f LIBRARY I UNIVERSITY OF CAUFOftNIA SAN DIEGO \ G ' < v ; ^i PUBLICATIONS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA DEPARTMENT OF ROMANIC LANGUAGES AND LITERATURES Extra Series, No. 1 THE SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES BY HUGO A.'RENNERT, Ph.D. (Freiburg i. B.) PROFESSOR IN THE UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE ROYAL SPANISH ACADEMY OF THE ROYAL GALICIAN ACADEMY MEMBER OF THE HISPANIC SOCIETY OF AMERICA PHILADELPHIA 1912 TO THE MEMORY OF MY MOTHER MAY 19, 1835 JUNE 5, 1899 PREFACE. THE first edition of this work was accepted by the fac- ulty of the University of Freiburg i. B. as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in 1891, and was published in Baltimore in the following year. In its day it was not unfavorably received, and as it has long since been out of print, it has seemed that a new edition might not be unwelcome. In the long period that has intervened the Pastoral Romance never entirely lost for me its old attraction, and as I gradually acquired many of the early editions of these works and re-read them, I determined to re-issue these " primicias de mi corto ingenio," adding such new facts as subsequent researches had brought to light. The result is the present work, which has been almost entirely re- written, and now appears, as I hope, in a much improved form. I have not seen fit to change, in any material de- gree, the opinions originally expressed concerning the var- ious romances; repeated reading has convinced me more than ever that the Diana of Montemayor, which was the first, is also the best of these pastorals, while it has in- creased my admiration for the poetical portions of the Arcadia of Lope de Vega. The Pastoral Romance was essayed by some of the great- est ingenios that Spain has produced, and while many of these poets " had no true vocation for the business," as Professor Fitzmaurice-Kelly says of Cervantes, and, as a consequence, their works are of widely varying degrees of merit, yet they cannot be entirely neglected by the student, for the pastoral is a product of the most flourishing period of Spanish literature, a literature unsurpassed by any in the modern world. H. A. R. TABLE OF CONTENTS. PAGE Introduction 9 The " Diana " of Montemayor 18 The " Diana " of Alonso Perez 59 The " Diana Enamorada " of Gil Polo 72 The " Diana " of Texeda 86 The " Habidas " of Hieronimo Arbolanche 92 The " Ten Books of the Fortune of Love," by Antonio de lo Frasso. 98 The " Filida " of Montalvo 104 The " Galatea " of Cervantes 116 The " Enlightenment of Jealousy," by Lopez de Enciso 126 The " Nymphs and Shepherds of the Henares," by Gonzalez de Bouadilla 133 The " Shepherd of Iberia," by Bernardo de la Vega 137 The " Enamorada Elisea " of Covarrubias 139 The " Arcadia " of Lope de Vega 142 The " Prado of Valencia," by D. Gaspar Mercader 157 The " Tragedies of Love," by Solorzeno 159 The " Golden Age," by Balbuena 162 The " Constant Amarilis " of Figueroa 171 The " Reward of Constancy," by Espinel Adorno 181 The " Shepherd of Clenarda," by Botello 186 The " Experiences of Love and Fortune," by Cuevas 188 The " Cynthia of Aranjuez," by Corral 192 The " Shepherds of the Betis," by Saavedra 199 The Decline of the Pastoral Romances 203 7 THE SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES INTRODUCTION THE appearance of the pastoral romance in Spain in the middle of the sixteenth century, and the extreme favor with which it was received, may, in view of the social con- dition of the country, seem at first sight paradoxical. At the time of the accession of Philip the Second, Spain was at the zenith of her military greatness. Her possessions were scattered from the North Sea to the islands of the Pacific, and her conquests had been extended over both parts of the western world. 1 The constant wars against the Moors, and the stirring ballads founded upon them, had fostered an adventurous and chivalric spirit, a dis- tinguishing trait of the Spanish character. Arms and the church were the only careers that offered any opportunity for distinction, and every Spanish gentleman was, first of all, a soldier. Such a state of society was favorable for books of chiv- alry, which, beginning with Amadis de Gaula, made their appearance at the beginning of the sixteenth century, 2 and 1 The Spanish language was, for the greater part of Europe, the chief medium of communication between nations. See Cervantes, Persiles y Sigismunda, Vol. II, Book iii. 2 The whole subject of Amadis has been reviewed in his masterly way by D. Marcelino Menendez Y Pelayo, Origenes de la Novela, Mad- 9 10 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES soon enjoyed a popularity that was unparalleled. For half a century these Libros de Caballerias held undisputed sway. Gradually, however, the readers, especially those in court circles, grew weary of the monotonous and impossible ex- ploits of the paladins, and their desire for a change was soon gratified. How these books of chivalry, in the be- ginning of the following century, " were smiled away from out the world " by Don Quixote, we have often been told. 1 But nearly fifty years before the appearance of the rid, 1905, Vol. I. The conclusions at which the distinguished critic arrives are briefly: That Amadis is a very free imitation of the breton cycle; that it existed prior to 1325; that the author of the rescension made in the time of King Denis was probably Juan Lobeira, miles, of whom we possess poems written between 1258 and 1286; that the cancion of Leonoreta inserted in the present version of Amadis is cer- tainly his ; that we have not sufficient data to affirm in what language the primitive Amadis was written; that it was known in Castile since the time of Chancellor Ayala, and is mentioned by Pero Ferrus in the Cancionero de Baena; that the tradition^ concerning Vasco de Lobeira, preserved by Azurara, is worthy of little credit, and that the only literary form in which we possess the Amadis is the Spanish text of Garci Ordonez de Montalvo, of which the edition of 1508 is the earliest known, and which was certainly not finished till after 1492. Ibid., pp. ccxxii ff. It may be added that Prof. Baist still maintains that Amadis is of Spanish origin (Grober's Grundriss, Vol. II, 2 Abt, pp. 416, 43 8 -44i- According to Fouldhe-Delbosc the earliest mention of Amadis, in which the name is coupled with Tristan and Cifar, is found in a book written before 1350, (and perhaps before 1345), and published in 1494, entitled -Regim en to de los Principes, printed at Seville by Meynardo Ungut and Stanislao Polono. It is a translation of the De Regimine Principum of Egidio Colonna, made by Johan Garcia de Castrogeriz. Revue Hispanique (1906), p. 815. The only known copy of Amadis of the edition of Caragoga, 1508, is now in the British Museum. The question of Amadis is once more reviewed by G. E. Williams, in the Revue Hispanique, Vol. XXI (1909). 1 The truth is, that by the beginning of the seventeenth century the romances of chivalry were about at their last gasp. As Fitzmaurice- Kelly says : " They continued, though in diminishing numbers, and so late as 1602 Juan de Silva y de Toledo published his Historia famosa INTRODUCTION H Knight of La Mancha, a new form of fiction appeared in Spain, 1 which soon gained the ascendency over its older rival. This was the Pastoral Romance. The pastoral romance was, in a measure, an offspring of the romance of chivalry. Its beginnings are already clearly discernible in some of the followers of Amadis. In the Libro noveno de Amadis, que es la Chronica del muy valiente y esforzado Principe y Cavallero de la Ardiente Espada, Amadis de Grecia, hi jo de Lisuarte de Grecia, of which an edition printed at Burgos, 1553, is cited by Gayangos, the pastoral element is already introduced. Da- rinel and Sylvia, shepherd and shepherdess, are brought upon the scene and play an important part in the books that follow. As Gayangos says : " The pastoral romance, cultivated since the beginning of the century by Sannazaro and the Italians, now began to be known in Spain, and was afterwards carried to the highest degree of perfection by Montemayor. 2 In Don Florisel de Niquea, the first two del Principe don Policisne de Beocia. Don Policisne de Beocia was the last of his race. Cervantes's book appeared three years later. It did instantly what sermons and legislation had failed to do. After the publication of Don Quixote no new chivalresque romance was issued, and of ancient favourites only Diego Ortunez de Calahorra's Caballero del Febo was reprinted (1617-23). The fictitious knights were slowly dying; Cervantes slew them at a blow." Don Quixote, translated by John Ormsby, edited by Jas. Fitzmaurice-Kelly, Glas- gow, 1 9x1 1, Vol. I, p. xxii. 1 The long line of picaresque novels also began at this time, Laza- rillo de Tormes appearing in 1553 (?). 2 Libros de Caballerias, con un Discurso preliminar y un Catdlogo razonado, por Don Pascual de Gayangos. Madrid, Ribadeneyra, 1857, p. xxxi. It is not within the scope of this work to trace the begin- nings of pastoral poetry in Spain. Nearly twenty years before the appearance of Montemayor's Diana, the influence of the Italian pas- torals is clear in the works of Garcilaso de la Vega, whose " Eclogues " first appeared in 1543, with the works of Boscan, another poet en- tirely under the influence of the Italians. That Garcilaso was an imi- 12 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES parts of which appeared at Valladolid in 1532, we already see Don Florisel assuming the garb of a shepherd and fol- lowing the shepherdess Sylvia, with whom he had fallen in love. And in the fourth part of Don Florisel de Niquea, of which there is an edition dated Salamanca, 1551, ro- mances, quintillas and eclogues, which the author calls bu- colicos, are introduced into romances of chivalry for the first time, while the second book of the fourth part of Don Florisel (chap, xxxvii), contains an eclogue between two shepherds, Archileo and Laris, and a number of certdmenes or poetical contests, in the manner of those which Monte- mayor afterwards introduced into his Diana. 1 The marked favor with which the Spanish pastoral ro- mance was greeted, and the signal success it immediately enjoyed, may, perhaps, be explained (in addition to the reason already given) by the fact that the Diana, its first representative, was a work of real genius, while the peculiar temperament and susceptibility of the Spanish people were, doubtless, also a factor in its success. But, as already stated, the pastoral romance was not originally a growth of the Spanish soil, but was transplanted from Italy, its home. Spain and Italy had long been in close communication; Sicily had been subject to the crown of Aragon since 1282 ; Milan and the Kingdom of Naples had come into the pos- session of Spain, and Spanish troops under Charles V. had overrun the whole Italian peninsula. Such continued con- tator of Sannazaro, going at times even to the extent (as in his second Eclogue) of translating almost verbally whole passages of the Arcadia, has been shown by Torraca, Gl'Imitatori Stranieri di Jacopo San- nazaro, Roma, 1882. All that has been written heretofore upon the origins of the pastoral in Spain has now been superseded by the work of Menendez y Pelayo, Origenes de la Novela, Madrid, 1905, Vol. I. 1 Gayangos, Libros de Caballerias, p. xxxvi. INTRODUCTION ! 3 tact with Italy, then the most cultured and refined nation of Europe, could not fail to influence the minds of its in- vaders; their intellectual horizon was widened, and their thoughts diverted into new channels. There, in the after- glow of the great revival of learning, they found new poetic forms strangers to their literature, and henceforth the pastoral, amongst other Italian measures, was destined to find a home beyond the Pyrenees. 1 It was the Ameto of Boccaccio, a pastoral in prose and verse, that served, in Italy, as a model for the later pastor- als of Sannazaro and Bembo, and for the dramatic pas- torals of Tasso and Guarini. Though not strictly a pas- toral romance, it prepared the way for this kind of composition, and under its influence Sannazaro, a Neapoli- tan, born in 1458, wrote his Arcadia, which he first pub- lished in I5O4. 2 Though Sannazaro took the Ameto for his model, which is manifest in the distorted and artificial style which sometimes disfigures the otherwise graceful narrative of the Arcadia, the ancient writers were not without influence in the composition of the latter work. Indeed, Scherillo says that the true master of Sannazaro 1 The influence of Italy upon the Spanish poet was immense, and includes, almost without exception, every great name from the Marquis of Santillona to Lope de Vega. The earliest and best of the Spanish anthologies, the Flares de Poetas Hustres of Pedro de Espinosa, Valla- dolid, 1605, clearly shows how wide was the influence of Italy. Here we find imitations of Petrarch, Sannazaro, Ariosto, Bernardo and Torquato Tasso, Panfilo Sasso, Luigi Groto, Girolamo Parabosco, and others. 2 A mutilated edition of the Arcadia appeared at Venice in 1502, but it was without the author's knowledge or consent, and while he was absent in France. See Michele Scherillo, La Arcadia di Jacopo San- nazaro secondo i Manoscritti e le prime Stampe, con note ed intro- duzione. Torino, 1888, in which the Arcadia and its sources are dis- cussed with a thoroughness that leaves little to be said. Upon the in- fluence of the Italian pastoral in Spain, see Menendez y Pelayo, Origines de la Novela, Vol. I, Mad., 1905. I 4 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES was Virgil. 1 But further 2 on he remarks : " If the Greek and Latin writers provided Sannazaro with the pastoral material, the form of the romance was furnished by that one of the three great Tuscans who had come to preach in Naples " la buona novella della nuova lingua," that is, Boccaccio. And again : " the whole fabric of the Arcadia is woven upon that of the Ameto." 3 The Arcadia is a series of twelve eclogues in verse, in- terspersed with prose that was written afterward, merely to provide a background and to join them together: but the mixed form of prose and verse, given to this species of composition, and which was already present in the Ameto, was ever afterward retained by all the Spanish romances. Ticknor 4 calls the Arcadia a genuine pastoral romance, and its author " the true father of the modern prose pas- toral." 5 It was in imitation of the Arcadia that Montemayor wrote the Diana, the first Spanish pastoral romance. 6 That 1 " II vero maestre ed autore nel Sannazaro, colui al quale ci si diede, per sua salute, il suo dolcissimo padre, e Virgilio," p. Ixxxi. 2 Ibid., p. ciii. 3 Ibid., p. cxi ; and see p. cxii, where attention is called to the fact that Sannazaro was also indebted to other works of Boccaccio : the Filocolo, Fiammetta, Ninfale fiesolano, Corbaccio and the Decamerone. 4 History of Spanish Literature, Boston, 1888, Vol. Ill, p. 93. 5 For the great favor with which the Arcadia was received, various reasons have been assigned. Scherillo says: Se I' Arcadia fu accolta con tanto favore, cio fu in gran parte perche rappresentava la comune tendenza del tempo a quel sentimentalismo campestre, che pullula come per reazione nei periodi piu agitati delle armi : ed anche perche richeg- giava variamente le voci degli scrittori di quel mondo classico che tutti agognavano conoscere, in tanto fervore di rinascenza, come la piu pura e piu invidiata delle nostre glorie." 1. c., p. ccxii. 6 See Torraca, Gl'Imitatori stranieri di Jacopo Sannazaro, Roma, 1882, pp. 18, 19. A Spanish translation of the Arcadia appeared at Toledo in 1547, followed by a second, likewise at Toledo, in 1549. INTRODUCTION !$ the earlier and better Spanish romances followed their Italian models closely, is very clear; that their style, which is sometimes stilted and unnatural, is due to this close imi- tation, is, however open to question, though this reason has been assigned by a competent authority. 1 For the Spanish Nicolas Antonio mentions one at Toledo in 1554, and editions ap- peared in 1569, Madrid and Salamanca, Salamanca, 1578 and Madrid, 1620. As the Diana was certainly not begun until after 1554, Monte- mayor could have read the Arcadia in either one of the first three editions, though it cannot be doubted that he knew Italian. That, like all Spanish poets of his time, he read Petrarch, is certain, and Menendez y Pelayo, (Origenes, I. p. cdlxvii) observes that the cancion; "Aquella es la ribera, este el prado," (Diana, Bk. I.) is founded in part upon Petrarch's Chiare, fresche e dolci acque. It has been as- serted by no less an authority than Dr. Carolina Michaelis de Vas- concellos that the Menina e Moga of Bernardim Ribeiro, which first appeared in print at Ferrara in 1554, moved Montemayor to write his Diana, and this assertion is repeated by the distinguished scholar Sr. Menendez y Pelayo, who says : " Que Montemayor conocia la obra de Bernaldim Ribeiro antes de emprender la suya es cosa que para mi no admite duda." (Origenes, I, p. cdlxiv.) And again: "La Diana en su fondo debe mas al bucolismo galaico-portugues que a la Arcadia" (Ibid., II, p. cxxxviii). Montemayor was the friend of Ribeiro and undoubtedly knew his Saudades. Braga says : As rela- goes pessoaes entre Bernardim Ribeiro e Jorge de Monte-M6r, que se descobrem pelas Eclogas d'aquelle bucolista, vem explicar-nos agora a influencia que a Menina e Moga exerceu na creagao da Diana. Jorge de Monte Mor escreveu a historia dos seus amores infelizes en cas- telhano, e ainda que a sua obra seja uma das mais notaveis de litter- atura hespanhola, pertenece-nos pela naturalidade do poeta e pela origem da sua imitagao." (Manual da Historia da Litteratura Por- tugueza, p. 355 ; and see Bernardim Ribeiro e os Bucolistas, pp. 76 et seq.) That, on the other hand, Montemayor knew the Arcadia and was greatly influenced by it, must be equally clear to anyone as- quainted with both works. See Torraca, op. cit., p. 18. For an iden- tification of the real personages hidden beneath the allegory of Menina e Moga, see Theophilo Braga, " Nueva Luz historica sobre Bernardim Ribeiro," in Revista Critica de Historia y Literatura Espanolas, Vol. I, p. 116 ff. 1 See the Introduction to the Spanish Academy's edition of Val- buena's Sigh de Oro, Madrid, 1821. Torraca also detects in the l6 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES pastoral romances, written originally for the amusement of courtiers, and artificial in their origin, remained so to a great extent in their general style and construction, and though such peculiar and distorted sentences not infre- quently occur, in which the learned Spanish critic thinks he can detect the more free arrangement of word and phrase permitted by Italian syntax, yet such passages are easily outweighed by those in which the style is graceful and flowing. It must be admitted, however, that though some of the Spanish pastoral romances attained a very high degree of excellence, they are generally wanting in that idyllic simplicity and truth to nature which we find in the Arcadia of Sannazaro. They often indulge in the utmost extravagances and inconsistencies, introducing courtiers in the guise of shepherds, but whose refinements of speech at once betray them, so that, in many cases, the fact that the personages appear under the names of shep- herds, is all that is left to indicate the pastoral character. This expedient of portraying living persons in a pastoral disguise, was not, however, an invention of the later writers, but had been used by Virgil in his Eclogues, in which the shepherds are often distinguished men of his time, while the poet himself often figures in them as an actor a circumstance that has also been followed by most of the Spanish writers. 1 Moreover, many of the scenes and incidents described by the latter are such as never could be realized in nature, but are possible only in that imaginary Arcadia where the shepherds watched their "visionary flocks ". That the Spaniards were aware of the extravagances of " prosa fiorita e cadenzata del Montemayor " the influence of the Arcadia. 1 Also by English poets, among others by Spenser, in his Colin Clout's come Home again. INTRODUCTION ! 7 their romances and of their violence to the truth, there is abundant proof in their writings, 1 yet the device, for ex- ample, of introducing well-known poets or nobles as shep- herds, doubtless added piquancy and color to the otherwise wearisome recitals of the pastores, especially in the eyes of those classes for whom they were chiefly written, and for whom it must have afforded no little amusement to discover pictured beneath the thin veil of disguise, either their friends or themselves. Of the popularity of this species of fiction among the upper classes^ for it was distinctly aristocratic in tone and not intended for the profanum vulgus, there can be no doubt. It would also seem that the climate and the warm, impressionable nature of the people, were not un- important factors in its success, since pastoral poetry never flourished to such an extent in northern countries, for lack of conditions congenial to its growth. 1 See the Galatea of Cervantes, below. THE " DIANA " OF MONTEMAYOR The pastoral romance was introduced into Spain by George de Montemayor, whose Diana was the first, and still ranks as one of the best examples of this species of prose fiction in the literature of Spain. Its success soon brought forth a host of imitators, 1 for no book in Spain 1 The Diana was imitated not only in Spain, but also in other coun- tries. To discuss these imitations, however, is beyond the scope of the present essay. It will suffice to mention two of the most famous : the Arcadia of Sir Philip Sidney (1590) in England, and the Astree of Honore d'Urfe (1610) in France. In both these romances all the defects of the Diana, some of which will be noted further on (cf. p. 2 3) > appear in an exaggerated degree; and however dull some of the Spanish romances may be, they all possess, in comparison with the ponderous Arcadia and the five thick tomes (1610-1627) of the Astree, at least the merit of brevity. I am aware that Menendez y Pelayo says : " Con poca razon cuentan algunos entre las imitaciones de la Diana la Arcadia de Sir Felipe Sidney, que por su titulo recuerda a Sannazaro y por su desarrollo es mas bien un libro de caballerias que una verdadera pastoral." Origenes de la Novela, I, p. cdlxxvi. I admit the truth of the latter part of this statement, nevertheless, the influence of the Diana upon the Arcadia is unmistakable. Whatever of Sidney's style may be due to Euphuism, which he condemns in his Apologie for Poetry, it seems certain to me that it is not an imita- tion of Sannazaro, but often greatly resembles the peculiar diction of Montemayor. Compare the opening passages of the Diana with those of the Arcadia, " Ay memoria mia, enemiga de mi descanso ! " with " remembrance, restless remembrance," etc., or other passages in the Diana, book i, with this, taken at random from the Arcadia, book iii : " Then Musidorus, as contented as one who had been brought from hell to heaven, with many vehement attestations to win trust with her, and imprecations against himself in case of perjury, wished, if ever his mind were so unhappy as to be surprised by any purpose tending in the least degree to grieve her, that he might never live till it took effect, but die e'er it were discovered." Prof. Fitzmaurice- Kelly says that Montemayor's Felismena is the prototype of Sidney's 18 THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR jg since the appearance of Amadis of Gaul had been received with the favor that was bestowed on the Diana. Of its author, George of Montemayor, little is known: we neither know his name nor the date of his birth. 1 He was a Portuguese, born at Montemor o Velho, a town on Daiphantus. The Relations between Spanish and English Literature, Liverpool, 1910, p. 19. Sidney evidently read the Diana with pleasure and knew it well. He translated two lyrics from the first book: Cabellos, quanta mudanfa: " What changes here, O haire," and De merced tan estremada: " Oft this high grace with bliss conjoyn'd," and shows everywhere his intimate acquaintance with the Spanish pastoral. Speaking of Sidney's Arcadianism, the successor of Euphu- ism, Landmann says : " Sidney certainly avoided Euphuism, but he brought in another taste that led to the same exaggeration as North's translation [of Guevara] had led to in Eupheus. Sidney was the first to introduce into England the shepherd romance, with its flowery lan- guage and endless clauses, its tediousness and sentimentality, which characterize the shepherds of Sannazaro's Arcadia, from Monte- mayor's Diana to the Astree. The Italian as well as the Spanish work shows an affected style of speech. Sidney was probably influenced by the diction of both, etc. New Shakspere Society's Translations, Series I, No. 9, p. 261. But the Arcadia is hardly a true pastoral romance ; the action takes place in the highest classes of society, the chief figures being princes and princesses. Shepherds and shepherdesses play a very subordinate part, and while the influence of the Diana is of a general character, it is none the less clear to a careful reader. That Sidney's contemporaries had no doubt of the influence of the Diana upon the Arcadia is seen in the introductory letter to Sir Fulke Greville written by Thomas Wilson, the translator of the Diana, who says : Sr. Philipp Sidney did very much affect and imitate the excellent Author there of," i. e. of the Diana. On the relative influence of Spanish and Italian upon the English of Shakespeare's time, see Farinelli's review in Revista Critica de Historia y Literatura Espanolas, Vol. I, 1895, PP. 134 ff- 1 See Jorge de Montemayor, sein Leben und sein Schaferroman die " Siete Libras de la Diana," von Georg Schonherr, Halle, 1886, a very careful work to which I have several times referred. Every page of the introductory portion of Schonherr's work shows, moreover, his indebtedness to Mad. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos. To this friend, whose kindness is as unfailing as her learning, I also owe much in this chapter on Montemayor. 20 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES the right bank of the Mondego, about four leagues from Coimbra. It is probable that he was born between 1520 and 1524. For an account of his early years, very vague it must be confessed, we are indebted chiefly to his letter to Sa de Miranda, a sort of autobiography, written in 1553, while Montemayor was temporarily residing at the Por- tuguese court. 1 In it he tells us that his youth was passed on the banks of the Mondego, 2 and that the education he acquired was very slight. We are told by his friend and continuator, Alonso Perez, 3 that he knew no Latin, at a time when that language was studied by all who made any claim to culture. But he had a good knowledge of the earlier as well as the contemporary Spanish, Portuguese, Catalan and Italian poetry, which was certainly not to the detriment of his Muse. Montemayor's early years, he himself tells us, were de- voted chiefly to music, though while still a youth he prac- ticed the art of poetry. When quite young he left his ia Carta de Jorge de Montemayor," in Poesias de Francisco de Sa de Miranda, edited by Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos. Halle, 1885, p. 665. See Appendix. 2 By the waters of this historic stream Camoes also passed his early years. See his one hundred and eleventh sonnet, beginning : " Doces e claras aguas do Mondego." Camoes's birthplace is uncertain, but Storck inclines to Coimbra as his native city. " Luis Vaz'de Camoens Geburtsort ist mit volliger Sicherheit nicht festzustellen, aber doch mit grosster Wahrscheinlichkeit." Luis'de Camoens Leben, Paderborn, 1890, p. 102. The year of his birth was probably about 1525. Ibid., p. 136. 8 In the Segunda Parte de la Diana, in the address to the Reader, he alludes to Montemayor's lack of letras Latinas. But the statement of this pedant should not be taken literally. Montemayor certainly knew some Latin, as his Cancionero amply shows. It is quite certain, however, that he was never enrolled at any University. Lope de Vega praises Montemayor in his Laurel de Apolo (fol. 26, ed. of 1630). The verse: "si le ayudaran letras el ingenio," may be due to Perez. THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR 2 I native land " to make his own living, somehow or other " (por algun modo), and turned his footsteps toward Spain. As already observed, we do not know the family name of Montemayor. It has been conjectured that he must have been related in some way to the family of Payva y Pina, 1 However this may be, his parents must have been very poor. His father seems to have been a silversmith (pla- ter 0} and probably of Jewish extraction. 2 Further evidence of the humble condition of Monte- mayor's parents is furnished by a document discovered by Sr. Sousa-Viterbo. It is a letter to the Queen of Portugal, Da. Catharina, wife of D. Joao III., requesting her aid in 1 In an elegy on the death of Montemayor by a contemporary, Mar- cos Dorantes, and which is found in many of the later editions of the Diana, we read : " Los de Payua y de Pina y su nobleza demuestren quanto mas justo les fuera morir que no dar muestra de tristeza" P. 354, ed. of Lisbon, 1624. This conjecture, as Schonherr remarks, is further confirmed by a reference in the eighth stanza of Montemayor's poem La Historia de Alcida y Syluano in which the poet figures under the name Syluano. Here we read : " Baxo los altos pinos muy umbrosos con los de Pina siempre conuersaua, cuyo linaje y hechos generosos , al son de su gampona los cantaua. Y los de Payua alii por muy famosos sus virtudes heroycas celebraua," etc. P. 242. 2 So, at least, we are to infer from some satirical verses by Juan de Alcala, a stocking maker (calcetero), of Seville, "muy gentil poeta," whose verses are printed by Menendez y Pelayo (Origenes de la Novela Espanola, Vol. I, pp. cdlxviii and cdlvii). Mad. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos writes me: "Vielleicht war sein Vater ein vaternamens-loser illegitimer Sprosling jenes Hauses [i. e. Payva y Pina], und die Mutter oder Grossmutter (?) eine spanische Sangerin jiidischer Abkunft(?)." See also Grober's Grundriss, II, 2 Abt., p. 304, note, and Schonherr, p. 16. 22 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES procuring an office from the King for the father of Monte- mayor, whose name, however, is not given. 1 This letter Sr. Sousa-Viterbo correctly ascribes, not to the Infanta Da. Maria, daughter of Joao III., who died in Valladolid on July 12, I545, 2 but to the King's daughter-in-law, the Princess Da. Joanna. It bears no date, but is endorsed 1557- The first information we possess of Montemayor as an author is in 1545, when he made his literary debut in Lis- bon. 3 Upon the death of the Infanta Da. Maria, which 1 The letter is as follows : " Sefiora : Monte maior tiene ay a su padre y desea mucho que el Rey my senor le haga merced de un oficio que pide: suplico a V. al. sea servida de aiudalle con su alteza pera que le haga la merced que oviere lugar que pera my sera muy grande toda la que V. al. le hiziere en esto. Nuestro senor guarde a V. al. como yo deseo besa las manos a V. al. = la princesa. Sobrescripto : Reyna my Senora. Archivo historico portuguez (1903), p. 256. Sousa- Viterbo, an excellent scholar, blind in his later years, died on Janu- ary 20, 1911. 2 On this Infanta Da. Maria, who never wore the crown of Spain, see an interesting article by A. Costa Lobo, in the Archivo historico portuguez, Vol. I (1903), pp. 131, 177 ff. 3 Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos, Grober's Grundriss, II, 2 Abt, p. 304, note. According to Sousa-Viterbo, Montemayor came to Spain in the retinue of the Infanta Dona Maria, daughter of D. Joao III, who left Portugal on October 10, 1543, and shortly thereafter married in Salamanca Prince Philip, son of Charles V, who afterward became Philip II. of Spain. In this he is in error, as Mad. Vasconcellos in- forms me, who says, " Ueberhaupt halte ich die Tochter Johann's III nicht mehr, wie ich friiher that, fiir eine der Beschiitzerinnen des Dichters, wie aus nachfolgenden Notizen hervorgeht." After allud- ing to the departure of the Infanta Maria from Spain in 1543, Mad. Vasconcellos says : " Wesentlich scheint mir dass nirgends ein Wort dariiber verlautet dass Montemayor zu ihrem Gefolge gehorte. Nicht einmal in dem ausfiihrlichen portug. Reisebericht, wo jeder musik- alischen Auffiihrung Erwahnung geschieht. Ueberhaupt weiss die Geschichte von keiner einzigen Musikkapelle die eine portug. Fiirstin aus der Heimat mitbekommen hatte: weder Beatrix von Savoyen (1526), noch D a - Isabel zu Karl V (1526), die Koniglichst aus- THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR 23 took place at Valladolid on July 2, 1545, he wrote the beautiful coplas glossing the Recuerde el alma dormida of Jorge Manrique, 1 as well as a mediocre sonnet that after- wards appeared in his Cancionero. At this time Monte- mayor was still in Portugal, in Lisbon doubtless, without office or employment. The earliest dated work of Montemayor is his Exposi- tion moral, 2 published at Alcala in 1548, and dedicated to gestatteten Tochter Emanuels noch vorher die Kaiserin Leonore. In Spanien besass man (seit Ferdinand und Isabella) vorziigliche Kapellen. Philip, besonders, bedurfte sicherlich nicht der Sanger u. Instrumentisten seiner Braut. Und wenn auch einer oder der andre vereinzelte Musiker von hier nach Spanien ging (siehe Romances Velhos) Beispiele sind eben Montemor u. Gregorio Silvestre so Kamen ungleich mehr von Spanien hierher. Ganze Kapellen mit Catharine (1527) u. D. Juana (1551). Die Princesa D. Maria nahm *543 (so weit ich sehe) wie ihre Tanten Beatrix u. Isabel ungeheuer viel Gold und Silbergerat, Teppiche, u. Stoffe als Aussteuer mit, aber keine Musicos. Zu ihrer Kapelle nur : 6 namenlose moQOS ( f iir den Altar u. Mess dienst) : Sammtliche bei S. V. und in den Provas auf- gefuhrten Listen betreffen die Princesa de Portugal, D. Juana, wie der Vergleich lehrt." 1 Garcia Perez, Catalogo de los Autores Portugueses que escribieron en Castellano, Madrid, 1890, p. 393. Montemayor, Cancionero, ed. 1554 fol. 36v. Mad. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos says that the pliego suelto in the National Library at Lisbon, which contains the above glosas, is without date, but certainly belongs to the year 1545 or at latest to 1546. " Die gleichzeitigkeit ergiebt sich, mehr als aus Montemor's z. T. recht schonen lyrischen Strophen, aus dem zweiten angeschlossenen bankelsanger-artigen Bericht von Gabriel de Saravia (Ano de mil y quinientos quarenta y cinco corria en el mes de Julio era y en Valladolid la villa) und aus M's noch recht ungelenkem Prolog, an den Regidor de Portugal, D. Joao da Silva, und aus der Tatsache dass der Dichter, statt Selbstandiges zu schaffen, sich mit einer Glosse begniigte, schliesse ich dass wir es mit einem Erstlings- werk zu thun haben. Dass M. damals noch in Lissabon weilte geht aus Str. 5 hervor, wo er d'esta Lisboa (esta ciudad in Str. 6) spricht; aus anderen Bemerkungen dass er der Abreise D. Maria's (1543) beigewohnt hatte." 2 Exposicion moral sobre el Psalmo Lxxxvi del real propheta Dauid, 24 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES the Infanta Dona Maria, the author describing himself as " singer in the chapel of the Infanta Da. Maria." This princess, the eldest daughter of Charles V., the sister of Philip and of Da. Juana, was twenty-six years old in 1548, and on September i7th of the same year was married to Maximilian II. of Austria at Valladolid. In 1551 the latter became King of Bohemia, (whither Da. Maria then accom- panied him), and Emperor in 1564. After his death, in 1564, Da. Maria returned to Spain, where she died in 1603. It is this Princess Da. Maria whom Montemayor celebrates in the " Canto de Orfeo " (Diana, Book IV) as the great Queen of Bohemia and Austria-Hungary, and as " Luz de Espana." x After the departure of Da. Maria for Bohemia in 1551, or perhaps shortly before that time, Montemayor found another patron, and his chief one, in her sister, the Princess Da. Juana of Castile, into whose service he then entered. This is shown by a document published for the first time by Sr. Sousa-Viterbo, in which D. Joao III. bestows upon Montemayor " servant of the princess, my much beloved daughter " a clerkship upon a vessel. 2 Sousa-Viterbo says dirigido a la muy alta y muy poderosa senora la infanta dona Maria por George de monte mayor cantor de la capilla de su alteza. Colo- phon: Esta presente obra fue vista y examinada por el muy reuerendo y magnifico senor el vicario general en esta metropoli de Toledo y con su licencia impressa en la universidad de Alcala por Joan de Brocar: primero del mes de Margo de MDXLVIII. 4. 1 See also Montemayor, Cancionero, ed. 1554, fol. 25. 2 Eu el Rey f ago saber a vos feytor e oficiaes das casas da Imdia e Myna, que ey por bem e me praz de fazer merce a Jorge de Momte Moor, criado da princesa mynha muito amada e prezada nlha, da escreuanynha de hiiu dos nauios da carreira da Myna por hua viagem por ida e vinda e com ho ordenado cotheudo no Regimento de pois de copridas as prouisoes que das taes escreuanynhas tiuer pasadas a outras pesoas feytas amtes deste. Noteficoulo asy e mamdo que tamto que pela dita maneira ao dito Jorge de Mote mor couber etrar na dita THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR 25 that it is evident that the King here applies the word daughter to his daughter-in-law, the Princess Dona Juana. In the same Archives there is another document giving a list of the singers and musicians in the chapel of the In- fanta Dona Juana, in which we find the names of Miguel Frances de Carenina, Alfonso de Renteria, Antonio de Vil- hadiego, Jorge de Motemor, and others, who are each to receive 40,000 maravedis yearly. 1 Montemayor's name appears in another list of the musicians in the chapel of Dofia Juana, which is also published by Sousa-Viterbo." Here, likewise, he received 40,000 maravedis annually. On December 5, 1552, the Princess Da. Juana married the crown prince of Portugal, D. Joao, son of Joao III. After her marriage she went to Portugal with her husband, Montemayor returning with her from Valladolid, and was escreuanynha o metaes em pose dela e Ihe deyxes ir seruir e aver o dito ordenado como dito he, e os proes e precalgos que Ihe dereyta- mente pertemcerem sem nyso Ihe ser posto duvida nem ebargo alguu, por que asy he mynha Merce, e ele jurara na chancelaria que bem e verdadeiramente a syrua. Antonio de Mello o fez em Almeirim a xiiij dias de margo de jbclj. Amdre Soarez o fez escrepver. (Torre do Tombo, Chancellaria de D. Joao 3. Doagoes, liv. 62, fl. 167). Archivo Historico Portuguez (1903), p. 256. " Hier belohnte man ihn (spat 1551) mit dem Schreiberposten (den er der Sitte entsprechend) fur Geld an einen andern hatte abtreten konnen." C. M. de Vascon- cellos. 1 Sousa-Viterbo, ibid., p. 257. The papers are marked : " Papeles da Embaxada de Inglaterra e da Jornada de Castella sobre a yda da Iffa. Donna Maria. Com outros varios todos do tempo do sr. Leo. Pirez de Tauora." Though the name here given is Da. Maria, Mad. Caro- lina Michaelis de Vasconcellos says: " Es bedarf nur eines Ver- gleiches zwischen den Listen Sousa-Viterbo's und den Trovas (see below) um zu erkennen dass die Kapelle der Princesa Da. Juana gemeint ist." 2 Rol dos creados e pessoas que agora tem a Senhora Princeza Donna Joanna filha do Emperador o qual rol mandou a El Rey Nosso Senhor Lourengo Pirez de Tavora, sendo Embaixador." Archivo Historico Portuguez (1903), p. 257. 26 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES apoiisentador in her household, receiving the same salary. 1 The poet alludes to this service in his letter to Sa de Mir- anda. 2 The Prince D. Joao died on January 2, 1554, and on Jan- uary 20 Da. Juana gave birth to a posthumous son, after- ward the unfortunate King Sebastao. On May 16, she left Portugal, being called home by the Emperor to assume the regency during the absence of Philip in England (July 13, 1554, till September, 1555) and while he was in Flanders and France, whence he did not return till 1559. On this return journey of Da. Juana to Valladolid, Monte- mayor was in her retinue, as we have just seen. In the stanza of the Canto de Orfeo relating to the Princess Dona Juana, Montemayor refers to the death of her husband, " espejo y luz de Lusitanos." This part of the Diana could, therefore, not have been written before 1554. In the next stanza " la gran Dona Maria, de Portugal infanta soberana " was the daughter of Emanuel and his third wife Eleonore, 3 and the allusion to the death of the latter 1 " Memoria das pessoas que veiram com a Princeza Da. Joanna. Jorge de Montemayor, tem por meu apousentador outro tanto (scil. 30 milreis de ordenado) e maes Ihe hao de dar dez mil reis para ajuda de custa por alvara meu aparte, que dando Ihe satisfagam d'elles os nao aja d'ahi em diante, e he todo o que ha de haver carenta mil reis." Antonio Caetano de Souza : Provas da Historia Genealogica da Casa Real Portugueza, Lisbon, 1744, p. 75, quoted by Schonherr, p. 22, n. 2 See Appendix, 11. 43-48, of the fragment there printed : also the poem: Al Principe de Portugal, in his Cancionero, ed. 1554 fol. 15. 3 D. Leonor was the third wife of D. Manoel and the sister of Charles V. and of Maria of Hungary. Speaking of the orphan chil- dren D. Maria and D. Catharina of the Infante D. Duarte (1515-1540), Mad. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos says : " Ougamos o cysne de Montemor que as avistou no pago da Rainha, ao lado da Infanta [Maria], nos festas do Noivado de D. Joao e D. Juana (1552). Ao dar a luz a sua obra-prima, o romance pastoril de Diana, pendurou os retratos das duas meninas num d'esses Templos de Gloria em que era THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR 27 in 1558, gives us another date before which the Diana could not have been written. It was to Prince D. Joao and to the Princess Da. Juana that Montemayor dedicated his Cancionero, which first appeared at Antwerp in 1554; J it is probable that he passed the latter part of 1553 or the early months of 1554 in Antwerp, seeing his book through the press. Sometime between 1543 and 1552 Montemayor resided at Seville, where he was on terms of intimacy with the poet Gutierre de Cetina, as an exchange of sonnets between them shows. 2 Nicolas Antonio, followed by Sedano and others, thinks that Montemayor accompanied Philip II. on his visit to England and the Netherlands in I554- 3 Of this there is no positive evidence, but there is some, and praxe collocar celebridades coevas. Primeiro a Infanta, no momento em que a perda da mae [i. e. Eleonore] a perturbou profundamente : " Mirad, Ninfas, la gran dona Maria," etc. In a note, the authoress adds: "A allusao a morte de D. Leonor serve para determinarmos a data 1558 como termo a quo da conclusao e publicacao da Diana." See the very interesting work: A Infanta D. Maria de Portugal (1521-1577). Porto, 1902. 1 Las Obras de George de Monte mayor, repartidas en dos Libros, y dirigidas a los muy altos y muy poderosos senores don Jua y dona luana, Principes de Portogal [device]. En Anuers. En casa de luan Steelsio, Ano de MDLIIII. Con priuilegio Imperial. Colophon: Fue impresso en Anuers, en casa de Juan Lacio, 1554, sm. 12, xii -f- 257 ff. I possess the Salva copy of this very rare work. " Soneto de Gutierre de Cetina, siendo enamorado en la Corte para donde Montemayor se partia." Cancionero, ed. 1554, fol. 35v. " Responde Montemayor siendo enamorado en Seuilla, adonde Gutierre de Cetina quedaua." Ibid., fol. 36. Cetina addresses him as Lusitano, a name Montemayor adopts in his poems. 3 Philip II. set sail from Corufla on July 13, 1554, and arrived at Southampton on the nineteenth or twentieth of the same month. He remained in England fourteen months, going thence to the Nether- lands, and returned to Spain on August 2, 1559. Watson, History of Philip II., Vol. I, p. 131. 