THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 THE 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 CnglanD, 
 
 FROM 
 
 THE INVASION OF JULIUS CiESAR 
 
 TO 
 
 THE REVOLUTION IN 1688. 
 
 EMBELLISHED WITH 
 
 CnffraiJittss on Copper anlr WBootj, 
 
 FROM ORIGINAL DESIGNS. 
 
 Bij DAVID HUME, Esq. 
 
 VOLUME THE FIRST. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PUINTKD FOR J. WALLIS, 40, I'ATERNOSTE R-R 0\V, 
 
 BY T. BENSLKV, BOLT COURT. 
 
 \S03.
 
 mf\3o 
 
 THE LIFE 
 
 OF 
 
 DAVID HUME, ESQ. 
 
 WRITTEN' BY HIMSELF. 
 
 *j;v
 
 MY OWN LIFE. 
 
 It is difficult for a man to speak long of him- 
 self without vanity; therefore I shall be short. 
 It may be thought an instance of vanity that 
 1 pretend at all to write my life; but this 
 Narrative shall contain little more than the 
 History of my AVri tings; as, indeed, almost 
 all my life has been spent in literary pursuits 
 and occupations. The fust success of most 
 of my writings was not such as to be an ob- 
 ject of vanity. 
 
 I was born the 26th of iVpril I7II, old 
 style, at Edinburgh. I was of a good family, 
 both by father and mother: my father's la- 
 mil y is a })ranch of the carl of Homes, or 
 Hume's; and my ancestors had been proprie- 
 tors of the estate which my brother possesses 
 for several generations. My mother was 
 daughter of Sir David Falconer, President 
 of tlie College of Justice: the title of lord 
 Halkerton came by succession to her brother. 
 
 My family, however, was not rich, and 
 being myself a younger brother, my patri- 
 mony, according to llic mode oliny counlry,
 
 vi MY OWN LIFE. 
 
 was of course very slender. My father, who 
 passed for a man of parts, died when I was 
 an infant, leaving me with an elder brother 
 and a sister, under the care of our mother, 
 a woman of singular merit, who, though 
 young and handsome, devoted herself entire- 
 ly to the rearing and educating of her chil- 
 dren. I passed through the ordinary course 
 of education with success, and was seised very 
 early Avith a passion for literature, which has 
 been the ruling passion of my life, and the 
 great source of my enjoyments. My studious 
 disposition, my sobriety, and my industry, 
 gave my family a notion that the law was a 
 proper profession for me ; but I found an un- 
 surmountable aversion to every thing but the 
 pursuits of philosophy and general learning; 
 and while they fancied I was poring upon 
 Voet and Vinnius, Cicero and Virgil were 
 the authors which I was secretly devouring. 
 
 My very slender fortune, hoAvever, being 
 unsuitable to this plan of life, and my health 
 being a little broken by my ardent applica- 
 tion, I was tempted, or rather forced, to make 
 a very feeble trial for entering into a more 
 active scene of life. In 1734 1 went to Bris- 
 tol, with some recommendations to eminent 
 merchants; but in a few months found that 
 scene totally unsuitable to me. I went over
 
 MY OWN LIFE. vii 
 
 to France with a view of prosecuting my stu- 
 dies in a country retreat; and I there laid 
 that plan of life which I have steadily and 
 successfully pursued. I resolved to make a 
 very rigid frugality supply my deficiency 
 of fortune, to maintain unimpaired my inde- 
 pendency, and to regard every object as con- 
 temptible, except the improvement of my 
 talents in literature. 
 
 During my retreat in Fiance, first at 
 Rheims, but chiefiy at La Flcchc, in Anjou, 
 I composed my Treatise of Human Nature. 
 After passing three years very agreeably in 
 that country, I came over to London in 1737. 
 In the end of 1738, I published my Treatise, 
 and immediately Avent down to my mother 
 and my brother, who lived at his country- 
 house, and was employed himself very judi- 
 ciously and successfully in the improvement 
 of his fortune. 
 
 Ne\cr literary attempt was more unfor- 
 tunate than my Treatise of Human ISature. 
 It fell dead-horn from the press, without r(\^ch- 
 ing such distinction as even to excite a nuu- 
 mur among the zealots. 13ul being naturally 
 of a cheerful and sanguine teinj)er, I \ery 
 soon rec()V(>re(l the blow, and [)n)scculc(l with 
 great ar(k)iir my studies in the counlrv. In 
 1742 I printed at Edinburgh the first [)art of
 
 viii MY OWN LIFE. 
 
 my Essays: the work was favourably receiv- 
 ed, and soon made me entirely forget my 
 former disappointment. I continued with my 
 mother and brother in the country, and in 
 that time recovered the knowledge of the 
 Greek language, which I had too much neg- 
 lected in my early youth. 
 
 In 1745 I received a letter from the mar- 
 quis of Annandale, inviting me to come and 
 live with him in England ; I found also, that 
 the friends and family of that young noble- 
 man were desirous of putting him under my 
 care and direction, for the state of his mind 
 and health required it. I lived widi him a 
 twelvemonth. My appointments during that 
 time made a considerable accession to my 
 small fortune. I then received an invitation 
 from general St. Clair to attend him as a se- 
 cretary to his expedition, which was at first 
 meant aoainst Canada, but ended in an in- 
 cursion on the coast of France. Next year, 
 to wit, 1747, I received an invitation from 
 the General to attend him in the same station 
 in his military embassy to the courts of A'ienna 
 and Turin. I then wore the uniform of an 
 officer, and was introduced at these courts as 
 aid-dc-camp to the General, along with Sir 
 Harry J^irskinc and captain Grant, now gene- 
 ral Grant. These two years were almost the
 
 MY OWN LIFE. ix 
 
 only inlerrupdons which my studies have re- 
 ceived during the course of my hfe: I passed 
 them agreeably, and in good company; and 
 my appointments, with my frugahty, had 
 made me reacli a fortune, which I called in- 
 dependent, though most of my friends were 
 inclined to smile when I said so: in short, I 
 was now master of near a thousand pounds. 
 
 I had always entertained a notion, that 
 my want of success in publishing the Treatise 
 of Human Nature, had proceeded more from 
 the manner than the matter, and that I had 
 been guilty of a very usual indiscretion, in 
 going to the press too early. I therefore cast 
 the first part of that work anew in the En- 
 quiry concerning Human Understanding, 
 which was published while I was at Turin. 
 But this piece was at first little more success- 
 ful than the Treatise of Human Nature. On 
 my return from Italy, I had the mortification 
 to find all J'iUgland in a ferment, on account 
 ot" \)i\ iNliddlcton's Free Encjuiry, while my 
 performance was entirely overlooked and 
 neglected. A new edition, which luul been 
 j)ublislied at London, of my l^ssays, moral 
 and poHtical, met not witli a much belter rr- 
 c(^j)li()n. 
 
 Such is liie force of natural temper, that 
 these disa])p()intni(Mits made Htlh^ or no im-
 
 X MY OWN LIFE. 
 
 pression on me. I went down in 1749? and 
 lived two years with my brother at his coun- 
 try-house, for my mother was now dead. I 
 there composed the second part of my Essay, 
 which I called Political Discourses, and also 
 my Enquiry concerning the Principles of 
 Morals, which is another part of my Treatise 
 that I cast anew. Meanwhile my bookseller, 
 A. Millar, informed me that my former pub- 
 lications (all but the unfortunate Treatise) 
 were beginning to be the subject of conver- 
 sation; that the sale of them was gradually 
 increasing, and that new editions were de- 
 manded. Answers by Reverends and Right 
 Reverends came out two or three in a j^ear; 
 and I found, by Dr.Warburton's railing, that 
 the books were beginning to be esteemed in 
 good company. However, I had a fixed re- 
 solution, which I inflexibly maintained, never 
 to reply to any body; and not being very 
 irascible in my temper, I have easily kept 
 myself clear of all literary squabbles. These 
 symptoms of a rising reputation gave me en- 
 couragement, as I w^as ever more disposed to 
 see the favourable than unfavourable side of 
 things; a turn of mind which it is more happy 
 to possess, than to be born to an estate of 
 ten thousand a year. 
 
 In 1751, I removed from the counlrv to
 
 MY OWN LIFE. xi 
 
 the town, the true scene for a man of letters. 
 In 1752 were pubhshed at Edinburgh, where 
 I then hved, my PoUtical Discourses, the only 
 work of mine that was successful on the first 
 publication. It was well received abroad and 
 at home. In the same year was published at 
 London, my Enquiry concerning the Princi- 
 ples of Morals; which, in my own opinion 
 (who ought not to judge on that subject), is 
 of all my writings, historical, philosophical, 
 or literary, incomparably the best. It came 
 unnoticed and unobserved into the world. 
 
 In 17-52 the Faculty of Advocates chose 
 me their Librarian, an office from which I 
 received little or no emolument, but which 
 gave me the conunand of a large library. I 
 then formed the plan of Avriting the History 
 of England; but being frightened with the 
 notion of continuing a narrative through a 
 period of seventeen hundred years, I com- 
 menced with the accession of the house of 
 Stuart, an epoch when I thought the misre- 
 presentations of faction began chiefly to take 
 place. I was, I own, sanguine in m-y cx[)cc- 
 tations of the success of this work. 1 thought 
 that I was the only historian that had at once 
 neglected j)rcsent power, interest, and autho- 
 rity, and the cry of popuhu* prejudices; and 
 as the subject was suited to every capacity,
 
 xii MY OWN LIFE. 
 
 I expected proportional applause. But mise- 
 rable was my disappointment: I was assailed 
 by one cry of reproach, disapprobation, and 
 even detestation; English, Scotch, and Irish, 
 Whig and Tory, churchman and sectary, free- 
 thinker, and religionist, patriot and courtier, 
 united in their rage against the man who had 
 presumed to shed a generous tear for the fate 
 of Charles I. and the earl of Strafford ; and 
 after the first ebullitions of their fury were 
 over, what was still more mortifying, the book 
 seemed to sink into oblivion. Mr. Millar told 
 me, that in a twelvemonth he sold only forty- 
 five copies of it. I scarcely, indeed, heard of 
 one man in the three kingdoms, considerable 
 for rank or letters, that could endure the 
 book. 1 nmst only except the primate of 
 England, Dr. Herring, and the primate of 
 Ireland, Dr. Stone, which seem two odd ex- 
 ceptions. These dignified prelates separately 
 sent me messao;es not to be discouraocd. 
 
