University Library 
 University of California Berkeley 
 

 OF 
 
 CHARLES A. SUMNER, 
 
 Delivered at a Republican Mass Meeting 
 
 AT 
 
 S 
 
 On Friday Evening, September 7th, 1860. 
 
 On the evening above named, the spacious hall of the Republican 
 Central Club was crowded by an intelligent and attentive audience. 
 
 Mr. BARTON, President of the Club, introduced^ Mr. C. A. 
 SUMNER, of San Francisco. 
 Mr. SUMNER said : 
 
 MR. PRESIDENT AND FELLOW-CITIZENS : From the midst of duties the 
 most imperative and exacting, suffering under a temporary indisposition of a 
 nature peculiarly calculated to unfit one for the proper discharge of those 
 obligations which a speaker owes to the community of citizens before whom 
 he has been formally announced to appear, I come to you, this evening, ap 
 prehending that throughout my remarks I shall have constant occasion for 
 the exercise of your kind indulgence. But I will not allow myself to be in 
 troduced to you merely as a man generally absorbed in other pursuits than 
 those of a. political nature, or as one who, being afflicted for the time present 
 with physical ailing, cannot borrow inspiration and vitalizing strength from 
 the principles of the party we are here to advocate and to sustain. 
 
 1 am glad of the opportunity that brings me here, with you, to-night. I 
 am proud to have the honor of addressing so large and respectable a gath 
 ering of the people of the city and county in which I once resided, in which 
 I now frequently sojourn and follow the business of my profession; and for 
 whose interests I have entertained and hope continually to hold the highest 
 and most careful regard. As I rose to speak a most pleasing assurance 
 sprang from the retrospect which opened to my view. Three or four years 
 ago a short period in the ordinary history of States and of individuals, but 
 O ! how long and important in the birth of great events for California three 
 or four years ago the entire Republican strength of this county was to be 
 numbered by a few hundreds. About that distance of time from us, in the 
 past, I was honored by a nomination at the hands of the Republican party 
 of Sacramento for an office of large emoluments with little labor; and I re 
 ceived some four or five hundred votes out of thousands which were cast at 
 that election. Subsequent to that date, I was engaged in editing and pub 
 lishing a Republican daily in this city, which, though liberally encouraged by 
 a few men in our ranks, never returned to those immediately employed in its 
 
conduct a very heavy pecuniary compensation. But let this meeting, so 
 considerable in numbers and so enthusiastic in spirit, called at such a brief 
 and imperfect notice, having the single attraction of such a plain talk as 
 your humble servant can afford, on matters political, be recorded in unim 
 peachable evidence of the growing favor of our cause and the definite pros 
 perity of our party. 
 
 And I rejoice exceedingly in this certain indication of our numerically 
 increasing force. I rejoice for the sake of our cause and for the sake of the 
 people. It is a most comfortable reflection, that after years of service in a 
 political organization, after undergoing much of positive toil and loss, and 
 struggling with vexation of spirit under the cloud of popular reproach, we 
 are enabled to feel the power of the general voice in our behalf. I am glad 
 of this, since I know that there are many among the floating classes of our 
 population who cannot recognize and appreciate and who will not practically 
 acknowledge the truth of our principles unless they are inscribed upon ban 
 ners borne by an army having the prestige and promise of victory. And, 
 fellow-citizens, that promise is now with us ; and we may hope for and expect 
 daily valuable accessions to our ranks. And be our proclamation Let the 
 recruits come in ! on the one hand, unawed by threats of political proscrip 
 tion, and, on the other hand, welcomed by the most unaffected and sincere 
 expressions of a desire for future political fellowship. Let there be no article 
 illegitimately interpolated in our national creed which shall not comport with 
 the characteristic our platform of Faith now holds, above that of any other 
 party in the land that of an impartial and strict regard for the rights and 
 the welfare of all citizens, irrespective of their nationalities, trades, profes 
 sions and abilities. 
 
 Mr. President and fellow-citizens : The day in which indifference to our 
 political condition was excusable on the part of any citizen if, indeed, such 
 a period can be proven ever to have existed in the history of our country 
 has, assuredly, passed away. The whole mind of the people has been 
 aroused by the wicked accomplishments and the still more infamous tenden 
 cies of our present administered Federal Government, now, we rejoice to re 
 member, in the closing year of its existence. If the deeds actually done in 
 the body and by the authority of this administration have not been of such a 
 nature and magnitude as in themselves to startle and shock the universal 
 sentiment of truth, justice and decency, its bold and base though fruitless 
 endeavors, its flagrant omissions, its promises, flauntingly held out for itself 
 and its possible successor, adopting the same line of policy, ought to have 
 touched every citizen who loves his country with a fear for the perpetuity of 
 its institutions, inspired the heart and nerved the arm of every patriot with 
 an unalterable determination to secure a decided and immediate change in 
 the conduct of Federal affairs. It is a safe and certain appeal, then, which 
 a citizen may make at this time in addressing a promiscuous assemblage on 
 matters political, to a general, although in degree very unequal and in qual 
 ity, perhaps* very dissimilar sense and appreciation of the corrupting and 
 destroying elements which have been cautiously and secretly introduced, but 
 which have in recent years been shamelessly exhibited in our National Kule. 
 
 I assume then that the members of the Republican party stand, at the 
 outset, not so much the advocates of precise and normal progress, as the 
 averters of impending ruin and overwhelming catastrophe. Or, if it be 
 " progress " which the platform of our political organization declares we 
 are seeking if that term, with its blessed significations and associa'ions of 
 old, and its sad perversions by the moral and political schools of this genera 
 tion, is deemed the most fit and exact to tell of our aims and actions ; then 
 we are attempting an advance, a progress, up the grade from the low level to 
 which the demagogue chiefs of the still-denominated Democratic party have 
 reduced our once glorious Federal government. 
 
Jancrcft Library 
 
 And, fellow-citizens, no sensible, reading, honest man will challenge these 
 assertions as mere sensation periods, unfounded in any firmer basis than a 
 miserable hope for a morbid and temporary excitement. For, reflections 
 such as these are substantially the burden of hourly conversations on the 
 public highway, in the hotel, the workshop and at the fireside. Indeed, as 
 we pass through community, as we receive and return the ordinary salu 
 tations of neighbors and friends, as we catch from every quarter those inci 
 dental, unpretending phrases, bearing opinions upon politicians and political 
 measures and records seemingly so long entertained and so often expressed 
 as to be considered by their authors hardly worth a repetition the words of 
 casual comment and censure which can only spring from a wide-spread in 
 formation and deep-rooted conviction in regard questions of Representation 
 and Law we are excited to an astonishment unspeakable at the realization 
 of the fact that there are any, no matter how few, who are so weak as to do 
 homage to the rulers by whose hands the sceptre of power is now convul 
 sively and precariously clutched, or so deficient in manly intelligence and so 
 puti'ed up with the conceit of sycophancy as to attempt to extenuatingly ex 
 plain or directly defend the administration of James Buchanan. We may 
 look for and we can abide a strenuous endeavor on the part of the rulers 
 themselves to support their position in office by speeches abounding in pre 
 varications and miss:atements although even their impertinence sometimes 
 forces from us the blush of mortification 5 but for those claiming entire disin 
 terestedness to make efforts for the help of the Federal governors of to-day 
 is, really, a performance passing common understanding. 
 
 And in this connection there are to be enumerated some of the most re 
 markable tacts ever developed in the history of any political canvass since 
 the organization of our Republican system of general command and private 
 security. We appear to ascend into a temple of wonder as we proceed to 
 rehearse them. 
 
 A large portion of the once compact and victorious Democracy the equal 
 if not the major portion of that organization seek to unshoulder every par 
 ticle of the odium and curse which, as they acknowledge, justly falls upon the 
 political body truly responsible for the mal-admiuistration of Federal affairs 
 for the last four or eight years And what is the plea set up for this escape ? 
 We do not forget that until wiihin two or three years there has not been the 
 slightest difference of opinion between the now divided sections of the De 
 mocracy. No. But one wing of that party now has the effrontery to claim 
 and assert that it is entirely and absolutely free from any of the censure; which 
 may be righteously attached to James Buchanan's rule, because, forsooth, 
 their leader and candidate once dared and the vocabularies of our own living 
 and of two dead languages have been exhausted in the search for terms 
 wherein to herald the moral courage said to be evinced in this one act be 
 cause their candidate and leader dared (give them the implying benefit of the 
 word) to differ on an abstract question of political rights with the occupant 
 of the White House. Because Stephen A. Douglas once assumed a par 
 tially antagonistic position towards this administration on the subject of Popu 
 lar Sovereignty, in a series of discussions full of loose language and meaning 
 less babble, the pretense is set up that this Popular Sovereignty portion of 
 the Democracy, so-called, is not in any degree to be held accountable for 
 the past four years of national mismanagement. Mark you! Stephen A. 
 Douglas never opposed a single rotten proposition of this administration, 
 having relation to matters within the various States or in any one of them, 
 except in a single instance where his personal feelings and support were 
 deeply involved 1 refer now to the confirmation of the present Chicago 
 Postmaster ; and yet, because he differed on a single occasion and, as we 
 easily demonstrate, on a point of small significance and no practical value, 
 with the President of these United' States, both he and his followers the 
 most active and efficient workers for the election of James Buchanan are not 
 to be summoned on the enlarging record of administrative iniquity. Nay, 
 
more. There is another pinnacle of wonder remaining. Because Stephen 
 A. Douglas dared to differ with the President of these United States on an 
 abstract question of political rights, and because, from the date of that dif 
 ference, the President sought to ostracize the Illinois Senator and his friends, 
 therefore, pre-eminently so runs the argument pre-eminently, Mr. Doug 
 las and his friends are entitled to undertake the work and receive the honor 
 of constituting and composing prosecuting attorneys, judges and jurors in 
 the grand national case of the People of the Uni'.ed States vs. the " Old 
 Public Functionary." 
 
 The splendid and superlative audacity evinced in this assumption can 
 hardly be contemplated with any kind or degree of complacency. I make 
 but a passing allusion to it ; not for the purpose of directly attacking 
 Mr. Douglas and his peculiar adherents, but as illustrative of the very wide 
 spread sentiment of dislike and detestation towards our present high coun 
 selors at Washington ; and I submit to you, fellow-citi/cns, very general and 
 very unanimous must be the hatred of a people towards a President and his 
 conduct, when such a flimsy and pitiful shift for excuse as this which I have 
 described is resorted to by a portion of the party securing his elevation, and 
 with but few exceptions and until within a short period, sustaining his dis 
 honest domestic policy. 
 
 But, says one, if it be true that such is the popular regard, why trouble 
 us with talk about the matter? Why not keep a judicious silence ? Why 
 is not silence most judicious? Why waste time and breath arguing questions 
 or relating facts ? If all the people, or nearly all the people, entertain such 
 views as you have presented, what is the use or sense in haranguing upon 
 the past and existing position of political affairs,? Alas ! my friends, the ex 
 perience of the world has demonstrated in many a burning record, that it is 
 one thing to possess a general feeling of disapprobation and disgust, and 
 quite another to hold definite information and ideas in regard to the origin 
 of such feelings and to be enabled correctly to ACT in view of a coming 
 movement for a change or continuance of administration. It is necessary 
 that the history of the past four years should be gone over with again and 
 again before the masses of the people ; not in a tone of monotony, not in 
 mere recitative form and manner, but with each feature of official vice noted 
 with the emphasis of proof and warning ; so that the people may thoroughly 
 comprehend the workings of that political party with which, in affection and 
 by ballot, a majority of them have for a long time been connected. And the 
 former and present position of the great Lights and Leaders of the Democra 
 cy as it once was, must be exhibited to the inquiring sovereigns of this Re 
 public. Otherwise perceiving that the last Democratic Convention which 
 nominated John C. Breckinridge for the Presidency, refused to formally en 
 dorse the administration of James Buchanan ; hearing from the desperate 
 demagogues of the Douglas school and the smoothly-shaven, store-clothed, 
 flambeau-cravatted, gold-fobbed, big-bellied " respectabilities " of the Bell 
 and Everett fraternity the pretense that they are equally opposed with us 
 to sectionalism and misrule the people may be cajoled into such a course 
 of action as will lead to the re-establishment of the slave oligarchy in 
 another term of office. As sincerity is no equivalent for truth, so the univer 
 sal conviction of the existence of an evil is by no means a guarantee of its 
 speedy and complete removal. 
 
 Moreover, it becomes us, who in one form or another and without undue 
 ostentation attempt, not to be " leaders of the multitude," but the exercisers 
 of a fair and legitimate degree of influence over our neighbors and friends, 
 to carefully study the record of our opponent*, expose their short-comings, 
 their abuses of authority, their official profligacy, their willful neglects of 
 public interests while criminally engaged in fostering private speculations, 
 and indicate the direction which, in our opinion, the party with which we are 
 connected should take, in order to secure the best reformatory results. 
 
Fellow-citizens, in my remarks this evening I shall not enter into any 
 speculative argument on the subject of Popular Sovereignty, or seek to de 
 fine the just property rights of the people in either section of the Union, em 
 igrating from a State to a Territory. I might assign as a reason for this, that 
 there are other subjects of more interest to me, as I think they deserve 
 a relatively higher consideration from us all ; and the one which I shall re 
 frain from touching in any but the briefest manner has been made familiar to 
 you, and will continually be brought to your notice by older and much wiser 
 speakers upon technically legal or constitutional matters than I profess to be. 
 Besides, I hasten at this point to make the confession, I am heartily sick of 
 this everlasting talk usually lugged in when territorial forms of government 
 are discussed about negroes, and the peculiar oppressions under which it is 
 reported they occasionally suffer, and the peculiar rights which it is asserted 
 they ought always to enjoy. I am not here to expend my energies or vacate 
 your time and patience by bravely decrying the peculiar institutions of my 
 brethren in distant States. I shall, perhaps, refer to the facts properly asso 
 ciated in a fair discussion of this subject, as they are, or may be, illustrative 
 of this administration's history; but I shall not stop to dwell upon them. 
 