2 g SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES slight as it is, it has not hitherto been mentioned, so far as I know. It is found in the reply of Montemayor to a letter of his friend, Sr. Pefia, in which the lines occur : " Andaua el pobre amor buscando abrigo, jamas le hallo, God helpe,\& dezian." 1 I think it will be generally admitted that it is most unusual to find a Spanish poet of this period quoting English, and this, taken in connection with the well-known fact that Philip was accompanied by some of the best singers and musicians of Spain, renders it highly probable that Monte- mayor was in his retinue. 2 Moreover, the above is not found in the edition of 1554, which strengthens the proba- bility. 3 1 Cancionero del excelentlssimo poeta George de Monte mayor: de nueuo emendado, y corregido. Dirigido al Illustrissimo Senor Gon- c.alo Fernandez de Cordoua, Duque de Sessa, y de Terra noua, Mar- ques de Bitonto, Conde de Cobra: senor de la casa de Vaena. En Salamanca, En casa de Domingo de Portonrijs, impressor de la Magestrad Real, 1571. This volume was kindly loaned to me by my friend, Dr. Horace Howard Furness. In the dedication, Montemayor begs the Duke to receive the work " debaxo de su amparo, como el autor dello ha estado siempre," etc. This was the third Duke of Sessa, in whom we find another patron of our poet. The lines quoted above are found on fol. 175 of this edition. In the ed. of Alcala, 1563, they occur on fol. 165. 2 Of the Spanish poets who accompanied Philip II., the name of only one is known to me with certainty: "Juan Verzosa was in the suite of Philip II, and composed, in celebration of the King's wedding with Mary Tudor, the ' Epithalamie or nuptiall song ' mentioned in The Art of English Poesie, by George Puttenham. This poem, how- ever, was written in Latin (see Bartolome Jose Gallardo, Ensayo de una biblioteca de libros raros y curiosos, tomo iv, no. 45O7)- Ver- zosa's name is given correctly by William Vaughan in The Golden Grove. Puttenham prints 'Vargas'." Fitzmaurice-Kelly, The Rela- tions between Spanish and English Literature, Liverpool University Press, 1910, p. 13, note. 3 The letter of Sr. Pefia to which Montemayor's poem is an answer, THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR 29 That Montemayor was living in the Netherlands in 1557- 1558 is shown by the dedication of his Segundo Cancionero Spiritual, published in Antwerp in I558. 1 In the King's privilege Montemayor is styled " servant of the most serene Princess of Portugal, his sister " ; he was still, as we see, is thus entitled : " Esta Carta embiaron a Montemayor en Flandes," which again agrees with the known facts. In this poem our poet men- tions Petrarch, Bembo and Sannazaro, with whose writings he was certainly well acquainted. Indeed, in the Cancionero of 1554, fol. 37v, is found the following close imitation of a well known sonnet of Petrarch : " Dichoso a sido el ano, el mes, y el dia, la hora, y el momento que en mirarte silencio puso amor en mi alegria." From the evidence given above, it is possible that some of the cop las written by poets who accompanied Philip II to England, in I 5SS m ay be by Montemayor. Cf. Cancionero General, II, p. 597 : No. 279. Cancion No. 280. Cancion Que no quiero amores I Ay Dios de mi tierra, en Inglaterra, Saqueysme de aqui ! pues otros mejores I Ay que Inglaterra tengo yo en mi tierra, etc. ya no es para mi, etc. Evidence of the fact that our poet was in the service of Philip II, in 1554, is found in the " Soneto de Francisco de Soto, musico de Camara de su Magestad," in which he alludes to Montemayor as : " muy excellente trobador Nombrase en cas del Rey Monte mayor." This Francisco de Soto is mentioned in both the lists of " Cantores y musicos " given above, in which our poet figures. 1 It is well known that in all subsequent editions to the first (1554), the Obras of Montemayor were divided in two parts; in the next edi- tion (Antwerp, 1558) the first part is entitled: Segundo Cancionero de George de Monte mayor (Salva, Catdlogo, Vol. I, No. 296) ; the second part : Segundo Cancionero Spiritual de large de Monte Mayor dirigido Al muy magninco Senor leronimo de Salamanca [device]. En Anvers, En casa de luan Latio, MDLVIII. Con Priuilegio. 12, 251 pp. This latter part Salva, apparently, had never seen. It is carefully de- scribed by Prof. Vollmoller in Romanische Forschungen, IV, p. 333. 30 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES in the service of the Princess Juana. In the dedication, the poet states that " he has been labouring many days upon this book and communicating with many theologians, as well in these states of Flanders as in Spain." The assertion has often been repeated that Montemayor, like most of the great Spanish poets, was also a soldier, and it is supported by two sonnets, the one entitled " Yendose el autor a Flandes " 1 and the other " Partiendose para la guerra ". 2 The latter alludes to the war with France, and as Menendez y Pelayo observes, the only war of Philip II. with France in which the poet could have taken part was that of 1555-1559, memorable for the victory of San Quintin. s That Montemayor was living in Valencia while he was writing his Diana is exceedingly likely ; many of the ladies whom he celebrates in the Canto de Orfeo were resi- dents of that city. Montemayor died in Piedmont (in Turin?) on Febru- ary 26, 1561, killed, as it seems, in a duel in some love affair. That his death was sudden and violent, is shown, in addition to the testimony of Padre Ponce, to be cited presently, by the Elegy of Dorantes : " With tearful voice, O muse of mine now sing The dire misfortune and the sad event, The sudden death, grievous and violent Of Lusitano, for whom sorrowing All nature is in pitiful lament, And to the world your meed of sorrow bring." And again : 1 Cancionero, ed. 1571, fol. 60. 2 Ibid., fol. 5Qv. Neither of these sonnets is found in the ed. of 1554- 3 Origenes de la Novela, Vol. I, p. cdl. THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR " Rigorous and inexorable fate Cut with disdain the sweet thread of his life With death untimely and incompassionate." 4 4 " Comiemja musa mia dolorosa el funesto sucesso y desuentura, la muerta arrebatoda y presurosa de nuestro Lusitano a quien natura oy llora con muy tierno sentimiento, y representa al mundo su tristura." La inexorable Parca y rigurosa corto con gran desden su dulce hilo, con inmatura muerte y lastimosa. . . . Ed. 1624, pp. 353, 355. Some interesting gossip concerning Montemayor is given in the dedication written by Lourengo Craesbeeck to the edition of the Diana which he printed at Lisbon in 1624. He tells us that it was Monte- mayor's intention to celebrate in verse the discovery of the East Indies, but that death prevented, or rather that Vasco de Gama de- sired that the greatest empire in the world should be reserved for the greatest poet, i. e. for Camoes. He continues : " So great was the fame of Montemayor that there was not a house in which the Diana was not read, nor a street in which its verses were not sung, nor a con- versation in which its style was not extolled; everybody, however great, desired a personal acquaintance with its author, who was x in- vited to that splendid entertainment which the Duchess of Sessa gave in her garden to the principal ladies of the Court. Montemayor, en- tering with some servants of the Duke, in whose house he was then lodged, the Duchess introduced him to her guests, who inquired about the beauty of Diana, about the grievous action of the shepherd in marrying her, and about other things in his book, to which he replied with many gallantries, not a little proud of such good-fortune. The Marquise of Camarasa asked him : Sr. Montemayor, if you write such pleasing things about rustic shepherds, what would you do if you were asked to write about this garden, of these fountains and these Nymphs which you see here ? To which Montemayor replied : All these things, my lady, are matter rather for wonderment than for the pen. And the Marquise of Guadalcassar, who was present at the entertainment, being asked what pleased her most, answered : the conversation of Montemayor. Likewise, Montemayor being one day in the monastery of the city of Leon, where he was convalescing 32 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES It is probable that Montemayor passed the last two or three years of his life at the Court, then at Valladolid. That his life here was irksome to him he tells us in a letter to his friend, D. lorge de Meneses, in which, moreover, he paints a picture of his surroundings, which is far from flat- tering to the Court set : " Envy alone doth move me, this believe, More than all other cause, that should I write, Seeing that thou this Court now mayest leave." Again : " A sea of discord is this Court, which brings Profit to no man, save by basest means: Hatred and envy, lying, murmurings." Everything that he sees about him is false, a mere pre- tense, a make-believe; there is no room for honest en- deavour; all that his youth looked forward to, turns out a hollow sham. He has experienced the disillusionment that comes with years, and he longs to be back once more in his native land, by the quiet waters of the Mondego of his youth. These longings he has here expressed with a sim- plicity and a charm that are indescribable, and which rank this poem among the very best that he has written. 2 from an illness, he asked one of the fathers at Mass, to recite a gospel. To which he replied : I will say not one merely, but two, and reciting that of St. John, he continued and now here is the other; that you are the most flowering wit of Spain." 1 Cancionero, ed. 1571, fol. 74v. This Epistola is not in the edition of 1554- 2 " De la vida campestre ora tratemos, en las riberas verdes nos metamos, que todo lo demas olvidaremos. Al campo de Mondego nos salgamos, Al pie del alto fresno, sobre el rio que los pastores tanto celebramos. THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR 33 The Diana is the principal work of Montemayor and the one by which he is best known. The year in which it ap- peared is not certain, as the first edition printed at Valencia, is undated. In all probability it issued from the press in I 559- 1 I n this y ear > as we are told by Fray Bartholome lamas te olvidare, Mondego mio, ni aun olvidarte yo sera en mi mano, sino fuesse por muerte o desuario. En tu florido campo muy ufano, tu dulce primauera quien la oluida, sino quien a si proprio es inhumane? Aquella alta arboleda, aquella vida que a su sombra el pastor cansado lleua, y el aue oye cantar de amor herida. Aquel ver madurar la fruta nueua, aquel ver como esta granado el trigo, y el labrador quel lino a empozar lleua." (fol. 76.) 1 Los siete Libros de la Diana de lorge de Montemayor, dirigidos al muy Illustre senor don loan Castella de Vilanoua, senor de las baronias de Bicorb, y Quesa. [Oval device : En una fe tostemps.] Impresso en Valencia. 4, iv -f- 112 ff. (Salva, Catalogo, Vol. II, p. 167. It bears neither date nor printer's name, but Salva says : " la im- primio positivamente Joan Mey") I have again (1910) examined the copy in the Ticknor library, Boston, which bears the factitious date 1542. I am now convinced that it was done with a pen. See the note in the Ticknor Catalogue, p. 234, where the opinion is expressed that " this date was foisted into the title-page when it was sold." The next earliest dated edition known bears on the title-page : " Agora nueuamente anadido de ciertas obras del mismo autor, y con diligencia corregido. (At the end:) Fue impressa la presente obra en la muy noble y leal ciudad de Caragoc.a, en casa de Pedro Bernuz. . . . Aca- bose a veinte de Agosto, ano 1560." Small 8. It contains "La His- toria de Alcida y Sylvano, compuesta por lorge de Montemayor." There is another, but undated edition, " In Milano por Andrea de Ferrari, nel corso di porta Tosa," described by Menendez y Pelayo, Origenes, Vol. I, p. cdlxii, which may belong to the same year. Four editions appeared in 1561 : Anvers, por luan Stelsio ; Barcelona, por Jayme Cortey; Cuenca, por Juan de Canova, and Valladolid, por Francisco Fernandez de Cordoba. Of these I possess the Antwerp edition; it does not contain the story of Abindarraez, which was first added in that of Valladolid, 1561-62. A bibliography, containing all 34 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES Ponce, 1 that Montemayor was in Valladolid, then the Court of Spain " when everybody was reading the Diana." Such popularity certainly implies a recent appearance of the work. Whether the lady whose praises Montemayor sings in his Cautioner o under the name of ' Marfida ' is identical with the * Diana ' of his pastoral romance, there is no means of determining with certainty. I am inclined to be- lieve that she is not. 2 Lope de Vega tells us that " the Diana of Montemayor was a lady of Valencia de Don editions as late as that of Lisbon, 1624 (which I also possess), will be found in Menendez y Pelayo, Origenes, Vol. I, p. cdlxiii; see also Schonherr, pp. 80 ff. The only other important work of Montemayor (besides those previously mentioned), is his translation of the Catalan poet Ausias March, which probably appeared at Valencia, before 1560. Salva, Catalogo, Vol. I, p. 275. It is of this work that Lope de Vega says : " Castissimos son aquellos versos que escriuio Ausias March en lengua Lemosina, que tan mal y sin entenderlos Montemayor traduxo." Hermosura de Angelica, Madrid, 1602, fol. 338v. 1 Primera parte de la Clara Diana a lo diuino, repartida en siete libros. Compuesta par el muy Reverendo Padre fray Bartholome Ponce. En Caragoqa, Impressa por Lorenzo de Robles. Ano 1599. 8. There was an edition at Epila, 1580. Salva, Catalogo, II, No. 1944. In the prologo he says : " Being at the Court of Philip II, in *5S9> I saw and read the Diana of Montemayor, which was at that time in such favor as I had never seen any book in the vernacular. Expressing a desire to know the author, I was introduced to him at the house of a friend. Taking courage to tell him that he was wasting time and talents in making rhymes and composing books of love, Montemayor, with a hearty laugh, replied : Padre Ponce, let the friars do penance for all; as for the hijosdalgo, arms and love are their pro- fession. . . . May God have mercy on his soul, for I never saw him again. A few months after this, I was told how a good friend of his had killed him on account of jealousy, or some love-affair." 2 Menendez y Pelayo also leans to the belief that they were different persons. Origenes, Vol. I, p. cdli. Schonherr, op. cit., is of the con- trary opinion. I may add that the 1554 ed. of the Cancionero con- tains but two eclogues, while the later editions have four. In the " Egloga tercera a la senora Dona Isabel osorio," the characters are THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR 35 Juan, near Leon, and its stream, the Ezla, and the lady will be immortal through his pen." 1 This agrees not only with the romance, but also with the story related by Faria i Sousa, 2 according to which she is said to have been still living in that town in 1602, when she was visited by Philip the Third and Queen Margaret. She is described as even then bearing traces of her former beauty, though more than sixty years old. This would fix her birth somewhere about 1540, and would, of course, effectually dispose of the belief that an edition of the Diana existed as early as 1542, when the heroine was only two years old. 3 The story of the Diana is briefly given by the author in his ' Argumento ' as follows : " In the fields of the ancient and celebrated city of Leon, by the banks of the river Ezla, there lived a shepherdess named Diana, more beautiful than any of her time. She loved and was loved in return by a shepherd named Sireno, with a love chaste and pure. At the same time she was loved by another shepherd, Silvano, whom she, however, abhorred. It now happened that Diana, Marfida, Danteo and Floriano. In the opening lines Diana bewails the absence of Sireno : " Do estas, Sireno mio ?" while Mar- fida is in love with Lusitano. Now, we know that Sireno is the poeti- cal name assumed by Montemayor in the Diana, while the one he adopts in his poems is Lusitano; so there is no inconsistency. As the scene in this eclogue is also laid on the banks of " el claro rio Mondego celebrado," (fol. i5ov, ed. of 1571), it shows that Monte- mayor had already revolved the subject in his mind and that, very probably, the Diana grew out of this eclogue. 1 La Dorotea, Act II, Sc. II, fol. S2v, ed. of 1632. 2 In his commentary on the Lusiadas de Luis de Camoes, Madrid, J639, Vol. II, col. 434, which is also related by Sepulveda, Historia de varios sucesos, MS. Vol. II, Ch. XII. See Bosquejo historico sobre la Novela espanola, by D. Eustaquio Fernandez de Navarrete, pre- fixed to Vol. 33 of the Bib. de Aut. espanoles (p. xxvii, note). 3 Since the first ed. of this book the whole matter has been re- viewed by Fitzmaurice-Kelly, Revue Hispanique, II, p. 304, and see also Menendez y Pelayo, Origenes, p. cdlix. 36 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES Sireno was obliged to leave the kingdom upon matters which admitted of no excuse. For a while Diana grieved on account of his absence, but as time changed, her heart changed also, and she was married to another shepherd named Delio. Sireno, returning after a year's absence, learns of her marriage, " and here begins the first book, and in the remaining ones you shall find various histories of things that have really happened, although disguised beneath a pastoral style." It will be seen from this Argument that the Diana had its origin in an actual event in- the life of its author, or so, at least, he leads us to infer, and that, perhaps, his prin- cipal object in writing it was to find expression for the sor- row and despair of a great disappointment, and thus obtain that relief and consolation which imparting our ills to others often gives. " A raconter ses maux souvent on les soulage." x It should be observed here, however, that it has been ser- iously doubted whether Montemayor is the protagonist of the Diana, and whether the love he relates has any basis in fact. 2 1 Or, in the words of Montemayor in an " Epistola " prefixed to the Diana: " Curar piensa sus males con dezillos." 2 Menendez y Pelayo, Origenes, Vol. I, p. cdxlv. That, in the early years of the seventeenth century, the story of the Diana was gener- ally believed to be founded upon an actual fact in Montemayor's life, can hardly be doubted. Upon this point the testimony of Lope de Vega, given above (p. 35) is clear. Lope's memory (he was born in the year following Montemayor's death) certainly reached back to a time when everything concerning our poet was vivid in the minds of educated men; indeed, Lope may have had his information from one who had personally known Montemayor. His own pastoral romance, the Arcadia, was begun about 1592, and we may well believe that his interest in the subject and in its celebrated exemplar, had long antedated this period. Craesbeeck, the Portuguese printer, tells THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR 37 The form and construction of the Diana may have been matters of subordinate irhport to Montemayor, but a work is to be judged as it stands, and it must be admitted that the Diana is not without serious defects: many of its in- cidents are loosely interwoven ; there is a lack of cohesion ; the narrative is sometimes involved and is often inter- rupted by long digressions, so that the thread of the main story is lost and the interest flags. This want of logical development, the failure to properly subordinate the var- ious incidents of the story and thus hold the attention of the reader, is a fault conspicuous not only in the Diana, but in all Spanish romances of its class. Many of the incidents in the Diana are quite improbable, and its beauty is often marred by an excessive sentimentality, at times bordering on the ridiculous. 1 A few excerpts will illustrate this: us (see above, p. 31) that Montemayor had been ill for some time in the city of Leon, the scene of the Diana. It is fair to presume that this was a well-known tradition at the time, 1624. As to the story related by Faria y Sousa in 1639, we must admit that we should be on surer ground had it been vouched for by some more reliable chronicler. Faria says that the lady celebrated as Diana was named Ana, and that she was one of the wealthiest persons in Valencia de Don Juan. Mad. de Vasconcellos thinks that the name Marfida, under which Montemayor had celebrated his lady in his early poems, is an anagram of Margarida, but the name Marfida or Marfisa is found in Boiardo and Ariosto, and in the Espejo de Caballerias, which appeared at Seville in 1533, and occurs frequently both at this time and later. It is, probably, of no significance in the present inquiry. But as already stated above, the germ of the Diana is present in the third Eclogue of Montemayor, though I am inclined to think that Diana and Marfida are different persons. 1 In this respect, however, the Diana was surpassed by some of the works that followed it. Sidney's Arcadia shows some remarkable passages: "The sun drew clouds up to hide his face from so pitiful a sight, and the very stone wall did yield drops of sweat for agony of such a mischief: each senseless thing had sense of pity; only they that had sense were senseless." (Book III, p. 537, ed. of I743-) A shepherd in despair exclaims: "O thrice happy I, if I had per- 38 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES " Venia pues el triste Sireno, los ojos hechos fuentes, el rostro mudado y el coragon tan hecho a desuenturas, que si la fortuna le quisiera dar algun contento, fuera menester buscar otro coragon nueuo para recibille." (Book I.) ished whilst I was altogether unhappy; then, when a dejected shep- herd offensive to the perfection of the world, I could hardly, being oppressed by contempt, make myself worthy to be disdained, disdain to be despised, despised being a degree of grace. O would to God that I had died obscurely, whilst my life might still have lived famous with others and my death have died with myself." (Bk. Ill, p. 598.) Another shepherd complains : " O my dun-cow, I did think some evil was towards me ever since the last day thou didst run away from me, and held up thy tail so pitifully: did I not see an eagle kill a cuckoo, which was a plain foretoken unto me, Pamela should be my destruc- tion? O wife Miso, if I durst say it to thy face, why didst thou suspect thy husband, that loveth a piece of cheese better than a woman," etc. (Bk. IV, p. 731.) Or such verses as these, which can add nothing to Sidney's reputation : As I my little flock on Ister bank (A little flock; but well my pipe they couth) Did piping lead, the sun already sank Beyond our world, and e'er I got my booth, Each thing with mantle black the night doth scoth ; Saving the glow-worm which would courteous be Of 'that small light oft watching shepherds see. The welkin had full niggardly enclosed In coffer of dim clouds his silver groats, Ycleped stars; each thing to rest disposed, The caves were full, the mountains void of goats : The birds' eyes clos'd; closed their chirping notes. As for the nightingale, wood-musick's king: It August was, he deign'd not then to sing. (Page 711.) I have not read Sidney's Arcadia for many years, and no longer have a stomach for such pastime. So I must confess that I am one of those "degenerate readers of our day" to whom "the Arcadia seems almost as tedious as Hazlitt thought it." (Fitzmaurice-Kelly, The Relation between Spanish and English Literature, Liverpool, 1910, p. 19.) THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR 39 Love drives poor Silvano out of his senses : " Pues como este pastor (Silvano) fuesse tan mal tra- tado de amor, y tan desfauorecido de Diana, mil vezes la pasion le hazia salir de seso, de manera que hoy daua en dezir mal de amor, mafiana en alaballe: un dia en estar ledo, y otro en estar mas triste que todos los tristes," etc. (Book II, fol. 45, ed. 1561.) Belisa is determined to be wretched ; she says : " Muy gran consuelo seria para tan desconsolado coragon como este mio, estar segura de que nadie con palabras ni con obras pretendiesse darmele, por- que la gran razon, o hermosas Nimphas, que tengo de biuir tan enbuelta en tristezas como biuo, ha puesto enemistad entre mi y el consuelo de mi mal ; de manera que si pensasse en algun tiempo tenelle, yo misma me daria la muerte." (Fol. 96.) Their tears augment the streams and cause the grass to grow: " Mas que ventura ha guiado tan hermosa compafiia, a do jamas se vio cosa que diesse contento? Quien pensays que haze crescer la verde yerua desta ysla, y acrescentar las aguas que le cercan, sino mis lagrimas ? Quien pensays que menea los arboles deste hermoso valle, sino la boz de mis sospiros tristes, que inflamando el ayre, hazen aquello que el por si no haria? Porque pensays que cantan los dulces paxaros por entre las matas, quando el dorado Phebo esta en toda su fuerga, sino para ayudar a llorar mis des- uenturas? A que pensays que las temerosas fieras salen al verde prado, sino a oyr mis continuas quexas ? " (Fol. 97.) The shepherds are so overcome by this recital that they all weep : " Con tantas lagrymas dezia esto la hermosa pas- tora, que no hauia ninguno de los que alii estauan, que las suyas detener pudiesse." As the contents of Montemayor's romance have been 40 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES set forth by several writers, 1 a brief analysis will be suffi- cient here. The ' forgotten ' Syreno, coming from the mountain dis- tricts of Leon, arrives at the delightful meadows watered by the Ezla, and muses upon " the happy time when, in these fields and by these lovely banks, he tended his flocks." Here he passed his days oblivious of the outer world till " cruel Amor " made him his slave. " Reclining at the foot of a beech tree, his eyes followed the beautiful banks until they rested upon the spot where first he had seen the beautiful, graceful and chaste Diana, in whom nature had united every perfection." " What his heart then felt, let him imagine who ever found himself amid sad memories." He thinks of the time when Diana swore eternal fidelity to him " with tears gushing from her lovely eyes like ori- ental pearls, as witnesses of what she felt within her heart, bidding him believe what she had told him so many times." He now draws forth from his breast a paper containing some threads of green silk and some locks of hair, " and such locks! and placing them upon the green grass, with many tears, he takes up his lute, not as joyfully as in the days when he was favored by Diana," and sings as follows : Cabellos quanta mudanga he visto despues que os vi, y quan mal paresce ay essa color desperanc.a. Bien pensaua yo, cabellos, (aunque con algun temor) que no fuera otro pastor digno de verse cabe ellos. Ay cabellos, quantos dias la mi Diana miraua, si os traya, o si os dexaua, y otras cien mil ninerias. 1 See Dunlop's History of Fiction; Schonherr, already quoted, and Kressner, Zur Geschichte der pastoral Dichtung, in Herrig's Archiv, Vol. LXVI (p. 309). THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR 41 Y quantas vezes llorando (ay lagrimas enganosas) pedia celos, de cosas de que yo estaua burlando. Los ojos que me matauan, dezi, dorados cabellos, que culpa tuue en creellos, pues ellos me assegurauan? No vistes vos que algun dia mil lagrimas derramaua, hasta que yo le juraua, que sus palabras creya? Quien vio tanta hermosura en tan mudable subiecto? y en amador tan perfecto, quien vio tanta desuentura? O cabellos, no os correys, por venir de a do venistes, viendome como me vistes, en verme como me veys? Sobre el arena sentada de aquel rio, la vi yo, do con el dedo escriuio : antes muerta, que mudada. Mira el amor lo que ordena, que os viene a hazer creer cosas dichas por muger, y escritas en el arena. (Fol. 4.) Replacing the " golden locks," he finds in his shepherd's scrip a letter, formerly written to him by Diana, which he reads, and " deeply sighing," says : " How could forget- fulness ever enter a breast whence such words have is- sued ? " Sireno now observes another shepherd approach- ing, to whom he exclaims : " Alas ! unhappy shepherd, though not so unhappy as I." It is the desamado Silvano, once the rival of Sireno, but who became his friend on learning that Diana returned the latter's love. Silvano takes up his pipe, and " sings with great sadness " : 42 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES Amador soy, mas nunca fuy amado : quise bien y querre, no soy querido; fatigas passo, y nunca las he dado; sospiros di, mas nunca fuy oydo; quexarme quise, y no fuy escuchado; huyr quise de Amor, quede corrido, de solo oluido no podre quexarme, porque aun no se acordaron d'oluidarme. Yo hago a qualquier mal solo un semblante, jamas estuue hoy triste, ayer contento; no miro atras, ni temo yr adelante, un rostra hago al mal, o al bien que siento; tan fuera voy de mi como el dangante, que haze a qualquier son un mouimiento, y assi me gritan todos como a loco, pero segun estoy, aun esto es poco. La noche a un amador le es enojosa, quando del dia atiende bien alguno, y el otro de la noche espera cosa qu'el dia le haze largo e importuno; con lo que un hombre cansa, otro reposa, tras su desseo camina cada uno, mas yo siempre llorando el dia espero, y en viendo el dia por la noche muero. Quexarme yo de Amor es escusado, pinta en el agua, o da bozes al viento, busca remedio en quien jamas le ha dado, que al fin venga a dexalle sin descuento; llegaos a el a ser aconsejado, diraos un disparate, y otros ciento; pues quien es este Amor? Es una sciencia que no la alcanga estudio, ni esperiencia. Amaua mi senora al su Sireno, dexaua a mi, quic,a que lo acertaua; yo triste a mi pesar tenia por bueno lo que en la vida y alma me tocaua. A estar mi cielo algun dia sereno, quexara yo de amor si le anublaua, mas ningun bien dire que me ha quitado; ved, como quitara lo que no ha dado? THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR 43 No es cosa Amor, que aquel que no lo tiene hallara feria a do pueda comprallo, ni cosa que en llamandola se viene, ni que le hallareys yendo a buscallo; que si de vos no nasce, no conuiene pensar que ha de nascer de procurallo, y pues que jamas puede amor forgarse, no tiene el desamado que quexarse. (Fol. 6.) Perceiving Sireno by the fountain, he draws near, and " they embrace each other with many tears." The two " unloved " lovers console one another. Silvano now re- lates how Diana at first pined during Sireno's absence, how he had once observed her lying upon the ground weep- ing ; how Diana then drew forth a small pipe, " and played so sweetly that the valley, the mountain, the river and the enamoured birds, even the wild beasts of the dense wood were charmed." Afterwards, with tearful eyes, gazing into the clear fountain, she sang : " Ojos, que ya no veys quien os miraua (quando erades espejo en que se via) que cosa podreys ver que os de contento?" (Fol. 12.) Silvano, continuing, relates how, on approaching, he was invited by Diana to sit beside her. How he began to tell Diana of his love for her, whereupon she promptly inter- rupted him, saying : " If your tongue again dares to speak of your own affairs, and fails to speak to me of my Sireno, I shall leave you to enjoy this clear spring at your pleas- ure." On hearing this Sireno sighs and asks whether Diana is happy since her marriage with Delio, to which Silvano replies : " They tell me that she is not happy, for though Delio, her husband, is rich in the gifts of fortune, he is poor in the gifts of nature," etc., " for Delio cannot play, sing and wrestle, nor dance with the mozas on Sun- day." A sad shepherdess now draws near ; it is Selvagia, the 44 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES friend of Diana, who, addressing the shepherds, says: " What are ye doing here, O unloved shepherds, in this green and delightful meadow ? " A discussion follows upon the fickleness of woman, after which Selvagia relates how she was deceived by the false Alanio, and of the com- plications which arose in the love of a number of shep- herds and shepherdesses; each is in love with some one who loves somebody else (cada uno per dido por quien no le queria) . " It was the strangest thing in the world to hear how Alanio, sighing, would say : " Alas, Ismenia ! how Ismenia said : Alas, Montano ! and how Montano said : Alas, Selvagia ! and how Selvagia said : Alas, my Alanio ! " The latter, we are told, lost no time in punishing Ismenia, for, fixing his eyes upon Selvagia, he sang this antiguo cantar: " Amor loco, ay amor loco, yo por vos, y vos por otro," etc. The result of all this sighing is that Montano marries Is- menia. Having finished her story, " Selvagia began to shed copious tears, and the shepherds aided her therein, for it was an occupation in which they had great experience." The second book opens with a long complaint of Sel- vagia's, after which she sings some sestinas. Silvano now appears, singing some octavas to the music of a lute; both sit down beneath the shade of a dense myrtle, and with many sighs and a fair amount of tears, they relate to each other their imaginary woes. To Silvano's query " perhaps thou knowest some remedy for our ills ? " Selvagia an- swers: "I do know one, shepherd; it is to cease loving." The " forgotten " Sireno is now heard singing a sonnet, and scarcely had they greeted the new-comer and proceeded together to " the fountain of the Alders," when they heard several voices singing. Advancing cautiously, they per- THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR 45 ceive three nymphs, Dorida, Cynthia and Polydora. Do- rida now sings of the love of Diana and Sireno, much to the astonishment of Sireno, who is concealed behind the trees. The whole story is sung in a long cancion, of which one of the strophes is as follows : Diana speaks: Toma, pastor, un cordon que hize de mis cabellos, porque se te acuerde en vellos que tomaste posesion de mi coragon y dellos. Y este anillo as de lleuar do estan dos manos asidas, que aunque se acaben las vidas, no se pueden apartar dos almos que estan unidas. Sireno gives to Diana his shepherd's crook and his lute, " to which he has sung to her a thousand canciones, re- counting her perfections." Thus : Ambos a dos se abragaron, y esta fue la vez primera, y pienso fue la postrera, por que los tiempos mudaron el amor de otra manera. Y aunque a Diana le dio pena rabiosa y mortal la ausencia de su zagal, en ella misma hallo el remedio de su mal. (Fol. SQv.) Scarcely had Dorida finished her song, when three wild men, " very tall and ugly," rush out of the wood, seize the nymphs and bind their hands. Now the shepherds spring from their ambush and attack the giants with slings. The shepherds were getting the worst of the contest, when sud- denly, out of the thick grove there appeared a maiden of wonderful beauty, who immediately sends an arrow through the heart of one of the giants, and finally slays 46 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES them all. The nymphs turn out to be priestesses of Diana, and the rescuing maiden, whose name is Felismena, now relates her story. After a brief account of her early years, she informs us how, at the age of seventeen she was be- loved by Don Felix, whose love, at first, she did not return. Don Felix sends a letter by Rosina, the maid of Felismena, which letter the latter rejects, saying: "If I did not ob- serve who I am and what might be said, I should mark your face which shows little modesty so that it were easily known among all others. But since this is the first time, let what is done suffice, but beware the second time." " It seems to me," continued Felismena, " that I can still see that traitorous Rosina, who, with a friendly counten- ance, knew how to be silent, dissimulating her true feelings at my angry outburst, and with a feigned smile saying to me : I gave this letter to your grace so that we might both laugh over it, but not that you should get angry on account of it." Presently, however, a desire arose in Felismena to read the letter, though modesty forbade her ask her maid for it after what had occurred between them. And so the day passed till night, mid various thoughts. " And when Rosina," Felismena continues, " entered to disrobe me, at the time when I was wont to retire, heaven knows whether I wished that she should again importune me to receive the letter, but I did not wish to speak of it, and in order to see whether opening the way would be of any advantage, I said : And so, Rosina, Senor Don Felix was so bold as to write to me ? To which she answered dryly : ' My lady, these are things that love brings with it; I beg you to for- give me, for if I had thought that it would anger you, I would rather have torn out my eyes.' That night was the longest that Felismena had ever passed." " Day having come, and later than I had wished it, the prudent Rosina again entered to dress me, and deftly let THE DIANA OF MONTEMA YOR 47 the letter fall upon the floor, and as I saw it, I said: what is that that just fell? Show it to me. It is nothing, my lady, said she. Show it to me, and do not make me angry, or tell me what it is. Why, my lady, do you wish to see it ? It is the letter of yesterday. That is surely not so, said I ; show it to me; I will see whether you told the truth. Scarcely had I spoken, when she placed it in my hand, and I, though knowing it very well, said, truly it is not the same and you must be in love with some one. I wish to read it, and see what he writes to you." The reading of this letter aroused the love in the bosom of Felismena, who, " taking pen and ink," sent a letter to Don Felix in reply. And so the lovers were happy for some time, till it came to the knowledge of the father of Felix, who sent him to the court of the great princess Au- gusta Caesarina, to gain some knowledge and experience of the world. Felismena, however, could not bear the separation, but determined to do " what never woman thought of to dress in male attire, visit the court, and see him in whose sight rested all my hope." After a journey of twenty days she arrives at the court, and on the very first night she had the opportunity of con- vincing herself of the unfaithfulness of her lover, for she hears Don Felix singing a serenade to his mistress Celia. Felismena now enters the service of Don Felix as a page, under the name of Valeric, and soon gains the confidence of his master to such a degree that the latter makes Valeric his confidant, telling him of his love for Celia and reading the contents of Celia's letters to him. Celia having learned, meanwhile, that she was not the first love of Don Felix, but that the latter had declared his love to a lady of his native city, and had afterwards de- serted her, refused to accept his attentions any longer, and 48 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES sent him the above-mentioned letters. Don Felix now sends a letter to Celia by his page Valeric, the result of which is that Celia falls deeply in love with the latter. The peculiar dilemma in which Valeric found himself (or her- self), was suddenly resolved by the death of Celia, who, rinding her love for Valerio unrequited, fell in a swoon, from which she never awoke. At this news Don Felix dis- appeared. Two years had elapsed since then, and during all this time Felismena has been in search of the faithless Don Felix. (End of Book ii.) At the conclusion of Felismena's story all proceed to the temple of Diana, to find some solace for their suffer- ings. They had not journeyed long, when they came to a beautiful lake, in the midst of which was a small island upon which they saw a hut and a flock of sheep. Pass- ing over the water " upon stones placed in a row," Poly- doro enters the hut and finds a shepherdess sleeping therein, " whose beauty causes no less astonishment that if Diana herself had appeared before their eyes." " In the carelessness of sleep her foot, white and bare, protruded from her frock, but not so far that to the eyes of those who were looking on, it might seem deshonesto." " And from the many tears that, even while sleeping, rolled down her lovely cheeks," it seemed that sleep was no bar to her sad thoughts. The beautiful shepherdess is Belisa, who presently relates how an old shepherd named Arsenic, whose wife had died, fell in love with her. Arsenio, how- ever, had a son Arsileo who, in addition to being hand- somer than Arsenio, had the advantage of being somewhat younger. Arsileo is also a poet and writes the verses which his father, Arsenio, sends to Belisa. On discovering this, Belisa falls desperately in love with Arsileo, as a conse- quence of which Arsileo, while visiting Belisa one night, is unwittingly shot by his father, who, when he discovers THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR 49 his deed, kills himself. Since then Belisa wanders about only wishing for death. All the shepherds shed copious tears on hearing this tale, and invite Belisa to accompany them to Diana's temple. (End of Book iii.) All finally arrive at a magnificent palace, where they are graciously received by the wise Felicia, who bids them have no fear of the ills that pursue them, as she has a remedy for them. Over the doorway of the palace, which is built of jasper, silver, and various marbles, are two nymphs bearing tablets of copper on which is the following inscrip- tion in letters of gold: Quien entra mire bien como ha biuido, 1 etc. Here they find an immense statue of Mars, and here are represented Hannibal, Scipio, Camillus, Horace, Varro, Caesar, Pompey, Alexander the Great, the Cid, Fernan Gongalez, Bernardo del Carpio and the Great Captain (Gon- galvo de Cordoba), etc. They enter a magnificent hall adorned with ivory and alabaster, and here, by a spring of pure silver, sits Orpheus, who touches his harp at the ap- proach of the group and sings a song (Canto de Orpheo} in praise of famous Spanish women. Proceeding further they come to a spacious lawn, where they sit down, and having dined sumptuously, Felismena relates the story of Abindarraez. As already observed, this story was added to the Diana after the death of Montemayor. (End of Book iv. ) Felicia now proceeds to cure the lovers of their ills. She appears with two goblets of fine crystal, one of which she hands to Sireno and the other to Selvagia and the unloved Silvano, saying : " take this goblet, in which you will find the best remedy for all your past misfortunes." All three, on drinking, immediately fall asleep. When Felicia thinks 1 Cf. below, p. 65. 50 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES the magic potion has had its due effect, she touches Si- reno's head with a book, whereupon he awakes and is en- tirely cured of his love for Diana. So Silvano, on awaken- ing, forgets entirely his former love for Diana, but becomes enamoured of Selvagia, who, in turn, forgetting Alanio, falls in love with Silvano. These three then return to their flocks, and now, for the first time we meet with Diana. The voice of a shepherdess is heard singing, and is recognized by Silvano. She sits by the fountain and sings : " Quando yo triste nasci, luego nasci desdichada; luego los hados mostraron mi suerte desuenturada," x etc. But Sireno remains unmoved by her song, and they pro- ceed on their way. Felismena now leaves the company, going homeward, and on her way sees a shepherd's hut, which she enters and finds therein Arsileo, the lover of Belisa, who had not been slain by the arrow of his father, as Belisa had supposed, but Alfeo, a great sorcerer and the rejected suitor of Belisa, had conjured up two spirits to represent Arsenio and Arsileo, and the whole scene in which Arsenio shoots his son, merely out of revenge against Belisa. (End of Book v.) Though quite freed of his love for Diana, yet, once, on coming to the spring of the Alders, Sireno thinks of the happy past and feels lonely, because at all times " the memory of a happy state causes a feeling of solitude in him who has lost it." 2 Then he sees the flocks of Diana 1 Menendez Pelayo (Origines de la No-vela, I, p. cdlxiv), says that this song was inspired by Bernardim Ribeiro's romance beginning " Pensando-vos estou filha," in his Menina e Mofa, Lisbon, 1852, p. 91. See Or'igenes, p. cdxli. 