 I was, however, I confess discouraged; 
 and had not the war at that time been break- 
 ing out between France and England, I had 
 certainly retired to some provincial town of 
 the former kingdom, have changed my name, 
 and never more have returned to my native 
 country. But as this scheme was not now 
 practicable, and the subsequent volume was
 
 MY OWN LIFE. xiii 
 
 considerably advanced, I resolved to pick up 
 courage and to persevere. 
 
 In this interval, I published at London 
 my Natural History of Religion, along Avith 
 some other small pieces: its public entry was 
 rather obscure, except only that Dr. Hurd 
 wrote a pamphlet against it, with all the illi- 
 beral petulance, arrogance, and scurrility, 
 which distinguish the Warburtonian school. 
 This pamphlet gave me some consolation for 
 the otherwise indifferent reception of my per- 
 formance. 
 
 In 1756, two years after the fall of the 
 first volume, was published the second vo- 
 lume of my History, containing the period 
 from the death of Charles I. till the Revolu- 
 tion. This performance happened to give 
 less displeasure to the Whigs, and was better 
 received. It not only rose itself, but helped 
 to buoy up its unfortunate brother. 
 
 But though I had been taught by expe- 
 rience, that the Whig party were in possession 
 of bestowing all places, both in the state and 
 in literature, I was so little inclined to yield 
 to their senseless clamour, that in above a 
 hundred alterations, which farther study, 
 reading, or recollection engaged me to make 
 in the reigns of the two first Stuarts, I have 
 made all of thcni invariably to the Tory side.
 
 xiv MY OWN LIFE. 
 
 It is ridiculous to consider the English con- 
 stitution before that period as a regular plan 
 of liberty. 
 
 In 1759 I published my History of the 
 House of Tudor. The clamour against this 
 performance was almost equal to that against 
 the History of the two first Stuarts. The reign 
 of Elizabeth was particularly obnoxious. But 
 I was now callous against the impressions of 
 public folly, and continued very peaceably 
 and contentedly in my retreat at Edinburgh, 
 to finish, in two volumes, the more early part 
 of the English History, which I gave to the 
 public in I76I, with tolerable, and but toler- 
 able, success. 
 
 But notwithstanding this variety of winds 
 and seasons to which my writings had been 
 exposed, they had still been making such 
 advances, that the copy-money given me by 
 the booksellers much exceeded anv tliimj 
 formerly known in England; I was become 
 not only independent, but opulent. I retired 
 to my native country of Scotland, determined 
 never more to set my foot out of it; and re- 
 taining the satisfaction of never having pre- 
 ferred a request to one great man, or even 
 making advances of friendshi]) to any of 
 them. As I was now turned of fifty, I thought 
 of passing all the rest of my life in this phi-
 
 MY OWN LIFE. xr 
 
 losophical manner, when I received, in 1763, 
 an invitation from the earl of Hertford, with 
 whom I was not in the least acquainted, to 
 attend him on his embassy to Paris, with a 
 near prospect of being appointed secretary 
 to the embassy; and, in the meanwhile, of 
 performing the functions of that office. This 
 offer, liowever inviting, I at first declined, 
 botli because I was reluctant to begin con- 
 nections with the great, and because I was 
 afraid that the civilities and gay company of 
 Paris would prove disagreeable to a person of 
 my age and humour: but on his lordship's 
 repeating the invitation, I accepted of it. I 
 have every reason, both of pleasure and in- 
 terest, to think myself happy in my connex- 
 ions with that nobleman, as well as afterwards 
 with his brother general CouAvay. 
 
 Those who have not seen the strange 
 effects of modes, will never imagine the re- 
 ception 1 met with at Paris, from men and 
 women of all ranks and stations. The more 
 I resiled from their excessive civilities, the 
 more 1 was loaded with them. There is, how- 
 ever, a real satisfaction in living at Paris, 
 from the great number of sensible, knowing, 
 and- })olile company with which that city 
 abounds alcove all places in the universe. J 
 thought once of settling there for life.
 
 xvi MY OWN LIFE. 
 
 I was appointed secretary to the embassy ; 
 and, in summer 17^5, lord Hertford left me, 
 being appointed Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. 
 I was Charge d' Affaires till the arrival of the 
 duke of Richmond, towards the end of the 
 year. In the beginning of I766, I left Paris, 
 and next summer went to Edinburgh, with 
 . the same view as formerly, of burying myself 
 in a philosophical retreat. I returned to that 
 place, not richer, but with much more money, 
 and a much larger income, by means of lord 
 Hertford's friendship, than I left it, and I was 
 desirous of trying what superfluity could pro- 
 duce, as I had formerly made an experiment 
 of a competency. But in 176"7 I received 
 from Mr. Conway an invitation to be Under- 
 secretary; and this invitation, both the cha- 
 racter of the person, and my connexions with 
 lord Hertford, prevented me from declining. 
 I returned to Edinburgh in 176'9, very opu- 
 lent (for I possessed a revenue of a thousand 
 pounds a year), healthy, and though some- 
 what stricken in years, with the prospect of 
 enjoying long my ease, and of seeing the en- 
 crease of my reputation. 
 
 In spring 1775 I was struck with a dis- 
 order in my bowels, which at first gave me 
 no alarm, but has since, as 1 apprehend it, 
 become mortal and incurable. I now reckon
 
 MY OWN LIFE. xvu 
 
 upon a speedy dissolution. I have suffered 
 very little pain from my disorder; and what 
 is more strange, have, notwithstanding the 
 great decline of my person, never suffered a 
 moment's abatement of my spirits ; insomuch, 
 that were I to name a period of my life ^v hicli 
 I should most choose to pass over again, I 
 might be tempted to point to this later pe- 
 riod. I possess the same ardour as ever in 
 study, and the same gaiety in company. I 
 consider, besides, that a man of sixty-five, by 
 dying, cuts off only a few years of mlirmi- 
 ties; and though I see many symptoms of 
 my literary reputation's breaking out at last 
 with additional lustre, I knew that I could 
 have but few years to enjoy it. It is difficult 
 to be more detached from life than 1 am at 
 present. 
 
 To conclude historically with my own 
 character. I am, or rather was (for that is 
 tlie style 1 must now use in speaking of my- 
 self, wiiich emboldens me the more to speak 
 my sentimeiUs); I was, I say, a man of mild 
 disposition, of command of temper, of an 
 o})en, social, and cheerful humour, capable 
 of attachment, but little susceptible of enmi- 
 ty, and of great moderation in all my pas- 
 sions. Even my love of literary fame, my 
 
 VOL. I. b
 
 xviii MY OWN LIFE. 
 
 ruling passion, never soured my temper, not- 
 withstanding my frequent disappointments. 
 My company was not unacceptable to the 
 young and careless, as well as to the studious 
 and literary; and as I took a particular plea- 
 sure in the company of modest women, I 
 had no reason to be displeased with the re- 
 ception I met with from them. In a Avord, 
 though most men, anywise eminent, have 
 found reason to complain of calumny, I never 
 was touched, or even attacked, by her baleful 
 tooth; and though I wantonly exposed my- 
 self to the raoe of both civil and relio;ious 
 factions, they seemed to be disarmed in my 
 behalf of their wonted fury. My friends 
 never had occasion to vindicate any one cir- 
 cumstance of my character and conduct: not 
 but that the zealots, we may well suppose, 
 would have been glad to invent and propa- 
 gate any story to my disadvantage, but they 
 could never find any whicli they thought 
 would wear the face of probability. 1 cannot 
 say there is no vanity in making this funeral 
 oration of myself; but I hope it is not a mis- 
 placed one; and this is a matter of fact which 
 is easily cleared and ascertained. 
 
 April 18, 1770.
 
 LETTER 
 
 FROM 
 
 ADAM SMITH, LL.D. 
 
 TO 
 
 WILLIAM STRAHAN, Esq. 
 
 Dear Sir, Kirkaldy, Fifeshire, Nov, 9, 1776. 
 
 It is with a real, though a very me- 
 lanclioly pleasure, that I sit down to give you 
 some account of the behaviour of our late excel- 
 lent friend, Mr. Hume, during his last illness. 
 
 Though in his own judgment his disease was 
 mortal and incurable, yet he allowed himself to 
 be prevailed upon, by the entreaty of his friends, 
 to try what might be the effects of a long jour- 
 ney. A i'cw days before he set out, he wrote that 
 account of his own life, which, together with his 
 other papers, he has left to your care. IVIy ac- 
 count, therefore, shall begin where his ends. 
 