 Those who assert or imagine that a negro is the corner stone of 
 the Republican party edifice are as much at fault as is the distinguished 
 Senator from Virginia, when he announces that the blackmail, or the 
 institution of slavery, is the key-stone of the Federal arch. Nothing 
 is more injurious to our advance as a political organization than this 
 idea which our opponents attempt to force upon us that of making a mor 
 bid sympathy for an inferior race the foundation for a national party. Our 
 platform and the records of our leading men give the lie to this accusation, 
 this miserable doctrine put forward by enemies from without our organization 
 and only encouraged from within by a very few fanatical and irresponsible 
 men. We are of the opinion that slavery is detrimental to the best good of 
 the white race ; we oppose its extension into new territories on that ground ; 
 we oppose it by constitutional means. We will respect all State laws on 
 this subject, within the legal sphere of their operation. With our candidate, 
 Abe Lincoln, we are opposed to a repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law. We 
 cling to the union of these States forever, whether there be one slave or a 
 hundred million of slaves in any or every section thereof. You cannot show 
 the contrary of these statements, by exposing any platform-article or record 
 within our party since it has been in recognized existence. 
 
 Only, now, let me say that this " constitutional question," which has been 
 so savagely mooted in connection with this discussion on property rights in the 
 Territories, appears to me to be neither complex nor difficult. All questions 
 in which an interpretation or the Constitution of the United States is involved 
 are, in my opinion, simple and easily to be understood. No less a man than 
 Judge Story said : " A constitution of government is addressed to the com 
 mon sense of the people, and never was designed for trials of logical skill or 
 visionary speculation." Mr. Douglas has attempted to confuse the public 
 mind with subtle intricacies of speech on this subject, and has succeeded in 
 inoculating a large number of followers, who are without his reasoning pow 
 ers and his dishonesty of purpose, with his contradictory doctrines of Sover 
 eignty. I am inclined to believe that after the thorough sifting which his 
 sophistries hava received at the hands of such keen and true men as Abra 
 ham Lincoln and Lyman Trumbull, we are paying too high a compliment to 
 the mere tricky ingenuity of the " Little Giant " by extending the exposure 
 of his unstable political theories. 
 
 My friends, when James Buchanan was nominated for the Presidency, 
 the world in general labored under the impression that he was a great man. 
 By the time he had arrived at the conclusion of the delivery of his inaugural 
 address, the world was ready to concede, that without considering his advance 
 in life, he was a man of great promise. He promised whatever was asked 
 of him without stint or grudging, and he volunteered pledges without punc- 
 
tuation. His promises, political and personal, came so thick and fast that 
 they oftentimes ran into each other on the same line; sometimes overlaid 
 one another ; frequently contradicted each other. But their inconsistencies, 
 at least, were not seen until after the first month of his occupancy of the 
 Executive Chair. His mouth was like a golden-throa ed pitcher, from which 
 there was poured out the very essential oil of national beneficence, good will 
 and charity. 
 
 1. He promised us a Pacific Railroad. Has he fulfilled or endeavored 
 to fulfill that promise ? We shall see. 
 
 2. He promised peace on the slaver)' question. How has he abided by 
 that pledge ? 
 
 3. He promised protection to American industry. He is supposed by 
 some of his adherents to have fulfilled that promise by recommending to 
 Congress a slight qualification in our tariff rates, just prior to an important 
 election in his native State. 
 
 4. He promised a just and honorable settlement of our difficulties with 
 foreign nations. On this point he was very emphatic intimating that his 
 large acquaintance and experience in diplomatic circles would eminently qual 
 ify him for the " Foreign Relation business," which he would carry on with 
 consummate skill and advantage. So he said. We will come to a candid 
 consideration of his wonderful accomplishments in this line, by and by. 
 
 Of course, it would be impossible for us to enumeraie all the good thing* 
 assured unto us as a people, by the electioneering word of the " Old Public 
 Functionary." But do not let us omit to set down in order, as 
 
 5. He denounced corruption in high places, in official stations ; impliedly 
 and vehemently promising that nothing of the kind should be tolerated 
 during his reign and under his executive vision. I will not insult your 
 intelligence by anxiously seeking your opinion on this point. 
 
 The Pacific Railroad now signifies a want which has been thoroughly indi 
 vidualized by every citizen on these shores. I will not dwell upon its palpa 
 ble advantages. James Buchanan well understood its importance in fact to 
 the whole country, and the first estimation in which it was held by our people. 
 He signified that understanding by the last formal announcement he made 
 of his purpose to secure the early commencement of such a work. He def 
 initely pledged himself to the furtherance of this national undertaking, when, 
 in his letter accepting the Presidential nomination, he subscribed to the Rail 
 road Resolution (a * Ready Relief "for skittish North- Western Democrats ;) 
 he pledged himself to this great measure in the following terms, to be found 
 in his just-before-election letter to Ben Washington, of San Francisco : 
 
 To B. F. WASHINGTON, San Francisco SIR : I ha\e received numerous communica 
 tions from sources in California, entitled to high regard, in reference to the proposed 
 Pacific Rail Road. As it would be impossible for me to answer them all, I deem it 
 most proper and respectful to address you a general answer in your official capacity 
 [Chairman Democratic State Central Committee.] In performing this duty to the 
 citizens ot California, I act in perfect consistency with the self-imposed restriction 
 contained in my letter, accepting the nomination for the Presidency, and not to an 
 swer interrogatories, raising new and different issues from those presented by the 
 Cincinnati Convention ; because, that Convention has itself adopted a resolution in 
 favor of this great work, and I then desire to state briefly, that, concurring with the 
 Convention, I am decidedly favorable to the construction of the Pacific Rail Road; 
 and I derive the authority to do this, from the Constitutional power " to declare war,'' 
 and the Constitutional duty "to repel invasions." In my judgment, Congress pos 
 sesses the same power to make appropriations for the construction of this road, 
 strictly for the purpose of national defence, that they hatfe to erect fortifications at 
 the mouth of the Harbor of San Francisco. Indeed, the necessity, with a view to 
 repel foreign invasion from California, is as great in the one case as in the other. 
 Neither will there be danger from the precedent ; for it is almost impossible to con 
 ceive that any case, attended by such extraordinary and unprecedented circumstances, 
 can ever again occur in our history. Yours very Respectfully, 
 
 JAMES BUCHANAN, 
 

 You know that this letter slept in Benjamin's capacious breast coat pocket 
 until such an hour as he could conveniently draw it upon the people of this 
 coast, without venture of its finding printed sight in the Atlantic States before 
 the great ballot-day in November, 1856. You are probably aware of the 
 fact that it was denounced at the time of its appearance in the Globe, of 
 San Francisco, as a forgery ; and you will all probably agree with me to 
 night in declaring that it were better for all the parties concerned in its 
 influencing publication, that it should have been proven a forgery on the part 
 of some tide-waiter expectant, than that it should have been ultimately sealed, 
 as it has been, a willful and deliberate lie on the part of him whose name was 
 authoritatively appended. 
 
 It may be urged that James Buchanan has not had any oppotunity to 
 evince an honest will in compliance with his agreement with the people of 
 this coast. There are numerous ways in which a President can manifest a 
 sincere regard for any particular proposition calculated to enhance the glory 
 and prosperity of his country and the value of his own nane. He cannot 
 want for such opportunity, and his sincerity cannot fail of trial, as daily occa 
 sions in which he might develop with great effect his real desires in the 
 premises multiply and pass away improved or neglected. Let me reduce 
 this whole matter to a simple inquiry. Do you suppose for one moment, 
 does any intelligent citizen imagine, that if James Buchanan had his heart 
 and head rightly exercised in favor of the building of a Pacific Railroad, the 
 work would not now be well under way, the iron horse would not already be 
 sounding his shrill note for advancing civilization, on a track laid on the Cen 
 tral Line across the continent, and reaching to within a short distance of the 
 City of Salt Lake ? Those of us who are familiar with the influence which 
 covertly descends from the White House Functionary upon the weak breth 
 ren in either Hall of Congress, can answer this question with instant emphasis. 
 Fellow-citizens, if James Buchanan had been a consistent friend of the Cen 
 tral Pacific Railroad measures, if he had spoken in his levee and dinner 
 conversations, immediately to serviceable Congressmen, as he made a virtue 
 and profit of speaking in his public documents, the measure would long since 
 have been a practical, operating law of the United States. Who doubts it? 
 We do not accuse him of a wicked neglect of our interests in not using for 
 the practicable Railroad bills the same influences which he exerted to consum 
 mate the Lecompton swindle; but we do say, and make it known unto all 
 men, that instead of using his legitimate influence for our good in this 
 respect, he eat his messages in his parlors, and to his menial creatures in 
 Congress gave a word of warning against any help for the grand project of 
 the age, whenever such aid might have the prospect of securing the end os- 
 tensibly in view. Hence we have the mutilating amendments, the tedious 
 and frivolous debate over insignificant sections, the pitiful delays, all pro 
 duced by those boasting of friendship for the project, and all by the mere 
 implements of an Executive who could convert their low and defeating cun 
 ning into real service for the measure, if he so willed it. We have had an 
 abundance, aye, a surfeit of preliminary investigation on this subject, the 
 result and amount of which has been to confirm the eminent superiority of 
 the great central route of emigration ; the route which that glorious champion 
 of the true Democracy, Tom Benton, sagaciously remarked, " was mapped 
 out by the Almighty, and directly pioneered for man by the buffalo." Our last 
 two Democratic administrations have been willing to squander money in such 
 Railroad plans as placed the thing itself in. the dim unknown; but, as Brod- 
 erick has frequently said to me, they exposed their actual hostility to a trans 
 continental iron track whenever a bill granting effectual aid therefor had any 
 likelihood of a passage, by calling the roll of Congressional dough-faces and 
 destroying the feasible scheme by " cutting it, sir, hacking it, sir, killing it 
 like assassins, sir, like assassins." 
 
 Then, as we all very well understand, established overland mail routes 
 are the forerunners, so to ?peak, of the iron rails. And if it be objected that 
 
8 
 
 the proof of the President's duplicity in regard to the Railroad question, 
 which we have just afforded, is too much of the inferential order, not suffi 
 cient of itself to convict, we have here close and damning evidence of his 
 utter lack of good faith, of his entire recklessness in full view of the most 
 stringent pledges, of his total and terrible subserviency to the masters in 
 niggerdom. A contract involving an expenditure of $600,000 per annum, 
 entered into with competent and energetic parties, is so warped from its 
 original liberty of terms as to compel the contractors to adopt that which is 
 familiarly known as the " Rainbow " or " Horse-shoe route " a route which 
 may be fairly described, in contrast, without indicating all its inconveniences 
 and improprieties, as making nearly a thousand of miles of unnecessary 
 travel, with occasional natural facilities for securing food and drink for man 
 and beast ; while the Central Route abounds in the best of station-halts of 
 Providence's own manufacture. Not content with establishing this round 
 about mail route across the continent in preference to the one which the God of 
 nature, the buffalo, common immigration, the requirements of civilization, 
 Tom Benton and John C. Fremont had all, in larger or more humble form 
 pointed out, a decided deadly indisposition, an open sectional animosity is 
 shown by James Buchanan and his cabinet against the path which has Salt 
 Lake City for its intermediate post, and St. Joseph and Placerville for its 
 actual either terminus. A bill shortening the schedule time on this central 
 road is defeated by retention at the White House until after the adjournment 
 of Congress, and the singular insolvent breaking up of Chorpening & Co , 
 the contractors for the central route, is not covered by the issue of new bids 
 and the signing of fresh agreements with competent parties. 
 
 Even the proposition for a Telegraph Line across the plains meets with 
 audacious disfavor at the hand of the " Old Public Functionary." The tor 
 turing limbs of the lobby are gladly brought into requisition, and the sensi 
 ble and practicable measure upon which the powerful Telegraph Companies 
 of the East, after much and candid consultation settle, is emasculated and 
 finally absolutely defeated by the wire-pullers in the galleries and out 
 halls, who receive, as they certainly merit, the applause of Buchanan and 
 Holt and the execration of an inconvenienced people. "A sort of a plan " so 
 it has been described by an observing Statesman not a telegraph line stock 
 holder "a sort of a plan," received bill-shape, and having passed both Houses 
 of Congress, obtained the miraculously gracious assent of the President. We 
 are certain of one use in it it materially defers progressive labor on the Cen 
 tral Line ; and in these matters, how not to do it, is the grand idea. Another 
 batch of lacradaisical lads, graduated from that finely renowned institution, 
 West Point Academy, Mill probably be sent forth during the coming year to 
 perambulate between St. Louis and Guaymas ; gathering, at an enormous 
 expense, materials for another "Pacific Rail Road book ;" in which the habits 
 of the angle-worms discovered on the western bank of the Mississippi, will be 
 compared, in a masterly array of scientific terms, with the daily avocations 
 of a new style of pismire unearthed near the eastern bank of the Gulf 
 of California. 
 
 It is indisputable that not only direct Rail Road propositions have 
 met with Executive disfavor, and through such disapprobation, defeat, 
 but every plan for trans-continental mail or passenger carriage which 
 squinted toward the sometime initiation of a substantial Rail Road project, 
 has been " frowned down" with an implacable wickedness. 
 
 Now upon what footing have our foreign relations been placed by this 
 administration ? How stand we in the eyes of the world outside, from the 
 conduct of our administration in the great diplomatic trials through which it 
 has necessarily had to pass ? I will speak briefly of two of our admin 
 istration achievements in this line. 
 