2 " Y passando por la memoria los amores de Diana, no dexaua de causalle soledad el tiepo que la hauia querido. No porque entonces le THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR 51 i and her dogs, who fall down at his feet and show their de- light at seeing him, " and if the power of the water which the sage Felicia had given him had not made him forget his love, perhaps nothing in the world could have prevented him from returning to her." He now takes up his lute and sings : Passados contentamientos que quereys? dexadme, no me canseys. Memoria, quereys oirme? Los dias, las noches buenas, paguelos con las setenas, no teneys mas que pedirme; todo se acabo en partirme como veys, dexadme, no me canseys. Campo verde, valle umbroso donde algun tiempo goze, ved lo que despues passe, y dexadme en mi reposo; si estoy con razon medroso, ya lo veys, dexadme, no me canseys. Vi mudado un corac,on, cansado de assegurarme, fue forgado aprouecharme del tiempo, y de la occasion; memoria do no hay passion que quereys? dexadme, no me canseys. Corderos, y ouejas mias, pues algun tiempo lo fuistes, las horas ledas, o tristes passaronse con los dias; no hagays las alegrias que soleys, pues ya no m'enganareys. diesse pena su amor, mas porque en todo tiempo la memoria de un buen estado causa soledad al que le ha perdido." (Fol. 180.) Here " soledad " is evidently used in the sense of the Portuguese " saudade." 52 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES Si venis por me turbar, no hay passion, ni haura turbarme ; si venis por consolarme, ya no hay mal que consolar; si venis por me matar bien podeys, matadme y acabareys. 1 Diana now appears, but Sireno is unmoved by her prayers; in tears she declares that the will of her father and her childish obedience had brought her to the hated union with Delio: but Sireno rejoices that he has been freed of his love, and with Silvano sings a song, laughing at their former folly, when both were suitors of Diana. At the conclusion of the song Diana was shedding copious tears, " and with a sigh, in company with which her soul seemed to have gone forth," she arose, and braiding her golden hair, disappeared in the valley. (End of Book vi.) Felismena, on her journey, arrives at a beautiful city by a majestic river. It recalls to her mind the great city of Soldina, " her birthplace, from which Don Felix had caused her exile ". From the language of two shepherdesses, Ar- mia and Duarda, whom she meets, she learns that she is in 1 1 append Bartholomew Yonge's translation of the first stanza : Passed contents what mean ye? Forsake me now, and doe not wearie me. Wilt thou heare me, O memorie? My pleasant daies, and nights againe, 1 have appaid with sevenfold paine : Thou hast no more to aske me why, For when I went, they all did die, As thou dost see, O leave me then, and doe not wearie me. Another gloss upon the first three verses was written by Vincente Espinel, Diversas Rintas, Madrid, 1591, fol. 128, and now printed in Bohl v. Faber, Floresta, I, p. 282. THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR 53 Portugal, and that the city before her is Coimbra, " one of the most famous cities in all Europe ", and that it " is bathed by the crystalline waters of the Mondego ". And the castle before them is called in the Portuguese tongue " Monte-Mor o Velho, 1 where force of genius, valor and courage have remained as trophies of the deeds which its inhabitants performed in the past, 2 and whose ladies and gentlemen are adorned with all virtues." While Felismena partakes of the repast offered by the shepherdesses, the voice of Danteo is heard singing : Sospiros, minha lembranga 3 nao quer, porque vos nao vades, que o mal que fazem saudades se cure com esperanga. A esperanga nao me val pola causa em que se tern, nem promete tanto bem quanto a saudade faz mal : mais amor, desconfianga, me derao tal calidade, que nem me mata saudade, nem me da vida esperanga. Erraraose se queixarem os olhos com que eu olhei, porque nao me queixarei em quanto os seus me lembrarem; nem podera hauer mudanga jamays em minha vontade, ora me mate saudade, ora me deixe esperanga. 1 The birth-place of Montemayor ; see above. 2 For the valiant deeds to which Montemayor here alludes, see Menendez Pidal, La Leyenda del Abad Don Juan de Montemayor, Dresden, 1903, pp. Hi, and foil. 3 Besides this, a short cancion which precedes, beginning " Os tempos se mudarao," and Danteo's conversation generally, are in Portuguese. 54 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES Duarda loved Danteo, who had, however, married An- dresa, a shepherdess who afterwards died. Just as Felis- mena is about to reconcile these lovers, her attention is at- tracted by the voice of a combat. Upon an island in the stream she sees a knight struggling with three assailants, one of whom he kills, but the others press the knight so hard, that Felismena draws her bow and slays them. The knight turns out to be Don Felix, who is forgiven by Felis- mena. At this moment Dorida, the messenger of Felicia, appears with two goblets, one of silver and the other of gold, and bids Felix drink of the former, to forget his love for Celia, and of the latter, to heal his wounds. All now return to the temple of Diana, where Felix and Felismena, Selvagia and Silvano are united and, it is pre- sumed, live happily ever thereafter. The fate of Danteo and Duarda the author reserved for a second part. Perhaps a few words may here be said upon the prin- cipal episodes of the Diana. That of the enchantress Fe- licia, priestess of Diana, and the magic potion she admin- isters to the lovers to cure them of their ills, is a very old one in literature. 1 A similar incident occurs in the eighth and ninth " prosas " of the Arcadia of Sannazaro, and for the present purpose there is, perhaps, no need of going beyond this. As to the story of Felix and Felismena (Book II), upon which Shakespeare is said to have founded his Two Gentle- men of Verona, a like expedient of a young lady disguis- ing herself as a page to serve her lover, occurs in Bandello 1 Cervantes, speaking of the Diana, puts these words in the mouth of the priest : " To begin, then, with the Diana of Montemayor. I am of the opinion it should not be burned, but that it should be cleared of all that about the sage Felicia and the magic water, and of almost all the longer pieces of verse: let it keep, and welcome, its prose and the honor of being the first of books of the kind." Don Quixote, I, Chap. VI. THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR 55 (Novelle, xxxvi), first published at Lucca in I554- 1 This novel is supposed to be the source of Shakespeare's Tivelfth Night, and to it Giraldi Cinthio probably owes a similar story in his Hectommithi, printed for the first time in 1565. A like incident forms the basis of the plot of one of Lope de Rueda's best comedies, called Comedia de los Enganos. Indeed the plot of this comedy is very similar to the story in Bandello ; 2 in both cases the twin-brother of the heroine 1 Underbill shows that Shakespeare's version is due to the story of Montemayor, not to the novel of Bandello. He says that Shakes- peare seems to have been ignorant of Spanish, nor is it probable that he had access to any English translation, unless it be Googe's eclogue. But it has long ago been pointed out by Gervinus that, in all prob- ability, Shakespeare's source is the play called The History of Felix and Philomena, which was acted before the court at Greenwich on January 3, 1584. See my Spanish Stage, p. 77; Underbill, Spanish Lit. in England under the Tudors, New York, 1899, p. 363. The first trace of Montemayor's Diana in any other literature is found in the fifth and seventh Eglogs of Barnabe Googe (1563), and from the latter's very free and greatly abridged version of Felismena's story in the fifth eclogue, Shakespeare, it has been suggested, might have taken his story; but Googe's version would have given him a very imperfect idea of the story, as it omits some of its most essential features. But why could not Shakespeare have used the French translation of the Diana by Nicolas Colin, which appeared in 1567, and of which there were editions in 1587 and 1592? I possess the latter edition to which the other two parts have been added, translated by Gabriel Chappuys. Perhaps the critics will deny that Shakespeare had suffi- cient knowledge of French to read these versions. Did Shakespeare only begin his study of French in 1598, when he became a lodger in the house of Christopher Monjoy, at the corner of Silver and Monk- well Streets? For the influence of the Diana upon other literatures, see the excellent account of Menendez y Pelayo, Origenes, I, pp. cdlxxii ff. 2 Klein, Geschichte des Dramas, Vol. IX, p. 159, has shown, however, that Bandello's novel is not the immediate source of Lope de Rueda's Enganos, but that the latter is merely a rifacimento of an Italian com- edy, Gl'Ingannati. Dr. Horace Howard Furness is convinced that this play, Gl'Ingannati, composed and acted by a society or Academy named Gl'Intronati, at Siena in 1531, and reprinted in 1537, 1538 and 56 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES disappears in the sack of Rome by the Imperialists, and while the father and daughter, in the Italian tale, remove to Aix, in Savoy, the scene of the Spanish comedy is trans- ferred to Modena. 1 It is a question as to which of these two poets, Montemayor or Rueda, first introduced this story into Spanish literature. Lope de Rueda flourished as an actor and author from about 1545 to 1565, while Monte- mayor wrote the Diana between 1554 and 1559. Monte- mayor doubtless saw Rueda's plays performed in the public squares, for Rueda enjoyed great popularity throughout Spain. However this may be, both had a source near at hand. The same story was afterward greatly elaborated by Tirso de Molina in one of his most famous comedies, Don Gil de las Colzas verdes. 2 Concerning the story of Abindarraez and Xarifa, in the fourth book of the Diana, there has been some discussion. It does not appear in the first edition of the Diana (1559 ? for it is without date), nor is it contained in the edition of Antwerp, 1561, which I possess. According to Salva it 1550, is the original of Bandello. He says: Apart from mere priority of date, the play itself reveals Bandello's indebtedness to it. " Shakes- peare's Twelfth Night," Variorum ed., Philadelphia, 1901, pp. xix, xx. Croce, Ricerche Ispano-Italiane, II, Naples, 1898, pp. 6 and 14, ascribes the play to A. Piccolomini, Archbishop of Patras, one of the Intronati. Concerning the sources of Lope de Rueda's comedies, see the very interesting article by A. L. Stiefel, in the Zeitschrift fur Roman. Phil, Vol. XV, pp. 183 and 318. 1 The same plot is found in the comedia ascribed to Calderon, La Espanola de Florencia. See the article La Espanola de Florencia by Prof. Stiefel, in Bausteine zur roman. Phil., Festgabe fur Mussafia, Halle, 1905, and the edition of the play by Dr. M. Rosenberg, Phila- delphia, 1910. 2 Schack, Geschichte der dram. Literatur und Kunst in Spanien, Vol. II, p. 214. Obras de Lope Rueda (Edicion de la Real Acade- mia espanola), Madrid, 1908, Tomo I, p. Ixv, of the excellent intro- duction by the editor, Sr. Emilio Cotarelo. Menendez y Pelayo, Origenes, I, p. cdlxviii. THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR 57 was first added in the edition of Valladolid, 1561-62. Montemayor, it will be remembered, died in Feburary, 1561. Ticknor maintains that Montemayor took the story from the Inventario of Antonio de Villegas, of which he cites an edition of I56I. 1 For my own part I do not be- lieve that Montemayor wrote the story that now appears in the Diana, 2 and agree with Ticknor that the story there printed was copied from Villegas, and amplified, despite the discrepancy in the dates. I have carefully read the two works side by side, and made many excerpts from them, where they either agreed word for word, or where the sim- ilarity was so great that it was evident one must have been 1 History of Spanish Lit., Ill, p. 95, n., and p. 153, n. Salva, Cata- logo, I, No. 1063, doubts *the existence of this edition, the earliest known to him being Medina del Campo, 1565, though the license to print it dated 1551. It is not a question here as to the origin of this tradition popular, as Gayangos calls it, the principal personage of which was an historical character, Rodrigo de Narvaez, but one of priority in these two versions, of which the shortest, the simplest and the one written with most naturalness and good taste, is undoubtedly that of Villegas, and there can hardly be any doubt that the version in the Diana is merely an amplification of it, inserted in the work by some dishonest book-seller. Such is the opinion of Menendez y Pelayo (Tratado de los Romances vicjos, in Antologia de Poetas liricos Castellanos, Tomo XII, p. 247). Sr. Menendez, moreover, does not think that Villegas is the author of the story as it appears in his Inventario, but that he and the refundidor of the Diana version are equally guilty of plagiarism, the original being the very rare Cronica del inclito infante D. Fernando, que gano a Antequera: en la qual trata coma se casaron a hurto el Abendarraxe (sic) Abindarraez con la linda Xarifa, etc., a small volume in black letter which appeared s. 1. n. a (probably at Zaragoza). Ibid., p. 249. 2 It is no slight satisfaction to find that this statement, made twenty years ago, has since been corroborated by no less" an authority than Menendez Pelayo (see the note above). In his Origenes, I, p. cdlxviii, he says : " La historia de Abindarraez y Jarifa no es de Montemayor, y solo despues de su muerte fue interpolada in la Diana," etc. See also ibid., pp. ccclxvi ff. 5 8 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES taken from the other. 1 The work of Villegas is written in a very simple and graceful style, while the story in the Diana is prolix and verbose, is distinctly out of place, and in striking contrast with the pastoral tone of the rest of the romance. There is no need to say anything here of the merits of the Diana; its beauties have been so aptly pointed out and so competently discussed, that further praise would be superfluous. 2 It remains the best pastoral romance that Spain has produced; the tender melancholy with which it is tinged, the reflection, doubtless, of Montemayor's own misfortunes, lends a charm to the Diana that none of its imitations possess. 1 In the Inventario of 1567, this story occupies leaves 94-112 in a very small octavo, while in the Diana, on a page containing nearly double the amount of printed matter, it occupies pages 158-180. Pages 166 and 167 of the Diana are almost identical, word for word, with pages loo and 105 of the Inventario. See also the Spanish translation of Ticknor, III, p. 547, and Gallardo, Ensayo, Vol. I, No. 327, p. 357. I possess a copy of the edition of Medina del Campo, 1577, and also of a reduced fac-simile of the story of Villegas, with the title-page: El Abencerraje de Antonio de Villegas, En Medina del Campo im- presso, por Francisco del Canto. Ano MDLXV. This fac-simile, I think, is due to Sr. Asensio. Upon the story of Abindarraez in the Diana, Lope de Vega founded his play El Remedio en la Desdicha. 2 Bouterweck, Geschichte der Poesie und Beredsamkeit seit dem Ende des dreisehnten Jahrhunderts, Gottingen, 1805-19, Vol. III. We may with absolute confidence accept the opinion of Menendez y Pelayo, who says : " La Diana es la mejor escrita de todas las novelas pas- toriles, sin exceptuar la de Gil Polo." Origenes, I, p. cdlxxi. THE "DIANA" OF ALONSO PEREZ The Diana was left unfinished at Montemayor's death, the last sentence of the seventh book being : " And now all were united with those whom they loved most, to the great rejoicing of all; to which Sireno by his coming, aided not a little, although from this there followed what shall be related in the second part of this book," etc. This ' second part ' Montemayor never wrote, but in 1564 (three years after his death) Alonso Perez, a physi- cian of Salamanca, about whose life we know nothing, published at Valencia a Second Part of the Diana of George Montemayor. 1 He tells us in the prologue that no one was better fitted for such a task, not because of any merit of his own, but on account of his great fondness for the writings of Montemayor. We learn, moreover, that before Montemayor left Spain he had communicated the plan of the second part of the Diana to Perez, which was that Delio, the husband of Diana, having died, the latter should marry Sireno, but Perez suggested that Diana re- main a widow at the end of the book, and that her hand be sought by Sireno and other suitors, as this would leave the way open for a third part. To this, he says, Monte- mayor assented. That the pedantic physician had no small opinion of his own ability is evident, for he observes that Montemayor would have been better equipped for his task had he pos- sessed a knowledge of Latin. This of course Perez had 1 According to Nicolas Antonio, it also appeared at Alcala in the same year. 59 60 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES and he proudly bids the reader observe that there is scarcely any thing in his book, whether prose or verse, that has not, in part at least, been stolen or imitated from the Italian or Latin writers, nor does he think that any blame attaches to him on this account, " because they did the same with the Greeks." We do not expect much after this candid con- fession, nor are we disappointed. Menendez y Pelayo re- marks that the most casual inspection of the volume, for to read it entirely is almost impossible, shows that San- nazaro's Arcadia and Ovid's Metamorphoses and Fasti are the principal authors sacked by the physician. 1 The main incidents of this ' Second Part ' are subjoined : A number of shepherds and shepherdesses visit the tem- ple of Diana, " where the wise Felicia dwells." ..." And not many days after, Felicia one night after supper saide thus to Sylvanus and Selvagia : 2 I could not choose but blame you fortunate shepherds for the small care you have of your flockes, if I myselfe were not in fault, because you have never asked after them in all this time, nor (I thinke) once remembered them, fearing lest by reason of your ab- sence, they have been in great want, and not without cause, being not carried to feed at convenient times upon the 1 Origenes, I, p. cdlxxix. 2 The English in quotation marks is taken from the translation by Bartholomew Yong, which embraces the three parts of the Diana, Montemayor's original, and the continuations by Alonso Perez and Caspar Gil Polo. Though finished in 1583, Yong first printed his Diana in London, in 1598. He seems to have passed nearly three years in Spain, returning in 1579. His translation of the prose por- tions of the Diana is very faithful to the original his rendering of the verse, however, is very unfortunate. In 1596 Thomas Wilson finished his translation of the Diana, which is now in the British Mu- seum : Ms. Add. 18638. It is entitled : Diana de Monte mayor done out of Spanish by Thomas Wilson, Esquire. In the yeare 1596 & dedicated to the Erie of Southampton who was then uppon y e Spanish voiage w th my Lord of Essex. I purpose publishing this soon. THE DIANA OF ALONSO PEREZ fa greene and sauorie grasse nor (at their neede) driven to the cleere springs to quench their burning thirst, nor with wonted loue put into the coole and pleasant shades." Fe- licia now bids Sylvanus and Selvagia depart, whereupon Sylvanus " made louing signes to Seluagia to answer the ladies intent. To whom, with a seemly blush, as partly ashamed thereat, she saide in this sort. It is now no time (my deere Sylvanus) to use circumstances of such arte, where there is no cause, neither doe they well become this place. For though their usage to all women is commend- able, yet not in particular, for the husband to his wife, and in such sort as if he went about to preferre her before him- selfe. For after that the woman hath delivered herself into the possession of her husband, she therewithal yield- eth up to his jurisdiction the title of her libertie, by the sweete and sacred bond of marriage." Syrenus, another shepherd, sings and Sylvanus responds. All now retire to resume their way on the next morning. " Felicia gave Dorida in charge to fill their scrips the night before, with sufficient provisions for their way, who like a friendly and louing nymph, that was not slacke to serve their necessitie (que no los queria mal), going about it immediately, did put into the same good store of victuals." They now observe a shepherd coming along, singing the following sonnet: De donde, o papel mio, tal ventura, Que sin meritos ayas de ser puesto Delante el resplandor, y claro gesto, En el qual su poder mostra natura. Veras papel amado la figura Do no ay mas que esperar del ser honesto, Veras sumado en breue todo el resto De gracia, gallardia, y hermosura. En viendote ante aquesta mi pastora, Dirasle de mi parte: Aca me embia Quien viue por seruiros tanto tiempo ! 62 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES En este solo entiende qualquier hora, en esto se desuela noche, y dia, Seruiros es su solo pasatiempo. 1 The shepherds now sitting down by a stream, Syrenus says : " Is it not reason Sylvanus, that living now in such joy and cqntent, and in the presence of thy beloved Sel- vagia, thou shouldst let thy Bagpipe wax to drie? Syl- vanus sings : Podra verse yr el cielo con sossiego, Y aun por algun espacio detenerse, Y las aguas de Ezla y de Mondego Con passo apressurado atras boluerse ; Y puestas a la llama de un gran fuego, La estopa y seca cana no encenderse, Mas no se vera un dia, ni una hora Dexar de amar Sylvano a su pastora. 2 1 From whence, O paper mine, such happy favour That undeservedly thou must be placed Before that flower that yields the sweetest savour, Which nature hath with all her powers graced? Thou shalt the figure see (my louing paper) Where all the virtues make their wished dwelling, And of the rest not any one escape her, Graces and giftes and beauties most excelling. Then when thou com'st before my heauenly treasure Say thus from me to her. He sends me hither Who lives to serve thee while his life extendeth : In only this his thoughts are musing ever : In joy of this both nights and days he spendeth; To serve thee is his only sport and pleasure. Yong's translation. 2 It may fall out the heavens may turn at leisure, And stay themselves upon the highest mountaines; And Ezla and Mondego at their pleasure With hastie course turne back unto their f ountaines : And that the flaxe or reede, laid to the fire, May not consume in flames but burn like wire; But yet the day and time shall happen never When Sylvan shall not love Seluagia ever. THE DIANA OF ALONSO PEREZ 63 " Immediately, without any entreatie, Seluagia, because she would not die in Sylvanus' debt (por no dever cosa a su Sylvano), nor be beholding to him in this respect, taking her Baggepipe up, in this sort did answer him : La tierra dexara de ser pisada, Su natural y proprio ser perdiendo; El agua podra ser menospreciada, De plantas humedad ya no teniendo. Nuestra vida podra ser sustentada Sin ayre para ella no siruiendo, Mas no vera jamas algun humano Dexar de amar Selvagia a su Sylvano. 1 And thus do these good shepherds swear eternal con- stancy in continually exaggerated phrase, until the limit of the Spanish language is reached, when they rise and " cast- ing their heauy scrippes on their shoulders, staying them- selves upon their knotty sheepehookes," they continue their way, reaching their own fields the next day, where they see Diana " standing very sadde and leaning against a great Oke, with her elbow upon her sheepehooke and her cheeke upon the palm of her hande, whereby one might haue iudged the care and sorrow that so much troubled her pensive minde." " After a while (as though she was angry with herselfe for casting herselfe into so great a greefe) she put her hand into her bosom, and tooke out a fine little baggepipe, and which putting to her mouth to play on it, in that very instant, she threw it to the ground, and without more adoe, sliding down along the bodie of the 1 The ground shall first be void, nor trod nor used, Losing her nature, and her proper being; First shall the raine and water be refused Of plants no moisture round about them seeing: First shall our life with air be not sustained, And first the food of hunger be distained, Before the world shall see a deede so hainous, Seluagia not to loue her deere Sylvanus. 64 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES tree, sat her downe, as if for great feeblenes she had not been able to staie herself on her feete, and casting out a sorrowful sigh, and looking upon her harmlesse Baggepipe, she spake these words: Accursed Baggepipe," etc. The shepherds console Diana, who now departs. She is pur- sued by Firmius, a shepherd who had been standing behind a convenient tree, escapes, however, and Firmius returns. They all continue their way and approach the town, where they meet a number of shepherds and shepherdesses, among them Diana, who requests Firmius to sing, to which he re- plies : " I will sing, though it be with a hoarce voice like to the dying swanne divining her ensuing death." " Thou are not so neere thy end (saide Diana) that death should helpe thee." " I am so neere ended (saide Firmius) that I looke only but for death." " I did never yet see any (saide Diana) die for this cause, but with wordes, and do believe besides, there are not any such." (A nadie he visto, dixo Diana, sino es de palabra morir, ni lo creo.) The next day all departed for Felicia's palace. At sunset they come to an island which they had before visited, and here they find Felicia and her nymphs, with Don Felix and Felismena. An old man appears, " in every point he seemed to represent a most woorthie priest of Jupiter," who rails against fortune in good set terms to the extent of six stanzas. It is Parisiles, whose long lost daughter Stela is now restored to him. She appears with Crimine and a young shepherd, " a goodly youth of person ; his weedes were of gray cloth (pardo) to signify by that colour his troubles and griefs. All along the boarder of his coate sleeves went three ribbons or laces of sundry colours, two of them on either side, of lion tawney and olive green (aceitunador), to signify by the first his sor- row and by the second his torment." The young shep- herd, Delicius, relates a long and tedious story of his like- THE DIANA OF ALONSO PEREZ 65 ness to Parthenio and the rescue of Stela. They now re- pair to Felicia's palace, over the principal gate of which they see two nymphs of silver upon the capitals of the col- umns and the verses : Quien entra, mire bien como ha viuido Y el don de castidad si 1'ha guardado, Y la que quiere bien, o 1'ha querido, Mire si a causa de otra s'ha mudado; Y si la fe primera no ha perdido, Y aquel primor amor ha conseruado, Entrar puede en el templo de Diana Cuya virtud y gracia es sobr' humana. 1 (Book III, fol. 86.) Felicia now accompanies her guests to the fountain of the Laurel trees, where " they sawe two lovely shepherd- esses (though by their coye looks shewing a kind of sig- norie and statelinesse above any other) that were sitting harde by the goodly spring, both of them endowed with singular beautie, but especially the one, that to their iudge- ment seemed the yoonger. Right over against them on foote stoode a young shepherd, who with the lappe of his side coate wiped away the teares that fell down thicke upon his blubbered cheekes (limpeandose con la faldilla del sayo las lagrimas que por su rostro decendian), in requital whereof, and of his inwarde greefe, the shepherdesses did nothing else but by looking upon one another, affoord him 1 This inscription is taken from Book IV of the Diana of Monte- mayor : Who comes into this palace let her take heede How she hath liv'd, and whether she hath kept The gift of chastitie in thought and deede. And see besides, if she hath ever stept, With wavering mind to forren love estranged, And for the same her first affection changed, May enter in Diana's Temple heere, Whose grace and virtues soveraine appear. 66 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES a gracious smile." The shepherd, after singing " with his many teeres " takes his leave, whereupon Phillis, " being mooved to some small sorrow and to no lesse greefe for his departure, took out of her scrip a fine little spoone (the same perhaps that she herself e did eat with) and gave it him, wherewith the shepherd did somewhat mitigate his helplesse sorrow." Crimine being requested to tell her story says : " Alas ! who can quench my scalding sighes, that with such a heauie recital will come smoking out of my baleful breast? " (Ay de mi, quien podra amatar mis encendidos suspires, que con tal memoria de mis ojos, y entranas saldran.) Continuing, she says: "you must un- derstand that I love the shepherd that is our guide in our travels (Delicio), as much as I can and can in truth as much as I will. I love also Parthenio his friend as much as I will and will truly as much as I can ; x for as it cannot be discerned which is Delicio and which Parthenio, and the one impossible to be knowen from the other, for like two drops of water they resemble one another so much; so cannot I tell, which of them I love most, loving both in equal balance of extreme affection." Delicio and Parthenio now explain that the object of their pilgrimage is to seek out their fathers, " with certaine tokens that we carry with us to know them," for as little children they had been given away to be brought up. They resolve to remain for a while. " The next day going very softly about the same hower, and by secret places to see how the shepherds were occupied, we found them sitting upon the greene grass, and sleeping in such sort, that they shewed that that was not their principall intent; for the christalline teares, that 1 " Entended que yo amo a este pastor que con nosotros viene quanto puedo, y puedo a la verdad quanto quiero. Amo assi mismo a Parthenio amigo suyo, quanto quiero, y quiero cierto quanto puedo " (p. 497)- THE DIANA OF ALONSO PEREZ 6 7 trickled down their burning cheekes in corriualtie, signified more store of sorrowful thoughts in their harts, then heauy vapours in their heads." 1 Parthenio finds some verses on the bark of a tree; there are fifteen stanzas in all ; here is the last : Porque de tal modo ofende al coragon hecho fragua, que muy crece y s'estiende, y muy mucho mas s'enciende quanto mas se le echa d'agua. Pues ya me falta la haya, no faltandome el penar, bien sera que no me vaya a buscar tronco en que caya lo que aqui no puede estar." 2 (Book IV, fol. 116.) Don Felix now inquires about the poem on the tree and bids Crimine recite it, but Doria said : " I would first know if it be such a one as the last, for if it be not, she did well to leauve off her tale at such a point ; for it is not the con- dition of my palate to remain with an ill taste, when it hath once a good one " (porque no es de mi paladar, quedar con mal gusto, si puede tenerle bueno). 1 " Y de tal manera durmiendo, que mostrauan no ser aquel su prin- cipal intento; porque las cristalinas lagrimas que por sus encendidas mexillas en copetencia decendian, significauan auer mas abundancia de cogoxosos pensamientos en el coragon, que cantidad de soporiferos vapores en el celebro ' (p. 507). 2 And in such sort, because it doth offend My heart that burns like to the smithie flame For it doth more increase and doth extend, And more it doth with sparkling flames incend, The more that water's cast upon the same : And now since want of hedgerow faileth me, And that I feele increase, not want of paine, I think it best for me to goe and see If I can finde some other hedge or tree, To write that there, which this cannot containe. 68 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES The trees, however, are full of poetry, for the next day they find a sycamore, on the bark of which is a poem in fourteen stanzas of ten lines each. Sitting beneath the trees the shepherds indulge in long conversations " in all which time neither Rebecke nor Baggepipe were heard, unless it were when other nymphs came: for when louers are alone, singing (I thinke) and musicke pleaseth not their musing mindes so much as the mutuall contemplation and looking of one another ; and that talking and amorous con- versation should be more pleasant and sweete to them, then the melodic of sweete musicke." l That evening they sat beneath " a leafie sallow tree," when fierce Gorphorost, a giant from whose pursuit Stela saved herself by leaping into a stream, came out of his cave and approached the spot where Stela had cast herself into the river. " After he had sit down a little while and laid his scrip by his side, he took a flute out of it, made of a hundred Baggepipes joined together with waxe. Putting it to his mouth and blow- ing it strongly to cleere it of filth within (puesta a la boca y tocada con furia para limpiarla, si alguna suziedad tenia dentro), the hills resounded againe, the rivers ranne backe, the wilde beasts and fish were stroken in a feare and the forrests and woods thereabouts began to tremble." Being a lusty giant, he sings twenty-six stanzas, then seizes one of his rivals, Parthenio, believing that he is Delicio, and casts him into a cave. Stela and Crimena in their search for him, meet a shepherdess, who, flinging a ball into the air, runs away. On picking up the ball they find that it is made of linen, upon which Parthenio has written a note. How Parthenio returns we are not told, but we find him 1 " Creo yo que estando solos los que bien se aman, que no ay cantar, ni taner, sino contemplar, y hablar, deue de ser mas apazible la con- versacion de amorosas palabras que la melodia de la duke musica" (p. 546). THE DIANA OF ALONSO PEREZ 69 safe and sound in the next book, which opens with a thunder storm. A shepherd arrives, who is seeking a place to sleep, for he says " they tell me that lightning spares those who sleep." i He is the only happy shepherd that has yet appeared, and rejoices " de set el mas f elice que ha nacido entre aquellos que sirven a Cupido." He bids all the shepherds leave their lasses and come to love his : " dexad vuestras zagales al instante venid a amar a esta mi pastora." Alas ! it is no longer time, Sylvanus saying : " By my faith, friend shepherd, thou commest too late with thy counsell. For to leaue of that which we have already for this yoong shepherdesse, I thinke there is no remedie." The new comer tells of a famous shepherd in the country of St. Stephen, who came there from foreign lands, to whose great knowledge nature herself seemed subject. " O what great profit do we and our flockes receive by his com- panie with us ! We, by easing us of our continuall labours by his industry; our flockes by healing their common dis- eases. If there were any gadding goat that estraying from his companie, did put us to trouble in seeking him, by cutting his beard, he made him keep still with the flock. If the Ram, which for guide of the rest we chose out for the stoutest, we could not make gentle, be made more mild then a lamb, by making holes thorow his homes hard by his eares. He told us the fuls and wanes of the Moone, by the Antes and the dores (escarabajos = beetles). For 1 " Porque me dizen que perdona el rayo a los que duermen." 70 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES the Antes betweene the Moones take their rest, and in the full labour night and day." l He also tells of the love of Firmius and Faustus for Diana, and presently Diana dis- appears with Faustus, when, however, another shepherdess, Gardenia, appears. She complains that Faustus " did once love her," and weeping, wipes away her tears, " con una cristalina mano, que no en pequena admiracion puso a los pastores, que la vieron." She now recites the sonnets and letters Faustus had sent her, saying : " To any of these I never had an answer, whereupon I thinke he never made account of them, and of the last especially, because he had quite forgotten me when that came." A shepherd is heard singing : " Guardame mis vacas Carillo, por tu fe, Besame primero Y te las guardare." They depart again for Felicia's palace, whither come also " a pilgrim called Placindus, and Danteus and Duarda, the portingall shepherdess." Placindas now relates the story of Disteus, " descended from the race of King Eolus in Eolia, whom they after- wards called the God of the winds, and of his love for Dar- danea, sister of Sagastes." The story is long drawn out, the result being that Delicio and Parthenio are the sons of Disteus and Dardanea, who flee to Trinacria, where the former becomes a shepherd " to dissemble his noble con- dition with his base estate." In the last two books sight is lost entirely of Diana, who is now a widow, Delio, her husband, having died, we are told. At the conclusion the author says : " whoever desires 1 " Porque las hormigas entre lunas reposan, y en el lleno, aun todas las noches trabajan." THE DIANA OF ALONSO PEREZ 71 to see the obsequies of Delio, the rivalry of Faustus, Firmio and Sireno, etc., let him attend me in the third part of this work, which shall soon be printed, God willing. It was not added here not to make too large a volume." x The inferiority of this continuation to the original of Montemayor is at once apparent, nor did it at any time meet with much success. Salva gives no separate edition of the work of Perez after the first one of 1564 at Alcala de Henares. In every respect it falls below the Diana; it does not maintain its moral standard; a host of new char- acters is brought upon the scene, who appear and disappear without any motive, serving only to complicate the narra- tive and confuse the reader; the various incidents are clumsily introduced, showing an entire lack of invention, and contribute nothing to advance the main story, the thread of which is, in fact, entirely lost in the seventh and eighth books, leaving us in complete ignorance of the fate of the principal characters, which is to be disclosed, accord- ing to the author's promise, in a part which never appeared. In short, the prose of the Diana of Perez is prolix and ted- ious, and its poetry never rises above mediocrity. 1 See the criticism of the curate, in the examination of Don Quixote's library. Part I, Chap. vi. It would seem from the above that the ' third part ' was already written. THE " DIANA ENAMORADA " OF GIL POLO. In the same year, 1654, there appeared at Valencia the Diana enamorada, of Caspar Gil Polo, likewise a continu- ation of Montemayor's Diana. 1 Polo was a native of Val- encia; not the professor of Greek in the University of that city, as Ticknor says, nor the " elegante jurisconsulto," given as the author by Nicolas Antonio, Rodriguez and Xi- meno, but the father of the great jurist, as Fuster, it seems to me, has conclusively shown. 2 1 Prim era parte de Diana enamorada, cinco libros que prosiguen los siete de la Diana de Jorge de Montemayor, compuestos par Caspar Gil Polo: dirigidos a la muy Ilustre Senora Dona Hieronima de Castro y Bolea. Con Privilegio en Valencia en casa de Joan Mey, ano de 1564- The following letter, omitted in the only version accessible to me, is interesting: A los lectores. . . . Fuse aqui algunas rimas y -versos de estilo nuevo, y hasta agora (que yo sepa), no usado en esta lengua. Las Rimas hice a imitacion de las que he leido en libros antiguos de Poetas Provenzales, y por eso les di este nombre. Los versos compuse a semejanza de los que en lengua francesa llaman heroicos, y ansi los nombre franceses: dile la rima que por agora me parescio mejor. Quien dello se contentare, podra probar la mano a hacer dellos ter- cetos y otras rimas, que no dejaran de parescer muy bien. A este libro nombre Diana enamorada, porque prosiguiendo la Diana de Montemayor, me parescio convenirle este nombre, pues el dejo a la pastora en este trance. El que tuviere por deshonesto el nombre de enamorada, no me condene hasta ver la honestidad que aqui se trata, el decoro que se guarda en la persona de Diana. . . . Hallareis aqui proseguidas y rematadas las historias que Jorge de Montemayor dejo por acabar, y muchas anadidas." Gallardo, Ensayo, III, col. 1242. This edition was followed by one at Antwerp, 1567. See Salva, Catd- logo, II, p. 145. 2 Fuster, Biblioteca Valenciana, Tome I, p. 150, et seq. It is un- necessary to quote his arguments at length. He shows that Dr. Gas- par Gil Polo, to whom the above writers attribute the Diana enamo- rada, was the son of Caspar Gil Polo and Isabel Gil; that he was an 72 THE DIANA ENAMORADA OF GIL POLO 73 Polo's work is vastly superior to that of Perez, and was received with great public favor. It was highly praised by Cervantes, and Nicolas Antonio even said: vel aequavit Georgium, vel superavit. 1 The Diana enamorada opens with the recovery of Sireno from the influence of the draught administered by Felicia, and as a result of which he becomes entirely indifferent to Diana, who complains of his neglect. She visits the " foun- tain of the Alders," besides which she had so often sat in the company of Sireno, and while bewailing her lot, 2 is advocate of the ' Brazo Real ' at the Cortes held at Monzon in 1626. As the Diana of Polo first appeared in 1564, supposing him to have written it when twenty years old, he must have been eighty-two years old in 1626, an age, he shows, at which he could not have performed the duties devolving upon his office. Other evidence is adduced to prove that in 1564 Dr. Polo was not more than sixteen or seventeen years of age. His conclusion is that the author of the Diana enamo- rada was Caspar Gil Polo, the father of Dr. Polo, the jurist, as he was the only other member of that family in Valencia, who, in addition to Caspar, bore the name Gil. The name of the Greek professor at Valencia from 1566 to 1574 was simply Gil Polo. Fuster gives a sonnet by our author, prefixed to La Pasion de Nuestro Senor Jesu- cristo, by D. Alonso Giron y Rebolledo, published at Valencia in 1563. Rebolledo wrote a complimentary sonnet to the Diana enamorada. x The Diana of Perez, 'the Salamancan,' which we have just noticed, is, on the contrary, incontinently committed to the heap of rubbish in the yard. " Este que sigue, dejo el Barbero, es La Diana, llamada Segunda del Salmantino: y este, otro que tiene el mismo nombre, cuyo autor es Gil Polo. Pues la del Salmantino, respondio el Cura, acompane y acreciente el numero de los condenados al corral, y la de Gil Polo se guarde como si fuera del mismo Apolo." Don Quixote, Part I, Chap. vi. It is possible that the pun upon Polo and Apolo may, in some measure, be responsible for this high estimate of our author. However, Cervantes also praises Polo in his Canto de Caliope in his Galatea, Book vi. 2 Diana sings: . " Mi sufrimiento cansado del mal importune y fiero a tal estremo ha llegado, que publicar mi cuydado 74 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES overheard by a shepherd who has been listening in the bushes, and, who now advancing, requests Diana to relate the story of her life, with which the latter, fascinated by the beauty of the shepherdess, complies, cautioning the stranger, however, to be content to know her name, but not her sufferings. The shepherdess (Alcida) replies: "I know very well, from the story I have just heard you sing, that your grief is love, in which infirmity I have great ex- perience. Many years have I been a slave, but now I am free; I walked blindly, but now I tread the paths of truth. Upon the sea of love I endured frightful agonies and tor- ments, but now I enjoy a safe and calm haven." A long discussion follows, in which Alcida maintains that love exists only in the imagination, and that its power is due only to the fact that no resistance is ever offered to it. She recites the following sonnet : No es ciego Amor, mas yo lo soy, que guio mi voluntad camino del tormento : no es nino Amor : mas yo que en un momento espero y tengo miedo, lloro y rio. Nombrar llamas de Amor es desvario, su fuego es el ardiente y vivo intento, sus alas son mi altivo pensamiento, y la esperanza vana en que me no. No tiene Amor cadenas, ni saetas, para prender y herir libres y sanos, que en el no hay mas poder del que le damos. Porque es Amor mentira de poetas, sueno de locos, idolo de vanos ; mirad que negro Dios el que adoramos. 