genius should remind 
 them of advancing the condition of their country, and 
 of improving the morals and excellent capacities with 
 which its sons have been gifted by their Creator. It was 
 her policy incessantly to diminish and depress our popula- 
 tion, lestone day we should imagineaught against her domi- 
 nation, guarded by a force too contemptible for keeping in 
 subjection regions so various and vast. Commerce was ex- 
 clusively confined to herself, from a mean suspicion that 
 opulence would make us proud, and render us capable of 
 aspiring to free ourselves from so many vexations. The 
 growth of industry was checked, in order that the means of 
 escaping from our wretchedness and poverty might be de- 
 nied us; and we were excluded from all participation in 
 public employments, in order that the natives of the Pe- 
 ninsula might have entire influence over the country, so 
 as to form the inclinations and habits necessary for re- 
 taining us in a state of dependence, that would neither 
 permit us to think or to act but in conformity to the 
 modes dictated by the Spaniards. 
 
 This system was acted upon with the utmost rigour 
 by the viceroys: each of them was invested with the au- 
 thority of a vizier: their power was sufficient to annihi- 
 late all those who dared to displease them: however 
 great the vexations they practised, we had to bear them 
 with patience, while these were compared by their satel-
 
 220 APPENDIX B. 
 
 lites and worshippers to the effects of the wrath of God. 
 The complaints which were addressed to the throne 
 were either lost in the distance of many thousand leagues, 
 over which they had to pass, or they were smothered in 
 the offices at Madrid by the protectors of those who ty- 
 rannized over us. Not only was this system not soften- 
 ed, but there was no hope of its moderating in the 
 course of time. We had no voice, direct or indirect, 
 in lemslatint>' for our country : this was done for us in 
 Spain, without conceding to us the privilege of sending 
 delegates or counsellors, to be present, and to state what 
 would be suitable or otherwise, as is practised by the 
 cities of Spain. Neither did we possess such influence 
 in the government set over us as might serve to temper 
 the severity of its administration. We knew that there 
 was no remedy for us but to bear with patience; and 
 that for him who could not resign himself to every abuse, 
 ■death was considered too light a punishment; for, in 
 such cases, punishments have been invented of unheard- 
 of cruelty, and revolting to every sentiment of humanity. 
 Less enormous, and less pertinaciously persevered in, 
 were the outrages which compelled Holland to take up 
 arms, and to free herself from Spain ; those which in- 
 duced Portugal to shake off the same yoke ; those which 
 placed the Swiss, under William Tell, in opposition to 
 the emperor of Germany ; those which induced the 
 United States of North America to resist the encroach- 
 ments of Great Britain ; or those of many other coun- 
 tries, which, without being separated by nature from 
 their parent-states, have separated themselves, in order 
 to shake off an- iron yoke, and to take into their own 
 hands the care of their own felicity, than what we have 
 experienced. We, however, separated by an immense 
 ocean, inhabiting a country gifted with every variety of 
 climate, possessing distinct wants, and treated like flocks 
 and herds, have exhibited the singular example of pa-
 
 APPENDIX B. g v Jl 
 
 tient endurance under such degradation : remain- 
 ing obedient even when the most seducing circum- 
 stances presented themselves for casting off the yoke, 
 and driving the Spanish power to the other side of the 
 ocean. 
 
 We address ourselves to the nations of the world, whom 
 it would be impossible to think of deceiving in matters 
 to which they themselves have been witnesses. America 
 remained tranquil during the whole war of the succession; 
 and awaited the termination of the contest between the 
 houses of Austria and Bourbon, in order to follow the 
 fortunes of Spain. A favourable occasion then presented 
 itself to free ourselves from so many vexations, but we 
 did not seize it; on the contrary, we exerted ourselves 
 in her defence, arming in her cause alone, aud with a 
 view of maintaining our connexion with her. Without 
 having any concern in her differences with European 
 nations, we have embarked in her wars ; we have suffered 
 the devastations, we have borne without a murmur all 
 the privations to which we were exposed by her nullity 
 on the ocean, one of which was the interruption of the 
 usual communication with her. 
 
 In the year 1806, our country was invaded; an Eng- 
 lish expedition surprised and captured Buenoes Ay res, 
 the capital, through the imbecility of the Viceroy ; who, 
 though without European troops, had numerous re- 
 sources fully adequate, which he knew not how to avail 
 himself of. We prayed assistance from the court, to 
 enable us to defend ourselves against a new expedition 
 which threatened us, and the consolation we received, 
 was a royal mandate to defend ourselves as we could. 
 The following year, the eastern shore (Banda Oriental) 
 was occupied by a new and more formidable expedition: 
 the town of Montevideo was besieged, and taken by as- 
 sault: here the British troops were augmented, and a 
 powerful force prepared for making another attack on
 
 222 APPENDIX B. 
 
 the capita], and in fact the attack was made a few months 
 afterwards ; happily, the valour of our citizens triumphed 
 over the enemy in the assault, compelling him, after a 
 brilliant victory, to evacuate Montevideo, and the whole 
 of the eastern shore. 
 
 A more favourable opportunity of rendering ourselves 
 independent could not have been desired than that which 
 now presented itself, if the spirit of rebellion or perfidy 
 had been capable of moving us, or if we had been sus- 
 ceptible of those principles of anarchy and sedition im- 
 puted to us. At that time we had abundant cause for 
 doing what we have since done. It was by no means 
 our duty to be indifferent to the state of degradation in 
 which we had so long existed. If at any time victory 
 authorises the conqueror to be the arbiter of his own 
 destinies, we might justly then have fixed ours; we were 
 with arms in our hands, triumphant, and there was not 
 a single Spanish regiment to oppose us ; and if neither 
 victory nor force can give right, ours was still greater 
 no longer to tolerate the domination of Spain. We had 
 nothing to apprehend from the forces of the Peninsula : 
 its ports were blockaded, and the seas commanded by 
 the fleets of Britain. Notwithstanding the favourable 
 conjuncture thus presented to us by fortune, we chose to 
 preserve our connexion with Spain, hoping, by this 
 distinguished proof of loyalty, to effect a change in the 
 system of the court, and render it sensible of its true in- 
 terest. 
 
 But we flattered ourselves with vain hopes. Spain 
 did not regard this conduct as an evidence of the gene- 
 rosity of our dispositions, but as a bare act of duty. 
 America still continued to be ruled with the same tyran- 
 ny, and our sacrifices, though most heroic, had no other 
 effect than to add a few more pages to the history of 
 that oppression under which we had so long groaned. 
 
 Such was the situation in which we were found by the
 
 APPENDIX B. 223 
 
 revolution of Spain. We, who were habituated to yield 
 a blind obedience to all her mandates, readily acknow- 
 ledged Ferdinand VII of Bourbon, although raised to 
 the throne by a tumult at Aranjuez, which deposed his 
 father. We saw him soon after pass over into France ; 
 we saw him there detained with his parents and brothers, 
 and deprived of the crown which he had just usurped. 
 We saw that Spain, every where occupied by French 
 troops, was shaken to her centre ; and that in her civil 
 convulsions, the most distinguished individuals, who go- 
 verned with w r isdom in the provinces, or served with ho- 
 nour in her armies, fell victims to the insensate fury of 
 rivals. That in the midst of these vibrations, govern- 
 ments rose up in each of those provinces, styling them- 
 selves supreme, and claiming sovereign authority over 
 America. A junta of this kind, formed at Seville, had 
 the presumption to be the first to demand our obedience, 
 and we were obliged by our viceroys to recognize it and 
 yield it submission. In less than two months, another, 
 entitled the Supreme Junta of Galicia, pretended to the 
 same right ; and sent us a viceroy, with the indecent me- 
 nace, that thirty thousand men should also be sent if ne- 
 cessary. The Junta Central next erected itself: we im- 
 mediately obeyed it, without having had the slightest share 
 in its formation, zealously and efficaciously complying 
 with all its decrees. We sent succours of money, volun- 
 tary donations, and supplies of every kind, to prove that 
 our fidelity would stand any trial to which it could be 
 subjected. 
 
 We had been tempted by the agents of King Joseph 
 Bonaparte, and great promises were held out to us of 
 bettering our condition should we unite ourselves with 
 his interests. We knew that the Spaniards of greatest 
 note had already declared lor him ; that the nation was 
 without armies, and without the vigorous direction re- 
 quisite in moments of so much difficulty. We wore in-
 
 B2* APPENDIX B. 
 
 formed that the soldiers of Rio de la Plata, who were 
 prisoners at London, after the first expedition of the 
 English, had been conducted to Cadiz, and there treated 
 with the greatest inhumanity, and that in a state of na- 
 kedness they had been sent off to fight against the 
 French. Yet our situation continued unchanged until, 
 Andalusia having been occupied by the French, the 
 Junta Central was dispersed. 
 
 Under these circumstances there was published a 
 paper, without date, and signed only by the Archbishop 
 of Laodicea, who had been president of the extinguished 
 Junta Central. By this paper a regency was ordered to 
 be formed, and three persons, as those who should com- 
 pose it, were designated. An occurrence so unexpected 
 could not but cause us to hesitate and ponder over it se- 
 riously. Our situation became alarming, and we had 
 reason to be apprehensive of being involved in the mis- 
 fortunes of the capital. We reflected upon its uncertain 
 and vibrating state, more especially as the French had 
 already appeared before the gates of Cadiz and the island 
 of Leon: we distrusted the new regents, who were un- 
 known to us, the most distinguished Spaniards having 
 passed over to the French, the Junta Central dissolved, 
 its members denounced as traitors in the public papers. 
 We saw the inefticacy of the decree published by the 
 Archbishop of Laodicea, and the insufficiency of his 
 powers for the establishment of a regency; we knew not 
 but the French had taken possession of Cadiz, and com- 
 pleted the conquest of Spain in the interval which must 
 elapse before those papers could come to our hands; and 
 We doubted whether a government, formed out of the 
 fragments of the Junta Central, would not soon meet 
 With the same fate. Considering the perils which sur- 
 rounded us, we resolved to take upon ourselves the care 
 of our own safety, until we should obtain better informa* 
 tion of the true condition of Spain, and whether her go- 
 

 
 APPENDIX B. 225 
 
 vernment had acquired stability. Instead of discovering 
 this stability, we soon learned the fall of the regency, and 
 6aw it succeeded by continual changes of government in 
 moments the most arduous and critical. 
 
 In the meanwhile we formed our junta, in imitation of 
 those of Spain. It was purely provisional, and in the 
 name of our captive king. The viceroy Don Baltazar 
 Hidalgo Cisneros dispatched circulars to the provisional 
 governors, in order to light up the flames of civil war, 
 and arm provinces against provinces. 
 
 The Rio de la Plata was immediately blockaded by a 
 squadron: the Governor of Cordova immediat* • K ^.n 
 to raise an army : the Governor of Potosi, and the Presi- 
 dent of Charcas, marched with another to the confines of 
 Salta; and the President of Cusco, presenting himself 
 with a third army on the banks of the Desaguadero, en- 
 tered into an armistice of forty days, and before its term 
 had elapsed re-commenced hostilities, attacked our troops, 
 and a bloody battle ensued, in which he lost fifteen hun- 
 dred men. Memory is horror-struck in recalling the 
 abominable cruelties then perpetrated by Goyeneche in 
 Cochabamba. Would to God it were possible to forget 
 this ungrateful American, who, on the day of his en- 
 trance into the city, ordered the respectable Governor-in- 
 tendant Antesana to be shot, and, observing with com- 
 placency, from the balcony of his house, this iniquitous 
 assassination, ferociously cried out to his troops not to 
 shoot the victim in the head, as it was wanted to be stuck 
 upon a pike. When it was severed from the body, by 
 his command the headless trunk was dragged through 
 the streets, while at the same time the brutal soldiers 
 were barbarously permitted to dispose at pleasure of the 
 lives and property of the inhabitants during many suc- 
 cessive days. 
 
 Posterity wjll be shocked by the ferocity manifested
 
 226 APPENDIX B. 
 
 towards us by men who ought to have been interested in 
 the preservation of the Americans ; and they will regard 
 with astonishment the madness of attempting to punish 
 as a crime an act marked with the indelible seal of fidelity 
 and love. The name of Ferdinand of Bourbon preceded 
 all the acts of the government, and headed its public 
 documents. — The Spanish flag waved on our vessels, and 
 served to animate our soldiers. The provinces, seeing 
 themselves reduced to a kind of orphanage by the disper- 
 sion of the national government, by the want of another 
 of a legitimate character, and capable of commanding 
 respect, and by the conquest of nearly the whole of the 
 mother country, had raised up for themselves an Argus 
 to watch for their safety, and to preserve them entire, so 
 that they might be restored to the captive king, in case 
 he should regain his liberty. This measure was sanc- 
 tioned by the example of Spain herself, and produced by 
 her declaration, that America was an integral part of 
 the monarchy, possessing equal rights, and had al- 
 ready been adopted in Montevideo, at the instance 
 of the Spaniards themselves. We offered to continue 
 our pecuniary aids for the prosecution of the war, 
 and a thousand times published the uprightness and 
 sincerity of our intentions. — Great Britain, to which 
 Spain was then so much indebted, interposed her me- 
 diation and good offices, to prevent our being treated 
 in a manner so harsh and severe. But the Spaniards, 
 fixed in their sanguinary purpose, rejected the media- 
 tion, and dispatched rigorous orders to all their generals 
 to prosecute the chastisement of the Americans with 
 redoubled activity : scaffolds were every where erected, 
 ingenuity was taxed for inventions to frighten and 
 afflict. 
 
 From thenceforward no pains were spared, and no 
 means left untried, to divide us, and engage us in mutual
 
 A2PEXDIX B. 227 
 
 extermination. They have spread abroad the most 
 atrocious calumnies against us, attributing to us the in- 
 tention of renouncing our holy religion, and of encour- 
 aging an unbounded licentiousness of manners. They have 
 made a religious war against us, contriving by a thousand 
 ways to disturb and alarm the conscience, and causing 
 the Spanish bishop to publish ecclesiastical censures 
 and excommunications, and to sow, through the means 
 of some ignorant confessors, fanatical doctrines even in 
 the penitential tribunal. By means of those religious 
 discords, families have been divided against themselves ; 
 they have occasioned dissensions between father and son • 
 they have broken asunder the delightful ties which unite 
 husband and wife ; they have sown rancour and hatred 
 between the most affectionate brothers ; they have, in 
 fine, endeavoured to poison all the harmony of 
 society. 
 
 They have adopted the dreadful system of putting men 
 to death indiscriminately, for no other purpose than to 
 diminish our numbers ; and, on entering our towns, have 
 been known to massacre even the unfortunate market- 
 people, driving them into the public square in groups, 
 and shooting them down with cold-blooded, wanton 
 cruelty. The cities of Chuquisaca and Cochabamba 
 have more than once been theatres of this shocking bar- 
 barity. 
 
 They havo compelled our soldiers, taken prisoners, to 
 serve against their wills in the ranks of their armies, 
 carrying the officers in irons to distant outposts, where 
 it was impossible for them to preserve health for a single 
 year, while others have been starved to death in dun- 
 geons, and many have been forced to labour on the public 
 works. They have wantonly shot the bearer of flags of 
 truce, and have committed the utmost honors upon 
 chiefs after their surrender, and other principal person- 
 al 2
 
 228 APPENDIX B. 
 
 ages, notwithstanding the humanity that had been shown- 
 by us to those prisoners who fell into our hands ; in proof 
 of this assertion we need only mention the Deputy Matos 
 of Potosi, Captain-general Pumacagua, General Angulo, 
 and his brother, the Commandant Munecas, and other 
 partizan chiefs, shot in cold blood, many days after hav- 
 ing surrendered as prisoners. 
 
 In the district of Valle Grande they indulged them- 
 selves in the brutal sport of cutting off the ears of the 
 natives, and then transmitting a panier full of them to 
 head quarters ; they afterwards destroyed the town by 
 fire ; burnt about forty populous villages of Peru ; and 
 took a hellish pleasure in shutting up the inhabitants in 
 their houses before setting them on fire, in order that 
 their unhappy victims might be burnt alive. 
 
 They have not only shown themselves cruel and im- 
 placable, in murdering our countrymen, but they have 
 thrown aside all regard to decency and morality, 
 parading old men of the religious profession and 
 women in the public places made fast to a 
 cannon, stripped naked, and their bodies exposed to 
 shame. 
 
 They have established an inquisitorial system for all 
 these punishments : they have dragged out peaceful 
 inhabitants from their houses, and transported them 
 across the ocean to be tried for pretended offences, 
 and have executed without trial a multitude of ci- 
 tizens. 
 
 They have chased our vessels, sacked our sea-coasts, 
 murdered defenceless inhabitants, without sparing clergy- 
 men, and those in extreme old age; by the order of 
 General Pezuela, they burnt the town of Puno, and 
 meeting with no others, they put to the sword old men, 
 women, and children. They have excited atrocious 
 conspiracies among the Spaniards residing in the midst
 
 APPENDIX B. 22i> 
 
 of as, imposing upon us the painful necessity of putting 
 to death the fathers of numerous families. 
 
 They have compelled our brothers and sons to take up 
 arms against us, and forming armies by the impressment 
 of the natives of Peru, have compelled them, under the 
 command of Spanish officers, to fight against our troops. 
 They have excited domestic insurrections, corrupting 
 with money, and every species of seduction, the pacific 
 inhabitants of the country, in order to involve us in a 
 frightful anarchy, and to enable them to attack us weak- 
 ened and divided. They have displayed a new invention 
 of horror, in poisoning fountains and food, when beaten in 
 La Paz by General Pinelo ; and the mildness with which 
 they were treated, when compelled to surrender at dis- 
 cretion, was rewarded by the barbarous act of blowing 
 up the barracks, which had been previously mined for 
 the purpose. 
 
 They have had the baseness to attempt to tamper with 
 our governors and generals ; and, abusing the sacred 
 privilege of flags of truce, they have repeatedly written 
 letters inciting to treason. They have declared that the 
 laws of war, recognized by civilized nations, ought not 
 to be observed towards us, and with contemptuous 
 indifference replied to General Belgrano, that treaties 
 could not be entered into, or kept, with insurgents. 
 
 Such had been the conduct of Spaniards towards us 
 when Ferdinand of Bourbon was restored to the throne. 
 We then believed that the termination of our troubles 
 had at last arrived ; it seemed to us, that the king, who 
 had been formed in adversity, would not be indifferent 
 to the miseries of his people; we therefore dispatched a 
 deputy to him, to make known our situation. We could 
 not doubt but that he would give us a reception worthy 
 a benign prince, and that he would feel an interest in 
 our supplications, as well from gratitude as from that
 
 230 APPENDIX B. 
 
 beneficence which the Spanish countries had praised to 
 the skies. But a new, and before unknown ingratitude 
 was reserved to be experienced by the countries of 
 America, surpassing all example that the history of the 
 worst of tyrants can present. 
 
 Scarcely had he returned to Madrid, when he, without 
 ceremony, at once, declared us insurgents. He disdained 
 to listen to our complaints, or hearken to our supplica- 
 tions, tendering a pardon as the only favor he could 
 offer. He confirmed in authority the viceroys, gover- 
 nors, and generals, who had perpetrated the bloody 
 deeds before detailed. He declared as a crime of state, 
 the having pretended to form a constitution for ourselves 
 that we might be placed beyond the reach of the caprir 
 cious, arbitrary, and tyrannic power, to which we had 
 been subjected for three centuries; a measure which 
 could displease none but a prince who is inimical to 
 justice and beneficence, and consequently unworthy of 
 ruling. 
 
 With the aid of his ministers, he at once set to work 
 in collecting forces for the purpose of being sent against 
 ns. He caused numerous armies to be transported to 
 this country, in order to complete the devastations, con- 
 flagrations, and robberies, so well begun. He availed 
 himself of the moment when complimented by the prin- 
 cipal European powers on his return from France, to 
 engage them to deny us every succour, and to look on 
 with indifference, while he was gratifying the cruelty of 
 his disposition in destroying us. 
 
 He has established a peculiar regulation for the treat- 
 ment of American privateers, barbarously ordering their 
 crews to be hanged; he has forbidden the observance 
 towards us of the Spanish naval ordinance, established in 
 conformity with the laws of nations, and he has denied 
 every thing to us which we invariably allow to his sub*
 
 APPENDIX B. 231 
 
 }ects captured by our cruisers. He sent his generals with 
 decrees of pardon, which they caused to be published 
 with no view but to deceive the simple and ignorant, in 
 order to facilitate their entrance into cities and towns ; 
 but giving at the same time private instructions, authoriz- 
 ing and commanding them, after having thus obtained 
 possession, to hang, burn, sack, confiscate, assassinate, 
 and to inflict every possible suffering, on those who had 
 availed themselves of such supposititious pardons. It is 
 in the name of Ferdinand of Bourbon that the heads of 
 captured patriot officers have been stuck up on the high- 
 ways ; that a distinguished partizan leader has been 
 actually empaled; and that the monster Centano, after 
 having murdered Colonel Gamargo in the same manner, 
 cut off his head, and sent it as a present to General Pc- 
 zuela, informing him that it was 3. miracle of the Virgin 
 del Carmen. 
 
 It has been by a torrent of evils, and bitter afflictions 
 such as these, that we have been compelled to take the 
 only course that remained to us. We reflected deeply 
 on our situation and future fate, and turning our eyes 
 to every quarter, we were unable to see any thing but the 
 three elements of which it must necessarily be composed, 
 opprobrium, ruin, and abject submission. What could 
 America expect from a king, actuated at the very moment 
 of seating himself on the throne by .sentiments so inhu- 
 man ? Of a king, who, previous to commencing his de- 
 vastations, hastened to prevent the interposition of any 
 other prince to restrain the effects of his insensate fury ? 
 Of a king, who has no other rewards but chains and 
 gibbets, for the immense sacrifices of his Spanish subjects 
 in releasing him from captivity? Of subjects, who, at 
 the expense of their blood, and of every privation^ have 
 redeemed him from a prison, in order to adorn his tem- 
 ples with a crown? If those men, to whom he owvil so
 
 232 APPENDIX B. 
 
 much, thus received death, were doomed to perpetual 
 imprisonment, or to base slavery, for no other crime 
 than that of having framed a constitution, what might 
 we not expect to be reserved for us. To hope for a be- 
 nign treatment from him, and from his bloody ministers, 
 would have been to seek among tigers for the mildness of 
 the dove. Then, indeed, would have been repeated towards 
 us the ensanguined scenes of Caracas, Carthagena, Quito, 
 and New Granada ; we should then have spurned the 
 ashes of the 80,000 persons who have fallen victims to 
 the fury of the enemy, and whose illustrious manes 
 justly call for revenge; and we should have merited the 
 execrations of every succeeding generation of our pos- 
 terity, condemned to serve a master, always disposed 
 to tyrannize over them while by his nullity on the sea 
 he has become impotent to protect them from foreign 
 invasion. 
 
 We therefore, thus impelled by the Spaniards and 
 their King, having declared ourselves independent, and 
 in self defence against tyranny, have staked our honours, 
 our lives, and our fortunes. We have sworn before the 
 Supreme Judge of the Universe, that we will never re- 
 nounce the cause of justice ; that we will not permit the 
 country which he gave us to be buried beneath ruins, 
 and submerged in blood by the hands of executioners; 
 that we shall never forget the obligations that we owe to 
 save her from the dangers which threaten her, nor the 
 sacred right to require of us all necessary sacrifices to 
 prevent her from being soiled by the foul footsteps of 
 tyrants and usurpers. This declaration is engraven on 
 our hearts, that we may never cease to combat 
 in her cause. And at the same time that we unfold 
 to the world the motives that have induced to this 
 step, we have the honour to make known our desire of 
 living in peace with all, and even wi$* Spain herself
 
 APPENDIX D. 233 
 
 from the moment she thinks proper to accept our 
 offer. 
 
 Given at the congressional hall in Buenos Ayres, 25th 
 of October, 1816. 
 
 Dr. Pedros Ignacio de Castro y Bancs, President. 
 
 Jose Eugenio de Elias, Secretary. 
 
 APPENDIX D. 
 
 Notes, which the Secretary of State, in the Department of 
 the Government, and of Foreign Relations, places in the 
 Hands of Messrs. the Deputies of the United States of 
 North America for the Information of the President of 
 those States. 
 
 The nation is styled the United Provinces of South 
 America. 
 
 The number and denomination of each, with its in- 
 tendencies and chief towns of districts (Cabezas de Par- 
 dido), according to the former state of the viceroyalty, 
 appears in Document No. 1.* 
 
 In 1814, five more provinces were erected, whose 
 names are, Tucuman, Mendoza or Cuyo, Corrientes, 
 Entre Rios, and Oriental drl Rio de la Plata. 
 
 The capitals of the two latter, are the town of Con- 
 ception del Uruguay or Arroyo de la China, and the 
 city of Montevideo. 
 
 Out of the fourteen provinces, into which the terri- 
 tory of the ancient viceroyalty is now subdivided, there 
 are nine in the hands of the patriots, which are stated 
 in said document under the title of free provinces ; and 
 
 * The table here referred to, from the mode in which it was 
 printed in the papers laid before Congress, is so confused and unin- 
 telligible that the editor has thought proper to omit it altogether. 
 
 2
 
 Z3| APPENDIX I>. 
 
 those occupied with troops or under the influence of 
 the Spanish army, are the other five, whose names are, 
 Potosi, Plata or Charcas, Cochabamba, La Paz, and 
 Puno. 
 
 Jn all the territory of the ancient vieercyalty, there is 
 but one archbishopric, which is that of La Plata, and six 
 bishopricks, which are stated in said document under the 
 denomination of Suffragans. 
 
 The territory of the United Provinces contains 
 14-5,000 square leagues. Their population, according to 
 the nearest estimate, amounts to 1,300,000, without inv- 
 eluding the aborigines. Their productions, manufac- 
 tures, and articles of commerce, will be seen in State- 
 ment No. 2. 
 
 The political state of the provinces called free, is 
 quiet and tranquil ; they are under the influence of the 
 supreme direction of the state, which resides in Buenos 
 Ayres. They have their governors in the intendencies, 
 or capitals; lieutenant-governors in the chief towns, 
 villages, &c. The province of Assumption del Para- 
 guay is an independent state, as also the Oriental del 
 Puo. 
 
 The funds, public revenues, and annual expenditures, 
 will be seen in the Statement No. 3, with the notes oh 
 the same. 
 
 The land military force of the united territory ap- 
 pears in the Statements No. 4 and 5 * the latter shows 
 the amount of arms and munitions of war, which it 
 possesses in its armies, parks, in its manufactories, and 
 its armory. 
 
 The naval force will be seen in the Statements No. 
 6 and 7. 
 
 * Not given in the original, but the regulations of the military 
 force will be found in Appendix E, Section 6. 
 1
 
 APPENDIX D. 983 
 
 The authority of the supreme director, of his secre- 
 taries, and of the tribunals of justice, are detailed in 
 the provisional regulations, a copy of which is annexed 
 under No. 8.* 
 
 There is a tribunal of prizes, which is composed of 
 the secretary of the war department ; the president of 
 the chamber of appeals ; the assessor del govierno, and 
 the auditor-general of war; there is another tribunal 
 which takes cognizance of appeals from the decisions of 
 the former, and is composed of the supreme director of 
 the state, the secretary of state for the government and 
 for foreign affairs, and the secretary of the treasury. 
 This tribunal takes cognizance also in case of suppli- 
 cation, and all being subject to the reglamento del corso, 
 No. 9, f and other special regulations, which, although 
 not appearing in the provisional regulations established 
 by Congress, have notwithstanding been approved by the 
 same. 
 
 At the present moment the formation of a constitu- 
 tion for the state is in progress. A committee, consist- 
 ing of members of congress, are assiduously engaged, 
 and will soon present a project of the constitution. 
 
 The population of the city of Buenos Ayres, ac- 
 cording to the census of 1815, amounted to . r >0,999 inha- 
 bitants. This census was inaccurate and underrated. 
 Since then, the emigration of foreigners has been un- 
 usually great, as also the emigration of numerous 
 families from the Banda Oriental, and Entre ltios, so 
 that its population is at present estimated at 62,000 
 souls. 
 
 Besides other institutions, this capital has what is 
 called the Colegio Seminario; another institution lor the 
 education of youth, called the Union of the South, will 
 
 * Not given ; but the substance will be found, more in detail, in 
 Appendix E. 
 f Not given in the original.
 