 Fellow citizens, the history of the administration of James Buchanan is 
 not entirely made up of serious wrongs, unenlivened by any pleasing incidents. 
 A governmental Rule abounding in deliberate-studied crimes, could not but 
 
. 
 
 . 
 
 9 
 
 have its record-pages illustrated with engravings representing scenes wherein 
 blundering stupidity made up, or marred a plot with eccentric effects. 
 
 Fellow citizens, I do not intend or wish to excite personal envy in the 
 breast of any one of you, but the man who stands before you has enjoyed the 
 tremendous 'honor of shaking hands with ex-Paraguay Commissioner, Jim 
 Bowlin. At the time when we crossed palms he had not covered his 
 brow with the transcendently glorious laurels which now crown his frontis 
 piece. But he bore high titles even then. O, yes. Don't be mistaken. 
 He has been a distinguished character for many a long year. He had then 
 been a Judge ; I am confident of that, for he was called " The Rubicon Judge" 
 in those days. He it was, it should ever be borne in mind who wel 
 comed Martin Van Buren to the Mississippi Valley "as the first President who 
 had ever crossed the Rubicon ; and who had retired with the universal con 
 sent of the American people." A good hearted, plainly bred clever fellow, 
 an average representative of a half- way adopted son of Pike, is Jim Bowlin ; 
 at least such he was when I had the satisfaction of greeting him, and I do 
 not believe that his recent triumphs in the diplomatic world have converted 
 him into any other species of humanity. I am under the impression that his 
 social qualities were familiarly indicated by another popular title, springing 
 undoubtedly from his frequent words of invitation : " Take-a-drink Bowlin." 
 
 I heard a distinguished Divine, a few Sabbath evenings since the Rev. 
 Dr. Scott of San Francisco preach an interesting discourse on the Prophet 
 Jonah, He said that neither he nor any other commentator could determine 
 precisely why it was that the Lord selected Jonah for the Nineveh commis 
 sion. I thought at the time that it might be profitably suggested to the 
 Dr., that it was because Jonah was a small man, of size convenient for 
 the big fish to swallow. But the preacher continued by saying that we could 
 not tell why it was that Wellington, or Napoleon, or Washington were 
 selected for the work which they performed. It was the will of the omnip 
 otent director of all things that they should occupy the positions which they 
 did. In like spirit I may say to you, my friends, I cannot possibly attempt 
 to assign the reasons which actuated the Old Public Functionary, when he 
 selected Jim Bowlin, the Rubicon Judge, for the Paraguay Commission. All 
 we can say is, Jonah traversed the raging sea in ship and in the whale's 
 belly, and finally did the work given unto him in a manner which brought a 
 rebellious people to their repenting senses and obedience ; Napcleon and 
 Wellington fulfilled, each in his own splendidly appointed sphere, the terms 
 of their foreordination ; Washington in whatever connection we use that 
 name let us invoke an immortal blessed memory Washington showed him 
 self a well chosen man for his station and his country ; and Jim Bowlin 
 honored by me, I trust, in this association with prophets and warriors and 
 statesmen acquitted himself wrh unexpected and masterly diplomatic skill ; 
 he modestly received his broad-sealed parchment ; ascending the Paraguayan 
 Rubicon, withou f the firing of a gun or the shedding of a drop of blood he 
 secured $10,000 and an amicable "arbitration ;" he returned to his own country 
 covered with glory, and casting his dispatches at the feet of the Executive of 
 the nation, he retired from diplomatic life with the universal consent of the 
 American people. 
 
 A peevish, petulant, overbearing man by the name of Hopkins, obtained 
 the Paraguay Consulship from our government for the purpose of " dignify 
 ing his cigar business." He provoked a quarrel with President Lopez by 
 insisting upon having himself called, in the papers of his company's charter, 
 a "general agent," instead of " agent," simply. The result was that the 
 Rhode Island Cigar Co., of which Hopkins was the general agent, were com 
 pelled to suspend work, and their hands left the country and returned to the 
 States. Then, in direct opposition to a formal and legitimately issued decree 
 by Lopez, Captain Page sent the Waterwitch into the Parana. They were 
 fired at from Fort Itapira, three blank cartridges being followed by a shot 
 which peirced the after port, cut away the wheel and killed the helmsman. 
 
10 
 
 This fire was retumed from the Waterwitch so effectively as to result in the 
 killing of fifteen of the Itapira fort men. Subsequently it was ascertained that 
 this firing from the fort was intended to " pass ahead " of the American vessel 
 and bring her to. And it was further established that even the order for this 
 " firing ahead " was countermanded by the President, but not in time to pre 
 vent the disastrous shot. It is now conceded that there was on hand an abun 
 dant force for the purpose of immediately asserting our rights and promptly 
 demanding a proper acknowledgment or restitution. Capt. Page tells the 
 world that if he had had two extra guns on board his steamer, he would have 
 pledged his life for a successful attack upon Fort Itapira. At Montevideo 
 Commodore Salter was stationed with the Germantown and the Savannah 
 flag-ship. Then there were at the mouth of the river three vessels, and for 
 the smaller one of these, the Captain in command required but two shell 
 guns to enable him to answer with his reputation and life for an effort to 
 batter down all of Lopez's defences. But this Old Public Functionary thinks 
 it wise and proper to make an economical demand for satisfaction, by fitting 
 out a fleet of fifteen vessels of war at an expense of millions of dollars ; and a 
 fleet of war vessels was expressly prepared for this service of reparation or 
 revenge. But grim-visaged war had no horrid front ; for in the van, well 
 tucked up in the finest cabin, on the fastest steamer, was that choice Olive 
 Branch of our nation, that delightful dove of diplomacy, Jiin Bowlin, of 
 Pike. Reposing on his downy pillow, as he turned about his head, heavy with 
 the weight of mighty verbal instructions from the Old Public Functionary, 
 he could catch the charming crackle of his authorizing parchment. Just at 
 those moments he may have been described 
 
 Jim Bowlin is a rolia' on the ocean; 
 
 I've a notion, that the motion makes him sick, 
 
 Hi ho! 
 
 If it does he'll throw up, with a terrible hiccup, 
 
 The things that he's eat not big parchment -you bet! 
 
 Ob, nol 
 
 Jim arrived at the mouth of the great river of the Paraguay, and there ha 
 effected a landing, and commenced his extraordinary career of molification. 
 At first the native Generals were rather shy of him but, Lord bless you ! 
 Jim had such winsome ways, who could withstand him ! At least, General 
 Urquiza could not keep his stern temper in the presence of such a lovable 
 commissioner. According to Jim's account, the Gen. first feared and distrusted 
 the commissioner, then he " softened" to an attentive ear, then he experienced 
 a loosening of his benevolent and social faculties, and finally he actually fell 
 into the hugging business. 
 
 " Like torrents from a mountain's source, 
 They rushed into eacb others arms." 
 
 And all these stupendous facts we glean from Jim's official dispatch. 
 Whether, as on the memorable occasion, when our junior Senator embraced 
 one of our Republican electors, there was any kissing in this grand ceremony 
 of recovered amity, Jim's dispatch, very unfortunately, don't say. We are 
 all entitled to our surmises on that point, which we can predicate on our 
 knowledge, be it more or less, of the customs of the inhabitants of the South 
 American nations. I am ready at any moment to state my belief in the 
 premises. 
 
 Well, James ascended the river to the capital city, Ascuncion. How 
 secure of the happy and bloodless accomplishment of this mission was James 
 Bowlin. The war vessel had only six rounds of ammunition in the magazine. 
 Here, again, an improvising Laureate might have sung : 
 
 Jim Bowlin reached bis port, ammunition rather short; 
 Only hundred pounds of powder for his pounders, 
 
11 
 
 But that was little matter ; he hadn't come to batter 
 Down the walls ot a city that would be a devilish pity ; 
 
 ' T would so. 
 
 Jim had come all dressed for Court; not to thunder down a fort : 
 Such a fashion of retort, wasn't his sort, or his forte 
 
 No, no. 
 
 What for should he be lugging balls and powder, when his hugging 
 Was the way to sway the chief's of Paraguay ? 
 
 Jes so. 
 
 No sooner does Jim reach the seat of Empire than his embracing triumphs 
 are renewed, and find their everlasting crown in the weakening of President 
 Lopez ; and all this, mark you, we learn from the commissioner's official dis 
 patches. 
 
 But is the business of a foreign missioner miserably restricted within the 
 narrow bounds of the formal specifications nominated in his authorizing bond, 
 nay ; Jet the history of this mission teach otherwise. If it ever be meanly 
 insinuated that Bowlin's mission was not conducted, so far as the main 
 object was held in view, with the most profound wisdom, let it be replied that 
 no one can dispute the value of Jim's personal observations in regard to the 
 Ascuncion fenrinines. Or for the sake of felicity of expression, the answer 
 may be made in this form : 
 
 Like tha messenger of Noah, Jim went out his cabin door 
 
 From the Ark in which he'd been a sailing ; 
 All spangled o'er with stars not marked with ugly scars, 
 
 The President he greeted, overcame him and was feted, 
 By Lopez so he says; 
 
 All trouble past bewailing. 
 
 Then, attended by an aid, Jim took a promenade 
 
 Through the markets of the city of the nation. 
 And he saw such a sight ! women dressed in cleanest white, 
 Walking boldly through the street with nothing on their feet; 
 With baskets on their arms, with faces full of charms 
 This is Jim's own narration. 
 
 And very soon he spies, lots of " beautiful bright eyes" 
 
 " Handsome women" to be seen " all day, nearly." 
 But what was very puzzling, they were clad in chfap Swiss muslin, 
 Thickly flouncing from the waist, in the neatest kind of taste, 
 Down to the very feet that went naked through the street 
 
 Jim would like to be commissioner, once, yearly. 
 
 The soil was very sandy and the ladies sav, 'tis handy 
 To walk without their shoes ; hence naked feet they chose. 
 
 Now all this is Bowlin's truthful story ; 
 Which with form and seal official prefixed to his initial, 
 He regularly sent to our ancient President 
 To stand as eternal record of his glory 
 
 Now the mighty " arbitration," of Jim Bowlin's own creation, 
 
 Has resulted in the singular decision 
 That Jim acted "like a tafe" with the Paraguayan chief, 
 When by magnetising pranks he "hugged" 50,000 francs 
 As officially he says from the coffers of Lopez ; 
 
 And his Mission has been treated with derision. 
 
 Not so, we must protest ; no doubt he did his best 
 
 To cover all the purpose of his station. 
 
 Build another fleet and arm her, to take the wondrous charmer 
 With the dollars he confesses he gained by h>s addresses, 
 Back on the briny way to the land of Paraguay; 
 
 There to make due reparation. 
 
 
12 
 
 Let the Rubicon Judge unfold the bright stars, 
 Without invocation to Jove or to Mars, 
 
 Return to the Paraguay regions again, 
 With a fleet to convoy; that the world may enjoy 
 A second chance to ponder o'er this artful anaconda, 
 Who will be able to efface, with another fond embrice 
 All the evils of the past in which Bowlin brave was cast, 
 And close with satisfaction the most splendid Foreign Action 
 
 Of James Buchanan's reign. 
 
 I have time to but very briefly allude to recent events connected with the 
 condition of authority in the Island of San Juan. Fellow citizens, we ought 
 to securely and definitely hold our own, before we think of reaching for new 
 territory. We ought to protect our citizens on our own soil before we seek 
 to establish a protectorate over Mexico. The Island of San Juan is as surely 
 our own property one of our finest national treasures, as Cuba is the prop 
 erty of the Kingdom of Spain ; and I submit, before we steal the latter, let 
 us honorably assert our rights to the former. By fraud, by the boldest 
 lying, our Senate and President, in Folk's reign (old Buck was in the Chair 
 of Secretary of State then) were deceived into a species of compromise 
 arrangement on this question of northern boundary, by which the rich and 
 and beautiful Island of San Juan passed or was confirmed, nominally, under 
 British dominion. In 1859, General Harney, as brave an officer as ever 
 drew sword or pulled trigger, had occasion to assert, though in a mild form, 
 the sleeping claim of the United States to that Island. Instantly, there was 
 a great stir. Buchanan was in a fever of excitement. Cass, with the rec 
 ollection of a broken sword, was in a cheerful glow of enthusiasm. Buchan 
 an's cowardice, however, made him imperative in the Cabinet, and Lieut. 
 Genl. Scott came hither as the Facificator. There has never been any exact 
 revelation of matters connected with this mission. Harney went home, 
 however, and our latest intelligence from Washington brings intimations 
 of a coming trial by Court Martial of this scarred and faithful veteran for 
 his action in this very matter. And this is the manner in which our dear 
 est national possessory rights are treated. At the best, England is gaining 
 upon us by a complete colonization on the Island ; and a temporary and 
 for the British Lion, a convenient peace is obtained by a gracious permit to 
 our Government to land a few soldiers, and occasionally in stress of weather 
 or for some other ostensibly compelling cause occasionally, quarter them 
 on the beach. 
 
 And all this time, the Old Public Functionary is importuning Congress 
 for a $30,000,000 secret fund wherewith to buy Cuba, or start negotiations 
 for such a purchase. All this time think of it citizens, and, particularly, 
 you adopted citizens from Great Britain and Continental Europe all this 
 time, James Buchanan, the President of these United States, is endeavor 
 ing to cajole Congress into giving him a $30,000,000 secret fund, by quoting 
 to the representative of a free Republican form of government the estab 
 lished precedent of the Monarchies of the East ! This is his plea ; and, in 
 connection with his outrageous neglect of our interests in the Island to our 
 North-West, it thoroughly indicates his Southern sectionalismand his tyranni 
 cal disposition. 
 