 He set out for London towards the end of 
 April, and at jMorpeth met m itli Mr. John Home 
 and myself, mIio had both come down from 
 London on purpose to see him, expecting to have
 
 XX LETTER FROM 
 
 found him at Edinburgh. Mr. Home returned 
 with him, and attended him during the whole of 
 his stay in England, with that care and attention 
 which might be expected from a temper so per- 
 fectly friendly and afiectionate. As I had writ- 
 ten to my mother that she might expect me in 
 Scotland, I Mas under the necessity of continu- 
 ing my journey. His disease seemed to yield to 
 exercise and change of air, and when he arrived 
 in London, he was apparently in much better 
 health than when he left Edinburgh. He was 
 advised to go to Bath to drink the waters, which 
 appeared for some time to have so good an effect 
 upon him, that even he himself began to enter- 
 tain, what he was not apt to do, a better opinion 
 of his own health. His symptoms, however, soon 
 returned with their usual violence, and from that 
 moment he gave up all thoughts of recovery, 
 but sulnnitted with the utmost cheerfulness, and 
 the most perfect complacency and resignation. 
 Upon his return to Edinburgh, though he found 
 himself much weaker, yet his cheerfulness never 
 abated, and he continued to divert himselt", as 
 usual, with correcting his own works tor a new- 
 edition, with reading books of amusement, Mitli 
 the conversation of his friends; and sometimes 
 in the evening with a ])arty at his favourite game 
 of whist. His cheerfulness M^as so great, and his 
 conversation and amusements run so much in 
 their usual strain, that, notwithstanding all bad 
 symptoms, many })coplc could not believe he was
 
 DR. ADAM SMITH. xxi 
 
 dying. *' I shall tell your friend, colonel Ed- 
 mondstone," said doctor Dundas to him one day, 
 *' that I left you much better, and in a fair way 
 of recovery." " Doctor," said he, " as I believe 
 you would not choose to tell any thing but the 
 truth, you had better tell him, that I am dying 
 as fast as my enemies, if I have any, could wish, 
 and as easily and cheerfully as my best friends 
 could desire." Colonel Edmondstone soon after- 
 wards came to see him, and take leave of him ; 
 and on his way home he could not forbear writing 
 him a letter, bidding him once more an eternal 
 adieu, and applying to him, as to a dying man, 
 the beautiful Frenah verses in which the Abb6 
 Chaulieu, in expectation of his own death, la- 
 ments his approacliing separation from his friend 
 the marquis de la Fare. Mr. Hume's magnanimity 
 and firmness were such, that his most affectionate 
 friends knew that they hazarded nothing in talk- 
 ing or writing to him as to a dying man, and that 
 so far from being hurt by this frankness, he was 
 rather pleased and flattered by it. I happened 
 to come into his room while he was reading this 
 letter, which he had just received, and ^hich he 
 immediately shewed me. I told him, that though 
 I was sensible how very much he Mas weakened, 
 and that appearances were in many respects very 
 bad, yet his cheerfulness was still so great, the 
 spirit of life seemed still to be so very strong in 
 him, that I could not help entertaining some faint 
 hopes, lie answered, " Your hopes are ground-
 
 xxii LETTER FROM 
 
 less. An habitual diarrhoea of more than a yearns 
 standing, would be a very bad disease at any age; 
 at my age, it is a mortal one. When I lie down 
 in the evening, I feel myself weaker than when 
 I rose in the morning; and when I rise in the 
 morning weaker than when I lay down in the 
 evening. I am sensible, besides, that some of 
 my vital parts are affected, so that I must soon 
 die." ' Well,' said I, ' if it must be so, you have 
 at least the satisfaction of leaving all your friends, 
 your brother's family in particular, in great pro- 
 sperity.' He said, that he felt that satisfaction 
 so sensibly, that when he was reading, a few days 
 before, Lucian's Dialogues of the Dead, among 
 all the excuses which are alleged to Charon for 
 not entering readily into his boat, he could not 
 find one that fitted him ; he had no house to finish, 
 he had no daughter to provide for, he had no 
 enemies upon whom he wished to revenge him- 
 self. " I could not well imagine," said, he, 
 " what excuse I could make to Charon in order 
 to obtain a little delay. I have done every thing 
 of consequence which I ever meant to do, and I 
 could at no time expect to leave my relations 
 and friends in abetter situation than that in which 
 I am now likely to leave them: I therefore have 
 all reason to die contented." He then diverted 
 himself with inventing several jocular excuses 
 M'hich he supposed he might make to Charon, 
 and with imagining the very surly answers which 
 it might suit the character of Charon to return
 
 DR. ADAM SMITH. xxiii 
 
 to them. " Upon further consideration," said 
 he, '' I thought I might say to him, " Good 
 Charon, I have been correcting my works for a 
 new edition. Allow me a little time, that I may 
 see how the public receives the alterations." But 
 Charon would answ^er, " When you have seen 
 the effect of these, you will be for making other 
 alterations. There will be no end of such ex- 
 cuses; so, honest friend, please step into the 
 boat." But I might still urge, " Have a little 
 patience, good Charon, I have been endeavour- 
 ing to open the eyes of the public. If 1 live a 
 few years longer, I may have the satisfaction of 
 seeing the downfal or some of the prevailing sys- 
 tems of superstition." But Charon would then 
 lose all temper and decency. " You loitering 
 rogue, that will not happen these many hundred 
 years. Do you fancy I will grant you a lease for 
 so long a term? Get into the boat this instant, 
 you lazy loitering rogue."' 
 
 But though Mr. Hume always talked of his 
 approaching dissolution with great cheerfulness, 
 he never affected to make any parade of his mag- 
 nanimity. He never mentioned the subject but 
 when the conversation naturally led to it, and 
 never dwelt longer upon it than the course of the 
 conversation happened to require. It was a sub- 
 ject, indeed, which occurred pretty fre(]uently, 
 in consecpiencc of the inquiries which his friends, 
 who came to see him, naturally made concerning 
 the state of his health. The conversation which
 
 xxiv LETTER FROM 
 
 I mentioned above, and which passed on Thursday 
 the 8th of August, was the last, except one, that 
 I ever had with him. He had now become so 
 very weak, that the company of his most inti- 
 mate friends fatigued him; for his cheerfuhiess 
 was still so great, his complaisance and social dis- 
 position were still so entire, that when any friend 
 was with him, he could not help talking more, 
 and with greater exertion, than suited the weak- 
 ness of his body. At his own desire, therefore, 
 I agreed to leave Edinburgh, where I was stay- 
 ing partly upon his account, and returned to my 
 mother's house here at Kirkaldy, upon condition 
 that he would send for me Avhenever he wished 
 to see me; the physician who saw him most fre- 
 quently, Dr. Black, undertaking, in the mean 
 time, to write me occasionally an account of the 
 state of his health. 
 
 On the 2 2d of August the doctor wrote me 
 the following letter : 
 
 " Since my last, Mr. Hume has passed his time 
 pretty easil}', but is much weaker. He sits up, 
 ooes down stairs once a day, and amuses himself 
 with reading, but seldom sees any body. He 
 fmds that even the conversation of his most inti- 
 mate friends fatigues and oppresses him; and it 
 is happy that he does not need it, for he is quite 
 free from anxiety, impatience, or low spirits, and 
 passes his time very well with the assistance of 
 amusing books." 
 
 I received the day after a letter from Mr.
 
 DR. -ADAM SMITH. xxr 
 
 Hume himself, of which the following is an ex- 
 tract : 
 
 "My Dearest Friend, Edinburgh, Aug. 23, 1776. 
 
 " I am obliged to make use of my ne- 
 phew's hand in writing to you, as I do not rise 
 to-day. * * # * 
 
 " I go very fast to decline, and last night had 
 a small fever, which I hoped might put a quicker 
 period to this tedious illness; but unluckily it 
 has in a great measure gone off. I cannot sub- 
 mit to your coming over here on my account, as 
 it is possible for me to see you so small a part of 
 the day; but Dr. Black can better inform you 
 concerning the degree of strength which may 
 from time to time remain with me. Adieu, &c." 
 
 Three days after, I received the following 
 letter from Dr. Black: 
 
 " Dear Sir, Edinburgh, Monday, Aug. 26, 1/76. 
 
 " Yesterday, about four o'clock after- 
 noon, Mr. Hume expired. The near approach of 
 his death became evident in the night between 
 Thursday and Friday, when his disease became 
 excessive, and soon weakened him so much, that 
 he could no longer rise out of his bed. He con- 
 tinued to the last perfectly sensible, and free 
 from much pain or feelings of distress. He never 
 dropped the smallest expression of impatience;
 
 xxvi LETTER FROM 
 
 but when he had occasion to speak to the people 
 about him, always did it with affection and ten- 
 derness. I thought it improper to write to bring 
 you over, especially as I heard that he had dic- 
 tated a letter to you, desiring you not to come. 
 When he became very weak, it cost him an effort 
 to speak, and he died in such a happy composure 
 of mind that nothing could exceed it." 
 
 Thus died our most excellent and never-to-be 
 forgotten friend; concerning whose philosophi- 
 cal opinions men will no doubt judge variously, 
 every one approving or condemning them, ac- 
 cording as they happen to coincide or disagree 
 with his own; but concerning Avhose character 
 and conduct there can scarce be a difference of 
 opinion. His temper, indeed, seemed to be more 
 happily balanced, if I may be allowed such an 
 expression, than that perhaps of any other man 
 I have ever known. Even in the lowest state of 
 his fortune, his great and necessary frugality 
 never hindered him from exercising, upon proper 
 occasions, acts both of charity and generosity. 
 It was a frugality founded not upon avarice, but 
 upon the love of independency. The extreme 
 gentleness of his nature never weakened either 
 the firmness of his mind, or the steadiness of his 
 resolutions. His constant pleasantry was the ge- 
 nuine effusion of good-nature and good-humour, 
 tempered with delicacy and modest}, and Mith- 
 out even the slightest tincture of malignity, so
 
 DR. ADAM SMITH. xxvii 
 
 frequently the disagreeable source of what is 
 called wit in other men. It never was the mean- 
 ing of his raillery to mortify; and therefore, far 
 from offending, it seldom failed to please and de- 
 light even those who were the objects of it. To 
 his friends, who were frequently the objects of it, 
 there was not, perhaps, any one of all his great 
 and amiable qualities which contributed more to 
 endear his conversation. And that gaiety of tem- 
 per so agreeable in society, but which is so often 
 accompanied with frivolous and superficial quali- 
 ties, was in him certainly attended with the most 
 severe application, the most extensive learning, 
 the greatest depth of thought, and a capacity in 
 every respect the most comprehensive. Upon 
 the whole, I have always considered him, both in 
 his life-time and since his death, as approaching 
 as nearly to the idea of a perfectly wise and vir- 
 tuous man as perhaps the nature of human frailty 
 will permit. 
 
 I ever am, dear Sir, 
 
 Most affectionately your's, 
 
 ADAM SMITH.
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 OF 
 
 VOLUME THE FIRST. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 The Britons. . . . Romans . . . Saxons. . . . Tlie Heptarchy 
 
 .... Tlie kingdom of Kent of Northnmberland 
 
 .... of East Anglia. . . . of Mercia .... of Essex. ... of 
 Sussex. . . . of V^^essex Page 1 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 THE ANGLO-SAXONS. 
 