 236 APPENDIX D. 
 
 be opened on the 25th May next, with a general plan 
 of education, particularly of the languages and sci- 
 ences: there is also an academy of jurisprudence* 
 one of drawing, four for the study of medicine, and 
 board for the examination of those who prepare to 
 practise. 
 
 There are three printing offices ; a public library with 
 20,000 volumes ; schools for teaching the first elements 
 in every parish : there is a society of men of taste for 
 the stage ; another of friends of the country ; another 
 of agriculture : a cannon foundery ; a manufactory of 
 small arms; one of swords; an armory; three parks of 
 artillery; three powder magazines, and a variety of ma- 
 nufactories in different branches. 
 
 The independence of the state was declared at Tucu- 
 man the 9th of July, 1816, the congress being assem- 
 bled at that place, and there sanctioning it. To obtain 
 its acknowledgment by foreign powers, communications 
 and invitations have been made to them ; in Europe 
 there is an envoy extraordinary to its several courts, he 
 is Dr. Bernardino Rivadavia. 
 
 These provinces have been, de facto, independent of 
 Spain since the year 1810, when they openly made war 
 upon her in Peru, in Paraguay, and in Montevideo. 
 Early in 1813, as soon as the province of Potosi was 
 taken possession of by the patriots, they coined money 
 there, impressed with arms of the state, hoisted the na- 
 tional flag, and took other public steps, which were 
 equivalent to the most solemn declaration of the new 
 rank which they assumed. 
 
 They armed a considerable number of privateers, 
 which have ruined the Spanish trade, and they have 
 even blockaded some ports in the Peninsula. 
 
 It was not the proclamation of independence which 
 gave origin to the rights of the Americans ; it merely 
 recognized them as they had before existed, and had
 
 APPENDIX D. 237 
 
 been claimed since the memorable epoch of the 25th of 
 May, 1810. 
 
 It appears unnecessary to make any further explana- 
 tions of those facts and circumstances, which having 
 come within the knowledge of the commissioners, par- 
 ticularly of late, must have afforded the information 
 desired. 
 
 Buenos Ayres, April 21, 1818. 
 
 Gregorio Tagle. 
 
 No. 2. 
 
 Showing tlie productions, manufactures, and branches of 
 commerce, of the free Inlendencies and their de- 
 pendencies. 
 
 Buenos Ayres. — Grain, hides, tallow, wool, hair, 
 horns. These are an inexhaustible supply of com- 
 mercial resources : the trade with the Pampas Indians 
 alone in honey, wool, salt, bridles, reins, and feathers, 
 exceed the sum of 100,000 dollars per annum. 
 
 Paraguay. — Wood of a superior quality, of many 
 varieties; the herb mate, tobacco, guambe, and peasaba 
 for cables, honey, and molasses, dried sweetmeats, sugar, 
 rice, cotton cloths, various kinds of gums and resins, 
 beautiful birds. 
 
 Cordova. — Grain, hides, woollen and cotton cloths, 
 raising of mules and herds, excellent lime, minerals of 
 gold and silver. 
 
 Mendoza. — Dried fruits of many different kinds, 
 wines and brandy, grain, cattle, woollen cloths, car- 
 riage of goods, and waggons for the transportation of 
 commodities to Chili, Buenos Ayres, and other pro- 
 vinces, minerals of gold. 
 
 Tucuman. — Woods, grain, rice, oranges, mani, to-
 
 233 APPENDIX Dj 
 
 bacco, honey, wax, excellent cheese, woollen and cotton 
 cloths, raising of herds, transportation of merchandize, 
 and waggons. 
 
 Salta. — The raising of herds, mules, of which there 
 is annually sent seventy or eighty thousand head to 
 Peru, grain, sugar, honey, molasses, and brandies, wool 
 of a superior quality, as also of the vicuna, cloths of it, 
 woods, minerals of gold and silver, copper, iron, and tin, 
 sulphur, alum, and vitriol. 
 
 Corientes. — Hides, hair, cotton, agi, mani of dif- 
 ferent kinds, honey, dried sweetmeats, sugar, charcoal, 
 cotton and woollen cloths. 
 
 Entrb Rios and Banda Oriental. — Ox hides, 
 
 horse hides, deer skins, otter and chinchilla skins, tallow, 
 
 dried and salt meat. 
 
 Tagle. 
 
 Buenos Ay res, April 21, 1818,
 
 ATPENDIX D. 23^ 
 
 No. 3. 
 GENERAL TABLE furnished by the Secretary of the Treasury, in pursu- 
 ance of the order of the Supreme Director of the State, shotting the 
 capitals or funds and branches, to/tich compose the mass of the national 
 revenue, its produce in the year 1817, the expenditures, and the batanct 
 remaining in the treasury at the end of the same year, with an account 
 of the other funds and capitals of the state, debts, and credits, viz. 
 
 Branches) f the Revenue -1st class. Receipts, 1 SI 7. Expenditures, IS 17- Balance. 
 
 Balance in the treasury, 1st ) Qan K3 
 
 January, 1817 $ - 8SU &4 
 Tenths and old duty of 1 1-2 ) 
 
 per cent, on silver £ 
 
 Fifths of gold 
 
 Sales of land ... S23 4 
 
 First fruits of civil officers - 1,508 7£- 
 
 Stamp paper - - 17,563 2 
 
 Tavern li reuses - - 16,7i»0 2 
 
 Other treasuries - 106,647 4 
 
 Ninths of the state - - 4,276 6 
 
 Invalidos, (or insolvencies) - 260 5^ 
 
 Bills of exchange - - 369,427 0} 369,427 01 
 
 Ordinary revenue - - 885,074 11; 65,143 5 
 
 Receiptsofthecustomhousc,> { 1,113,102 3* 
 
 pledged in the same J 
 
 Idem idem - - 98,604 6 73,988 4£ 
 
 Receipts from the post office - 336,890 3 J 336,558 7* 
 
 Idem of the police - 510,156 2 49,484 44 
 
 3,001,709 0£ 2,007,965 7* 
 
 Expenditures charged on the 
 
 mass of the revenue. 
 Salaries of civil or political? eg jg« o, 
 
 officers S ' 
 
 Idem of ministers and fo-£ ,, gui c 
 
 rei<rn agents ) 
 
 '} 
 
 Idem of the military, and" 
 
 expenses of the war de- ^ 453,050 2| 
 
 partineut 
 (Contingent expenses - 430,853 64, 
 
 3,001,709 0£ 2,957,019 0£ 
 
 Branches of the second class. 
 
 Vacant benefices - - 17,215 3 6,509 7± 
 
 Escheats - - - 1,900 
 
 Ecclesiastical first-fruits - 75 
 
 Ixclesiastical dues - - 1115 
 
 Temporalities (or glebes) - 6,784 2& 8,959 1 
 
 Military fund - - - 812 5 11,683 6 
 
 Ministerial id. - - 4,976 2 4,084 5 
 
 Surgeons' id. - - 93 5 
 
 Municipal war ... 60 7 £ 
 
 Extraordinary - 
 
 Deposits - - - 3,479 6 14,306 6 
 
 3,037,187 .V, 3,003,224 44; 33,963 4±
 
 240 APPENDIX D. 
 
 General Table continutd. 
 
 Result or summary. 
 Produce of all the branches,? 3 0S7 187 5£ 
 
 1817, S 
 
 Expenditures of the same,? ^ m 3 003 224 44 
 
 in the same > 
 
 Remaining in the treasury,? _ _ 33,963 1$ 
 
 in cash j .«*»«• 
 
 In deposits - 6 » 4 29 2£ 
 
 In capitals of temporalities, ") 
 
 placedat interest, redeem- > - - 93,359 3 J 
 
 . able at five per cent. j 
 
 In good unsettled accounts? _ _ g A54 404 24 
 
 of former years $ 
 
 Amount in property, good) 
 
 accounts, deposits, andV - - 8,688,15b 1J 
 
 sums at interest ) 
 
 Idem, real and personal es- ? _ _ 9,310,472 5 J 
 
 tateofthe commonwealth J 
 
 In advances made by the? m ^ 297,078 7$ 
 
 state treasuries J . 
 
 Balance on accounts liquidated 7oy,88y 1 
 
 Total of (he funds of the state - - 19,055,597 5£ 
 
 Debts of the state . I,4S8, 0o4 
 
 Balance in favour of the na-\ _ m 17,617,543 5$ 
 
 tional fund J 
 
 Exposition of the property and funds of the State, in all iheir various 
 classes. 
 
 In cash, in the treasuries of the state, of 
 the custom-house, post-office, and po- 
 lice ...... 33,963 14 
 
 In good unsettled accounts of former 
 
 years ------ 8,554,404 2J 
 
 Deposits M29 2i 
 
 In capitals of temporalities, at 5 per 
 
 cent, interest. ----- 93,359 3| 
 
 8,688,156 J I
 
 APPENDIX D. 241 
 
 In Real and Moveable Estate of the Commonwealth. 
 
 By value of the effects in the storehouses 
 of the treasury - - 2,263,104 14; 
 
 Of amount in custom-house chests 2,233 2$ 
 
 Of the custom-house and resguardia and 
 
 fifteen vessels ... 12,197 
 
 Of the marine and fifteen vessels - 188,199 
 
 By value of the public library - 158,322 3£ 
 
 By idem of the commissariat of clothing 53,462 3£ 
 
 By idem of edifices belonging to the 
 state, and under the direction of the 
 secretary of the treasury - 928,625 4 
 
 By idem of others in which the state has 
 an interest - 
 
 By idem of mathematical instruments 
 
 By idem of the articles belonging to the 
 police - 
 
 By idem to the general of accounts 
 
 By idem of the proceeds of the post-of- 
 fice and the buildings 
 
 By idem of the College de la Union, 
 Temple, and adjacent buildings, &c. 
 
 By idem of the edifice which serves as a 
 military prison - 
 
 By idem of the furniture, &c. of the dif- 
 ferent offices in the fort or govern- 
 ment-house • 
 
 By idem of the arms, ordnance, and mu- 
 nitions of war with the armies 
 
 By idem of the general park in this 
 capital - 
 
 By idem of the cannon foundery 
 
 By idem of the manufactory of small 
 arms - 
 
 By idem of the arsenal 
 
 By idem of military edifices in the capi- 
 tal and at Ensenada 
 
 By idem on the frontier 
 
 By idem of the effects, &c. in the store- 
 houses of the commissariat of war 
 By idem in that of the capital 
 
 Advances. 
 Those made from the state treasury 21)7,078 li 
 
 Q 
 
 70,000 
 
 
 2,184 4 
 
 
 24,017 2J 
 
 9,310,472 54 
 
 3,259 4 
 
 
 60,895 4 
 
 
 2,000,000 
 
 
 45,000 
 
 
 15,000 
 
 
 460,149 7 
 
 
 1,337,876 3^ 
 
 
 59,312 3 
 
 
 88,206 i 
 
 
 307,535 
 
 
 1,168,981 5£ 
 
 
 26,000 
 
 
 29,652 4 
 
 
 6,258 

 
 -1-2 APPENDIX B. 
 
 Balances on Accounts settled. 
 
 On those liquidated by the general trea- "| 
 
 sury .... 62,908 2 
 
 Same at the custom-house - 454,396 4 
 
 Same at the post-office - - 16,039 1 
 
 Same by the collectors of contributions J» 759,889 t{ 
 
 from commerce, from different bodies, 
 
 incomes, bread, and beef - 176,200 
 
 Same by the debt due from the state of 
 
 Chili, as far as liquidated - 50,346 
 
 Dollars 19,055,597 h\ 
 
 Notes. 
 
 1st. 'llie public lands of the state, which consist of 
 hundreds of leagues in the vast extent of the provinces, 
 and whose value may be estimated at many millions of 
 dollars, is not included in this statement. 
 
 2d. The whole of the property and funds exhibited 
 relates only to the province of Buenos Ayres, excluding 
 those of Entre Rios, Santa Fe, and Corrientes ; without 
 making mention of the estimates of the rest, which 
 amount to many millions, in the produce of their pecu- 
 liar branches and property of different kinds, on account 
 of some of them being occupied by the enemy, and not 
 possessing sufficient data to state the particulars with ac- 
 curacy ; nevertheless, according to the table of estimates 
 made by the general of accounts, in the year 1810, 
 taking the whole of the provinces of the ancient viceroy- 
 alty, which at present compose the union, it appears 
 that at that date the liquidated estimates, without in- 
 cluding incomes, lots of ground, capitals at interest, and 
 other funds, but merely the administrate proceeds, 
 amounted to six millions eleven thousand eight hundred 
 and two dollars. 
 
 3d. No mention is made in this table of the annual 
 revenues of the cabiido of this capital, which, in 1817*
 
 APPENDIX D. 243 
 
 amounted to 367,263 dollars, because, as municipal funds, 
 they have their peculiar destination ; leaving, however, a 
 considerable residue, which, in case of necessity by the 
 state, may be appropriated to its use, as also those 
 of the other cabildos of the union, of which, from the 
 distance and shortness of time, it has not been possible 
 to give an exact account. 
 
 4th. The amount of public debt acknowledged by the 
 state accrued in former years, until the close of last De- 
 cember, paid during the administration of the present 
 director, is 1,135,483 5% dollars. 
 
 5th. Although the post-office establishment produces 
 at present, after deducting all expenses, a small balance 
 in favour of the state, this is owing to the franks on ul- 
 tramarine communications, and the interruption of in- 
 tercourse with the provinces occupied by the enemy; 
 but in case of their becoming free, the administration of 
 this capital alone will produce a surplus of 30,000 dollars, 
 and the interior provinces in proportion. 
 
 Estevan A. Gascon. 
 
 Buenos Ayres, \4tk April, 1818. 
 
 ft*
 
 244 
 
 
 APPENDIX D. 
 
 
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 41 
 
 a °
 
 APPENDIX D. 
 
 2*5 
 
 No. 7. 
 
 Statement of the private armed vessels which have sailed from this port 
 since the month of June, 1817. 
 
 1817. 
 June 25, 
 August 18, 
 November 6, 
 idem 20, 
 December 6, 
 
 1818. 
 January 19, 
 Idem 3, 
 February 20, 
 Idem 24, 
 Idem idem, 
 
 March 4, 
 
 Ship Argentina, 
 Brig Atrevido del Sud, 
 Corvette Union, 
 Schooner Pueyrredon, 
 Brig Independence, 
 
 Schooner Tucuman, 
 Schooner Cyripo, 
 Schooner Buenos Ayres, 
 Schooner Alerto, 
 Ship Vigilancia, 
 
 {Corvette Picado de-\ 
 Buenos Ayres, tra- > 
 ding and cruizing. J 
 
 Buenos Ayres, March, ISIS. 
 
 Captain Hippolito Buchard. 
 Captain John D. Handell. 
 Idem John Brown. 
 Idem Diego Barnes. 
 Idem Juan Grinaldes. 
 
 Idem George Wilson. 
 Idem Adam Pond. 
 Idem Juan Dester. 
 Idem Daniel Chaytor. 
 Idem Geerge Ross. 
 
 Captain Ebenezerll. Atis. 
 
 IRIGOYEN. 
 
 I send you, gentlemen, the statements and notes, 
 ■which exhibit the present situation of the United Pro- 
 vinces of South America, in order that, with the infor- 
 mation they may afford, his excellency the President of 
 the United States of North America, may proceed in 
 his steps in relation to these countries, in the way most 
 conformable to his high intentions, and to the greater 
 prosperity and aggrandizement of the new world. 
 God preserve you many years, &c. 
 
 Gregorio Tagle. 
 
 Buenos Ayres, April 22, 1818. 
 
 Messrs. C. A. Rodney and J. Graham.
 
 246 APPENDIX E. 
 
 APPENDIX E. 
 
 Provisional Regulations, sanctioned by the Sovereign Con-« 
 gress of the United Provinces of South America, for the 
 Government of the State, to be observed until the Adop- 
 tion of the Constitution. 
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 OF MEN IN SOCIETY. 
 
 Chapter 1. — Of the Rights which belong to all tlie In- 
 habitants of the State. 
 
 Art. 1. The rights of the inhabitants of the state, 
 are those of reputation, liberty, equality, property, and 
 security. 
 
 Art. 2. The first has an acceptation so uniform as tp 
 render its explanation superfluous. The second, is the 
 good opinion of his fellows, which every man strives to 
 win by the rectitude of his conduct. The third, is the 
 right of acting according to the dictates of a man's own 
 will, so long as he neither violates the rights of the 
 public, nor those of individuals. The fourth, consists 
 in the law being equal to all, preserving alike the rights 
 of the weak and the powerful. The fifth, is the right 
 of full and unmolested enjoyment of property. The 
 sixth is the guarantee granted by the state to every one, 
 that his rights shall not be violated unless the conditions 
 be broken, upon compliance with which their enjoyment 
 is, by law, made to depend. 
 
 Art. 3. Every inhabitant of the state, be he American 
 or foreigner, citizen or not, shall enjoy these rights. 
 
 Chapter 2.-~0f the Religion of the State. 
 
 Art. 1. The Apostolical Roman Catholic religion 
 shall be the religion of the state.
 
 APPENDIX E. 217 
 
 Art. 2. Every man ought to respect the public wor- 
 uhip, and the holy religion of the state : the violation of 
 this law shall be deemed an infraction of the fundamen- 
 tal laws of the country. 
 
 Chapter 3. — Of Citizenship. 
 
 Art. 1. All the municipalities of the provinces shall 
 form immediately a public register, to consist of two 
 books, in one of which it shall be an indispensable duty 
 to write the names of all the citizens, with a statement 
 of the age and origin of each : in the other, shall be 
 written the names of those, who have lost the right of 
 citizenship, or are suspended from its enjoyment. 
 
 Art. 2. Every citizen shall obtain a certificate, signed 
 by the alcalde ordinario de primer volo, and attested by 
 the notary of the municipality, of his enrolment in tho 
 register aforesaid, without which evidence he shall not 
 vote at the elections hereinafter mentioned. 
 
 Art. 3. Every freeman born and resident in the ter- 
 ritory of the state, is a citizen, but shall not exercise 
 the rights of citizenship until he shall attain the age of 
 twenty-five, or be emancipated. 
 
 Art. 4. Every foreigner, of the same age, who may 
 have established himself in the country, with the inten- 
 tion of fixing there his domicil, and having been resi- 
 dent there for four years, shall have become possessed 
 of four thousand dollars' worth of property, or not 
 holding property to such amount, shall exercise some 
 trade, or pursue some occupation useful to the state, 
 shall enjoy the right of suffrage in the assemblies of the 
 citizens, provided he know how to read and write. 
 
 Art 5. After ten years' residence he shall be eligible to 
 ill public employments, except those of the administra- 
 tion of the government ; but to entitle him to the right 
 of suffrage, and to render him eligible, he must firs*, 
 renounce all other citizenship.
 
 248 APPENDIX E, 
 
 Art. 6. No European Spaniard shall enjoy the right 
 of suffrage, or be eligible to office, while the indepen- 
 dence of these provinces is unacknowledged by the go- 
 vernment of Spain. 
 
 Art. 7. With the exception of Spaniards of this class 
 who have declared in favour of liberty, and have ren- 
 dered distinguished services to the state — these shall 
 enjoy citizenship, proper letters of naturalization being 
 first obtained. 
 
 Art. 8. Those born in the country, of African blood, 
 whose ancestors may have been slaves in this continent, 
 shall have the rijjht of suffrage, their fathers being free- 
 men, and shall be eligible to office, provided they be in 
 the fourth degree from said ancestors. 
 
 Art. 9. Those Spaniards, and other foreigners, who 
 solicit citizenship, must first prove their good conduct. 
 
 Art. 10. They shall both swear to defend, even to 
 the extent of sacrificing property and life, the inde- 
 pendence of the United Provinces of South America, 
 against that of the King of Spain, his successors, and 
 the metropolis, and every other foreign power; the 
 supreme director shall have the power to appoint one or 
 more commissioners to administer the oath. 
 
 Art 11. Letters of naturalization shall be granted 
 only to those who have resided four years within the 
 territories of the state, unless eminent merit, distin- 
 guished services, or the public weal, demands that such 
 residence be dispensed with ; it shall be left for the 
 present to the wisdom of the supreme director to deter- 
 mine when it shall be expedient so to dispense with it. 
 
 Art. 12. The proofs of adhesion to the sacred cause 
 of national independence, and other requisites expressed, 
 shall be made before the governors or lieutenant go- 
 vernors of the provinces, in whose territories the ap- 
 plicant may reside, with formal hearing before the sindico 
 procurador, on being notified by the municipality, and
 
 APPENDIX IT. 249 
 
 the said governor ; and in default of this, the applica- 
 tion shall be rejected.— The letters of naturalization 
 shall be published in the Ministerial Gazette. 
 
 Chapter 4*.— Of the Privileges of Citizenship. 
 
 Art. 1. Every citizen is a component part of the na- 
 tional sovereignty. 
 
 Art 2 In virtue of which, he has the right of suffrage, 
 and is eligible to office, in those cases designated by this 
 provisional regulation. 
 
 Chapter 5. — Of the several Mod*>s in which Citizenship 
 may be lost, and its Enjoyment suspended. 
 
 Art. 1. Citizenship shall be lost by naturalization in 
 a foreign country : by accepting offices, pensions, or 
 titles of nobility, from another nation ; by the illegal 
 infliction of corporal or infamous punishments ; by fraud 
 in a debtor, until the reproach being wiped away a new 
 qualification be obtained. 
 
 Art. 2. Citizenship shall be suspended when a debtor 
 to the state is under execution : by accusation of a crime, 
 provided it be well founded, and the punishment pre- 
 scribed be corporal or infamous, by being a hired do- 
 mestic servant, by not holding property or pursuing 
 some occupation lucrative and useful to the country, by 
 madness or insanity. 
 
 Art. 3. Any magistrate who deprives a citizen of his 
 right of citizenship, except for the causes enumerated 
 in article 2, shall be punished by being deprived of his 
 own. 
 
 Art. 4. Those judges who shall neglect to convey to 
 the several municipalities information of the names which 
 ought to be erased from the register mentioned in art. 1, 
 chap. 3, in consequence of legal conviction of crime 
 shall be deprived of the right of suffrage, and be in- 
 eligible at two succeeding elections. 
 
 2
 
 L 2oO APPENDIX E. 
 
 Chapter 6. — Of the Duties of every Man in the Slate. 
 
 Art. 1. Every man in the state owes in the first place 
 complete submission to the law, doing the good which 
 it enjoins, and avoiding the evil which it prohibits. 
 
 Art. 2. Obedience, honour, and respect, are due to 
 the magistrates, as ministers of the law, and first citizens. 
 
 Art. 3. Every man, unless he be a foreigner, shall 
 cheerfully make all the sacrifices required by the country 
 in its necessities and dangers, not even excepting that of 
 life. 
 
 Art. 4. It is his duty to contribute to the support anil 
 preservation of the rights of the citizen, and to the fe- 
 licity of the state. 
 
 Art. 5. To deserve the delightful and honourable title 
 of man of worth, being a good father of a family, a good 
 son, a good brother, and a good friend. 
 
 Chatter 7. — The Duties of Society. 
 
 Art. 1. Society ought to secure to its members the 
 enjoyment of the rights of man. 
 
 Art. 2. It ought to alleviate the misfortunes of the 
 citizens, and to use adequate means for their prosperity 
 and instruction. 
 
 Art. 3. Any regulation or statute contrary to the prin- 
 ciples established in the preceding articles shall be of no 
 effect. 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 of the legislative power. 
 Chapter 1. 
 
 Art. 1. The legislative power is resident originally in 
 the nation ; its permanent exercise, the mode, and its 
 limits, shall be established by the constitution of the 
 state : in the interim this provisional regulation shall be 
 in force, which shall be neither amended, interpreted,
 
 APPENDIX E. 251 
 
 or have any addition made it, except by the sovereign 
 congress, two-thirds of its members concurring in the 
 measure, and circumstances demanding its adoption. 
 
 Art. 2. Until the constitution makes proper pro- 
 vision, all the statutes and regulations, as well general, 
 as particular, of the ancient Spanish government, which 
 may not be hostile to the liberty of these provinces, 
 nor in contrariety to this provisional regulation, and 
 also such of the regulations, made since the ti5i\\ of 
 May, 1810, as are in conformity with it, shall subsist. 
 
 Art. 3. The supreme director of the state, the judges, 
 and public officers, of every denomination, may commu- 
 nicate to congress, and consult with that body upon the 
 doubts that may occur in the application of the laws 
 and regulations, general, or particular, whenever they 
 consider them in conflict with declared rights and the 
 actual system of the government ; and the resolutions 
 adopted in consequence shall be communicated to the 
 executive power. 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 OF THE EXECUTIVE POWER. 
 
 Chapter 1. — Of the Mode of Choosing the Director of 
 the State, and of his Powers. 
 
 Art. 1. The supreme executive power, until by it 
 elsewhere placed, is in the nation, and shall be exercised 
 by a director of the state. 
 
 Art. 2. Until a constitution be adopted, the congress 
 shall name, from among all the citizens of the provinces, 
 him most worthy and best qualified for so high an 
 office. 
 
 Art. 3. In case of the absence of the director, in the 
 defence of the state, or of other legal impediment in 
 the exercise of this office, the congress shall make suit- 
 able provision. 
 
 Art. 4. Those citizens who arc natives of the country,
 
 252 APPENDIX E. 
 
 and who have resided in it at least five years immediately 
 preceding the election, can only be elevated to the 
 supreme directorship. 
 
 Art. 5. The compensation of the director of the state 
 shall be twelve thousand dollars annually, and he shall 
 receive no other emolument. 
 
 Art. 6. The person filling this office shall continue in 
 it until a constitution be adopted, or until such time, 
 anterior to it, as congress may deem proper. 
 
 Art. 7. His title shall be that of Excellencij, his 
 guard and honours those of a captain general of the 
 army, respect being had to the ordinance. 
 
 Art. 8. Upon his entrance into office, he shall before 
 the congress, or such commissioner, or commissioners, 
 as they may appoint, assisted by all the corporations of 
 the place, take the following oath : — 
 
 " I , do swear, by God our Lord, and the 
 
 Holy Evangelists, that I will discharge faithfully, and 
 conformably to law, the office of supreme director of 
 the state to which I have been appointed : that I will ob- 
 serve the provisional regulation adopted by the sovereign 
 congress the 3d of December, 1817: that I will protect 
 the Apostolical Roman Catholic religion, being ever 
 watchful to secure it respect, and observance: that I 
 will defend the territory of the provinces of the union 
 against all hostile aggression, adopting such measures 
 as I may deem suitable to preserve its integrity and in- 
 dependence : and I will retire from this office when the 
 sovereign congress shall so order. If I do thus, God 
 prosper me; if not, to him and my country will I be 
 accountable." 
 
 Art. 9. He shall watch over the execution of the laws, 
 and the right administration of justice, urging its func- 
 tionaries thereto, and to the carrying into effect the re- 
 gulations of congress, giving for the last object the 
 necessary orders.
 
 APPENDIX E. 253 
 
 Art. 10. He shall submit to the consideration of the 
 national representatives, projects and reforms, conducive 
 to public happiness. 
 
 Art. 11. He shall be commander in chief of all the 
 forces of the state ; and shall have under his orders the 
 navy, the army of the line, and the national militia of 
 every description, for the protection of civil liberty, the 
 defence, tranquillity, and good order of all the territory 
 of the union. 
 
 Art. 12. He shall be the organ, and shall represent 
 the United Provinces, for the purpose of treating with 
 foreign powers. 
 
 Art. 13. When he deems a rupture with any foreign 
 power inevitable, lie shall submit to congress the causes 
 which impel to it. 
 
 Art. 14-. If upon a view of these, or for other reasons, 
 congress should decree war, the supreme director shall 
 proceed to its solemn declaration, being authorized to 
 raise land and sea forces, to direct their movements, and 
 to adopt all the measures necessary to the common de- 
 fence, and the annoyance of the enemy, rcfpect being 
 always had to article 4, chap. 1, sec. 6, of the army and 
 navy. 
 
 Art. 15. He shall have the power of commencing, 
 conducting, and signing treaties of peace, alliance, com- 
 merce, and other foreign relations, which, however, to be 
 valid, must be approved by the congress, within the 
 time stipulated for their ratification, he transmitting in 
 this statue of the neiiociution all the documents relating 
 to it. 
 