 And before I leave these subjects, I will express to one man in an oppos- 
 sing political party, the thanks of a grateful citizen. During the excite 
 ment attendant on the outbreak of difficulties on our North- West, there 
 was but one paper and one man in the State of California, or on the Pacific 
 coast, speaking out clearly, intelligently and boldly in favor of the mainte 
 nance of our national rights in the Island of San Juan. That paper was 
 the San Francisco Herald, and John Nugent was then i ; s editor. As a 
 native of the Old Bay State, where British aggression received its first severe 
 blows of check and retaliation, as one who has fixed his home within this 
 glorious sorereignty on the Pacific, as one who seeks to understand and value 
 aright the institutions of our whole country, I step out of my prescribed line 
 
13 
 
 of remark and over something of personal antipathy, to pay my highest 
 honor, for his patriotic course on this important subject, to our Irish fellow- 
 citizen, John Nugent. 
 
 Stay one moment. Let me not presume to dismiss this subject of " For 
 eign Relations " without noticing one administrative " mission " yet to be 
 engrafted in the history of the reign of James Buchanan. It is a mission 
 which is to be ; and which is to be known as both foreign and domestic. It is 
 a mission of foreign invitation and domestic reception. The President of the 
 United States has sent a billet doux invitation to the Prince of Wales. To 
 the Prince of Wales, did I say ? Ah ! I made a slight mistake. The Pub 
 lic Functionary has sent an invitation to the Prince of Wales' mamma, beg 
 ging that she will let her darling boy come and see the old man before he 
 retires to the shades of Wheatland. What splendid ceremonies we may 
 expect. How we hope that the young Prince, who comes among us at the 
 special request preferred by James Buchanan to good Queen Victoria, will 
 not be afflicted wiih the importunities to which "Tommy" had to submit. And 
 what a crowning and consistent glory to this administration this " mission" 
 will be, if the President will only appoint Jim Bowlin a recepaon committee 
 of one. 
 
 Already we hear the echo of the Prince's footsteps on our shores. We 
 hope that he may not be prejudiced against our institutions and people from 
 the sycophant obsequiousness of the Old Public Functionary. Let him abide 
 with us until the 4th of March next, and he shall then make an official 
 interchange of friendly salutations with a Republican Executive, fit to be our 
 President because of the people, and fit to sit with English Princes and 
 Kings because he will be honest and firm in the vindication of the individual 
 rights of every American citizen on every soil. 
 
 It is not possible, my foreign born fellow-citizens, that you have forgotten 
 the conduct of this administration on the question of personal security for nat 
 uralized citizens in distant and foreign lands. The position of the Cabinet 
 was distinct and unmistakable, and it never has been revoked. You men 
 from Great Britain and Continental Europe, how have you cherished demo 
 cratic fellowship since the day when a democratic administration repudiated 
 your claims to protection under the flag you had sworn to adopt and fight 
 for as your own. At this moment, the Regular Democracy are howling 
 about the " equality of the States." What does all this cry mean ? Simply 
 and purely, protection for " property rights," so called, of a white man in 
 such negroes as he may see fit to carry into free territory. Oh yes ; oh 
 yes ;. they'll break up this Union if the negro market is not established in the 
 Territories of the West. But you may be enslaved and even murdered by 
 your ancient rulers, and not a muscle of this great nation shall he taughtened 
 for your relief or to avenge your fate ; not a nerve shall feel the injury thus in- 
 fiicted on the great body of the Federal commonwealth ; not a pulsation of 
 the national heart shall respond to your appeal ior sympathy, or the call 
 of your friends for avenging recollections of your persecutors ! Millions to 
 capture and re-dungeon a nigger, but not one cent for the protection of a 
 white male citizen in foreign lands. Disunion and anarchy for an " equality," 
 extending the area of black bondage, but not a ripple on the surface of Fed 
 eral life while you feel the lash and sink to an ignominious grave under the 
 cruel and illegal force of an European despot. Think of that, foreign born 
 citizens ! Think of that. England and France, and even Russia will scour 
 all lands, and take all hazards to secure the personal rights of their citizens, 
 or subjects ; but should you return to your native country and be seized for 
 service therein, the stars and stripes would float over you with nothing of pro 
 tective or rescuing significance. The President of these United States need 
 not tell the Queen of England that her son is safe with us. There is a higher 
 protection for the young Prince than Buchanan's word can afford. But the 
 meanest child of the coal pit, the poorest straggler hitherward from the sterile 
 Hebrides, would call for the same o'ershielding authority from the British 
 
 
14 
 
 throne that. might be claimed by Alfred, Prince of Wales and future King 
 of England. And now, can your minds be led astray from the record of this 
 rule, which has explicitly denied to you the feeblest effort for individual 
 liberty in a foreign land, to an anxious consideration about that species of 
 internal " equality" which seeks to plant the representative of an inferior and 
 shackled race in daily and painful contact and competition with your honest 
 labor ? Pray God, never ! never ! 
 
 Fellow citizens, when a man past his three score and ten undertakes to 
 become his own sponsor in second baptism it is not always right to gainsay 
 his assumptions. James Buchanan in the midst of his official documents, at 
 whose beginning and ending stands an everlasting invocation of the blessing 
 of Almighty God first upon himself and secondly upon the nation over 
 which he presides, Executive has chosen to christen himself, a venerable 
 Public Functionary. I, for one, am reasonably disposed to accept this after 
 birth title with more of sincere gratitude than heart-felt respect. There 
 is an excellent truth in the appellation, which must be apparent after a mo 
 ments refleclion. We know that at best, man is but a vapor which appear- 
 eth for a little and then vanisheth away. But when a man has reached the 
 years of acknowledged maturity, certainly when a man has come to the age 
 and enjoyed the experience in public life so often boasted by and for James 
 Buchanan, he is generally credited with having gained something of that 
 organic stability which the world has agreed to call Character. None of this 
 has James Buchanan. All his emotions and acts are functional, belonging 
 to no system educated and regulated by voluntary habits of mind and body. 
 His purposes, passions and principles are of the order cutaneous, skin deep 
 nothing more. He is the subservient creature of Southern disunion jail-birds, 
 who congregate Congressionally at Washington and whisper their mandates 
 to the ear of his craven spirit. Before he was named for the Presidency his 
 public life had been a long course of diplomatic dotage. But he was chosen 
 by men who knew his original mold as well as his particular antecedents ; 
 and on the strength of tha*. knowledge he was selected for the service he has 
 performed with infamous concession and humility. Let no one undertake to 
 re-immerse the Old Public Functionary. 
 
 Fellow citizens, Like other States in the Union we are represented by, per 
 haps I should say we are favored with, two United States Senators. For 
 them I have but a passing reference. Our senior Senator has long been 
 renowned for holding a very peculiar position towards his constituency ; both 
 of our Senators are now famous for their anomolous positions towards each 
 other. Mr. Latham was elected as a man having Douglas proclivities dis 
 tinctly enunciated both political and personal. He goes to Washington 
 and at every important juncture he votes squarely with the old Lime Pointer 
 and the sectional chivalry. In particular we notice, Senator Latham sup 
 ports in a long harangue, abounding in fustian flourishes about Northern 
 Necessities and Southern Resources and Capabilities, the most, arrogant and 
 indecent demands of the secession wing of the Democracy. In this species 
 of negro rhetoric he even outvies Dr. Gwin ; with whom, however, this effort 
 places Latham in the closest political fellowship. 
 
 Senator Latham comes home, and, after much solicitation, he makes the 
 important and astounding announcement that he is against Gwin, " all the 
 time !" In the same speech in which this tremendous personal declamation 
 of antipathy has its being, we discover a quasi defence of the Lime Point 
 swindle upon grounds which indicate a slight regard for the moral code in 
 cases where demagogue appeals and advantages are to be gained. He seems 
 to concede the iniquity of the purchase and appropriation ; while he boldly 
 talks of its being a " good thing" for the mechanics who may receive employ 
 ment on the Government works to be established on this barren tract of land. 
 Then he takes pride in standing up at* the defender and advocate of the 
 Southern States of this Republic ; flatly abusing his constituency with the 
 
 
15 
 
 intimation that they are disposed wilfully or through ignorance to trample 
 upon the constitutional rights of the people of any section of the nation. 
 
 Gwin favors us, presently, with a lengthy speech, delivered in the vicinity 
 of the State mad-house, but uninterrupted by a single insane demonstration 
 of favor. In this address, recited after a cool interval from the date of 
 Latham's letter and speech, there is no retort to the ostensible attack upon 
 and repudiation of himself by his junior associate. My friends, what conclu 
 sion are we to deduce from all this chatter ; this local mouth-heat on the 
 art of Latham and this calm indifference of speech on the part of the Dr ? 
 can perhaps, best express to you my opinion in the premises by telling you 
 a story. It may be illustrative of Latham's evidence and feelings against 
 Gwin. 
 
 A worthy old gentleman, a resident of one of the New England States, 
 was maliciously prosecuted for an alleged assault upon a man whose charac 
 ter for truth and honesty was somewhat below the average standard. In bis 
 annoyance, the party charged with the crime named bethought himself of 
 applying to the next door neighbor of his accuser, for testimony in impeach 
 ment of the latter's reputation. With this purpose in view he made th,e next 
 neighbor a visit ; and the following conversation took place : " Mr. A., you 
 know that I have been wrongfully charged with beating your near neighbor 
 Dr C s." "I know that such a charge has been preferred against you by the 
 Dr." " You don't believe that there is any real foundation for the com 
 plaint ?" " No." "You know of your own positive acquaintance that Dr. C. 
 is a man of bad character for veracity ?" " Well, I would not believe him if 
 he should tell me anything that could possibly require confirmation." "You 
 are not on good terms with him ?" " No, sir, I would not willingly associate 
 with such a man as he has proved himself to be." "Pie is an evil, untruthful 
 speaking man, isn't he?" " Most people who have had dealings with him 
 call him so." " Do you know that he is a very dishonest and corrupt man ?" 
 " I have a very decided opinion on that subject." " Which opinion is such 
 as to exclude your open association with him ?" " Precisely." " Didn't you 
 see him take money from the till of your store the other day, without leave 
 or license ?" " I did." " Didn't he try to conceal the money when your 
 partner pursued him ?" "He did." " Then he is a thief, a liar, is'he not ?" "I 
 dontknow." "You dont know?" "No." "Why dont you know ?" "He said 
 that he only intended to borrow the money to pay some of the laborers on his 
 new house." " How much did he owe his laborers ?" " $20." " How much 
 did he take from your drawer?" "$6o." "Then he didn't want all the money to 
 pay his laborers?" "No." "What did he do, or what was he to do with the bal 
 ance ?" " He didn't tell me." " Have you ever got any of that money back ?" 
 "No.'" " Did he ever agree to pay any of it back ?" " No." " Do you expect 
 ever to get any of it back again ?" "No." "Would you believe him if he'd tell 
 you, that he'd pay any of it back ?" " No." " Has he paid the laborers the 
 amount that he owed' them ?" " He said he did but I did not believe him." 
 " Then you can, most assuredly, swear to his bad character ?" "No." "No ?" 
 "No." "Why not ?" ' Well, to tell you the whole and the exact truth my 
 dear friend to be quite candid with you : my neighbor Dr. C., is a man with 
 whom I do not wish to associate or conduct myself in a kind neighborly way 
 or in any form ; for his welfare I have very litile concern ; in fact I am free 
 to state that I hope that he will meet with the punishment in this world and 
 in the world to come which a bad man like him certainly merits ; but he is 
 a much bigger man than I am, his fortunes are adhered to by a good many 
 of my best patrons, and well, the fact is, we get our grists" ground at the 
 same mill, where I have to meet him every week, and if I should absolutely 
 swear away his character, or tell the truth about his real character, he'd 
 thrash me like the very devil." 
 
 I come, fellow citizens, to speak of candidates, parties and prominent 
 politicians in the ranks. And first in order we have the Breckinridge wing 
 of the Democracy. J meet their platforms and prolcamations and their 
 
16 
 
 leading men with something of positive pleasurable emotions. They 
 are hold, unscrupulously so, in their manifestoes, and we know pre 
 cisely the positions they assume. They do not wait and work in ambush. 
 They do not tell any respectable white lies. We are not confined to suspi 
 cions about their intentions ; they inform us clearly and in short space. 
 
 Breckinridge is an ordinary man of extraordinary political education. 
 Younger, and with more of native ability than Mr Buchanan, he is falling 
 into the same load of service. He is, however, more legitimately a creature 
 of the Southern secessionists, born and bred, as he has been, in a slave State. 
 He is a slave on his own manor. He has exhibited a natural disposition to 
 be free from the trammels of sectional position and relations ; but he had not 
 the brave spirit which could face the stern commands of the Yanceys and 
 Toombs and Slidells of the disunion oligarchy. He managed to temporize a 
 little by securing the election of Douglas ; but now between the Little Giant, 
 even, and the Presidential candidate of the secessionists there is apparently 
 a wide gulf of separation. Personally, many complimentary things are yet 
 to be said in candor of John C. Breckinridge ; politically he is thoroughly 
 demoralized. 
 