1 me es el remedio postrero. Sientase el bravo dolor y trabajosa agonia de la que muere de amor, y olvidada de un pastor, que de olvidado moria," etc. 1 Loue is not blinde, but I, which fondly guide My will to tread the path of amorous paine: THE DIANA ENAMORADA OF GIL POLO 75 She continues to rail against love, adding: " all the verses of lovers are full of grief, composed with sighs, blotted with tears and sung with agony." Hardly had Alcida spoken these words when Diana perceived far off her hus- band, Delio, 1 saying : " Behold my Delio ! We must dis- semble what we have been discussing. Whereupon they sing some Ritnas provenzales. The jealous Delio ap- proaches and is received by his wife " with an angelic coun- tenance." Delio, of course, becomes desperately enamoured of Alcida. A voice is now heard, " the sweetness of which delights them marvelously," and presently they see a "weary shepherd " approaching the fountain. He is singing, the concluding lines of his song being: " Love, why dost thou not loose my chains, Since in such liberty thou hast left Alcida." Alcida, immediately recognizing the voice as Marcelio's, bids Diana not to betray her presence, and hastens away through a thick wood to escape this shepherd, " whom she abhorred like death itself." Marcelio arrives " so weary and distressed that it seemed that fortune was grieving at having offered him that clear fountain and the company of Loue is no childe, but I, which all in vaine, Hope, fear, and laugh, and weepe on euery side : Madness to say, that flames are Cupid's pride, For my desire his fier doth containe, His wings my thoughts most high and soueraine, And that vaine hope, wherein my ioies abide : Loue hath no chaines, nor shaftes of such intent, To take and wound the whole and freest minde Whose power (then we giue him) is no more, For loue's a tale, that poets did inuent, A dreame of fooles, and idoll vain and blinde: See then how black a God doe we adore? Yong's translation. 1 Delio, it will be remembered, was dead at the conclusion of the second part of the Diana of Perez. 76 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES Diana, as some relief to his sufferings" ("tan cansado y afligido, que parescio la fortuna doliendose del, havelle ofrescido aquella clara fuente, y la compafiia de Diana para algun alivio de su pena "). Delio now pursues Alcida, and is deaf to the call of Diana, while the newly-arrived Mar- celio is seeking Alcida. Marcelio, at Diana's request, now recites the story of his life; that he lived at the court of Portugal, entered the army in Africa, where he was be- trothed to Alcida, daughter of a distinguished knight, Eu- gerio; of his shipwreck while on his way to Lisbon to cele- brate the nuptials ; of the treachery of the sailors who car- ried off Clenarda, the sister of Alcida, and separated him from Alcida, and how finally he was rescued by fishermen, and of his vain search for Alcida ever since. " Marcelio now began to weep so bitterly and to sigh so dolorously, that it was a great pity to see him." Diana, however, knowing that even a love-lorn shepherd needs something more substantial than tears and sighs, says : " Since I am forsaken by my husband Delio, as you are by Alcida, suppose we eat a few bites together." And they eat. Two shepherds, Tauriso and Berardo, " que por Diana penados andaban," now appear and sing of Diana. Some of these verses are clearly reminiscent of Garcilaso : " Un dia al campo vino, Aserenado el cielo, La luz de perfectissimas mugeres, Las hebras de oro fino Cubiertas con un velo, Prendido con dorados alfileres; Mil juegos y placeres Passaba con su esposo, Yo tras un myrtho estaba, Y vi que el alargaba La mano al bianco velo, y el hermoso Cabello quedo suelto, Y yo de vello en triste miedo envuelto." THE DIANA EN AMOR AD A OF GIL POLO 77 All now resolve to visit the Temple of Diana on the mor- row. Accordingly the next morning, when " la rubicunda Aurora con su dorado gesto ahuyentaba las nocturnas es- trellas, y las aves con suave canto anunciaban el cercano dia, la enamorada Diana," with her bagpipe and her scrip filled with provisions, sets forth. She is, however, too early for the weary Marcelio, and while sitting down to wait for him, she sings a cancion, beginning : " Madruga un poco, luz del claro dia, and ending: Cancion, en algun pino, o dura encina No quise senalarte, Mas antes entregarte Al sordo campo y al mudable viento ; Porque de mi torment.o Se pierda la noticea y la memoria, Pues ya perdida esta mi vida y gloria. (Book II.) Soon the ' desamado ' Marcelio appears, and like a well- bred shepherd, apologizes for his tardiness. Diana now re- lates that she has been forsaken by Sireno, " by whom she was formerly loved," but fate, " which perverts all human intentions," willed that she should obey her father and marry the jealous Delio. A long discussion now follows on jealousy, its nature and causes. Presently they enter a delightful little grove and hear a plaintive voice accom- panied by a sweet lyre, singing a strange melody." " After this shepherdess had ceased her sweet singing, loosing the reins to bitter and grievous weeping, she shed such an abundance of tears and uttered such sad groans, that by them and the words she spake, we knew that the cause of her grief was some cruel deception of her suspicious hus- band." Diana and Marcelio approach the shepherdess, who says : " Since I was forsaken by my cruel spouse, I do 78 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES not remember to have experienced so much joy as I. now do to see you." The strange shepherdess is Ismenia, in love with Montano. She is, however, also beloved by Fileno, Montano's father, hence all her troubles. She relates how the " enamorado viejo " promised her many jewels and dresses and sent her many letters. In one of them he says : " I know very well that I am old, but old age has its advantages, for human habitations, however modern, are not to be compared with those of the ancient Romans, and in matters of beauty, splendor and gallantry, the saying is, there is nothing like the past." * Ismenia finally married Montano, incurring the wrath of Fileno, who now marries Felisarda, whom Montano formerly loved but had rejected, and who now conspires with a shepherdess named Sylveria, to ruin Montano. The plan is not successful, but Montano's jealousy being aroused by some remarks his father had made, he leaves the village, never to return. Since that time Ismenia has sought Mon- tano, to free herself of the stain upon her. On concluding her story, they betake themselves to a delightful forest, where they hear the songs of shepherds, who, as they learn afterwards, are Tauriso and Berardo. While listening to the songs of the shepherds they hear the voices of a man and a woman, who are found to be Polydoro and Clenarda, the brother and sister of Alcida. There is great rejoicing, after which they sit by the fountain and eat, and during the repast Polydoro relates how he escaped, with his father, 1 "Los edificios humanos quanto mas modernos son, no tienen comparacion con los antiguos Romanos. Y en las cosas de primor, gala, asseo y valentia, suelen decir cada dia, lo passado es lo mejor." THE DIANA ENAMORADA OF GIL POLO 79 from the shipwreck, and how they were rescued on the coast of Valencia by fishermen, 1 who tell them that on that same morning they had also rescued a woman from a dis- tressed vessel, and repairing to the hut of the fishermen, they find Clenarda, singing with the fisherman's daugh- ters, one of whom, named Nerea, now sings a cancion. 2 1 One of the sailors sings the following sonnet : Recoge a los que aflige el mar ayrado, [ O Valentino ! O venturoso suelo ! Donde jamas se quaja el duro hielo, Ni da Phebo el trabajo acostumbrado. Dichoso el que seguro y sin recelo De ser en fieras ondas anegado, Goza de la belleza de tu prado, Y del favor de tu benigno cielo. Con mas fatiga el mar sulca la nave, Que el labrador cansado tus barvechos ; t O tierra ! antes que el mar se ensobervezca, iRecoge a los perdidos y deshechos, Para que quando en Turia yo me lave, Estas malditas aguas aborrezca. 2 This Cancion de Nerea is very beautiful. In the following stanzas Sr. Menendez Pelayo detects an imitation of Virgil's ninth Eclogue, the lines beginning : Hue ades, o Galatea, quis est nam ludus in undis ? etc. : Nympha hermosa, no te vea Jugar con el mar horrendo, Y aunque mas placer te sea, Huye del mar, Galatea, Como estas de Lycio huyendo. ****** Ven comigo al bosque ameno Y al apacible sombrio De olorosas flores lleno, Do en el dia mas sereno No es enojoso el E'stio. . . . ****** Huye los sobervios mares, Ven, veras como cantamos Tan deleytosos cantares, Que los mas duros pesares Suspendemos y enganamos. . . . (Book III.) go SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES At the conclusion of Polydoro's story, Clenarda recites her adventures, and the next day they go to the Temple of Diana, where the sage Felicia dwells, who would alleviate all their woes. Here they find Syreno. As a pastime dur- ing their wanderings, Clenarda tells of her adventures in the fields and along the banks of the Guadalquivir, and what she had heard of the famous Turia, the principal river of that land. One day Polydoro and Clenarda, ar- riving at the hut of a cowherd, were told that they should not fail to hear the legend which the famous Turia would shortly sing. They proceed to a spacious meadow, where they saw a great number of nymphs and shepherds, all waiting for the famous Turia to begin his song. " Not long after this, we saw old Turia come out of a deep cave, in his hand an urn or vase, very large and ornamental, his head covered with leaves of oak and laurel, his arms hairy, his beard slimy and gray. ..." " And sitting upon the ground, reclining upon the urn and pouring forth from it an abundance of clear water, raising his hoarse voice, he sang the celebrated Canto de Turia, in praise of the Val- encian poets." A beautiful nymph, Arethusa, who had been gathering flowers, now conducts them to the temple. Diana asks her : " What is there now in these parts ? " Arethusa replies : " What is newest hereabouts is that two hours ago a lady dressed as a shepherdess, arrived at the house of Felicia, who, being seen by an old man present, was recognized as his daughter. The name of the old man, if I remember rightly, is Eugerio, and that of the daughter, Alcida." Among the other shepherds and shepherdesses present are Sylvano and Selvagia, Arsileo and Belisa, " and the chief one, called Syreno:" Felicia receives them graciously; all is explained satisfactorily between Clenarda and Alcida, and they retire, to meet at the fountain next morning. THE DIANA ENAMORADA OF GIL POLO gl " Then, as the expectation of such pleasure made them all pass the night with difficulty, " they all arose so early that long before the hour agreed upon they arrived at the foun- tain with their instruments, " and began to sing and play by the light of the moon." Diana and Ismenia were still sleeping, however, but being awakened by footsteps, Is- menia rouses Diana, who, knocking on the wall, wakes Marcelio. Ismenia now hears someone singing a Sextine, and at once recognizes the voice as that of her husband, Montano. Presently Diana also hears the voice of Syreno. They go to the garden to await Felicia, where Marcelio sees Don Felix and Felismena, " marido y muger," to whom he is presented by Sylvano, whom he meets there with Sel- vagia. Marcelio now discovers that Felismena is his sister. Alcida relates how Delio followed her, " and when all hope was gone," grew ill, and was nursed by a shepherd, who sent for Delio's mother. The latter " asked him the cause of his grief, but he gave no reply and only wept and sighed," and finally " con un desmayo acabo la vida con mucho dolor de su triste madre, parientos y amigos." And now Marcelio and Alcida, and Diana and Syreno are hap- pily united by the " sapientissima " Felicia, Arsileo singing some versos franc eses in honor of the marriage. 1 1 These versos franceses, which are considered among the most beautiful poetry in the Diana enamorada, and, in the opinion of Menendez y Pelayo (Origenes, I. p. cdlxxxviii) perhaps the only alexandrines composed in Spain in the sixteenth century, are as follows : De flores matizadas se vista el verde prado, Retumbe el hueco bosque de voces deleitosas, Olor tengan mas fino las coloradas rosas, Floridos ramos mueva el viento sossegado. El rio apressurado Sus aguas acresciente, Y pues tan libre queda la fatigada gente 82 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES The fifth book consists merely of the festivities in the garden of Felicia, " to celebrate the marriages and ' desen- gafios ' of the shepherds." Diana sings a cancion: " La alma de alegria salte, Que en tener mi bien presente No hay descanso que me falte, Ni dolor que me atormente. No pienso en viejos cui dados, Que agravia muestros amores Tener presentes dolores For los olvidos pasados. Alma, de tu dicha valte, Que con bien tan excelente No hay descanso que te falte, Ni dolor que te atormente." While Diana is singing, Melisea, another love-lorn shep- herdess, appears, followed by Narciso, who comes to seek Del congojoso llanto, Moved, hermosas Nymphas, regocijado canto. ******* Casados venturosos, el poderoso cielo Derrame en vuestros campos influxo favorable, Y con dobladas crias en numero admirable Vuestros ganados crezcan cubriendo el ancho suelo. No os dafie el crudo hielo Los tiernos chivaticos, Y tal cantidad de oro os haga entrambos ricos, Que no sepais el quanto : Moved, hermosas Nymphas, regocijado canto. ******* Remeden vuestras voces las aves amorosas, Los ventecicos suaves os hagan dulce fiesta, Alegrese con veros el campo y la floresta, Y os vengan a las manos las flores olorosas : Los lirios y las rosas, Jazmin y flor de Gnido, La madreselva hermosa y el arrayan florido, Narciso y amaranto : Moved, hermosas Nymphas, regocijado canto. (Book IV.) THE DIANA ENAMORADA OF GIL POLO 83 the aid of Felicia. And now Ismenia, " her face giving signs of the inward happiness she feels after such pro- tracted cares," sings another cancion. After a dance by a troupe of nymphs around " a white stag with black spots," the symbolical meaning of which is explained by Felicia, the whole company entertain themselves with a number of riddles or " preguntas." x After this Felicia prepares a magnificent spectacle for her guests. Richly-adorned barges containing nymphs in gorgeous attire and rowed by savages " crowned with roses," and tied to their rowing-benches with chains of silver, now appear, accompanied by most beautiful music, the manoeuvres concluding with a combat between the barges. This concluded, all return to the fountain, where they find the shepherd Tiranio, who sings some rimas pro- venzales: 2 1 On these riddles see the excellent article by Schevill, " Some Forms of the Riddle Question and the exercise of Wits in Popular Fiction and Formal Literature," 1911. (University of California Publications.) 2 These rimas provensales are certainly the most beautiful verses in the romance, and they have rarely been surpassed in Spanish poetry : Quando con mil colores devisado Viene el verano en el ameno suelo, El campo hermoso esta, sereno el cielo, Rico el pastor, y prospero el ganado. Philomena por arboles floridos Da sus gemidos : Hay fuentes bellas, Y en torno dellas Cantos suaves De Nymphas y aves : Mas si Elvinia de alii sus ojos parte, Havra contino hibierno en toda parte. Quando el helado cierzo de hermosura Despoja hierbas, arboles y flores, El canto dexan ya los ruysenores, 84 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES Felicia now perceiving that night is approaching, " and it seeming to her that her guests had been sufficiently en- tertained for that day," made a sign, at which all were silent, and addressing the company, said that her guests could not complain of the treatment accorded them by her or by her nymphs; that all had been gratified except Nar- ciso, " who was displeased with the treatment of Melisea, Y queda el yermo campo sin verdura; Mil horas son mas largas que los dias Las noches frias, Espessa niebla Con la tiniebla Escura y triste El ayre viste. Mas saiga Elvinia el campo, y por do quiera Renovara la alegre primavera. * * * * * * * Si Delia en perseguir silvestres fieras, Con muy castos cuydados ocupada Va de su hermosa esquadra acompanada, Buscando sotos, campos y riberas; Napeas y Hamadryadas hermosas Con frescas rosas Le van delante, Esta triumphante Con lo que tiene: Pero si viene Al bosque, donde caza Elvinia mia, Parecera menor su lozania. Y quando aquellos miembros delicados Se lavan en la fuente esclarescida, Si alii Cynthia estuviera, de corrida Los ojos abajara avergonzados. Porque en la agua de aquella transparente Y clara fuente El marmol fino Y peregrino Con beldad rara Se figurara, Y al atrevido Acteon, si la viera, No en ciervo, pero en marmol convertiera. THE DIANA ENAMORADA OF GIL POLO 85 and Tauriano with that of Elvina; these would, however, have to content themselves with hope." Here the book ab- ruptly ends, while the history of other shepherds and shep- herdesses, including the Portuguese Danteo and Duarda is again deferred to another part, which, " before many days, God willing, will be published." It will be seen from the foregoing brief analysis that down to the fifth book the interest of the reader is well sus- tained; the various incidents follow each other quite logi- cally, they generally advance the action and the main thread of the story is well kept in view. In this respect the Diana enamorada is superior to the original of Monte- mayor, and a taste for pastoral fiction being once estab- lished, it is not strange that the work of Polo was success- ful, for of all books of its class its language is, perhaps, the least affected. Its prose style is graceful and flowing, and the poetry scattered through it is very beautiful, though, upon the whole, the work is inferior to the Diana of Monte- mayor. It is greatly to be regretted that Polo, after so auspicious a beginning in the field of literature, forsook the Muse en- tirely, and never again turned to poetry. His case finds a parallel in the somewhat later poet Esteban Manuel de Villegas, who, after his brilliant debut in his Eroticas in 1617, like Polo, abandoned letters, and passed the remainder of his long life in the desperately dry and prosaic practice of the law. Both possessed the true poetic temperament, but, doubtless, lyric poetry held out no greater material in- ducements to its devotes in the sixteenth century than it does in the twentieth, and the lyric cry was stifled by the cry for bread. The Diana enamorada is one of the best of the pastoral romances ; it also possesses the merit of not being too long; it is one of the few works in this species of literature that may still be read through with genuine pleasure. THE " DIANA " OF TEXEDA. IN 1627 1 a third part of the Diana by Hieronymo de Texeda appeared in Paris. 2 It is a work of no merit what- 1 Sixty-three years had elapsed between the publication of the Diana enamorada of Gil Polo and this continuation by Texeda, during which time most of the prose pastorals appeared in Spain. Texeda's work has only been considered in this place on account of its very close connection with the Diana enamorada. The Spanish translators of Ticknor, Tome III, p. 537, mention an edition of Texeda published at Paris in 1587. This is certainly a mistake. 2 La Diana de Montemayor nuevamente compuesto par Hieronymo de Texeda Castellano interprete de Lenguas, residente en la villa de Paris, do se da fin a las Historias de la Primera y Segunda Parte. Dirigida al excelentissimo Senor Don Francisco de Guisa Principe de Joinville. Tercera Parte, Paris, MDCXXVII. Impresa a costa del Auctor. It is in two parts, bound in one volume, the first part con- taining three hundred and forty-six, the second part three hundred and ninety-four pages. Of the life of Texeda we know nothing, but his address to the reader, in the above volume is interesting. It is as follows : " Dis- creto y curioso lector por hauer considerado la Historia de la Diana de Monte Mayor estar en la lengua Espanola imperfecta a causa de que en ella no se halla Terzera Parte impresa aunque los impresores Franzeses en su lengua la han echo a su fantasia tan apartada del intento e historias de la primera y segunda parte como se vee, me he resuelto a sacar la a luz puniendo con mi rudo estilo y corto enten- dimiento fin a las historias comenzadas, suplicando como suplico a los bien intencionados reziban la buena voluntad con la qual prometo en breues dias poner a luz todas las frases de hablar de la lengua Espanola para dar alguna clara noticia de los libros curiosos de ella a los aficionados a quien suplico me tengan por aficionadissimo cri- ado." (signed) Texeda. From the above reference to the French translations of the Diana, it seems that Texeda did not consider the Diana enamorada of Polo as a third part, although, as we shall see, he plundered it so shame- 86 THE DIANA OF TEXEDA 87 ever, and is interesting only as being one of the boldest ex- amples of literary theft in the history of any literature. The story opens with Estela, Crimine and Parisiles (characters introduced by Perez, in his continuation) going to the village of Diana. They meet Amarantho, and tell him of their going " a las obsequias de un pastor llamado Delio." A story of Don Ramiro, brother of Alfonso of Aragon, now follows, and on the next day at the fountain of the Alders, they find Diana sitting, who, believing her- self to be alone, sings : " El suf rimiento cansado De mi mal importune y fiero A tal estremo ha llegado Que publicar mi cuidado Es el remedio que espero. Esclaua de un grave dolor Y dolorosa agonia Soy la que muere de amor, Oluidada de un Pastor Que de oluidado moria," etc. 1 Hardly had Diana finished her song when a beautiful shepherdess emerges from behind a myrtle and endeavors lessly. As already observed, French translations of the Diana had appeared in 1567, 1587 and 1592. I possess a copy of the latter trans- lation, in which the Diana enamorada is much abridged, the poetry being mostly translated into prose. The names of the authors of the second and third parts are nowhere mentioned in the translations, so that the reader is left under the impression that all these parts are by Montemayor. The other work which Texeda announces is men- tioned by Morel-Fatio (Ambrosio de Salasar, Paris, 1900, p. 143) and again in the Bull. Hispanique, III (1901), p. 63. The title reads: Methods pour entendre facilement les Phrases et difficultez de /a langue Espagnole. Par Hierosme de Techeda, Interprete Castillant. Paris, 1629. 1 If we compare with this the first poem in the Diana enamorada of Polo (p. 3, ed. of Madrid, 1802) beginning: "Mi suf rimiento can- sado," we find that Texeda began his plagianism almost with the first page of Polo, making only slight verbal changes. 88 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES to console her. It is Marfisa, " born of noble parents and placed in the position in which you see me by one of the various accidents of fickle fortune." Diana relates her griefs at the request of Marfisa, saying: "If you would hear what love can do, listen to a sonnet which my beloved Sirenus used to sing to me, in the time when his company was as pleasant to me as his memory now is bitter." She sings the sonnet, beginning : " Que el poderoso Amor sin vista acierte," etc. 1 Marfisa delivers a long discourse on the subject of love and jealousy, just as in the Diana enamorada of Polo, after which she recites a sonnet (p. 33), which is an exact copy from the latter work, except the fifth line : " Nombrar llamas de Amor es desvario," which is omitted. 2 Texeda next gives us Polo's sonnet (p. 15) beginning: " Quien libre esta, no viva descuydado." The song printed by Texeda (p. 53), beginning: Mientras el sol sus rayos tan ardientes is the same as the Rimas Provenzales of Polo (pp. 17-21), the changes being very slight and always to the detriment of the verses. It were useless to pursue this comparison in detail, a 1 Cf . with this the Diana enamorada, p. 10: " De cuyas (Amor) hazanas y maravillas en este mesmo lugar canto un dia mi querido Syreno, en el tiempo que fue para mi tan dulce, como me es agora amarga su memoria." The sonnet which follows has been copied by Texeda verbatim, only here and there changing a word. The name of the shepherdess Alcida is changed to Marfisa by Texeda. 2 It is Polo's sonnet beginning : " No es ciego Amor, mas yo lo soy, que guio" (page 12). THE DIANA OF TEXEDA 89 few excerpts from the prose portion will show that this, also, is taken from Polo. In the conversation of Marfisa with Delio (p. 58), the former says : " En gran cargo estoy a la f ortuna, pues me ha no solo puesto en ocasion de ver la hermosura de Diana,- mas en la presentia de aquel que juzgo merecedor de tal beldad, pero admiro me ver que tengas tan poca con la que mereze no solo por su beldad, mas por su raro entendi- miento y discrecion ser estimada, pues la dexas hir solo un paso sin tu compam'a, creo bien que siempre la tienes en tu coragon." 1 Again, on p. 66, Texeda has : " Pues me consta mi es- poso Delio va en seguimiento de una hermosissima pastora que no ha mucho se aparto de nuestra compania y por las muestras de aficion con que vi, la mirava en mi presengia, y suspires que de lo profundo del corazon sacaua como aquella que sabe bien con quanta perseuerencia suele em- prender lo que en el pensamiento se le pone, tengo por cierto, no dejara de seguir la pastora, aunque piense perder la vida, y lo que mas mi espiritu atormenta, es conozer la aspera y desamorada condigion de la Pastora," etc. 2 The sonnet in Texeda (p. 61) is the same as Polo's be- ginning " No puede darme Amor mayor tormento," only the second word is changed. The Marcelio of Polo becomes Aristeo in Texeda, and recites the same story, the shipwreck and subsequent rescue, the name of Mar- fisa's younger sister, however, is Clarisea, instead of Clen- 1 Cf. with this the passage in Polo (p. 12), beginning: "Delio, en gran cargo soy a la fortuna, pues no solo me hizo ver la belleza de Diana, mas conoscer al que ella tuvo por meresceder de tanto bien," etc. 2 These lines are copied from the Diana enamorada, p. 27. 90 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES arda, as in Polo. This whole episode is made ridiculous by Texeda, who causes the sailors, after they have bound Aristeo " hand and foot," to put a tallow gag in his mouth, after which they " put him upon the highest tree they could find." They then made off with Clarisea, leaving Marfisa behind, for some reason that is not explained. Marfisa calls, but Aristeo, his mouth full of tallow, is unable to answer, so she wanders inland and is lost. Aristeo kept the tallow in his mouth until rescued by some fishermen the next day, when he finds upon a poplar tree a sonnet, which the reader will find in the Diana enamorada (p. 49), with slight changes. The same characters now appear as in Polo's Diana, Silvano and Selvagia, as well as Firmius and Faustus, " rivals for the hand of Diana." I had carefully compared the two works and written down the passages in Texeda that were either similar or identical with those in the Diana enamorada, but it were a useless task to copy them here. Most of the poetry is taken from the latter work, as the verses : " Goze el amador con- tento " (p. 132), which are the quintillas in Polo (p. 178), and the canciones (p. 366) : " Morir deviera sin verte," and " El Alma de alegria salte," which are in Polo (pp. 212-213). But Texeda has doubtless robbed others beside Polo. To give but a single instance: in Book x, p. 322, Texeda prints a sonnet beginning : " Tristezas, si el ha- zerme compania," which is Lope de Vega's ninety-seventh sonnet in La Hermosura de Angelica, con otras Rimas, Madrid, 1602, fol. 284v. It is only in the fifth book that Texeda begins to differ from Polo, and here the story of Amaranto and Dorotea is imitated from Perez. In the sixth book Parisiles re- lates the story of the Cid; in the seventh is told the story of the Abencerrages ; in the ninth the story of Count Carlos and Lisarde, and the tribute of Mauregato. THE DIANA OF TEXEDA 9! The entire first four books of Texeda, as we have seen, are a plagiarism from the work of Polo, and these four books are all that are worth reading. Wherever a change has been made, either in the poetry or the prose of Polo, it has been for the worse. It seems almost incredible that at a time when the Diana of Polo was so well known and so widely read, anyone should have had the insolence to pub- lish so flagrant a theft as an original work; and it is no less singular that so palpable a fraud should have escaped the critical acumen of a scholar like Ticknor. The second vol- ume is dull and tedious in the extreme. The fourth part that is promised (p. 393), never appeared, doubtless be- cause there was nothing left for Texeda to appropriate. 1 1 It appears that another Tercera Parte de la Diana was written by one Gabriel Hernandez, a resident of Granada, who, on January 28, 1582, obtained the privilege to print his work for ten years. This privilege was afterwards sold to Bias de Robles, bookseller, but the book, for some cause or other, was never printed. Menendez y Pelayo, Origenes de la Novela, I, p. cdxciii. THE ' HABIDAS ' OF HIERONIMO ARBOLANCHE. AMONG the earliest of the imitations of the Diana was the Habidas of Arbolanche, 1 according to Gayangos. Unlike the Diana, however, it is written wholly in verse, which alone would make it rather doubtful whether its author took Montemayor's romance as his model. A brief analysis of the Habidas shows that it is rather a novela caballeresca. " It relates the story of Abido (hence the name of the romance), son of Gargoris, King of Spain. This son is exposed to wild animals and subsequently to the perils of the sea for the purpose of getting rid of him. He survives all dangers, however, and falls into the hands of a shepherd, by whom he is brought up. On the death of the King, Abido is returned to his mother and becomes King of Spain. While living among his flocks he falls in love with a shepherdess, which gives occasion to the author to introduce beautiful descriptions of nature. The work contains a number of eclogues and various shorter poems, letrillas and villancicos, which in sweetness and harmony are unsurpassed by the best verses of Montemayor." 2 1 Los nueue Libros de las Hauidas de Hieronimo Arbolanche, Poeta Tudelano. Dirigidos a la Illustre Senora Dona Adriana de Egues y de Biamonte. En Qaragoqa en casa de luan Millan. 1566. 8. 2 Ticknor, Historia de la Literatura espanola, traducida al castellano, con adiciones y notas criticas por D. Pascual de Gayangos y D. En- rique de Vedia, Madrid, 1854, Vol. Ill, p. 538. 92 THE HABIDAS OF HIERONIMO ARBOLANCHE 93 All that we know of Arbolanche 1 is that he was a native of Tudela, in the province of Navarre. The author, in his epistle to D. Melchor Enrico, ' su Maestro en Artes ' is very candid and modest concerning his own poetical gifts, while his arraignment of some of the Italian and Spanish poets is very amusing. He says (I quote from Gibson's tr.) : master mine, my will was never free To find in printing books a great delight, But she who hath the power hath ordered me To bring this ill-sung Book of mine to light; 1 grant I am not versed in poesy, And only know that I know nothing right ; And know as well that many know as little, So care not, if they praise me not, one tittle. I never chanted on Parnassus' height, Nor ever drank the waters Cabaline: What Octave is or Sextain beats me quite, Nor have I dealings with the Muses nine ; Not mine the gift, like improvising wight, At every step to vomit forth a line; I cannot verses on my fingers measure, Nor mouth two thousand fooleries at pleasure. I do not hire me sonnets to indite For books that go to press in this our time: I do not ballads spin or tercets write, Nor have one notion of impromptu rhyme : With echo-songs, in sooth, I'm puzzled quite, To make them to the full note curtly chime : I do not medleys make, nor things at all That may be dubbed with name of Madrigal. 1 On the reverse of the title-page is this inscription : " Ebro me produzio, y en flor me tiene, Mas my rayz de rio Calibe viene." Which Gibson renders thus : Ebro produced me and keeps me fresh ever, But my stock hath its root on the Calibe river. Journey to Parnassus, by Miguel de Cervantes, tr. by James Y. Gibson, London, 1883, p. 380. 94 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES I cannot use strange words or obsolete, Nor am I read in books of chivalry: Nor can the names of blustering knights repeat, Nor tell the tale of each stale victory; I know not what is meant by " broken feet," For mine own limbs are sound as sound can be; I cannot make some short and others long, Some very sweet and others very strong. He is no admirer of the Italian measures introduced by Boscan : " Nor do I know to make my pen renowned Upon my back bearing th' Italian theft." His judgment of the great Catalan poet is very severe : " Nor can I verses make in Limousine, Like Ausias Marc, which none can understand." Montemayor is treated without pity: " Nor did I ever yet know to translate So badly as the Lusian did erewhile, Nor know I cancioneros to create, Mingling divine eke with the human style; Nor to Diana, first or second rate, This heavy hand of mine could lay the file, Because all this to me seemed foolery, Nor make a ' Grove of various Poesy '." He concludes : " I do not evil speak of men so high, As if I thought I had sufficient grace To reach unto their lofty blasonry, Still less to give myself a higher place; But since without much bitter raillery None ever came off victors in the race; And since such famous men their weird must dree, What will the dolts and envious make of me?" It is quite evident, as Mr. Gibson observes, that such a man was fair game for the shafts of Cervantes, and quite as evident that his rhinoceros hide was impervious to THE HABIDAS OF HIERONIMO ARBOLANCHE 95 any kind of contempt. Arbolanche is pilloried after this fashion in " The Journey to Parnassus " : " On this came whizzing, like a bird on high, A Book in prose and verse, shot by our foes, In bulk and height a very Breviary; From its extravagance in verse and prose, 'Twas Arbolanche's work, we well could guess, His dull ' Avidas," heavy to the close." Salva says that he had always mistrusted the exaggerated criticisms of Cervantes, and that this work (The Havidas) confirmed his suspicions, for it follows from his very words that Cervantes had never seen the book of Arbolanche, which does not contain a line of prose, and is a thin volume in small octavo, and not the ponderous tome Cervantes makes it. 1 It is likely, as has been suggested, that Cer- vantes took the blank verse of Arbolanche as a kind of disguised prose; at all events he seems to have had a score to settle with the Navarrese bard and he did it. That the verse of Arbolanche, however, deserves the favorable criti- cism of Gayangos, is shown by the following excerpts, which fairly illustrate his style : Condon. Partirme quiero, zagala Partirme quiero de vos; Mi zagala, a Dios, a Dios. A Dios, monies, a Dios, prados, A Dios, bosques y selva fria; Que los lirios que aqui habia En abrojos son tornados, En ausencia mis cuidados Partiendome yo de vos ; Mi zagala, a Dios, a. Dios. Dexo las cabrillas mias Y el ganado en grande pena 1 Cat&logo, Vol. II, p. 18. Arbolanche also wrote a laudatory son- net prefixed to the Clara Diana a lo Divino of Bartolome Ponce, pub- lished at Epila in 1580. Ibid., No. 1944. 96 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES AI calor y a la berbena For essas silvas sombrias; Voy a ver sus agonias, Partiendome yo de vos ; Mi zagala, a Dios, a Dios. 1 Condon. Soltaronse mis cabellos, Madre mia, j Ay ! ^con que me los prenderia? Dicenme que prendo a tantos, Madre mia, con mis cabellos, Que ternia por bien prendellos, Y no dar pena y quebrantos; Pero por quitar de espantos, Madre mia, (jjAy! con que me los prenderia? 2 Cancion. Ai Dios ! que cosa vana Querer enamorarme Pues ya no hai desviarme De ti, Undo, Adriana. Si de todas las nacidas Me diesen a escoger, Y las aun por nacer Me fuesen ofrecidas, Ai Dios ! que cosa vana Seria enamorarme, Pues ya no hai desviarme De ti, linda Adriana. Por ti en la noche oscura Yo pierdo el duke sueno, Por ti con grande desdeno Queje yo de mi ventura; Tu imagen soberana Del todo pudo atarme, Y asi no hai desviarme De ti, linda Adriana. 1 Ticknor, Hist, of Spanish Lit., tr. by Gayangos, III, p. 538; Gal- lardo, Ensayo, I, col. 259. L. 13 Gallardo reads : serena. 2 Ticknor, History, tr. Gayangos, III, p. 538. THE HABIDAS OF HIERONIMO ARBOLANCHE En prados y en oteros Tu nombre he yo cantado, De mi se ban apiadado Los animales fieros; Mi anima malsana Pudiste tu robarme, Y ya no hai desviarme De ti, Undo Adriana. 1 Cancion. Caudaloso y fresco rio, Tanto mal no mereci, Siempre honre tus claras aguas Y honrare mas desde aqui. Ai, de ti! mas ai, de mi! Siempre honre todas tus ninfas Cuantas en tus prados vi, Siempre de tus verdes ramos Los mis cabellos ceni, Ai, de ti! mas ai, de mi! ^Como, dime, consentiste Que se fue y yo no me fue, Aquel que con sus canciones Tu ribera alegro asi? Ai, de ti! mas ai, de mi! Aquel que con su zampona Las fieras atraia a si, AI son de la cual mil vezes En sus haldas me adormi, Ai, de ti! mas ai, de mi! Abido, los tus ganados Como paceran sin ti? Como cantaran las ninfas? Dimelo, mi Abido, di. Ai, de mi! mas ai, de ti! ;Porque, dime, en tu partida Yo triste no me parti? Y ; porque si tu eres muerto No me muero desde aqui? Ai, de ti! mas ai, de mi! 2 1 Salva, Cat&logo, II, p. 19. 2 Ibid., p. 19. 97 THE " TEN BOOKS OF THE FORTUNE OF LOVE." BY ANTONIO DE LO FRASSO. The next work in what may be called the cycle of the Diana was the Ten Books of the Fortune of Love? by Antonio de lo Frasso, a Sardinian soldier, and was first published at Barcelona in 1573. This is the book that Cer- vantes characterizes as the most absurd book ever written, and though his genial and kindly nature was inclined to judge his contemporaries only too leniently, he is, for some unknown reason, especially severe upon Lo Frasso, al- though it appears that he fought with Cervantes against the Turks, and was present at Lepanto, on that memorable seventh of October, 1571 (Vol. II, p. 147). " This book," said the barber, opening another, " is the Ten Books of the Fortune of Love, written by Antonio lo Frasso, a Sardinian poet." " By the orders I have re- ceived," said the curate, " since Apollo has been Apollo, and the Muses have been Muses, and poets have been poets, so droll and absurd a book as this has never been written, and in its way it is the best and the most singular of all of this species that have as yet appeared, and he who has not read it may be sure he has never read what is de- 1 Los dies Libras de la Fortuna d'Amor compuestos por Antonio de lo Frasso militar, Sardo, de la Ciudad de Lalguer, donde hallaran los honest os y apazibles amores del Pastor Frexano, y de la hermosa Pastora Fortuna, co mucha variedad de inuenciones poeticas histori- adas. Y la sabrosa historia de don Florida, y de la past or a Argen- tina. Y una inuencion de justas Reales, y tres triumphos de damas\. Impresso en Barcelona, En casa de Pedro Malo Impressor. [1573.] 8. I have used the reprint in two volumes, London, 1740. TEN BOOKS OF THE FORTUNE OF LOVE 99 lightful. Give it here, gossip, for I make more account of having found it than if they had given me a cassock of Florence stuff. 1 It is almost incredible that a Spaniard, and one of the editors of Lord Carteret's Don Quixote, should take the irony of the curate as a sincere expression of opinion. This praise, however, is one of the reasons assigned by Pedro de Pineda, the editor, for republishing it in Eng- land. But, if it were possible to be deceived by the words in Don Quixote, a perusal of the following lines in the Journey to Parnassus, should have dispelled all doubt as to the opinion of Cervantes : " Look now if in the galley ye can see Some wretched bard, who may perchance by right A fitting victim for the monsters be ! " They found him in that man, Lofraso hight, Sardinian martial poet, who now lay Curled in a corner, and in dismal plight; In his " Ten Books of Fortune " all the day Immersed ; to add yet other ten to these He strove, to while the idle hours away; Cried all the crew as one: "Lofraso seize! Down vvith him to the deep, and leave him there!" " Perdy," cried Mercury, " I do not please ! What ! Can my soul the heavy burden bear Of casting to the sea such poesy, Although its foaming wrath demands our care? Long live Lofraso, while the day we see Spring from Apollo's light, and men can smile And hold as wisdom sprightly fantasy! To thee belong, Lofraso without guile, The epithets of subtle and sincere, My ' I oatswain ' henceforth be thy name and style ! " Thus said Mercurius to our cavalier, Who in the gangway quick assumed his grade, Armed with a rattan, cutting and severe; 1 Don Quixote, I, Chap. vi. Ormsby's tr. 100 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES Of his own verse, I fancy, it was made, And in a twinkling, how I do not know, Whether by Heaven's or Lofraso's aid, On through the strait we safe and sound did go, Without immersing any poet there; Such strength lay in the good Sardinian's blow." J Of Lo Frasso's life scarcely anything seems to be known beyond what he tells us on the title-page of this volume. 2 From another work, written two years earlier, in 1571, and in which the author informs us that he is writing it in the " middle of the raging Gulf of Leon," we learn that he had two sons, Alfonso and Cipion de lo Frasso, who were then, apparently, living in Barcelona. 3 Here, too, his pastoral romance was written. The work is composed principally of poetry, it being evidently a much easier task for the Sardinian bard to put his thoughts into generally bad verse, than into good prose. His shepherds and shep- herdesses, moreover, must have been gifted with a vigor of constitution and a power of endurance far beyond that of the ordinary representative of that weary class. Their songs are often continued through ten or fifteen pages without any apparent sign of exhaustion; once, in the first book, Frexano, 4 the hero, beginning his song on page 1 Gibson's translation, pp. 87-89. 2 Nicolas Antonio, Bibliotheca Nova, II, p. 356, says : " Antonio Lof rasso, Sardus, Algueriensis, peota infimi subsellii, edidit : Diez Libros de Fortuna. Barcinone, 1573. Quod opus risu excipit D. Thomas Tamajus in ' Collectione librorum Hispanorum': atque item autorem inter eos, qui nullo subnixi Apolline, ac Musarum ingratiis operam versibus dedere, velut aliorum coriphaeum nominat, nasoque suspendit Michael de Cervantes Saavedra in metrico suo opere Viage del Parnaso nuncupate." Frasso (Antonio de lo). Comienfa la Carta quel Autor enbia a sus Hijos y los mil y dozientos Consejos y Avisos discretos. [Bar- celona, 1571 ?] See Salva, Catdlogo, II, No. 2069. 4 Under this name, as Clemencin surmised, is concealed the name TEN BOOKS OF THE FORTUNE OF LOVE IO i twenty, and singing until the thirty-seventh page, the author says: " The shepherd growing weary of singing oc- tavas, now changed his tune, and sang the following terce- tos." The scene of the first five books is laid in Sardinia, near Lalguer, that of the remaining five in Barcelona. The first book opens with a carta from Frexano " to his dear shepherdess Fortuna," followed by two sonnets and two canciones, then the letter is carried by Florineo, who sings a cancion while on his way. In the second book, Frexano makes a journey to Parnassus. The nine Muses appear, whom he addresses in verse, Minerva replying. This is followed by some curious verses, in which " hab- lan las potencias del cuerpo humano." First the tongue speaks, followed by the eyes, then the soul, the heart, the feelings, memory, thought, the will, affection, etc., finally ignorance, discretion, wisdom, married women, the widow, and last of all Amor. In the third book Frexano suffers the most frightful pangs of despised love, which ebb out in a canto that is continued for twelve pages. The fourth book contains a long poem in praise of Lalguer and its beautiful ladies, where Frexano meets his father and mother. The seventh book is not without interest, as it describes the festivities attending the marriage in Barcelona of Dona Mencia Faxardo y Cuniga, daughter of D. Luys de Qiniga y Requesens, under whom, apparently, Lo Frasso served at Lepanto on October 7, 1571 (Vol. II, p. 147). The seventh book also contains a long Triumpho in praise of fifty ladies of Barcelona, in imitation of the Canto de Orfeo of Montemayor and the Canto de Turia of Gil Polo. In the eighth book he relates the history of " Don Floricio and the beautiful shepherdess Augustina," of the author, Lofraso, which in the Sardinian dialect = el fresno, the Ash tree. Indeed, he tells us that Frexano was born in Lalguer (i. e. Alguer = Alghero in the northwestern part of Sardinia). 