 Art. 16. In those cases in which secrecy is not essen- 
 tial to the happy result of negotiations, he shall submit 
 to congress their object, and their state, to procure 
 from this body such assistance as may facilitate them. 
 
 Art. 17. He shall receive the ambassadors, envoys,
 
 254.' APPENDIX E. 
 
 and consuls of other states, and shall nominate thostf 
 whom it may be proper to send to foreign courts. 
 
 Art. 18. He shall appoint to all military offices, and 
 employments, generalships of the army, and naval 
 forces, conforming to the existing ordinances of the 
 army and marine, so far as they may be applicable. 
 
 Art. 19. He shall have the power of rewarding meri- 
 torious officers by promotion, and by bestowing medals 
 of such form, and design, as he may deem best, without 
 any allowance in money however, independent of the 
 pay. 
 
 Art. 20. He shall have the general superintendence 
 over all the branches of the national property, and reve- 
 nues, over mints, mines, posts, and highways. 
 
 Art. 21. He shall appoint for the present to all offices 
 vacant in the cathedrals of the United Provinces, and to 
 all other benefices, to which pertain the right of present- 
 ation. 
 
 Art. 23. He may suspend public officers for just 
 cause; giving afterwards an account to congress. 
 
 Art. 24. If the suspension be merely for reasons of 
 policy, the sovereign congress itself shall take it into 
 consideration. 
 
 Art. 25. If it be for imputed criminality, the sovereign 
 congress shall appoint a commission which shall not be 
 of their body, before which the Agente de la Camara 
 shall accuse the person suspended, and the said commis- 
 sion, having heard the parties, shall declare whether or 
 not he deserves to be removed from office. 
 
 Art. 26. He shall have the power of removing officers 
 to other offices, and if, in consequence, they should be 
 greatly prejudiced, they may bring the affair before con- 
 gress. 
 
 Art. 27. He shall nominate the three secretaries, of 
 state — of the treasury — and of war, and their several
 
 APPENDIX E. 255 
 
 officers, being responsible for the bad selection of the 
 first. 
 
 Art. 28. He shall grant passports for travelling from 
 the provinces of the state by sea and land, and licences 
 for the loading, unloading, and departure of vessels. 
 
 Art. 29. He shall be particularly careful to preserve 
 unimpaired the credit of the state, being attentive to the 
 collection of its revenues, and to the faithful payment of 
 its debts, to the extent its exigencies will admit. 
 
 Art. 30. He may of his own authority expend freely 
 the said revenues in defence of the state, during the war 
 that is now waging for independence, with previous in- 
 formation in writing, from the secretaries of the treasury 
 and of war. 
 
 Art. 31. He shall confirm or revoke in conformity to 
 the opinion of his asesor, (who shall be the auditor gene- 
 ral of war,) sentences passed on individuals by the mili- 
 tary tribunals established in the armies, or in the capital, 
 or by the ordinary councils of war in the other towns of 
 the districts. 
 
 Art. 32. He shall have power of suspending the exe- 
 cution of the capital sentences, of pardoning or commut- 
 ing punishments on the anniversary of the national 
 independence, or on the occurrence of any signal event, 
 which shall augment the glory of the state, hearing first 
 the information communicated by the tribunal before 
 which the convict has been tried. 
 
 Art. 34. He shall every year transmit to the national 
 representation, an exact statement of all the receipts into 
 the different treasuries of the state, and of the municipal- 
 ities of the several provinces in money, or in credits, 
 together with the expenditures, debts, and credits, giving 
 timely orders to those who ought to prepare said state- 
 ment. 
 
 Art. 35. The orders of the supreme director shall
 
 256 APPENDIX £» 
 
 be obeyed, exactly in the whole extent of the United 
 Provinces. 
 
 Art. 36. He shall grant letters of naturalization for 
 the present, and until a constitution be adopted. 
 
 Chapter 2. — Limits of tlie Executive Power. 
 
 Art. 1. The supreme director shall not send expedi- 
 tions by water, or by land, against any of the provinces 
 in congress united, or others of this continent, who are 
 engaged in sustaining their independence, without the 
 consent of congress previously obtained. 
 
 Art. 2. He may, nevertheless, do so in those cases in 
 which it is absolutely necessary to act promptly, giving 
 afterwards a particular account of such proceedings to 
 the congress. 
 
 Art. 3. He shall, in no case, hold command of a par- 
 ticular regiment. 
 
 Art. 4. He shall not exei'cise any jurisdiction, civil or 
 criminal, in virtue of his office, nor upon petition of the 
 parties, he shall not alter the system prescribed by the 
 law for the administration of justice. 
 
 Art. 5. He shall, in no way, interfere with the causes 
 cognizable by the tribunals of justice either when pend- 
 ing, or when sentence has been pronounced, or carried 
 into execution. 
 
 Art. 6. When the urgency of the case compels him to 
 arrest any citizen, he shall, within the third day after, 
 place him at the disposal of the proper officers of justice 
 to await their judgment, giving, at the same time, a full 
 statement of the motives of the arrest, and all other cir- 
 cumstances connected with it. 
 
 Art. 7. With the exception of those cases in which a 
 compliance with what is required in the preceding article 
 would endanger the public security, in which case he 
 shall hold the arrested in custody with the consent of his
 
 APPENDIX E. 257 
 
 assessor, and the fiscal of the chamber of appeals, who 
 shall share with him the responsibility for the time ne- 
 cessary to take the requisite measures for safety, placing 
 him then at the judges' disposal. 
 
 Art. 8. He shall neither impose new taxes, contribu- 
 tions, nor loans, nor augment those subsisting directly, 
 or indirectly, without a previous resolution of the con- 
 gress. 
 
 Art. 9. He shall issue no order, nor make any com- 
 munication without the previous subscription of the se- 
 cretary of the department to which the business belongs, 
 in defect of which subscription, the order, or communica- 
 tion, shall be void. 
 
 Art. 10. He shall not grant to any person in the state 
 monopolies, or exclusive privileges, except to the inven- 
 tors of arts, or to establishments of public utility, with 
 the approbation of congress. 
 
 Art. 11. The epistolary correspondence of the citizen 
 is a thing sacred, which the director shall neither violate, 
 nor intercept without incurring responsibility. 
 
 Art. 1 2. In cases, nevertheless, of well founded fear of 
 treason, or subversion of the public order, at the discretion 
 of the director, the secretary of state, and S'mdico procura- 
 dor, jointly, who in this case shall each have a vote, being 
 bound to secrecy and under equal responsibility, the 
 former shall have the power of proceeding with his said 
 associates, to open and examine correspondence. The 
 same power, under the same responsibility, and like 
 obligation to secrecy in the governors, and lieutenant- 
 governors of the several provinces, with their secretaries, 
 and Sindico Procurador, in defect of whom the two 
 first capitularies shall act. 
 
 Art. 13. Those who, upon a scrutiny, as aforesaid, of 
 correspondence, shall appear to be guilty of the crime of 
 treason, or subversion of public order, shall be proceeded
 
 258 APPENDIX E. 
 
 against and secured according to the greater or lea* 
 imminence of the danger. 
 
 Art. 14. Except in the cases mentioned in article 30 
 of the preceding chapter, the director shall not dispose 
 of the funds of the state for extraordinary expenses, 
 without the previous consent of the three secretaries, 
 the assessor-general and the fiscal of the Camara, and 
 without its being made appear before the Escribano de 
 Hacienda, that the expenditure proposed is useful and 
 necessary. 
 
 Art. 15. He shall not exercise the prerogative given 
 him in article 33 of the preceding chapter, in case of 
 treason, and other excepted cases. 
 
 Art. 16. He shall not bestow any office, civil or mili- 
 tary, upon any person related to him in the third de- 
 gree of consanguinity, or in the first of affinity, without 
 the knowledge and approbation of congress. 
 
 Art. 17. With the exception of those who, being al- 
 ready in service, may have been recommended for pro- 
 motion by their respective chiefs, respect being had to 
 seniority according to their merits. 
 
 Art. 18. He shall not confer the grade of brigadier, or 
 of colonel-major, without the knowledge and approba- 
 tion of congress. 
 
 Art. 19. Excepting the case in which for some bril- 
 liant action in war, or extraordinary military service, it 
 may be proper to reward immediately a chief whose 
 grade is next to one of those above-mentioned. 
 
 Chapter 3. — Of the Secretaries of State. 
 
 Art. 1. The three secretaries of state shall discharge 
 all the duties assigned them in the last ordinance, regu- 
 lating their offices, which shall be in force, except where 
 in contrariety to these articles. 
 
 Art. 2. They shall not in any case, business, or cir-
 
 APPENDIX Ei 259 
 
 cimistances, deliberate without the previous order and 
 notification of the director. 
 
 Art. 3. They shall have the power of communicating 
 of themselves the orders issued by government, in the 
 affairs of men, or importance, being bound to make an 
 entry thereof in the book of entries, as is provided. 
 
 Art. 4. They shall not attest decrees or regulations, 
 contrary to the provisional regulation, not even at the 
 request or command of the director; if compelled so to 
 do, they shall make proper protests, and give immediate 
 information of the affair to congress. 
 
 Art. 5. They shall be removable at the will of the 
 director, equally with their subordinate officers. 
 
 Art. 6. When the removal is in consequence of inabi- 
 lity, want of competent information, or any other defect 
 compatible with integrity, they shall be indemnified with 
 other employments suitable to their circumstances and 
 merit. They shall incur no stigma by such removal. 
 
 Art 7. When any one of these secretaries is removed 
 for malversation, or upon petition of a party aggrieved* 
 congress shall take cognizance of the case. 
 
 Art. 8. The supreme director may, ex officio, or 
 upon accusation, proceed summarily against the secre- 
 taries, giving an account of tl>e proceeding to con- 
 gress. 
 
 Art. 9. For the trial of the secretaries, congress shall 
 appoint a commission, either of their own members, or 
 of others, or it shall be appointed by such other body as 
 they may substitute. 
 
 Art. 10. Sentence of acquittal, pronounced by the 
 commission, shall not necessarily be followed by a resto- 
 ration to office. 
 
 Art. 11. The secretaries may, for good cause, chal- 
 lenge the commissioners, and they may appeal from the 
 sentence to three individuals, to be chosen out of nine. 
 
 r 9.
 
 260 APPENDIX I. 
 
 whom the congress, a second time nominating, shall ap- 
 point. 
 
 Art. 12. The salary of these secretaries shall be three 
 thousand dollars annually, to each ; the official title Se- 
 iioria. 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 
 gf the judicial power. 
 Chapter 1. 
 
 Art. 1. The judicial power is in the body of the nation, 
 until by them elsewhere placed ; it shall be exercised for 
 the present, and until a constitution be adopted by the 
 court established in article 14 of the following chapter, 
 by the courts of appeal (lascamaras de apelaciones), and 
 by the other judges. For those cases which have no 
 court assigned by the law, congress shall provide. 
 
 Art. 2. The judicial power shall be entirely indepen- 
 dent of the executive ; and its principles, its form and 
 extent, shall be subject to the laws by which it is esta- 
 blished. 
 
 Chapter 2. — Of the Courts of Justice. 
 
 Art. 1 . The courts of appeal (las camaras de apelaci- 
 ones) shall have the same territorial jurisdiction as here- 
 tofore ; shall be composed of five individuals, and one 
 fiscal ; when united in a body shall have the title of Ex- 
 cellency, (Excellencia), individually, that of Usted simply ; 
 their salary shall be fifteen hundred dollars each, free 
 from payment of first-fruits (media annata) and all other 
 charges. 
 
 Art. 2. The presidency of the courts in the interior, 
 and at certain public assemblages, shall be held in turn 
 by the five members every four months according to- 
 seniority ; the president shall take the votes, attend to
 
 APPENDIX E. 261 
 
 the dispatch of business, preservation of order, exercis- 
 ing all the powers of the ancient regentes, so far as they 
 ■conform to this provisional regulation, and shall have 
 the title of Senoria in official matters. 
 
 Art. 3. No one hereafter shall be named, even provi- 
 sionally, for any of the offices of the courts of appeal, 
 unless he be more than five-and-twenty years of age, and 
 a lawyer who has practised at least six years. 
 
 Art. 4-. When vacancies happen in these courts, no 
 nominations of persons to fill them shall be made by the 
 •director ; in each vacancy four persons, being selected 
 by the same tribunals, from among the lawyers of the 
 district, after examination and comparison of talents and 
 services, shall be proposed to him. 
 
 Art. 5. The numerical order, in which the aforesaid 
 four persons are proposed, shall give no preference; two 
 of these shall be from the place where the court sits, the 
 remaining two from other parts of the district. 
 
 Art. 6. These offices shall be hoi den during good be- 
 haviour, but there may be removal from one court to 
 another ; and these officers shall be subject to scrutiny 
 in their conduct every five years, or oftener, if justice 
 should require it. 
 
 Art. 7. The court shall liave two Relatores, to be 
 chosen after competition had; the salary of each shall be 
 iifteen hundred dollars, and they shall have no other 
 emolument. 
 
 Two assistants, one of the law civil, the other of the 
 Jaw criminal, dividing between them the business relating 
 to the public revenues at the discretion of the fiscal. 
 The salary of each shall be twelve hundred dollars, 
 without the ancient perquisite of vistas (fees.) 
 
 Two bailiffs (porteros), who shall each have a salary of 
 five hundred dollars, and who shall execute alternately, 
 ifor a week, the office of alquacil. 
 
 Six attorneys (procuradores), whose intervention shall
 
 262 APPENDIX E. 
 
 extend, when parties choose, to the subaltern judges of 
 original jurisdiction, but not to the consulado, and 
 the Juzgados de Alzadas y Diputaciones de Com-, 
 mercio. 
 
 And two escribanos (notaries), who shall only receive 
 fees lor services actually rendered according to the re- 
 gulation (arancel), without those called liras, * which are 
 henceforth forbidden. 
 
 Art. 8. They shall take cognizance, not only of all 
 causes and business of which, according to prior laws, the 
 now abolished audiences had cognizance, but also of such 
 as the provisional regulation designates. 
 
 Art. 9. Appeals from the decrees of the Tribunal de 
 dlzadasde Commerclo on account of their nullity, or no- 
 torious injustice, shall be decided in the aforesaid court 
 of appeal (camaras). 
 
 Art. 10. The trial of appeals (alzadas) shall be taken 
 in turn by the members of the court of the district in 
 which the appeal occurs. 
 
 Art. 11. Questions that may occur between the ordi- 
 nary and mercantile jurisdictions shall be decided by the 
 aforesaid President (camarista presidente), conforming 
 to the character by which the consulado is established. 
 
 Art. 12. They shall take cognizance, for the present, 
 of first appeals in cases of smuggling, and other branches 
 of the revenue, leaving their trial, in the first instance, to 
 the intendentes de provincia ; but in cases of capture, or 
 detention of vessels by public or private armed ships, 
 the cognizance shall continue in the tribunals in which 
 it is already vested. 
 
 Art. 13. When a second appeal is taken, on account 
 of nullity, or notorious injustice, the courts, after hearing 
 had, shall transmit an account of the proceedings, with 
 the documents, to the director. 
 
 * Fees pai4 when appeals were taken.
 
 APPENDIX E. 
 
 Art. 14. Who, with the advice of his assessor-general 
 (asesor-general), shall nominate immediately a commis- 
 sion of five lawyers, who shall decide the cause, and 
 having done so, shall be dissolved; while exercising this 
 office they shall have the title of Excellency. 
 
 Art. 15. There shall be named by the director of the 
 state, in the capital of every province, upon the recom- 
 mendation under oath of its court, a lawyer, who shall 
 «xercise the functions of judge of appeals throughout the 
 said provinces. 
 
 Art. 16. His salary shall be eighteen hundred dollars, 
 free from first-fruits, and other charges. 
 
 Chapter 3. — Of the Administration of Justice. 
 
 Art. 1. Justice shall be administered according to the 
 principles and method which have been heretofore ob- 
 served, so far as is compatible with the subsequent pro- 
 visions. 
 
 Art. 2. The judges of appeals in the several provinces 
 shall take cognizance of all appeals in civil cases from 
 the ordinary alcaldes, and other ministers of justice. 
 
 Art. 3. Appeals to the camaras, to the full extent 
 given by law, shall be allowed to those interested in 
 ail cases, except those in which the amount of property 
 involved is one thousand dollars, or less, when two simi- 
 lar sentences shall be conclusive. 
 
 Art. 4. They shall have cognizance of criminal causes 
 of every kind, referring to the court of appeals (los cama- 
 ras) those which according to law ought to be referred 
 to them. 
 
 Art. 5. Parties in the said causes shall have the privi- 
 lege of resorting directly to the courts of appeal (los 
 camaras), passing by the provincial judge. 
 
 Art. 6. The ordinance of the twentieth of April, 
 ♦ighteen hundred and twelve, shall be abolished. 
 
 Art. 7. In criminal cases the accused shall have the
 
 264 APPENDIX E. 
 
 privilege of choosing a person to assist him (padrino), who 
 shall be present at his examination, and at the examina- 
 tion of the witnesses, without prejudice to the lawyer 
 established by law, and the practice of the courts. 
 
 Art. 8. The assistant mentioned in article 7 shall take 
 care that the examination and deposition of the wit- 
 nesses shall be heard by the notary, or judge, clearly and 
 distinctly in the terms in which they may be expressed, 
 without modification or alteration, assisting the accused, 
 whenever from fear, w r ant of intellect, or other cause, he 
 is unable, unassisted, to make himself understood. 
 
 Art. 9. Criminal causes of all classes, which may be 
 pending without this new mode of defence, shall be pro- 
 secuted according to the usual course of law. 
 
 Art. 1 0. The taking of oaths shall be restored without 
 innovation in all cases, except that of the accused's con- 
 fession of his own criminality. 
 
 Art. 11. Sentences to hard labour, to whipping/ or 
 banishment,' shall not De executed without previous con- 
 sultation with the courts of appeals (las canaras), under 
 the penalty of two thousand dollars, and perpetual dis- 
 qualification, to be inflicted upon the judge violating this 
 important article. \ 
 
 Art. 12. Except in those extreme cases, in which the 
 public safety is so greatly endangered by popular com- 
 motion, or other cause, as not to admit of executions 
 being deferred ; information being always given to the 
 camaras. 
 
 Art. 13. All sentences in criminal causes, to be valid, 
 must be pronounced according to the express letter of 
 the law; the infraction of this article shall be a crime in 
 the magistrate, punishable by the payment of costs, and 
 all losses incurred in consequence. 
 
 Art. 14-. By the last article, it is not intended to re- 
 peal the laws authorizing the infliction of punishment at 
 the discretion of the judge, according to the nature and
 
 APPENDIX E. 265 
 
 circumstances of the offence; neither is it intended to re- 
 establish any others which, from their cruelty, have been 
 abolished or softened by the practice of the superior tri- 
 bunals. 
 
 Art. 15. No individual shall be arrested without se- 
 mi-plenary proof of guilt, at least, which shall be stated 
 in the previous process. 
 
 Art. 16. At the end of the third day, the accused shall 
 be informed of the cause of his arrest ; and if the judge 
 arresting be not authorized to take any further steps in 
 the case, he shall refer it to the officer to whom its re- 
 cognizance belongs. 
 
 Art. 17. No accused person shall be prevented from 
 taking the Sacrament after his confession, nor at any 
 time for more than ten days, without just cause, which 
 shall be entered on record, information of the obstacle to 
 his communicating being given to the accused every third 
 day while it continues. 
 
 Art. 18. Persons being for safe keeping, and not for 
 the punishment of the accused, whatever, under the pre- 
 text of securing, serves only maliciously to harass, shall 
 be punished by the superior tribunals, and proper in- 
 demnity being given to the aggrieved. 
 
 Art. 19. To decree arrest, seizure of goods, and ex- 
 amination of papers, against any inhabitant of the state, 
 his name, or the marks which distinguish his person, 
 and the object of the proceeding, must be mentioned in 
 the decree. 
 
 Art. 20. When goods are seized an inventory shall be 
 carefully made of them in the presence of the accused,' a 
 duly attested copy of it shall be given to him, and they 
 shall be placed for safe keeping in the custody of the no- 
 tary employed in the case, or, in defect of him, of the 
 judge decreeing the seizure, and two witnesses. 
 
 Art. 21. When, at the time of seizure, it is impracti- 
 cable to make the aforesaid inventory, the goods shall be 
 
 3
 
 266 APPENDIX E. 
 
 secured under two keys, one of which shall be taken by 
 the judge, the other by the accused; when this is not 
 practicable, the chests shall be closed, and sealed in his 
 presence, and the doors of the house, which, as soon as 
 circumstances will admit, shall be opened in his pre- 
 sence, and the inventory made. 
 
 Art. 22. When the seizure must be made in the ab- 
 sence of the accused, the judge shall name a respectable 
 and substantial citizen, who shall act for him, and be 
 recompensed in proportion to his labour; but if the ab- 
 sence of the accused arises from sickness, he shall appoint 
 such person as he pleases as his substitute. 
 
 Art. 23. The judge or deputy arresting any citizen 
 (not being taken in the act), without conforming to ar- 
 ticle 15 of this chapter, shall be removed; he who 
 fails to do what is prescribed when goods are seized, 
 shall be responsible to the owner, and make good any 
 loss accruing in consequence. 
 
 Art. 24. The Tribunal de Concordia being abolished, 
 the judge having original jurisdiction, before taking cog- 
 nizance of a cause, shall use all possible means of recon* 
 ciling the parties. 
 
 Art. 25. Notaries shall serve personally notices on the 
 parties who are to subscribe them. In case of resist- 
 ance or incapacity to sign, the service shall be supplied 
 by a witness, with a statement of the defect. 
 
 Art. ^6. If the notary shall not find the party to be 
 notified at his house, he shall seek him there twice more; 
 if then he does not find him there, he shall leave a pa- 
 per, signed by him, which shall contain the decree, or 
 other matter he goes to serve ; and it being made to ap- 
 pear in the process that due diligence has been used to 
 execute it, the same effects shall result as if the party had 
 been personally notified. 
 
 Art. 27. Every omission of the notaries in a matter so 
 interesting shall be punished by the judge before whom
 
 APPENDIX E. 267 
 
 the cause is pending, according to the enormity and 
 other circumstances of the case. 
 
 Chapter 4. — Of the Governors of Provinces. 
 
 Art. 1. The governors and lieutenant-governors shall 
 not, in virtue of office, have any jurisdiction, civil or cri- 
 minal, retaining however all the powers relating to re- 
 venue, police, and war. 
 
 Art. 2. The code of the intendencies shall be observed 
 by them, and all other to whom it relates, save only 
 what relates to the Junta Superior de Hacienda, which 
 shall be abolished, and also what may be contrary to this 
 provisional regulation. 
 
 Arl. 3. Neither the governors nor lieutenant-govern- 
 ors shall use the power which the 15th article of the said 
 code gives for confirming the decrees of the cabildos. 
 
 Art. 4. In those cases, however, of well-founded fear, 
 that the public order will be subverted by executing said 
 decrees, they may suspend them, being responsible 
 should the director not previously approve the proceed- 
 ings. 
 
 Art. 5. All that is prohibited in chapter 2, section 
 3, to the supreme director of the state, shall be also 
 forbidden to the governors and lieutenant-governors, so 
 far as it is applicable to their respective offices. 
 
 Art. 6. The office of deputy-assessor of the intenden- 
 cies, as established by the code mentioned in art. 2, shall 
 be suppressed. Those who have obtained this office 
 shall be attended to by the courts (camoras) in their 
 recommendations for other employments. 
 
 Ait. 7, The governors, while in office, shall appoint, 
 as secretary, such persons as they please, who must, 
 however, be lawyers, and who shall assist them in the 
 departments of government enumerated in article 1 of 
 this chapter; they shall, when they have thus nominated, 
 
 2
 
 268 APPENDIX E. 
 
 inform the director, that he may grant proper commis- 
 sions. 
 
 Art. 8. The salary of such secretary shall be, for the 
 present, twelve hundred dollars a year, including the six 
 hundred provided by the code mentioned in article 2 
 for the expenses of the secretaryship, free from first-fruits 
 and other charges. 
 
 Art. 9. No public officer of the government, men- 
 tioned in the chapters of this section, shall receive any 
 emoluments, except in case of services rendered in de- 
 fect of the notary, other than those assigned by law to 
 his office. 
 
 SECTION V. 
 
 THE MODE OF CHOOSING PUBLIC OFFICERS. 
 
 Chapter 1. — Of the Manner in whick the Governor, 
 •Lieutenant-Governor, and Sub-delcgados shall be chosen. 
 
 Art. 1. Governors, lieutenant-governors, and sub- 
 delcgados, shall be appointed by the director of the 
 state from the lists of persons eligible, either within or 
 without the particular province, which the several ca- 
 hildos, the first month after election, shall form and 
 transmit to him. 
 
 Art. 2. These lists, which shall be printed, shall not 
 contain more than eight, nor less than four persons for 
 each province. 
 
 Art. 3. Of those comprehended in one list, no more 
 than two shall be chosen, unless a third should be in- 
 cluded in the lists of another province. 
 
 Art. 4. The appointments of sub-delegates of districts 
 having a numerous population, without cabildos, shall 
 be made provisionally, until municipalities are establish- 
 ed in them. 
 
 Art. 5. The aforesaid officers shall hold their offices
 
 APPENDIX E. 269 
 
 for the term of three years ; at the expiration of which 
 they shall be subject to scrutiny into their conduct (re- 
 sidencies). 
 
 Art. 6. The salary of governors of provinces, in ter- 
 ritory actually free, shall be three thousand dollars ; and 
 that of lieutenant-governors, two thousand. 
 
 Art. 7. If any individual, by artifice, intrigue, bribery, 
 or other unlawful means, procures the insertion of his 
 name on the aforesaid list, it shall be erased therefrom 
 by the director of the state, antl he shall be dcelared 
 incapable of holding any office, there being sufficient 
 evidence of his guilt. 
 
 Art. 8. If the capitularcs are in any way delinquent 
 in forming the said lists, they shall incur the punish- 
 ment in the last article mentioned. 
 
 Chapter 2. — Election of Cublldos. 
 
 Art. 1. Election to deliberative offices (empleos con- 
 siples) shall be by the people, in the cities and towns 
 where cabildos are established ; but the notifications to 
 electors shall not extend to those who reside beyond their 
 precincts. 
 
 Art. 2. The citizens, nevertheless, of the vicinity ami 
 county in the exercise of the rights of suffrage, may vote, 
 if they so think proper, at said election. 
 
 Art. 3. The city or town shall be divided into four sec- 
 tions, in each one of which, the citizens comprehended 
 in it shall vote for as many electors as correspond to the 
 number of inhabitants in said district, in the proportion 
 of one elector to every five thousand souls. 
 
 Art. 4. In the cities and towns whose population may 
 
 not be sufficient for the appointment of five electors, five 
 
 shall, however, necessarily be chosen, each voter voting 
 
 in his own section for such persons as he deems proper. 
 
 Art. 5. At this election, shall preside a capitular, as-
 
 270 APPENDIX E. 
 
 sociated with two alcaldes de barrio, and a notary, or, 
 in defect of him, two inhabitants of the vicinity, in the 
 quality of witnesses; and it shall be holden on the 
 fifteenth day of November. 
 
 Art. 6. The voting being concluded in the several sec- 
 tions, all the votes shall be collected in the Sala Capi- 
 tular ; and being publicly counted by those who have 
 presided as aforesaid, associated with the alcalde de 
 primer voto, those shall be elected who have a majority 
 in their favour. 
 
 Art. 7. The electors shall meet on the 15th of Decem- 
 ber, in the same Sala Capitular, to make the election for 
 the ensuing year; and it being made, they shall notify 
 the elected, in order that they may be ready to enter 
 upon their offices, as soon as the term of service of the 
 cabildo they are to succeed expires, information being 
 given to the governor and to the director of the state. 
 
 Art. 8. The cabildos, the second day after entering 
 into office, shall elect the alcaldes de barrio hermandad 
 and pedarteros, who may be necessary to maintain order 
 and administer justice, according to the powers vested 
 in them, in all the curacies and departments of the coun- 
 try, comprehended in their respective territories. 
 
 Art. 9. They shall form a book for the said elections, 
 which shall be made to fall upon persons of the best re- 
 pute for talents and integrity, residents in the vicinity, 
 and who know how to read and write; and they shall 
 transmit a list of the persons elected to the governor or 
 lieutenant-governor of the province, for his information. 
 