 Egbert Ethelw'olf Ethelbald and Ethelbert 
 
 Ethered. . . . Alfred the Great. . . . Edward the Elder 
 .... Atlielsfaii. . . . Edmniul. . . . Edred. . , , Edwy. . . 
 Edgar. , . . Edward the Martyr ... &S 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 I^thelred Settlement of the Normans. . . . Etlmund 
 
 Ironside. . . . Canute the Great. . . . llarohl li;irefoot 
 .... I lai'djeanute. . . . Edward the Confessor. . . Ha- 
 rold 173
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 APPENDIX L 
 
 THE ANGLO-SAXON GOVERNMENT AND 
 MANNERS. 
 
 First Saxon government. . . . Succession of the kings . . . 
 The Wittenagemot. . . . The aristocracy. . . . The se- 
 veral orders of men. . . . Courts of justice. . . . Crimi- 
 nal law Rules of proof. . . . .Military force 
 
 Public revenue Value of Money Man- 
 ners Page 26 1 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 
 
 Consequences of the battle of Hastings. . . . Submission 
 of the English. . .Settlement of the government. . . 
 King's return to Normandy. . . .Discontents of the 
 English. . . . Their insurrections .... Rigours of the 
 
 Norman government New insun'ections 
 
 New rigours of the government. . . . Introduction of 
 the feudal law. . . . Innovation in ecclesiastical go- 
 vernment. . . . Insurrection of the Norman barons 
 , , . . Dispute about investitures. . . . Revolt of prince 
 Robert. . .Doomsday book. . . . Tiie New Forest. . . , 
 War with France. . . . Death. , and charactei" of W\l- 
 liam the Conqueror, , . , 307
 
 CONTENTS. xxxi 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 WILLIAM RUFUS, 
 
 Accession of William Rufus. . . . Conspiracy against the 
 king. . . . Invasion of Normandy. . . .The Crusades. . . 
 Acquisition of Normandy. . . . Quarrel with Anselm 
 the primate .... Death. . and character of William 
 Rufus Page 381 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 HENRY I. 
 
 The Crusades. . . . Accession of Henry. . . . Mairiage of 
 the king. . . . Invasion by duke Roliert. . . . Accom- 
 modation with Robert. . . . Attack of Normandy. . . . 
 
 Conquest of Normandy. Continuation of the 
 
 quarrel with Anselm the primate. . . . Compromise 
 with him. . .Wars abroad. , . . Death of prince Wil- 
 liam King's second marriage Death. . .and 
 
 character of Henry 415
 
 xxxit CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 STEPHEN. 
 
 Accession of Stephen, . . . War with Scotland. . . . Insur- 
 rection in favour of Matilda. . . . Stephen taken pri- 
 soner. . . . Matikla crowned. . . . Stephen released . . . 
 Restored to the crown. . . . Continuation* of the civil 
 wars. . . . Compromise between the king and prince 
 Henry. . . . Death of the king Page 469
 
 THE 
 
 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 The state of Britain during; the early period of its history. Britannia 
 appears sunk in slavery and superstition. The Standards denote her suc- 
 cessive Concjuerors from the latest (the Normans\ hack to the Romans, 
 who first invaded Britain. 
 
 VOLUME I.
 
 %\it 38ritons. 
 
 Chap. I. p. 4. 
 
 And while the arts of peace were yet unknown, wars were the 
 chief occupation, and formed the chief object of ambition among 
 the people.
 
 THE 
 
 HISTORY OF ENGLAND 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 The Britons the Romans die Saxons the Heptar- 
 chy The Kingdom of Kent of Northumberland 
 
 of Ea.st-Anglia of Mercia. . . . of Essex of Sussex 
 
 of Wessex. 
 
 THE BRITONS. 
 
 J. HE curiosity, entertained by all civilised na- 
 tions, of in(juiring into the exploits and adven- 
 tures of their ancestors, commonly excites a 
 regret that the history of remote ages shoidd al- 
 ways he so much involved in obscurity, uncer- 
 tainty, and contradiction. Ingenious men, pos- 
 sessed of leisure, are apt to push their researches 
 beyond the period in \shich h'terary monuments 
 are framed or preserved; without reflecting, that 
 the history of i)ast events is immediately lost or 
 disfigured when entrusted to memory and oral 
 tradition, and that the adventures of barbarous 
 nations, even if tliey were recorded, could afiord 
 
 "~voL. r. V.
 
 2 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 little or no entertain ment.tQjllfiJL-hQrilja^ more 
 cultivated ag;e^_ The canv.ulsions _i)f -a-Xiyilked 
 state usually compose the mpst_instructi\^ and 
 most interesting- 4iar.txiLJtS_Jlistor^^; but the 
 sudden, violent, and unprepared revolutions inci- 
 dfentjtoTBarbarians, are so much^uided by caprice 
 and tei:j2iirmte_Q_often_in^c dis- 
 
 ^st us by the uniformity of their appearance; 
 and it is rather^ fortunate for letters that they are 
 buried in silence and oblivion. The only certain 
 means by which nations can indulge their cu- 
 TrrosFty in researches concerning their remote 
 orrgrn, is to consider the language, manners, and 
 customs of their ancestors, and to compare them 
 with those of the neighbouring ngjtions. The 
 fables which are commonly employed to supply 
 the place of true history, ought entirely to be 
 disregarded; or if any exception be admitted to 
 this general rule, it can only be in favour of the 
 ancient Grecian fictions, which are so celebrated 
 and so agreeable, that they will ever be the ob- 
 jects of the attention of mankind. Neglecting, 
 therefore, all traditions, or rather tales, concern- 
 ing the more early history of Britain, we shall 
 only consider the state of the inhabitants as it 
 appeared to the Romans on their invasion of this 
 country: we shall briefly run over the events 
 which attended the conquest made by that em- 
 pire, as belonging more to Roman than British 
 story: we shall hasten through the obscure and 
 uninteresting period of Saxon Annals: and shall
 
 THE BRITONS, 3 
 
 reserve a more full narration for those times when 
 the truth is both so well ascertained and so com- 
 plete as to promise entertainment and instruction 
 to the reader. 
 
 All ancient writers agree in representing the 
 first inhabitants of Britain as a tribe of the Gauls 
 or Celtse, who peopled that island from the neigh- 
 bouring continent. Their language was the same, 
 their manners, their government, their super- 
 stition; varied only by those small differences, 
 which time or a communication with the border- 
 ing nations must necessarily introduce. The in- 
 habitants of Gaul, especially in those parts which 
 lie contiguous to Italy, had acquired, from a com- 
 merce with their southern neighbours, some re- 
 finement in the arts, which gradually diffused 
 themselves northwards, and spread but a very 
 faint light over this island. The Greek and Ro- 
 man navigators or merchants (for there were 
 scarcely any other travellers in those ages) 
 brouii'ht back the most shocking; accounts of the 
 ferocity of the people, which they magnified, as 
 usual, in order to excite the admiration of their 
 countrymen. The south-east parts, however, of 
 Britain, had already, before the age of Caesar, 
 made the first and most requisite step towards a 
 civil settlement; and the Britons, by tillage and 
 agriculture, had there increased to a great mul- 
 titude \ The other inhai)ilants of the island still 
 
 ^ Cicsar, lib. 4.
 
 4 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 maintained themselves by pasture: they were 
 clothed with skins of beasts : they dwelt in huts, 
 which they reared in the forests and marshes, 
 with which the country was covered: they shifted 
 easily their habitation, when actuated either by 
 the hopes of plunder, or the fear of an enemy : 
 the convenience of feeding their cattle was even 
 a sufficient motive for removing their seats: and 
 as they were ignorant of all the refinements of 
 life, their wants and their possessions were equally 
 scanty and limited. 
 
 The Britons were divided into many small na- 
 tions or tribes; and being a military people, whose 
 sole property was their arms and their cattle, it 
 was impossible, after they had acquired a relish 
 of liberty, for their princes or chieftains to esta- 
 blish any despotic authority over them. Their 
 governments, though monarchical, were free, as 
 well as those of all the Celtic nations; and the 
 common people seem even to have enjoyed more 
 liberty among them ', than among the nations of 
 Gaul^ from whom they were descended. Each 
 state was divided into factions witliin itself": it 
 was agitated with jealousy or animosity against 
 the neighbouring states: and while the arts of 
 peace were yet unknown, wars were the chief 
 occupation, and formed the chief object of ambi- 
 tion among the people. 
 
 ^ Diod. Sic. lib. 4. Mela, lib. 3. cap. 6. Strabo, lib. 4, 
 c Dion. Cassius, lib. 75. '^ Caesar, lib. 6. e Tacit. Agr.
 
 THE BRITONS. 5 
 
 The religion of the Britons was one of the 
 most considerable parts of their government; and 
 the Druids, Avho were their priests, possessed 
 great authority among them. Besides minis- 
 tering at the altar, and directing all religious du- 
 ties, they presided over the education of youth; 
 they enjoyed an immunity from wars and taxes; 
 they possessed both the civil and criminal juris- 
 diction; they decided all controversies among' 
 states as well as among private persons, and who- 
 ever refused to submit to their decree was ex- 
 posed to the most severe penalties. The sen- 
 ten ce of excommunication was pronounced against 
 him: he was forbidden access to the sacrifices or 
 public worship: he was debarred all intercourse 
 with his fellow-citizens, even in the common af- 
 fairs of life : his company was universally shunned, 
 as profane and dangerous: he was refused the j)ro- 
 tection of law^: and death itself became an ac- 
 ceptable relief from the misery and infamy to 
 Mhich he was exposed. Thus, the bands of go- 
 vernment, M-hich Mere naturally loose among that 
 rude and turbulent people, were happily corro- 
 borated by the terrors of their superstition. 
 
 No species of superstition was ever more ter- 
 rible than that of the Druids. Besides tlie severe 
 penalties, which it was in the ])o\\er of the eccle- 
 siastics to inflict in this world, they inculcated 
 the eternal transmigration of souls; and thereb}^ 
 
 f Cx-ar, lih.O'. Strabo, lib. -l.
 