102 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES in which a cancion consisting of ninety-five stanzas is sung by Augustina. The whole work is absurd and perhaps nobody has read it through since Pedro Pineda corrected the proofs. 1 A sonnet, " en lengua montanese Sardesca," may find a place here : Cando si det finite custu ardente Fogu qui su coro gia mat bruxadu, Cun sanima misquina qui su fiadu, Mi mancat vistu non poto niente. Chiaru Sole & Luna relugente, Prite mi tenes tristu abandonadu, Pusti prode vivu atribuladu, Dami calqui remediu prestamente, Tue sola mi podes remediare Et dare mi sa vida in custa hora, Qui non morja privu de sa vitoria, In eternu ti depo abandonare, O belissima dea & senyora, De me sa vida & morte pena y gloria. (Vol. I, p. 284.) The doughty bard, it seems, had no very exalted opinion of the weaker sex, to judge from the following song, which he puts into the mouth of Florineo : No pongas el pensamiento, Pasqual, jamas en muger, Qu-en pago de tu querer Te dara pena y tormento. Tiene tal naturaleza La que quiere ser servida, Si la quieres qual tu vida Te consume de tristeza. x At the end of the second volume is this advertisement: "This individual Book is one of the greatest Rarities in the Spanish Tongue; being almost as hard to find as the Philosopher's Stone. Mr. Peter Pineda, the Spanish Master, has tried all Sorts of Methods to get it for Five and twenty Years. Cervantes gives it the highest Character in the World. Lib. I, Cap. 6." 103 TEN BOOKS OF THE FORTUNE OF LOVE En pocas veras firmeza, Mudanse muy mas qu-el viento, Qu-en pago de tu querer Te daran pena y tormento. Ni de veras, ni burlando, No buries jamas con ellas, Viudas, casadas, donzellas, Dexalas por no yr penando : Porque siempre variando, Las veo hazer mudamiento, Qu-en pago de tu querer, Te daran pena y tormento, etc. (Vol. I, p. n.) THE " FILIDA " OF MONTALVO. A MUCH better romance appeared in 1582 at Madrid in the " Shepherd of Filida " of Luis Galvez de Montalvo. 1 Of the author's birth-place or life we know little more than what he tells us in this book. Speaking under the name of Siralvo, he says (p. 112, ed. of 1792) that he is not a native of the banks of the Tagus, but that his an- cestors pastured their flocks by the Adaja, and that they removed thence to the Henares, upon the banks of which he was brought up, " i de alii, por favorable estrella, bevo las aguas del Tajo." z Montalvo was attached to the house of Infantado, the lords of which had their principal residence in Guadalajara. In the ' Carta dedicatoria ' to his patron, Don Enrique de Mendoga y Aragon (the Mendino of the romance), he says : " Among the f ortunates who know you and entertain 1 According to Menendez Pelayo there is a mutilated copy of this excessively rare first edition in the library of the Spanish Academy. The censura is dated Madrid, June 2, 1581. Other editions appeared at Lisbon, 1589; Madrid, 1590 and 1600; Barcelona, 1613, and Valencia, 1792. There are some laudatory verses by Luis Galvez de Montalvo prefixed to La Vida, el Martyrio, etc. . . . de los gloriosos ninos Mar- tyres son lusto y Pastor, by Ambrosio de Morales, published at Alcala, in 1568. Salva, Catalog o, Vol. I, No. 299. 2 The town on the banks of the Adaja, Menendez y Pelayo con- jectures to be Arevalo, and also surmises that a baptismal register of Luis, son of Marcos de Montalvo and his wife Francisca, born in 1549, refers to our author. The father of Siralvo, called Montano in the romance, was " mayoral del generoso rabadan Coriano," i. e. steward or something similar to the Marquis of Coria. Origenes de la Novela, I. p. cdxcix. 104 THE FILIDA OF MONTALVO friendly relations with you, I have been one, and indeed, one of the most fortunate; for desiring to serve you, my wish was fulfilled, and thus I left my house and other famous ones where I was requested to remain, and came to this, where I shall be pleased to die and where my great- est labor is to be idle, contented and honored as your ser- vant." In 1587 there appeared at Toledo 1 Montalvo's trans- lation into Castilian of Le Lagrime di San Pietro by Luigi Tansillo, a Neapolitan gentleman who served D. Pedro de Toledo, Marques de Villafranca, to whom Garcilasso dedi- cated his first eclogue. The latter mentions Tansillo among other Italian versifiers, in his twenty-fourth sonnet to Dona 'Isabel de Cardona. 2 According to Lope de Vega, in the prologue to his Isidro, Montalvo passed the latter years of his life in Italy. Speaking of Castillejo he says : " a quien (i. e. Castillejo) parecia mucho Luis Galuez Montaluo, con cuya muerte subita se perdieron muchas floridas coplas de este genero, particularmente la traducion de la lerusalem de Torquato Tasso, que parece, que se auia ydo a Italia a escriuirlas para meterles las higas en los ojos.". Again, in La Viuda valenciana, a comedia written before 1603, we read : Leonardo. Quien es este? Oton. Es el Pastor de Filida. Leonardo. Ya lo se. 1 In the Primera Parte del Tesoro de divina Poesia. . . . Recopilado por Esteuan de Villalobos. En Toledo, en casa de Juan Rodriguez, Ano 1587. El Llanto de San Pedro is now accessible in the Floresta of Bohl von Faber, Vol. Ill, No. 707, and in the Romancero y Can- cionero Sagrados of D. Justo de Sancha, in the Bib. de Aut. Esp., No. 668. 2 See Don Quixote, ed. Clemencin, Vol. Ill, p. 14. I0 6 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES Oton. Y Galuez Montaluo fue con graue ingenio su autor. Con Abito de San Juan murio en la mar. . . - 1 In his Laurel de Apolo he tells us that Montalvo met his death "en la puente de Sicilia." This expression, Cle- mencin says, must allude to some event well known at the time, and agrees fully with the incident related by Fr. Diego de Haedo in the " Dedication " of his Topografia de Argel: "Era (dice por los afios de 1591) Virei de Sicilia el Sr. D. Diego Enriquez de Guzman, Conde de Alba de Liste, el cual habiendo salido de Palermo a visitar aquel reino, a la vuelta, como venia en galeras, hizo la cuidad una puente desde tierra que se alargaba a la mar mas de cien pies, para que alii abordase la popa de la galera donde venia el Seiior Virei, y desembarcase : y como Palermo es la corte del reino, acudio lo mas granado a este recibimiento . . . y con la mucha gente que cargo, antes que abordase la galera dio el puente a la banda, de manera que cayeron en el mar mas de quinientas personas . . . donde se ane- garon mas de treinta hombres." As Clemencin adds: " Una de ellas debio de ser el Pastor de Filida." 3 As Menendez Pelayo has justly remarked, " the Shep- 1 Comedias, Parte XIV, Madrid, 1621, fol. 107, col. i. 2 Y que viva en el Templo de la Fama Aunque muerto en la puente de Sicilia, Aquel Pastor de Filida famoso Galuez Montaluo, que la embidia aclama Por uno de la Delfica familia Dignisimo del arbol vitorioso : Mayormente cantando En lagrimas deshechos, Ojos a gloria de mis ojos hechos. Laurel de Apolo, ed. 1630, fol. 35v. 3 Don Quixote, ed. Clemencin, Madrid, 1833, Vol. I, p. 147, note. THE FILIDA OF MONTALVO 107 herd of Filida is one of the best-written of the pastoral romances, though the least bucolic of them all." In the ex- amination of Don Quixote's library, the curate had ob- served : " The one that comes next is ' The Shepherd of Filida.' That is not a shepherd, said the curate, but a highly-polished courtier; let it be preserved as a precious jewel." x Montalvo and Cervantes were friends of long standing, and mention each other with praise in their works, 2 and from the fact that both were brought up on the banks of the Henares, it has been conjectured that they had known each other from youth, and that they were of about the same age. Of this, however, we have no proof. It is probable that the Filida was written a number of years before it appeared in print. We have seen that Mon- talvo was known as a poet as early as 1568, and it is pos- sible that his pastoral romance was written not long after that date. In the Filida, as in most works of this character, well-known persons appear in the disguise of shepherds, thus sacrificing the pastoral tone, for there is certainly very little that is bucolic about the ordinary occupations of Montalvo and his friends, as they are here depicted. The poet appears under the name Siralvo, Mendino is 1 Don Quixote, Part I, Chap. vi. To the friendship subsisting be- tween Montalvo and Cervantes is doubtless due, in part, this very favorable criticism of the Filida. Cervantes has introduced Montalvo in his Galatea under the name of Siralvo. 2 Cervantes, in his Galatea, in the " Canto de Caliope," says : Quien pudiera loaros, mis pastores, Un pastor vuestro, amado y conocido, Pastor mejor de quantos son mejores, Que de Filida tiene el apellido ! La habilidad, la ciencia, los primores, El rare ingenio, y el valor subido De Luis de Montalvo le aseguran Gloria y honor mientras los cielos duran. (Book VI.) I0 8 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES Don Enrique de Mendoza y Aragon, his Maecenas; Tirsi, el culto Tirsi, is Francisco de Figueroa; Pradelio is con- jectured to be Don Luis Ramon Folch de Cardona, Conde de Prades ; * the Arciolo of Book I, " que con tan heroica vena canta del Aranco los famosos hechos " (p. 154), is Alonso de Ercilla, and the Campiano is Dr. Campuzano, while Silvano is Gregorio Silvestre. The shepherdess Be- lisa, daughter of the very learned Lusitanian Coello (p. 59), who was a portrait painter (p. 122), is Dona Isabel Sanchez Coello, daughter of Alonso Sanchez Coello (Or- igenes, I, p. dvii). Under a slight pastoral disguise Mon- talvo (Siralvo) relates the story of his love for Filida, and that of his Maecenas for Elisa. The scene is laid on the banks of the Tagus, perhaps in Toledo, as Menendez Pelayo surmises. The incidents of the story are briefly as follows : Mendino, a shepherd living on the banks of the Tagus, is enamoured of Elisa, " de antigua y clara generacion " and of beauty beyond compare. Mendino is, however, secretly loved by Filis, a beautiful nymph of the Tagus. One day, as Elisa, Filis, Cloris, Mendino and Galafron were sitting by a fountain amusing themselves with song, they are joined by the shepherds Bruno and Turino. And now Padelio, the noble and prosperous rabadan having died, there came to inherit his flocks his brother Padileo, " a gallant and discreet youth," who of course falls in love with Elisa, " greatly to the annoyance of Mendino and no less to Elisa." Elisa now writes a long letter to Mendino, 1 See the learned introduction of D. Juan Antonio Mayans y Siscar to El Pastor de Filida compuesto por Luis Galvez de Montalvo, Gentil- Hombre Cortesano. Valencia, 1792. He gives a long list of works written in the manner of the Diana of Montemayor, many of which, however, are not pastoral romances. Mayans also mentions a pas- toral by Francisco Rodrigues Lobo, in three parts, A Primavera, O Pastor peregrino and O Desenganado. They are written in Por- tuguese, and compare favorably with the best of the Spanish romances. THE FILIDA OF MONTALVO appointing a meeting-place. Here, one night, the latter is seen by the jealous Padileo, who, without more ado, asks the " beautiful and discreet Albanisa, widow of Mendineo " to become his wife. The thread of the story now grows somewhat involved, Mendino, Corydon and Filardo visit the cave of the magician Sincero, who foretells Elisa's death; the latter dies as predicted and Mendino sings a dirge to her. The book closes with the couplet : " El mal que el tiempo hace, El tiempo le suele curar." Alfeo, a shepherd lying upon the ground singing, is over- heard by Finea. Alfeo asks her whether she be not " a stranger and in love," to which she replies : " You might see this without asking me, by my dress, for one thing, i en mi piedad, por otra." Alfeo is now informed that there is to be a general gathering of shepherds, " to honor the ashes of Elisa." They meet other shepherds and jour- ney to the spot, where they find Sasio, Filardo, Arsiano and the shepherdess Belisa, " hija del doctissimo Lusitano Coelio, los quatros mas aventajados en musica, i canto, que en las Espanolas riberas se hallavan " (p. 59). Belisa and Sasio sing a cantar. In the plain stood a lofty pyramid of rich marble " covered almost wholly by ivy and branches." Alfesibeo sings an elegy, " interrupted at times by the most tender sighs." As Pradelio now arrives (llegio cansado), a young, robust shepherd, " de mas bondad que hacienda," Finea beams upon him, whereupon the jealous Filardo, " with features distorted by the power of love, and his brow covered with perspiration," arose and left, " but Pradelio paid no heed to this." Alfeo now sings a touching song, which moves all the listeners; Sileno, how- ever, " the venerable father of the deceased Elisa," com- mands the music cease, and proposes a wrestling match HO SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES between the shepherds, followed by running, leaping and " tirar la barra," after which Galafron, " the tender and true lover of the deceased Elisa," sings some sad verses and the shepherds separate. At the opening of the third book (or Parte, as it is called) Finea and Alfeo visit Siralvo. Directly they hear a flute and Siralvo sings the following rimas : Ojos a gloria de mis ojos hechos, Beldad inmensa en ojos abreviada, Royos que elais los mas ardientes pechos, Yelos que derretis la nieve elada : Mares mansos de amor, bravos estrechos ; Amigos, enemigos en celada, Bolveos a mi, pues solo con mirarme Podeis verme, i oirme, i ayudarme. Si me mirais, vereis en mi, primero, Quanto con Vos amor hace, i deshace; Si me escuchais, y oireis decir que muero, Y que es la vida que me satisface; Si me ayudais, lo que pretendo, i quiero, Que es alabaros, f acil se me hace : En tan altas empressas alumbradme, Mis Ojos, vedme, oidme, i ayudadme. ... (p. 99.) Filardo, the rival of Pradelio, now appears and up- braids Finea, saying : " ungrateful one, what seest thou in Pradelio more than in me? " Strangely enough, Finea asks him to sing, to which Filardo says : " And canst thou ask me to sing, seeing that I am dying? " " Then do as the swan does " (pues haz como el cisne} said Finea. Taking up his lyre, Filardo, " with three thousand sighs," begins to sing (sac and o la lira, con tres mil sospiros Filardo co- menzo a decir}. Siralvo, who is enamored of Filida, goes to the gardens of Vandalio, where Filida resides. Here he meets her friend Florela, and reads to her a poetical por- trait (retrato en versos') and the following sonnet: THE FILIDA OF MONTALVO m " Divino rostro, en quien esta sellado El postrer punto del primor del suelo, Pues de aquel, en quien tanto puso el cielo, Tanto el pincel humano ha trasladado. Rostro divino, fuiste retratado Del que natura fabrico de yelo, del que amor passando el mortal velo, Con vivo fuego, en mi dejo estampado. Divino rostro, el alma que encendiste, 1 los ojos que elaste en tu figura, For ti responden, i por ellos creo. Rostro divino, que de entrambos fuiste Sacado, en condicion, i en hermosura, Pues tiemblo, i ardo, el punto que te veo." (P. 127.) Siralvo now proceeds to Alfeo's cabin, who complains of the ungrateful Andrea, and thus, " while listening to the birds and to the gentle stream, with their cheeks resting on their hands, they fall asleep." Afterwards the shepherds visit the temple of Pan, where they meet Filida, and do not forget to eat and drink. Upon a large tablet they find " las leyes pastorales," and also " the art of making cheese, butter and other matters of more or less importance " (p. 162). Filida now sings a song, so beautiful " that the birds were hushed, the wind ceased, the fountain stopped, and I think the sun forgot its course, while the peerless Filida sang these verses " (p. 176). And now " todos son enam- orados, pero no se puede decir de quien, que quando se sepa, sera un notable hechizo de Amor." Fanio, Delio and Liria sing a long Eclogue in the garden of the Temple. Meanwhile Siralvo is in a pitiable plight, " most of the time alone in his hut, amid cruel memories, hoping for death . . . stretched out upon the rocks he lay calling in vain for the beautiful Filida," and in the midst of these lamenta- tions one day, " seated upon the dry trunk of a holly, he suddenly took out his rebeck, which was so forgotten, and with tender eyes accompanied his tears " to a song which he now sings (p. 219). Suddenly he sees a wounded stag, ! 12 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES pursued by two " gallardas cazadoras." One of them is Florela. Siralvo dispatches the stag, then complains to Florela of Filida, and the former promises to intercede for him. Andrea now appears and finally the shepherds all proceed to the Temple of Diana, where the seven wonders of the world are described. Siralvo again finds favor in the eyes of Filida, which makes him so happy that he can- not contain himself (en si mismo no cabia) and he recites seven pages of verses, " quien gustare de oirlos, podra llegarse al Pastor, entanto que las Ninf as duermen ; i quien no, passe por ellos, i hallaralas despiertas " (p. 270). The next song of Siralvo's, which I copy here as an illustration of Montalvo at his best, is written in the old Castilian re- dondillas, which are handled with admirable grace : Filida, tus ojos bellos El que se atreve a mirallos, Mui mas facil que alaballos, Le sera morir por ellos. Ante ellos calla el primor, Rindese la fortaleza, Porque mata su belleza, Y ciega su resplandor. Son ojos verdes rasgados En el rebolver suaves, Apacibles sobre graves, Manosos y descuidados. Con ira, o con mansedumbre, De suerte alegran el suelo, Que fijados en el cielo, No diera el sol tanta lumbre. Amor que suele ocupar Todo quanto el mundo encierra, Senoreando la tierra, Tiranizando la mar, Para llevar mas despojos, Sin tener contradicion, Hizo su casa, y prision En essos hermosos ojos. THE FILIDA OF MONTALVO Alii canta, y dice : Yo Ciego fui, que no lo niego; Pero venturoso ciego, Que tales ojos hallo, Que aunque es vuestra la vitoria, En darosla fui tan diestro, Que siendo cautivo vuestro, Sois mis ojos, y mi gloria. El tiempo que me juzgavan For ciego, quiselo ser, Porque no era razon ver Si estos ojos me faltavan, Sera ahora con hallaros Esta ley establecida, Que lo pague con la vida Quien se atreviere a miraros. ... (P. 285.) The story now grows very tedious; there is a long dis- cussion upon the merits of the two schools of Spanish poetry, the adherents to the old Castilian measures and the Italianists, and, in imitation of Montemayor, the praises of celebrated Spanish women are sung. In the seventh book Sasio, the musician, dies and has the honor of having an epitaph written by " the famous Tirsi (Fran- cisco de Figueroa) with his own hand," upon the trunk of an elm tree. Orsindo, the former lover of Finea, now ap- pears, and " all return to their first loves," Alfeo i la encu- bierta Andrea, a la sitya, i Arsineo, vencido de la razon, bolvio sus pensamientos a Silveria. The work concludes with a festival gotten up by Sileno, in which, among other sports, the shepherds run at the ring, " a sport quite new among shepherds." It will be seen from this analysis of what incongruous elements the book is composed; stories from Greek my- thology are introduced, together with events from Spanish history, and every occasion is taken to praise the house of Mendoza. How far the vicissitudes of the shepherd Sir- alvo (his relations with Filida are left unsettled at the close SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES of the romance) may agree with actual events in the life of Montalvo, we have no means of determining, as we know practically nothing of his personal history. But Montalvo loses no opportunity to extol the virtues and beauty of Filida, and it is not improbable that her prototype played an important part in the life of the poet. We do not know the name of the lady, but from a poem by Mon- talvo's friend Lopez Maldonado, 1 we learn that the lady was for long years obdurate to the poet's attentions. From Pastor dichoso cuyo llanto tierno a tanto que se vierte en dura tierra, sin medida, sin tassa, y sin govierno. ******* Ya te dio del descanso alegre llaue Filida que entregada esta y piadosa, que es quanto bien Amor dar puede 6 sabe. . . . ******* Que la dulce consorte que te espera y el talamo dichoso que te atiende ******* Mas 6 Pastor amigo 6 charo hermano ******* Yo comence a cantar el dulce dia de tu descanso ******* Dichoso tu que en puerto alegre y bueno no temeras del mar fortuna fiera, ni rayo ayrado de espantoso trueno, Ni mudanc.a de bien, breue y ligera, siguro gozaras lo ya adquirido por medio y premio de una fe sinzera .... (fol. i86v). these verses it follows, however, that Montalvo finally reached the goal of his longings. 2 When the marriage took 1 " Epistola a un Amigo con quien se queria casar una Dama a quien auia seruido muchos anos," in Cancionero de Lopes Maldonado, Madrid, 1586, fol. 185. It begins : 2 I have not taken into account the "Epistola a un Amigo" (Can- cionero de Lopez Maldonado, fol. 128 ft), as I am not at all certain that it was addressed to Montalvo. THE FILIDA OF MONTALVO place we do not know. All the verse in Maldonado's Can- cionero was written before 1584, but the verses in question may have been, and most probably were, written long before that date, as it is equally probable that the Filida was written long before its appearance in print in 1582. Four editions of the Filida had followed the first, in the next thirty years, down to 1613, when it was not printed again till 1792. And yet it is not easy to account for this popularity. It is true that Montalvo's short verses, the glosas and redondillas, are exceedingly graceful, and so emi- nent an authority as Menendez y Pelayo declares that the Filida is better than the reputation it enjoys, yet it is, on the whole, wearisome reading, and doubtless Cervantes's high praise of the work was influenced by his friendship for Montalvo, which here got the better of his judgment. THE " GALATEA " OF CERVANTES. THREE years afterwards, in 1585, Cervantes published his Galatea, 1 a pastoral romance in six books, and like so many of these works, this also was left unfinished, a fact which we need not regret, to judge by this very long frag- ment. It was the first work Cervantes published, though Montalvo had mentioned him as a poet three years before. It is, however, one of the poorest of all Cervantes's works, and gives little promise of his becoming the greatest name in the literature of Spain. He was now nearly thirty-eight years old, and, one might fairly say, had passed his edad juvenil, which could no longer be an excuse for the extra- vagances of his work. Many of the descriptions in the Galatea are certainly natural and graceful, and there are situations which are very skilfully managed; the whole showing a care in composition which he rarely bestowed on his later works ; yet its general style is diffuse and rambling ; 1 Primera Parte de la Galatea, dividida en seys libros. Copuesta por Miguel de Ceruantes. Dirigida al Yllustrissimo senor Ascanio Colona, Abad de sancta Sofia (shield with the Colonna arms). Con privilegio. Impressa en Alcala por luan Gracian. Ano de 1585. 8, viii -J- 375 fols. Salva, Catdlogo, No. 1740. It has been alleged that the book first appeared in 1584; this is denied by Salva, whose argu- ments will be found in his Catdlogo, II, pp. 124-125. The matter is now set at rest by Mr. Fitzmaurice-Kelly, who discusses it with his usual competence and thoroughness, and shows conclusively that the edition of 1584 never existed. See his introduction to the Galatea of Cervantes, translated by H. Oelsner and A. B. Welford. Glasgow, Gowans & Gray, 1903. The second edition of the Galatea appeared at Lisbon in 1590. For other editions the reader is referred to the work just mentioned, pp. xlvi, et passim. 116 THE GALATEA OF CERVANTES 117 many of the pictures are greatly over-drawn, and there is a continual tendency to exaggeration. His erudite shep- herds and shepherdesses delight in philosophical discus- 'sions, using the most polite and high-sounding phrases, often with an effect that is truly ridiculous. There seems to be no attempt at plot or connected narrative, and it is with the greatest difficulty that the reader keeps track of the various characters; a great number of shepherds and shepherdesses (some one has said there are no less than seventy-one) are brought successively upon the scene, and the maze of incidents is almost inextricable. " In mind and body these shepherds and shepherdesses are exception- ally endowed. They can remain awake for days. They can recite, without slurring a comma, a hundred or two hundred lines of a poem heard once, years ago; and the casuistry of their amorous dialectics would do credit to Sanchez or Escobar." * As Professor Fitzmaurice-Kelly truly says : " The pastoral genre was unsuited to the exer- cise of Cervantes's individual genius. . . . He longed to be an Arcadian, though he had no true vocation for the business." Nor does Cervantes in these primicias de su ingenio re- veal the slightest originality; he followed custom and bor- rowed freely from his predecessors in this field. " No care- ful reader of the Galatea can doubt that its author either had Sannazaro's Arcadia on his table, or that he knew it almost by heart. . . . His appreciation for the Arcadia was unbounded. ... In the Galatea enthusiasm takes the form of conscious imitation." It has been observed that 1 Fitzmaurice-Kelly, op. cit., p. xxxiii. 2 Ibid., p. xxix. Cervantes's residence in Italy had made him well acquainted with the language and literature of that country. His ob- ligations to the Arcadia of Sannazaro had been pointed out long ago by Scherillo, in his excellent work Arcadia di Jacobo Sannazaro SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES Lisandro's song in the first book of the Galatea is imitated from the song of Ergasto on the tomb of Androgeo in the Arcadia. Lisandro's song begins : O alma venturosa Que del humana velo Libre al alta region viva volaste, Dexando en tenebrosa Carcel de desconsuelo Mi vida, aunque contigo la llevaste! Sin ti, escura dexaste La luz clara del dia, For tierra derribada La esperanza fundada En el mas firme asiento de alegria: En fin con tu partida Quedo vivo el dolor, muerta la vida. Compare with this Androgeo's song : Alma beata e bella Che da legami sciolta Nuda salisti ne' superni chiostri; Que con la tua stella Ti godi insieme accolta, E lieta uai schernendo i pensier nostri : Quasi un bel sol ti mostri Tra li piu chiari spirti; E coi uestigii santi Calchi le stelle erranti; E tra pure fontane e sacri Mirti Pasci celesti greggi, E i tuoi cari pastori indi correggi. (Fol. 2 iv, ed. Vinegia, 1556.) A number of the prose passages in the Galatea are also pointed out by Scherillo, which bear such a close resem- secondo i Manoscritti e le prime Stampe, Torino, 1888. Cervantes's imitations of the Arcadia are so many that Scherillo says : " Per di- mostrare quanto numerose esse [derivazioni della Galatea dall' Ar- cadia} siano, ci vorrebbe addiritura una ristampa della Galatea coi richiami in margine dei passi dell' Arcadia" (p. ccliii). THE GALATEA OF CERVANTES IIO/ blance to some in the Arcadia that there can be no doubt that Cervantes drew freely on the latter work. The sixth book of the Galatea, moreover, as this scholar has remarked " e tutto imitate dalle ultime pagine dell' Arcadia." l There is much poetry scattered through the Galatea, and some of it is very good, but there is much that is quite unworthy of Cervantes. His sonnets will not bear comparison with those of Montemayor; they are generally lacking in grace and finish, and are not redeemed by any strikingly beautiful thoughts. And it is certainly strange that one who loved the old Spanish ballads so well and who knew most of them by heart, should have failed to give us a single com- position in this measure. Cervantes always cherished a singular affection for the Galatea, with which he made his debut in the world of letters. Yet no one, surely, was better aware of its excessive sentimentality and unnaturalness than he himself. Nearly thirty years later, in his " Colloquy of the Dogs," he speaks as follows of these pastorals : " In the silence and solitude of my siestas, it occurred to me among other things that 1 Scherillo, Arcadia di Sannazaro, pp. cell, and foil. The beginning of the Carta of Timbrio to Nisida in Book iii, bears a striking re- semblance to the letter to Gardenia in Book ii of the Diana of Perez : Galatea: " Salud te envia aquel que no la tiene, Nisida, ni la espera en tiempo algunb, Si por tus manos mismas no le viene." Cf. the letter in the Diana: " Salud te embia el que para si, ni la tiene, ni la quiere, si ya de ti sola no le viniesse," etc. One of the Epistolas of Diego Hurtado de Mendoza begins : " A Marfira Damon salud envia, Si la puede enviar quien no la tiene, Ni la espera tener por otra via." Ed. Knapp, p. 101. It is probable that this is the source of Perez, and perhaps also of Cervantes, who, in the Galatea (Bk. vi) represents a number of shep- herds visiting the tomb of Meliso (Mendoza) and reciting in verse a lament to his memory. I2 Q SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES there could be no truth in what I had heard tell of the life of shepherds, of those at least about whom my master's lady used to read when I went to her house, in certain books all treating of shepherds and shepherdesses; and tell- ing how they passed their whole life in singing and playing on pipes, reeds, rebecks, and other strange instruments. I heard her read how the shepherd Anfriso x sang divinely in praise of the peerless Belisarda, and that there was not a tree on all the mountains of Arcadia upon whose trunk he had not sat and sung from the moment Sol quitted the arms of Aurora, till he threw himself into those of Thetis, and that even after black night had spread, its sable wings over the face of the earth, he did not cease his well-sung and better-wept complaints. Nor did I forget the shepherd Elicio, 2 more enamored than bold, of whom it was said that without attending to his own love or his flock, he entered into the griefs of others ; nor the great shepherd of Filida, 3 unique painter of a portrait, and who had been more faith- ful than happy; nor the anguish of Sireno and the remorse of Diana, and how she thanked God and the wise Felicia, who, with her enchanted water, undid the maze of en- tanglement and difficulties. 4 I used to remember many other books of this same kind, but they were not worthy of being remembered. . . . All these things enabled me to see the more clearly the difference between the habits and occupations of my masters and the rest of the shepherds in that quarter, and those shepherds of whom I had heard read in the books. For if mine sang, it was not tuneful and finely-composed strains, but a " Ware the Wolf," and 1 A reference to the Arcadia of Lope de Vega, in which Anfriso is in love with Belisarda. 2 Elicio, one of the shepherds in the Galatea, is Cervantes himself. 3 Refers to the Pastor de Filida of Cervantes's friend Montalvo. 4 An allusion to the Diana of Montemayor. THE GALATEA OF CERVANTES I2 i " Where goes Jenny," and other similar ditties, and not to the accompaniment of hautboys, rebecks or pipes, but to the knocking of one crook against another, or of bits of tile jingled between the fingers and sung with voices not melodious and tender, but so coarse and out of tune, that whether singly or in chorus they seemed to be howling or grunting. They passed the greater part of the day in hunt- ing up their fleas or mending their brogues ; and not one of them was named Amarilis, Filida, Galatea or Diana, nor were there any Lisardos, Lausos, Jacintos or Riselos, 1 but all were Antones, Domingos, Pablos or Llorentes. And from this I concluded what I think all must believe, that all those books [about pastoral life] are only fictions in- geniously written for the amusement of the idle, and that there is not a word of truth in them, for, were it otherwise, there would have remained among my shepherds some trace of that happy life of yore, with its pleasant meads, spacious groves, sacred mountains, beautiful gardens, clear streams and crystal fountains; the tender terms, as decor- ous as they were ardently spoken, with here the shepherds, there the shepherdesses all woe-begone, and the air made vocal everywhere with flutes and pipes and flageolets." 2 In accordance with the custom of the time, Cervantes introduces a number of poets as shepherds, he himself ap- pearing as Elicio ; 3 it is also the general opinion that Galatea was a young lady of Esquivias, Dona Catalina de Palacios Salazar y Vozmediano, who soon afterward became his wife. The Galatea has generally been considered as an 1 Lisardo was the pastoral name of the poet Luis de Vargas Man- rique; Lauso that of Barahona de Soto, and Riselo that of Pedro Linan de Riaza. 2 See also Don Quixote, Part IT, Chap. Ixvii. 3 Navarrete (Vida de Cervantes, Madrid, 1819, p. 66) says: "Under the names of Tirsi, Damon, Meliso, Siralvo, Lauso, Larsileo and Arti- 122 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES offering to this lady, and having accomplished the purpose for which it was written, it was never concluded. 1 This may or may not be true ; the fact is that Cervantes was mar- ried to Da. Catalina de Palacios on December 12, 1584, and the probability is that, being now married, he sought some more remunerative occupation than the writing of pastoral romances ; at all events, within six months we find him at Madrid, where he was then engaged in writing comedias for the corrales. Herein we know that he was not successful, and he soon turned his hand to anything that promised him a living, beginning that long struggle with poverty from which only death finally set him free. With all the evident care which Cervantes bestowed on the Galatea, it is a dull book; the only episode of interest is the recital of Timbrio's adventures. The story in brief is as follows : ' Timbrio, being challenged to a duel by another knight, sets out for Naples. Silerio, his friend, being detained by sickness, follows after some days, and being left on the coast of Catalonia by the galley in which he sailed, he per- ceives, on the next morning, a crowd following a man who is being led to execution. It is Timbrio, who had been captured during a descent made upon a robber band by which he had been waylaid and held. Silerio rescues him, and both finally escape to Naples, where the duel is to be fought. Here Timbrio falls in love with Nisida; Silerio, doro, Cervantes introduced into his story Francisco de Figueroa, Pedro Lainez, D. Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, Luis Galuez di Mon- talvo, Luis Barahona de Soto, D. Alonso de Ercilla and Micer Andres Rey de Artieda, all friends of his and very celebrated poets of that time." Of these Tirsi is certainly Figueroa, Diego Hurtado de Men- doza also calls himself Damon in his verse; of Lainez I am unable to say what his poetical name was ; the last four pastoral names cor- respond with the poetical names of the poets mentioned. 1 Ticknor, History of Spanish Literature, Vol. II, p. 119. THE GALATEA OF CERVANTES disguised as a buffoon, is received into Nisida's house, where he pleads the cause of Timbrio, at the same time fall- ing in love with Nisida, while Blanca, her sister, becomes enamoured of him. Nisida returns the affection of Tim- brio. All now proceed to the duelling ground, Nisida's parents going also, accompanied by Blanca. Nisida, how- ever, had remained behind some distance, and had arranged with Silverio to give her a signal from afar, so that she might know that Timbrio were safe. After the duel Sil- verio appears, but neglects to wear the sign. Nisida falls in a swoon; all believe her dead, and Timbrio departs for Spain, while Silerio returns to become a hermit, the two sisters wandering afterward to seek Timbrio. The vessel on which Timbrio sailed, however, is obliged by a violent storm to return to Gaeta, departing again a few days after- ward. One day while Timbrio is singing on the vessel, Nisida suddenly appears beside him, accompanied by Blanca. She relates how, with an attendant, and in pil- grim's attire, she went to Gaeta, and embarked on the vessel after its return from the storm, intending to seek Timbrio at Xeres. Shortly afterward some Turkish gal- leys are seen in the distance, which greatly increase in num- bers, and attack Timbrio's vessel. A desperate fight ensues, which lasts for sixteen hours, when Timbrio's vessel is finally captured by the corsairs, who are led by Arnaut Mami. They are all taken aboard a Turkish galley, sub- jected to the most cruel treatment, and are ready to give up all hope, when a terrible storm suddenly arises, which is so violent that it scatters the Turkish vessels, sinking many of them and driving the Arnaut's galley toward the Catalonian coast. As the storm increases in fury, the Turk- ish leader requests the Christians to invoke their saints and Saviour to shield them from destruction. Their prayers are not in vain, for the storm abates, but the next morning 124 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES they find themselves so close to the coast of Catalonia that escape is impossible, and they decide to land, ' for love of life made slavery appear sweet to the Turks/ who are promptly murdered by the Catalonians. This takes place on the very spot where a short time previously Silverio had saved Timbrio's life." This, it must be admitted, is a rather improbable story, though there are passages written with much spirit pas- sages in which there is just a faint foreshadowing of the great Cervantes of the Don Quixote, for here he was in- spired by an episode in his own life his capture by this same Arnaut Mami an adventure which he was again to turn to good account afterward. The Galatea was not successful, and little blame is to be attached to the public for not waxing warm over these eru- dite, fictitious shepherds. 1 And yet, at this time, as if endowed with the gift of prophecy, the poet Galvez Mon- talvo foretold the coming of the name that was to go down through all the ages. 2 Surely only a seer's eye could dis- cover such promise in this somnolent pastoral romance. 1 That the Galatea enjoyed some popularity in its day, however, is shown by the two romances which appeared at Valencia in 1591 (Gallardo, Ensayo, I, p. 1396), written by Juan de Salinas; they are published in the Romancer o general (Duran, II, pp. 471, 472), and in the Poesias del Dr. D, Juan de Salinas, Seville, 1869, Vol. I, pp. 24, 28. 2 In the following sonnet, prefixed to the first edition of the Galatea: Mientras del yugo sarracino anduvo Tu cuello preso y tu cerviz domada, Y alii tu alma al de la Fe amarrada A mas rigor mayor firmeza tuvo, Gozose el cielo ; mas la tierra estuvo Casi viuda sin ti, y desamparada De nuestras musas la real morada, Tristeza, llanto, soledad mantuvo. Pero despues que diste al patrio suelo Tu alma sana y tu garganta suelta, THE GALATEA OF CERVANTES 125 Cervantes, indeed, seems always to have been proud of this first child of his genius, for he often recurs to it in later years ; * no less than five times he promises a conclusion to the Galatea, and there may be concealed beneath its pas- toral allusions a significance which the second part might have revealed and the Galatea "thus have won the full meas- ure of grace that is now denied it." As late as 1615, one year before his death, he says in the preface to the second part of Don Quixote: " thou mayest expect the Persiles, which I am now finishing, and also the second part of Gal- atea. The Persiles he finished four days before his death, writing with the last strokes of his pen, the graceful and grateful dedication to the Count of Lemos. But like El famoso Bernardo and Las Semanas del Jardin, the second part of the Galatea was never written, or if any portion of it was written, it has disappeared utterly. Perhaps we need not regret its loss; indeed, there is infinite consolation in the knowledge that it could not possibly have added to the reputation of its author. De entre las fuerzas barbaras confusas, Descubre claro tu valor el cielo, Gozase el mundo en tu felice vuelta Y cobra Espana las perdidas musas. 1 It must have given Cervantes not a little satisfaction to see the Galatea praised by his great rival Lope de Vega. In one of his comedias, La Viuda Valenciana, written before 1604, we read : Oton: aqueste es la Galatea, que si buen libro dessea no tiene mas que pedir. Fue su autor Miguel Ceruates, que alia en la Naual perdio una mano. Act I, fol. 107, ed. of 1621. " THE ENLIGHTENMENT OF JEALOUSY," BY LOPEZ DE ENCISO. IN the following year (1586) a romance appeared en- titled " The Enlightenment of Jealousy," by Bartholome Lopez de Enciso. 1 Of its author we know nothing more than he himself tells us on the title-page: that he was a native of Tendilla, a small town in the province of Guada- lajara. We hear of him again in I598, 2 and at the festival of Corpus Christi at Seville in 1618, the actor Juan de Morales Medrano and his wife Jusepa Vaca and their com- pany of players represented the auto entitled La Montanesa, by Bartholome de Enciso. 3 Whether this dramatist and Bartholome Lopez de Enciso are one and the same person, however, I have no means of determining. 1 Desengano de Celos. Compuesto por Bartholome Lopes de Enciso, natural de Tendilla. Dirigido al illustrissimo Senor Don Luys Enrri- quez, Conde de Melgar [Device, figure of a man}. Con Privilegio. Impresso en Madrid en casa de Francisco Sanchez. Ano, 1586, small 8, 321 leaves. In a MS. note Ticknor says : " This is one of the rarest books in Spanish literature." I have also used a copy in the Gottingen University library. The title of the work is thus translated by Braunfels : " Der Titel bedeutet so wohl die Widerwartigkeiten welche die Eifersucht mit sich bringt, als die Erkenntnis der Thor- heiten die sie uns begehen laszt." Don Quixote, tr. by Braunfels, Vol. I, p. 89, note. This also, was one of the volumes in Don Quixote's library. Don Quixote, ed. Clemencin, I, p. 145. 2 In that year he contributed a sonnet to Cristobal Perez de Her- rera's Discurso del Amparo de los legitimos pobres, etc., Madrid, 1598. Perez Pastor, Bibliografia Madrilena, I, p. 313. 