 Art. 10. They shall appoint an assessor (letrado), 
 who must be of the corporation, and one of the alcaldes 
 ordinarios. 
 
 Art. 11. The cabildo shall establish the salary of the 
 assessor, it being charged upon the funds of the munici- 
 pality, if it has not been previously established ; when
 
 APPENDIX E. 271 
 
 such funds are inadequate, information shall be given to 
 the supreme director, in order that he may make proper 
 provision. 
 
 Art. 12. The governors and lieutenant-governors, and 
 cabildos already established, under the highest respon- 
 sibility, shall be required to inform the congress of the 
 places in which, from their possessing the requisite po- 
 pulation, it may be proper to erect new corporations, 
 with the titles of cities or towns. 
 
 Chapter 3. — Mode of Appointing Ministerial Officers. 
 
 Art. 1. Those public officers who are required to be 
 lawyers, with the exception of the assessores de cabildo 
 and secretaries, assessores de intendencias, shall be no- 
 minated by the director, upon the recommendation un- 
 der oath, of the courts of appeal for the respective dis- 
 tricts. The order in which persons may be named in 
 the aforesaid recommendation shall give no preference. 
 
 Art. 2. Recommendations for appointments to mili- 
 tary offices of every grade and description shall be strict- 
 ly made, according to the order and scale, which the or- 
 dinansa general del exercito prescribes. 
 
 Art. 3. Appointments to offices relating to revenue, 
 police, dock-yards, manufactories, the office of captain 
 of the port, and the like, shall be made by the director, 
 upon the recommendation of their respective chiefs, ac- 
 cording to seniority, when there is an equality as to 
 ability and services. 
 
 Art. 4. The list of persons recommended shall be 
 published by the chief recommending in the office or 
 department where the vacancy happens, at least eight 
 days before he transmits it to the director, that oppor- 
 tunity may be afforded to those aggrieved by it to obtain 
 suitable redress. 
 
 Art. 5. When his interposition is proper, the direc- 
 tor shall interposes au ^j proceeding summarily, decline
 
 272 APPENDIX E. 
 
 the recommendation just, if he so finds it, and go on 
 to nominate, or return it to the chief, making it to be 
 amended. 
 
 Art. 6. In commissions, the qualifications and condi- 
 tion of the person commissioned shall always be express- 
 ed, without which he shall not be enrolled in the tri- 
 bunal of accounts and the offices which belong to it, nor 
 receive the salary to which he would be otherwise en- 
 titled. 
 
 Art. 7. Appointments to the offices of chiefs of every 
 description shall be made by the director, respect being 
 had to the right of choice in those in the vicinity where 
 the vacancy happens, if such right exist, and timely in- 
 formation being given, as far as the public interest will 
 admit; the director shall be responsible for the bad se- 
 lection of the said chiefs. 
 
 Art. 8. All other offices in the state, the appointment 
 to which is not by law otherwise vested, shall be open to 
 the director, to be filled by him with such citizens as 
 he may deem most suitable. 
 
 Art. 9. All ministerial offices shall be holden durino- 
 <jood behaviour. 
 
 Chapter 4. — Of the Mode of Electing the Deputies from 
 the Provinces to the General Congress. 
 
 Art. 1. Prior to the meetings of the primary assem- 
 blies (asambleas primarias), to be holden for the election 
 of the deputies of the provinces, there shall be taken an 
 accurate census of all the inhabitants of each district, 
 unless it has been already done, at least eight years from " 
 the present time, with a statement of that portion of the 
 population inhabiting cities, towns, and villages. 
 
 Art. 2. The primary assemblies in the cities and 
 towns which have municipalities, shall be held in four 
 sections, in each of which shall preside one member of 
 the municipality and two jueces de barrio, of the great-
 
 APPENDIX E. 27S 
 
 est probity, assisted by a notary, if there be a competent 
 number of these officers ; if otherwise, in the presence of 
 two witnesses. 
 
 Art. 3. In every section, the voters shall vote for so 
 great a number of electors as shall correspond to the to- 
 tal of population, in such manner as that there shall be 
 one elector for every five thousand souls ; but if the city 
 or town does not admit of division into four sections, all 
 the citizens shall vote in one place. 
 
 Art. 4. In the country, the same proportion shall be 
 observed at elections, but the method as to the sections 
 shall be different. 
 
 Art. 5. In every primary assembly there shall be sec- 
 tions, and each citizen shall vote therein for an elector. 
 
 Art. 6. The principal judge of the curacy, and the 
 curate, with three neighbours of probity, to be appointed 
 by the municipality of the district, shall meet at the 
 house of the first, and shall receive the votes as they are 
 given in, depositing them immediately in a small chest, 
 under three keys, which shall be distributed between the 
 judge, the curate, and one of the aforesaid neighbours. 
 
 Art. 7. The vote may be given either verbally or in 
 writing, open or closed, as may be most agreeable to 
 the voter ; in it he shall name such person for the office 
 of elector as he shall think proper. 
 
 Art. 8. The voter, after he has given in his vote, and if 
 verbally, after its insertion in a schedule, shall retire ; 
 the judge shall attend particularly to this to prevent con- 
 fusion and altercation. 
 
 Art. 9. If any one be charged at such election, or af- 
 terwards, with either offering or taking a bribe, he shall 
 immediately make verbal defence before the five judges 
 of the section, the accuser and accused being confronted ; 
 and the charge being substantiated, he shall for ever 
 after be incapable of voting, and be ineligible to any of- 
 fice; false accusers shall suffer the same punishment as
 
 274 APPENDIX E. 
 
 those which would have fallen on the accused had the 
 charge been substantiated. 
 
 Art. 10. The voting shall positively be concluded at 
 the end of two days. The votes of each section shall re- 
 main shut up ; and the following day, the alcalde, with 
 two of the three associated neighbours aforesaid, shall 
 take the chest containing them to the section de numero, 
 the curate then delivering that key which was entrusted 
 to him. 
 
 Art. 11. The district of United Curacies, which shall 
 include in its territory five thousand souls, shall be the 
 seccion de numero. 
 
 Art. 12. If there should be no town in the district of 
 the seccion de numero, the municipality of some neigh- 
 bouring territory shall designate the curacy which shall 
 be the head of the section, preferring always the most 
 populous and deciding questions which may arise in it. 
 
 Art. 13. To the head of the seccion de numero, shall 
 be brought the chests of the secciones de proportion, 
 and they shall be received by the judge, the curate, and 
 the three associated neighbours aforesaid, who, opening 
 them, shall count the votes, declaring and certifying the 
 majority : all this shall he done publicly. 
 
 Art. 14. Those chosen electors shall be informed of 
 their election, and shall immediately repair to the place 
 where the electoral assembly is to be held. 
 
 Chapter 5. — Of the Electoral Assemblies. 
 
 Art. 1. The electoral assembly shall meet in the town- 
 house of the city or town which has a municipality, 
 where they shall assemble on the day appointed, accord- 
 ing to distance and other circumstances, without delay. 
 
 Art. 2. The governor, lieutenant-governor, or sub- 
 delegado, who may be at the head of the municipality, 
 shall preside at the first act of the electors, which shall
 
 APPENDIX E» 275 
 
 be to nominate a president from among themselves to 
 preserve order : he having the majority of votes shall be 
 president; and, upon his election, the president, pro 
 tern., shall give place to him, and retire immediately. 
 
 Art. 3. The proceedings of the electoral assembly 
 shall be put in writing by the notary (Escribano) of 
 the municipality, and this assembly shall only have the 
 power of doing, previously to the business for which they 
 are chosen, such things as are necessary to establish the 
 regularity and validity of its election, without occupying 
 for such purpose more time than is necessary of four-and- 
 twenty hours. 
 
 Art. 4. It shall proceed immediately to the election of 
 deputies for the congress ; and the election shall result, 
 for the present, from a simple plurality of votes. 
 
 Art. 5. If the case should be such that, by the scatter- 
 ing of the votes, and adherence to them after the third 
 voting, no simple majority results, then those between 
 whom there is an equality of votes shall draw lots, and 
 this shall decide. 
 
 Art. G. No elector shall vote for himself: within 
 three days, the elections shall positively be concluded, 
 and the result published. The president shall immedi- 
 ately inform each person elected of his election, trans- 
 mitting a proper certificate, authenticated by the notary, 
 of the fact. 
 
 Art. 7. As the number of deputies to form the gene- 
 ral congress must depend upon the census spoken of in 
 article 1, chap. 4,there shall be such regulation that, for 
 every fifteen thousand souls, there shall be one repre- 
 sentative named. 
 
 Art. 8. Should there be any fractions, the following 
 rules shall be observed: 1. If in the scccion de numero 
 there should be any fraction, not exceeding two thou- 
 sand five hundred sonl<, only one elector shall be voted 
 for, but, if it exceed that number, two. <2. If in the
 
 276 APPENDIX E. 
 
 district of fifteen thousand souls, which each deputy 
 shall represent, there should be any fraction exceeding 
 seven thousand and five hundred souls, there shall be 
 named for them in the electoral assembly one deputy ; 
 but, if the fraction should be less, they shall not have 
 such additional representative, but be considered as re- 
 presented by the deputies of the provinces. 
 
 Art. 9. Each province may lessen the number of its 
 representatives, conferring the necessary powers, and 
 giving the proper instructions to those they may deem 
 sufficient, if the want of sufficient funds, distance, or 
 other just cause, prevent their naming the number ade- 
 quate to their population, with the express condition 
 that, in such powers, the cause of the diminution be 
 stated. 
 
 Art. 10. No one, while in the office -of representative, 
 shall hold any other public office, employment, or com- 
 mission ; if he accept any other, he shall lose the first ; 
 but if his constituents, after his so losing it, re-elect him, 
 he may, in this case, hold the two offices, exercising the. 
 last by deputy. 
 
 SECTION VI. 
 
 OF THE ARMY AND NAVY. 
 
 Chapter 1. — Of the Marine and Regular Troops. 
 
 Art. 1. In all that relates to the naval forces, the 
 last ordinance of marine (ordinanza de marina) shall be 
 observed, so far as it is conformable to the actual cir- 
 cumstances of the state. 
 
 Art. 2. The director shall have the whole military 
 authority, and be commander-in-chief of the navy, 
 the army, and the militia; he shall appoint a com- 
 mander of each, the general staff serving at present in 
 lieu of them. 
 
 Art. 3. The provision in article 3, of the limit;? of
 
 APPENDIX E. 277 
 
 the executive power, shall extend equally to the chief 
 of the general staff, and the generals of the army. 
 
 Art. 4. New regiments shall not be created, while 
 those already created are not filled up. 
 
 Art. 5. The supernumerary officers of all descrip- 
 tions, who at different epochas of the government may 
 have been dismissed from active service, either with 
 reason or without (which shall be ascertained), upon 
 declaration of their readiness to serve, shall be classed 
 for appointments to vacancies in the regiments, without 
 prejudicing those actually serving in them, or to other 
 vacancies suitable to the circumstances of the individual. 
 
 Art. 6. If the supernumeraries in the preceding 
 articles mentioned should have received whole pay, or 
 half, or one third, the Directors of the state shall re- 
 quire, from the officers of the treasury, a catalogue of 
 them, and the orders that may have been received for 
 their payment, correcting them according to what re- 
 sults from the provision in said preceding article. 
 
 Art. 7. Until there be a complete regulation on this 
 head there shall be no appointment to offices of profit, 
 except those of cscala natural, in the regiment, upon the 
 recommendation of their respective chiefs, according 
 to the ordinance and through the medium of the 
 general-staff, to whom the scale of classification, men- 
 tioned in article 5, shall be sent, that it may appear 
 who are in service and who are not. 
 
 Art. 8. Until the establishment of the uniform 
 systems, mentioned in article 17 of this chapter, the 
 military tribunal, established under the regulation by 
 which it was governed, shall continue in lieu of the 
 ancient commission, it being the duty of the defender of 
 the accused to be present at the examination. 
 
 Art. 9. That article of a prior regulation, which im- 
 poses upon deserters the punishment of death for the 
 first offence, and which declares that the pica of pny
 
 273 APPENDIX E. 
 
 being withheld shall not avail, being abolished in future, 
 the ordinanza miletar shall govern, and the punishment 
 it provides for in cases of desertion be alone imposed. 
 
 Throughout the state shall be observed the ordinance 
 of 30th January, 1814, as to the supplying vacancies 
 caused by desertion. 
 
 Art. 1 1 .* Governors, lieutenant governors, and subde- 
 legados, shall be ever watchful for the apprehension of 
 deserters ; if they fail in this particular, it shall be one 
 of the first duties when residencia f takes place, to in- 
 flict upon them exemplary punishment. 
 
 Art. 12. If neglect in this particular be proved 
 against them before their offices expire, it shall be the 
 indispensable duty of the director to remove them. 
 
 Art. 13. The alcaldes de hermandad and pedancas 
 de los curatos, for like neglect, shall incur for the first 
 offence a fine of 100 dollars, to be applied to defraying 
 the expenses of recruiting; and upon the repetition 
 thereof be removed. 
 
 Art. 14-. The soldier who shall inform against a de- 
 serter shall, upon his apprehension, be rewarded with 
 ten dollars and the abatement of two years of his term 
 of service. 
 
 Art. 15. The subaltern officers shall read, frequently, 
 to the soldiers of their respective companies, the ordi- 
 nances of the penal laws from articles 26 to 43, inclusive, 
 of Tit. 10, Trat. 8. 
 
 Art. 16. This ordinance being, in a great measure, 
 altered, shall be without delay reduced to order by 
 another, which shall be formed by a military commission 
 of three individuals, to be named by the director, as- 
 
 * The above article was in the original erroneously marked the 10th. 
 
 f Residencia — According to the Spanish law, officers at the ex- 
 piration of term of service, are bound to reside for a certain period 
 in the place where they exercised their office, to give an opportu- 
 nity to proceed against their malversations.
 
 APPENDIX E. 279 
 
 acciatcd with the asesor-general of war, and being framed 
 shall be transmitted to congress for its sanction. 
 
 Art. 1 7. The director shall also name another com- 
 mission of five individuals, military men of the most 
 extensive information, who shall form a uniform military 
 system, embracing the regular forces of the state and 
 national militia. 
 
 Art. 18. He shall also appoint another commission 
 composed of as many individuals as he thinks proper, 
 to form a uniform system for the regulation of the marine, 
 in all branches embracing arrangements as to ports, the 
 establishment of nautical and mathematical schools, and 
 transmitting it when formed to Congress. 
 
 Art. 19. He shall establish, in the capital, a perma- 
 nent academy, appointing its president for the instruc- 
 tion of cadets of the regiments of infantry and cavalry, 
 upon a plan to be furnished by the general-staff!, and 
 approved by the director. 
 
 Chapter 2.- Of the National Militia. 
 
 Art. 1. Every individual of the state being in Ame- 
 rica, every foreigner enjoying the right of suffrage, every 
 European Spaniard, with letters of naturalization, and 
 all free persons of African or mixed blood, inhabitants 
 of the cities, towns, villages, and country, from the age 
 of fifteen to sixty, unless incapacitated by infirmity, are 
 soldiers of the state, bound to support the independence 
 which has been declared. 
 
 Art. 2. From the aggregate of all these inhabitants 
 shall be formed, with all possible speed, in ail the respect- 
 ive provinces, by the respective governors, lieutenant- 
 governors, and subdelegadocs, a body of national militia, 
 of infantry or cavalry, according to the quota ol the 
 province, and upon that footing, as to force, which the 
 director shall determine, by regiments, battalions, squa-
 
 380 APPENDIX E. 
 
 drons, or independent companies, subject to the regula- 
 tion of the 14th January, 1801, made for the provincial 
 militia, the general-staff giving information of variations 
 and additions when deemed necessary. 
 
 Art. 3. The governor, lieutenant-governor, and sub- 
 delegado of each province, shall be commander-in-chief 
 of its militia, while in office, and shall make all recom- 
 mendations for promotion to the director, through 
 the medium of the general-staff, in the department 
 of Buenos Ayres; the governor shall in like manner 
 command the militia, if he be a military man, if not, 
 the commandant general de las artnas shall command. 
 
 Art. 4. In the national militia shall be included all 
 persons who have obtained commissions in it since the 
 date of the last cited regulations, being Americans or 
 European Spaniards, with letters of naturalization. 
 
 Art. 5. It shall be one of the first duties of the 
 governors, lieutenant-governors, or subdelcgados, to 
 preserve the national militia in a state of good discipline. 
 
 Art. G. The principal object of this militia shall be 
 to defend the state, and to aid and reinforce the army of 
 the line when it shall be necessary. 
 
 Art. 7. When it may be necessary to detach a por- 
 tion of the militia to reinforce the army of the line, the 
 above-mentioned chiefs shall do so with persons having 
 no just ground to claim exemptions from the service, 
 supplying immediately the place of the force detached, 
 in order to preserve entire the national force of the 
 province. 
 
 Chapter 3. — Of that Portion of the Militia termed 
 Civicos. 
 
 Art. 1 . Of the inhabitants of the several cities, towns, 
 and villages, shall be formed the corps of civicos, by re- 
 giments, battalions, or independent companies. 
 
 Art. 2. This militia shall be solely of such as have
 
 APPENDIX E. 281 
 
 property, worth one thousand dollars at least, of the 
 owners of open shops, and of all who exercise a trade or 
 pursue some public occupation. 
 
 Art. 3. In the department of Buenos Ayres, the 
 civicos shall be subject to the Cabildo in subordination 
 to the supreme director. 
 
 Art. 4. Of the residue of the inhabitants, the Cabildos 
 shall have the command of as many as they can organize, 
 without prejudice to what belongs to the governors, 
 lieutenant-governors, and subdelegados, in virtue of their 
 offices. 
 
 Art. 5. The appointment of officers, to captains in- 
 clusive, shall be made by the director upon the recom- 
 mendations of the chiefs of regiments, which the Cabildos 
 shall transmit through the medium of the general-staff. 
 The Cabildos shall by themselves recommend for officers 
 of higher grades. 
 
 Art. 6. Those persons only of the regular army in- 
 corporated as chiefs, as sergeants, or corporals, for the 
 purpose of instruction, shall be out of the ordinary civil 
 jurisdiction, in order better to prevent unjust imprison- 
 ment. 
 
 Art. 7. The principal duties of the civicos shall be 
 to maintain good order in the towns, to assist in the ad- 
 ministration of justice, and defend the country. 
 
 Art. 8. No soldier of the army, of the line, or militia, 
 national or civic, to whom arms have been entrusted, 
 shall use them factiously against any inhabitant of the 
 state. 
 
 Art. 9. The persons thus misusing them shall be 
 tried and punished within the third day, by the judge to 
 whom the cognizance of the offence belongs, for the 
 satisfaction of public justice, deeply interested in per- 
 sonal security.
 
 282 APPENDIX E. 
 
 SECTION VII. 
 
 PERSONAL SECURITY AND THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS. 
 
 Art. 1. For those actions offending neither against 
 public order nor interfering with private rights, men are 
 solely accountable to God. 
 
 Art, 2. No inhabitant of the state shall be obliged 
 to do that which the law does not clearly and explicitly 
 command, nor restrained from that which it does not in 
 like manner prohibit. 
 
 Art. 3. Crime is solely the infraction of laws in full 
 force, since, without this requisite, they are not obliga- 
 tory. 
 
 Art. 4. No inhabitant of the state shall be punished 
 without previous legal sentence and regular process. 
 
 Art. 5. All orders that shall be issued by magistrates 
 in the regular exercise of authority, to promote public 
 order, or to regulate the business pertaining to their 
 office, shall be in writing. 
 
 Art. 6. Excepting orders relating to the army in 
 matters belonging to the service, as to which the ordi- 
 nance of the provinces of the Union shall be observed. 
 
 Art. 7. Every citizen may keep in his house powder 
 and arms, for the defence of his person and property, 
 in those urgent cases in which he cannot avail himself 
 of the protection of the magistrate. 
 
 Art. 8. The government shall not take possession of 
 such arms unless the public defence should require them, 
 paying their just value. 
 
 Art. 9. The house of a citizen is a sanctuary, which 
 it shall be a crime to violate; it shall not be forcibly 
 entered, except in case of resistance to legal process. 
 
 Art. 10. The right of forcible entry, given by art. 9, 
 shall be exercised with moderation, personally by the 
 judge issuing the process, and in case of his being utterly
 
 APPENDIX E. 283 
 
 unable to act in person, the order delegating the power 
 shall be in writing, with all necessary specifications, a 
 copy being given to the individual when apprehended, 
 and to the owner of the house, should he so require. 
 
 Art. 1 1 . No citizen shall resist the arrest of his per- 
 son or the seizure of his goods when decreed by a com- 
 petent magistrate, but he shall have the right of claim- 
 ing the full benefit of the provisions in favour of per- 
 sonal security, contained in chap. 3, sect. 4, of this 
 provisional regulation. 
 
 Art. 12. Every man shall have the liberty of remain- 
 ing in the territory of the state, or departing therefrom, 
 as he thinks proper, so long as the public security is not 
 thereby endangered or its interests prejudiced. 
 
 Art. 13. The preceding provisions in favour of per- 
 sonal liberty shall never be suspended. 
 
 Art. 14. Except in those extreme cases in which the 
 public security may require such suspensions; the public 
 authorities, driven by so lamentable a necessity to this 
 measure, shall give an account of it to congress, who 
 shall examine into its cause, and the time of its dura- 
 tion. 
 
 Chapter 2. — Liberty (J' the Press. 
 
 Art. 1. The decree concerning the liberty of the 
 press, which was issued Oct. 26th, 1811, and which is 
 incorporated in this chapter, shall be observed. 
 
 Art. 2. To facilitate the use of this liberty it is de- 
 clared that any individual, be he native or foreigner, 
 may freely erect printing presses in any city or town of 
 the state, with this sole condition, that he shall give 
 previous information to the provincial governor, lieute- 
 nant-governor, and cabildo, and that, every thing 
 printed shall bear the name of the printer, and of the 
 place where the press is erected. 
 
 Art. 3. The intendentes de polk ia shall he particularly
 
 284 APPENDIX E. 
 
 careful that in periodical works, and public papers, the 
 greatest possible decorum shall be preserved, without 
 failure of the respect due to magistrates, to the public, 
 and to individuals. 
 
 Art. 4. In cases of violations of article 3, it shall 
 be the duty of the said intendentes to give notice to the 
 tribunal of the liberty of the press, which, conformably 
 to the laws establishing and regulating it, shall scrupu- 
 lously examine the matter. 
 
 Decree of the Liberty of the Press, of October 20th, 18] 1. 
 
 Art. 1 . Every man may publish his opinions freely, 
 and without previous licence (previa censura) ; all laws 
 and regulations contrary to this liberty shall be of no 
 effect. 
 
 Art. 2. The abuse of this liberty is a crime, when it 
 invades private rights; its prosecution belongs to the 
 persons interested, and to all the citizens when it en- 
 dangers the Roman Catholic religion, the public tran- 
 quillity, or the constitution of the state. The magis- 
 trates having cognizance shall impose the punishment 
 according to law. 
 
 Art. 3. To guard against abuses in the classification 
 and graduation of crimes of this kind, there shall be 
 created a body of nine individuals, with the title of pro- 
 tectors of the liberty of the press. In order to its for- 
 mation the cabildo shall present a list of fifty respect- 
 able persons not employed in the administration of the 
 government; from these selections shall be made ac- 
 cording to plurality of votes. The electors shall be the 
 prelado ecclesiastico, alcalde de primer vote, sindico 
 procurator, fiscal de la camera, and two respectable 
 persons of the vicinity nominated by the cabildo. The 
 escribano de pueblo shall certify the election, and re- 
 spective commissions, which shall be delivered to the 
 elected without loss of time.
 
 APPENDIX E. 2S5 
 
 Art. 4-. The power of these protectors shali be limited 
 to determining whether or not there be criminal mutter 
 in such publications as may be submitted to them. The 
 punishment of the crime after the evidence is declared 
 shall belong to the magistrates. The protectors shall 
 hold their offices for one year, at the expiration of 
 which there shall be a new election. 
 
 Art. 5. The third of the votes in favour of the ac- 
 cused shall be a sentence of acquittal. 
 
 Art. 6. Any party interested appealing, the protectors 
 shall choose by lot nine individuals of the forty-one re- 
 maining on the list, out of which they themselves were 
 selected ; these shall review the matter, and their sen- 
 tence, if in favour of the accused, shall be irrevocable. 
 In cases of challenge for just cause, the places of the 
 challenged shall be supplied in the same manner. 
 
 Art. 7. The same method shall be followed in the 
 provincial capitals, substituting for the prior de con- 
 sulado, the deputado de comercio, and for the fiscal 
 de la camera, the promotor fiscal. 
 
 Art. 8. Works which treat of religion shall not be 
 published without scrutiny by the diocesan. In case of 
 accusation the work shall be re-examined by the same 
 ecclesiastic, assisted by four of the protectors, and the 
 majority of votes shall constitute an irrevocable sentence. 
 
 Art. 0. Authors are responsible for their works, or 
 the printers, not making it appear to whom they belong. 
 
 Art. 10. This decree shall be observed till congress 
 otherwise determine. 
 
 Final Chapter. — General Provisions. 
 
 \. The reglamento de policia (regulation of police) 
 
 issued the 22d day of December, 1812, for the capital 
 
 and province of Buenos Ayres, shall subsist for the 
 
 present under the following limitations : the powers of 
 
 9
 
 29G APPENDIX E. 
 
 the intendente de policia shall remain vested as they 
 are in the governor of the province ; the three com- 
 missaries, with the powers and duties designated in the 
 said regulation, shall continue for the present under the 
 inspection of the governor, and among them seniority 
 as to the possession of office shall alone give preference ; 
 except their salaries, they shall receive no emolument for 
 services performed in quality of commissaries. The 
 governor shall undertake no work requiring expenditure 
 of public money without previous consent of the cabildo 
 and the approbation of the director. Every payment shall 
 be made according to the mode prescribed in the said 
 regulation. No payment shall be made at the treasury 
 without the approbation of the supreme director, and 
 the treasurer shall replace money paid by him contrary 
 to this article. The 3d, 4th, and 5th articles, which 
 establish an assessor, portero, and escribano de ramo, 
 shall be repealed, the last office being exercised by a 
 like officer of the general government. The 8th, 10th, 
 and 14th, shall only have effect so far as they are com- 
 patible with personal security, liberty of the press, and 
 other rights of man, which have been declared. The 
 41st of the circular instruction to the alcaldes de bario, 
 shall be observed so far as it is compatible with the 
 chapter upon the liberty of the press. All the change 
 that may have been made contrary to the said reglamentos 
 de policia, and to what the estatuto provisional (pro- 
 visional statute) of May 5th, 1815, in article 1, final 
 chapter of general provision, provides, shall be amended, 
 the office of four commissaries last established bein<; 
 suppressed. 
 
 '1. The cabildos of the other cities and towns of the 
 state shall appoint a commission of four persons of the 
 vicinity, of the best information and the greatest zeal 
 for the public good, who, keeping in mind the said-
 
 APPENDIX K. 287 
 
 rcglamentos of the capital, shall form one suitable to the 
 circumstances of the place, transmitting it to congress 
 for their approbation. 
 
 3. Securities for the due discharge of duty shall be 
 required from all officers, according to the nature of 
 each office; the laws formerly requiring them being 
 hereby restored. Those exercising offices, for the due 
 performance of which security ought to be given, are 
 peremptorily required to give it within six months from 
 the date of this provisional regulation, the director and 
 governors attending to this, with the privilege of taking 
 four securities, each security binding himself for one- 
 fourth of the whole amount. 
 
 4. To the officers of the treasury (ministros de ha- 
 cienda), and the officers of the custom-house, (adminis- 
 tradores de aduana), shall be restored the coercive ju- 
 risdiction for the recovery and collection of debts, 
 certain and liquidated, in favour of the state. 
 
 5. The laws and decrees made by the last convention 
 (asamblea) as to religious profession shall be of no 
 effect. 
 
 6. Contributions imposed in one province for its spe- 
 cial benefit shall not extend to the other. 
 
 7. All the provinces in the union, cities, and towns, 
 having cabildos, may, without the necessity of obtain- 
 ing permission, giving, however, previous information 
 to the director, make all the establishments they may 
 deem useful and promotive of their industry, prosperity, 
 arts, and sciences, without prejudice to the funds of 
 the state. 
 