 6 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 extended their authority as far as the fears of their 
 timorous votaries. They practised their rites in 
 dark groves or other secret recesses^; and in 
 order to throw a greater mystery over their reli- 
 gion, they communicated their doctrines only to 
 the initiated, and strictly forbad the committing 
 of them to writing; lest they should at any time 
 
 r o>^ -r^^ exposed to the exam ination of the^^ixofane 
 \j>^virtgar. Human sacrifices were practised among 
 
 y them: the spoils of war were often devoted to 
 
 their divinities; and they punished with the se- 
 verest tortures whoever dared to secrete any part 
 of the consecrated offering: these treasures they 
 kept in woods and forests, secured by no other 
 guard than the terrors of their religion *" ; and this 
 steady conquest over human avidity may be re- 
 garded as more signal than their prompting men 
 to the most extraordinary and most violent ef- 
 forts. No idolatrous worship ever attained such 
 an ascendant over mankind as that of the ancient 
 Gauls and Britons; and the Romans, after their 
 conquest, finding it impossible to reconcile those 
 nations to the laws and institutions of their mas- 
 ters, while it maintained its authority, were at 
 last obliged to abolish it by penal statutes; a vio- 
 lence which had never, in any other instance, 
 been practised by those tolerating conquerors '. 
 
 8 Plin. lib. 12. cap. 1. '' Caesar, lib. 6, ^ Sueton. in vita Claudii,
 
 %\)t 3iomans! 
 
 Chap. I. p. 7. 
 
 The Britons had long remained in this rude but independent 
 state, when Caesar, having overrun all Gaul by his victories, tirsi 
 cast his eye on their island. He was not allured cither by its riches 
 or its renown; but being ambitious of carrying the Roman arms 
 into a new world, then mostly unknown, he took advantage of a 
 ><hort interval in hisGaulic wars, and made an invasion on Britain.
 
 A.C.53. THE ROMANS. 
 
 THE ROMANS. 
 
 The Britons had long remained in this rude but 
 independent state, when Ceesar, having overrun 
 all Gaul by his victories, first cast his eye on their 
 island. He was not allured either by its riches 
 or its renown; but being ambitious of carrying 
 the Roman arms into a new world, then mostly 
 unknown, he took advantage of a short interval 
 in his Gaulic wars, and made an invasion on Bri- 
 tain. The natives, informed of his intention, 
 were sensible of the unequal contest, and endea- 
 voured to appease him by submissions, which, 
 however, retarded not the execution of his de- 
 sign. After some resistance, he landed, as is 
 supposed, at Deal; and liaving obtained several 
 advantages over the Britons, and obliged them to 
 promise hostages for their future obedience, he 
 was constrained, by the necessity of his affairs, 
 and the approach of winter, to withdraw his forces 
 into Gaul. The Britons, relieved from the terror 
 of his arms, neglected the performance of their 
 stipulations; and that haughty conqueror resolved 
 next summer to chastise them for this breach of 
 treaty. He landed with a greater force; and 
 though he found a more regular resistance from 
 the Britons, who had united under Cassivelaunus, 
 one of their petty princes, he discomfited them in 
 every action. He advanced into the country; 
 passed the Thames in the face of the enemy ; took
 
 8 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. A.C. 53. 
 
 and burned the capital of Cassivelaunus; esta- 
 blished his ally, Mandubratius, in the sovereignty 
 of the Trinobantes; and having obliged the inha- 
 lants to make him new submissions, he again re- 
 turned with his army into Gaul, and left the 
 authority of the Romans more nominal than real 
 in this island. 
 
 The civil wars which ensued, and which pre- 
 pared the way for the establishment of monarchy 
 in Rome, saved the Britons from that yoke Avhich 
 was ready to be imposed upon them. Augustus, 
 the successor of Cassar, content with the victory 
 obtained over the liberties of his own country, 
 was little ambitious of acquiring fame by foreign 
 wars; and being apprehensive lest the same unli- 
 mited extent of dominion, which had subverted 
 the republic, might also overwhelm the empire, 
 he recommended it to his successors never to 
 enlarge the territories of the Romans. Tiberius, 
 jealous of the fame which might be acquired by 
 his generals, made this advice of Augustus a pre- 
 tence for his inactivity *" The mad sallies of 
 Caligula, in which he menaced Britain with an 
 invasion, served only to expose himself and the 
 empire to ridicule: and the Britons had now, 
 during almost a century, enjoyed their liberty 
 unmolested; when the Romans, in the reign of 
 Claudius, began to think seriously of reducing 
 them under their dominion. Without seeking 
 any more justifiable reasons of hostility than were 
 
 '^ Tacit. Agr.
 
 A.D. 43...50. THE ROMANS. g 
 
 employed by the late Europeans in subjecting the 
 Africans and Americans, they sent over an army 
 under the command of Plautius, an able general, 
 who gained some victories, and made a consider- 
 able progress in subduing the inhabitants. Clau- 
 dius himself, finding matters sufficiently pre- 
 pared for his reception, made a journey into 
 Britain, and received the submission of several 
 British states, the Cantii, Atrebates, Regni, and 
 Triuobantcs, wlio inhabited the south-east parts 
 of the island, and Avhom their possessions and 
 more cultivated manner of life rendered willing 
 to purchase peace at the expence of their liberty. 
 The other Britons, undei;the command of Carac- 
 tacus, still maintained an obstinate resistance, 
 and the Romans made little progress against 
 them ; till Ostorius Scapula was sent over to com- 
 mand their armies. This general advanced the 
 Roman concpiests over the Britons; ])ierced into 
 the country of the Silures, a warlike nation, who 
 inhabited the banks of the Scverne ; defeated 
 Caractacus in a great battle ; took him prisoner, 
 and sent him to Rome, where his magnanimous 
 behaviour procured him better treatment than 
 those con(|uerors usually bestowed on ca{)ti\'e 
 princes.' 
 
 Notwithstanding these mislbrtuiies, the Bri- 
 tons were not subdued; and this island was re- 
 garded by the ambitious Romans as a lield in 
 
 ' Tacit. Ann. lib. I J.
 
 10 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. A. D. 59. 
 
 which military honour might still be acquired. 
 Under the reign of Nero, Suetonius Paulinus 
 was invested with the command, and prepared to 
 signalize his name by victories over those barba- 
 rians. Finding that the island of Mona, now 
 Anglesey, was the chief seat of the Druids, he 
 resolved to attack it, and to subject a place 
 which was the centre of their superstition, and 
 which afforded protection to all their baffled 
 forces. The Britons endeavoured to obstruct 
 his landing on this sacred island, both by the 
 force of their arms, and the terrors of their reli- 
 gion. The women and priests were intermingled 
 with the soldiers upon the shore; and running 
 about with flaming torches in their hands, and 
 tossing their dishevelled hair, they struck greater 
 terror into the astonished Romans by their bowl- 
 ings, cries, and execrations, than the real dan- 
 ger from the armed forces was able to inspire. 
 But Suetonius, exhorting his troops to despise 
 the menaces of a superstition which they de- 
 spised, impelled them to the attack, drove the 
 Britons off the field, burned the Druids in the 
 same fires which those priests had prepared for 
 their captive enemies, destroyed all the conse- 
 crated groves and altars; and, having thus tri- 
 umphed over the religion of the Britons, he 
 thought his future progress would be easy, in 
 reducing the people to subjection. But he wa.s 
 disappointed in his expectations. The Britons, 
 taking advantage of his absence, were all in
 
 A.D.59. THE ROMANS. 11 
 
 arms; and headed by Boadicea, queen of the 
 Iceni, who had been treated in the most igno- 
 minious manner by the Roman tribunes, had 
 already attacked with success several settle- 
 ments of their insulting conquerors. Suetonius 
 hastened to the protection of London, which 
 was already a flourishing Roman colony; but 
 he found on his arrival, that it would be requi- 
 site for the general safety to abandon that place 
 to the merciless fury of the enemy. London was 
 reduced to ashes; such of the inhabitants as re- 
 mained in it were cruelly massacred; the Ro- 
 mans and all strangers, to the number of 70,000, 
 were every where put to the sword without dis- 
 tinction; and the Britons, by rendering the war 
 thus bloody, seemed determined to cut off all 
 hopes of peace or composition with the enemy. 
 But this cruelty was revenged by Suetonius in a 
 great and decisive battle, where 80,000 of the 
 Britons are said to have perished ; and Boadicea 
 herself, rather than fall into the hands of the 
 enraged victor, put an end to her own life by 
 poison."" Nero soon after recalled Suetonius 
 from a government, where, by suffering and in- 
 flicting so many severities, he was judged im- 
 proper for composing the angry and alarmed 
 minds of the inhabitants. After some interval, 
 Cerealis received the connnand from Vespasian, 
 and by his bravery propagated the terror of the 
 
 Tacit. Ann. lib. li-
 
 12 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. A.D.59. 
 
 Roman arms. Julius Frontinus succeeded Ce- 
 realis both in authority and in reputation : but 
 the general who finally established the dominion 
 of the Romans in this island, was Julius Agricola, 
 Avho g'ov^erned it in the reigns of Vespasian, Titus, 
 and Domitian, and distinguished himself in that 
 scene of action. 
 
 This great commander formed a regular plan 
 for subduing Britain, and rendering the acqui- 
 sition useful to the conquerors. He carried his 
 victorious arms northwards, defeated the Britons 
 in every encounter, pierced into the inaccessi- 
 ole forests and mountains of Caledonia, reduced 
 every state to subjection in the southern parts of 
 the island, and chased before him all the men of 
 fiercer and more intractible spirits, who deemed 
 war and death itself less intolerable than servi- 
 tude under the victors. He even defeated them 
 in a decisive action, which they fought under 
 Galgacus, their leader^ and having fixed a chain 
 of garrisons, between the friths of Clyde and 
 Forth, he thereby cut oft^" the ruder and more 
 barren parts of the island, and secured the Ro- 
 man province from the incursions of the barba- 
 rous inhabitants." 
 
 During these military enterprises, he neg- 
 lected not tlie arts of peace. He introduced 
 laws and ci\ility among the Britons, taught 
 them to desire and raise all the conveniencies 
 of life, reconciled them to the Roman language 
 
 " Tacit. Aim-.
 
 A.D. 59. THE ROMANS. 13 
 
 and manners, instructed them in letters and sci- 
 ence, and employed every expedient to render 
 those chains, which he had forged, both easy 
 and agreeable to them. The inhabitants, having 
 experienced how unequal their own force was to 
 resist that of the Romans, acquiesced in the domi- 
 nion of their masters, and were gradually in- 
 corporated as a part of that mighty empire. 
 