8 Sanchez-Arjona, Anales del Teatro en Sevilla, Sevilla, 1898, pp. 192, 194, 195. Barrera (Catdlogo, p. 131) thinks that our author may be the Bartolome de Anciso, author of the comedia El Casamiento 126 THE ENLIGHTENMENT OF JEALOUSY 127 In the " Epistola al Lector " our author says that, having observed the disastrous effects of jealousy, he has endeav- ored to ascertain " whether in any way this confessed evil might not be rooted out and banished from the breasts of those who have cherished it. And among the many things that my fancy proposed to me, I chose as best for my pur- pose, to write of the disastrous results that have been pro- duced by jealousy . . . and, likewise, to show the infinite advantages that result from its absence." The author feared, inasmuch as his work consisted " merely of admonitions and counsels," that, " in view of the debased taste of these times," his work would not re- ceive the attention that was its due. He therefore clothed it in a pastoral style " to render it agreeable to all readers, never swerving, however, one iota from my main purpose, which is to expose the vanity and absurdity of jealousy. con Zelos y rey Don Pedro de Aragon, published in Parte treinta y tres de Comedias nuevas nunca impressas, escogidas de los mejores Ingenios de Espana. Madrid, 1670. (Ibid., p. 699.) Barrera also puts the query whether this may be the writer referred to by Cer- vantes in the Viagc del Parnaso, as "gloria y ornamento del Tajo, y claro honor de Manzanares." Two of the laudatory poems prefixed to the Desengano de Celos praise its author in the most extravagant fashion. The licenciado Huerta says : " Bien puede su memoria eternizarse Concediendole nombre de diuino, Pues con diuino espiritu se muestra. Y bien pueden sus obras celebrarse Mejor que la Thebayda de Papino Con honrra suya, de su patria y nuestra." The licenciado Don Luys de Barrionueuo says : " Pues tiene de consejos tanta sobra Y con su estilo esta tan leuantada Que se puede llamar obra del cielo." We are inclined to doubt whether even Enciso himself believed all this. 128 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES He continues : " Having written this first part, I had deter- mined to use it only for my own contemplation and that it should remain hidden . . . but communicating it to some of my friends, they were of the opinion that I should pub- lish it. And not only this, but so much did they persuade me that I was obliged to yield to their pleasure and their prayers." Besides, he says, it had been read by cierta per- sona " whom he could not fail to obey " and by whom he was commanded to publish it. He calls it the work of a young man and the first upon which he has labored, and begs that it may be received as such and that its errors may be pardoned. This, he concludes, would give him courage to publish the second part. Surely this was frank enough and modest enough, yet his readers seem to have consid- ered his errors unpardonable, for he never had an opportu- nity to publish the second part. In this romance the scene is again laid " upon the lovely banks of the golden Tagus," along which " the pitiful shep- herd Laureno " pursues his way, " having left on his right hand his beloved village." Suddenly he hears voices as of men quarreling and presently sees two shepherds with drawn knives about to rush upon one another. At the same moment a beautiful shepherdess appears from behind a clump of trees, and pacifies the bellicose shepherds, saying: " as you are both unbeloved (desamado) of the shepherdess Clarina, there is no reason why you should be jealous of each other." Then, " desiring to reconcile them, she took them each by the hand and sat down with them close by a sweet spring, which was there." This being seen by the lorn Laurenio, " together with what he had seen and heard of the shepherds, brought upon him the most terrible des- pair: Knowing jealousy only without ever having been loved, it had driven him to such a point, that recalling the happy time in which he enjoyed the most pleasant life that THE ENLIGHTENMENT OF JEALOUSY one can imagine, and seeing himself not only deprived of that happiness, but exiled from his native land, and so filled with grief without any hope of remedy; with an anguish which seemed to rend his soul, uttering loud cries and heaving passionate sighs, he let himself fall upon the earth, deprived of all senses." Here he lay, " uttering such cries and making such sad echoes, that the two shepherds with the charming shepherdess, hearing his laments, had arisen to see what it was." They found him " writhing on the ground, with clenched fists, and gritting his teeth in such a manner that they became afraid." l Recovering from their fear, " they endeavored to restore him to his senses, but seeing that these efforts were in vain, one of the shepherds returned to the fountain and bringing some water in a cup, dashed it into his face." Seeing that he is about to recover, they withdraw amongst the trees, where they can observe his actions. They see him take a letter from his scrip, " and with violent rage, he tears it to pieces ; then drawing forth a rebeck 2 that was out of tune, and attun- ing it in harmony with his sighs, making a very direful and lamentable sound, he began with the sadness with which the hoarse swan is wont to sing in his last moments, to re- cite these verses." After finishing his song, he throws away his rebeck, " lest the memory of it should increase his grief, although it is already so great that it allows of no increase." Then -"he draws forth from his scrip a yellow spoon of smooth box-wood, beautifully carved, and 1 " Llegando donde estaua, quedaron admirados, el qual como quien de mal de coragon esta tocado, por el suelo apriesa se rebolcana, hazi- endo sus bestiduras pedagos, apretando las manos, y vatiendo los dientes tan fuertemente, que grande espanto en los tres que le mirauan ponia, y llegandose a el, mouidos de compasion, procuraron boluerle en si." 2 Rebeck, in Spanish, rabel, a small three-stringed lute of Moorish origin. See Don Quixote, ed. Clemencin, Vol. I, p. 237. 130 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES throwing it far from him," says : " thou spoon, with which that mouth, as beautiful as it is false, was wont to eat, no longer shalt thou be in my company," etc. Surely absurdity has reached its very verge in such stuff as this. And so this history continues its weary course through six books. On fol. 96, Rosano, a shepherd, relates the story of " the unhappy fate of the Lusitanian prince." 1 In Book IV the shepherds discourse upon Polyphemus, Her- akles and Dejanira, Medea, Dido, Hero and Leander, Pira- mus and Thisbe, Tereus, Progne and Philomela, Paris and Enone, etc., and otherwise display a knowledge of ancient lore, while in Book V, as in nearly every one of these romances that followed the Diana, the shepherds are con- ducted by a nymph to the Temple of Diana, where they see the statues of Charles V., Philip II., Don John of Austria and Philip III. It is one of the dullest books imaginable, and the curate in Don Quixote (Part I, Chap, vi) showed it no mercy. It is written in a cumbrous and diffuse style, the monotony of which is only relieved, now and then, by some absurdity. Of the verse scattered through the book, and which is decidedly better than the prose, a few specimens follow : Laurenio's Song. Del resplandor del Sol, y las estrellas, De la veldad mayor que tiene el cielo Un retrato purissimo en el suelo, Mostrandonos esta mil gracias bellas, Quien quiera ver cifrada del altura La hermosura En un humano Y souerano Rostro y talle, No a buscalle 1 Prince Ferdinand of Portugal, who died in captivity at Fez, in 1443, and upon whose tragic fate Calderon has founded one of his best comedias, El Principe constants. THE ENLIGHTENMENT OF JEALOUSY Al cielo suba; vengase a este prado, Do todo lo vera muy acauado. Quien pretendiese ver la perficion, Y donde remato naturaleza El estremo mas alto de la belleza, Donayre, gracia, brio, y discrecion, Y quien de graudedad, y de valor Desea el primor Ver con los ojos, Dando en despojos For vista tal La mas ynmortal, No canse en otras partes ; a este f uente Venga, do lo vera mas excelente. Vera aqui en el ynbierno riguroso Conuierte en agradable primauera, Y quien subgeta y rinde toda fiera, Con solo un mirar de ojo amoroso, Vera quien del calor del seco Estio, Un grato frio Su vista ofrece, Y reberdece Las florecillas Que ya amarillas Estan del rojo Sol con ser tocadas, De sus hermosas plantas delicadas (fol. 66). Sonnet. Hermosa y dulce fuente, verde prado, Floridos campos, arboles sombrios, A donde solia yo los males mios Cantar en vuestros troncos recostado. Si con lagrimas hize en lo passado Crecer las aguas destos claros rios, Escuchad de mi muerte los desuios, Y el bien a que mi suerte me ha llegado. Oyreis de amor hazanas nunca oydas, De fortuna grandissimas mudanc.as Y de un pastor el hado venturoso. Pues quien puede quitar oy cien mil vidas, Gusta de darme firmes esperanqas Que me ha de ver muy presto aqui gozoso (fol. 79). 132 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES " And now the doleful Fenisa, playing upon a delicate though husky bag-pipe, with more sadness than the widowed turtle-dove, with faint voice drawn from her sad bosom, sang the following verses " : Hermoso, ameno y agradable valle Eras en todo tiempo al alma mia, Quando mi dulce Flaminio en ti viuia, Dandote el ser que el solo podia dalle. Mas ya no ay gusto en ti, y querer buscalle Mayor locura y torpedad seria Que pedir vivo fuego al agua fria O que al bulgo querer hazer que calle. Para todos produces vellas flores, A todos tu sombria da contento, Y tu yerua sustento a los ganados. Renuebanse en mirarte los amores, Suspendes a los tristes el tormento. Y a mi sola me doblas los cuydados. O fiera muerte que mi bien llebaste, Insana, mira ya que conseguiste, Pues por tu causa todo queda triste, Despues que el cielo al suelo le quitaste. Si solo un cuerpo piensas que priuaste De vida con el golpe que hiziste, Enganaste, qui a dos la muerte diste, Ya todo el orbe sin el sol dexaste. Terrible nuncio de mi dura muerte, No pretendas jamas mi compafiia, Que muero aunque es de viva mi diuisa. Al punto feneci que mal tan fuerte Supe pues de contino residia En la de Flamio el alma de Fenisa (fol. 243-244). " No pudo pasar adelante con su canto, la triste pastora : mas llegando aquestos postreros versos : hecho un nudo en la garganta, faltando a los penados ojos humor, que dis- tilar: sollogando, y aun paresciendo ahogarse con la pena: cayendosele la gampona de las manos, desmayada, le fue forgado dexar se tender sobre la verde yerua." THE NYMPHS AND SHEPHERDS OF THE HE- NARES, BY BERNARDO GONZALEZ DE BOUADILLA. THE next pastoral romance to make its appearance was the Nymphs and Shepherds of the Henares, by Bernardo Gongalez de Bouadilla, a student at Salamanca. 1 This also was one of the volumes in Don Quixote's famous library, 2 but the priest shows its short shrift and immediately hands it over to the secular arm of the housekeeper, to be com- mitted to the flames; nor does it find greater favor at the hands of Cervantes in the Viage del Parnaso, where it ac- companies another pastoral romance, The Shepherd of Iberia, by Bernardo de la Vega : For many hast thou raised to Fortune's height, Who still in dark Oblivion's den should be, Without or Sun or Moon to give them light; Iberia's shepherd, grand Bernardo he Had in thy mission neither lot nor part, Who bears La Vega's surname and degree; Thou hadst an envious, careless, sluggish heart, And at Henares' Nymphs and Shepherds fine, As if they were thy foes, didst hurl thy dart; And yet, within that great sheepfold of thine, Worse poets hast thou, who must sweat and strain, If they would better be, as I opine! 3 1 Primera Parte de las Nimphas y Pastores de Henares. Diuidida en seys libros. Compuesta por Bernardo Gonzalez de Bouadilla Estu- diante en la insigne Vniuersidad de Salamdca. Dirigida al Licenciado Guardiola del Consejo del Rey nuestro Senor. Con Privilegio. Im- pressa in Alcala de Henares, por Juan Gracian. Ano de MDLXXXVII. A costa de luan Garcia mercader de Libros. 8, 215 ff. 2 Don Quixote, Part I, Chaps, vi and ix. It is a volume of such ex- traordinary rarity that Clemencin, in his note to the passage, states that he had never seen it. 1 Journey to Parnassus composed by Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, 133 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES Nothing seems to be known of Bernardo Gongalez de Bouadilla save what he himself tells us, that he was a native of the Canary Islands, and a student at Salamanca. The author explains his motive for writing about the Hen- ares : " that peaceful stream, of little renown in literature for lack of knowledge in the writers For, living by the level banks of the Tormes, where celebrated Salamanca is situated, and being a native of the famous Canary Islands, it may seem extraordinary in me to attempt to describe what my eyes have never seen. And that it may not seem a mere idle whim of mine to meddle with matters of which I have no knowledge, be it known that I was moved solely by having heard a companion of mine, a native of the famous Alcala, bestow such praise upon its river, tell such marvelous tales of the country, so eulogize the beauty of its ladies and the courtliness and wit of its gallants, that I was naturally inclined to describe in my rude prose and ill-turned verse what my companion had related of the Summer festivities," etc. He then sends his book into the world with the follow- ing envoy: Bernardo a su Libro. j O pobre librillo mio, Pues desciendes de aldeanos! Mas te valiera en los llanos Apacentar tu cabrio, Que tratar con cortesanos. The work, of mixed prose and verse, is divided into six books. The verse is better than the prose and is generally agreeable, easy and graceful. 1 translated into English tercets, with preface and illustrative notes by James Y. Gibson, London, 1883, p. 143. 1 Gallardo, Ensayo, III, col. 86. In a subsequent volume, in which NYMPHS AND SHEPHERDS OF THE HENARES 135 Since writing the above, I have examined the copy of the Nymphs and Shepherds of the Henares in the British Museum. It begins as follows : " En las umbrosas riberas que el apacible Henares con mansas y claras olas f ertiliza, andaua el pastor Florino mas cuydadoso de alimentar el fuego que en su corazon se cri- aua, que de apacentar su ganado por las viciosas y rega- ladas yeruas de los floridos prados. Pastor que en un tiempo toda su gloria tenia puesta en mirar libremente los sonorosos arroyuelos, que por entre blances guijas se de- rramauan : y los f rondosos salzes transluzidos en la claridad de las espejadas aguas: y en oyr cantar dulcemente los paxarillos que meneando las harpadas lenguas hinchen los ayres de suaues accentos. Mas agora tiene tan mudado el gusto que sino es quando sus ojos presurosas lagrimas vier- ten no puede sentir rastro de alegria, por darle la fortuna no menores encuentros, que el amoroso fuego descon- fiangas. Siempre andaua en la consideracion de su mal excessiuo, que de dia ni de noche, le consentia un punto poder dar a sus cansados miembros algun aliuio. Viendose pues en un lugar solitario y vestido de las riquezas del alegre verano, forgado de su profundo sentimiento, de un lanudo gurron saco un pulido instrumento y tocandole es- paciosamente, esparcio la voz por el ayre deste suerte : " Dorada aurora que con luz hermosa Tanto esclareces la terrena esphera, en ti comienga mi congoxa fiera a cobrar fuerza en mi serena Diosa. Horrida noche, obscura y tenebrosa de mi dolor esquiuo mensagera, pues mientras passas tu veloz carrera passo vida mas triste y mas penosa. Gallardo again treats of our author (iv, col. 1187), he says: "although there are some well-turned verses, there are scarcely any that rise above mediocrity." SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES Tu, Diosa, que de gracias y grandeza tienes a Amor un templo fabricado, sobre cordura y virginal limpieza, do fuerc.as yr el coragon prendado a dar la libertad a tu belleza, tu tambien el mio has sojuzgado." " Dando a entender que no solamente el, pero muchos y muy pulidos pastores amauan a la hermosa Roselia, la mas linda pastora que en todas aquellas riberas apacentaua ganado. Inuidiada de las bellas ciudadanas y sefioras, acos- tumbradas a conuersar con caualleros cortesanos. Que aunque en rusticos exercicios criada y nacida, las sobre- pujaua a todas en discrecion y belleza de grande honestidad acompanada. Sus cabellos eran como el oro de Arabia en madexuelas compuesto, su blanca frente, mas luziente que el cristal, sus ojos amorosos, zarcos y modestos, la nariz proporcionada, todo su rostro quajado de blanquisima leche, sus labios vertiendo sangre, sus mexillas mas que los corales finos coloradas, las manos rollizas y de tal suerte, que parecian hechas de las sabrosas mantequillas de su aldea. No podia el rigor del Sol ardiente empecer el resplandor de su lustroso rostro, ni el pesadillo cayado ex- asperar sus ternissimas manos." It will be seen that all the defects of the pastoral romance are accentuated in this work. Indeed, it would be hard to find anything more absurd than the " Nymphs and Shep- herds of the Henares," and it was such books as this that brought upon the pastoral romances the ridicule with which Cervantes treats some of them. 1 1 To an interesting volume of essays by Zerolo, Legajo de Varios, Paris, 1897, Sr. Jose Maria Asensio contributes a short article on the relations between Cervantes and Gonzalez de Bouadilla, in which he conjectures that Cervantes may have been the student at Salamanca referred to above as having suggested the " Nymphs and Shepherds of the Henares" to its author. Sr. Asensio's article, however, is not convincing. THE " SHEPHERD OF IBERIA," BY BERNARDO DE LA VEGA. THIS romance, which appeared at Seville in I59I, 1 was likewise upon the library shelves of the famous Manchegan Knight, and it, too, was incontinently committed to the rubbish heap in the yard. 2 Nicolas Antonio tells us that Bernardo de la Vega was a native of Madrid and canon of Tucuman, an assertion that is not accepted by Clemencin. 3 I have never seen this romance, which, according to Gal- lardo is composed of prose and verse and is divided into four books. 4 1 El Pastor de Iberia, compuesto por Bernardo de la Vega, gentil- hombre andaluz. Dirigido a D. J . Tellez Giron, Duque y Conde de Urena, Camarero-mayor del Rey nuestro senor y su Notario mayor de los reinos de Castillo (Escudo). Con privilegio en Sevilla, en casa de J. de Leon, impresor, 1591. A costa de Bernardo de la Vega. Gal- lardo, Ensayo, IV, col. 957. 2 See above, p. 133. 8 Don Quixote, ed. Clemencin, Vol. I, Madrid, 1833, p. 144, n. That Bernardo de la Vega had visited the Indies seems probable from an- other work of which he was the author : La bella Cotalda y Cerco de Paris; Relacion de las Grandezas del Piru, Mexico y los Angeles. Mexico, Melchor de Ocharte, 1601. 8. Graesse, p. 270. El Canonigo Bernardo de la Vega also contributed some verses to a volume pub- lished in Mexico in 1600. Salva, Catdlogo, No. 351. * It is thus described by Clemencin : " El lenguage es malo : se truecan los tiempos de los verbos, y se encuentran solecismos. La in- vention corresponde al lenguage. El pastor Filardo, que hace el primer papel en la novela, es perseguido por sospechos de asesinato : le prende el alguacil de la aldea: se libra por el favor de dos padrinos que tiene en Sevilla : se embarca en Sanliicar : vuelvenle a prender in Canarias : vuelve a librarle otro padrino. La pastora Marfisa, amante de Filardo, hace tantos 6 mas versos que su pastor : y este los hace 137 138 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES llenos de erudicion mitologica e historica, y alegando a Platon, a Nebrija y al concilio de Trento. Entre otras lindezas escribia Filardo a su padrino de Canarias: " En Espana passe vida tranquila Gozando con quietud mis verdes afios No invidiando a Nestor ni a la Sibila." Don Quixote, Vol. I, p. 144, note. Cervantes ridicules "The Shepherd of Iberia" in his "Journey to Parnassus," Book iv. See above. THE "ENAMORADA ELISEA" OF COVARRUBIAS. IN 1594 there appeared at Valladolid a pastoral romance entitled La Enamorada Elisea, by Jeronimo de Cobarrubias Herrera. 1 It is composed of five books in prose and verse, in the manner of the Diana, the scene being laid in Egypt, on the banks of the Nile. According to Gayangos 2 it con- tains some beautiful poetry, especially a dialogue between Felix and Elisea in the second book. The fourth contains five eclogues and a novel entitled " The Loves of Florisuaro and Alcida," written wholly in verse. The fifth book, which has no connection whatever with the rest of the work, is composed of canciones, glosas, octavas, sonnets, etc., and is a sort of cancionero, in which there are four compositions on the death of Queen Dona Ana, wife of Philip II. (1580), a reply of Abindarraez to Xarifa, written in redondillas and a romance of Rodrigo de Nar- vaez, which is of interest, in connection with the tale of Montemayor. It is as follows: En el tiempo que reinaba Fernando, bravo guerrero, Hubo un alcaide en Alora, Animoso caballero, 1 Los cinco Libras intitulados La enamorada Elisea, compuestos par Jeronimo de Cobarrubias Herrera, vecino de la -villa de Medina de Rio seco, residente en Valladolid. Dirigidos a D. Felipe II., primero rey de las Espanas, nuestro Senor. Con licencia impreso en Valla- dolid por Luis Delgadb, impresor, 1594. 8, pp. 255. Of all the pas- toral romances, this, in the opinion of Salva, is the rarest. 2 Ticknor, History of Spanish Lit., Spanish tr., Ill, p. 542. 139 140 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES A quien llamaban Narvaez (Rodrigo el nombre primero), Eh las armas y caballo Astuto, diestro y ligero. Este en ganar Antequera Se halla ser el primero Por eso la fuerza della Se la entrega al caballero; Entrambas fuerzas tenia, Por ser fiel y verdadero, Mas habitaba en Alora Este valiente guerrero Con cincuenta caballeros A sueldo del rey severo. Pues una noche en verano, No con la luz del lucero, Mas con la clara Diana Que alumbre el valle y otero, Salio il valeroso alcaide Con cuatro por un sendero, Echando per otra parte Otros cinco de su fuero, Todos pon lanzas y adargas, Con animo verdadero Van a recorrer el campo, Por si topan caballero Que puedan traer a Alora Rendido por prisionero; Entre si van concertados De hacerse sena primero Si sienten gente en el campo, Si encuentran aventurero. Ya que llegaban los cinco Sin el alcaide guerrero. A vista de una emboscada, Por debajo de un palero, Vieron con la clara luna Un gallardo caballero, Y no en caballo morcillo, Alazan, bayo ni overo, Mas era rucio rodado, Al parecer, muy ligero, Con marlota de damasco Carmesi, traje extranjero, THE ENAMORADA ELISEA OF COVARRUBIAS I4I Borcegui, toca morisca, Como moro verdadero. Una lanza de los hierros, Con una adarga de cuero, Cantando en algarabia Las palabras que refiero : " En Cartama f ui criado, Nasci en Granada primero, Tengo mi dama en Coin, Y de Alora soy frontero." Los cinco, que al moro vieron Con animo verdadero, Dieron sobre el fuerte moro, Y el acometio ligero, Tanto, que al primero encuentro Se derroco un caballero ; Y volviendose a los otros, Siguio el segundo al primero : De suerte les apretaba, Que lo mismo hizo al tercero. A esta sazon los otros Hizen serial al guerrero, Que es Rodrigo de Narvaez, El cual llego muy ligero, Y se puso rostro a rostro Contra el enemigo fiero, Que era dispuesto y tallado Cual nunca se vio Rugero En busca de Bradamante En medio del campo fiero ; Al cual dio ciertas heridas Y rindio por prisionero. In general the author's versification is said to be easy and fluent; at the end of the third book he promises a second part of the Elisea, which never appeared, nor have the two comedias, which he promised, so far as I know. As is frequently the case in these pastoral romances, Gallardo says, the story in the Enamorada Elisea is a mere thread upon which to string a number of poems, " not sufficient to make a book, but quite enough to adorn a tale." THE " ARCADIA " OF LOPE DE VEGA. IN 1598 Lope de Vega published his Arcadia. 1 Both Ticknor 2 and Schack 3 state that it was written for Lope's patron, Don Antonio of Toledo, Duke of Alba, and grand- son to the great Duke of that name. This statement is evi- dently made upon the authority of Montalvan, who says that Lope entered the service of the Duke of Alba shortly after his return from the University of Alcala; that the Duke not only made Lope his secretary, but also his favorite (>yw valido}, a favor which Lope repaid by writing at the Duke's direction " la ingeniosa Arcadia," etc. This is not altogether accurate; Lope did not enter the service of the Duke of Alba till 1590, and in March, 1595, he was still attached to the household of the Duke. 4 Ticknor asserts, moreover, that the Arcadia was written immediately after the publication of the Galatea of Cervantes in 1584, which is, of course, impossible. Barrera, discrediting the above 1 Arcadia, Prosas y Versos de Lope de Vega Carpio, Secretario del Marques de Sarria. Con una exposition de los nobres Historicos, y Poeticos. A Don Pedro Telles Giron, Duque de Osuna, &c. Con Privilegio. En Madrid, Par Luis Sanchez. Ano 1598. 8. The title surrounded by a border; above a scroll, with the legend: " Este Giron para el suelo, saco de su capa el cielo " ; below, also in a scroll : "De Bernardo es el blason, Las desdichas mias son." There is a copy of this exceedingly rare first edition in the Ticknor library. 2 History of Spanish Literature, Boston, 1888, Vol. II, p. 185. 8 Geschichte der dramatischen Literatur und Kunst in Spanien, Frankfurt a. M., 1854, Vol. II, p. 166. * Rennert, Life of Lope de Vega, Glasgow, 1904, pp. 39, 64, 98, et passim. 142 THE ARCADIA OF LOPE DE VEGA 143 statement of Montalvan, adds : " all indications seem to prove that the Arcadia must have been written shortly before the year 1598, in which it first appeared in print." * Perhaps we can determine the date of composition a little more precisely. In fact Barrera finally fixes it between 1592 and 1596; 2 the first date being determined by a sup- posed reference in the Arcadia to the death of Lope's first wife, Dona Isabel de Urbina, which Barrera believed took place in 1592. I have shown, however, that, in all proba- bility, Doiia Isabel did not die till some time after April 22, I595- 3 That the Arcadia was written while Lope was still in the service of Duke Antonio of Alba, is proved by his own words in his " Eclogue to Claudio " : " Siruiendo al generoso Duque Albano, Escriui del Arcadia los Pastor es, Bucolicos amores Ocultos siempre en vano, Cuya zampona de mis patrios lares Los sauzes animo de Manganares." * There can hardly be a doubt (as had long since been pointed out by Barrera, op. cit., p. 66) that the passage near the close of the Arcadia, entitled : " Belardo a la Campona," refers to the death of Dona Isabel ; he speaks of the banks of the Manganares, which he had left " to seek a new lord (dueno} and a new life "; and continues: " Que mas vale, quando se perdio algun bien, huyr del lugar en que se tenia. ... La f ortuna llevo dudosa : pero que puede suceder mal, a quien en su vida tuuo bien? El que yo tenia perdi, mas 1 Barrera, Nueva Biografia, in Obras de Lope de Vega (Academy's ed.), Madrid, 1890, Vol. I, p. 42, n. 2 Ibid., pp. 65, 66. 8 Life of Lope de Vega, p. 106. *La Vega del Parnaso, Madrid, 1637, fol. 96. 144 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES porque no le merecia gozar, que porque no le supe conocer, etc. This supposition is strengthened by the epistle to Placido de Tosantos, Bishop of Oviedo, written long after- wards, and inserted in the Circe (written after 1619 and before 1623), in which Lope says: " After time made you a courtier and I left the Alba of Duke Antonio, my sun having suffered a human eclipse." That this is an allusion to the death of his wife is almost certain. 1 The Arcadia was therefore written between 1590 and 1595. In another passage Barrera concludes that 1592- 1594 is the period during which this pastoral was written. 2 While his deduction is the result of pure conjecture, there is other evidence which enables us to say with some degree of certainty that the Arcadia was written, or the greater part of it, at least, before 1594. It is found in a ballad which appeared in that year, 3 and in which mention is made of " the great shepherd Albano, who is grazing his flocks on the banks of the Tormes." 1 See Life of Lope de Vega, p. 106. 2 Op. cit., p. 68. In a poem inserted in Book V. of the Arcadia, near the close of the work, we are told that the young Antonio (el nueuo Antonio) is still unmarried (p. 457, ed. of 1605) ; but we do not know when Don Antonio married Da. Mencia de Mendoza, daugh- ter of the Duke of Infantado, nor do we know when their eldest son, D. Fernando Jacinto Alvarez de Toledo, Duke of Huescar was born. Sr. Barrera piles one hypothesis upon another in order to reach his conclusion, though he hits very close to the mark, as we shall see. If we knew when D. Antonio was born, all would be settled definitely, for in Book IV. we are told that he was twenty-three years old. Likewise the death of the shepherd Anfriso's (Antonio's) mother, the shepherdess Bresinda (i. e. Da. Brianda de Beaumont, Countess of Lerin, mother of the Duke Antonio) is mentioned in Book IV. But this date is also unknown to me. Ibid., p. 67. 8 -In the Sexta Parte de Flor de Romances Nuevos Recopilados de muchos Autorcs, por Pedro Flores, Librero. Toledo, 1594. The Tassa is of July 9, 1594. In the Prologo to this Parte, there is a ballad, THE ARCADIA OF LOPE DE VEGA After this long digression concerning the date of com- position of the Arcadia, which we are unable to fix more precisely than some time between 1591 and 1594, when Lope was certainly living with his wife Dona Isabel de Urbina at Alba de Tormes, let us turn to our main purpose. The protagonist of the Arcadia, disguised under the name of Anfriso, is Don Antonio, Duke of Alba, and the story " relates the unhappy love affairs of this noble." The which Ticknor conjectures upon strong evidencee, to be the work of Lope de Vega. The verses are: ***** Junte, en nombre de Riselo, De Lisardo y de Belardo, Mil vocables pastoriles Bien compuestos y ordenados; Una amorosa porfia De zagal enamorado, Un Duque y un Conde puesto En abito disfragado, Ora que se finge ayde, Ora el gran pastor Albano Que en las riberas del Tormes Apacienta su ganado." See Ticknor, History of Spanish Literature, Vol. Ill, p. 479. Here Belardo = Lope de Vega ; Riselo = Pedro Linan y Riaza, and Lisardo = Luis de Vargas Manrique, the two latter great friends of Lope. Lope's dedication of the Arcadia to " Don Pedro Tellez Giron, Duque de Osuna," also furnishes evidence as to the date of composi- tion of that work. He says : " Al Duque, que Dios tiene, auia yo dirigido mi Arcadia, y no pudiendo imprimirla entonces," etc. The Duke to whom Lope alludes as being then deceased was Don Juan Tellez Giron, second Duke of Osuna and first Marquis de Penafiel. According to Bethencourt, Historia Genealogica y Herdldica de la Monarquia Espanola, Madrid, 1890. Vol. II, p, 555, this Duke died November 25, 1600. That this date is impossible is shown by the Arcadia itself, which appeared in 1598. Rodriguez Marin, Pedro de Espinosa, p. 185, says that he died in 1594. This date is consonant with other known facts, and again fixes the composition of the Arcadia before that year. The passage " Belardo a la Campona " was added, in all probability, a year or more after the work had been written. 146 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES Arcadia is clearly modeled on the ' Arcadia ' of Sannazaro. Lope tells us as much in the Segunda Parte de las Rimas (Madrid, 1602, fol. 243) in the dedication to Don Juan de Arguijo, where he quotes the opening sentence of San- nazaro's prologue. He justifies his imitation in these terms : " The eclogues of these shepherds are not to be found fault with because they are imitated, nor is the argument of the Angelica because the framework is Ariosto's, for he likewise took it from Count Mateo Maria [Boiardo]." He does not write his Arcadia for the common crowd, say- ing : " It is not well in writing, to use expressions so un- usual that they are not intelligible to anybody, for if by chance the matter be obscure those who are unlettered con- demn the book, because they would have it filled with tales and novels, a thing that is unworthy of men of letters, for it is not fitting that their books should circulate among artisans and ignorant persons, for, when the object is not to teach, one should not write for those who are unable to understand." (Ibid., fol. 245v.) The Arcadia is a true story, Lope says (Ibid., fol. 244), and it must have been primarily intended for those who could understand it. In the prologo he tells us that his shepherds " are not so rude that they may not, at times, rise from shepherds to courtiers, and from rustics to phil- osophers," and : " If, in describing another's misfortunes I have not succeeded, my excuse is that nobody can speak well in the thoughts of another ; " though he admits that in this pastoral he has wept not only the misfortunes of an- other, but also his own. The scene of the Arcadia is laid " Entre las dulces aguas del caudaloso Erimanto y el Ladon f ertil, ( f amosos y claros rios de la pastoral Arcadia, la mas intima region del Pelo- ponesso) . . . alii estaua el bianco Narcisso listado de oro, oloroso testigo de la filaucia, y amor propio, de aquel man- THE ARCADIA OF LOPE DE VEGA 147 cebo que engano la fuente, y la rosa encarnada, que resti- tuyo a Apuleyo en su primera forma, nacida de la sangre de los pies de Venus, quando corriendo por las espinas, fue a socorrer a Adonis; y la flor en que por ella fue trans- formado no menos olorosa que su madre Myrra: y el lino en que se conuirtio su esposo de Hypermestra, tan seme- jante a los que aman por sus infinites martyrios: y tan florido y verde, que parecia que despreciaua el lino Indiano, que tanto admiro los antiguos, viendole resistir al fuego; la aguzena, que tomo la Aurora del bianco seno de la Nynfa Clorida : y la flor que fue engendrada de las lagrimas de la Troyana Helena, tan fauorable a la hermosura de las mu- geres, etc. . . . Por la una parte las juncosas margenes de un pequeno brago del Erimanto f ertilizauan : y por la otra unos arroyos puros, que de una sierra baxauan de los elados vientos del Inuierno, las espaldas le defendian. Esta eterna habitacion de Faunos, y Amadryades, era tan celebrada de enamorados pensamientos, que a penas en toda la espessura se hallara tronco sin mote escrito en el liso papel de su cor- teza tierna, porque ni el rio corrio jamas sin amorosas lag- rimas, ni respondio la parlera Eco menos que a tristes quexas : porque hasta los dukes cantos de las libres aues repetian enternecidos sentimientos, y las indomables fieras, con mal formados bramidos enamoradas lastimas," * etc. The heroine is Belisarda, " as unhappy as she is beauti- ful," who loved Anfriso castamente. In a dream she sees " her beloved Anfriso in the arms of another shepherdess, who called him husband," and now she sings the following song: burlas de amor ingrato, Que todas soys de una suerte, Suefio, imagen de la meurte, Y de la vida retrato. Que importa que se desuelen 1 Arcadia, Anveres, 1605, p. 18. 1 48 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES Los interiores sentidos, Si los de afuera dormidos Sufrir sus enganos suelen. Yo vi sin ojos mi dueno En agena voluntad : Que pudiera la verdad Si pudo matarme el Sueiio? Donde dormir presumi, Descanse para mi dano, Que el sueno de amor engano Me ha desenganado a mi. Amorsosas fantasias Suenan alegres historias; Yo sola en agenas glorias Contemplo desdichas mias. Porque con ser mis contentos Sueno ligero y fingido ; Aun en suenos he tenido Fingidos contentamientos. O triste imaginacion Para el mal siempre despierta, Quien dira, viendo os tan cierta, Que los suenos suenos son? Que si no son desvarios, Ver a Anfriso en otros brac.os, Antes de tales abragos Se bueluen laurel con mios. etc. (pp. 24-25). Anfriso, coming through the trees, approaches Belisarda, whom he addresses in the most extravagant language, after which he makes the following vow : " The sun shall first set in the East and rise in the West, the snows of the Alps be united in peace with the flames of Aetna, or the dangers of Scylla and the Ausonian sea be joined with the shore of Sicily, ere I shall cease to be thine " (p. 29). Aqui con un abraqo honesto, ligava Belisarda el venturoso cuello del enternecido Anfriso, when they hear Leriano and Galafron singing : A quien yela el desden, y el amor arde, Que sufra ingratitud a su despecho, Por mas que en mi enemiga me acouarde THE ARCADIA OF LOPE DE VEGA De piedra el coragon, de nieue el pecho: Y que en el alma sus agrauios guarde, Reduzidos al punto mas estrecho, Porque tarde o temprano, siempre alcanna Un largo amor justissima venganc.a. Un largo amor justissima venganc.a Pide a los cielos de un ingrato oluido, Que ni tiene a si mismo semejanga, Ni se parece a quanto es oy, ni ha sido: Todo animal que algun sentido alcanga, Su deuda paga a amor de aquel sentido, Quien no conoce a amor, ni vee, ni siente, Llamese piedra, y huya de la gente. While these two shepherds, both enamoured of Belisarda, " and of unequal age, though equally abhorred," are sing- ing, Anfriso and Belisarda drive their flocks elsewhere. Presently they hear Isabella, who appears with Leonisa, singing, " both of them intimate friends of Belisarda," and with them Alcino and Menalca. The shepherd Olimpio ap- pears singing the following sonnet : No queda mas lustroso y cristalino Por altas sierras el arroyo elado, Ni esta mas negro el euano labrado, Ni mas azul la flor del verde lino, Mas rubio el oro que de Oriente vino, Ni mas puro, lasciuo, y regalado, Espira olor el ambar estimado, Ni esta en la concha el carmesi mas fino Que f rente, cejas, ojos y cabellos, Aliento y boca de mi Ninfa bella, Angelica figura en vista humana ; Que puesto que ella se parece a ellos, Biuos estan alii, muertos sin ella Cristal, euano, lino, oro, ambar, grana l (p. 49). 1 This summation or repetition in the last line is often employed by Lope in his sonnets and is of especial frequency in his earlier comedias. In this he was especially imitated by Calderon, who uses it in nearly all his plays. Ximenez Paton in his very interesting, but I fear, much SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES Menalca now relates a story in the course of which these shepherdesses speak of Messalina and Semiramis, of Nero, Octavian, Seneca and Vergil. Suddenly a band of shep- herds appear, including Celio, Tirsi, Amarilis, Danteo (the latter carves effigies of the shepherdesses upon the ends of their crooks), and also el ingenioso Benalcio, sabio Mate- matico, 1 " and considered an oracle in these mountains," as well as Celso, who wrote epigrams and hung them on the trees a honor de las Musas. He afterwards sings about four hundred lines for the gratification of the company, the last four being : " Porque me dizen pastores Con experiencia de agrauios, Que sera la muerte sola El medico de mis danos" (p. 91). The first book concludes with the song of Benalcio, the wise mathematician. We are now introduced to Sylvio, " one of the most val- iant shepherds of all Arcadia, feared not only by men, but by the wild boars, bears and lions." Through the treachery of Galafron, Anfriso is banished, going to the valley of " the famous Liseo." He bids farewell to his fathers " pen- sive, melancholy and sad," singing this sonnet : Excelsas torres y famosos muros, Cerca antigua, lustrosos chapiteles, Ocultos sotos, que jamas pinzeles Supieron retratar vuestros escuros, Liquidas aguas, y cristales puros, Dignos de Zeusis, y el diuino Apeles, Hermosas plantas, celebres laureles, De todo tiempo y tempestad seguros. neglected Eloquencia espanola refers to this very sonnet of Lope, which he quotes. Mercurius Trimegistus etc., Baeza, Pedro de la Cuesta, 1621, fol. 69. 1 Juan Bautista Labana ? THE ARCADIA OF LOPE DE VEGA A Dios prendas, que un tiempo de la gloria (Que pensando no veros se me acorta) Fuistes, qual sois agora de mis danos, Biuid, mientras biuiere en mi memoria, Si ya la Parca en el partir no corta El tierno tronco de mis verdes anos (p. 113). There is a festival in honor of the goddess Pales, whose temple is hewn " out of the very bowels of the mountain," where satyrs, fauns, nymphs, hamadryads, 3; otras figuras de semidioses appear. Leriano sings a song " to jealousy," beginning : Nace un terrible animal En la prouincia sospecha, Mas ligero que una flecha, Y que un veneno mortal. Al amor dene por padre, Y es ligitimo en rigor, Y con ser su padre amor, Tiene la embidia por madre. After which Celsio discusses the various " compostura* introduced into the world by women for the purpose of heightening their beauty and concealing their defects." By this time they have arrived at a cave containing the tombs of Don Gonzalo de Giron, the Marques de Santa Cruz, and the Duke of Alba, when the astrologer Benalcio recites a poem at each tomb. The third book opens with Anfriso in his banishment re- citing these beautiful lines : Amargas horas de los dulces dias, Que un tiempo la fortuna, amor, ye el cielo, Juntos, quisieron que gozasse el alma, Que agora os llora en soledades tristes, Que me quereis, mostrandome memorias De aquellos anos de mi vida alegres ? Los estados mas prosperos y alegres, Con el ligero curso de los dias, 1 52 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES Que nos suelen dexar sino memorias? Todo es mudable quanto cubre el cielo, Eh todo vengo a hallar memorias tristes, Pena del cuerpo, y confusion del alma. ******* Passo mis anos en discursos tristes, Por la inclemencia del contrario cielo, Haziendo noches los hermosos dias, Ciego el entendimiento, luz del alma, En cuya essencia imagenes alegres Me representan miseras memorias. O ausencia, madre inutil de memorias, Que asi condenas los sentidos tristes A dessear las que gozaua alegres ; Quando lo quiso el disponer del cielo, La vida, el gusto, el corac,on, el alma En el plazer de aquellos breues dias. La edad es flor, qual sombra son los dias, Presto se desuanecen sus memorias. O vida, en fin mortal carcel del alma, Que largos muestras los pesares tristes ! Mas bien podia con mudarse el cielo, Mudar estas fortunas en alegres (p. 177). He then draws Belisarda's portrait from his scrip, reading : Ojos que sin luzes veis, Boca que sin lengua hablais, ^ Como sin alma escuchais, Y sin sentido entendeis? Lealdo and Floro arrive from Monte Menalo, saying that Belisarda had gone to Cilena, whither Anfriso goes disguised and meets Belisarda. Again the shepherds ar- rive at a cave containing marble statues of heroes and great worthies, which are explained by the sage, always present on such occasions. There is plenty of verse, a stanza to each of the statues, which include Romulus, Remus, Ly- curgus, Alexander, Hannibal, Caesar, Charlemagne, Cleo- patra, Semiramis, Zenobia, Bernardo del Carpio, the Cid, THE ARCADIA OF LOPE DE VEGA Alonso Perez de Guzman, Charles V., Fernan Cortes, the Duke of Alba and others. A sonnet follows by Belisarda : De verdes mantos las cortezas cubre El matizado Abril de aquestas plantas, De varias flores, y de frutas tantas Mayo vistoso la sazon descubre. Junio, que de la tierra nada encubre, La frente cine con espigas santas Y por las vides con mojadas plantas Negros razimos el desnudo Otubre. Componese de flores el mangano Que puso el labrador en confianc.a Que espere a tiempo fertiles despojos. Todo lo que sembro trabajo humano Rinde su fruto al fin, y la esperanga Tras tantos anos me produze enojos (p. 231). Anfriso, becoming jealous of Olimpio, returns to his home, where he is scarcely recognized, so greatly has he changed. He now bestows his affections upon Anarda, afterwards, however, he begins to doubt that Belisarda loves Olimpio. On seeing Anfriso weep one day, Belisarda says : What are you weeping about? Yesterday laughing with Anarda, and to-day weeping with me? What means this feigned fondness? Whom dost thou hope to deceive here, who may not know you? Belisarda leaves him, reciting some verses, beginning : " Dueno de mis ojos, Mientras tienen lumbre, Pues soy tus despojos, Por gusto y costumbre, El alma te dexo, Que el cuerpo no es mio, Y mientras me alexo, Suspires te embio. Injustas venganc.as Mataron mis dichas, Fingidas mudanc.as Fueron mis desdichas. 