 8. All those in possession of letters of naturalization, 
 which have not been issued by the former general con- 
 stituent assembly, by the present congress, or the 
 supreme director for the time being, in virtue ot the 
 decree of 29th August, shall present them to the pre-
 
 288 APPENDIX II. 
 
 sent one for ratification, should they deserve it, without 
 which they shall be of no effect. 
 
 9. All the officers of the government, including the 
 supreme director of the state and his secretaries, shall, 
 upon termination of office, be liable to inquiry into their 
 conduct ; the director and his secretaries, before congress, 
 the others before judges to be appointed by the con- 
 gress, the last shall be liable to such secretary for four 
 months after termination of office. 
 
 10. The present provisional regulation shall be ob- 
 served throughout all the territory of the state from the 
 time of publication, which the director shalj cause to be 
 made in a convenient form. Those articles of the pro- 
 visional statute (estatuto provisorio) passed by the junta 
 de observacion, not comprehended herein, being re- 
 pealed, and all anterior laws, regulations, and decrees, 
 in opposition to it, being in like manner repealed. 
 
 Sanctioned by the General Congress, sealed with the 
 provisional seal, signed by the President, and coun- 
 tersigned by his Secretary in Buenos Ayres, the 
 third day of December, A. D. one thousand eight 
 hundred and seventeen. 
 
 Pedro Leon Gallo, President. 
 Doct. Jose Eugenio Elias, Secretary. 
 
 APPENDIX H. 
 
 (COPY.) 
 
 The Director (ad interim) of the State, in Buenos Ayres, 
 to. the Citizens of all the Provinces. 
 
 I could wish, by means of a detailed manifesto, to 
 explain to the people every step which has been taken
 
 APPENDIX H. 289 
 
 for the purpose of establishing concord with the chief 
 of the Orientals, and the difficulties which have con- 
 stantly opposed themselves to so desirable an object; 
 by this means, also, holding out a warning to all minds 
 of the evils which must flow from these unfortunate 
 differences. But for the present this is not possible, 
 nor so necessary as the immediate communication to all 
 of the results of our last negociations. 
 
 No mystery has been attempted in this business, even 
 the minutest particulars have been made known to all 
 such as were desirous of being informed ; but at a dis- 
 tance every thing is liable to misrepresentation ; it is 
 therefore my duty to provide against it. For this pur- 
 pose I confine myself for the present to the publication 
 of the documents necessary for the information that may 
 be desired : these will save me the trouble of a statement, 
 that might be subject to the imputation of being made 
 with passion ; while the citizens of all the provinces will 
 thus be left at liberty to form their opinions according 
 to the dictates of their reason, without being led astray 
 by partial accounts. 
 
 It is notorious that I sent deputies to the chief of the 
 Orientals, in order that we might fix upon some plan of 
 establishing such an understanding and harmony as would 
 be sufficient to avoid reciprocal aggressions, until the 
 general congress should be assembled, and arrange our 
 differences on permanent principles. 
 
 The propositions reciprocally made did not satisfy 
 either ; the decision was reserved for a future congress. 
 
 Such was the state of things when there apppeared in 
 this city four deputies sent from an assembly of the 
 Orientals, and united with these, Cordova, Santa Ft', 
 and Corientes, with official instructions from General 
 Artigas, which authorized them to enter into stipulations. 
 The documents subjoined have originated from this pro- 
 cedure.
 
 '-'90 appendix n. 
 
 Finally, after refusing to sign the statement No. 2 r 
 of the document No. 3, they returned, giving assurances 
 by word, that they went in peace ; and they were an- 
 swered, " Peace be with you." People of the provinces,, 
 it is for you to judge; the case is yours, and your safety 
 is the supreme law of the state. 
 
 (Signed) Ignacio Alvarez. 
 
 Buenos Ayres, 8lh of August, 1815. 
 
 GllEGORIO TAGLE. 
 
 Plan for the Establishment of Harmony, presented by the 
 Deputation of the Chief of the Orientals to the Govern- 
 ment of Buenos Ayres. 
 
 There shall be an union, offensive and defensive, be- 
 tween the provinces under the direction of the Chief of 
 the Orientals, and the Government of Buenos Ayres. 
 
 The troop* of Buenos Ayres which passed over to the 
 eastern shore of the Uruguay, shall be considered as 
 purely auxiliary, until the occupation of Monte Video ; 
 there shall be restored of what was carried away from 
 that place, three thousand stand of arms, one thousand 
 swords, twelve pieces of light artillery, two, four, and 
 six pounders. There shall be mounted on the fortifica- 
 tions the number of pieces of artillery that may be re- 
 quisite, the principal portion to be brass, with the neces- 
 sary material for all and each of said cannon ; nine gun 
 boats, with all requisite supplies : powder, fixed ammu- 
 nition for cannon of every calibre, also for small arms, 
 and fifty-five thousand flints ; one half of the mortars 
 taken away ; the bombs, grenades, with every thing for 
 using them, together with the printing press. 
 
 To Santa Fe, there shall be delivered five hundred 
 stand of arms. 
 
 To Cordova, a like number. 
 
 The remainder of the articles withdrawn from the
 
 APrENDIX H. 291 
 
 Oriental province of the Uruguay shall remain in Bue- 
 nos Ayres as a deposit, for the purpose of aiding the 
 other provinces, to be used at the instance of the Chief 
 of the Orientals, and for the ajd of the province of Bue- 
 nos Ayres itself, according to its future exigencies. 
 
 The Deputation has the honour to state to his Excel- 
 lency, the Director of Buenos Ayres, that they will 
 cheerfully enter into any discussions to which their pro- 
 positions may give rise, with the magistracy of this 
 capital, according to the 25th article of the 1st chapter, 
 section 3, of the provisional statute. 
 
 (Signed) Miguel Barriero, 
 
 Jose Antonio Cabrera, 
 Jose Garcia De Cossio. 
 
 Buenos Ayres > 3d July, 1815. 
 
 Official Letter of his Excellency the Director of the State y 
 to tlie Chief of the Orientals. 
 
 The deputation sent by your Excellency to this Go- 
 vernment presented your esteemed communication of 
 thn 29th ultimo, which, at the same time that it served 
 as the credentials of the mission, manifested the desire of 
 conciliation which animates your Excellency. I was 
 indeed induced to expect from this, that the mission had 
 been directed to propose more reasonable grounds of 
 accommodation than those offered by yourself to my 
 deputies, Colonel Pico, and D. lliverola. Judging by 
 my own heart, I considered the negotiation already 
 ended. I requested the deputies to give me their pro- 
 posals in writing, and the following day they reproduced 
 in substance the same as before offered, with the addi- 
 tion of several supernumerary articles. I immediately 
 took steps to assemble the authorities according to the 
 provision in such cases of the 25th art. chap. 1st, sec. 3d, 
 of the provisional statute, by whom the subject has been 
 
 t 2
 
 #92 APPENDIX K. 
 
 maturely considered, and the plan, proposed anew or* 
 your part, duly weighed : they have resolved to give for 
 answer, that the claims of your Excellency ought to be 
 left to the supreme judgment of the General Congress of 
 all the provinces : that if in reality the sovereignty of 
 this august body is to be recognized, it is proper to wait 
 for its determination, which will irrevocably terminate 
 our differences. We concurred in our private opinions 
 how injurious to the common cause these discords must 
 be, particularly in this important portion of the country ; 
 the sending to your Excellency the before-mentioned 
 deputies was an act dictated by the necessity of com- 
 ing to an amicable understanding, so that the expedition 
 expected from the Peninsula should find us acting in 
 concert, as I have expressly stated in my communication 
 of the 11th of May. In such circumstances it was 
 plainly for the common interest that we should at least 
 agree not to make war upon each other, even if Ave 
 should be unable to agree upon any thing else; it never 
 could be just to expose the fate of all the provinces by 
 disputes between the Orientals and Buenos Ayres, for 
 advantages reciprocally claimed over each other. But 
 since the danger which threatened us is dissipated, let us 
 await the decision of the Supreme Congress on our 
 cause; if we are liberal in our principles, and are not 
 disposed to wrong the other provinces, let us give them 
 a share in the adjudication of rights, when it so properly 
 belongs to them. 
 
 Buenos Ayres, by the sacrifices she has made, has 
 been reduced to her present state of honourable poverty; 
 her efforts were made as a member of the union, and as 
 the capital of all; as a member, she has brought all her 
 wealth into the common fund ; as the capital, she lias 
 received contributions from the other members, without 
 discrimination. But for none has there been so much 
 expended as for Montevideo. Your Excellency, in
 
 APPENDIX II. '29» 
 
 her name, demands those articles which have been taken 
 away, and generously bestows a thousand stand of arms 
 upon Cordova, and Santa Fe, the remainder to remain 
 in deposit, in this place, to be used at your instance 
 (intervention) to aid the other provinces. The difficulty 
 consists in this, that if all the other provinces should 
 follow the examples of the Orientals, and demand what 
 they have contributed, Buenos Ayres will also come in 
 for a share, and it will be her duty to make an equal distri- 
 bution of the property which has been saved in the gene- 
 ral bankruptcy, to each creditor, according to the 
 amount of his credit. But Buenos Ayres cannot be both 
 party and judge; it is therefore evident that the next 
 Congress is the only tribunal lor the decision of this im- 
 portant cause. Until then (aspiring still to the praise 
 of acting with the same moderation you have shown in 
 the midst of the severe trials experienced in the cause of 
 liberty, as you have observed in your communication), 
 your conduct will be such as to preclude the occurrence 
 of unhappy contentions ; while, on my part, I shall do 
 nothing but to endeavour to prevent it. To this end, I 
 have ordered a force to Santa Fe, with instructions to 
 publish the proclamations herewith enclosed. The de- 
 puties of your Excellency have experienced some deten- 
 tion, because, having informed them of the measure be- 
 fore-mentioned, I was apprehensive that they would hasten 
 to your Excellency in order to oppose the carrying it into 
 effect with the necessary tranquillity. They have not 
 with all persons observed the greatest prudence in their 
 conversation, forgetful of their character in which they 
 appeared, and of the frankness with which they were re- 
 ceived in this city. 
 
 I ought not to omit, on this occasion, to satisfy your 
 Excellency with respect to the surprise which you tell 
 me in your letter, already noticed, of the 10th of July, 
 was felt by you at my stating in mine of the 1st of the
 
 294; APPENDIX H, 
 
 same month, that your Excellency was unwilling to en- 
 ter into details on the subject of the establishment of 
 mutual harmony. This complaint, which, I confess, 
 surprised me much, was made by your Excellency in 
 your communication of the 1 8th of June, brought by my 
 deputation. Your Excellency will please to examine 
 the original, and I hope your Excellency will not persist 
 in asserting officially, what can thus be refuted. Let us 
 not be intolerant because we happen to differ in matters 
 of opinion. Athens and Lacedaemon, under different 
 forms of government, attained equal glory and felicity ; 
 we have differed as to what best suits us, we have not 
 yet fixed on the kind of government that is to be adopt- 
 ed, and for this reason our differences appear to be in- 
 terminable ; so that in whatsoever mode the question is 
 received, there is the greater reason for referring it to 
 the decision of the General Congress ; we shall otherwise 
 be at variance without the possibility of coming to a com- 
 promise ; may the day of its accomplishment, with the 
 establishment of our ardently-desired liberty, soon ar- 
 rive. 
 
 (Signed) Ignatio Alvarez. 
 
 Buenos Ai/res, 1st August, 1815. 
 Gregorio Tagle, Secretary. 
 
 Official Letter of Don Antonio Saens, to the Directoi- of the 
 Stale, accompanied by the Notes designated 1 and 2. 
 
 Most Excellent Sir, 
 I have entered into conference with the Deputies of 
 the Chief of the Orientals, in pursuance of your Excel- 
 lency's instructions. I considered it expedient not to 
 defer it until they should produce sufficient credentials 
 from the Congress of Paysandur, of which they declare 
 themselves the deputies : it appeared to me that the in-
 
 APPENDIX H. 295 
 
 formality of their powers ought not to stand in the way of 
 the establishment of an honourable peace, when the stipu- 
 lations might afterwards be legalized by confirmation; and 
 as it is not possible for them to obtain regular powers 
 from the Congress which no longer exists, the adjustment 
 may still be considered as made with the Chief of the 
 Orientals. After protracted debates, it was finally 
 agreed that peace should be established, and that the 
 Orientals should renounce their pretensions. Without 
 a moment's loss of time, I proposed the establishment of 
 its basis according to the principles agreed upon, and to 
 sanction it by our signatures. But I soon found that in 
 their conceptions it was not so easy to sign as to pro- 
 mise. They then delivered me the signed paper No. 1. 
 I saw that it was not in my power to affirm it, on account 
 of the doubts which it presented, and the interpretations 
 of which it was susceptible, the simple proposition which 
 it contains being conceived in vague- and indefinite terms, 
 and the authority of the Supreme Director narrowed in 
 an offensive manner, placing it even below that of the 
 Chief of the Orientals, and being changed into the sim- 
 pie government of Buenos Ayres ; and, finally, because 
 it is not couched in the terms used among civilized na- 
 tions. For these reasons I presented them the Note No. 2, 
 and requested their sanction. They replied, that the 
 articles were conformable to what had been argued upon 
 in our conferences, but that they were all consequences 
 of the single article establishing peace, &c. ; they said 
 they would religiously pledge their faith and honour for 
 the true performance of them, but that they were unwill- 
 ing to sign the paper; this is the only reason they have 
 thought proper to give for a conduct so strange. They 
 dropt something, it is true, about its not being expedient 
 to sign at the present moment, although just to do so, 
 and that they would give an explanation of the reasons 
 more fully on their return home. Such have been thr
 
 296 APrENDIX H. 
 
 subterfuges with which they have evaded signing the ac- 
 commodation which I proposed them, and such also is 
 the result of our protracted conferences. The most 
 earnest and energetic representations have been unavail- 
 ing to induce them to desist from a conduct so injurious. 
 The conferences at length closed, without effecting any 
 thing. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 (Signed) Antonio Saens. 
 
 Buenos Ayres, 4th August, 1815. 
 
 To the Supreme Director. 
 
 No. 1. 
 
 The citizens Don Jose Garcia de Cossio, Don Jose 
 Antonio de Cabrera, Don Pasqual Andrino, and Don 
 Miguel Barriero, Deputies from the Congress of the 
 Orientals to treat of peace with the government of 
 Buenos Ayres, have terminated a conference with citizen 
 Don Antonio Saens, authorized by his Excellency for 
 that purpose, with this on y proposition : — 
 
 There shall be peace between the territories under the 
 government of the Chief of the Orientals, and his protec- 
 tion, and the government of Buenos Ayres. 
 
 (Signed) Miguel Barriero, 
 
 Don Jose Garcia De Cossio, 
 Don Pascal Andrino, 
 Jose Antonio Cabrera. 
 
 Signed at Buenos Ayres the 3d of August, 1815. 
 
 No. 2. 
 
 The Commissioner, on behalf of his Excellency the 
 Supreme Director of the State, appointed to treat of 
 peace with the tour Deputies who have come for this
 
 APPENDIX H. 297 
 
 purpose from Paysandur, sent by General Artigas, re- 
 quires that the sole proposition of peace, which they 
 have subscribed, should be reduced to a formal and 
 solemn treaty, as expressed in the following articles. 
 
 First. There shall be perpetual peace, friendship, and 
 alliance between the Chief of the Orientals, and the Go- 
 vernment of Buenos Ayres. 
 
 Second. The same shall be established letween the 
 citizens who reside under the government and protec- 
 tion of each. 
 
 Third. Both territories and governments shall be in- 
 dependent of each other. 
 
 Fourth. The Parana shall be the line of demarcation 
 between them. 
 
 Fifth. Each of the contracting parties shall renounce 
 all claims to indemnity for what may have been at- 
 tributed to the common cause. 
 
 Sixth. They likewise oblige themselves to send depu- 
 ties to the Congress of Tucuman. 
 
 Seventh. The vessels which have left Buenos Ayres 
 for Montevideo, or other ports under the Chief of the 
 Orientals, shall be permitted to return. 
 
 Eighth. A veil shall be cast over the past, and no one 
 be persecuted for his conduct heretofore. 
 
 Ninth. The four deputies of the Congress of Paysan- 
 dur, shall produce sufficient powers to ratify the treaty. 
 
 Tenth. The present treaty shall be ratified by the 
 competent authorities in three days, and by the Congress 
 assembled at Paysandur, within twelve. 
 
 (Signed) Antonio Saens. 
 
 Buenos Ayres, 3d August, 1815.
 
 2i/S ArrENDix it. 
 
 Another Official Letter from his Excellency the Direc- 
 tor of the State, to the Chief of the Orientals. 
 
 After having delivered to the Deputies from your 
 Excellency the communication dated the 1st of the 
 present month, advising you of the result of the last 
 negotiations, they proposed that some mode should be 
 adopted to render negotiation less difficult. I imme- 
 diately took steps for this purpose, in order that the 
 deputies might depart in peace, and that the same should 
 be with this government. I repeated that I should be 
 unchangeable in my principles of moderation, and that 
 I would preserve all possible harmony as far as was com- 
 patible with the honour and interests of the provinces 
 over which I have the honour to preside. I expect the 
 like sentiments on the part of your Excellency, and in 
 this confidence, I pray you to permit the return of the 
 vessels which have left this river in good faith to the 
 ports of the eastern shore, and which suffer great pre- 
 judice in consequence of the detention. In this case, 
 justice will acquire the credit of generosity, and variance 
 of opinion on the part of the government will be less 
 calamitous to the unfortunate citizens who have no part 
 in their discords. 
 
 (Signed) Ignacio Alvarez. 
 
 Buenos Ayres, August 1th,, 1815. 
 
 Gregoiuo Tagle. 
 To General Jose Artigas, Chief of the Orientals.
 
 APPENDIX I. 099 
 
 APPENDIX I. 
 
 General Artigas to the Supreme Director, Vueyrrcdon. 
 (Translation.) 
 Excellent Sir, 
 
 How long does your Excellency mean to sport with 
 my forbearance ? Eight years of revolution, of priva- 
 tions, of dangers, of reverses, and misfortunes, ought to 
 have sufficed to establish the rectitude of my intentions, 
 and the character of my government ; the dignity of the 
 Oriental people has more than once shone forth : they 
 ought to know the delicacy I have manifested in refer- 
 ence to the inalienability of their sacred rights ; anil 
 your Excellency has the boldness to insult them ! Your 
 Excellency is doing every thing in your power to provoke 
 my moderation ; the thought of this alone should cause 
 your Excellency to tremble. However specious may be 
 the motives alleged in support of such conduct, they 
 are incompatible with the general interest assailed by 
 the Portuguese aggression. Your Excellency is guilty 
 of a criminal conduct in repeating those slanderous in- 
 sults, under cover of which the enemy believe the success 
 of their invasion to be certain. 
 
 It is in vain for your Excellency to attempt a display 
 of the generosity of your sentiments ; the course of 
 events alone is sufficient to refute the attempt, and these 
 prove that your Excellency is more zealously occupied in 
 embroiling the nation, than inspiring freemen with the 
 energy which should animate them against tyrants, 
 otherwise, how could your Excellency have ventured to 
 publish the pretended recognition of the government of 
 Buenos Ayres by the Orientals? A crime of so revolting 
 a nature could only be perpetrated by the most impure 
 hands; and your Excellency has had the audacity to 
 commit it ! But it was in conformity with the mysterious
 
 300 ajtendix r. 
 
 plans of your Excellency to destroy the firmest rampart 
 opposed to their execution. A people enthusiastic in 
 the cause of their liberties must be taken by surprise : 
 the dangers are every moment increasing, and the re- 
 cognition before mentioned was brought in aid of your 
 Excellency's designs for our common destruction. Your 
 Excellency knows sufficiently well the dignity of my cha- 
 racter, and that the unjust reproaches heaped upon me 
 are the offspring of your perfidy : and this is the foun- 
 dation upon which your Excellency rests your disgraceful 
 neutrality ! But it is in vain to imagine that this paltry 
 excuse can justify your Excellency in the treachery of 
 supplying the enemy at Montevideo with wheat, while 
 besieged by me. It is also a fact little to the honour of 
 your Excellency, that you have made arrangements for 
 a third expedition against Santa Fe, with a view to 
 foment the intrigues of the Parana, and promote insur- 
 rection on the eastern shore. The same unfriendly dis- 
 position induced your Excellency to protect the Portu- 
 guese who fled from Soriano, sending them back to 
 their general, while instead of practising a similar 
 generosity toward the Chief of the Orientals, you did 
 not think proper to return the arms and other articles, 
 which those persons carried with them in the vessels on 
 board of which they fled. It is thus that your Ex- 
 cellency has endeavoured to seize a favourable moment 
 to light up the fire of discord, to plot with the Portu- 
 guese, and excite disaffection in the regiment of Li- 
 bertos, seducing them to j'our side, and receiving them 
 in triumph: an act of so gross a character cannot be 
 mentioned without scandalizing the perpetrator; and 
 your Excellency is still the Supreme Director of Buenos 
 Ayres. 
 
 An officer, openly in the service of Portugal, could 
 not have acted more faithfully for his king; and to the 
 impartial mind it must have been evident that your con*
 
 APPENDIX I. SOI 
 
 duct was dictated by motives much more black than 
 the cold neutrality which you allege. But whatever 
 may be the merit of our respective criminations, sound 
 reason declares them to be out of place, in the presence 
 of an ambitious stranger ; more than once have I ex- 
 hibited an example to your Excellency, of my deter- 
 mination to act up to this principle. Alas ! it is but 
 too true, that the road of virtuous patriotism is as rough 
 as the name of country is delightful. Without proving 
 a traitor to your own understanding, it is impossible 
 for your Excellency to be indifferent upon the subject of 
 the detestable incursion of General Lecor, into our ter- 
 ritory. Your Excellency has already protested against 
 his conduct, and how will your Excellency deny the 
 work of your own hands? Are not the Portuguese of 
 this year, the same as of the last ? Do not the same com- 
 plaints exist now as then ? Has not your Excellency 
 outraged the people of Santa Fe, and in them, those of 
 the other provinces? Confess, Sir, that you have no 
 other object in putting on this affected neutrality, but 
 to conceal your intrigues. The Supreme Director of 
 Buenos Ay res neither can nor ought to be neutral. 
 Did not your Excellency accuse the Portuguese General 
 of violating the laws of civilized warfare, in the threat 
 he held out against the Orientals? And how can this 
 be reconciled to the character of a neutral ? Be then a 
 neutral, an indifferent spectator, an enemy ; but let me 
 tell you- to beware of the just indignation of those, who, 
 having sacrificed every thing to the love of liberty, fear 
 nothing but its loss. 
 
 Renounce the despicable expectation that on the ruin 
 of the Orientals you may one day raise the lolly co- 
 lumn of your glory, and our degradation. The great- 
 ness of the Orientals is only to be compared with itself. 
 They know how to meet dangers, to subdue them, and 
 to be reanimated by the presence of their oppressors. I,
 
 302 APPENDIX I. 
 
 at their head, shall march wherever danger threatens. 
 Your Excellency knows me, and ought to fear the justice 
 of my vengeance. Your Excellency does not cease to 
 repeat insults, offensive to my moderation, and to the 
 discredit of the common cause. Your Excellency ought 
 not to think me insensible. While I am in the field, 
 engaged in a bloody conflict with the invaders, you are 
 labouring to weaken our force by mingling with it an 
 affair which does not fail to excite well founded sus- 
 picions. While I am engaged in opposing the Portu- 
 guese, you are taking measures to favour them : .would 
 your Excellency in my place have regarded these things 
 with a serene countenance ? I acknowledge to your Ex- 
 cellency that I have made a sacrifice of my feelings to 
 my country, which claimed a concentration of all its 
 forces. It was this which induced me to seek a peace 
 with your Excellency, while you were endeavouring to 
 provoke me to a war. I opened the door, which, for 
 weighty reasons, I ought to have kept shut. I sent 
 back to you the officers taken prisoners, without subject- 
 ins: them to the sufferings which ought to have followed 
 the crime of their violent and cruel aggression against 
 an innocent people. Your Excellency cannot deny those 
 acts of generosity, and which, notwithstanding your re- 
 peated promises of reconciliation, you have not been 
 able to equal. 
 
 It is true your Excellency did send some supply of 
 arms to the Parana, but without giving me the least in- 
 timation of it : this deceitful act had for its object the 
 exculpation of your Excellency from the charge of in- 
 difference in the eyes of the provinces, and evinces the 
 fertility of your machinations ; but do not think that 
 these shallow artifices will enable you to escape. We have 
 just experienced the effects of this generosity, in the 
 disturbance of the Parana and Entre Rios. Can it be 
 concealed from the provinces with what views these arms
 
 APPENDIX I. .'JOS 
 
 were distributed, when done without the knowledge of 
 the chief? Let me pray your Excellency to cease your 
 generosity, if such are to be its effects : let me beseech 
 you to refrain from aiding the country, if you can do 
 nothing but obscure its splendour by such hateful 
 scenes. No, Sir, it is not from you, that our country 
 can expect to be freed from the ambition of the Bra- 
 zilian King : instead of boasting of having saved the 
 country, your Excellency has nothing to boast of, but 
 of having tortured my patience to the utmost point of 
 endurance. I have suffered for my country, and yet 
 your Excellency dares to criminate me in public and in 
 private. I have no need, like your Excellency, of having 
 defenders; incontrovertible facts speak in my behalf. 
 
 Sir, I am still ready to enter into an amicable ad- 
 justment of our difference, so as to unite our forces 
 against the Portuguese ; and I repeat the offer which 1 
 made in June last. I then requested that deputies 
 should be sent, with full powers to draw closer and 
 closer the ties of union. Your Excellency could not 
 deny the importance of this request, and engaged to 
 send them. In consequence of this, 1 announced to the 
 people the pleasing hope of reconciliation ; but until the 
 present day, nothing but disappointment has been the 
 result: your Excellency, it seems, has had the effrontery 
 to announce that deputies were expected from the 
 eastern shore, at Buenos Ay res. It is but little becoming 
 in your Excellency to frustrate so desirable an object,' 
 and afterwards calumniate me: this is the last insult I 
 am willing to bear, and henceforth must request your 
 Excellency to be silent. Such imposture is not less in- 
 jurious to the reciprocity of the country, than insulting 
 to me. In opposing the reconciliation of the two shores, 
 your Excellency can be regarded in no other light than 
 as a criminal, and unworthy of consideration. 
 
 Your Excellency by this time must be wearied in hcar- 
 1
 
 304? APPENDIX J, 
 
 ing truths, but you ought to be more so in giving cause 
 for them. They are stamped with the characters of 
 sincerity and justice. Your Excellency has occasionally 
 provoked my moderation : my wounded honour will 
 demand satisfaction. I speak for once and for all ; your 
 Excellency is responsible before the altars of the country, 
 for an inaction incompatible with its interests, and the 
 day will come, when its justice will call you to a severe 
 account. 
 
 In the mean time, I challenge your Excellency to ap- 
 pear with me in front of the enemy, and to combat with 
 a courage which will display all the virtues that render 
 glorious the American name. 
 
 I have the honour to salute your Excellency with cor- 
 diality and respectful consideration. 
 
 Fernando Jose Artigas. 
 
 Purification, November 13, 1817- 
 
 APPENDIX J. 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 Extract from the Gazette of Buenos Ay res of the 5 th of 
 February, 1818. 
 
 INVASION OF THE PORTUGUESE. 
 
 In the Gazette of the 1st of December last, we pub- 
 lished the official letter of his Excellency the Director, 
 to the Portuguese General in the Banda Oriental, re- 
 quiring him to cease his march into a territory whose 
 union with the United Provinces of the South had not 
 been renounced, but accidentally suspended. The Por- 
 tuguese General, in his reply, denied the principles on 
 which this protest was founded, insisting on the pretext 
 which had induced his couvt to a rupture so un-
 
 APPENDIX J. 305 
 
 justifiable; but as at the same time he referred for his 
 justification to the orders of his prince, from which he 
 was not at liberty to depart, there were reasons to sus- 
 pect that from the slowness of his operations, and other 
 circumstances, he might possibly have received in- 
 structions to suspend his marches, and evacuate the 
 country unjustly invaded. This doubt has disappeared 
 with the event, and the occupation of Montevideo has 
 been preceded by an action, in which that precious soil 
 has been moistened by the blood of its sons. We shall 
 hereafter make some further observations upon this con- 
 duct; at present we shall insert the reply of the Portu- 
 guese general, as also an official letter of his Excellency 
 the Director, transmitted by Don Manuel Roxas, who 
 sailed for Montevideo the 2d of the present month. 
 