 This was the last durable conquest made by 
 the Romans; and Britain, once subdued, gave 
 no farther inquietude to the victor. Caledonia 
 alone, defended by its barren mountains, and by 
 the contempt which the Romans entertained for 
 it, sometimes infested the more cultivated parts 
 of the island by the incursions of its inhabitants. 
 The better to secure the frontiers of the empire, 
 Adrian, who visited this island, built a rampart 
 between the river Tyne and the frith of Solway: 
 Lollius Urbicus, under Antoninus Pius, erected 
 one in the place where Agricola had formerly 
 established his garrisons: Severus, who made an 
 expedition into Britain, and carried his arms to 
 the most northern extremity of it, added new 
 fortifications to the wall of Adrian; and during 
 the reigns of all the Roman emperors, such a 
 profound tran(iuillity prevailed in Britain, that 
 little mention is made of the affairs of that island 
 by any historian. The only incidents which 
 occur are some seditions or rebellions of the Ro- 
 man legions (piartered there, and some usuipa- 
 
 ' Tacit. Aer.
 
 14 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. A.T>. 59. 
 
 tions of the imperial dignity by the Roman go- 
 vernors. The natives, disarmed, dispirited, and 
 submissive, had lost all desire, and even idea, of 
 their former liberty and independence. 
 
 But the period was now come when that 
 enormous fabric of the Roman empire, which 
 had diffused slavery and oppression, together 
 with peace and civility, over so considerable a 
 part of the globe, was approaching towards its 
 final dissolution. Italy, and the centre of the 
 empire, removed, during so many ages, from all 
 concern in the wars, had entirely lost the mili- 
 tary spirit, and were peopled by an enervated 
 race, equally disposed to submit to a foreign 
 yoke, or to the tyranny of their own rulers. The 
 emperors found themselves obliged to recruit 
 their legions from the frontier provinces, where 
 the genius of war, though languishing, was not 
 totally extinct; and these mercenary forces, 
 careless of laws and civil institutions, established 
 a military government, no less dangerous to the 
 sovereign than to the people. The farther pro- 
 gress of the same disorders introduced the bor- 
 derino; barbarians into the service of the Ro- 
 mans ; and those fierce nations, having now 
 added discipline to their native bravery, could 
 no longer be restrained by the impotent policy 
 of the emperors, who were accustomed to em- 
 ploy one in the destruction of the others. Sen- 
 sible of their own force, and alkired by the pros- 
 pect of so ricli a prize, the northern barbarians,
 
 A.D.59. THE ROMANS. 15 
 
 in the reign of Arcadius and Honorius, assailed 
 at once all the frontiers of the Roman empire; 
 and having first satiated their avidity by plun- 
 der, began to think of fixing a settlement in the 
 wasted provinces. The more distant barbari- 
 ans, who occupied the deserted habitations of 
 the former, advanced in their acquisitions, and 
 pressed with their incumbent weight the Roman 
 state, already unequal to the load which it sus- 
 tained. Instead of arming the people in their 
 own defence, the emperors recalled all the dis- 
 tant legions, in whom alone they could repose 
 confidence ; and collected the whole military 
 force for the defence of the capital and centre 
 of the empire. The necessity of self-preserva- 
 tion had superseded the ambition of power; and 
 the ancient point of honour, never to contract 
 the limits of the empire, could no longer be at- 
 tended to in this desperate extremity. 
 
 Britain by its situation was removed from the 
 fury of these barbarous incursions; and being 
 also a remote province, not much valued by the 
 Romans, the legions which defended it were car- 
 ried over to the protection of Italy and Gaul. 
 But that province, though secured by the sea 
 against the inroads of the greater tribes of bar- 
 barians, found enemies on its frontiers, who took 
 advantage of its present defenceless situation. 
 The Picts and Scots, who dwelt in the northern 
 part"), beyond the wall of Antoninus, made in- 
 cursions upon their peaceable and eireminato
 
 16 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. A.D.SQ. 
 
 neighbours; and besides the temporary depre- 
 dations which they committed, these combined 
 nations threatened the whole province with sub- 
 jection, or what the inhabitants more dreaded, 
 with plunder and devastation. The Picts seem 
 to have been a tribe of the native British race, 
 who, having been chased into the northern parts 
 by the conquests of Agricola, had there inter- 
 mingled with the ancient inhabitants: the Scots 
 were derived from the same Celtic origin, had 
 first been established in Ireland, had migrated 
 to the north-west coasts of this island, and had 
 long been accustomed, as well from their old as 
 their new seats, to infest the Roman province by 
 piracy and rapine.* These tribes, finding their 
 more opulent neighbours exposed to invasion, 
 soon broke over the Roman wall, no longer de- 
 fended by the Roman arms; and though a con- 
 temptible enemy in themselves, met with no re- 
 sistance from the unwarlike inhabitants. The 
 Britons, accustomed to have recourse to the em- 
 perors for defence as well as government, made 
 supplications to Rome; and one legion was sent 
 over for their protection. This force was an 
 overmatch for the barbarians, repelled their in- 
 vasion, routed them in every engagement, and 
 having chased them into their ancient limits, re- 
 turned in triumph to the defence of the southern 
 provinces of the empire." Their retreat brought 
 
 * See Note A, vol. x. 
 P Gildas, Bede, lib. 1. r^ip. 12. Paul. Diicon.
 
 Cfje 3$ritons 
 
 Chap. I. p. 18. 
 
 The Britons, already subdued by their own fear.s, found the 
 ramparts but a weak det'enee tor thetn 3 and deserting their sta- 
 tion, left the country entirely open to the inroads of the barbarou' 
 eneniv.
 
 THE BRITONS. 17 
 
 on a new invasion of the enemy. The Britons 
 made again an application to Rome, and again 
 obtained the assistance of a legion, which proved 
 effectual for their relief. But the Romans, re- 
 duced to extremities at home, and fatigued with 
 those distant expeditions, informed the Britons 
 that they must no longer look to tliem for suc- 
 cour, exhorted them to arm in their own de- 
 fence, and urged, that as they were now their 
 own masters, it became them to protect by their 
 valour that independence which their ancientlords 
 had conferred upon them.'' That they might 
 leave the island with the better grace, the Ro- 
 mans assisted them in erecting anew the wall of 
 Severus, which was built entirely of stone, and 
 which the Britons had not at that time artificers 
 skilful enough to repair/ And having done this 
 last good office to the inhabitants, they bid a 
 final adieu to Britain, about the year 448; after 
 being masters of the more considerable part of it 
 durins: the course of near four centuries. 
 
 'O 
 
 THE BRITOXS. 
 
 The abject Britons regarded this present of li- 
 berty as fatal to them; and were in no condi- 
 tion to put in i)ractice the pi-udeiit counsel given 
 them bv the Uoinans, to arm in their own de- 
 fence. Unaccustomed both to the perils of war 
 
 '1 Kfde, lib, 1. cap. 12. ' Ibid. 
 
 VOL. 1. C
 
 18 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 and to the cares of civil government, tliey found 
 themselves incapable of forming or executing any 
 measures for resisting the incursions of the bar- 
 barians. Gratian also and Constantine, two Ro- 
 mans, who had a little before assumed the purple 
 in Britain, had carried over to the continent the 
 flower of the British youth; and having perished 
 in their unsuccessful attempts on the imperial 
 throne, had despoiled the island of those who, in 
 this desperate extremity, were best able to de- 
 fend it. The Picts and Scots, finding that the 
 Romans had finally relinquished Britain, now 
 regarded the whole as their prey, and attacked 
 the northern wall witii redoubled forces. The 
 Britons, already subdued by their own fears, 
 found the ramparts but a weak defence for them; 
 and deserting their station, left the countiy en- 
 tirely open to the inroads of the barbarous ene- 
 my. The invaders carried devastation and ruin 
 along with them ; and exerted to the utmost 
 their native ferocity, which was not mitigated 
 by the helpless condition and submissive beha- 
 viour of the inhabitants.' The unhappy Britons 
 had a third time recourse to Rome, which had 
 declared its resolution for ever to abandon them, 
 il^tius, the patrician, sustained, at that time, by 
 his valour and magnanimity, the tottering ruins 
 of the empire, and revived for a moment, among 
 the degenerate Romans, the spirit, as mcII as dis- 
 
 = Gildas, Bede, lib, 1. Ann, Beveil, p. 45.
 
 THE BRITONS. 1 
 
 cipline, of their ancestors. The British ambas- 
 sadors carried to him the letter of their country- 
 men, which was inscribed, * The Groans of the 
 Britons.' The tenor of the epistle was suitable to 
 its superscription. 'The Barbarians,' say they, 
 ' on the one hand, chase us into the sea; the sea 
 on the other, throws us back upon the barbari- 
 ans; and we have only the hard choice left us, f 
 of perishing by the sword or by the waves/ ^ But 
 iEtius, pressed by the arms of Attila, the most 
 terrible enemy that ever assailed the empire, had 
 no leisure to attend to the complaints of allies, 
 whom generosity alone could induce him to as- 
 sist." The Britons, thus rejected, were reduced 
 to despair, deserted their habitations, abandoned 
 tillage; and flying for protection to the forests 
 and mountains, suffered equally from hunger and 
 from the enemy. Tlie barbarians themselves 
 began to feel the pressures of famine in a coun- 
 try wliich they had ravaged; and being liarassed 
 by the dispersed Britons, mIio had not dared to 
 resist them in a body, they retreated with their 
 spoils into their own country.'*' 
 
 The Britons, taking advantage of this interval, 
 returned to their usual occupations; and the fa- 
 vourable seasons, wliich succeeded, seconded their 
 industry, made them soon forget their past mi- 
 series, and restored to them great ])lenty of all 
 
 t Gildas, Bede, lib. 1. cap. 13. Malnit'sbury, lib 1. cap. 1. 
 Ann. Rt'vcrl. p. -1.5. 
 
 " Chron. Sax. p. 11. edit. lGg2. '^ Ann. Bcvcil. p. -15,
 
 20 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 the necessaries of life. No more can be ima- 
 gined to have been possessed by a people so rude, 
 who had not, without the assistance of the Ro- 
 mans, art of masonry sufficient to raise a stone 
 rampart for their own defence: yet the monkish 
 historians ", who treat of those events, complain 
 of the luxu^^oPthfrBntons durmg"1rtlts period, 
 aTrcTascjji^e^t^ that"vlce^ not to~theTr cowardice 
 or inr pjioxixjent coumeTs, all their ^iibseguent 
 calamities. 
 