154 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES Quien no piensa y mira Primero que intente, En vano suspira, Tarde se arrepiente. *****) Tuya fue la culpa, Yo tengo la pena, Tardia disculpa Para nada es buena. ***** Casada y cansada Estoy de un dia, Amando pagada, Quando no soy mia. Pero eternamente Mi dueno te nombra, Que el tirano ausente Servira de sombra. ***** Tan aborrecida Estoy de perderte, Que temo la vida, Y adoro la muerte" (p. 387). To which Anfriso replies with the following romance: Hermosissima pastora, Senora de mi aluedrio, Reyna de mis pensamientos, Esfera de mis sentidos. Cielo del alma que os doy, Sol que adoro, luz que miro, Fenix de quien soy el fuego, Dueno de quien soy cautivo ; Regalo de mi memoria, Retrato del parayso, Alma de mi entendimiento, Y entendimiento diuino. Hermosa senora, Reyna, Esfera, cielo, Sol mio, Luz, Fenix, dueno, regalo, Imagen, alma, y auiso ; Si os he ofendido, Matenme zelos, y en ausencia oluido. THE ARCADIA OF LOPE DE VEGA Embidias me den la muerte, Vengando a mis enemigos, Con las armas encubiertas, Y voz de amigos fingidos. Mi propia sangre me engane, Mis quexas no hallen oydos, Mis suspires os den pena, Y mis memorias oluido. Trayciones me desenganen, Zelos me quiten el juyzio, Pensamientos el sustento, Desuarios el sentido, etc. (p. 389). In the Fifth Book the shepherds are led by the wise Polinesta to an immense temple, " much larger than that of Diana and Apollo," where they see a beautiful maiden teaching youths. She recites dull poems on Grammar, Logic, Rhetoric, Astrology, Music, Poetry, etc. Hanging in the halls they see portraits of the Duke of Sessa, Diego de Mendoza, el divino Garcilasso, el cortesano Boscan, etc. " And now, it seems to me, said the venerable sage, that you, Anfriso, are prepared to go to the sacred temple of enlightenment," etc. (teniplo del desengano). Let us go, said Anfriso, for there is nothing that I desire so anxiously, for if it were not to leave you suspicious, I believe that I would ask you who you are, for of my enemiga (Belisarda) already I scarcely remember the name. Frondoso and Poli- nesta, as was just, laughed at this apathy (descuido), An- friso concluding with the poem beginning : La verde Primauera De mis floridos anos Passe cautiuo, amor, en tus prisiones: Y en la cadena fiera, Cantando mis enganos, Llore con mi razon tus sinrazones ; Amargas confusiones Del tiempo, que has tenido Ciega mi alma, y loco mi sentido. 156 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES The last stanza : Quede por las cortezas De aquestos verdes arboles, Ingrata fiera, con mi fe tu nombre Imprima en las durezas De aquestos blancos marmoles Mi exemplo amor, que a todo el mundo assombre, Y sepase que un hombre Tan ciego y tan perdido, Su vida escriue, y llora arrepentido (p. 469). A dictionary of poetical and historical names, consisting of fifty-eight double-column pages, with which the work concludes, will give an idea of the learning with which it is crowded. The Arcadia of Lope de Vega, however, despite this os- tentation of learning, its great length and its flowery and extravagant diction, was very successful. It did not escape the metaphysical discussions with which its predecessors were burdened, nor could it claim much merit on the score of originality and invention, as it followed pretty closely in the beaten track, and where all was hopelessly involved, the deus ex machina, the convenient sorceress, was called in, who, by some mysterious means, brought about the de- sired end. The pastoral tone, however, is almost entirely sacrificed and the story is wanting in truth to nature; a number of episodes are introduced that have no connection with what either precedes or follows, and in at least two instances, for the sole purpose of praising the house of his patron. Its poetry, however, already shows the great master, containing, in fact, all the peculiarities of his later manner : the extravagant hyperboles, the peculiar repetition of the thought in another form (afterward imitated by Calderon, as already observed), the easy and graceful versification, all are already here. 1 1 It may be noted here that Lope closes his romance with the ad- dress: Belardo a la qampona, just as Sannazaro, his acknowledged model, ends his Arcadia. THE " PRADO OF VALENCIA " BY D. CASPAR MERCADER. IN 1600 a pastoral romance entitled The Prado of Valen- cia by D. Caspar Mercader, Count of Bufiol, appeared at Valencia. 1 Its author was born at Valencia, in 1567, the son of Caspar Mercader, Count of Bufiol, and Dona Lau- domia Carroz. In 1583 Don Caspar, the younger, married Da. Hipolita Centellas, both being under sixteen years of age. They occupied a prominent position in the society of their native city. In 1592 Mercader became a member of the Academia de los Nocturnos, to which Guillen de Castro, Tarrega, Aguilar and all the principal Valencian peots be- longed. 2 In this Academy he assumed the name Reldm- pago. He was a man of wild, unbridled temper, and in 1593, in the streets of Valencia, he killed a wretched, half- witted man who had pulled the tail of his horse, first run- ning him through with his sword and then cutting off his head, though the poor fellow lay on the ground and im- 1 El Prado de Valencia. Compuesto por Don Caspar Mercader. A la I llustrissima y Excellentissima senora Dona Calalina de la Cerda y Sandoual, Duquessa de Lerma, Marquesa de Denia, y Sea, Condessa de Empudia, y Camarera mayor de la Reyna nuestra Senora [device]. En Valencia, por Pedro Patricio Mey, MDC. It again issued from the same press in the following year. It was not reprinted until 1907, when an excellent critical edition, with introduction and notes by Henri Merimee, appeared at Toulouse. It is to this edition that I am indebted for the facts of Mercader's life. 2 The Cancionero of this literary Academy, the manuscript of which was formerly in the possession of the bibliographer D. Pedro Salva and afterward became the property of the Biblioteca Nacional, was published in 1905-06. I possess one of the copies of this edition of twenty-five. It is entitled: Cancionero de la Academia de los Noc- turnos de Valencia, estractado de sus actas originates por D. Pedro Salvd y reimpreso con adiciones y notas de Francisco Marti Grajales [device]. Valencia, MCMV. IS7 158 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES plored his mercy. For this murder Mercader was never punished. He died August 7, 1631. The work takes its name, the Prado de Valencia, from a flowery promenade which existed at the close of the six- teenth century, on the left bank of the Turia, opposite the city of Valencia, on the site of the present Alameda. The book is a picture of manners under a pastoral disguise and in the opinion of M. Merimee can hardly be classed among the pastoral romances, as the author, in adopting the pas- toral fiction, was merely providing a convenient means of accomplishing his main purpose, which was to produce an anthology of the best poetry of the Valencian school in a prose setting of his own. This being his object, it must be admitted that he has shown great ingenuity in the construc- tion of the work. As none of the verses had been origi- nally written for such a purpose, it required no little skill to embody them in the intrigue of a romance. In this, however, through his eagerness to include as much of the poetry of his friends as possible, he has not always been successful, in spite of his unquestioned skill. In the words of M. Merimee, " la Prado de Valencia n'cest pas un recueil poetique original, c'est une anthologie." He has, moreover, succeeded in recognizing beneath their pastoral disguise, a number of well-known names. The protagonist, Fideno, is D. Caspar Mercader himself, while Belisa is Da. Catalina de la Cerda y Sandoval, who, on November 6, 1598, mar- ried in Madrid D. Pedro Fernandez de Castro Andrade y Portugal, Count of Lemos and Marquis of Sarria, while Lisardo may, possibly, be Don Guillen de Castro. Although the prose of the Prado de Valencia is easy and fluent, there are scarcely any descriptions of natural scenery and the work is of value only on account of the poetry it contains, in which all the more celebrated ingenios of the Valencian school are represented. SOLORZENO " THE TRAGEDIES OF LOVE." IN 1607 there appeared at Madrid the " Tragedies of Love " by Juan Arze Solorzeno. 1 He was born at Valla- dolid in 1576, and in his Dedicatoria refers to this work as " these rustic thoughts, the first fruits of my tender years, brought forth when I was nineteen years old (estos rusticos pensamientos, primicias de mis tiernos anos, engendrados en los diez y nueue de mi edad) ; and in his address to the Reader says that he is then not yet twenty-eight years old (the suma de Privilegio is dated 1604), and that in his early youth he wrote fifteen eclogues, of which he now offers the first five, saying further : " receive them well, if you would see the remaining ones." 2 The book is best described in the author's own words : " Avendo en estas eglogas con artificiosas historias, anti- guas fabulas, filiosoficos discursos, latinas y griegas inmi- 1 Tragedias de Amor, de Gustoso y Apacible Entretenimiento de Historias, Fabulas enredados Maranas, Cantares, Bayles, ingeniosas M or alidades del enamorado Acrisio, y su Zagala Lucidora. Compuesto par el Licenciado Juan Arse Solorzeno. Dirigido a Don Pedro Fer- nandez de Castro, Conde de Lemos, etc. Con Privilegio. En Madrid, Par Juan de la Cuesta. Ano MDCVII. 196 leaves. Gallardo (En- sayo, I, p. 264) mentions an edition printed at Zaragoza in 1647. Be- sides the " Tragedies of Love," Solorzeno is the author of the Historia euangelica de la Vida, Milagros y Muerte de Christo, nuestro Dios y Maestro. Madrid, 1605. Perez Pastor, Bibliografia Madrilena, II, p. 83. He also translated the following work : Historia de los dos Soldados de Christo, Barlaan y losafat. Escrita par son Juan Da- masceno, Doctor de la Yglesia Griega. . . . Madrid, MDCVIII. 2 Though the privilege to print the " Tragedies of Love " is dated 1604, the author probably sought in vain, for some time, to find a pub- lisher. On February 28, 1607, we learn that the Licentiate Arce Solor- zeno, Secretary of the Bishop of Cordoba, sold the MS. and privilege of the Primera Parte de las Traxedias de Amor to Antonio Rodriguez, book-seller, for three hundred and fifty reals. Perez Pastor, Bibl. Madrilena, II, pp. 119-120. 159 160 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES taciones dado alguna parte de dulce, puse al fin de cada una su breve allegoria," etc. This " allegorical interpretation " is the dullest and most insipid part of what is certainly a very dull book. The first eclogue begins as follows : " Rumor confuso, y clamor desordenado, de albogues, orlos, y flautos, con son funesto, y temeroso acento, en los bosques y valle resonava, quando el ingenioso Acrisio, pas- tor montafies gallardo (recien venido a aquella fertil ribera, y en ella tan enamorado de la bella Lucidora que fue digno de horosa corona de sagrado Mirto) baxaua por la fresca orilla del Sil, caudaloso rio, a tiempo que el roxo dios calen- tando el Signo de Leon en el dia consagrado a su tri forme hermana, matizava los montes de aljofaradas listas," etc. Here is an excerpt from fol. 100. The shepherds visit the tower of Fame : " A la qual subieron por una larga escalera en caracol, hasta llegar a la sala de la inmortalidad, que era en figura de pyramide, que comengava en ancho, y yua enangostan- dose hasta acabar en un espacio redondo de treynta pies de circunferencia, en el qual auia un teatro de plata fina, y subiase a el por siete escalones de Jaspe leonado y bianco, y encima estaua un trono preciosissimo, pero cubierto con un gran velo de raro carmesi. " El suelo estaua ladrillado de marfil, y euano el techo, y paredes cubiertas de laminas, florones y labores mara- uillosos, hechos de piegas de oro, plata, cristal, y aljof ares : y en la cupula del techo auia entre quatro esmeraldas un Apyroto, que priuaua de vista al que en el ponia los ojos, y de la una parte y otra muchas estatuas de plata fina de valerosos hombres armados, de altura de ocho pies geomet- ricos cada una, y en medio dellas, y de la sala una altra coluna de cristal, sobre la qual estatua la ligera fama, cu- bierta de ojos y bocas, lenguas y plumas, y a sus pies un THE TRAGEDIES OF LOVE quadro de marfil, y escrito en el con letras de oro este arro- gante blason: La fama soy, que contra el tiepo, y muerte Y a pesar de la inuidia, y del oluido Doy vida eterna, y nombre esclarecido Al varon virtuoso, sabio, o fuerte (For quien se vera el mundo enriqzido) Estoy ganando mi valor perdido, Y assi mi canto a ellos se conuierte. Ved pues, de quan illustre y noble gente Espero renacer en dulce canto, Pero passadlos todo uno a uno, Hasta los tres que estan ultimamente, Que me diran los tres que dezir tanto Que jamas dire mas de otro ninguno. Among these silver statues, which are now described, the first is Crastino, a valiant captain, who, following Caesar's faction, hurled the first lance " contra el campo de Pompeyo en la guerra Farsalica," etc. ; then follow the counts of Castile, Fernan Laynez, Ruy Fernandez, and Fernan Ruyz de Castro, etc. On page 103 is told the tragic story of Fernan Ruyz de Castro and his wife Estefania (daughter of the Emperor Alfonso VII.) which is the only interesting episode in the book. 1 This is followed by a long genealogy and eulogy of the house of Castro. Mytho- logical deities are scattered plentifully throughout the book, which concludes with a long dictionary of names, and is, upon the whole, by far the dullest of all these romances. 1 This story, believed by some to be historical, is the basis of Lope de Vega's tragicomedia La desdichada Estefania, Comedias, Part XII, Madrid, 1619. 'Menendez y Pelayo believes Lope's source to be the Cronica de D. Alonso VII. by Prudencio de Sandoval, Madrid, 1600, or possibly the above tale of Solorzeno. The same tragic episode was again dramatized by Luis Velez de Guevara in his play Los Celos hasta los Cielos y desdichada Estefania. See Obras de Lope de Vega, edition of the Spanish Academy, Vol. VIII, p. Ixvi. Menendez y Pelayo calls attention to the similarity of the third act of Lope's play and Shakespeare's Othello. BALBUENA " THE GOLDEN AGE." IN the following year " The Golden Age in the Forests of Erifile " appeared, being first published at Madrid, in I6O8. 1 Its author, Don Bernardo de Balbuena, afterward became Bishop of Porto-Rico, and for the few known inci- dents of his life we are chiefly indebted to the introduction to the edition published in 1821 by the Spanish Academy, 3 1 Siglo de Oro, en las Selvas de Erifile del Dotor Bernardo de Bal- buena. En que se describe una agradable y rigurosa imitation del Estilo pastoril de Teocrito, Virgilio, y Sanasaro. Dirigido al Excel- entissimo Don Pedro Fernandez de Castro, Code de Lemos, y de Andrade, Marques de Sarria, y Presidente del Real Consejo de In- dias. Ano 1608. Con Privilegio. En Madrid, Por Alonso Martin. A costa de Alonso Perez, Mercader de libros. Small 12. Fifteen preliminary leaves and one blank ; the text on pp. 9 to 165. Colophon : En Madrid. En casa de Alonso Martin. Ano 1607. I possess a copy of this very rare book. On pages 1-7 there is an Epistola al Lector which is not noted in the bibliographical works that I have consulted. Though beginning at the top of page I, it is not complete, as the page begins in the middle of a sentence. Apparently the author of this Epistola is unknown; it is certainly not Balbuena. He informs us that the writing of eclogues in mixed prose and verse was chosen by Doctor Balbuena in imitation of Sannazaro, while he has also fol- lowed Theocritus, inasmuch as the eclogues are free of any allegorical meaning, but that Balbuena also wished to imitate Vergil in preserving the decorum of the persons introduced into his eclogues, etc. He justifies the prose style of Balbuena " which may seem affected to some, ' a poetical prose,' " as he calls it, and says that the reason why the prose of Sannazaro has been called affected is because it is flowery and adorned with epithets, etc. In his dedication Balbuena says that his eclogues en el verano de mi nines, a bueltas de su nueuo mudo fueron naciendo. 2 It should be remembered, however, that the information furnished 162 THE GOLDEN AGE for which most of the facts were furnished by Balbuena's Grandeza Mejicana, a descriptive poem in eight cantos, first published in Mexico in 1604. Bernardo de Balbuena was born in Valdepenas on No- vember 22, 1568; his parents, Don Gregorio Villanueua and Dona Luisa de Balbuena, both descendants of noble families that were well known for having long exercised high offices in that city. Very little is known of his early life, save that, as he himself says, he studied the humanities in one of the colleges of Mexico and gained prizes in three poetical contests, in one instance over three hundred com- petitors, when only seventeen years old. 1 He probably sailed for Spain shortly after this time (1585), to complete his studies. He seems to have been a diligent student, and became a Bachelor of Theology in the University of Mex- ico and Doctor in Sigiienza, one of the smaller universities of Spain. We have no further information whatever con- cerning Balbuena until 1603, when he was again in Mexico, and dated the dedication of his Grandeza, Mejicana from that city. by this edition adds nothing to the account of Balbuena given by Dieze, Geschichte der Spanischen Dichtkunst, Gottingen, 1769. I have been unable to discover who the editor of this second edition is. 1 These justas literarias were then very common in Spain, and, prob- ably, also in America. In Spain justas were held in 1595, 1608, 1614 and 1620, in which the greatest Spanish poets competed. See the Justa poetica, y alabansas Justas que hizo Madrid en las Fiestas de San Isidro. Small 4. Madrid. My copy is without date, but it is given as 1620 in the Tassa. Upon this occasion Lope de Vega was the judge who distributed the prizes and recited the introductory verses. See also Suarez de Figueroa, El Passagero, Madrid, 1617 (fol. 118), who says that "at such joustings there were more poets than sands upon the sea-shore." Figueroa was a competitor in one of these fiestas held at Toledo that very year (1617). See.Ticknor, History of Spanish Lit. Spanish tr., Vol. Ill, p. 528. The opinion of Cervantes upon these tournaments is given in Don Quixote, Part II, Chap, xviii. He had gained the first prize at one held in Zaragoza in 1595. 164 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES At the age of thirty-nine (1607) he was named abbot of Jamaica, where he lived until 1620, when he was made Bishop of Porto Rico. From documents in the archives of Seville, it is known that he was present at the provincial Council of Santo Domingo in 1622 and 1623. He died on October n, 1627,* in Porto Rico. The " Golden Age " 2 is divided into twelve " eclogues " of mixed prose and verse, and though its brevity is greatly in its favor, when compared with other works of the same class, it appears never to have enjoyed much success. No edition was published between the first, in 1608, and that of 1821. It was, however, highly praised by some contem- porary poets. 8 1 Balbuena also published : El Bernardo, o la Victoria de Ronces- valles, Madrid, 1624. I have a reprint in three volumes, dated Madrid, 1808. I2mo. 2 While the " Golden Age " was not published till 1608, it was evi- dently ready for the press four years before, as the Aprouacion, signed by Tomas Gracian Dantisco, is dated at Valladolid, August 2, 1604. On September 10, 1607, in Madrid, Balbuena, who is described as " clerigo presbitero, residente en esta corte," sold and transferred to Alonso Perez, book-seller, all his rights and title in the royal privi- lege that had been granted him to print the " Golden Age," for one hundred and fifty copies of the printed book. See Perez Pastor, Bibliografia Madriletia, Vol. II, p. 131. A brief, but good account of Balbuena and his works is given by Dieze, Geschichte der Spanischen Dichtkunst, Gottingen, 1769, p. 390. 3 Lope de Vega praises Balbuena in his Laurel de Apolo (1630), saying : Y siempre dulce tu memoria sea, Generoso prelado Doctissimo Bernardo de Balbuena, Tenias tu el cayado De Puerto Rico, quando el fiero Enrique Olandes rebelado Robo tu libreria; Pero tu ingenio no, que no podia, Aunque las fuerc.as del oluido aplique. THE GOLDEN AGE ^5 The scene of the " Golden Age " is laid in a valley watered by the Guadiana. Among the things there most worthy to be celebrated, the author says, one, above all is " the extraordinary beauty of a clear and limpid little fountain which with its sweet waters bathes the better part of a valley, and which is known by the beloved name of Erifile." There is so much sameness in respect to incident, however, in all these works that it would be useless to chronicle the sufferings and vicissitudes of Filis and Gala- tea, of Delicio and Clarenio, and of the various other shep- herds and shepherdesses, who were nearly always unfortu- nate enough to love some one by whom they were not loved in return. But the book is very much better than many that were more esteemed, and if its prose sometimes bears signs of affectation, it is often very graceful and flowing, as the following excerpts show: " Todos en torno de la cristalina fuente nos sentamos, gozando las maravillas que en el tendido llano se mostrauan, y lo que sobre todo mayor deleyte ponia era el agradable ruydo con que los altiuos alamos, siluando en ellos un del- gado viento, sobre nuestras cabegas se mouian, qua j ados sus tembladores ramos de pintadas avezillas, que con sus no aprendidos cantares trabajauan de remedar los nuestros, donde la solitaria tortolilla con tristes arrullos vieras llorar su perdida compania, o al amoroso Ruysenor recontar la no Que bien cantaste el Espanol Bernardo, Que bien al Siglo de Oro, Tu fuiste su prelado, y su tesoro, Y tesoro tan rico en Puerto Rico, Que nunca Puerto Rico fue tan rico" (fol. I3b). Likewise Cervantes, in his Viage al Parnaso (ed. of 1614, Chap, iii, p. 16), " Este es aquel Poeta memorando, Que mostro de su ingenio la agudeza En las Selvas de Erifile cantando." l66 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES oluidada injuria del fementido Tereo, aqui el ronco Faysan sonaua, alii las suaues calandrias se cyan, aculla cantaban los gorgales, las mirlas y las abubillas, y hasta las industri- osas abejas a nuestras espaldas con blando susurrar, de una florecilla en otra yuan saltando; todo olia a verano, todo prometia tin ano fertil y abundoso: olia el romero, el to- millo, las rosas, el agahar y los preciosos jazmines: olian las tiernas manganas y las amarillas ciruelas, de que todo el campo estaba quajado; los ramos, que apenas podian sustentar la demasiada carga de su fruta, y nosotros entre tanta diuersidad de frescuras todo lo gozauamos, y por todo dauamos gracias a su diuino hazedor " (fol. 155, ed. 1608). " De tanta suauidad f ueron los versos de los Pastores, y con el silencio de la noche tan agradables de oyr, que unos vencidos de su dulgura, se quedaron en el sosegado suefio sepultados, y otros leuantando los espiritus a contempla- ciones mas altas, alabaron las celestiales lumbres que pues- tas por testigos de nuestras vidas con resplandecientes ojos. consideran los secretes de la noche que en aquella sazon con tan agradable buelo pasaua, que si en nuestros mortales oydos cupiera seme j ante gloria, entonces mejor que nunca pudieramos oyr los diuinos cantos de las estrellas, si es ver- dad que tambien como las demas cosas ellas en medio de nuestra quietud alaban con doradas lenguas la fuente, de adonde su hermosura nace, mas luego que las alegres luzes del Alua restituyeron al mundo su alegria, y en el Oriente se declare la manana tan resplandeciente y bella, que no se si de las rosas tomaua su hermoso color 6 a ellas su mucha frescura se lo daua, dexando los pagizos lechos," etc. (fol. i66v). Balbuena excels in his descriptions of nature; in this re- spect he surpasses all other Spanish writers of pastoral romances. As examples of his poetry, I copy the following: THE GOLDEN AGE ^7 Sonnet. Hebras del oro que el Oriente embia Tras el rosado carro de la Aurora, Lazos donde enredada mi alma mora Cautiua con cadenas de alegria. Rayos de luz de quien la toma el dia Soles con que el del cielo se desdora, Tesoros do la gloria se atesora, Que en ricas minas del amor se cria. Ambar, madexas de oro, lazos bellos, Lumbres del cielo, rayos de la vida, Luzes del alba, flechas amorosas, Nombres proprios son vuestros, mis cabellos, Sacados de la gloria, que escondida Esta entre aquessas redes milagrosas (fol. 54v). It is, however, only from his eclogues that we can form a just conception of the genius of Balbuena. They have been pronounced second only to those of Garcilasso de la Vega. It is inexplicable how a work containing verses of such surpassing merit, should not have been more favorably received, while greatly inferior romances passed through edition after edition. The rustic simplicity that pervades these eclogues imparts to the " Golden Age " a naturalness that is almost entirely wanting in works of this class. Balbuena's shepherds are, at least, real shep- herds, not the visionary creatures with which other pas- toral romances are peopled. 1 The following verses are from Eclogue V. : Yo, seluas, cantare las milagrosas Palabras que pudieran darme vida A ser mis penas menos poderosas. Ya que de entera luz toda vestida 1 Beraldo's song (fol. i2v), as was long since pointed out by the editor of the Madrid edition of 1821, is a paraphrase of Petrarch's famous " Chiare, fresche e dolci acque." Balbuena's verses are of remarkable beauty. 168 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES La luna sobre el mundo se descubre En purissimas llamas encendida. Aqui donde con negra sombra encubre La noche en sueno, y lutos sepultada, La casta yerua que estas aras cubre ; Primero una cordera degollada Con lumbre de laurel, y ac.ufre puro Al silencio sera sacrificada. De aqui comenc.ara nuestro conjuro, Ya aqui no ay que esperar sino la muerte, El encanto es aqui lo mas seguro. Y porque tu con animo mas fuerte A semej antes cosas te apercibas, Atento aora mi cantar aduierte. De un negro rio aqui las aguas viuas Tengo guardadas para que con ellas Ciertas palabras en mi sombra escriuas, De que seran testigos las estrellas, Y la noche que oyendo esta su canto, Y la luna tambien que buela entrellas. Y porque no te cieguen con espanto Las sombras de los dioses que vinieren, Forc.ados del apremio de mi encanto. Assi los que del ayre decendieren, Como los que en sepulcros escondidos, Estan siempre escuchando a los que mueren, Con esta yerua claros y lucidos Te dexare los ojos, que con ellos Podras aun conocer los no nacidos. ******** Luego do el agua sin correr se muda, Bafiado nueue vezes de mi mano, Con la rayz de la encantada ruda. Seguro cogeras por este llano Las yeruas de virtud no conocida, Que en el nacieron su primer verano, etc. (fol. 90). The following tercet os are from Eclogue IV. (fol. 73). Clarenio. Dulce es el fresco humor a los sembrados, Y al ganado es la sombra deleytosa, Y mas Tirrena a todos mis cuydados. Delicio. Abre el clabel, desplegase la rosa, THE GOLDEN AGE Brota el jazmin, y nace la agucena, En dando luz los ojos de mi diosa. Clarenio. Si su beldad esconde mi Tirrena, El jazmin cae, el agucena muere Quando de mas frescor y aljofar llena. Delicio. Haz tu que el sol de Filis reberbere, Y veras que el inuierno desabrido Con el florido Abril competir quiere. Clarenio. Vistase de mil flores el exido, Que se mi sol no abriere la manana, Todo queda en espinas conuertido. Delicio. Mas bella es mi Tirrena, y mas logana Que las blancas ouejas de Taranto, Y de arbol fertil la primer mangana. Clarenio. Fresca es la fuente entre el florido acanto, De rosas y violetas coronada Y mas es la pastora que yo canto. Delicio. O si mi Galatea enamorada Oyera aqui mi canto y sus primores, Como f uera rendida y obligada ! Clarenio. Frescas guirnaldas de tempranas flores, Ninfas, coronaran uestros altares, Si propicias guiays nuestros amores, etc. From Eclogue VIII (fol. 12 iv). Nace el inuierno, y a las tiernas rosas Sucede un ciergo que con soplo elado Desnudo dexa el campo de frescura. Mueren secas las flores en el prado, Ni queda en las riberas mas umbrosas Rastro de su passada hermosura. Y mientras esto dura Y con la blanca nieue Toda la sierra llueue Arroyos sin sazon a la llanura, Ni suena caramillo, ni ay quien diga En tonos de dulgura Primores o querellas de su amiga, Tambien quien viere el campo desta suerte Apenas quedara con esperanga De verlo en su passada primauera. En todo imprime el tiempo su mudanga, 169 170 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES Y todo tiene fin sino esta muerte En que Tirrena gusta que yo muera, Nadie esta de manera Que una ocasion cumplida No le de nueua vida, O mas dichosa, o menos lastimera, Ni aura tan desterrado peregrine Que no halle siquiera Donde sentarse al fin de su camino, etc ' THE CONSTANT AMARILIS " OF FIGUEROA. The Constant e Amarilis of Christoval Suarez de Figu- eroa was the next pastoral romance to make its appear- ance. 1 It was first published at Valencia in 1609. Its author was born at Valladolid, in all probability in I572. 2 Nearly all that is known of his life he tells us in a work entitled " The Traveller," 3 a series of ten discussions be- 1 La Constante Amarilis. Prosas y Versos de Christoval Suarez de Figueroa. Diuididos en quatro Discursos. A Don Vincencio Guer- rero Marques de Montebelo, Cauallero del habito de Alcantara, Gentil hombre de la Camara del Duque de Mantua, y su Cavalleriso mayor [device]. Con licencia, y Privilegio, Impresso en Valencia, junto al molino de Rouella Ano mil 600, 3; neuve. 12, pp. 282. I have a copy of this very rare work, also of the French translation : La Constante Amarilis De Christoval Suarez de Figueroa. En Quatre Disc ours. Traduite d'Espagnol en Francois par N. L[ancelot]. Parisien. A Lyon, par Claude Morillon, 1614, 8, pp. 565, and index. The Spanish and French texts are on opposite pages. No other edition appeared until that of Madrid, Sancha, 1781. 2 In Figueroa's work V arias Noticias importantes a la humana Comu- nicacion, Madrid, 1621, fol. 213, the author says that he had left his native country thirty-two years before, to travel in foreign lands; in his Passagero, Madrid, 1618, fol. 214, he says that he left his home at the age of sixteen. As the first-named work was written in 1620, it would give us the year 1572. See Crawford, The Life and Works of Christoval Suarez de Figueroa, Philadelphia, 1907, an excellent work, containing much documentary material from the archives at Naples. In 1892 I published a number of documents from MSS. in the Biblio- teca Nacional, which are of considerable importance for the period 1624-30. See Some Documents in the Life of Christoval Suarez de Figueroa, Modern Lang. Notes, Vol. VII, pp. 398-410. 3 El Passagero. Advertencias utilissimas a la Vida humana. Mad- rid, Luys Sanchez, 1617. 171 172 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES tween four travelers journeying to Italy. In this auto- biography, in which is mingled much that is purely ficti- tious, he tells us that his father was a Galician jurist, not overburdened with this world's goods, for in the words of the son : " he brought with him from Coruna nothing but his cleverness," and that he removed to Valladolid to prac- tice his profession. Figueroa tells us, moreover, that he had a brother, and that both sons studied Gramatica, that is, Latin. At the age of sixteen, envious of his brother, who, being in poor health, was favored by his father, he resolved to go to Italy, and declared in the presence of his parents that he would never return to Spain during their life-time, a resolution which he afterwards kept. He now went to Barcelona, thence to Genoa, thence to Milan, undecided whether to follow the profession of arms or letters. He finally resolved to study at Bologna or Pavia. It was probably at the latter university that he took his doctor's degree, en ambos derechos. In 1591 he entered the service of D. Juan Hernandez de Velasco, Duke of Frias, 1 who was then Governor of Milan, and afterwards served as Auditor of the Spanish troops in Piedmont against the French. It is not known how long he was occupied in this capacity, but he was present at the final capture of the castle of Cavour in I595, 2 after which he returned to Milan. In 1600 we find him as Naples, for in that year he was on board a vessel that touched at the Barbary coast. 3 At this 1 Crawford, op. cit., p. 14. 2 Ibid., p. 15. 3 Varias Noticias, etc., fol. 38. It was while living in Naples in 1602 that he is said to have published the first of the long series of works that made his name known, a translation of the Pastor fido of Guarini. Of this translation, Ticknor, History of Spanish Literature, Vol. Ill, p. 104, note, says : " It was printed, I believe, at Naples in 1602, but was improved in the edition at Valencia in 1609." This edition of 1602 is thus described by Salva {Catalog o, I, p. 447) : El THE CONSTANT AMARILIS OF FIGUEROA time his mother and brother died. He tells us that his parents often wrote to him, asking him to return, but that he always refused ; afterwards, however, " el amor de la patria vencio," and he returned to Valladolid, then the cap- ital of Spain, in 1604. As Figueroa makes no mention of his father, we infer that at this time he also was dead. " Here," he continues, " in my native country, the paths of any pretension what- ever were closely barred, which abroad I had found wide open." It was while in Valladolid, probably in March, 1605, that he got into a quarrel, stabbed his opponent, took refuge in a church and afterward fled in disguise to Baeza, thence to Ubeda, Jaen and Granada. He then went to Se- ville, of the climate of which he complains, but praises the women of that city, who are " swarthy, graceful, of good disposition, agreeable conversation and attractive be-- Pastor Fido. Tragicomedia pastoral de Battista Guarino. Traduclda de Italiano en verso Castellano par Christoval Snares. Napoles, Tar- quinio Longo, 1602. He says : " Los traductores de Ticknor no ban podido verla." It is true that the Spanish translators of Ticknor had never seen this edition of 1602, but they had seen an edition of 1622, by Christoval Suarez, " Doctor en ambos derechos," and that on com- paring this edition with that of 1609, the difference is at once appar- ent. The latter is, moreover, addressed to the Duke of Mantua and Montferrato, while the former is dedicated to D. Juan Battista Valen- zuela Velazquez. " Authors and book-sellers," they continue, " were not at that time in the habit of changing the dedications of their books without good reasons." Vol. Ill, p. 543- They believe the edition of 1622 at Naples to be a reprint of that of 1602, and, hence, is not by Suarez de Figueroa. The difference between the translation of 1609, known to be Figueroa's, and that of 1622, is such that it is hardly possible that both were made by the same person. What com- plicates the matter is that we know that Figueroa was in Naples in 1600-02. One Christoval Suarez Trevino contributed a Glossa de Burlas to the poetical tournament held at Madrid in 1620. It has been conjectured that he is the translator of the edition of 1602. See Justa Poetica, etc., Madrid, 1620, fol. H7v, and also Crawford, op. cit., p. 23, who discusses the matter in detail. 174 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES cause of the suavity of their voices, which makes their pro- nunciation exceedingly agreeable." From Seville he went to San Lucar, and finaly to Madrid. Here, he says, " I re- turned to my early life, to the past painful idleness. I took up my pen, and for my amusement wrote some sketches which were kindly received by scholars." " Still," he continues, " I could not dismiss from my thoughts the continual anxiety of absenting myself to seek in strange lands those who in former times had served me so gener- ously as a shield and protection." And when asked whether there was no prince in Spain who might lend him a hand on account of his studies and experiences, and being told that the complaint of " los mas ingeniosos," continually op- pressed by poverty, was of long standing, he replied : " Es cosa insufrible profesar, teniendo cortas partes, exquisita libertad de animo, requisito que por ningun caso adquiere alicion. Posseo las dos circunstancias que casi sienpre suelen andar unidas, sovervio y pobre. De mi boca no ha de salir adulacion." He speaks with bitterness of the Count of Lemos, the patron of Cervantes, to whom he dedicated a book and to whose presence he says that he was not even admitted, and that he returned from Barcelona to Madrid " without speaking to or seeing the face of him who had been the principal object of that journey." Indeed, he says, " you should know that of the seven books that I have published, three were dedicated to persons whose faces I have never seen, though I was at Court." 1 From this we should infer that Figueroa was out of favor at Court, and consequently out of office, and this, indeed, he tells us in i62O, 2 though in the sentence imme- 1 El Passagero, fol. 376. 2 V arias Noticias, in the prologue he says : " Asi mientras su Ma- gestad no me empleare en la continuacion de su seruicio," etc. THE CONSTANT AMAR1LIS OF FIGUEROA diately preceding, far from assuming the disgruntled, dis- satisfied tone which he here shows, he tells us that his works had been well received and that his country had re- ceived him kindly and with no less generosity, enabling him to maintain himself many years " en sitio de tantas obligaciones como la Corte." Besides, in a letter which he wrote in 1624, he states that he had been in the King's ser- vice twenty-seven years. 1 However this may be, in 1622, when Don Antonio Alvarez de Toledo, Duke of Alba, be- came Viceroy of Naples, Figueroa petitioned him for a post in Italy, and on February 22, 1623, he was appointed Au- ditor of the town of Lecce. 2 Here his conduct in suppress- ing the lawlessness that then reigned was so vigorous (he hanged five men and sent a hundred to the galleys) that he was dismissed from office on August 8, 1623, and was not thereafter reinstated. In December, 1627, Figueroa was " Auditor de la Regia Udienza " in Catanzaro, in the province of Calabria. 3 At this time he fell into the hands of the Inquisition for free- ing from prison one Francesco Antonio Stantione, an offi- cer of the Viceroy, who had attempted to gather taxes from the ecclesiastical orders and who had been imprisoned by the Bishop of Nicotera in that town. 4 As a result of the 1 Rennert, Some Documents in the Life of Christoval Suares de Figueroa, " Mod. Lang. Notes," 1892. " Veynte y siete anos ha que siruo al rey en diferentes cargos con certificaciones de Virreyes de mi buen proceder ; con cartas de su Magestad en que lo confiesa y se da por bien seruido, prometiendome en ellas aumentos y honras; solo aqui ve degenerado, perdiendo en un punto lo adquerido en tanto tiempo: suma desgracia" (p. 405). 2 Crawford, /. c., p. 79- 3 Rennert, Some Documents, etc., p. 410. 4 Some Documents, etc., Modern Lang. Notes, Vol. VII, p. 410, and Crawford, /. c., pp. 81 et seq., where the proceedings are given at length. 176 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES clash between the Viceroy and the church authorities, Figu- eroa, on January 25, 1630, was arrested and imprisoned by the officers of the Inquisition, 1 first in Castil Nuovo, where he remained seventeen days, and then in the " Carceri della Nunziatura," where he seems to have been confined until July, 1631. On January 3, 1633, he was appointed " Abo- gado fiscal de la Audiencia " at Trani, 2 and on October loth of that year he signed the " Licencia " of the pastoral romance, Los Pastores del Betis of Gonzalo de Saavedra, which was published in that city. We do not know the date of Figueroa's death; it was after 1644, however, in which year he issued his epic poem Espana Defendida, which appeared at Naples in that year. It is not difficult, after reading this autobiographical sketch in the Passagero, to form an opinion of Figueroa's character. His must have been a narrow and selfish nature, and the sarcastic and deprecating tone in which, in his Pas- sagero, he speaks of Cervantes is ill requiting the kindness of his great contemporary, (over whom the grave had barely closed), for his praise in Don Quixote, Part I, chap. Ixii, and again, only two years before the latter's death, in the Journey to Parnassus. Indeed Figueroa's unfaith- ful and ungrateful character is manifest throughout his works. He speaks well of none of his fellow-writers, but scatters his malevolent words freely among those more fav- ored than himself. 3 He was a member of that great army of office-seekers in Spain, which first came into prominence in the time of Charles V., and for which recruits have never been wanting down to the present day. He was of an unloving and unlovable nature, a disappointed and 1 Modern Lang. Notes, Vol. VII, p. 409. 2 Crawford, op. cit., p. 86. 3 See his attack upon Lope de Vega, Passagero, fols. 103 and 108. THE CONSTANT AMARILIS OF FIGUEROA carping man, at odds with the world, which, doubtless treated him as he deserved. The Constante Amarilis was not very successful, as the author himself says. In the prologue he gives its purpose : " my intention has been to celebrate the constancy and suf- fering of two persecuted lovers, from the beginning of their lives to their happy marriage." Some time prior to the appearance of the Constante Amarilis, Figueroa had en- tered the service of Don Juan Andres Hurtado de Mendoza, who was living at Barajas, a town in the province of Cuenca. It was to this friendship that the Constant Ama- rilis owes its origin. 1 In it, Figueroa appears at Damon, and the marriage celebrated in the romance is that of his patron D. Juan Andres Hurtado de Mendoza (Menandro) with his third wife, who was also his cousin, Dona Maria de Cardenas (Amarilis), daughter of D. Bernardino de Cardenas, Duke of Maqueda and of Dona Luisa Manrique de Lara, Duchess of Najera, on March 29, 1609. The Constante Amarilis, the author tells us, was written in two months. It is composed of four " discourses," and is a dull book, which all the author's poetical talent failed to make interesting. That Figueroa had carefully read and remembered the Arcadia of Sannazaro is at once ap- parent. He has, however, introduced many incidents that are quite foreign to a work of this kind, such as the long discourse of Menandro on the art of poetry, nor are there any descriptions of natural scenery anywhere in the book, which might have been written by a poet who had never ventured beyond the walls of his native city. Appended are a number of the best poems: 1 Crawford (op. cit., p. 30), who has succeeded in identifying the principal characters in the romance, v. also, Mod. Lang. Notes, Vol. XXI (1906), pp. 8-1 1. 178 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES Tercetos. Mas ay de mi ! quien oye mis lamentos ? ay! que valen si el ayre se los lleva, y siempe fueron sin piedad los vientos! . <. . . Sueno, si cosa hize que no deva contra ti, ya te hallas satisfecho, ya es tiempo que a mi bien de mi des nueva. !. Dile, qu'estoy en lagrimas desecho, y huyendo ve sin estorvar mi gloria, el dano baste que hasta aqui m'has hecho. Hermano de la muerte, que vitoria sacaras deste trance, si embidioso usurpas de mis ansias la memoria? Es la noche al amante desseoso, apazible, cortes y lisongera, deteniendo su curso presuroso : Tu assi, vaso y licor d'Adormidera con qu'en ocio sepultas los mortales cortes arroja de tu mano fiera. Y vos, queridas puertas, dad sefiales de ser por gusto, y por piedad aora el unico remedio de mis males. Sus alas tiende ya la bella Aurora, ya se mueven, ya cantan Ruisenores, puertas, dexadme ver a mi senora: Qu'a vuestro ser aplicare loores, y colgando guirnaldas amorosas vuestro umbral cubrire de varias flores. Levantaos con silencio de la tierra, y concededme entrada poco a poco, mi bien sereys, sereys paz de mi guerra. ******* Ten lastima de mi (6 Tarsia mia) sino oiras en toda noche oscura, mis llantos, y mis quexas a porfia. THE CONSTANT AMARILIS OF FIGUEROA Vos puertas, vos sereys mi sepoltura sino mudais la desdichada suerte de quien en vos a puesto su ventura. Piedad mostrad, y evitareys mi muerte, no tengais por dificil qualquier medio, que si professa ser mi pena fuerte, fuerte tambien sera vuestro remedio. (pp. 68-71). Cancion de Meliseo. ******* Centella buelta ya la losa fria, haran obsequias sobre el cuerpo muerto; la piedra banaran con tierno llanto; llenaran de suspires el desierto; y en memoria del loven, a porfia tristes entonaran funebre canto. Las ninfas entretanto, offreceran piadosas guirnaldas olorosas; adornaran con ellas los altares; y en partiendo d'alli se oiran cantares endechas tristes d'aves diferentes : si a caso te llegares leeras las letras que veras presentes. Huesped, cubre este marmol un lloroso Amante, de prisiones desatado : sabras que fue la causa de su muerte la que fue de su gloria y su cuidado. Aqui sus huesos gozan del reposo qu'en vida les nego su triste suerte; si quieres detenerte mira la sepoltura a quien dan sombra oscura estos laureles, cuyo movimiento provocan a tristeza al mas contento: las galas de los arboles despoja enrronquecido viento, y secase en cayendo aqui la oja. (p. 101). 