 But who have we on the ticket for Vice President ? He is recommended 
 as a man who fights well, drinks heartily, sells wood with fair measure and 
 spells the various familiar titles of the Creator and Saviour with a 
 proud contempt for capitals. It is certain that his literary accomplish 
 ments are not represented as brilliant. His Presidential letters have not 
 been ambitious ; simply of the ''fell" and "stand" order he stands now where 
 he fell on a former occasion. I am not sneering at any defects which Joe 
 Lane exhibits in his grammatical education by no means. Should I do so I 
 might well fear that his friends would retort in the language of Dogberry : 
 " God has blessed Joe with a good name : to be well iavored is the gift of 
 fortune ; but to write and read comes by nature." Nay, I stand here to con 
 fess, in this connection, it is not absolutely necessary that a man be a fine or 
 even an ordinary scholar in order to be accepted as fit for the Presidency or 
 the Vice Presidency. Old Buck has had very little original writing to do 
 since he has been in the Chair of State, and Joe can employ an amanuensis 
 and an idea-man as well as Buck, there are very many competent men who 
 will hasten to undertake the job for him. Joe can certainly soon learn to 
 write " God bless us " as frequently and in as elegantly capitalized style as 
 the Old Public Functionary; and he can eat quite as much dirt as J. B., 
 if he does presist in crossing a superfluity of fs whenever he attempts to spell 
 the vulgar term. Who taunts ? I rather like Joe's original autography, 
 since he is usually sound on alphebetical supplies always up to the legitimate 
 demand for consonants. It may be a long spell however before Joe gets 
 into office as Chief or aiding Executive ; and perhaps we would do rightly 
 in awaiting his hour of elevation before we indulge in further comment 
 on the peculiar abilities, qualities and acquirements which fit him for the 
 position. 
 
 The great question now agitated between the two factions of the Democ 
 racy is touching the point of regularity. I am inclined, strange as my Doug 
 las friends may think it, to credit the Breckinridge wing with the favor of 
 superior formality. Let me tell you in what manner, with what understand 
 ing that concession is made, and then you can answer as to whether there 
 exists any qualifications in the credit. Caleb Gushing, of Massachusetts, left 
 the Presidency of the fully organized, universally recognized Convention of 
 the entire Democracy, that he might receive the honor of presiding over the 
 fractional body which nominated Breckinridge and Lane. In my opinion he 
 carried regularity with him. I will tell you why. Ic all comes out in a 
 story. 
 
 In the South- Western part of Berkshire county, Massachusetts, is an old 
 town called Tyringham. Somewhere about the year 1848, this town was 
 divided ; a new township was erected out of the Southern section and called, 
 
17 
 
 in honor of one of the famous battle scenes of the Mexican War, "Monterey." 
 In the upper portion of Tyringham, as it once was in its unbroken lines, 
 stood an old " meetin' house." I remember it well, for tradition had it that 
 some of my ancestral relations sat piously within it for years of Sundays, and 
 listened to and trembled at the foreordination preaching there shed abroad ; 
 often times, meanwhile, listening to and shivering with the fierce wintery winds 
 that were not irreligiously tempered by the introduction of warming appara 
 tus within the consecrated edifice. The services at this church were in 1848 
 principally sustained by a fund long since established by the saintly men and 
 women of former generations. Immediately on the division of the old town 
 followed the erection of a new church building in a locality most convenient 
 for the Monterey go-to-meeting folks. As the members of the new church 
 constituted a large proportion of the old parish, they thought themselves enti 
 tled to the revenues of the ancient communion. Then, boldly and bodily, 
 they snatched away the papers and plate of the Tyringham Church ; and 
 the right to the same was raised in a court of law. John Branning was the 
 name of the lawyer who took charge of the suit for the new parish. The 
 burden of his argument to the jury was that the majority of a parish should 
 designate the use of the common fund. At the close of the delivery of his 
 plea he came outside the bar of the court-room, and was fiercely accosted 
 by an eccentric Monterey Church man, by the name of Height, who thus 
 spoke : " Confound it, John Branning, you have not touched the best point 
 in our case ; you've omitted the most effective point." " What on earth is 
 that ?" exclaimed Branning, in the tone and emphasis of a man who conceives 
 that he has done splendid service, and is horribly shocked at hearing a whis 
 per of dissatisfaction or complaint. "You didn't set out the most telling thing 
 on our side." " Name it," said Branning, with an air of mingled mortifica 
 tion and disgust. " You didn't mention that Ebenezer Fairfield had joined 
 our church." " Well, what of that ? He's only one man ; and I dwelt upon 
 the evidence that showed that we represented the wealthiest and most 
 numerous portion of the old parish." " Only one man ! Confound it, don't 
 you know that Ebenezer Fairfield has just come over to our side and been 
 chosen moderator ; and don't you know that he is, by all odds, the biggest 
 liar in our community, that he has back-slid from grace more'n anyo ther 
 brother in the congregation ; and hasn't he served us for a long time as dep 
 uty pound driver, and got more cattle into the pen than any other man in 
 the parish ?" 
 
 On a similar recitation, I base the regularity of Caleb Cushing's church ; 
 for of all political back-sliders and liars he is indubitably the greatest ; and 
 of all the gatherers of human cattle voters lie has done preeminent service in 
 the State of Massachusetts. 
 
 And we have the " Bell and Everett Party ;" specially known as the party 
 of Old Respectables. In their titles they must necessarily, it would seem, 
 adhere to the surnames of their candidates, since of principles they are utterly 
 devoid. The only thing they put forward in the shape of a platform consists 
 of a couple of little resolutions, or of a preamble and resolution ; in which 
 they undoubtedly attempt to Whereas out of credit and fashion all time 
 honored party usages, on the plea of occasional abuse, and Resolve them 
 selves into the good graces of the few men of the land ( as they intimate ) 
 who favor the Constitution, the Union, and the laws. And the calm modesty 
 of the captains of this host finds its Ararat when they call themselves the 
 " Union party." As they do not wish to " mislead or deceive " the people, 
 they deal in general references to our glorious institutions and their glorious 
 party purposes ; having nothing specific in their " Platform " except their 
 sneers at all other parties, which, in their estimation, are horribly " geograph 
 ical and sectional." What does such a " Platform " as this amount to ? 
 Except as proof of the tremendous arrogance of the Old Respectables, it 
 aggregates in nothing. Besides, if we can bring ourselves to any degree of 
 diligent reflection upon the manifesto of such a political organization as is 
 
18 
 
 this, we shall see that they greatly misrepresent and mistake the past and 
 misinterpret the future. It is not true that partisan platforms have gener 
 ally had the effect to mislead and deceive the people ; on the contrary, 
 " experience has demonstrated," that parties without platforms in the polit 
 ical and the religious world have continually been guilty of such crimes. 
 These creedless conservatives occupy the position of that class of panacea 
 reformers in the religious world who throw aside all formulas of opinion, sanc 
 tioned by the agreement of the wise men of many ages, and thrusting forward 
 the Bible as their Platform, deduce therefrom for themselves, the most empty 
 and peurile pretense about Apostolic saintliness and Abrahamic faith. " The 
 Constitution and the Union," shout the Bellites ;" " all but ourselves seek to 
 subvert the one and destroy the other !" Who does not know that this is a 
 falsehood ? What intelligent man does not well understand, that excepting 
 the few fanatics gathered under Yancey and Garrison, in either section of the 
 Union, the masses of the people composing the Republican and Democratic 
 parties are loyal in heart to the Constitution and the Union ? 
 
 I know that a great deal has been said in ridicule of the Bellites, on 
 account of their large swell on shape and broadcloth. I cannot heartily 
 join in this diversion. For my part I wish that every honest Republican 
 could sport as good store clothes, and sprinkle himself if his tastes were 
 depraved in that direction with as much eau de cologue as any of the high 
 priests in this peculiar school of respectability. The finest apparel is not 
 a disgrace to any man ; nor is the wearing of it offensive to the public gen 
 erally. 
 
 I know that the members of this party take bold pride in the " Respec 
 table " title which has been prefixed to their own names, or mixed with the 
 ordinary observations concerning them. I was reminded of these claims as I 
 came up with a boat-load of their representatives from San Francisco a few 
 evenings since. I imagined that the blustering talk of some of their delega 
 tion leaders on that occasion, comported about as handsomely with their "per 
 sonal respectability " conceit, as their single resolution agrees with their real 
 political character and purposes. Of course, they had a General for a Chief 
 tain ; and he told the nastiest stories and indulged in the smuttiest imagina 
 ble witticisms, while his subordinates in the ranks of his delegation chorused 
 his filthy sallies with the coarsest guffaws. He launched into my friend Love, 
 with great savageness, until the latter was forced to enquire what more 
 indecent sentences or phrases it was possible for the General to utter. The 
 General replied, that he thought he could put the cap-sheaf on his dirty talk 
 by quoting from some " Black Republican speech." I agreed with him ; the 
 probabilities had been shown to be that the more respectable, sober and sa 
 cred the text selected, the more indecent it would appear as delivered in the 
 General's cleanest style. 
 
 And all the members of the Fraternity had broad ribbon badges on their 
 coat lappel, imitative of little children at a Sunday school picnic ; but I had 
 an opportunity of hearing, from a reliable source, that a majority of them 
 took their brandy cocktails with as much avidity, regularity and relish, as did 
 the constituents of the Douglas crowd. 
 
 In fact, late in the evening one of the ribboned representatives got a lit 
 tle out of his soundings on the sea of how-come-you-so ? He grew uproar 
 ious on the " Great necessity of having literary men in the chief offices of the 
 Government." On this point he was in the midst of a vehement discourse 
 to a small knot of friends, who were half humoring, half restraining his folly, 
 when he chanced to say, " I tell you in the language which Shakspeare puts 
 in the mouth of Jack Cade." "Beg your pardon," exclaimed a Douglas 
 interloper in the choice assemblage, " Shakspeare didn't write Jack Cade." 
 " Well if he didn't, he isn't the literary man I took him to be." And this 
 bright youth, who ably represented the "learned portion of the delegation, was 
 moved bed- ward by his considerate friends. 
 
19 
 
 When we examine the pretensions of this party we find no real basis of 
 favor except it be proven to exist in their candidates. Mr. Thomas H. Watts 
 has enquired into the significance of Mr. Bell's Congressional record, and he 
 distinctly announces the following propositions : 
 
 " 1. A distinct repudiation of Wilmot Provisoism. 
 
 " 2. A distinct repudiation of ' squatter sovereignty' as long ago as 1848. 
 
 " 3. A distinct announcement that the Territories are the common property of the 
 States composing the Union ; and that the citizens of each State hare the right to go 
 into such Territories, with the'r property of every description, and while there, to 
 have protection to property and persons. 
 
 "4. That Slavery, as it exists amongus.is civilly, morally,and religiously liffht; 
 sanctioned by the Constitution of the United States, by the Bible, and by the practice 
 of men in till ages, and that it ought to be extended." 
 
 This is the extreme of the demands of the party which has for its single idea 
 the propagation of slavery. Mr. Bell endorsed and forwarded to Mr. Watts, 
 within the past three months, the documents upon which this ultra pro-slav 
 ery platform is based. 
 
 A strenuous endeavor is being made to rally the old Clay Whigs under 
 the Respectable's banner ; and for the edification of the men upon whom this 
 imposition is sought to be practiced, let me quote from one of Mr. Clay's 
 speeches, delivered in Congress, in 1850, on the celebrated compromise meas 
 ures of that year : 
 
 " And now, sir, coming from a Slave State, as I do, I owe it to myself, I owe it to 
 the subject, to say that no earthly power could induce me to vote tor a specific meas 
 ure for the introduction of Slavery where it had not before existed, either South or 
 North of that line. Coming, as I do, from a Slave State, it is my solemn, deliberate, 
 and well-matured determination that no power shall compel me to vote for the posi 
 tive introduction of Slavery either South or North of that (Missouri Compromise) 
 line. Sii - , while we reproach, and justly too, our British ancestors for the introduc 
 tion of this iustiiution upon the continent of America, I am, for one, unwilling that 
 the posterity of thepresent inhabitants of California and of New Mexico shall reproach 
 us for having just what we reproach Great Britain for doing for us." 
 
 Again he said : 
 
 " So long as God allows the vital current to 'flow through my veins, I will never, 
 never, never, by word or thought, by mind or will, aid in admitting one rood of free 
 territory to the everlasting curse of human bondage." 
 
 And, in this connection, let us remind the old Benton Democrats who are 
 also pathetically appealed to by the badge and belly party that Thos. H. 
 Benton in a St. Louis speech declared that he envied Mr. Clay for the utter 
 ance we have last quoted ; that since he was not able to claim the original 
 authorship of such noble expressions he was proud to adopt them, as embody 
 ing his own sentiments on the vexing question of the day. So much for M*r. 
 Bell, his political record and the conclusions fairly to be deduced from the 
 endorsed copy thereof ; and so much for the legitimacy of the calls of his 
 adherents on the true Union men, of Clay Whig and Benton Democratic ante 
 cedents. 
 
 But upon his associate the Respectables in California and throughout the 
 North lay the eminent emphasis of eulogium. Edward Everett is their great 
 political Deity. 
 
 Fellow citizens, I am a native of Massachusetts. I am very proud of the 
 history and I love the institutions of that glorious old Commonwealth. And 
 I am proud too of her long line of distinguished sons, who did patriotic ser 
 vice on every important battle-field of the Revolution, and whose voices are 
 audible to the world from every council chamber of this nation, whence 
 the wisest and most beneficent measures for the general welfare and pro 
 gress of the country have proceeded. I am proud of her political, social and 
 industrial position, and of the true and strong men who rule within her borders 
 to-day. But I am not proud of Edward Everett. I assume, that with as much 
 
20 
 
 gratitude as any man, I can recognize his services in redeeming from sacri 
 legious use the tomb and home of Washington. I acknowledge his learning 
 as great, his rhetoric as exceedingly beautiful, his delivery speech as marvel- 
 ously elegant and fascinating ; though I conceive that in" every one of these 
 scholarly acquirements he has been somewhat over estimated. There arc a 
 considerable number of distinguished sons of New England who are his supe 
 rior in the particulars of which mention has been made ; whilst thank God 
 for it there are thousands upon thousands who stand before him on theiec- 
 ord for independent manliness and firmness of character. Edward Everett 
 is a whispered, cloister vowel ; there are no stalwart consonants in his compo 
 sition. He is a lute for a lady's chamber ; not a bugle for the place of com 
 mand among men. He is a delicate geranium, flowering and sweet scented ; 
 not an oak, lifting strong and stern and protectfully to the heavens. In Idles 
 lettres, he may be accounted a royal Bengal tiger, but in politics he is a poo 
 dle. He may be called popular ; but there can be no hearty liking for such 
 a man outside the parlors of an effeminate aristocracy, or the dwellings of 
 those who exhibit a mushroom avidity for shouting praise, to men whom they 
 suspect the social lords they imitate regard with admiration. 
 