 The Britons, entirely occupied in the enjoy- 
 ment of the present interval of peace, made no 
 provision for resisting the enemy, who, invited 
 by their former timid behaviour, soon threatened 
 them with a new invasion. We are not exactly 
 informed what species of civil government the 
 Romans on their departure had left among the 
 Britons; but it appears probable, that the great 
 men in the different districts assumed a kind of 
 regal, though precarious authority; and lived in 
 a great measure independent of each other''. 
 To this disunion of counsels were also added the 
 disputes of theology; and the disciples of Pela- 
 gius, who was himself a native of Britain, having 
 increased to a great multitude, gave alarm to 
 the clergy, who seem to have been more intent 
 on suppressing tbem, tlian on opj)osing the ])ublic 
 enemy ^ Labouring untler these domestic evils, 
 
 ^ Gildas, Bede, lib. 1. cap. 14. i Gildas, Usher, Ant. Brit. 
 p. 2-18. 347, ^ Gildas, Bedc, lib, 1, cap. I7. Constant, in 
 
 vita Germ.
 
 THE SAXONS. 21 
 
 and menaced with a foreign invasion, the Britons 
 attended only to the suggestions of their present 
 fears; and following the counsels of Vortigern, 
 prince of Dumnonium, who, though stained with 
 every vice, possessed the chief authority among 
 them ^ they sent into Germany a deputation to 
 invite over the Saxons for their protection and 
 assistance. 
 
 THE SAXONS. 
 
 Of all the barharous nations, knoM'n either in 
 ancient or modern times, tlie Germans seem to 
 have been the most distinguished both by their 
 manners and political institutions, and to have 
 carried to the highest j)itch the virtues of valour 
 and love of liberty; the only virtues which can 
 have place among an uncivilized people, A\liere 
 justice and humanity are commonly neglected. 
 Kingly government, even when established among 
 the (iermans (for it was not universal), possessed 
 a very limited authority; and though the sove- 
 reign was usually chosen from among the royal 
 family, he was directed in every measure by the 
 common consent of the nation over whom he pre- 
 sided. When any important affairs were trans- 
 acted, all the warriors met in arms; tlie men of 
 greatest authority employed persuasion to engage 
 their consent; the people expressed their appro- 
 
 Gildas, Gulm. Malm. p. S.
 
 22 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 bation by rattling their armour, or their dissent 
 by murmurs; there was no necessity for a nice 
 scrutiny of votes among a multitude, who were 
 usually carried with a strong current to one side 
 or the other; and the measure, thus suddenly 
 chosen by general agreement, was executed with 
 alacrity, and prosecuted with vigour. Even in 
 war, the princes governed more by example than 
 by authority: but in peace, the civil union was 
 in a great measure dissolved, and the inferior 
 leaders administered justice after an independent 
 manner, each in his particular district. These 
 were elected by the votes of the people in their 
 great councils; and though regard was paid to 
 nobility in the choice, their personal qualities, 
 chiefly their valour, procured them, from the 
 suffrages of their fellow-citizens, that honourable 
 but dangerous distinction. The warriors of each 
 tribe attached themselves to their leader with the 
 most devoted affection and most unshaken con- 
 stancy. They attended him as his ornament in 
 peace, as his defence in war, as his council in the 
 administration of justice. Their constant emu- 
 lation in military renown dissolved not that in- 
 violable friendship which they professed to their 
 chieftain and to each other. To die for the ho- 
 nour of their band was their chief ambition: to 
 survive its disgrace, or the death of their leader, 
 was infamous. They even carried into the field 
 their women and children, who adopted all the 
 martial sentiments of the men: and beino- thus
 
 THE SAXONS. 23 
 
 impelled by every human motive, they were in- 
 vincible; where they were not opposed either by 
 the similar manners and institutions of the neioh- 
 bouring Germans, or by the superior discipline, 
 arms, and numbers of the Romans ^ 
 
 The leaders and their military companions 
 were maintained by the labour of their slaves, or 
 by that of the weaker and less warlike part of 
 the community whom they defended. The con- 
 tributions which they levied went not beyond a 
 bare subsistence; and the honours, acquired bv a 
 superior rank, were the only reward of their .-su- 
 perior dani-ers and fiitigues. All the refined arts 
 of life were unknown among the Germans: til- 
 lage itself was almost wholly neglected: they 
 even seem to have been anxious to prevent any 
 improvements of that nature; and the leaders, by 
 annually distributing anew all the land among 
 the inhabitants of each village, kept them from 
 attaching themselves to particular possessions, or 
 making such progress in agriculture as might 
 divert their attention from military expeditions, 
 the chief occupation of the community". 
 
 The Saxons had been for some time regarded 
 as one of the most warlike tribes of this fierce 
 people, and had become the terror of the neigh- 
 bouring nations ^ They had diffused themselves 
 from the northern parts of Germany and the 
 
 >> Cxsar, lib. 6. Tacit, dc Mor. Ccrm. ^ C-esar, lib. 6. 
 
 Tacit, ibid. " AuDu, Marcfll. lib. 2S. Orosius,
 
 24 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 Cirabrian Chersonesus, and had taken possession 
 of all the sea-coast from the mouth of the Rhine 
 to Jutland; whence they had long infested by 
 their piracies all the eastern and southern parts 
 of Britain, and the northern of GauP. In order 
 to oppose their inroads, the Romans had esta- 
 blished an officer, whom they called Coiuit of the 
 Saxon shore) and as the naval arts can flourish 
 among a civilized people alone, they seem to have 
 been more successful in repelling the Saxons, 
 than any of the other barbarians by whom they 
 were invaded. The dissolution of the Roman 
 power invited them to renew their inroads; and 
 it was an acceptable circumstance, that the depu- 
 ties of the Britons appeared among them, and 
 prompted them to undertake an enterprize, 
 to which they were of themselves sufficiently 
 inclined ^ 
 
 Hengist and Ilorsa, two brothers, possessed 
 great credit among the Saxons, and were much 
 celebrated both for their valour and nobihty. 
 They were reputed, as most of the Saxon princes, 
 to be sprung from Woden, who was w^orship])ed 
 as a god among those nations, and they arc said 
 to be his great grandsons^; a circumstance which 
 added much to their authority. We shall not 
 attempt to trace any higher the origin of those 
 princes and nations. I t is evide nt w hat fru itless 
 
 = Amm. Marcell. lib. 27. cap./, lib. 28. cap. 7. *" Will. Malm. 
 p. 8. s Bede, lib. 1. cap. 15. Saxon. Chron. p. 13. Nennius, 
 cap. 28.
 
 THE SAXONS. 25 
 
 labour it must be to search, in those barbarous 
 
 ^ . 1 .... . ^ , 
 
 and illiterate ages, fo r the annals of a p eople, 
 wtieh t heir first leaders^ known in any true ^his- 
 tory, were believ ed by them to be the fourth in 
 cleScent from a fabulous deity , or from a man 
 exalted by ignorance into that character. The 
 dark industry of antiquaries, led by imaginary 
 analogies of na mes, or by unce rtai n traditio ns, 
 w ould in vain attempt to pierce in to,jJbialLjdep 
 obsc u rjty^jvhjdl --Covers the remote history of 
 those nations. 
 
 These two brothers, observing the other pro- 
 vinces of Germany to be occupied by a warlike 
 and necessitous people, and the ricli provinces of 
 Gaul already conquered or over-run by other 
 German tribes, found it easy to persuade their 
 countrymen to embrace the sole enterprize which 
 ])romised a favourable opportunity of displaying 
 their valour and gratifying their avidity. They 
 embarked their tioops in three vessels, and about 
 the year 449 or 450,^ carried over 160() men, who 
 landed in the isle of Thanet, and immediately 
 marched to the defence of the Britons ag-ainst 
 the northern invaders. The Scots and Picts were 
 unable to resist the valour of these auxiliaries; 
 and the Britons, applauding their own wisdom in 
 calling over the Saxons, hoped thenceforth to 
 enjoy peace and security under the powerful pro- 
 tection of that warlike people, 
 
 ^ Saxon Chronicle, p. 12. Gul. Malm. p. 11. Huntington, 
 lib. 2. p. ;309. Ethclwerd, Bronipton, p. 72S,
 
 26 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 But Hengist and Horsa perceiving, from their 
 easy victory over the Scots and Picts, with what 
 facility they might subdue the Britons them- 
 selves, who had not been able to resist those fee- 
 ble invaders, were determined to conquer and 
 fight for their own grandeur, not for the defence 
 of their degenerate allies. They sent intelligence 
 to Saxony of the fertility and riches of Britain; 
 and represented as certain the subjection of a 
 people so long disused to arms, who, being now 
 cut off from the Roman empire, of which they 
 had been a province during so many ages, had 
 not yet acquired any union among themselves, 
 and were destitute of all affection to their new 
 liberties, and of all national attachments and 
 regards.' The vices and pusillanimity of Vor- 
 tigern, the British leader, were a new ground of 
 hope ; and the Saxons in Germany, folloM'ing 
 such agreeable prospects, soon reinforced lien- 
 gist and Horsa with 5000 men, who came over 
 in seventeen vessels. The Britons now be":an 
 to entertain apprehensions of their allies, whose 
 numbers they found continually augmenting; 
 but thought of no remedy, except a passive sub- 
 mission and connivance. This weak expedient 
 soon failed them. The Saxons sought a quarrel, 
 by complaining that their subsidies were ill paid, 
 and their provisions withdrawn:" and immedi- 
 ately taking off the mask, tlu-y formed an al- 
 
 ^ Chron. Sax. p. 12. Ann, Eeverl. p. -If), 
 ^ Bede, lib, 1. cap. 15. Nennius, cap. 35. Gildas, 23.
 
 THE SAXONS. 2; 
 
 liance with the Picts and Scots, and proceeded to 
 open hostility against the Britons. 
 