 Official Letter of the General of the Portuguese Army, in 
 the Banda Oriental, in Reply to that of this Govern- 
 ment, published in the Gazette of the 1st of De- 
 cember last. 
 
 Most Excellent Sik, 
 Taking into consideration what you have been pleased 
 tocommunicatetomein your official letter of the 13th of 
 October last * past, delivered to me by Colonel Vedia, 
 on the 24-th of this month, November, I can assure your 
 Excellency, that my marches have for their sole object 
 the removal of the germ of disorder from the frontier of 
 the kingdom of Brazil, and the occupation of a country 
 abandoned to a state of anarchy. 
 
 This wise and necessary measure, ought in no respect 
 to excite uneasiness in the government of Buenos Ayres, 
 since it has been executed in a territory which has de- 
 clared itself independent of the western side. 
 
 • This letter has been mislaid 
 U
 
 366 APPENDIX *. 
 
 The most scrupulous regard has been paid to the ar- 
 mistice concluded on the 26th of May, 1812, establish- 
 ing amity between the two countries; and in case of 
 being attacked, I shall only act on the defensive, until 
 the receipt of further orders from my King and So- 
 vereign. 
 
 The proclamation which I enclose to your Excellency 
 [the same which has already appeared in our news- 
 papers] will make known the spirit in which I come to 
 this unfortunate country by the commands of my So- 
 vereign. 
 
 I continue my marches, which can only be suspended 
 by order of the King, my Sovereign ; and it will shortly 
 be in my power, to manifest to your Excellency the 
 good faith of my military operations, by a better oppor- 
 tunity and from a nearer point. 
 
 I thank your Excellency for the occasion you have 
 afforded me of being acquainted with Colonel Vedia. 
 
 God preserve your Excellency. 
 
 Head-quarters, in Paso of San Miguel, 27th No- 
 vember, 1816. 
 
 Carlos Frederico Lecor, 
 
 Lieut enan t-qenera L 
 Illmo. (S? Exmo. 
 
 D. Juan Martin Pueyrredon. 
 
 Reply to the foregoing Letter by the Supreme Director. 
 Most Excellent Sir, 
 
 The suspension which I observed in the operations of 
 the army under your command, after the receipt of your 
 reply of the 27th of November last, together with the 
 proclamation which it enclosed, gave me reason to hope 
 that your Excellency, doing honour to the armistice con- 
 cluded the 26th of May, 1812 between his H. F. M.
 
 APPENDIX J. 3(V7' 
 
 and this government, whose violent infraction I pro- 
 tested agaUist under the date of the 31st of October last, 
 would refrain from giving rise to the horrors of war ; 
 or, at least, that you would enter into some temporary 
 arrangement, until the explanations of your court 
 could be obtained, in an affair considered not less 
 important to the inhabitants west of the Uruguay 
 and the Parana, than to those of the Banda Oriental. 
 Your Excellency, notwithstanding, at an unexpected 
 moment, hastened your marches; and, under the sole 
 justification of force, have gone so far as to oppress with 
 your arms the place which you now occupy, but without 
 any other effect than to convince you of the abhorrence 
 with which its inhabitants regard every foreign yoke. 
 
 The assurances which your Excellency presents to this 
 government, in your before-mentioned official letter, 
 far from affording tranquillity, only excite our alarm ; 
 and the United Provinces, in the last steps of your Ex- 
 cellency, can discover nothing but the sad presage of 
 the evils which threaten them, should they remain in- 
 sensible to the aspirations of a foreign power over a 
 constituent part of the nation. 
 
 In order to demand an explanation of this aggres- 
 sion upon the rights of the provinces, so notoriously un- 
 just, I have determined to send an envoy extraordinary 
 to H. F. M., as also to learn the origin and object of a 
 war, into which a state at peace will be plunged in order 
 to secure the integrity of the Banda Oriental. 
 
 Until the reply of H. F. M. shall have been received, 
 I hope your Excellency will not prosecute the war in that 
 territory, but immediately suspend the operation of your 
 arms, under a provisional armistice, which may be entered 
 into by means of a person whom I shall send with suffi- 
 cient authority, so soon as your Excellency will inform 
 me of your willingness to meet my proposal, as I hope 
 
 u 2
 
 3<W APPENDIX Jf. 
 
 will be done by the hand of Colonel Manuel Roxas 
 who is the bearer of this communication. 
 
 If your Excellency, in rigid obedience to the orders 
 of your Sovereign, under these extraordinary circum- 
 stances should continue the war, your Excellency will be 
 responsible to humanity for the blood that will be shed ; 
 and the impartial world will approve the means of in- 
 demnity that will be taken for the sacrifices of conquest, 
 protesting, as I do, against any usurpation of territory, 
 comprehended within the limits recognized before the 
 opening of the campaign of your Excellency, and be- 
 yond the frontiers of the kingdom of Brazil. God pre- 
 serve your Excellency many years. 
 
 Juan Martin Pueyrredon. 
 
 House of the government of Buenos Ayres, 
 1st Felruary, 1817- 
 
 Gen. Frederico Lecor.
 
 NOTES ON THE REPORTS, &c 
 
 Note a. 
 
 1 HE Indies were, by a solemn decree, annexed to 
 the Crown of Castile in 1519. They are expressly 
 called a kingdom in documents of legal authority ; and 
 King of the Indies is one of the titles of the Spanish 
 monarch. They, therefore, were not, as colonies 
 usually are, mere appendages to the mother country, 
 to be disposed of as she might please; but an integral 
 part of the empire, no less than Castile itself. This 
 distinction is of more importance than metaphysical 
 subtleties usually are. Colonies, properly so called, 
 are completely dependant on the state to which they 
 belong: into whatever hands the government of it 
 may pass, they, as a matter of course, follow its destiny : 
 they may be allowed a share in the management of 
 the details of their internal concerns, but they cannot 
 determine their own external political relations: they 
 may even be sold, or given in exchange, to a foreign 
 power. We ourselves have ceded or exchanged some 
 of our own colonies times without number. But nei- 
 ther Spain nor her sovereign had any right to alienate 
 her possessions in the New World. 
 
 The Emperor Charles V, in a decree, incorporating 
 Spanish America with the Crown of Castile, dated 
 Barcelona, the 14th of September, 1519, after decree- 
 ing that all title, name, or notion, of conquest, should 
 be erased from the laws of the Indies, and that the
 
 310 NOTE A. 
 
 Indians should be considered subjects of the king, in 
 all respects the same as Castilians, concludes with 
 the following declaration : " Considering the fidelity 
 of our vassals, and the hardships which the discoverers 
 and settlers experienced in making their discoveries 
 and settlements ; and in order that they may possess 
 with more certainty and confidence the right oi always 
 remaining united to our royal Crown, we promise and 
 pledge our faith and royal word, in behalf of ourselves 
 and the kings our successors, for ever, that their cities 
 and settlements, on no account or reason, or in favour 
 of any person whatsoever, shall be alienated, or sepa- 
 rated, wholly, or in part ; and that if we or any of our 
 successors should make any gift or alienation thereof, 
 contrary to this our express declaration, the same 
 shall be held as null and void." 
 
 South America never stood to Spain in a relation 
 similar to that in which Tobago, for instance, stands 
 to England. It was, as we have already stated, one of 
 the integral parts of the empire; none of which could 
 pretend to any superiority above the rest, since what- 
 ever powers were assumed by one, might, with equal 
 reason, be claimed by all. In this respect, the con- 
 nexion between it and Spain had a greater resemblance 
 to what subsists between England, Scotland, and 
 Ireland, than to the humble dependance of a colonial 
 establishment on the mother country. 
 
 From the peculiarity which we have now stated in 
 the character ascribed to South America by the laws 
 of Spain, two important conclusions follow. 
 
 First; No junta, whether provincial or central — 
 no cortes elected by Spain, possessed, or could by any 
 proceeding of their, own acquire, a legitimate autho- 
 rity over the South Americans. The inhabitants of 
 the New World were no more bound by the acts of 
 any or all of the provinces of Old Spain, than Valencia
 
 SGTE B. QH 
 
 was by those of Arragon, or Valencia and Arragon 
 together by those of Castile. They had the same 
 right to be governed by Juntas, or Cortes, of their 
 own election, as those parts of the empire which were 
 situated in Europe. The authorities, therefore, 
 which existed in the mother country during the period 
 of the war with France, had no legal right to the obe- 
 dience of the colonies : so that, at the commencement 
 of the South American revolution, the words of the 
 law, as well as the principles of justice, were on the 
 side of the patriots. 
 
 Secondly ; it is an acknowledged principle of public 
 law, that where a civil war exists, both parties are to be 
 considered by each other, and by the rest of the world, 
 as, for the time being, independent states, liad the 
 provinces of the Rio de la Plata been a mere appen- 
 dage to Spain, they would have been entitled, during 
 the continuance of the revolutionary struggle, to all 
 the privileges that belong to a nation. Surely then 
 their title to national rights must appear much 
 stronger, when we consider that they are not a 
 dependency, but an integral part of the inheritance of 
 the Spanish crown, and that they broke off* not from 
 what was superior to them, but from that which, con- 
 junctly with themselves, was subject to one supreme 
 authority. 
 
 Note b. 
 
 The Commissioners here do not convey a just idea 
 either of the treatment which the colonies received, or 
 of the grounds on which they resolved to govern 
 themselves. The authorities that administered the 
 affairs of Spain in a time of confusion and dismay, 
 when an overwhelming enemy was at their gate* 
 might have been forgiven, though they had now and 
 *hen neglected provinces which were separated from
 
 312 NOTE B. 
 
 them by many thousand miles. But neglect was not 
 the error into which they fell. The central junta did 
 not reign long enough to embroil itself with the trans- 
 atlantic dominions of the monarchy ; it was satisfied 
 with receiving their money, and sending Spaniards 
 to govern them. Its decree of October, 1809, declar- 
 ing the inhabitants of South America equal in rights 
 to those of the Peninsula, was well calculated to 
 sooth; yet its jurisdiction over the Indies was very 
 generally denied. The Council of Regency succeeded 
 it, and boldly asserted their authority over the New 
 World. The Cortes, that soon afterwards assembled 
 at Cadiz, were equally lofty in their pretensions ; but, 
 to give a show of justice to their claims, ordered a 
 number of members to be chosen by lot from among 
 the Americans who happened at the time to be resident 
 in the Isle of Leon. Some of them protested against 
 their farcical election, but were nevertheless compelled 
 to take their seats. A very rancorous spirit against 
 America pervaded the majority of this assembly. " If 
 the Americans," said one member, " complain that 
 they have been the victims of tyranny for 300 years, 
 they will now feel what slavery is for 3000 years more." 
 " I am rejoiced," said another, after the battle of 
 Albuera, " at the advantage we have gained, because 
 we can now send troops to reduce the insurgents." 
 Some declared that they could not tell to what class 
 of beasts the Americans belonged. The number of 
 representatives allotted to them did not bear the same 
 proportion to the population as those of Spain ; and 
 there was clearly no intention of freeing them from 
 the burdens under which they groaned. During 1810, 
 the American members made three several attempts, 
 all equally ineffectual, to obtain redress of their prin- 
 cipal grievances. In January, 1811, they again 
 brought forward their claims in eleven propositions.
 
 NOTE B. 313 
 
 which amounted to little more than that their com- 
 merce should be freed from its shackles, and that half 
 of the offices in America should be filled by natives of 
 the country. To these propositions, the Cortes would 
 not assent. England then made an offer of her media- 
 tion. Her offer was in appearance accepted, but in 
 reality refused: for the Cortes would allow of her 
 mediation only on condition that she would bind her- 
 self to assist in reducing the colonies by force of arms, 
 if they did not agree to the terms which should be 
 proposed ; and yet they did not state what these terms 
 were to be. In the following October, England a<min 
 interposed her good offices, and specified terms of 
 reconciliation : America was to acknowledge the 
 Cortes, and give liberal supplies for the war: in return, 
 an act of amnesty was to be passed ; her natives were 
 to be admitted to all offices ; and freedom of com- 
 merce, modified by a certain degree of preference to 
 the mother country, was to be granted to her. These 
 conditions were rejected by the Cortes. They were 
 guilty, therefore, of something more than neglect. 
 They exhibited no versatility in their conduct : they 
 adhered steadily to the plan of continuing the existing 
 system of oppression. 
 
 Neither is it true that the colonics resolved to act 
 for themselves, because they conceived that they were 
 abandoned by the parent state. They acted for 
 themselves, because neither the Central Junta, nor the 
 Council of Regency, nor the Cortes,* had any legiti- 
 mate authority over them, and because they saw no 
 reason for submitting to assemblies, which |X)ssessed 
 only an usurped power, and yet seemed disposed to 
 keep them in degradation and servitude. 
 
 • See Note a.
 
 31 i NOTE C. 
 
 Note c. 
 
 It is of importance that the origin of the revolution 
 should be clearly understood. Without, therefore, 
 attempting to trace the history of the independent 
 government after its firm establishment, we shall 
 unfold the first stages of its progress more fully than 
 Mr. Rodney has done. 
 
 Towards the end of July, 1808, a French brig 
 reached Buenos Ayres with an envoy from Napoleon, 
 who informed the Viceroy, Liniers, of the events 
 which had occurred in the Peninsula. Liniers, it is 
 clear, was by no means averse to the French dynasty ; 
 but doubts of his power to accomplish what he wished, 
 restrained him from acting with decision. He 
 assembled the Audiencia, and the Cabildo, or Muni- 
 cipality, to deliberate on the measures which ought to 
 be adopted in so uncommon an emergency. These 
 bodies, though one of them, we mean the Cabildo, was 
 actuated by sentiments very different from the Vice- 
 roy's, seem to have been infected with his indecision ; 
 for they came to no resolution, except that what had 
 happened in the mother country should be made 
 known publicly. A proclamation was accordingly 
 issued, in which Liniers mentioned, in very obscure 
 terms, the changes which had lately taken place in 
 Spain, reminded the people of the indifference with 
 which their ancestors in the preceding century had 
 regarded the war of the Spanish succession, assured 
 them of the admiration which their triumphs over the 
 English had excited in Napoleon, and in the name 
 of that usurper exhorted them to remain quiet. He 
 would have acted with more boldness, could he have 
 been certain that the other existing authorities in the 
 New World would have co-operated with him ; but 
 these authorities were then floating in uncertainty.
 
 NOTE C. 315 
 
 because they could not distinguish in what direction 
 their interests pointed. Some of them were not 
 unwilling that the provinces under their government 
 should be declared independent, provided their own 
 absolute power remained unimpaired. Others were 
 inclined to acknowledge the Princess Charlotte, sister 
 of Ferdinand VII, and consort of the Prince Regent 
 of Portugal, who, to obtain the regency of Spanish 
 America, was employing the most active emissaries, 
 and all the resources of intrigue. By submitting to 
 her, they seemed to gain the advantages of escaping 
 the yoke of France, of adhering to their own ro3 r al 
 family, and of securing the friendship of the Brazils. 
 A third class thought, that it would be most prudent, 
 as well as most easy, to do nothing whatsoever. 
 America, in their opinion, had only to remain a pas- 
 sive spectator of the struggle in the Peninsula, and to 
 submit, without resistance, to the dynasty which 
 should ultimately prevail. But all were aware that 
 their common interest required that they should take 
 their measures in concert. An active correspondence 
 was, therefore, carried on among them ; and their 
 final resolution was, that America was united, by 
 indissoluble bonds, to Spain, and must follow her 
 fortune. A legal opinion to this purpose of the 
 Oydor Canetc of Charcas, approved by the' viceroys, 
 and accepted by them as their rule of conduct, was 
 found in the course of the revolution among the 
 archives of the government. The policy thus 
 resolved upon, displayed a spirit of abject servility, 
 but was, perhaps, not unnatural in men, many of 
 whom possessed dignities and estates in Spain, which 
 they of course were loath to hazard. 
 
 When Liniers' proclamation appeared, his personal 
 enemy Don Xavier Elio, Governor of Montevideo,
 
 316 NOT* c. 
 
 seized the opportunity of charging him with disloyal 
 practices; refused on that ground obedience to his 
 commands ; and while in reality he ruled with abso- 
 lute power, pretended to imitate what had been done 
 in Spain, by assembling, for the government of the 
 district, a junta composed almost exclusively of Euro- 
 peans. Goyeneche soon afterwards arrived with 
 dispatches from the Junta of Seville. The ambition 
 of a governor was less odious in the eyes of Spain than 
 a leaning towards French interests, and, therefore, 
 the envoy approved what Elio had done. That 
 officer, in the mean time, was carrying on intrigues 
 with some Spaniards of Buenos Ayres, who were 
 eager to acknowledge and make common cause with 
 the mother country; and of course detested the Vice- 
 roy for his willingness to submit to Bonaparte. At 
 Elio's instigation, this faction attempted on the 1 st of 
 January, 1809, to depose Liniers ; but the natives sup- 
 ported him, not because they were partial to him or 
 his policy, but because they disliked and suspected his 
 opponents. The conspiracy, therefore, failed ; the 
 Spaniards were disarmed ; and the natives acquired 
 an ascendancy which they never afterwards lost. 
 
 Another district, besides Montevideo, disow ned the 
 Viceroy's authority, though from motives very unlike 
 those of Elio. La Paz is the capital of a tract of 
 country included within the province of Gharcas, and 
 containing about 300,000 inhabitants. Conceiving 
 that Spain had no chance of eluding the grasp of the 
 French despot, the people, in the beginning of 1809, 
 formed a government for themselves, and with this 
 view elected the most respectable persons among tbem 
 to constitute, what they styled, a junta intuitiva. To 
 suppress this commotion, troops were dispatched both 
 from Buenos Ayres and Peru. The armies of La
 
 NOTE C. 317 
 
 Paz were defeated in successive engagements, and 
 the victors glutted their vengeance with the most bar- 
 barous executions. 
 
 Liniers was succeeded by Cisneros. The Spaniards 
 still retained their factious spirit ; so that the new 
 viceroy, though not inclined, like his predecessor, to 
 French interests, was obliged, for his own security, to 
 avail himself of the influence of the native Americans 
 more than in other circumstances he would have 
 thought prudent. The events which, in the mean 
 time, happened in Spain — the battle of Oeana — the 
 flight of the Junta of Seville, and the general confu- 
 sion that ensued, threw him into dismay. In com- 
 municating the disastrous intelligence, he expressed 
 some doubts concerning the maintenance of his own 
 authority. The Cabildo, therefore, presented a peti- 
 tion, requesting that he would summon a general 
 meeting of the inhabitants, to determine on the steps 
 which should be taken in so delicate a crisis. The 
 petition being granted, a meeting was held on the 
 22d May, 1810, in conformity to whose decision a 
 junta, with the viceroy at its head, commenced its 
 sittings. The Spaniards took no share in those pro- 
 ceedings; and it was soon discovered that Cisneros, in 
 conjunction with them, was meditating the overthrow 
 of the Junta. After a formal deposition, therefore, and 
 sentence of exile, he was embarked for the Canary 
 Islands, along with the members of the audiencia, who 
 had all been deeply concerned in the plot. The 
 greater number of the Spaniards, whether employed 
 in civil offices, or in the army and navy, retired to 
 Montevideo. 
 
 Hitherto there had been three parties in the 
 country : those who regarded America as bound to 
 share the fate of Spain, and who were therefore dis- 
 posed to yield to the domineering power of France
 
 318 NOTE t. 
 
 — those who were resolved not to submit to the 
 French dynasty, but acknowledged the existing 
 patriot authorities in the mother country : — those 
 who, though loyal to Ferdinand, denied the right of 
 those authorities to rule out of the limits of the Pe- 
 ninsula, and wished to be governed by juntas of their 
 own election. This third party, which included all 
 the natives, and was, therefore, by far the most nu- 
 merous, though as none of its partisans filled high 
 offices, it had as yet made little figure, was now pre- 
 dominant : and the other two, who till then had dis- 
 played the most violent animosity, forgetting their 
 quarrels, joined to resist the common foe. The 
 Governors of Cordova, Chuquisaca, and Paraguay, 
 prepared for war. Liniers collected an army of 
 2,000 men, and, to prevent the approach of the 
 Junta's forces, laid waste the environs of Cordova. 
 But the greater part of his troops deserted him, and 
 went over to the opposite party ; he himself, and the 
 governor of the province, were taken prisoners and 
 executed, along with three others who had been 
 eminently active in opposing the revolution. The 
 royalists were equally unsuccessful in the vicinity of 
 Chuquisaca; they were twice defeated; their general 
 and the president of the audiencia, were made pri- 
 soners and were both shot. In Paraguay alone their 
 resistance was effectual. The troops which had been 
 sent thither, after sustaining a defeat, were allowed, 
 in consequence of a compact between the command- 
 ers, to retreat without molestation. 
 
 The revolutionary government has from its com- 
 mencement remained unshaken. At different times 
 it has been differently modified, but it has never been 
 supplanted by Spanish authority. Still Ferdinand 
 was acknowledged as their king. But in 1815, Don 
 Juan Martin de Pueyrredon was raised to the office 
 
 1
 
 NOTE D. 31JI 
 
 of Supreme Director by the General CongTess ; and, 
 in July, 1816, the revolution was completed by the 
 publication of a formal declaration of independence. 
 Pueyrredon still remains in office : but his adminis- 
 tration having already exceeded the usual period, the 
 Congress may perhaps elect another Supreme Di- 
 rector. 
 
 Note d. 
 
 The instances of severity which have occurred in 
 the revolution of Buenos Ayres, may be distributed 
 into three classes. 
 
 1. In the beginning of the revolution several 
 were executed for exciting war in support of the 
 old government. To this class belong Liniers, 
 AUende, Moreno, Rodriguez, the Governor of Cor- 
 dova, the President of the Audiencia of Chuquisaca, 
 and Colonel Cordova. Liniers had been permitted 
 to retire to Cordova by Cisneros ; but instead of re- 
 maining quiet, he had been most active in kindling 
 the flames of civil war. The success with which he 
 had a few years before resisted the English, joined to 
 the affability of his manners, and the liberality of his 
 spirit, both of which formed a strong contrast to the 
 pride and avarice of Spanish viceroys, had endeared 
 him to the lower classes. Such a man could not be 
 allowed to live without danger to the state. Exile 
 was impossible, for the roads were blockaded at the 
 time by a Spanish squadron ; his conduct proved that 
 he was resolved not to remain idle. It had already 
 been in his power to live peaceably as a private citizen. 
 He spurned the gentle treatment which he had re- 
 ceived, and made his appeal to the sword. lie had 
 therefore no great reason to complain, if, having l>ecn 
 unsuccessful, he met the same fate which he would 
 have inflicted upon his opponents.
 
 320 NOTE 1). 
 
 With regard to the other individuals whose names 
 we have specified, Ave are not sufficiently acquainted 
 with the particulars of their respective cases to know 
 what were the reasons of the severity which they ex- 
 perienced. That there were goqjl reasons, we have 
 strong inducements to believe. Cisneros and the 
 members of the audiencia had been detected in a 
 conspiracy to overthrow the Junta. As they had all 
 acknowledged its authority, and as some of them 
 belonged to it themselves, they had without doubt 
 incurred the guilt and penalties of treason. Yet in- 
 stead of proceeding to the extremes which the rigour 
 of law and justice would have prescribed, the govern- 
 ment was satisfied with sending the offenders out of 
 the country. It is not likely that an administration 
 which behaved mildly towards conspirators who first 
 acknowledged and then plotted to subvert the exist- 
 ing order of things, would without good reason ex- 
 ecute stricter vengeance upon men who had resisted 
 from the very beginning. They who were merciful 
 in one case would not from the mere wantonness of 
 cruelty be sanguinary in another. 
 
 But whatever were the circumstances which led to 
 the execution of the individuals whom we have named, 
 we must not forget that in political revolutions there 
 is generally a necessity for a degree of harshness, 
 from which humanity recoils with aversion. The 
 new establishment can be secured only by the ruin of 
 those who are most able and best disposed to support 
 the old. The turbulence of ambitious spirits must 
 be checked by a few examples of rigorous punish- 
 ment. One of the great mischiefs of political change, 
 is the necessity which it brings along with it of shed- 
 ding blood. If the change has originated from am- 
 bition or restlessness, the guilt of the promoters of 
 it is enhanced by all the violations of humanity,
 
 NOTE D. 321 
 
 which, after the first step has been taken, cease too 
 often to be matters of choice. If on the contrary 
 the change is in itself justifiable, all the misery which 
 is caused by the efforts to accomplish it, must be 
 charged to the account, not of those who promoted, 
 but of those whose misgovernment produced the ne- 
 cessity of change. 
 
 2. The second class of instances of severity in- 
 cludes the men who have suffered for conspiring to 
 overthrow the existing government. Such was the 
 lot of Alzaga and twenty of his associates in 1812. 
 We may pity these unfortunate men, but we cannot 
 say that their fate was more severe than they deserved. 
 Every government has an undoubted right to defend 
 itself. Whether it has newly begun to exist, or has 
 existed for centuries, whether in its origin it be an 
 usurpation or be legitimate, it is equally entitled to 
 punish those who, while they live in its bosom, plot 
 its destruction. No matter though their motives be 
 of the most exalted kind ; no matter though free 
 from every stain of interested views, they should be 
 actuated only by a regard to the good of their coun- 
 try : we may regret them as victims to the public 
 welfare, yet we cannot blame the government against 
 which their efforts were directed, and which for that 
 reason doomed them to death. Alzaga and his as- 
 sociates, therefore, would have suffered justly, though 
 they had been animated by the purest patriotism. 
 But their motives had no connexion with patriotism. 
 The plot was of a most atrocious character; it was 
 to be accomplished by the murder of all the most 
 eminent men in the city. AUaga's ultimate object 
 was to make himself absolute ruler o\' the country, 
 while his associates had no other aim than the resto- 
 ration of the old tyranny. The execution of such 
 men cannot be called an act of severity.
 
 3'22 NOTE D. 
 
 Indeed, on that occasion the government exhibited 
 remarkable prudence, lenity, and forbearance. The 
 plot was found to extend much more widely than 
 was at first supposed : there was scarcely a Spaniard 
 in the city or neighbourhood, who was not concerned 
 in it. Had the rulers of the state been actuated by 
 feelings of animosity, or by a spirit of undue rigour, 
 here was an opportunity of executing bitter venge- 
 ance upon the whole host of their enemies. But 
 instead of seeking pretexts for severity, they sought 
 only to avoid the necessity of numerous punishments. 
 It might have been dangerous to allow those to escape 
 whose guilt was clearly proved. As soon therefore 
 as they had convicted the leaders, they refused to 
 listen to further accusations, or to hear evidencewhich 
 might implicate new delinquents. We must again 
 say, that where a government which could act with 
 such prudence and magnanimity is concerned, 
 charges of improper severity must not be lightly 
 taken up. 
 
 3. The third class of instances of severity com- 
 prehends those cases in which the prevailing party 
 among the patriots have proceeded to harsh measures 
 against their opponents. When Saavedra, for in- 
 stance, obtained a decided ascendency in April, 1811, 
 Larrea, Pena, Pozadas, and other distinguished 
 men, were driven into exile. So when Alvear was 
 forced to resign in 1815, he was obliged with several 
 of his partisans to withdraw to the Bra2ils. Banish- 
 ment has always been a fashionable expedient in 
 republics. It is supported by an uninterrupted train 
 of precedents from Athens down to Florence : and 
 therefore we need not be surprised that the new re- 
 public of Buenos Ayres should sometimes have re- 
 sorted to the use of it. When we cannot silence 
 an opponent, we have a strong temptation to send
 
 NOTE E. ;J23 
 
 him where at least we shall not hear him. We are 
 however glad to observe that the fashion is getting 
 into disuse on the shores of the river Plate. 
 