 I am ashamed of Edward Everett. Our people made him Governor. 
 Then he was a Whig among thousands, and the moderate temperature of the 
 exigencies he was called upon to meet kept him of a quiet mind. He was 
 elected as President of our University, and so far as he served in that capac 
 ity, he obtained just renown. But our Legislature made him United States' 
 Senator, and he was an invalid at once. He had held a seat in Congress 
 before this high selection, and had received a terrible spearing from John 
 Kandolph of Roanoke. And now, when a better, a truer course was hoped 
 from him by a constituency anxious to see him ascend honorably to the 
 greatest post, he fell mortal sick. He unwittingly tutored the Little Giant 
 in the finest dodge of a dough-face. According to the telegraphic dispatches 
 we were forced to believe that he had local diseases all over him in one spot, 
 and each afflicted organ was under the heroic treatment of a special physi 
 cian. One disease caused him cruel pain when he sat down, and a spinal 
 affection of an original type required a plantation surgeon to exsect every 
 third vertebra?. 
 
 Edward Everett was in the United States' Senate when the Nebraska Bill 
 was introduced for discussion and action. Three thousand of the clergymen 
 of New England sent in a solemn protest against the destroying of the time 
 honored Missouri Compromise. Its introduction in the United States' Sen 
 ate was the signal for the raising of a storm of vile abuse, directed against 
 the Christian ministers who affixed their signatures to this paper. Butler of 
 South Carolina, Adams of Mississippi, and the Little Giant from Illinois, 
 howled and foamed in their mighty rage, their righteous indignation, at the 
 miserable 3,000 men who said, " In the name of Almighty God, we protest." 
 Butler rushed up and down the Senate chamber, combing up his white hair 
 with his fingers, to cool his brow from whence issued the perspiration genera 
 ted by the glowingly heated mental furnace beneath, in the which according 
 to the best of his imaginings he was rolling the poor parsons of theNorth- 
 Eastern section of the country. Dirty Douglas resaturated his bloated car 
 cass with Jamaica rum, that he might stimulate every nasty nerve of his 
 nature to the work of licentious defamation, and pour through his putrid 
 throat upon the clerical offenders the verbalized juices of an infernal malig 
 nity. And Edward Everett had not one bold word to utter in defence of the 
 brethren in his own profession and native State which he was representing. 
 Like a craven coward and such he exhibited himself he submitted tamely 
 to every indignity, and dared no retort. My friends, if he did not then actu 
 ally deny the great Lord and Master of' us all, he dishonored and dis 
 graced the old Commonwealth of Massachusetts. He responded to Doug- 
 las' tirade of abuse by apologetically stating that he had not read the protest ; 
 that it was too long for him to carefully examine and too heavy for him to 
 
21 
 
 carry to the Secretary's desk. He was opposed to its presentation in the 
 Senate at that time, and desired to state that he had secured the transfer of 
 similar documents from the door of the chamber of that body to the portals 
 of the lower House. Without this enumeration, the nerveless character of 
 his reply could be thoroughly gleaned from observing the considerate treat 
 ment he receives at the hands of Douglas when the latter renews his filthy 
 denunciatory speech: Douglas then has "no reproach to cast upon the Sen 
 ator from Massachusetts, who is generally very proper in his conduct as a 
 Senator. His explanation has set him right !" Of what degrading signifi 
 cance was such a gracious admission at the hour of its utterance. Edward 
 Everett, who laid broad and saintly foundations for a great public reputation 
 by delivering the most elegant prayers ever offered to a Boston congregation, 
 closes his political career by doing obeisance to, and receiving and rejoicing 
 in the exceptional complacency of the pigmy pole-cat of " Popular Sover 
 eignty." And the three thousand protesting clergymen, and all the true sons 
 of New England, humiliated in soul at the pusillanimity of their accredited 
 representative in the Senate chamber of these United States, whose peculiar 
 province and duty it then was to have defended and asserted their rights, 
 were forced to direct their sentiments of gratitude and honor, for an ample 
 and brave vindication on this occasion, to the old hero of San Jacinto, Sam. 
 Houston, and the sage of Auburn, William H. Seward. 
 
 The positions of Douglas and Johnson in opposition to and in association 
 with each other are somewhat analagous to the mutual relations of Gwin 
 and Latham. Of course there is an apparently open cordiality of sentiment 
 between them now ; but we have the record to indicate that as the presiding 
 officer of the United States' Senate, Herschel V. Johnson would give his cast 
 ing vote for the most extreme measures of the secessionists ; while we have 
 some thin shadows of reason to hope that Stephen A. Douglas would not, 
 as President, agree to the same. Indeed, it is urged by that class of " inde 
 pendent" papers who espouse the cause of Mr. Douglas, that his associate is 
 properly and judiciously placed upon the ticket ; since the latter is known to 
 entertain political opinions utterly at variance with the occasional and now 
 prominent declarations of the Little Giant. On this account runs the rea 
 soning men of every sort of opinion, from the upholders of the pith of the 
 Freeport speech to the endorsers of the John C. Calhoun scheme for a dou 
 ble-headed Presidency, can gather under the shelter of his banner. 
 
 In some of the expressive chiselings found among the ruins of an ancient 
 city, recently discovered and explored, is a slab of stone the face of which is 
 wrought into the representation of a race-course, on which stand two horses 
 harnessed with their heads in opposite directions. Speculations as to the 
 exact signification of this flinty picture have struck fire from many learned 
 and ingenious antiquarian quarters, but the prevailing conclusion has been 
 one of the animals being much larger than the other that this told of an 
 attempt to teach a small steed to run backwards. That such an attempt 
 proved abortive, we need not criticisingly examine any ancient sculpture to 
 ascertain. And the experiment would seem to be now in process of renewal 
 before our own eyes, in the opposite hitchings in political traces of Douglas 
 and Johnson. We will not stop to consider which is the smaller nag. 
 
 You must be aware of the fact that the Marshals of the different States 
 and their deputies are engaged in taking the census of the nation. From 
 present indications it is suspected that we number about 30,000,000 souls. 
 I have a curious friend who employs a portion of his time in examining files 
 of eastern Douglas papers, and cutting therefrom the telegraphic numerical 
 returns from Douglas meetings. He already feels competent to declare that 
 the census agents are dreadfully negligent in their business, as he feels confi 
 dent that he has the never lying figures to prove that in New England and 
 Pennsylvania alone there are at least 5,000,000 Douglas Democrats ! 
 
 If the Ilespectables can alone accurately define their party by the em 
 ployment of generic titles, the followers of the Little Giant act under still 
 
22 
 
 greater compelling force when they call themselves " Douglas-men." Douglas 
 is not merely their candidate and representative ; he is, strictly speaking, the 
 sole embodiment of their party. Their beginning and ending is in him. He 
 is the Alpha and Omega of their political schedule. Can they claim any 
 principles ? They ascribe their origin to Douglas. Do they specify any 
 great party purposes ? They quote from a Douglas phillipic. Do they guar 
 antee the fulfillment of any promise contained in their platform ? Only by 
 reciting Douglas affirmations. Mark the contrast which \ve present. They 
 had but one choice for a candidate. We had a hundred men from among 
 whom we made our selection. Instead of the vague and uncertain record of 
 a very vacillating specimen of humanity, we give to the world the clear, 
 united action of an army of leaders. Instead of the occasional, fitful, incon 
 sistent dottings of a demagogue from which to form a political alphabet, we 
 present the record of a large school of statesmen, working in perfect har 
 mony in the councils of the nation for five years past, with particular refer 
 ence to the disposition of the main issues now before us. They strive to 
 convince men of the good results which are to flow from the elevation of their 
 chieftain to the Executive Chair, by pointing out his correct votes in favor of 
 beneficial measures, on the taking of the final question thereon carefully 
 concealing his tricky action, his delaying ballots while such bills are occupy 
 ing a promising consideration in the early part of a session ; we offer a solid 
 front of between one and two hundred Congressional records, at all times 
 and in every stage and exigency of the process of consideration, favorable to 
 an honest and liberal Homestead Bill, a Pacific Railroad on the Central 
 Route, daily trans-continental mails, the abolition of the franking privilege, 
 and the amendment of the corrupt mileage system. There can be no mis 
 taking our position, there can be no challenging our sincerity; while the 
 Douglas men are all in a sea of doubt and uncertainty, sculling their frail 
 barks constantly around a dough-face decoy duck, ever shifting its anchorage 
 and frequently diving dexterously and long remaining under the water. 
 There might be elements of grandeur and positive power in the very isolation 
 which Douglas holds, could he insure his place ; but the man who gains a 
 conspicuous and exclusive individuality in a political party, and before the 
 country, by perpetually dealing in compromises between natural emotions 
 which are evil, an overweening ambition educated in the small arts, and a 
 periodical sense of the will of the majority and the great right, cannot, when 
 harshly assailed, count up a sum total of character which will entitle him to 
 the sympathy, much less command the admiration of the intelligent peo 
 ple of a free country. 
 
 But I wish to come to matters nearer home when I speak of the Douglas 
 party. 
 
 Fellow-citizens, I was in attendance upon the Douglas Convention which 
 held its sittings in one of your churches a few days since. Of what was it 
 composed ? It was a beautiful compound ; a bottle of all-sorts. No one can 
 disguise or successfully attempt to controvert the fact that the preponderating 
 influence in that Convention was exerted by men who but one short year ago 
 were the strongest adherents to the administrative fortunes of James 
 Buchanan. The men of ancient Douglas faith were permitted a small voice 
 in the deliberations ; but only one genuine consistent Douglasite found a 
 place on the electoral ticket. 
 
 The Douglas Convention was presided over by a gentleman for whom I 
 have much respect, a man admirably adapted from his experiences to occupy 
 the position which he was chosen to fill. Mr. T. N. Quinn, of Tuolumne, has 
 presided over the deliberations of the State Senate, and is, consequently, 
 familiar with parliamentary rules. I do not say that he had enjoyed a 
 higher discipline, fitting him for the place of President of the Douglas Con 
 vention, but he was fresh from his recently assumed superintendence of the 
 State Prison. 
 
 The President was surrounded by a brilliant galaxy of statesmen. 
 

 23 
 
 There was that active, eloquent, huge-thighed apostle of liberty, that 
 splendid knight of the trencher, that political Wandering Jew and Wilkins 
 Micawber Gen. J. W. Denver. This cosmopolitan cormorant has been in 
 duced, by great solicitation, to retain his carpet-bag in this State a few months 
 longer, in order that he and his friends may count the last small chances of 
 his " turning up " in the United States' Senate. There, pompously, he 
 sprawled in all his physical greatness ; there he shone in all his silent oratory. 
 
 The huge-thighed had one beside him whom, 1 must confess, I was sorry 
 to see in such queer company a man in whom our late Senator reposed 
 much confidence and reliance. There sat General Reddington, as large as 
 the Chrysopolis, with all her ^streamers floating on the breeze. He had his 
 big stick firmly grasped in both hands, and, at the wink from Gen. Denver, 
 he pummeled plaudits with the intensest vigor. It was indeed a sad sight to 
 see such a man in such business, in such a place. 
 
 And there was Joe Scoby, of Placer, secretary the excellent youth who 
 gratuitously and without petition, obtained an indefinite leave of absence 
 from our State Legislature, which for years, and during the majority of all 
 sections of the Democracy, he has graciously favored with his disinterested 
 presence. 
 
 And there sat Terence Foley that brave old remnant of the Irish Democ 
 racy ; looking a little strangely about him as though he felt something un 
 pleasant in his rear ; and no wonder, for immediately behind him sat 
 
 Dr. Powell, of this city familiarly known as " Cheer Powell." It was 
 inevitably remarked that the Cheer now allows his locks to show their genu 
 ine silver color ; having escaped the business of initiation in the dark lantern 
 camp, where it was necessary for him to dye his hair in order to properly 
 attend to the mysterious ceremonies connected with the solemn pledging of 
 novitiates to vote against all men of foreign birth and Roman Catholic reli 
 gion. Let me not be misunderstood. I would not cast a grieving reflection 
 on the evidences of age far from it. Furthermore, I do not believe that 
 the Cheer is capable of going into the hair-dyeing business with such ques 
 tionable purposes in view as have been credited to a pioneer member of the 
 Custom House in San Francisco, who blacked his hirsute coverings that he 
 might enter the County Hospital in disguise and secure therefrom invalid 
 voters for a Lecompton primary election. 
 
 And there was Jim Coffroth, ready and happy to boast of his ancient 
 Know-Nothing affiliations, but not in a hurry to relate his political experience 
 within a year's record. 
 
 And there was Billy Long, that fine little coagulated bunch of self-conceit, 
 almost yearly on the county race-track for office, and almost invariably for 
 tunate in " living to fight another day." 
 
 And these two latter gentlemen are elegant representatives of a new 
 school of men which has arisen in the present Douglas party. From their 
 frequent gyrations and their novel speech and habit of to-day, they may be 
 called the turn-spits of that party. They spit upon the Douglas platform 
 and upon Douglas' self, but believing that he has the inside row of Breckin- 
 ridge on the White House course, they enroll themselves in the ranks of his 
 followers. They expectorate their phlegm on the head of the Little Giant, 
 while, at the same time, they manage to take a good square hold of his coat 
 tails. Of course, if Douglas should be elected, they will sail into some fat 
 office under his administration in a foaming sea of saliva ! 
 
 But how can I finish the pencilling of such a picture ? 
 