179 180 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES Sonnet. Tendio la noche el tenebroso engano, y difunta dexo 1'alma del dia: Morfeo en los mortales esparcia el qu'es de nuestra vida desengano : Quando yo por huir d'ausencia el dano de Elisa el duke albergue recorria: su rostro vi, por quien la sombra fria de luz y ardor cubrio su negro pafio. Mientras el cielo (dixe) tantos ojos abre quantos el suelo agora cierra, da fin (Elisa bella) a mis enojos. Cesse (me respondio) d'amor la guerra, y pues te doy el alma por despojos concede al cuerpo paz qu'es poca tierra. (p. 263). ESPINEL ADORNO: " THE REWARD OF CONSTANCY." OVER a decade elapsed before the next pastoral romance, "The Reward of Constancy," by Jacinto de Espinel Adorno, appeared in I62O. 1 The author dedicated his work to Don Diego de Anaya y Mendoga, and begs him to receive it favorably, it being his first work, as an earnest of better service in the future. In the address to the reader, he says : " If perchance the language and invention do not please you, remember that a poor wit (un corto ingenio} like mine, can do no better," etc., and further, " one thing I would ask of you, and that is, that you read the entire book." This is asking much of the reader, though it was a less disagreeable task than one would have supposed, judg- ing from the opening paragraph; his book, moreover, is the only source of our scanty knowledge of his life, for it is believed that one or two facts put by the author into the mouth of Arsindo, are to be referred to himself. Accord- ing to this, the author was born at Manilva z and brought up at Munda, 3 in the province of Malaga, which he was 1 El Premio de la Constancies, y Pastores de Sierra Bermeia. For lacinto de Espinel Adorno. Ano 1620. En Madrid, For la viuda de Alonso Martin. The Sierra Bermeja is a range of mountains on the confines of the provinces of Malaga and Cadiz, in the Ronda chain; called Vermeja from its reddish soil. I have a second edition of the Premio de la Constancia published at Seville in 1894, at the expense of the Marques de Xeres de los Caballeros. 2 A town of Spain in the province, and fifty-five miles southwest of Malaga, near the coast. 8 On fol. 36 he tells us that his parents took him to Munda, where 181 182 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES obliged to leave, having wounded his opponent in a noc- turnal brawl, the result of an unfortunate love affair. " The Reward of Constancy " never reached a second edition until our own day, nor is it known that its author published any other work; his name, however, occurs sev- eral times as a contributor to the justas poeticas of the time. The book begins as follows : " Adonde con tan pressu- roso passo encaminas el curso violento de mi desdicha, termino fatal del rigor (6 suerte contraria) con que apri- essa me amenazas: tormento aparente con que aguijoneas, pecho que si no dessea vivir, es por estar a pique de tantos incendios, que muestran el trance duro en que estoy puesto : infelize dafio, terrible pena, fragoso tormento, temeraria fatiga, todos juntos contraries, no temidos deste desdi- chado, venid, venid, y dadle fin al cuerpo que entre aquestos riscos, solitarias grutas, y cavernosas pefias, aguarda el triste golpe de la parca rigurosa, para conmigo ingrata, no al alma, etc., etc. This, it must be admitted, is not an aus- picious beginning. In the following passage the beauties of a pastoral life are described : " Aqui, dixo Felino, enganamos la vida lo mejor que podemos, nunca faltos de gusto, ni agenos de regalo, por ser esta vida la mas amada y mas quieta que todas. Aqui estamos alexados y remontados de los negocios y preten- ciones de los que andan hechos camaleones de los poderosos Principes. Aqui estamos ya guardando nuestros ganados, they had relatives, and here he was brought up and sent to school. He studid Latin, "no con cuydado por yrme divertiendo en cosas que si importauan al gusto, danauan al alma." And again in Book II, speaking of the poet Vincente E'spinel, who was "the first inventor of dezimas," also called espinelas, and who was born at Munda, Ar- sindo says: "long have I known him by reputation, not personally, aunque he estado yo en su patria muchos dias." See also Gayangos' tr. of Ticknor, History of Spanish Literature, Vol. Ill, p. 543. THE REWARD OF CONSTANCY ya arando y cultiuando los campos y heredades que fueron de nuestros mayores, cogiendo y abarcando cada uno menos aim de lo que puede, estando alegres y contentos con solo dos bueyes, mas que con grandes tesoros los ricos Mon- arcas. Aqui no tenemos los sobdesaltos que en los rezios combates los discipulos de Marte tienen con el zumbido de las lluvias espesas de balas, reliquias de bombardas y cule- brinas, parte donde cadaqual encoge sus mienbros aunque mas el animo se dilate, no dexando de tener algun genero de temor, cada uno por su incierta suerte. . . . Ya mira- mos los ganados, y rebafios de toros, y vacas, que andan dando bramidos, vagando por los campos espaciosos, y valles amenos abundantes, si de pastes, no avaros de aguas. . . . Ya otras vezes se nos antoja el recostarnos debaxo de la sombra de una antigua y acopada enzina, cuyo suelo vestido de grana, nos sirve de entretenernos con blando sustento, combidando a dulce sueno. . . . Ya oymos quex- arse las aves con sus cantos, emboscadas entre las espessas ramas destas selvas, respondiendose unas a otras, con par- ticular y acordada armonia," etc. (ed. 1894, p. 9). The book is pleasant reading, its style generally being easy and agreeable and its descriptions of natural scenery often very beautiful. Long and dull stories from Greek and Roman history are, however, also intermingled, and the shepherds seldom miss an opportunity to indulge in moralizing. They grapple with some of the profoundest problems: as an example, Arsileo, speaking of children, says that punishment is good for them, whereupon Arsindo says : " No child has ever died from chastisement, but, on the other hand, from not being chastised in time great troubles have followed. There is no greater punishment in this life than not to be punished." The poetry scattered through the book is not of a very high order. Here is a sonnet : 184 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES Sale el Sol por las cumbras del Oriente Para llenar el mundo de alegria, Y en la distancia de tan solo un dia Su curso gira, y llega al Occidente: Sigue la noche luego velozmente, Muestra su manto azul de argenteria, Diana sale que en su plata fia Del cielo al suelo puesta f rente a f rente: Sale risuena la rosada Aurora, Y la mafiana que los campos dora; Buelue a llenar los prados de contento El Sol con su dichoso navimiento : Y todo tiene fin, que es sombra vana El Sol, la noche, el Alua, y la mafiana (ibid., p. 37). Song of the Dryads. Las fuentes que al alua matiza quando hace al mundo salua, con gusto alegre risuefias saltan, bullen, brillan y dangan. Si el ausentarse la noche las seluas estan vizarras con la venida de Cintia, que las adorna y engasta. Y las avezillas libres con harpados picos cantan, pidiendo albricias al dia y el fin de sus esperangas. Y los campos apacibles con rosicleres de nacar forman a la vista cielo, y a los olfatos dan ambar, Todos con el nueuo huesped, que ya sus alfombras passa con gusto alegre, risuenos, saltan, bullen, brillan, y dangan (ibid., p. 240). Sometimes the author descends to mere word-quibbling, as in the following sonnet, which is sung by Fenicia and Laureno (Book II, fol. 61). Laur. Temblando miro si constante adoro rostro que engendra gloria, triste llanto: THE REWARD OF CONSTANCY ^5 Fen. Yo siento pena, si contenta canto, descubro el mal, y mi remedio ignore : Laur. Sufro temor, si aguardo mi tesoro. Fen. Lagrimas muestro, si mi bien espanto : Laur. Tanto me aclaro, que me pierdo tanto, Fen. Quanto me anima amor, tanto mas lloro. Laur. Mi bien espero. Fen. Mi contento aguardo. Laur. Huyo del mal. Fen. Pretendo mi ventura. Laur. Tristezas me da amor. Fen. A mi tormento. Laur. Tarda la dicha. Fen. Yo en gozarla tardo. Laur. Temo. Fen. Vazilo. Laur. Tiempo. Fen. Coyuntura. Laur. Espera. Fen. Aguarda. Laur. El pecho. Fen. El pensamiento. ' THE SHEPHERD OF CLENARDA " BY BOTELLO. In 1622 Miguel Botello published in Madrid his pastoral romance " The Shepherd of Clenarda." 1 In another work, La Fills? he calls himself Captain Miguel Botello de Car- vallo. He was a Portuguese, born at Viseo in 1595; in 1622 (his vessel left Lisbon on March i8th) he accom- panied, as secretary, the fourth Count of Vidiguerra, D. Francisco de Gama, when he sailed for India as Viceroy. 8 Having returned to his native country, he went to Paris in 1647, m tne retinue of Don Francisco's son, D. Vasco 1 Prosas y Versos del Pastor de Clenarda, por Miguel Botello, na- tural de la ciudad de Viseo. Con licencia, en Madrid, por la viuda de Fernando Correa de Montenegro, MDCXXII. 8. 2 La Filis. Del Capitan Miguel Botello de Carvallo. Al Conde de la Vidiguerra. En Madrid, por Juan Sanchez. Ano 1641. It is a poem in six cantos, written in octaves (Gallardo, Ensayo, II, p. 127). Previously he had published La Fabula de Piramo y Tisbe, dedicated to two Genoese nobles, D. Francisco and D. Andres Fiesco, Madrid, 1621. He is the author of two other works: Soliloquios a Christo N. S. (in verse), Paris, 1645, and Rimas varias y Tragi-comedia del martir d'Ethiopia, En Ruan, en la inprenta de Lorengo Maury. Ano MDCXLVL It contains, among others, commendatory verses by Antonio Henriquez Gomez, most of whose works were also published at Rouen. In this work Botello styles himself " Secretario del Exmo. senor Conde Almirante." 8 "Ao chegar a Mozambique, travou-se peleja com uma frota de hollandezes, ficando Miguel Botelho ferido na testa. Aportou a Goa a 19 de dezembro. D'aqui foi Miguel Botelho despachado para o sul por capitao de um patacho, com o encargo de levar cartas ao gover- nador de Maninha. De regreso a India encontrou-se com uma nau hollandeza, com a qual se bateu como valoroso soldado. . . . Miguel Botelho achava-se em Hespanha, sem duvida militando na Catalunha quando em Portugal rebentou o movimento revolucionario que pro- clamou a nossa autonomia. D'aqui nao sem graves difficultades e perigos conseguiu elle passar a Franc.a," etc. Archivo Historico Por- tugues, Vol. IV (1906), p. 317. 186 THE SHEPHERD OF CLENARDA Luis de Gama, first Marquis of Niza, who was sent to that Court as Ambassador extraordinary in that year. As he returned to Portugal on April 30, 1649, it is probable that Botello returned with him. 1 The latest notice we have of Botello is in i654. 2 " The Shepherd of Clenarda," a pastoral romance in prose and verse, the chief personages of which are Lisardo and Clenarda, is divided into four books. Prefixed are a number of laudatory verses by Spanish ingenlos, including Da. Maria de Zayas, Manuel de Faria y Sousa (" to the author, on his leaving for India"), Alonso de Salas Bar- badillo, D. Rodrigo de Herrera, " his best friend ", and Antonio Lopez de Vega. The latter addresses the poet as Lisardo, indicating that Botello has represented himself under this disguise. In his Fabula de Piramo y Tisbe he tells us that his pastoral romance is a " historia disf razada, si bien verdadera." I have never seen a copy of this very rare book. 8 1 See O primeiro Marquez de Niza, by Jose Ramos-Coelho, in Ar- chivo Historico Portugues, I, Lisbon, 1903. On August 2, 1647, he writes from Paris : " De Madrid me vem agora todas as obras do grande Lope de Vega ; e sao quarenta e cinco livros que nao tinha " (p. 38). Botello is not mentioned in this article. See also Barrera, Catalogo, p. 44. 2 " Pelos seus longos services, tanto em Paris como na India, o agraciou D. Joao IV., em 1649, com o habito de Christo, dando-lhe em 1654 a pensao de vinte mil reis na commenda de Ranhados, em que estava provide D. Fernao Manuel. Archivo Historico Portugues, IV, p. 317- 3 Gallardo (Ensayo, II, p. 126) says of it: "La prosa y los versos son faciles y corrientes, pero no tienen colores ni conceptos senalados que distingan a Botello privilegiadamente entre los ingenios de su tiempo. Su estilo es mas florero que florido. El corriente de su prosa se parece a la del Dr. Lozano, aunque la de este es mas rica." See also Garcia Peres, Catalogo razonado de los Autores Portugueses que escribieron en Castellano. Madrid, 1890, p. 58. Botello also con- tributed verses to the Justa poetica in honor of San Isidro, held at Madrid in 1620. See Gallardo, Ensayo, IV, p. 973. CUEVAS : " THE EXPERIENCES OF LOVE AND FORTUNE." FOUR years afterward, in 1626, Francisco de Quintana, a friend of Lope de Vega, under the name of Francisco de las Cuevas, published " The Experiences of Love and For- tune." x Quintana was born in Madrid, and in 1626 be- came a member of the Congregation of Saint Peter, in which he served the cause of the church with great zeal, and seems to have had considerable reputation for elo- quence as a preacher. In 1644 he became rector of the 1 Experiencias de Amor y Fortuna. A Lope Felix de Vega Carpio, Procurador Fiscal de la Comoro Apostolica, y su Notario descrito en el Archiuo Romano, Familiar del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion. Por el Licenciado Francisco de las Cuevas, natvral de Madrid. Ano (In oblectatione saepe est doctrina) 1626. Con Privilegio. En Madrid, Por la Vivda de Alonso Martin. Salva (no. 1780) describes an edi- tion "Madrid, Francisco Martinez, 1632, 8, 16 -J- 276 fols., and I have a note of one: Montilla, Francisco Martinez, 8, 6 -|- 258 fols. The next ed. (which I possess), is Barcelona, por Pedro Lacavalleria, 1633, 8, 8 -\- 156 fols. There were also editions of Madrid, 1641 ; Jaen, 1646; Barcelona, 1649; Madrid, 1666 and 1723. That the Ex- periencias passed through so many editions is evidence that it en- joyed considerable popularity, and shows how easily the public taste was satisfied. The book is no better and no worse, however, than the author's next attempt, the Historia de Hipolito y Aminta, first pub- lished in Madrid in 1627. It is written in the manner of the Persiles y Sigismunda of Cervantes, and was perhaps prompted by it. Quin- tana's literary success was doubtless due, in no small measure, to the powerful influence of his friend, Lope de Vega. It may be mentioned that an English translation of " The Experiences of Love and For- tune" appeared in 1651. It is entitled: The History of Don Fenise. A new Romance, written in Spanish by Francisco de las Coveras (sic). And now Englished by a person of honour. 8. London. Printed by Humphrey Moseley, 1651. 188 THE EXPERIENCES OF LOVE AND FORTUNE Hospital de la Latina in Madrid. Such, however, were the litigations and entanglements in which Quintana became involved, that he was reduced to the greatest poverty. He died January 25, I658. 1 ' The Experiences of Love and Fortune " is dedicated to Quintana's friend, Lope de Vega, who, in an address prefixed to the work, speaks of it as " esta primera piedra de sus estudios, aunque tan sazonado fruto de sus verdes afios." From this it is evident that Cuevas, as we may now call him, was then a young man, and this may be some excuse for his very commonplace book. It is divided into five poemas, " because poema is a generic name which embraces not only verses, but also prose, as Cicero inti- mates in his book De Oratore," etc. He concludes thus: " I do not think that the learned will be displeased with reading it, for as Quintilian says : ' In grandibus coenis hoc saepe nobis accidit, ut cum optimis saciati sumus, varietas tamen nobis ex vilioribus grata sit.' ' The first " poem " begins thus : " No lexos de una pequena f uente, que a un verde sauze puso de transparente cristal Candidas prisiones, Siluio, pas- tor por su entendimiento, y por su disposicion celebrado en los montes que a la Imperial Toledo vezinos, son aspera poblacion de duros robles, o albergue poco culto, a varias fieras, mayoral de un mediano aprisco, dueno de un apa- cible rebafio, que a trechos era esmalte del prado, nieue del monte, siendo en partes aumentado de las pefias; estaua una tarde, de las que suauamente alienta Mayo, respirando a un tiempo zefiros y flores, tan melancolico, que ni los campos le diuertian, ni las fuentes le dauan alegria; antes le sucedia tan al contrario (efeto antiguo de los perfetos 1 Alvarez y Baena, Hijos de Madrid, Vol. II, p. 152 ; Barrera, Bio- grafia de Lope de Vega, in Obras de Lope de Vega, I, Madrid, 1890, p. 502. I 9 o SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES tristes) que le seruia de mortal veneno lo que pudiera sanar sus fieros males." Here is a passage from the second " poem " : " La malicia de los presentes siglos, tan conforme en todo a la de los passados, nos muestra claramente, que siem- pre ha sido uno mismo el mundo, y siempre flaca nijestra naturaleza. Quando yo miro que Seneca in Agam. dize estas palabras: Perecieron las costumbres, la fuerga, la piedad, y la verguenga, que una vez perdida, ignora los ca- minos de boluer a su duefio; pienso, o que Feniso viuio en tiempo de Seneca, o que Seneca estuuo presente a los su- cessos de Feniso. Sano de su indisposicion estaua, solicito restaurar su perdida pretendia, y cuerdo su sentimiento ocultaua nuestro noble Cauallero a tiempo que una ma- nana de las que el hermoso padre del dia calienta las duras escamas de Escorpion, llego cansado de hazer ocultas dili- gencias a su posada y casa de Leonardo, no hallo en ella a don Luis, porque le desuelaua el mismo cuydado; y assi opresso de su imaginacion (tormento que mata sin acabar la vida, y dafio, cuyo remedio es tan dificultoso, como contra enemigo inescusable) se arrojo sobre la cama para descansar, porque viue enganado el que piensa que los pesares no cansan el cuerpo, quando atormentan el alma." As a specimen of the verse in " The Experiences of Love and Fortune," I have copied the following Epigrama, which the shepherds sing upon seeing Theodora with a carnation (clavel) in her mouth. Clauel hermoso que espirando olores Al duke aliento de mi bien te mueues, No se inquietan tus hojas por ser leues, Antes son de temor essos temblores. Al competirte injurias otras floras, Y es bien igual rigor aora prueues, Aunque a tu osada competencia deues El tener de verguenc.a essas colores. THE EXPERIENCES OF LOVE AND FORTUNE igi Pienso que fueran tus consejos sabios Si mudaras el ser, si cristal fueras, luzgarante reflexes de sus labios; Mas en tanta porfia es bien que infieras, Que por necio mereces mas agrauios, Pues viendote exceder, veneer esperas (fol. 44). Here are some decimas: No se si se llame amor a esto que mi pecho alcanga, que amor y sin esperanqa mas me parece rigor: el impossible mayor no consiste en ser mi empleo indigno deste trofeo, porque el mayor impossible aduierto en no ser possible todo quanto yo deseo. Vuestra beldad me assegura de que con razon me empeno, de mi pecho os haze duefio deseos de mi ventura: vuestro ingenio me procura quitar vida y libertad, mas en la seguridad con que mis afectos nacen, deshaze el temor quanto hazen deseo, ingenio, y beldad (fol. 103). The book, to the credit of its author, contains very little verse. It is written in the bad taste of much of the prose of the time, with a piling-up of epithets and constant resort to antithetical clauses. " The Experiences of Love and Fortune," should, however, be expunged from the list of pastoral romances in which it has so long figured, for it is a romance of adventure simply, made up of most improb- able incidents, the second " poem " containing an episode based upon the old story of Ami et A mile. CORRAL: "THE CYNTHIA OF ARANJUEZ." THREE years had elapsed when, in 1629, La Cintia de Aranjuez, by Don Gabriel de Corral, appeared at Madrid. 1 The author, who was the son of Garcia de Corral and Ysabel de Villalpando, was born at Valladolid, where he was baptized on March 31, i$88. 2 He became chaplain to the Constable of Castile, and three years before the ap- pearance of the " Cinthia " he had published a translation of the " Argenis " of Jean Barclay, entitled : La Prodigiosa Historia de los dos Amantes, Argenis y Poliarc'o, Madrid, Juan Gonzalez, 1626, 4. 3 He also translated from the Latin the poetical works of Pope Urban VIII. The earliest appearance of Corral as an author, to my 1 La Cintia de Aranivez, Prosas y Versos. For el Licenciado Don Gabriel de Corral, natural de Valladolid. Al Excelentissimo Senor Condestable de Castillo, mi senor. [Arms of the Constable.] En Madrid. En la Imprenta del Reyno. A costa de Alonso Perez, Lib- rero de su Magestad. Ano MDCXXIX. 8, viii -|- 208 ff. I possess a copy. 2 Partida de bautismo : " Grabiel = En treinte y uno de marc.o de 1588 anos baptice a gabriel hi jo de Garcia de corral y de ysabel de billalpando su muger fueron padrinos Antonio bauptista de c.amora y maria alonso Abogado S. Andres." Cortes, Una Corte literaria, p. 167; and the same author's article on Gabriel de Corral in the Revista Contemporanea (Enero, 1903), which I was unable to consult. Sr. Cortes says : " Tuvo Gabriel un hermano, Juan, bautizado en la An- tigua, y una hermana Casilda, bautizada en S. Martin." After this account was finished I had the pleasure of receiving a copy of Sr. Cortes' article in the Revista, for which I wish to thank him most cordially. I have made some additions from his article. 8 The Argenis of Barclay, written in Latin, was first printed in 1621. A French translation appeared as early as 1623. 192 THE CYNTHIA OF ARANJUEZ knowledge, is found in some Latin distichs which he wrote to Montalvan's Orfeo in 1624.* He also wrote a laudatory decima to Castillo Solorzano's Tardes entretenidas, 1625. In 1631 he is mentioned among the distinguished poets of the time by Sebastian Francisco de Medrano, 2 and seems to have enjoyed considerable reputation as a writer of verse. In the prologue to the " Cynthia," dated Zaragoc,a, Au- gust 15, 1628, Corral says that he is writing these " sketches " on his journey to Rome, without books or help (prevention) of any kind, " no para estimacion, sino para dar a entender mi afecto asi a la pluma, como a la atencion de los obligaciones que V. Merced me ha puesto," etc. Our author passed some years in Italy, being at Rome in 1632 in the service of the Count of Monte-Rey, the 1 Unless, as is very probable, our author is the same person as El Licenciado Gabriel Garcia de Corral, who contributed verses to the certamen poetico published by Pedro de Herrera in his Description de la Capilla de nuestra Senora del Sagrario, etc., Madrid, 1617. Salva, Catalogo, No. 260. I am glad to learn that Sr. Cortes is also of the opinion that they are one person. 2 In his Favores de las Musas, Milan, 1631. See Gallardo, Ensayo, Vol. Ill, col. 702. Some unedited poems by Corral are found in a MS. in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid (M. 202). Ibid., Vol. II, Ap- pendix, p. 35. According to D. Luis Fernandez-Guerra y Orbe, Alar- con, p. 336, Corral belonged to the famous Academia poetica in Mad- rid, in 1622, of which all the most celebrated poets were members, in- cluding Lope de Vega, Mira de Mescua, Guillen de Castro, Luis Velez de Guevara, Alarcon, and others. Hartzenbusch, in his preliminary study of Alarcon's works (Comedias de D. Juan Ruiz de Alarcon y Mendoza, p. xxxiv, in Bibl. de Autores Espanoles), had already called attention to the vejamen dado en una academia in which all who en- tered into the concurso were greatly caricatured, and among whom Corral also figures. The account is interesting, but is too long to be copied here. I do not find any notice of this particular vexamen in the Obras de Anastasio Pantaleon de Ribera, Madrid, 1634, which I have. In the vexamen segundo (ibid., fol. I43v) he figures as "el Licenciado Coriandro." IQ4 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES Spanish Ambassador. 1 Returniing to Spain, he was made Canon of Zamora, and afterwards Superior of the Col- legial Church at Toro, which office he certainly held in i64O, 2 and apparently until his death, which took place in Toro in November, i646. 3 Barrera is of the opinion that two authors of the same name, Gabriel de Corral, existed in Spain at the beginning of the seventeenth century. 4 The grounds, however, for such an opinion are very slight, presumably because a play has come down to us, La Trompeta del Juizio, by Gabriel de Corral, printed in Vol. XXXI of the Comedias nuevas escogidas de los me j ores Ingenios de Espaiia, Madrid, 1669. 1 In this year Montalban wrote of him : " D. Gabriel del Corral, que oy esta en Roma en seruicio del Conde de Monterrey, las [comedias] escriuio como quien quiere prouar la pluma en lo menos, excelentissi- mamente." " Memoria de los que escriuen Comedias en Castilla sola- mente," in Para Todos, ed. of 1645, fol, 278v. That Corral was in Italy prior to 1630, is also shown by Lope de Vega's Laurel de Apolo, Silva III ; see also Silva VIII, in which Lope calls him the Spanish Propertius. 2 In the Obras de Don Luis de Ulloa Pereira, first published in 1659, there is an " Epistola de D. Gabriel de Corral, Abad entonces de la Iglesia Colegial de Toro." In my copy, which is of the second edi- tion, Madrid, 1674, it occurs on pp. 155-160, and is dated February 26, 1640. This epistola is also printed in Bohl v. Faber's Floresta, Vol. Ill, p. 365, No. 981. Barrera says of Corral : " D. Francisco de Vitoria, D. Gabriel del Corral, D. Luis de Ulloa Pereira y sus hijos, en algunas temporadas, y tal cual otro ingenio, formaban en Toro una tertulia, que probablemente se reuniria y haria la corte (por los anos de 1643 al de 1645) en el palacio del destronado ministro," i. e. the Count Duke of Olivares. Catdlogo, p. 499; see also Nueva Biografia de Lope de Vega, p. 403. 3 Partida de difuncion : " Don Gabriel de Corral, Abad que fue de esta Santa Iglesia, se enterro en ella en veinta y siete de Noviembre dicho ano de 1646; hizo testamento ante Alonso Rodriguez Davila, Scriv de esta ciudad de Toro; testamentarios Don Juo. Brabo, idem, Antonio de la Sierra, Abad que al presente es." Cortes, in Revista Contemporanea, 1903, p. 17. 4 Catdlogo, p. IOI. THE CYNTHIA OF ARANJUEZ There can scarcely be a doubt that the Gabriel Garcia de Corral mentioned in a previous note and our author are one and the same person; no more than it can be doubted that Lope de Vega in the two passages of his Laurel de Apolo refers to but one poet. Besides we have the direct testimony of Montalvan that our author was well known as a dramatist before 1632.* Unlike Lope de Vega, in the prologue to his Arcadia, Corral tells us in his address to the reader, that he does not write for the cultivated, saying : " No hablo con los Patricios de la cultura, sino con el vulgo 2 con quien Mar- cial se entiende tal vez diziendo, Vobis pagina nostra dedi- catur," and again : " I, at least, desire to please the people." He tells us how the book was made up : "I shall confess to you that all the verses this volume contains were written antes del intento; and in order to make them acceptable, I have linked them with prose and accompanied them with these discourses, not daring to publish the mere rimas, in doing which, men of greater intellect run a risk that is well known. . . . What seemed more venturesome, was to pub- 1 For an account of La Trompeta del Juisio, see the articles of Cortes, already mentioned. There is a MS. (xvii century) of La gran Comedia de la Trompeta del Juicio, proceeding from the Osuna collection, in which it is ascribed to D. Francisco de Rojas on the title-page, though the concluding lines of the play declare it to be the work of two poets. Sr. Cotarelo says : " Esto sera lo mas cierto : Corral y Rojas habran compuesto la comedia, y solo alia muchos anos despues de muertos ambos, el editor se la habra adjudicado al que seria autor del acto primero 6 de la primera mitad de la Obra." Francisco de Rojas Zorrilla, Madrid, 1911, p. 259. 2 Concerning this expression, Wolf says: " Dass daruntur noch im- mer nicht der Pobel, ja dass unter diesem Spanischen Vulgo noch ein sehr achtbarer Theil der Nation, die ganze landliche und kleinstadt- ische Bevolkerung im Gegensatz zu den Hauptstadten auch damals (mitte des 16 Jahrhunderts) noch begriffen gewesen sei, hat Huber (Gott. Am., 1857, s. 452) sehr gut nachgewiesen. Studien zur Gesch. d. Spanischen u. Port. Nationalliteratur, p. 543, n. 196 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES lish a book for diversion or entertainment, although pure and exemplary, when, from the nature of my studies, more serious matters were expected." The author succeeded in making a prosy and tiresome book, which is quite a task to read. It is very probable that some real personage is concealed under the name Cynthia. On fol. 16, there is an allusion to " un Heroe de los mas insignes que tuuo el tronco de los Guzmanes, de quien Cintia era hermosa rama " ; on fol. 68 we read : " El soneto f ue de Liseno. Celebro anticipado en vaticinio al heroe generoso don Caspar de Guzman." Again on fol. 95: " Este (dixo) senalando un bizarro varon, es padre de mi sefiora Cintia, cauallero que por su valor y sangre tuuo grandes puestos." Cintia takes lessons in Latin (fol. 115); she lived in Guadalajara (fol. i23v), and Lisardo, who is in love with her, turns out to be her half-brother (ibid.). Cynthia's relatives brought her to Madrid (fol. 124) ; here she was betrothed against her will, and as a relief from " her illness and melancholy," she retires to the solitude of this fingido Arcadia (fol. I24v). On fol. iSQv we are told that Cynthia is " dona Guiomar, que ilustra el apellido de los Heroes Guzmanes." The following " eclogue " which the shepherds sing to a lovely " auditorio de zagales acompanadas de garcpnes bizarros," will give an idea of the poetry : " Dulce remora del viento, Coro entero en una voz, Que fue mordaza inuisible De arroyo murmurador. Iman del risco, y del eco, Impossible imitacion, Y de un aliso pomposo Alada y parlera flor. Auecilla en fin quexosa De amor, si bien desmintio THE CYNTHIA OF ARANJUEZ A las quexas el concento, Y la musica al dolor. Calla tu cuidado, No le digas no, Que diran, si le cantas, Que te falta amor. Como blasonas martirios, Si en los indicios del Sol Madrugan tus sentimientos A templarse con tu voz? Qual amante sus querellas Tan suaues disfrazo, Si el merito del amar Se pierde en la explicacion? Merezcate amor silencio, Imitemonos los dos, Aprende a morir callando, Agradecido al dolor. Calla tu cuidado," etc. Corral is not more fortunate in his sonnets than in his " eclogues." Sonnet. Esta tremula lumbre, que del viento Viue sobresaltada y mal segura, Atalaya del tiempo, que apresura De las horas el facil mouimiento: Este, o Lelio, alumbrado aduertimiento, Que generoso luce lo que dura, Que ignorante de noche de hora escura La vida ha vinculado al lucimiento : Indice claro, auiso es eloquente, Si de otro que la vista necessitas, Y del estudio noble de tu idea, Para que pues del ayre estas pendiente, No a tan breue periodo permitas, Accion que de la luz indigna sea (fol. 94b). The subject of this sonnet (incomprehensible to me) is a bronze clock : " Laurencio, que no era pobre, en los ador- nos y galas de su quarto tenia otro relox de bronze, que 1 98 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES libraua su valor en el artificio, porque con el mayor que hasta entonces se auia visto, el indice de las horas era una luz que las iba alumbrando y sefialando." Book II contains a vexamen in which one of the char- acters expresses astonishment that " there should be hos- pitals for so many bodies and nations and yet one for poets should be wanting, although they have so many ills." The book is, accordingly divided into seven Canias or beds. We are told, moreover, that " ha llegado la necessidad poe- tica a tal estado, que de hambre mas que de intention, si no se comen, se muerden unos a otros. No es trato la poesia que ha dado hasta hoy principio a algun mayorazgo, porque los romances y sonetos, aunque scan del Sefior Danteo, un afio con otro, no valen nada: solo para esta nueua funda- cion faltara Medico, ya porque juzgauan la cura destos en- fermos impossible, ya porque auia pocas esperangas del stipendio," etc. Apollo now visits the different beds where the poets lie. The first one he declares " por hetico y tisico ; y era asi, porque se auia desainado de consonantes, y padecia ftuxo de sonetos, y colica de romnaces, a cuyos achaques soco- rrio con esta receta : " Para que por buen camino Engorde este cecinado, Esqueleto amortajado En pieles de pergamino : Recipe una gauioneta Tan cortes y comedida, Que le quiera, y no le pida, Y abstengase de poeta" (fol. 82). Lope's high praise of Corral in his Laurel de Apolo is another proof, if any were needed of the untrustworthiness of this poem as a help to forming any opinion of Lope's contemporaries. SAAVEDRA: " THE SHEPHERDS OF THE BTIS." ' The Shepherds of the Betis," 1 by Don Gonzalo de Saavedra, 2 a Veintequatro 3 of the city of Cordova, next appeared at Trani, a town of Naples, in 1633. The work was published after the author's death by his son, who dedi- cated it to Don Manual de Fonseca y Zuniga, Captain Gen- eral of the Kingdom of Naples, and calls it " the diversions of my father's youth (divertimientos de la mocedad de mi padre). Of its style the son speaks as follows : " The prose is written without verbosity, ingeniously and elegantly; not too profusely nor laconically from affectation; nor is it obscure or prolix, but with well-disposed periods, and with clauses marvelously and helpfully arranged." The following excerpt, which is a very fair example of the style of " The Shepherds of the Betis," will enable one to form an independent opinion upon this point : " Entre otras tan f amosas, como f ertiles, y levantadas sierras, que nuestra Hispano Reyno posee, y lo atraviesen, esta una, adonde vienen a juntar los extremos quatro Pro- vincias del, a la qual llaman Sierra de Segura; no se yo porque, pues no ai persona que lo este de las hermosas Pas- 1 Betis, i. e. Guadalquivir. 2 Los Pastores del Betis; Versos y Prosas de Don Gonzalo de Saa- vedra, veintequatro de la ciudad de Cordoba: dadas a luz par D. Martin de Saavedra y Guzman su hijo, con algunos fragmentos suyos anadidos. Al Ilmo. y Excmo. Sr. D. Manuel de Fonseca y Zuniga, Conde de Monterey, etc. En Trani, por Lorenzo Valerij. Ano 1633. The license is signed by D. Cristoval Suarez de Figueroa, at Trani, October 10, 1633. See Gallardo, Ensayo, IV, p. 296. 3 Veintequatro. The corporation of Seville and other towns in An- dalucia, consisted of twenty-four members, called Veintequatros. 199 200 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES toras que lo habitan : de la qual un leuantado monte, a quien la naturaleza abrio sus pefiascosas entrafias, langa tanta cantidad de agua, que da principio, y nombre a la corriente del celebrado Betis, cuyos poblados margenes de aldeas son causa de que lo esten ellos, y sus hermosos campos de ganados, y perdidos Pastores, de Zagales, que mas cuidosos de amorosos pensamientos, que del gouierno de ellos, olui- dados de todo lo que no es mostrar la firmeza de sus volun- tades, passaron el tiempo en amorosas juntas. Aqui la maestra naturaleza, usando de su politica inuencion, enri- quecio estos Valles de agradables fuentes, contrapuestas a los temporales, assi, que en el ardiente estio apenas las manos pueden resistir la frialdad de sus cristales, y en el riguroso inuierno, en ellos entrados se estienden, y regalan con su templanga los encogidos neruios: de algunas de las quales las sobras forman agradables, y murmurantes corr- ientes, que de amorosos pechos con tierans lagrimas, au- mentadas, llegan fertilizando el distrito, que desde su naci- miento, hasta el famoso rio; inclinando a trechos con su continue curso, los delgados, y verdes junquillos, y las pintadas y tiernas florecillas, que puestas por limite de su anchura, hermosean sus humedos margenes." Of Saavedra's poetry, I copy the song of Beliso (p. 79) : Dulce y sabrosa fuente, Si tu cristal enturbian los despojos, Y continua corriente Que el corazon te ofrece por los ojos, Para que te acompanen Y destos olmos las raizes banen. Porque, como murmuras Entre las pedrezuelas, y la arena, Remedio no procuras Para que cesse mi tormento y pena, Y acabados mis males, No enturbiara mi llanto tus cristales? THE SHEPHERDS OF THE BTIS 2 OI Mueue tu muda lengua Para reparo de mi triste vida, Pues mi dolor no mengua, Ni el rigor de una fiera enpedernida, Y di a esta ingrata bella Con la razon que Talma se querella. Y tu esmaltado prado Mas que la misma habitacion de flora, Si por estar pisado De los diuinos pies de mi Senora, A Chipre te auentajas, Porque mi dafio, y su rigor no atajas? Vosotros airecillos Que mil vozes formais, dando en las ojas De aquestos arbolillos, Formad alguna que de mis congojas De euenta a mi Pastora, Bella en el rostro, en condicion traidora. Mas, ay prado florido, Arboles, aires, fuente dulce y bella, Que me tiene rendido, Y ella lo sabe bien, que a no ver ella Tan rendido mi pecho, Menos lagrimas fueran de prouecho. The shepherds are, as is customary, led to the Temple of Diana, and upon one of its columns read the following prophecy : El que llegare a ver de aquesta casa Los trasparentes muros de diamante, O sea pastor libre, o tierno amante De los que premia Amor con mano escasa, En llegando a mirar la primer vasa, Pierda la vista luego en esse instante, Y de euenta sin ella a Dios tonante De la passion que el corazon le abrasa. Porque no puede serla manifiesta A nadie deste templo la grandeza, Y las cosas que en el hay encerradas, Hasta que de un Pastor con risa, y fiesta, De su pastora, mansa la fiereza, Se celebren las bodas deseadas. 202 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES Of this prophecy the sage says : " Do not trouble yourself to solve it, for it will be in vain, as I assure you that, until the day come in which the Gods permit that this may be fulfilled, it will be impossible for any human intellect however clever (amenta/ado) , to understand the mysterious secret hidden in these few let- ters." " The Shepherds of the Betis " never reached a second edition. THE DECLINE OF THE PASTORAL ROMANCES. THE principal pastoral romances that appeared in Spain for nearly a century after the publication of the Diana of Montemayor, have now been passed briefly in review. They all possess the same general characteristics and followed closely in the steps of their Spanish model, though none ever attained the excellence reached by Montemayor. They all picture that ideal life in Arcadia, where the shepherds and shepherdesses " fleet the time carelessly as they did in the Golden World." In none of them is there any attempt at plot or connected narrative; the characters appear and disappear at the will of the author, and nothing was deemed improbable in the forests and meads of their fancied world. But, while the pastoral romance was finding such great favor in gentler circles, forms of literature had been gradu- ally developing which soon became its formidable rivals; and finally succeeded in obscuring it entirely; forms of literature that were destined to endure, because they were based upon the national life. In 1554 the " Novela Pica- resca " made its appearance in Lasarillo de Tormes, and, finally, the national Drama, the foundation of which had been laid as far back as the close of the fifteenth century, was developed with an ardor and enthusiasm for which we find a parallel only in the Greek and English dramatists. Dramatic literature was popular, because it was written for the whole people. It was hardly considered a respect- able form of literature at first, just as we know was the case in England ; but it had struck its roots deep in the very heart of Spanish life; it was the faithful mirror of the 203 204 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES Spanish character in all its ages and phases, and finally overshadowed every other form of literary composition. With the advent of the realistic novel and the drama, as illustrators of the national life, the more artificial and courtly pastoral romance gradually disappeared from the scene, but not without leaving its impress upon the litera- ture of Spain. Like the romance of chivalry, it was an important factor in the development of style in Spanish prose, and the easy and graceful diction of Cervantes is doubtless due, in no small measure, to the influence of the pastoral romance, which made itself felt even in the drama ; witness the exquisite pictures of rural life which occur in so many of the plays of Lope de Vega. But the pastoral romance has passed away forever, with the times and the manners that produced it. The singing and sighing of shepherds, that were a pastime and a pleas- ure in a more ingenuous age, find no responsive echo in this more practical century. And though the Diana of Montemayor has been reprinted in our own day, it can hardly be hoped that the fragrance of the fields and forests of its Arcadia is still as perceptible or as agreeable to the modern reader as it was to the reader of three hundred years ago ; but considered as a mirror reflecting other times and other conditions, the pastoral romance will always maintain an important place in the literature of the Golden Age of Spain. APPENDIX. THIS carta or letter of Montemayor is not to be found in any of his works, so far as I know. That portion of it which relates to his life is here subjoined, copied from the excellent edition of the Poesias de Francisco de Sd de Mi- randa by Caroline Michaelis de Vasconcellos. Halle, 1885, p. 655. See p. 20, note i. Riberas me crie del rio Mondego, 70 Ado jamas sembro el fiero Marte Del Rei Marsilio aca desasosiego. De ciencia alii alcanze mui poca parte I por sola esta parte juzgo el todo De mi ciencia i estilo, ingenio i arte. 75 En musica gaste mi tiempo todo; Previno Dios en mi por esta via Para me sustentar por algun modo. No se fio, senor, de la poesia, Porque vio poca en mi, i aunque mas viera, 80 Vio ser pasado el tiempo en que valia. El rio de Mondego i su ribera Con otros mis iguales paseava, bujeto al crudo amor i su bandera. Con ellos el cantar exercitava 85 I bien sabe el amor que mi Marfida la entonces sin la ver me lastimava. Aquella tierra fue de mi querida ; Deje la, aunque no quise, porque veia Llegado el tiempo ia de buscar vida. 90 Para la gran Hesperia fue la via Ado me encaminava mi ventura I ado senti que amor hiere i porfia. Alii me mostro amor una figura; Con la flecha apuntando dijo : aquella! 95 I luego me tiro con fuerza dura. A mi Marfida vi mas i mas bella 205 206 APPENDIX Que quantas nos mostro naturaleza, Pues todo lo de todas puso en ella. El mar de perfecion i gentileza, 100 Fida por la mas fiel que nadie vido, Suma lealtad de fe i de firmeza. Mas ia que el crudo amor me huvo herido, Le vi quedar tan preso en sus amores Que io fui vencedor siendo vencido. 105 Alii senti de amor tales dolores Que hasta los de aora no creia Que los pudiera dar amor maiores. Pero despues que un mal en mi porfia, El qual se llama ausencia, es quasi nada no El otro grave mal que antes sufria. En este medio tiempo la estremada De nuestra Lusitania gran princeza En quien la fama siempre esta ocupada, Tuvo, senor, por bien de mi rudeza 115 Servir se, un bajo ser alevantado Con su saber estrano i su grandeza, En cuia casa estoi ora, pasando Con mi cansada musa ora en esto, Ora de amor i ausencia estoi quejando, 120 Ora mi mal al mundo manifiesto; Ora ordeno partirme, ora me quedo ; En una ora mil vezes mudo el puesto; Ora, a hurto de amor, me finjo ledo; Ora me veo tan triste que me muero ; 125 Ora querria morir me i nunca puedo. Mil vezes me pregunto que me quiero I no se responder me ni sentir me; Enfin me hallo tal que desespero. etc. CENTRAL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY University of California, San Diego DATE DUE SEP 21 196: JUN25 C139 UCSD Libr.