 Though a few judicial severities have been found 
 necessary, it is worthy of notice that the revolution 
 in Buenos Ayres has not been disgraced by those 
 tumults, massacres, and assassinations which too often 
 occur, when the authority of old establishments is 
 subverted. Its warfare, too, has been exempt from 
 the barbarities which have been practised in other 
 parts of the new world : and for this they deserve the 
 higher praise, that their adversaries are said on some 
 occasions to have carried on hostilities in the manner 
 of savages rather than according to the inks of civil- 
 ized states. Goyeneche, it is reported, after his vic- 
 tory in 1811, whether from cruelty, or from a hope 
 of conquering by terror, pursued a most ferocious 
 system. He made no selection in his victims. All 
 his prisoners were shot, and every partisan of the 
 revolution that fell into his hands. The scene where 
 these transactions are said to have taken place, is far 
 in the interior, and there are few channels of com- 
 munication with it. We, therefore, would not be 
 hasty in believing reports of this nature. If, how- 
 ever, there is any truth in them, to have abstained 
 from retaliation is an instance of almost unequalled 
 lenity. 
 
 Note k. 
 
 Chili is hounded on the west by the Pacific Ocean ; 
 on the east it is separated from the territory of Buenos 
 Ayres by the Cordillera de los Andes ; on the north 
 it is divided from the viceroyalty of Lima by the 
 desert of Atacama; on the south its boundaries are 
 not very accurately defined. Some geographers have 
 extended it to Cape I Join, or at least to a parallel 
 x 2
 
 324- NOTE E. 
 
 with the Archipelago of the Chonos islands. In fact, 
 however, the Spanish possessions, with the exception 
 of the town and fortress of Valdivia and the island 
 of Chiloe, terminated at the Biobio. The country 
 to the south of that river is occupied by the indepen- 
 dent Araucanian Indians, who have made some 
 progress in agriculture and civilization. 
 
 Under the Spanish administration Chili was go- 
 verned by a captain general. It was divided into 
 two provinces ; the province of Santiago, and the pro- 
 vince of Conception. Strong jealousies prevailed 
 between them. They were distributed into thirteen 
 districts, each committed to the care of a subdelegado. 
 
 The population, including white people, the 
 converted Indians, and the mixed races, is estimated 
 at a million. Its productions are gold, silver, cop- 
 per, wheat, wine, hides, tallow, and jerk beef. It 
 exports the latter five articles principally to Peru, 
 receiving in return sugar, rice, salt, and European 
 goods. Paraguay tea and European goods are also 
 imported from Buenos Ayres. Such has been its 
 commerce hitherto ; but what it will be no one can 
 venture to foretell. The reality may exceed the ex- 
 pectations which the most sanguine could venture to 
 express. So favourable is its climate, and so fertile 
 its soil, that it has often been styled the garden of the 
 world. The variety of its productions is boundless, 
 and it enjoys one inestimable advantage, that no part 
 of it is very remote from the sea. 
 
 The cordial union which the American commis- 
 sioners speak of as subsisting between Buenos Ayres 
 and Chili, began at a very early period in the re- 
 volution. The Junta of Buenos Ayres, soon after 
 their formation, despatched to Santiago an envoy, 
 who was well acquainted with the inhabitants of that 
 capital, to hasten the deposition of the Spanish go-
 
 NOTE E. 325 
 
 vernors. On the 18th July, 1810, the Captain Ge- 
 neral was compelled to resign; and on the 18th of 
 the following September, a new government was 
 formed. Some time after the revolutionary autho- 
 rities were established, they exhibited an instance of 
 lenity in allowing six months to all Spaniards who 
 were dissatisfied with the recent changes, in order to 
 dispose of their property and leave the country. So 
 entire was the good understanding maintained be- 
 tween the governments, that Chili at one time sent 
 300 troops to the assistance of her neighbour. In 
 1811, three brothers of the name of Carrera acquired 
 the principal influence in public affairs. They gained 
 their ascendency by intrigue, and they employed it 
 only for the gratification of themselves and their 
 partisans, who consisted chiefly of the dissipated 
 youth of the capital. The administration could not 
 be well conducted in such hands. There was no skill 
 to draw out the public resources, but there were 
 ample causes of dissatisfaction and discord. Accord- 
 ingly in 1813, an army from Lima took possession 
 of Conception, and obtained several advantages. In 
 the following spring some severe conflicts ensued : 
 but in the autumn General Osorio with the royal 
 forces obtained possession of the whole country, 
 partly through the imbecility and cowardice of 
 Carrera, and partly through the treacherous in- 
 fraction of a treaty by the Viceroy of Lima. A 
 small part of the army of Chili retreated to Mendoza, 
 a frontier town of the provinces of the river Plata. 
 These were joined by a considerable force, sent by 
 the government of Buenos Ayres, so that the whole 
 amounted to 4,000 men. San Martin, who in 1814 
 had distinguished himself by his prudent conduct 
 whilst at the head of the army in Tucuman, was tip- 
 pointed to the command. Having disciplined them
 
 826 NOTE K. 
 
 with great care, he began to move in January, 1817, 
 After crossing the Andes, he attacked and defeated 
 the enemy in a strong position at Chacabuco, about 
 thirty leagues from the capital. They there lost 
 1200 men. The Captain General was shortly after- 
 wards made prisoner, the Spanish authorities dis- 
 appeared from every part of the country, except the 
 peninsula of Talcahuano, near the mouth of theBiobio, 
 and the battle of Maipo, which was won by San 
 Martin, secured the independence of Chili. A meet- 
 ing of the principal inhabitants of Santiago, held 
 soon after the victory of Chacabuco, testified their 
 gratitude by electing San Martin to be supreme 
 director ; thus voluntarily adopting the same form of 
 government which existed at Buenos Ayres, and 
 placing at their head an officer of that state. San 
 Martin however declined the honour. General 
 O'Higgins was then elected to the office, and still con- 
 tinues to fill it. He is of Irish extraction, though 
 his father was viceroy of Lima. He himself was 
 educated in England, at the establishment of the 
 Jesuits at Stoneyhurst, in Lancashire. He gained 
 an honourable reputation by his conduct in the earlier 
 part of the revolution. In politics he was opposed to 
 the Carreras, and displayed great gallantry and 
 talents in opposing the royal army in 1814. When 
 Osorio overran the country, he was one of those 
 who took refuge at Mendoza, and he commanded a 
 division of San Martin's army during the successful 
 campaign of 1817. He is attached to Buenos Ayres, 
 under whose auspices he has attained his present 
 dignity ; and he sees clearly that the interests of both 
 countries require that a good understanding should 
 be maintained between them at present, and a more 
 intimate union established hereafter. The recollec- 
 tion of the recent services of their neighbour has in 
 
 7
 
 XOTIi k. 327 
 
 some degree reconciled the people of Chili to the in- 
 fluence of Buenos Ayres ; and the necessity of co- 
 operation in the intended attack upon Lima will 
 cement the connexion of the two countries for some 
 time longer. The ascendency of the provinces of 
 the Ilio de la Plata in the affairs of its ally will thus 
 probably acquire solidity from the length of its dura- 
 tion; that narrow-minded jealousy which pervades 
 eveiy province of America, and disposes each to se- 
 parate from the districts around it, discouraged and 
 checked by the public authority, will every day be- 
 come weaker, and will gradually give way to a more 
 enlarged spirit of patriotism. The people of Chili, 
 it is to be hoped, will see that it is for their advantage, 
 not merely to continue in alliance with the provinces 
 of the river Plata, but to enter into intimate union 
 with them, and to acknowledge one-common authority. 
 Each country may retain the management ol' its 
 own local concerns ; but they should both be subject 
 to the legislative power of one and the same congress, 
 and to the magistracy of the same great functionaries 
 of state. All collision of interests, and all danger of 
 future hostilities, would thus be removed; there would 
 be complete unity, both in their domestic measures 
 and in their external relations; the administration 
 would be more economical than if they were governed 
 separately; they would possess greater strength to 
 resist attack, and, in the eyes of foreign nations, 
 greater respectability. The intercourse between them 
 would be much easier, and the mutual exchange of 
 commodities on a much more sure and advantageous 
 footing, than if they continued distinct, though fi i< ndly 
 states : and consequently, their agriculture, commerce, 
 manufactures, and population, would be promoted. 
 Neither of them would lose any thing except the 
 power of doing mischief to its neighbour ; and both
 
 328 NOTE F. 
 
 would gain advantages, which time alone can teach 
 them to estimate as highly as they ought. 
 
 Note f. 
 
 A population of a million and a half or two mil- 
 lions is extremely small for a country like that which 
 was comprised in the ancient viceroyalty of Buenos 
 Ayres. The extent of territory is great, the soil is 
 fertile, the climate salubrious, the communication 
 between different parts of it easy : there is a ready 
 outlet for the surplus produce, a regular government 
 has long subsisted, and there have been no destruc- 
 tive wars to retard the increase of the people. We 
 should therefore have expected it to teem with inhabi- 
 tants. The causes that checked the operation of so 
 many natural advantages are to be found in the 
 nature of the government, which, by preventing any 
 considerable augmentation in the produce of the in- 
 dustry of the country, must have exercised an un- 
 favourable influence on the number of the inhabi- 
 tants. The revolution, by removing almost every clog 
 that hindered the advancement of agriculture and 
 commerce, has cured the radical mischief. Po- 
 pulation may henceforth be expected to flow on in a 
 rapidly increasing stream, till extensive districts, 
 where the human voice is now but seldom heard, 
 become the crowded abodes of assiduous labour. It 
 is to the natural tendency of the human species to 
 increase rapidly, unless checked by unfavourable cir- 
 cumstances, that we chiefly look for a rapid increase 
 of inhabitants on the banks of the Parana. In the 
 mean time emigration may co-operate with this na- 
 tural principle. In many of the kingdoms of Europe, 
 population increases so much more rapidly than the 
 means of subsistence, that multitudes, if they remain 
 5
 
 NOTE F. '429 
 
 at home, become the lingering victims of disease and 
 want, and therefore would be glad to remove to a 
 region where bread may be so easily earned by the 
 sweat of the brow. Some even of those who could 
 live in tolerable comfort in their native laud, are 
 willing to become sojourners on a foreign soil, that 
 they and their descendants may be removed still 
 further from poverty, and that their present compe- 
 tence may be changed into abundance. Emigrants 
 of both classes generally repair to North America; 
 but the advantages of the regions in the vicinity of 
 the Rio de la Plata are so great, that the current of 
 emigration will probably ere long be directed thither. 
 The soil is more fertile than in the United States; 
 the climate is more favourable; and suited to a greater 
 variety of productions ; the land is not encumbered 
 with woods; and it is understood the settler will 
 receive an allotment proportionate to his means of 
 cultivation, and without the payment of money, free 
 from tithes, and for some time at least from taxes. 
 Clothing likewise costs little, in consequence of the 
 general mildness of the weather ; and provisions can 
 be attained for a mere trifle. The emigrant to the 
 United States, on the contrary, pays two dollars for 
 every acre of land : that which he has bought he pro- 
 bably finds to be part of an immense forest ; many years 
 must be wasted, and much money spent in clearing 
 it, before it can be cultivated to advantage; and after 
 all, the soil often turns out to be of a very poor 
 quality. 
 
 There seems to be thrCc circumstances which at 
 present induce emigrants to prefer North America : 
 the passage thither is shorter than to the Rio de la 
 Plata, and consequently less expensive ; then- is not 
 the same confidence in the government of Buenos 
 Ayres as in that of the United States ; and the preva-
 
 3S0 NOTE T. 
 
 lence of the Roman Catholic religion in the former is 
 supposed to produce an intolerant bigotry, which 
 would render it an unpleasant abode for foreign pro- 
 testants. To counterbalance the greater expense of 
 the passage, we must recollect that after the emigrant 
 is landed on the shores of the Rio de la Plata, 
 he has not so long a journey over land as the 
 North American settler, for he finds large uncul- 
 tivated tracts in its immediate vicinity. And even if 
 the excess in the cost of the one voyage above the 
 other were much greater than it is, the difference 
 would be far more than counterbalanced by the ulti- 
 mate advantages. The government too is, we admit, 
 new ; and therefore it is not unnatural that doubts 
 of its stability should prevail for some time. But 
 the country cannot again become subject to Spain ; 
 it must be independent ; and the government must, 
 to a certain degree, be founded on the principles of 
 freedom: this is enough for the emigrant. The 
 objection founded on the prevalence of the Roman 
 Catholic religion is altogether visionary. In no 
 country is there less bigotry than at Buenos Ayres ; 
 and it may be said, that a general toleration, if not 
 formally sanctioned by law (which probably it soon 
 will be), is at least tacitly admitted. 
 
 At present South America is scarcely known ; and 
 they who are disposed to leave their native home are 
 unacquainted with the facilities which it presents to 
 emigrants. In a few years, information concerning it 
 will be more generally diffused through Europe; 
 and a boundless extent of the richest soil, adapted 
 to every species of European agriculture, as well as 
 to the growth of tobacco, cotton, coffee, and other 
 tropical produce, will not be allowed to remain a 
 solitary wilderness. The government has already 
 turned its attention to the subject, and is disposed to
 
 NOTE F. 331 
 
 grant every encouragement to emigrants. The first 
 step, they have wisely thought, is to obtain an ac- 
 curate statistical account of the districts which it 
 would be desirable to colonise first ; and for this pur- 
 pose proper persons have been sent to visit them. 
 The result of such a survey will be a guide both to 
 the government and to emigrants. The wars, in 
 which self-defence has hitherto involved the state, 
 have reduced the treasury to a low ebb, so that some 
 time must probably elapse, before pecuniary aid can 
 be afforded to those who wish to become settlers. Such 
 aid, however, it is said, the government is inclined to 
 grant, the moment that it finds itself in possession 
 of adequate means. This circumstance we mention 
 rather as a proof of their desire to attract emigration 
 towards their shores, and to accelerate the progress 
 of improvement in their country, than that the 
 wisdom of it is beyond dispute. For our own parts 
 we are inclined to doubt, whether emigrants, who 
 are so destitute that they must obtain from others 
 funds to transport them, and to maintain them for 
 some time after their arrival, can be of much use to 
 the country in which they settle. They will add to 
 the number of its poor; whether they will add to 
 the produce of its agricultural and manufacturing in- 
 dustry is not equally clear. But if ever a govern- 
 ment can act prudently in applying the money which 
 it raises from its subjects to assist strangers to settle 
 within its territory, that of Buenos Ayres un- 
 doubtedly does so. For provisions arc so extremely 
 cheap and abundant, while labour is at the same time 
 so highly paid, that none, however destitute they 
 may be, are in danger of starring.
 
 332 NOTE G. 
 
 Note g. 
 
 This is one of the many circumstances which may 
 enable us to calculate what chance Spain has of re- 
 conquering her lost dominions. The Portuguese 
 army, sent by the court of the Brazils to extend their 
 dominions to the river Plata, amounted at the lowest 
 computation to 10,000 men, composed partly of 
 veterans from the Peninsula, and partly of light 
 troops well qualified for the warfare in which they 
 were to be engaged. This force has scarcely been 
 sufficient to retain military possession of the Banda 
 Oriental. It has not been able to expel Artigas from 
 the province, or to make itself master of any thing 
 except the ground on which its divisions encamp. 
 So very insecure is the footing which it has obtained 
 in the country, that Maldonado, the best, indeed the 
 only good port in the river, is under the power of 
 Artigas, and a redoubt commanding the town and 
 harbour of Montevideo was on one occasion seized by 
 some of his Guerillas. The Portuguese have not 
 even made an attempt to conquer Entre Rios, which 
 is the district between the Uraguay and the Parana. 
 Thus a well equipped army of 10,000 men, which 
 was marched from the neighbouring territory of the 
 Brazils, aided by a considerable naval force, has not 
 been able to make itself completely master of the 
 Banda Oriental, a district which, exclusive of Entre 
 Rios, does not contain above 35,000 inhabitants. 
 What exertions must be made before Spain, situated 
 at an immense distance, can reduce even the single 
 province of Buenos Ayres, which is nearly four times 
 as populous as the Banda Oriental, and is infinitely 
 better supplied with all the materials of war ! How 
 could she raise, or transport, or pay, or feed, or 
 clothes a force adequate to this service? If such
 
 NOTE H. 3.'i.'i 
 
 would be the difficulty of reducing the single province 
 of Buenos Ayres, it is easy to see how chimerical and 
 extravagant must be her attempts to re-establish her 
 authority over all the provinces of the Rio de la 
 Plata. 
 
 Note h. 
 
 Every one who meets with natives of Buenos Ayres 
 in Europe is struck with the superiority of character 
 which they exhibit. They are, beyond doubt, pre- 
 ferable to the Spaniards. The general eulogy which 
 is pronounced upon them by the American commis- 
 sioner does not exceed their merit; but it will be 
 proper to specify more minutely two features in their 
 conduct which will deserve attention. 
 
 First, At some periods of the revolution, when 
 the bands of authority were relaxed, the administra- 
 tion actually devolved into the hands of the inha- 
 bitants of the city. Hence, it might have been 
 imagined, endless tumult and disorder would have 
 sprung up, leading directly to pillage and bloodshed. 
 Yet no such disturbances ever took place: all remained 
 quiet. Property was never invaded ; blood was never 
 spilled. The people have in no instance demanded 
 victims to satisfy their vengeance; on the contrary, 
 they have sometimes, by the influence of public 
 opinion, moderated the rigour with which their rulers 
 were disposed to punish the guilty. 
 
 Secondly, The government, ever since the Revolu- 
 tion, has been engaged in very burdensome, though 
 necessary wars. Great exertions have been demanded 
 to withstand the royalists on the side of Peru, to tie- 
 liver Chili, to expel the Spaniards from Montevideo, 
 and, after their expulsion, to watch Artigas and the 
 Portuguese. The funds expended for carrying on 
 hostilities in so many countries must have been con- 
 siderable, and they have been supplied almost wholly
 
 334 NOTE I. 
 
 by the city of Buenos Ayres. Occasionally money 
 has been borrowed, but it has been always punctually 
 repaid. 
 
 Note i. 
 
 Mr. Rodney has taken special notice of the good 
 qualities of the people of Buenos Ayres and Men- 
 doza : Tucuman is mentioned in more general terms. 
 The inhabitants of the latter province have, however, 
 distinguished themselves in the cause of independ- 
 ence as much as any of their countrymen. They are 
 a bold and hardy race; they have given liberally 
 whatever means their country afforded, not only in 
 times of prosperity, but in moments of difficulty and 
 danger. In their supplies of men they have been 
 particularly lavish. Their patriotic conduct, in 1812, 
 ought never to be forgotten. In that year the 
 royalists, having been eminently successful in upper 
 Peru, advanced to Salta. Belgrano, the general of 
 the patriots, was compelled to retreat into Tucuman, 
 and from a consciousness of his weakness was inclined 
 to continue his retrograde movement still further. 
 But the people of Tucuman implored him to face 
 the enemy, and brought to him such reinforcements 
 as enabled him to comply with their gallant desires. 
 Having waited for the approach of the royalists, 
 Belgrano was attacked on the 24th of September; 
 but the assailants were completely defeated, and lost 
 1,100 men killed, wounded, and taken prisoners. 
 The appellation of the Field of Honour has since 
 designated the scene of this most opportune and most 
 memorable victory. 
 
 Note k. 
 
 The language of the American Commissioner is 
 calculated to convey to European readers very in-
 
 NOTE K. 335 
 
 accurate ideas of the Banda Oriental, and to lead 
 them to overrate its importance. The whole province 
 does not contain more than 35,000 inhabitants, of 
 whom 15,000 live in Montevideo. With the excep- 
 tion of that city, the population of which consists, or 
 at least used to consist, chiefly of Spaniards, it has 
 nothing that deserves the name of a town. Even the 
 villages are few and insignificant. The population is 
 widely scattered over the country, and is maintained 
 principally by estancias or grazing farms. An estancia 
 generally includes a large track of ground : the owner 
 with his family resides near the centre, and thence 
 superintends the peones whom he hires to take care of 
 his cattle. The peones are provided with all neces- 
 saries from his stores, but are not bound to him by 
 any tie. They are perfectly free and independent ; 
 they change their masters as often as they please, and 
 remove from one part of the country to another. 
 They constitute the chief part of the population of 
 the province ; for there are scarcely any black slaves 
 in it ; and the few who are there belong to the owners 
 of grazing farms, by whom they are employed as 
 domestic servants. The employment of the peones, 
 which connects them neither with particular persons 
 nor with particular places, but leads them to be con- 
 stantly changing their abode, is extremely favourable 
 to habits of vagrancy ; and the evil thus occasioned 
 is increased by the vicinity of the ill-defined frontier 
 of the Brazils. Mutual incursions, for the purpose 
 of stealing and driving away cattle, arc of frequent 
 occurrence. Hence has arisen a taste for robbery 
 as well as vagrancy. Such a system is little favourable 
 to the formation of domestic connexions. Accordingly 
 it has been observed that the projx>rtion of women 
 is remarkably small, and that they generally take 
 up their abode in Montevideo, or such of the villages
 
 836 NOTE K. 
 
 as will allow them to lead a sedentary life. All these 
 circumstances discourage marriage and the increase 
 of population, and, at the same time, promote the 
 growth of savage and predatory habits. They prove 
 also that there can be little connexion between the 
 upper classes and the great body of the country 
 people. In fact the former have little or no influence 
 over the latter ; nor is it easy to see how it is possible 
 to have any hold of men who possess no property, 
 have no fixed place of abode, follow no path of 
 sedentary industry, and are little inclined to shackle 
 themselves with permanent domestic ties. 
 
 The events of the revolution weakened the feeble 
 union which subsisted between the different classes of 
 society in the Banda Oriental. When the Spaniards, 
 who had filled civil offices or held posts in the army 
 and navy, fled from Buenos Ayres to throw them- 
 selves into the fortress of Montevideo, it was soon 
 discovered that the people of the country were dis- 
 posed to rise against Klio and his party. Regular 
 troops were accordingly sent from Buenos Ayres to 
 menace the Spanish garrison ; and after two tedious 
 sieges the fortress fell. Subsequent events compelled 
 the government of Buenos Ayres to withdraw their 
 forces from it. It was then occupied by the preda- 
 tory bands of Artigas. As this event was foreseen, 
 and as the character of the country people and their 
 chief was sufficiently well known, many of the re- 
 spectable inhabitants had previously emigrated to 
 Buenos Ayres or the Brazils. Those who remained 
 had reason to repent of their imprudent confidence 
 in wandering plunderers; for many have been mur- 
 dered, and others have been brought to poverty by 
 repeated contributions. The town was reduced to 
 the lowest ebb of distress, and anarchy and confusion 
 prevailed throughout the province, when the invasion
 
 NOTE L. 337 
 
 of the Portuguese took place. The situation of 
 Montevideo may possibly have been improved under 
 their administration ; but all beyond its walls is in the 
 most wretched situation. The provincial irregulars 
 infest every part of the country, so that it can be tra- 
 versed only by large bodies of troops. 
 
 Note l. 
 
 Mr. Rodney, in his enumeration of the exports, has 
 omitted Vicuna wool, sheep's wool, and horse hides. 
 The latter find a market in England onlv. Wool 
 will, probably, in the course of time, become one of 
 the principal articles in the commerce of the country. 
 The flocks of sheep, that wander over the immense 
 plains, abandoned to nature, are innumerable; but no ' 
 attention is paid to the breed and to the shearing, or 
 to the washing of the fleeces. A landholder, not 
 long since, gave public notice that he wished to have 
 his flocks shorn on a certain day, and that all who 
 might come to assist in the labour should have the 
 wool and their victuals : strange to say, the bribe 
 was not high enough ; nobody came. 
 
 Mr. Rodney, in specifying the imports from Bri- 
 tain, omits the important articles of iron, steel, 
 earthen ware, and sea coal. The importation of iron 
 and steel from the North of Europe are trifling, 
 because the same articles are procured from the Bri- 
 tish at a cheaper rate. In the .South American 
 market there is a preference for French and German 
 linens. The trade in these might in a great measure 
 be carried on by our merchants and in our vessels, 
 and opportunities would occur of introducing our 
 own linens along with them. But the mistaken ideas 
 of the Irish manufacturers, and the too gnat pliancy 
 of our ministers in yielding to fears, which they 
 
 v
 
 33 & NOTE L, 
 
 themselves know to be absurd, deprive us of this 
 branch of trade, and banish it to Hamburgh, 
 Amsterdam, and the French ports ; for we are not 
 allowed to import foreign linens, even for the pur- 
 pose of re-exporting them, without paying, an enor- 
 mous transit duty which amounts to a prohibition. 
 The importance which we justly set on our commer- 
 cial mai'ine, as the source of our naval power, has 
 usually induced us to encourage every species of the 
 carrying trade. But in this singular instance we 
 have, by a positive law, excluded ourselves from being 
 the carriers of foreign commodities to foreign coun- 
 tries, though in carrying them we should have an 
 opportunity of extending the sale of some of our own 
 domestic manufactures. 
 
 The imports from America, notwithstanding Mr. 
 Rodney's showy enumeration, are very trifling. Fur- 
 niture is the most considerable article, but it is furni- 
 ture of an ordinary kind. The number of coaches 
 kept in the country is extremely small, and con- 
 sequently the number annually imported can scarcely 
 be worthy of notice. Naval and military stores, as Mr. 
 Graham observes, are supplied cheaper directly from 
 Europe. The river yields fresh fish in the greatest 
 abundance; so that foreign dried fish is a luxury 
 reserved for the tables of the rich, and is consumed 
 only in a very inconsiderable quantity. Mr. Graham 
 mentions spirituous liquors among the imports from 
 America. Their importation, however, is discou- 
 raged by heavy duties, as there are abundance of dis- 
 tilleries in the country; foreign ruin, geneva, and 
 brandy, are consequently too dear for the consump- 
 tion of the lower classes. Thus the North Americans 
 find it very difficult, or even impossible, to make up 
 their outward cargoes of the pi'oduce and manufac- 
 tures of the United States, and are obliged to pur-
 
 NOTE M. 330 
 
 chase what they want with British goods, or eveii 
 with the precious metals. 
 
 Note m. 
 
 If Buenos Ayres has sometimes abused her con- 
 trolling influence, it would be no more than must 
 happen in every exercise of authority by human 
 beings. But we are not aware of any particular 
 instances of abuse which could justify Mr. Rodney's 
 remark. She has, in no instance, sacrificed the in- 
 terests of other parts of the country to her own J 
 she has not even shown any undue eagerness to 
 compel them to submit to the established government. 
 Paraguay, and still more Santa Fe, have been dealt 
 with, perhaps, too gently. The moderate policy 
 which has been followed may have proceeded from 
 prudence ; bat whatever be the motive from which it 
 originates, it shows that the language of Mr. Rodney 
 is rather too harsh. 
 
 The people of Buenos Ayres have sometimes inter- 
 fered directly in the government; but this has 
 happened only in cases of apparent necessity. They 
 created the executive, in J 81 2, to put down the at- 
 tempts of some deputies to continue in the exercise of 
 that power which did not belong to them ; and, in 
 1815, they were the principal agents in dissolving the 
 administration of Alvcar. In both cases their inter- 
 ference may have been beneficial, though of i nature 
 that is not required, and ought not to be tolerated, in 
 established governments. 
 
 The jealousy of the superior influence of Buenos 
 Ayres does not arise from her having abused her 
 power, but from the spirit of provincialism which 
 pervades every part of South America, and of which 
 the full operation may be seen in the pivoe d 
 ings of Paraguay, and the Bamla Oriental. Tin 
 y 2
 
 340 NOTE N. 
 
 people of each district would fain govern themselves. 
 In uniting with others, they seem to think they im- 
 pair their own dignity. By forming separate states 
 the general vanity is gratified, and each man, having 
 a more intimate connexion with his rulers, becomes 
 of more consequence in his own eyes, and can more 
 plausibly flatter himself with ambitious hopes. Were 
 this spirit allowed to predominate, the country, in- 
 stead of constituting one flourishing empire, would 
 exhibit the distracted, turbulent scene of a multitude 
 of petty states, prosecuting severally their own miser- 
 able interests, subjecting the transit and exchange of 
 commodities to heavy duties, filled with mutual 
 suspicions, and often harassed by open wars. 
 
 Note n. 
 
 In a former note * we stated that the American 
 commissioners had overrated the present importance 
 of the Banda Oriental. They seem also to have 
 made Artigas a much more considerable personage 
 than he really is. Jose Artigas is a native of Monte- 
 video. It is said that, absconding from that town 
 while very young, he joined the roving country 
 people who bear the vulgar name of Gaachos, and 
 so completely adopted their manners and habits, that 
 his extraction and the place of his birth, were nearly 
 obliterated from his memory. After the lapse of 
 many years, chance brought him within the walls of 
 Montevideo. A faint recollection of what had been 
 familiar to him in his boyhood made him recognize 
 the streets; inquiries and explanations ensued, which, 
 at last, conducted him into the arms of his parents, who 
 had long given him up for lost. These circumstances 
 
 * See Note *.
 