 Do not let me forget or neglect to mention the presence of the Little Giant 
 from El Dorado, John Conness. In subdued and plaintive tones his voice 
 was occaionally heard as he rose to submit a "few suggestions" to the Conven 
 tion. He undoubtedly felt that he was in a motley gathering : amon<* a 
 crew not at all of his ilk. He was now and then graciously permitted to pipe 
 a few tame phrases, and then his re-seating was the signal for " an ominous 
 
24 
 
 drawn silence," which seemed to speak from the great majority of the Con 
 vention : " So much endurance of Little John Conness." 
 
 But here a compunctious thought comes over me. Here am I over 
 whelmed by recollections which I have no spirit to interpret. There was one 
 name which could not be decently pronounced in that Convention ; no mem 
 ber dared to breathe it in grateful memory or honoring testimonal. Nor 
 will I abuse the sleep of him, who in a brief life 
 
 "bore that name 
 Nobly up the paths of Fame," 
 
 by presuming to speak it in this immediate connection. Ah ! they knew 
 full well, that if he had been suffered to live until this time his voice would 
 not have been raised in their midst. They felt that if he was permitted to 
 view their actions from the unseen world, he looked upon those associated 
 in that body who had once been his soldiers in the great battle for political 
 equality, with unfeigned sorrow and unmitigated contempt. 
 
 But I have no heart to talk of these things. Yet there is one incident in 
 in the proceedings of that Convention which I am compelled to notice. I 
 remember the only testament made by the late Senator, which has ever been 
 proven on earth or in heaven : " Protect my honor." 
 
 While Mr. Broderick was traveling over this State during the last cam 
 paign he encountered many " dirty dogs," who took advantage of his bold 
 and generous invitation for a public discussion on Federal and State politics, by 
 mounting the stand and indulging in low scurrilous personalities. At least 
 three of those creatures were delegated to the late Douglas State Conven 
 tion ; and of that number not one has a worse record in this particular than 
 a delegate from a Southern county in this State. When Broderick died he 
 received many eulogiums ; but none more loud, unqualified, and apparently 
 sincere than that given by an old friend from the county of El Dorado. In 
 Central Committee meetings, at private conversations, John Conness of El 
 Dorado, spoke in terms and tears of anguish of the fate of David C. Broder 
 ick. But when John Conness finds that he is allowed to repeat a few words 
 in the recent Douglas Convention, what says he ? He voluntarily rises in 
 his place, and, for his longest speech, pronounces a eulogy on the man who 
 had most bitterly slandered the late Senator ; elevating to the skies the 
 man whom Broderick denounced as treacherous and untruthful. 
 
 [ A voice : " Name him."] 
 
 T. C. Ryland, of San Jose. Upon this man did Conness seek to throw 
 the mantle of honor, by heaping up laudatory adjectives in his behalf. Why, 
 fellow citizens, this Ryland had the temerity to mount the rostrum in San 
 Jose, from which our Senator had just been speaking, and declare that the 
 latter had not shown himself a friend of the overland mail bills ! Mr. Brod 
 erick in reply, and in Ryland's face, said : " The moment he took the stand 
 he commenced making false charges." And again, "A man who in one week 
 changed from Know-Nothingism to Catholicism, is not to be trusted 
 ought to be carefully watched." And this is the man whom John Conness 
 now praises to the limit of his faculties as " an honorable young man," "a man 
 who would be a credit to any party," " a trustworthy man is young Ryland 
 of San Jose." 
 
 My friends, it has occured to me that the name and the scenes attendant 
 upon the death of Mr. Broderick have been recited on too frivolous occasions, 
 and by those unqualified from personal acquaintance and deficient in ability 
 and taste for the delicate task. I think it unseemly in those who were 
 entire strangers to him to attempt to arouse by personal reference the indig 
 nation of those who both knew him intimately and labored with him harmo 
 niously, while he strove for the political redemption of California. For my 
 part, I assume nothing, either on account of my connection with him or my 
 definite knowledge of the grief and purposes of his true friends. But I will 
 undertake, here and everywhere, to expose to every honest man's contempt, 
 
25 
 
 the hypocritical summer friends of David C. Broderick ; who wept immedi 
 ately at his fall, but who now seek to crawl into political affiiliation with his 
 constant, bitterest and most unscrupulous enemies, by practically and directly 
 denying the virtue of the burning words of condemnation which those oppo 
 nents received from the mouth and heart of the Senator now sleeping. Let 
 them not contribute to raise a marfcle monument to his memory, while they 
 pollute that memory with sycophant homage to the creatures who joined in 
 the howl that hunted him down. 
 
 Fellow-citizens, the public acts and the parting injunctions of a great and 
 good man are the choice property of the nation he has served. " Protect 
 my honor ;" protect from indignities the memory of a man who, while liv 
 ing, exerted all his energies to sustain the honor and enhance the interests 
 of California. We have before us his image, surrounded by the drapery 
 of mourning. It is in a fit place, among the real protectors of his honor. 
 If we did not, all of us, realize his worth upon our side of the great contest, 
 while he was living, we do appreciate it now he is dead. If we had anything of 
 personal or political antipathy then, we have only reverence now, and a fixed 
 resolution to avenge his fall. His honor we now protect ; and all honor we pay 
 to him for his faithful public service. And as a party we will prove our sin 
 cerity in this, when, on the first or second day of the coming legislative ses 
 sion, resolutions will be introduced into the Assembly, expunging from the 
 record the false and disgraceful resignation-request passed and dispatched to 
 Mr. Broderick by the Legislature of '59, under the corrupt compelling 
 influence of the Custom House. 
 
 I have the assurance that had Mr. Broderick lived to this time, he would 
 have been one of the great leaders, if not one of the candidates of the national 
 Republican party. He r never could have supported Stephen A. Douglas. 
 Over and over again he expressed to me his sentiments of scorn and detest 
 ation for the Little Giant. Over and over again he repeated the story of 
 Douglas' timidity and attempted treachery on the introduction of the English 
 swindle ; denouncing him as a political coward and charlatan. 
 
 Said Mr. Broderick to the Hon. Wm. J. Shaw, of San Franciscc, when, 
 some years since, the latter intimated his purpose of joining the Republican 
 ranks, "Wait, Mr. Shaw, wait a little longer, until we can all go over together." 
 
 But, fellow-citizens, one would have thought that some of the more sensi 
 ble men of the old anti-Lecompton ranks, would have been exercised 
 with emotions of disgust at their new bedded political associations in the 
 recent Douglas State Convention. Might, we not lawfully be led to suppose 
 that as they looked carefully over that heterogeneous gathering, they might 
 have been constrained to repeat the language of an ancient poet, on an occa 
 sion of great similarity : oanCTOft OfifBfc 
 
 The old man had been suffering for a long time from r cftswi|fe which were 
 the direct legacies of a life of dissipation and debauchery. He was rejoiced on 
 being told, one evening, by his physician, that he would find by his bed-side 
 the next morning a preparation which, if well stirred and taken, would pro 
 duce his sure return to health and vigor. On waking the next day, he dis 
 covered on the stand by the side of his couch a large goblet, filled with a 
 many patch-colored fluid. He reached out his emaciated hand and with a 
 spoon stirred the compound. While the liquid was in motion it entirely 
 assumed an indiscribable unity of shade ; but as soon as the motion ceased 
 the elements retired to their related particles, and the large globules com 
 prising the seperate doses, thus placed together, were distinctly visible. The 
 old man leaned over and smelt the stuff. He sneezed from the oflensiveness 
 of the odor. Then raising himself in bed he took up the goblet and held it 
 between his organs of vision and the window. He might as well have 
 essayed to look through a stone wall. Then he courageously ventured on a 
 sip. A terrible contortion of countenance followed on the taste. He returned 
 the vessel to the stand and folding his arms he contemplated it for some time 
 in silence. At last he broke forth in the following strain : 
 
26 
 
 That I am sick there 'S no doubt; 
 My swollen limbs denote the gout. 
 I cannot run, I citunot walk 
 With ease, I cannot even talk. 
 My heart beats low, my head is sore, 
 There's painful sweat from every pore. 
 It seems as if my blood was gone, 
 My back's not stiffened by a bone. 
 I could not think, I did not know 
 Th;it ever 1 so ill could grow. 
 But now, alas ! I must declare 
 I stand upon the brink Despair ! 
 All I've on earth I'd give to save 
 My nervleas carcass from the grave. 
 lJut Oh, my God ! and can it be 
 That such a mixture's left for me ! 
 
 During the sittings of the Douglas State Convention you enjoyed a Doug 
 las ratification meeting. I had also the pleasure of being in attendance upon 
 that gathering. The big gun of the evening was Joseph P. Hoge, late chair 
 man of the Lecompton Democratic Central Committee. He was as funny 
 and gracious and confused and pointless in his remarks as if he was arguing 
 before the Supreme Court in favor of the Peter Smith titles, or some other 
 swindling land claims. He opened his speech by saying that he felt like an 
 exhorter at an old-fashioned Love-feast. Then he showed his appreciation of 
 a religious stand point by regaling his congregation with all the newly coined 
 slang phrases, now fresh in market. Joseph was excessively polite on all sides ; 
 and I should do him great injustice if I did not remind you that he declared 
 that, from an intimate acquaintance with our Presidential candidate, he could 
 make oath that Abraham Lincoln, if elected to the Executive seat, would not 
 take any evil steps calculated to irritate our Southern brethren and precipi 
 tate a dissolution of the Union. But if Joseph was clever toward us and 
 our candidate, he was decidedly sweet on the Respectables. He waved 
 his fingers in a handsome arc from his mouth towards the "Methodist Church, 
 South," in which the Bellites were assembled like a lady throwing a kiss to 
 her lover from an upper story lattice. He \vas sure that the Respectables 
 would yet regard it as judicious, to cast their ballots for the Little Giant. 
 Then, again and again, came round a reference to the " Love-feast " char 
 acter of the audience. An impression began to settle upon my mind that, 
 in some manner, I had encountered the story of the origin of this familiar 
 idea of a Love-feast, in the mind of the speaker. Before he had concluded 
 his remarks my memory had revived a conversation, of the pertinence of 
 which you can judge after a brief repetition. 
 
 In the spring of 1857, as the correspondent of one of your city journals, I 
 was travelling through Carson Valley. In the course of my journeyings I 
 met an old Mormon recently from Salt Lake, still earlier from Illinois, and a 
 native of Yorkshire, England. He was quite an entertaining old chap, in his 
 way and with his saintly experiences which he related with the relish of a 
 prophet. In the course of our talk he mentioned in some important con 
 nection the name of Joe Hoge. " Who ?" enquired I. The name was 
 repeated, with the additional sentence " Don't you know Jo-ah Ho-ag." " I 
 do not, indeed," replied I " What ! not know Jo-ah Ho-ag ! And you be 
 a paper-mon and live in California and dun know Jo-ah Ho-ag ?" "That's 
 the fact," said I, " however much it may astonish you." The man looked at 
 me with an expression not of doubt but of decided unbelief. " I have not 
 been long in the State," I remarked, in an explanatory manner, " and I have 
 no doubt but that there are many distinguished men in the country with 
 whom, as yet, I have no acquaintance." " Dang it, I ho', I thot you must be 
 a green 'un, not to know Jo-ah Ho-ag." " I must judge from your remarks 
 that you are very familiar with Mr. Hoge ?" " Know 'im ! I know 'im ! Ha ! 
 know Jo-ah Hoag ! Should think we did some " and my Mormon friend 
 leaned back and indulged in a terrific roar of laughter. " You lived with 
 
27 
 
 him in the same State ?" " In the same State, mon ; in the same district 
 we was." " You were intimate with him ?" " For mony a year he was the 
 most intimate mon in my family, 'cept mysel." " Ah, ha !" " Why yes. 
 Why our family 'lected him to Congress wuns ?" " Your family elected him 
 to Congress ! How's that ? Oh, I suppose you had a large number of sons, 
 and Mr Hoge was elected by so small a majority that had you counted 
 against him at the polls he would have been defeated ?" " Ne'er a boy has 
 the Lord blessed me with, tho' I've had risn' of a duzen dorters in my time." 
 " Your vote alone did not turn the scale, did it ?" " Stranger, I say that our 
 family 'lected Jo-ah Ho-ag to Congress wuns, and that nobody disputed in 
 our parts. I was powerful rich in those days ; I've got powerful poor since." 
 " You dont mean to say that you bought your friend Hoge's way into Con 
 gress ?" " Do you mean to insult me, stranger ?" " By no means." "We be 
 honest folks in those parts in them days." " I don't doubt it. Won't you be 
 kind enough to tell me how your family elected Joe Hoge to Congress?" "Why 
 in those days, I had seven wives and ten grown up dorters ; and jusi the 
 night 'afore 'lection, Jo-ah Ho-ag come down to our parts and paid for a reg 
 ular jollification Love-feast, which didn't break up 'til morning; and then we 
 went up, all on us, women and all and the women and men folks in ^the 
 neighborhood who we stirred up to it and voted Jo-ah Ho-ag square into 
 Congress." 
 
 Fellow-citizens, we have a fair prospect, at least an " even chance " of 
 carrying this State this fall. At all events, if we secure a national triumph 
 in November next, California is certainly ours in '61. It becomes us, then, 
 to commence the distinct mapping of our intended domestic policy. I pro 
 pose to devote the very brief space of time remaining for my remarks, in 
 referring to such measures as I think it our eminent interest to advocate and 
 adopt. 
 