 NOTE N. 341 
 
 came to the ears of the Governor ; they were suffi- 
 ciently romantic to command his attention, and he 
 conceived that it would be sound policy to avail himself 
 of the reputation and local knowledge which Artigas 
 had acquired among his roving comrades. The law- 
 less conduct of the Gauchos often occasioned dis- 
 turbances altogether incompatible with good order. 
 In checking or punishing these, Artigas, he thought, 
 might be of great use. He therefore gave him the 
 rank of captain in the corps of blandenguc;, a spe- 
 cies of irregular light cavalry, to whom the police 
 of the country was confided. 
 
 When the revolution broke out, the natural pene- 
 tration of Artigas soon enabled him to discover the 
 wide field which was now opened to his ambition. 
 He immediately abandoned the cause of Spain, 
 sought and obtained from Buenos Ay res the assist- 
 ance of arms and ammunition, and putting himself 
 at the head of the Gauchos, swept the country of 
 Spaniards, plundered the villages, and advanced with 
 General Rondeau to the siege of Montevideo. To- 
 wards the end of 1811, the siege was raised, in con- 
 sequence of the approach of the Portuguese, and of 
 Elio's proposals for peace. It was resumed in De- 
 cember, 1812: and Artigas, with his irregular forces, 
 again co-operated with Rondeau. I lis ambition now 
 began to display itself. The endeavours of Rondeau 
 to preserve discipline, and to prevent excesses, were 
 probably not palatable to the Gauchos or their leader. 
 Hence dissensions arose, which soon assumed the 
 most serious aspect; and at length Artigas insisted 
 upon directing the siege as chief of the provincials, 
 while the general of Buenos Ayres should serve 
 under him as commander of the auxiliaries. To 
 quell these disorders, which to a superficial observer 
 seemed to arise from personal jealousy between the
 
 342 NOTE N". 
 
 two generals, Don M. Sarratea, at that time a 
 member of the supreme government, was dispatched 
 to the camp before Montevideo. He was directed to 
 assume the supreme command, and to issue his orders, 
 both to Rondeau and to Artigas. This, it was sup- 
 posed, was a probable mode of allaying their private 
 animosities, and preventing them from proving inju- 
 rious to the public service. But the conduct of Artigas 
 proceeded on deeper views than sentiments of dislike 
 to this or that individual ; and accordingly Sarratea's 
 mission was unsuccessful. Rondeau resumed the com- 
 mand, and Artigas with his Gauchos withdrew ; tor it 
 was not at that time his interest to expel the Spaniards. 
 To keep the country under his control, it was necessary 
 to maintain an equilibrium between Montevideo and 
 Buenos Ayres, so that he might be feared and courted 
 by both. Not satisfied with the removal of his troops, 
 he proceeded to acts of direct hostility, by intercept- 
 ing the provisions destined for the besiegers : they 
 rjowever retained their position. The defeat of the 
 flotilla of the royalists, by that of Buenos Ayres, 
 enabled the latter to blockade the harbour effectually. 
 Provisions soon became very scarce in the fortress, 
 and, at length, in June, 1814, Montevideo surr 
 rendered. When the garrison were on the eve of eva- 
 cuating it, an officer was intercepted with a letter 
 from Artigas, inviting the Governor and troops to 
 put themselves under his protection, and make com- 
 mon cause against Buenos Ayres. This discovery 
 induced Alvear, who commanded the besiegers, not 
 to lose a moment in completing the embarkation of 
 the Spaniards. He then turned his arms against Ar- 
 tigas. But the movements of that chief were too rapid 
 for the pace of a regular army. He escaped with little 
 loss ; and after a march of many hundred miles, the 
 pursuers were obliged to give up the chase. After
 
 NOTE N. fMJ 
 
 some months Montevideo was dismantled; all the 
 stores, with the artillery, were embarked for Buenos 
 Ayres, and the garrison, which had been left there, 
 was withdrawn. Artigas, who, in the mean time, had 
 gained some slight advantages over the troops of the 
 government, immediately occupied that town. He 
 then invaded the province of Buenos Ayres, and 
 took Santa F£. Various circumstances prevented 
 vigorous measures from being adopted imme- 
 diately. After several months had elapsed, some 
 troops were sent to recover it. These Artigas de- 
 feated. His attention, however, was soon recalled 
 to that province, of which he claimed the sove- 
 reignty; for towards the end of 1816, the Portuguese, 
 who had long wished to extend their frontier to the 
 Rio de la Plata, invaded the Banda Oriental with 
 10,000 men, under the command of General Lecor. 
 Notwithstanding some partial advantages gained by 
 Artigas, the Portuguese entered Montevideo on the 
 20th January, 1817, and still retain it. But they have 
 published few and slight accounts of what has hap- 
 pened since; so that wc do not know precisely the 
 progress which they have made in reducing the 
 country. Artigas is reported to have suffered severely 
 in several encounters, and to have lost a great many 
 of his followers. Still he keeps the field, and ha- 
 rasses the detachments of the invaders in their front, 
 flank, and rear. They are masters of nothing be- 
 yond the ground on which their troops are stationed, 
 and experience great difficulty in procuring supplies 
 of provisions. It is said that they have no intention 
 of crossing the Uruguay, and that, instead of ad- 
 vancing, they will probably be compelled, ere long, to 
 
 retreat. 
 
 Artigas seems to have lost but little of his popu- 
 larity or activity, though age begins to press on him.
 
 344 NOTE N. 
 
 accelerated by fatigues and the general vice of the 
 Gauchos — excessive indulgence in the use of spiritu- 
 ous liquors. He lives among his people, and dresses 
 as their equal. Stretched on a hide, and smoking 
 his segar, he issues his mandates, and decides on life 
 or death with the authority of an Eastern despot. 
 He is so illiterate that he can scarcely write his own 
 name ; but those who have had opportunities of be- 
 coming well acquainted with his character, give him 
 a high reputation for natural talents and quickness of 
 perception. Though usually ferocious and cruel, there 
 have been occasions in which he has acted with a 
 magnanimous generosity. 
 
 From the account which we have given of this bar- 
 barian chief, it is clear, that his authority has never 
 extended beyond the lowest classes of the population 
 of the province which he lays waste. These he has 
 attached to him by his knowledge of their character, 
 and by adopting all their habits and sentiments. 
 In their military employment they are not ex- 
 posed to greater hardships or vicissitudes than in 
 their ordinary course of life ; and they can plunder to 
 a greater extent, and with more security. It is sooth- 
 ing to their savage pride to consider themselves as a 
 sovereign people ; and natural for men trained up in 
 their customs, to look upon all regular government 
 as tyranny. Such are the sentiments on which the 
 influence of Artigas rests, and such are the people 
 over whom that influence extends. His reign has 
 long since driven away every person of property or 
 respectability to the other side of the river. He is 
 not the chief magistrate of a province which sepa- 
 rates from Buenos Ayres on plausible pretexts, and 
 appoints a government of its own ; he is merely the 
 leader of some thousands of savages, accustomed to 
 an unsettled, predatory life, who have completely
 
 NOTE O. 3^5 
 
 broken up the social system of an extensive district, 
 whose sovereignty is merely disorganization and de- 
 vastation ; who refuse to submit to Buenos Ayres, not 
 because it is a bad government, but because it is a 
 government, and who can be compared only to the 
 hordes that wander over the plains of Tartary, or to 
 the hunting tribes of the North American forests. 
 
 Note o. 
 
 Soon after the revolution at Buenos Ayres, the 
 Junta sent General Belgrano with 800 men to expel 
 the Spanish authorities from Paraguay. Belgrano 
 was opposed and defeated by the Paraguayans, who 
 sided with the Spanish governor, but, in consequence 
 of a compact with their commander, was allowed to 
 withdraw unmolested. In the following year, the 
 inhabitants of Assumption, the capital of the pro- 
 vince, deposed the governor, and formed a junta of 
 their own, which refused to acknowledge the autho- 
 rity, but did not reject the friendship, of Buenos 
 Ayres. Since that time they have followed the line 
 of conduct so clearly described in the Report, the 
 object of which undoubtedly has been to gain inde- 
 pendence without risk, and at the same time to leave 
 the door open for reconciliation and submission, in 
 case Spain should re-establish her authority on the 
 llio de la Plata. 
 
 Dr. Francia, an advocate, who under the name of 
 supreme director has governed the province for the 
 last seven years, was indebted for his elevation partly 
 to his great family connexions, and still more to that 
 spirit of provincialism which prevails in Paraguay 
 to a higher degree than in any other part of South 
 America. Abroad and at home, the Paraguayans 
 look upon each other as children oi' a particular fa-
 
 346 NOTE o. 
 
 mily, distinct from the rest of mankind. Nothing 
 interests them but what immediately concerns their 
 own country, which, like most ignorant and uncul- 
 tivated nations, they regard as the most favoured 
 spot in the universe. A region so favoured, a race 
 so far exalted above their fellows, could not, forsooth, 
 without degradation acknowledge an authority whose 
 seat was at Buenos Ayres. The non-intercourse 
 system originated in similar sentiments. It was en- 
 couraged by Francia, because whatever broke off the 
 connexion of Paraguay with the adjacent districts 
 confirmed his power ; and it was popular among the 
 inhabitants, because, though strangers might gain by 
 trading with Paraguay, it was not to be supposed, for 
 one moment, that Paraguay could be in any degree 
 dependant on foreigners. 
 
 That the Paraguayans themselves should believe 
 that their prosperity flows from sources which cannot 
 be affected by foreign commerce, is not surprising : 
 but it is somewhat wonderful that the same unfounded 
 conceit should have spread itself in South America, 
 and should have been repeated without reflection, 
 even by the better informed, till at last it has come 
 to be viewed in the light of an established truth. To 
 those who have reflected on the sources of national 
 wealth, it is unnecessary to prove that no country can 
 possess such equal advantages for every species of 
 industry as to supply all its own wants at a cheaper 
 rate than any of its neighbours could. There will 
 always be some commodities which it is better fitted 
 to produce than others ; and it will be profitable for 
 it to direct its labour to the former, and with them 
 to purchase the latter from foreigners, than to attempt 
 to furnish the necessary quantities of both. A nation 
 can no more be independent of commerce than an 
 individual. Commerce is merely an extension of the
 
 note o. 34.7 
 
 division of labour ; and the advantage of it is, that 
 it enables us to procure an increased quantity of ar- 
 ticles that contribute to enjoyment, at a diminished 
 expense. Each nation applies itself to that species of 
 industry for which it is best fitted; and thus the 
 amount of the general stock is much larger, than if 
 a proportion of its labour was employed on commo- 
 dities for the production of which it was less advan- 
 tageously circumstanced. These principles strike at 
 the very root of the notion, that Paraguay, or any 
 other region, can have within itself such abundant 
 sources of wealth as to derive no benefit from inter- 
 course with its neighbours. But as the minds in 
 which this notion prevails may not be able to see 
 the force of the general principles which we have 
 opposed to it, we shall detail a few facts that lead to 
 the same conclusion. 
 
 Paraguay was peopled by the Spaniards before 
 any other part of the viceroyalty of Buenos Ay res. 
 Their descendants have increased considerably in 
 numbers, but they have not advanced, so much as 
 might have been expected, in the career of improve- 
 ment, and industry has made little progress. The cli- 
 mate is well suited to tropical produce; and the rivers 
 Parana and Paraguay afford convenient outlets for 
 exportation : yet it has hitherto done little more than 
 supply its own scanty population of 300,000 inha- 
 bitants. No more sugar has been made, no more 
 cotton grown, than was consumed at home. Some to- 
 bacco was exported, but not in sufficient quantity to 
 supply the viceroyalty; perhaps in consequence of the 
 oppressive tendency of the monopoly possessed by 
 the crown. It likewise sent to Buenos Ayres timber 
 and the herb of Paraguay, whence the latter was 
 transported to Chili and Peru. But both of these 
 were the spontaneous produce of the forest. To cut
 
 348 NOTE O. 
 
 down trees, to lop off the branches, and to float them 
 down the river, requires little labour ; and the task 
 of gathering the herb, of preparing it, and of pack- 
 ing it in bales, is equally easy. Hitherto, therefore, 
 Paraguay has had little trade; and as the concomitant 
 to this, instead of increasing rapidly in wealth and 
 population, she has been nearly stationary. 
 
 In return for their tobacco, timber, and herb, the 
 Paraguayans received flour, wine, and brandy. Some- 
 times too they took European goods in exchange, 
 but in no great quantity; for little clothing is needed 
 in that hot climate, and the lower classes are supplied 
 by their domestic manufactures. They therefore are 
 indebted to commerce for luxuries which are essential 
 to their comfort. If they renounce trade, they must 
 at the same time renounce wheaten bread, and be 
 satisfied with Indian corn and plantains ; instead of 
 brandy and wine, they must drink rum distilled from 
 home-grown canes. They must revert, in short, to 
 the Indian mode of life. In return for all this self- 
 denial, they will have the satisfaction of seeing more 
 trees decaying in their forests, a greater quantity of 
 their herb vegetating in vain, and more tobacco 
 grown than is consumed at home, till some of the 
 plantations are allowed to go to decay. While they 
 thus injure themselves, do they, by adopting a non- 
 intercourse system, inflict any serious inconvenience 
 on their neighbours ? None. The only market which 
 they supply is that of Buenos Ayres; and timber and 
 tobacco can be brought thither from the Brazils, as 
 cheap as from Paraguay, if not cheaper. The herb 
 indeed is not found elsewhere, but the use of it is 
 every day giving way with so much rapidity, that 
 perhaps in a few years, though offered in abundance, 
 and at a low price, it will scarcely find a purchaser 
 or a consumer. Paraguay, therefore, exports nothing 
 
 9
 
 NOTE P. 34.9 
 
 but what is either in little request, or can easily btf 
 obtained from other quarters: so that it is in fact 
 much more dependant on its neighbours, than its 
 neighbours are on it, and must be a greater sufferer 
 than they by the discouragement of trade. 
 
 It is said that the people are already beginning to 
 feel the inconvenience of the regulations which 
 Francia established in order to check foreign com- 
 merce. They are deprived of enjoyments to which 
 they were accustomed; and many of the poorer classes 
 find that nothing can now be gained by those em- 
 ployments which formerly furnished them with the 
 means of livelihood. They are therefore growing 
 weary of Francia's arbitrary sway. This state of the 
 public mind will probably lead to a change of go- 
 vernment and of measures ; the old intercourse and 
 connexion of trade will be renewed with the adja- 
 cent country; and thus one important step will be 
 gained towards the reunion of Paraguay with the 
 other provinces of th~ Rio de la Plata. 
 
 Note p. 
 
 The policy of the court of Rio de Janeiro has to 
 many persons in both hemispheres appeared incom- 
 prehensible. The truth is, that it has had one object 
 constantly in view, but that circumstances have pre- 
 vented it from proceeding steadily aud directly to- 
 wards its aim. 
 
 The Banda Oriental has long been coveted by the 
 Portuguese, and has more than once occasioned wars 
 between them and Spain. These wars were termi- 
 nated by treaties of peace, none of which settled the 
 dispute definitively, or clearly marked out the boun- 
 daries of the two parties. The ambition of the Por-
 
 $50 NOTE P. 
 
 tuguese court was still further stimulated by its 
 emigration to the Brazils: for the Banda Oriental was 
 now more within view, and therefore more highly 
 prized. Motives were not wanting to induce some to 
 magnify its importance. The courtiers were divided 
 into two factions. Those whose possessions lay in 
 Portugal, and whose names and families had long 
 been revered in the Old World, wished their sovereign 
 to consider himself chiefly as an European prince, to 
 prosecute European objects, to view the New World 
 as merely a temporary asylum, and to return to 
 Lisbon the moment he could do so with safety. Op- 
 posed to these were the nobles whose families had no 
 antiquity to boast of, and whose possessions were si- 
 tuated in America. In Europe they were persons of 
 little consequence, compared with the ancient gran- 
 dees ; in the New World, where their property lay 
 and their names were of course familiar to every one, 
 they were not merely equal, but superior to their 
 rivals. Their policy therefore was to dissuade their 
 sovereign from returning to Portugal, and to make 
 Brazil the permanent seat of the monarchy. To 
 effect this purpose, they contrasted with the secondary 
 rank which a king of Portugal must hold in Euro- 
 pean politics, the permanent influence which a mo- 
 narch of the Brazils might acquire in the New World. 
 They painted in brilliant colours the wealth and 
 population which his present dominions would in a 
 short time contain, and expatiated on the facility 
 with which he might extend his limits in every direc- 
 tion, till all on the hither side of the Andes acknow- 
 ledged his sway. They prevailed over their anta- 
 gonists, and Portugal became an appendage to the 
 Brazils. The plan of the Portuguese ministry, 
 therefore, was to increase their influence in America
 
 kote r. 
 
 by every possible means, and, as the first step towards 
 this, to carry their frontier to the Rio de la Plata, or 
 even to the Parana. 
 
 The revolution at Buenos Ayres seemed to present 
 them with an opportunity which was not to be 
 neglected. But the present queen of Portugal, as 
 sister to Ferdinand VII, aspired to the regency of 
 Spanish America; and precipitate encroachments 
 upon the possessions of Spain might be fatal to the 
 success of her pretensions. Besides, as the court of 
 Rio de Janeiro owed its safety entirely to our protec- 
 tion, it might have been unsafe, as it would certainly 
 be hopeless, to attack the territories of a power in 
 alliance with us. These motives produced a temporary 
 inaction, which some have too hastily construed into 
 a proof that no purpose of extending the frontier 
 of the Brazils was entertained. 
 
 In 1811, when the siege of Montevideo was 
 keenly pressed by the troops of Buenos Ayres, Elio 
 applied to the Portuguese for supplies of military 
 stores and money. Instead of what he asked, they 
 sent 4000 troops. Elio would not admit them within 
 the walls, because, if admitted, they would have been 
 masters of the place. Their approach, however, 
 forced the besiegers to retreat. Britain interfered, 
 and the troops were ordered to withdraw. In their 
 march back they were harassed by the light cavalry 
 of the country : but effective operations against them 
 were prevented, by a convention proposed by the Por- 
 tuguese and accepted by Buenos Ayres. The parties 
 have since continued on a friendly footing; and in 1812, 
 the Portuguese envoy at Buenos Ayres, instead of com- 
 plying with the solicitations of Alzaga and his asso- 
 ciates, to enter into their conspiracy, gave information 
 of the plot to the government. He probably did 
 not wish for the success of any measure which would
 
 352 NOTE P. 
 
 have united the existing authorities on the opposite 
 banks of the river. It was only during the continu- 
 ance of dissensions, that his country could hope to 
 gain her object. 
 
 When Artigas in 1815 became master of the 
 Banda Oriental, the motives which had hitherto im- 
 posed forbearance on the Brazils, ceased to operate. 
 To dispossess that chief was neither to attack Spain 
 nor to oppose the independence of Buenos Ayres. 
 The Portuguese might, without much appearance of 
 ambition, destroy a barbarian who was organizing a 
 predatory power on their very frontiers, and whose 
 followers had made, or were alleged to have made, 
 plundering incursions into their territory. At the 
 same time the recent events in Europe had given them 
 the disposal of a well-disciplined, veteran army. 
 Under the pretence of strengthening the govern- 
 ment and preserving order in the Brazils, large bodies 
 of troops were drawn from Portugal ; and Lecor, as 
 we have already stated in another note, invaded the 
 Banda Oriental with 10,000 men. Buenos Ayres 
 took no active measures to repel this invasion. She 
 did wisely. It would not have been adviseable to have 
 co-operated with Artigas ; for no assistance could be 
 given him without adding materially to his strength ; 
 and whatever increased his power, was necessarily 
 injurious to them. There was no obligation upon 
 them to defend a district in which their authority had 
 been subverted for some time. The dictate of pru- 
 dence, therefore, was to leave the invader and the 
 usurper to fight their own battles. As it was evident 
 that Artigas would not risk pitched battles, but would 
 try to exhaust the enemy by desultory warfare, the 
 struggle would most probably be tedious. If Artigas 
 prevailed, it would then be time enough for Buenos 
 Ayres to act against him : if he was subdued, they
 
 NOTE R. 353 
 
 would have time to consolidate and augment their 
 resources, so as to make a vigorous attempt for the 
 recovery of the Banda Oriental, if the object was 
 deemed important enough to justify an open rupture 
 with the Brazils. Hitherto no acts of hostility have 
 been committed by either government against the 
 other; and they remain, apparently at least, on 
 friendly terms. 
 
 Note r. 
 
 On this point the commissioners have been misin- 
 formed. The principal object of the mission was not 
 to solicit assistance, or the recognition of indepen- 
 dence. The South Americans know that their inde- 
 pendence will be acknowledged as a matter of course, 
 whenever the political state of the world shall render 
 it expedient for any power to do so. Recognition, 
 they are aware, is not to be procured by entreaties, 
 but must proceed from views of interest. They will 
 establish themselves as de facto an independent 
 power ; they may grant commercial advantages to the 
 nation which first acknowledges them, and the recog- 
 nition by one will soon draw after it the recognition 
 of the rest. With respect to assistance, what species 
 of aid could they hope to obtain ? They could expect 
 no money from any European state ; for there is not 
 one which docs not find its own expenses more than 
 sufficiently heavy for its revenue ; and except money, 
 there is nothing which Buenos Ayrcs needs. Am- 
 munition of all kinds is so abundant, that it is selling 
 under prime cost. The public and private stuns arc 
 so filled with gunpowder, that it has been found ne- 
 cessary to prohibit the landing of more. The ar- 
 moury is said to contain 70,000 stands of arms, 
 besides those which arc employed in actual service; 
 and they have manufactories of cannon and muskeU. 
 z
 
 35* NOTE S. 
 
 They are in no want of officers, and have never held 
 out encouragement to induce foreigners to enter into 
 their service : for the events of the five years which 
 preceded the revolution, excited so strong a military 
 spirit, that the sons of all the most respectable families 
 are eager to serve in the army. 
 
 Note s. 
 
 Santa Fe is a town situated on the right bank of 
 the Parana, about 240 miles north-west from Buenos 
 Ayres. The river is here broad, and the force of 
 the current is broken by the interposition of several 
 islands ; there is consequently an easy intercourse 
 with the Baxada de Santa Fe on the opposite shore. 
 This circumstance rendered the place an entrepot for 
 the commerce that was carried on with Entre Rios. 
 Here also the river-craft, which had brought from Pa- 
 raguay tobacco and the herb peculiar to that province, 
 unladed their cargoes, which were frequently sent 
 forward to Buenos Ayres in carts. The defection of 
 Paraguay, and the establishment of the power of 
 Artigas in the Banda Oriental and Entre Rios, put 
 an end to the commerce of which Santa Fe had been 
 the channel. The lower classes were thrown out of 
 employment. They of course became dissatisfied; 
 and at the same time sympathy with the people of 
 the opposite bank, the influence of old connexions, 
 desire of plunder, and to a certain degree fimilarity 
 of habits, inclined them favourably towards the mea- 
 sures which had been adopted in their neigh- 
 bourhood. 
 
 The opportunity which Santa Fe from its situation 
 would give him of extending his depredations to the 
 right bank of the river, did not escape the keen eye 
 of Artigas. Emissaries were therefore dispatched to 
 prepare the way by corrupting the populace, and
 
 NOTE T. 355 
 
 were soon followed by a body of his Gauchos. The 
 more respectable part of the inhabitants sought re- 
 fuge at Buenos Ayres; and the rabble under his 
 auspices formed what they are pleased to call a go- 
 vernment. At his departure he left a garrison, with 
 which th ■ mass of the people were incorporated. He 
 thus established a sort of " tete de pont " on the 
 right bank of the Parana. 
 
 It was the duty, as well as the interest, of the go- 
 vernment of Buenos Ayres to reduce Santa Fe to 
 obedience, and to expel the dangerous intruder. To 
 allow every town to set up for an independent state, 
 would be absurd ; to allow the lowest of the populace 
 to expel their superiors with impunity, would be 
 criminal. Attempts were accordingly made to reduce 
 it to obedience, but not with sufficient vigour. The 
 war in Peru and Chili engrossed the attention and 
 resources of the government; and a tenderness to- 
 wards countrymen, which it is difficult to condemn, 
 paralyzed in some degree their efforts against the 
 rebels. But more decisive measures have been 
 adopted lately. It is not long since intelligence 
 reached us, that a considerable force was on the 
 point of marching to quell the insurrection of Santa 
 Fe. The population of the town, it is said, does not 
 exceed 4,000; and that of the Baxada de Santa Fe, 
 on the opposite side of the river, about 3,000. 
 
 Note t. 
 
 The principal difference between Mr. Rodney and 
 Mr. Graham consists in this, that the former is much 
 better satisfied than the latter with what has ben 
 done at Buenos Ayres in behalf of liberty. Mr. 
 Rodney thinks that the establishment of freedom is 
 advanced as far as could be expected under the cir- 
 /. 2
 
 356 NOTE V. 
 
 cumstances of the country ; Mr. Graham is of opi- 
 nion, that enough has not been done, and that the 
 rulers are not disposed to do more. What Mr. 
 Graham condemns, we should be disposed to applaud. 
 We should judge unfavourably of any set of rulers 
 who should busy themselves with the minute details 
 of forming a constitution, while the independence of 
 the country was still to be asserted by arms. Spain 
 has not yet desisted from her mad efforts to re- 
 establish her power : Artigas continues master of the 
 eastern side of the river. These enemies remain to 
 be subdued : and it would be criminal in the govern- 
 ment to spend their time, like the Cortes of Cadiz, 
 on discussing the theory of a free constitution, while 
 an invader was rivetting a foreign yoke. When 
 the time for fighting is past, the time for debating 
 begins. 
 
 Note v. 
 
 The estimate which is generally formed of the 
 mineral treasures of South America falls short of 
 the truth, rather than exceeds it. No person can 
 set a limit to the quantity of the precious metals 
 which, by a proper application of labour and capital, 
 may be drawn from the bowels of the earth in that 
 quarter of the globe. The want of skill, of means, 
 and of encouragement, which has stunted the growth 
 of every species of industry under the Spanish do- 
 minion, has had a very striking operation on the 
 working of the mines. Many mines have been dis- 
 covered, from which it has never been attempted to 
 derive advantage ; others that were wrought for some 
 time have been abandoned ; and even in those which 
 have been continued, the operations have been con- 
 ducted in so rude and inartificial a manner, that 
 their produce has never come near to the level which,
 
 NOTE x. 357 
 
 under better management, it would have attained. 
 The mines of Famatina, for instance, situated between 
 San Juan and Rioja, in a minor branch of the Cor- 
 dillera, have long been known. They are so rich, 
 that the ore obtained from them is nearly pure silver ; 
 yet no vigorous and well-conducted efforts have been 
 made to turn them to profit. Since the revolution, 
 the government advanced some money to miners of 
 slender resources. They began to work them on a 
 small scale, and in the old inadequate manner : yet 
 so great has been their success, that they have been 
 enabled in the course of a few years to pay what they 
 had borrowed, and to continue to prosecute their 
 enterprise. The government are peculiarly disposed 
 to encourage this branch of industry, and wish to 
 attract to it foreign capital and foreign skill. Indeed, 
 the results of successful mining are so very dazzling, 
 it makes so direct and palpable an addition to that 
 which all regard as peculiarly valuable, that we are 
 not without apprehensions, lest the government should 
 be inclined to favour it too much. The mines, 
 doubtless, should not be neglected ; but capital and in- 
 dustry ought not to be diverted artificially into this 
 channel. Agriculture and manufactures are more 
 certain, more permanent, and more copious sources 
 of wealth. 
 
 Note x. 
 
 Mr. Graham's statement is not quite correct. The 
 facilities which he supposes to constitute a distinction 
 in favour of England, are nothing more than a re- 
 gulation, by which letters received by British ships 
 are delivered for distribution to the British Com- 
 mercial Subscription Room, and letters are allowed 
 to be sent on board British ships, after they have 
 1
 
 358 NOTE X. 
 
 been paid for and stamped at the post-office. A si- 
 milar privilege would of course be granted to North 
 Americans, or any other class of foreigners, if their 
 numbers, and the extent of their commerce, rendered 
 it expedient. 
 
 
 THE END. 
 
 C. Baldwin, Printer, 
 New Bridge-street, London. 
 
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