 We must frame a system of laws by which the abominable Coolie impor 
 tation shall be stopped. Some years ago, when a comparative stranger to 
 the condition of the Chinese population in our mining regions, I held opin 
 ions somewhat at variance with those I now proclaim as the product of my 
 deliberate judgment. The cupidity of the shipping masters and agents is 
 battling with our rights and our principles. Slavery, in one of its vilest 
 forms, is being introduced into our land ; a species of slavery ten-fold more 
 impoverishing than that recognized in South Carolina, is gaining a strong 
 foothold in California. We must put a veto on its continuance and spread 
 now, or it will soon be too late for such action. I have no doubt but that it 
 is within the scope of our Legislature to enact such constitutional laws as 
 will effectually end this business of importing and working Asiatic slaves. 
 The Douglas State Convention flatly refused to pass a resolution introduced 
 by Mr. Evans, of Tuolumne, pledging the party to hostility to this infamous 
 trade in Mongolian implements ; thus ruling their ranks into harmony with 
 the Chivalry Democracy on this important issue. No doubt in their local 
 conventions in the mountain counties, they will pass stringent resolutions on 
 this subject ; but I sincerely regret to believe that their action in State Con 
 vention places them in antagonism to the highest welfare of the white 
 laborer. Let there be no mistake about our position as a party in relation 
 to this matter. 
 
 A series of wholesome and stringent laws relative to the conducting of our 
 " Injun wars," are imperatively demanded. We have now quartered upon 
 the State one or two greasy officials who render no consideration for their 
 large salaries save such as may consist in the originating and conducting of 
 "Injun campaigns," fruitless of good to the State, and only productive of 
 enormous bills of expense. And these Indian war bills are lobbied through 
 the Legislature every winter, dragging in their train a score of outside ac 
 counts, less in magnitude, but similar in character thus corrupting the whole 
 process of legislation for the season. 
 
 The State should attempt something practical and direct towards the 
 
28 
 
 commencement of the work on the great trans-continental Railroad. For 
 this one enterprise we can afford to drop all disputing about the ancient 
 Whig and Democratic doctrines concerning internal improvements by Gov 
 ernment direction or aid. 
 
 Our school system is by no means what it ought to be. In our larger 
 towns and in our cities, the common instruction is unquestionably ample and 
 excellent ; but in our sparsely populated districts, little or no attention of a 
 useful character is obtained from our educational officers. We should insist 
 upon a law which will call for something more than a few columns of statis 
 tics, and a long trite essay on the occupation and benefits of teaching, from 
 our superintendents. We want a State Superintendent of Schools, who will 
 condescend to visit every village and camp in the State, and who has the 
 practical energy and experience which will enable him to plant there a tree 
 of knowledge. Why, fellow-citizens, we have towns in this State where there 
 are Odd Fellow and Masonic and Temperance Halls and Lodges, and not a 
 sign of a Common School. 
 
 And, if immediate steps are not taken to care for its direction, a consid 
 erable portion of the revenue to be derived from the lands donated to us by 
 Congress for educational purposes, is in danger of being misapplied and 
 squandered. We owe to our Douglas Governor, Downey, the cowardly 
 killing of the most just and beneficent law in relation to school lands which 
 has ever passed our Legislature. While he was receiving general commen 
 dation for his veto of the Bulkhead Bill, he held in his pocket a bill provid 
 ing for an equal distribution throughout the State, according to average 
 school attendance, of the funds arising from the sale of the lands which Con 
 gress gave to California for the greatest educational good to the greatest 
 number. He thus, in his Gubernatorial discretion, perpetrated a great wrong 
 in a contemptible manner. 
 
 I understand that we will seek the adoption of the most liberal policy in 
 regard to naturalization laws, and touching subjects in which the conscien 
 tious scruples of any class of citizens are involved. 
 
 One of the most excellent elements in our Western population is com 
 posed of our citizens of German birth and extraction. They have their 
 peculiar customs for entertainment's sake, their remarkably fine habits of 
 gymnastic exercise and display, which they choose to conduct on the first 
 day of the week. We should set our platforms and our votes against any 
 attempts to abridge their present privileges in this particular. Such, I am 
 confident, is the general sentiment and purpose of the Republican organiza 
 tion within this State. 
 
 It is evident, that in this connection, and with reference also to the Coolie 
 importation question, I cannot forbear mentioning that the Republican party 
 of Californa has been sadly misrepresented in our Legislature since the last 
 Presidential election. It should be known that this has arisen from the fact 
 that a coalition has been formed in San Francisco, and kept in successful 
 operation for the past three or four years, between the Chivs who, unable to 
 get into the Custom House, itch for local pap, and the officers who preside 
 in day-time over the labor of the chain-gang and nightly roost amid the 
 stench of the station-house. This compound has been enabled thus far to 
 betray a sufficient number of Republicans into its support to secure its tri 
 umph at the polls ; but I am of the opinion that its day is about over. Un 
 der its reign, primary election ballot-boxes have been stuffed in a manner to 
 force a blush from the davs of Mulligan and Casey. The " People's Party" 
 and the " Reform Party," have been their catch cognomens ; and with these 
 they have obtained aid from a class of easily-duped honest folks. Well, this 
 mongrel political club has secured the election of such men to the County 
 Conventions of our party as they saw fit ; and those convention* have nomi 
 nated " Republicans," so called, who, having two masters, and feeling really 
 irresponsible, or least responsible to the Republican party, hive come up to 
 the capital and voted for Sunday blue laws, and against anti-Coolie importa- 
 
29 
 
 tation laws ; and even against a resolution calling for the appointment of a 
 committee to investigate into the possibility and expediency of framing and 
 passing a clearly constitutional enactment in destruction of this pernicious 
 commerce. And, in addition to this, I ought to say that this Representation 
 have done all in their power to impair the efficiency and defeat the great 
 objects of the San Francisco Consolidation bill which alone procured re 
 formatory results in the metropolis. 
 
 And this illustrates the necessity of clean Republican tickets in every dis 
 trict and municipality. The Republican party is a party for government, in 
 every section and division of the country. It has its claims to be a true 
 People's and Reform party, and it cannot afford to negative these for the 
 poor and improper purpose of keeping a set of smart Chivs in local offices, 
 and sending a pack of weak brethren to the law-making councils of the State. 
 
 Our State policy must necessarily have its chief exposition through legis 
 lative enactment, and we need in the Senate and Assembly wise, true and 
 unfettered representatives. To secure this, we appeal to the people with a 
 clear, honest and liberal creed. We do not insult the people by confining 
 our address to the " heavy tax-payers " as is the aristocratic fashion of the 
 People's Party organ in San Francisco. We profess to be followers of 
 Jefferson, who said : " Any appeal or measure calculated to place the capi 
 talist above the laborer in the enjoyment of the right of suffrage, is to be 
 frowned upon as a direct and positive advance towards the establishment of 
 an oppressive political aristocracy." And, again, one of our beloved political 
 fathers writes : " It is a great mistake to ascribe to the tax-payers alone 
 the men who pay tithes the support of a government. One patriotic soul, 
 one well informed mind, one invincible will may prove, in probable emer 
 gencies, to be worth thousands of dollars in government revenue. In men 
 and not in money, is our hope for the perpetuity of a Republican form of 
 government," Again : " In a free government, like our own, all men have 
 an equal right to participate in the duties of citizenship, and hence, all are 
 equally responsible for the care, the prosperous or diseased condition of 
 government." Again: "When government is illy administered, it is the 
 poor and not the rich who suffer the most disastrous consequences." " The 
 financial condition of any government affects the wages of the common 
 laboring classes in a very sensible degree ; and hence, it is oftentimes the 
 case, the poorer the citizen the greater the tax-payer." 
 
 Fellow-citizens, in the contest in which we are now engaged we have 
 many encouragements. The present broken condition of the old Demo 
 cratic party, and the disgus'ing pretensions of an ephemeral organization 
 without platform or principles, largely contribute to open for us a sure path 
 of triumph. In making allowances for the infirmities of human nature, we 
 have had to consider the education and fixed habits of men who have neither 
 the time, the energy nor the disposition to devote themselves to such a study 
 of political affairs as would induce them to forego party names for the sake 
 of practically enunciating true political doctrines. The old party ruts have 
 been destroyed, the old party hacks have been deserted, and popular politi 
 cal reflections, thoroughly loosened from the thraldom of mere party preju 
 dice, are stimulated to the most careful and catholic exercise. 
 
 We have obtained a discipline in defeat well adapted not only to unite us 
 in the ranks, but to render more liberal and national and deep-founded the 
 basis of our organization. 
 
 It was a part of the tactics of a celebrated European General, never to 
 send a Colonel or a company who had met with frequent defeat into a criti 
 cal portion of a battle field. We find that under a similar discretion our 
 campaign duties have been distributed. We find that the most active men 
 in our National Executive Committee are old line democrats ; and at their 
 head stands that indefatigable democratic General, Preston King, of New 
 York. And throughout the country we find prominent and earnest in our 
 cause, heading our legions, the bravest and choicest spirits of the ancient 
 
30 
 
 Democratic camp men inured to toils and hardships, and accustomed to 
 victory. 
 
 There is Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine ; George S. Boutwell, of Massachu 
 setts ; Lyman Trumbull, and N. P. Banks, of Illinois ; John Hickman, and 
 Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania ; Senator Doolittle, of Wisconsin, " old 
 man Blair" of Missouri the man famous for having manufactured Gen'l 
 Jackson's thunder, and seasoned it with lightning ; Frank Blair, of the same 
 State all these old line Democrats stand in the van of our army. And, here 
 in California we have upon our electoral ticket, that old Suwarrow of the 
 democracy, William H. Weeks. In San Francisco, we have such ancient 
 Democrats as Fletcher M. Haight, and W. J. Shaw; and Thos. Gray of whom 
 Thomas H. Benton said, a shoVt time before his death, " 1 never would have 
 been beaten in Missouri if Captain Gray had remained in St. Louis." These 
 men have often triumphed, and they know the path and are animated by the 
 true spirit of political SUCCESS. 
 
 And among the prominent signs of the times let us not forget to mention 
 the ready formation and efficient action of such organizations as are repre 
 sented here to-night. How significant is the announcement that with a sin 
 gle evening's notice you have gathered in a Wide Awake Club in this cap 
 ital city, nearly one hundred gallant soldiers thus heartily enlisted for the 
 fight. In San Francisco we have between two and three hundred Wide 
 Awakes, and large accessions are daily made to our ranks by their popular 
 influence. 
 
 Fellow citizens, whom have we for a candidate for President of these 
 United States ? Let us not indulge in eulogies ; let us speak with simplicity ; 
 let us call for the words of censure and disparagement, if there be any, which 
 are presented against Abraham Lincoln. His occupations in early life are 
 sought to be made the subject of ridicule among his opponents. Did you 
 ever hear a Republican sneer at the mechanical laboring class of which 
 Douglas in his youth was a member ? What must be the meanness of tem 
 per and the extremity of position of that political party which finds itself 
 compelled and willing to ridicule the honest laborer, of any name. The per 
 sonal character of Abraham Lincoln is never called in question. His upright 
 ness and firmness is never disputed. 
 
 Sometimes Lincoln's ability has been questioned, but those who permit 
 themselves to attempt thus to detract from his high repute dare not test the 
 matter by a candid examination of the discussion between him and Douglas in 
 the memorable Illinois Senatorial canvass of 1858. In fact, we have no per 
 sonal labor in the support of our candidate. It is generally acknowledged 
 that he is a qualified man for the Presidency. Even the leading men in the 
 old gentleman's party, captious and censorious as they are determined to be, 
 concede him talent, great energy, unimpeachable honesty and inflexibility of 
 purpose. More than and above all this, the working men of the country, the 
 bone and sinew of the land, are beginning to discover the virtue of this man ; 
 who without adventitious aids, without the employment of any of the arts of the 
 demagogue, sufficiently mingling in the political a'rena to constantly apprehend 
 the great political issues and yet sufficiently reserved in private life to keep 
 his mind untrammeled from party prejudice and his heart pure from party 
 stains, has risen from the place of the humblest laborer to the proud position 
 which he has been called upon to assume. And, to-day, every flat-boatman 
 who guides his rude craft down the Mississippi, every blacksmith who swings 
 the sledge over the sounding anvil, every farmer who, in this harvest 
 time, plies the sickle or throws the flail in the fertile valley of the Sange- 
 mon, every pioneer settler in the mighty forests of the West, whose axe- 
 blade gleams amid the thicket, or descending upon some huge bodied hick 
 ory, begets the echoing notes of an advancing civilization, repeat in their 
 bronzing toil the grand chapters in the disciplining life of Abraham Lincoln. - 
 And ignorant of, or treacherous to their highest interests will they be, if they 
 
31 
 
 refuse their cheerful and effective support, in November next, at the Free 
 man's ballot-box, to such a man as " Honest old Abe." 
 
 Of this we are certain : if Abraham Lincoln is elected President he 
 will do justice to the requirements of that great station ; and that is all that 
 ought to be asked of mortal man. He will have the various departments of 
 government conducted in proper order and each within constitutional limits. 
 He will attend to his own immediate duties with conscientious faithfulness. 
 
 We hope for his election. For that result we labor. If he shall be elected 
 we will sustain him heartily in his honest efforts for reform and a righteous 
 rule. And among those who are to hail his success with hands, heads and 
 hearts well exercised in the work required for his elevation, let there be 
 none more justly proud and enthusiastic than the Republicans of the city and 
 county of Sacramento. 
 
 
YOUNG MEN'S 
 
 JUmonatir |UpUnau Club 
 
 OF THE 
 
 CITY JljVD COUNTY OF 0JV 
 
 Applications from the interior for Republic, 
 appointments, may be made to the President or Con 
 
 OFFICERS 
 
 President. 
 THOMAS GRAY 
 
 Vice-Presidents. 
 
 G. W. Manchester, J. P. H. Wentwort 
 
 Wm. A. Grover, H. J. Wells, 
 
 William M. Cutter, Recording 
 Charles A. Sumner, Correspon 
 J. Clement, Treasurer.