 The Britons, impelled by these violent extre- 
 mities, and roused to indignation against their 
 treacherous auxiliaries, were necessitated to take 
 arms; and having deposed Vortigern, who had 
 become odious from his vices, and from the bad 
 event of his rash counsels, they put themselves 
 under the command of his son Vortimer. They 
 fought many battles with their enemies ; and 
 though the victories in these actions be disputed 
 between the British and Saxon annalists, the 
 progress still made by the Saxons proves that 
 the advantage was commonly on their side. In 
 one battle, however, fought at Eaglesford, now 
 Ailsford, Ilorsa, the Saxon general, was slain, 
 and left the sole command over his countrymen 
 in the hands of Ilengist. This active general, 
 continually reinforced by fresh numbers from 
 Germany, carried devastation into the most re- 
 mote corners of Britain ; and being chiefly anxi- 
 ous to spread the terror of his arms, he spared 
 neither age, nor sex, nor condition, wherever 
 he marched with his victorious forces. The pri- 
 vate and public edilices of the Britons were re- 
 duced to ashes: the priests were slaughtered on 
 the altars by those idolatrous ravagers: the bi- 
 shops and nobility shared the fate of the vulgar: 
 the people, flying to the mountains and deserts, 
 were intercepted and butchered in heaps: some 
 were glad to accept of life and ser\ itude under
 
 28 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 their victors: others, deserting their native coun- 
 try, took shelter in the province of Armorica; 
 where, being charitably received by a people of 
 the same language and manners, they settled in 
 great numbers, and gave the country the name 
 of Britanny.' 
 
 The British writers assign one cause which 
 facilitated the entrance of the Saxons into this 
 island ; the love with which Vortigern was at 
 first seized for Rovena, the daughter of Hengist, 
 and which that artful warrior made use of to 
 blind the eyes of the imprudent monarch.'" The 
 same historians add, that Vortimer died ; and 
 that Vortigern, being restored to the throne, 
 accepted of a banquet from Hengist at Stone- 
 henge, where oOO of his nobility were treache- 
 rously slaughtered, and himself detained captive." 
 But these stories seem to have been invented by 
 the Welsh authors, in order to palliate the weak 
 resistance made at lirst by their countrymen, 
 and to account for the rapid progress and licen- 
 tious devastations of tlie Saxons. 
 
 After the death of Vortimer, Ambrosius, a 
 Briton, though of Roman descent, 'was invested 
 with the command over his countrymen, and 
 endeavoured, not without success, to unite them 
 in their resistance against the Saxons. Those 
 
 ' Bede, lib. 1. cap. 15. Usher, p. 226. Gildas, 2-i. 
 
 "" Nennius, Galfr. lib. 6". cap. r2. " Ncnnius, cap. 4/. Galfr. 
 
 o Stiiiiiigflect's Grig. Brit. p. 324, 325.
 
 THE SAXONS. 29 
 
 contests increased the animosity between the two 
 nations, and roused the military spirit of the an- 
 cient inhabitants, which had before been sunk 
 into a fatal lethargy. Hengist, however, not- 
 Avithstanding their opposition, still maintained 
 his ground in Britain; and in order to divide 
 the forces and attention of the natives, he called 
 over a new tribe of Saxons, under the command 
 of his brother Octa, and of Ebissa, the son of 
 Octa; and he settled them in Northumberland. 
 He himself remained in the southern parts of 
 the island, and laid the foundation of the king- 
 dom of Kent, comprehending the county of that 
 name, IMiddlesex, Essex, and part of Surry. He 
 fixed his royal seat at Canterbury; where he go- 
 verned about forty years, and he died in or near 
 the year 488; leaving his new acquired domi- 
 nions to his posterity. 
 
 The success of Hengist excited tlie avidity of 
 the other northern Germans; and at different 
 times, and under different leaders, they flocked 
 over in nuiltitudes to the invasion of this island. 
 These contjucrors Mere chiefly composed of three 
 tribes, the Saxons, Angles, and Jutes,'' Mho all 
 passed under the common appellation, sometimes 
 
 P Bede, lih. 1. cnp. 15. Etlielwcrd, p. S33. edit. Camdeni. 
 Cliron. Sax. p. 12. Ann. IjcvciI. p. ys. The inh:ibitaius of 
 Kent and tlie Isle ot' Wight wcrcjiucs. E<.h-\, Middlesex, Surry, 
 Sussex, and all the southern cuuntie-, tn Cornwall, were peopled 
 by Saxons: Mercia, and other parts ol" the kingdom, were inha- 
 bited by Angles.
 
 30 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 of Saxons, sometimes of Angles; and speaking 
 the same language, and being governed by the 
 same institutions, they were naturally led from 
 these causes as well as from their common inte- 
 rest, to unite themselves against the ancient in- 
 habitants. The resistance, however, though un- 
 equal, was still maintained by the Britons; but 
 became every day more feeble: and their cala- 
 mities admitted of few intervals, till they were 
 driven into Cornwall and Wales, and received 
 protection from the remote situation or inacces- 
 sible mountains of those countries. 
 
 The first Saxon state, after that of Kent, 
 which was established in Britain, was the kins- 
 dom of South Saxony. In the year 477,*^ ^lla, 
 a Saxon chief, brought over an army from Ger- 
 many; and landing on the southern coast, pro- 
 ceeded to take possession of the neighbouring 
 territory. The Britons, now armed, did not 
 tamely abandon their possessions; nor were they 
 expelled, till defeated in many battles by their 
 warlike invaders. The most memorable action, 
 mentioned by historians, is that of Meacredes- 
 Biirn;"' where, though tlie Saxons seem to have 
 obtained the victory, they suifered so consider- 
 able a loss, as somewhat retarded the progress of 
 their conquests. But ^^.lla, reinforced by fresh 
 numbers of his countrymen, again took the field 
 
 <3 Chron. Sax. p. 14. Ann. Beverl, p. 81, 
 ' Saxon Clirou. A. D. 4S5. Flor. Wigorn.
 
 THE SAXONS. 31 
 
 against the Britons; and laid siege to Andred- 
 Ceaster, which was defended by tlie garrison and 
 inhabitants with desperate valour.' The Saxons, 
 enraged by this resistance, and by the fatigues 
 and dangers which they had sustained, redoubled 
 their efforts against the place, and when masters 
 of it, put all their enemies to the sword without 
 distinction. This decisive advantage secured the 
 conquests of iElla, who assumed the name of king, 
 and extended his dominion over Sussex and a 
 great part of Surry. He was stopped in his pro- 
 gress to the east by the kingdom of Kent: in 
 that to the west by another tribe of Saxons, who 
 had taken possession of that territory. 
 
 These Saxons, from the situation of the coun- 
 try in which tliey settled, were called the West 
 Saxons, and landed in the year 495, under the 
 command of Cerdic, and of his son Kenric' The 
 Britons were, by past experience, so much on 
 their guard, and so well prepared to receive the 
 enemy, that they gave battle to Cerdic the very 
 day of his landing; and though vanquished, still 
 defended, for some time, their liberties against the 
 invailers. None of the other tribes of Saxons 
 met with such vigorous resistance, or exerted 
 sucli valour and perseverance in pushing their 
 concjuests. Cerdic was even obliged to call for 
 the assistance of his countrymen from the king- 
 doms of Kent and Sussex, as well as from Ger- 
 
 Hcn. Hunting, lib. 2. 
 ' Will. Malm, lib. 1. cap. 1, p. 12. Chron. Sax. p. 15,
 
 32 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 many, and he was thence joined by a fresh army 
 under the command of Porte, and of his sons 
 Bleda and Megla." Strengthened by these suc- 
 cours, he fought, in the year 508, a desperate 
 battle with the Britons, commanded by Nazan- 
 Leod, who was victorious in the beginning of the 
 action, and routed the wing in which Cerdic 
 himself commanded ; but Kenric, who had pre- 
 vailed in the other wing, brought timely assist- 
 ance to his father, and restored the battle, which 
 ended in a complete victory gained by the Sax- 
 ons."^ Nazan-Leod perished, with 5000 of his 
 army; but left the Britons more weakened than 
 discouraged by his death. The war still conti- 
 nued, though the success was commonly on the 
 side of the Saxons, whose short swords, and close 
 manner of fighting, gave them great advantage 
 over the missile weapons of the Britons. Cerdic 
 was not wanting to his good fortune; and in 
 order to extend his conquests, he laid siege to 
 Mount Badon or Banesdowne near Bath, M'hither 
 the most obstinate of the discomfited Britons had 
 retired. The southern Britons, in this extremity, 
 applied for assistance to xA.rthur, prince of the 
 Silures, Avdiose heroic valour now sustained the 
 declining fate of his country.'' Tliis is that Ar- 
 thur so much celebrated in the songs of Thalies- 
 sin, and the other British bards, and M'hose mili- 
 tary achievements have been blended with so 
 
 " Chron, Sax. p. 17. ^ H. Hunt. lib. 2. Ethelwerd, lib, 1. 
 Chron. Sax. p. 17. ^ Hunting, lib. 2.
 
 THE SAXONS. 33 
 
 many fables, as even to give occasion for enter- 
 taining a doubt of his real existence. But poets, 
 though they disfigure the most certain history 
 by their fictions, and use strange liberties with 
 truth where they are the sole historians, as among 
 the Britons, have commonly some foundation for 
 their wildest exaggerations. Certain it is, that 
 the siege of Badon was raised by the Britons in 
 the year 520: and the Saxons were there dis- 
 comfited in a great battle/ This misfortune stop- 
 ped the progress of Cerdic ; but was not sufficient 
 to wrest from him the conquests which he had 
 already made. He and his son Kenric, who suc- 
 ceeded him, established the kingdom of the West 
 Saxons, or of VV^essex, over the counties of Hants, 
 Dorset, Wilts, Berks, and the Isle of Wight, and 
 left their new-acquired dominions to their pos- 
 terity. Cerdic died in 534, Kenric in 560. 
 
 While the Saxons made this progress in the 
 south, their countrymen were not less actixe in 
 other quarters. In the year 527, a great tribe 
 of adventurers, under several leaders, landed on 
 the east coast of Britain ; and after fighting many 
 battles, of which history has preserved no parti- 
 cular account, they established three new king- 
 doms in this ishind. Ufi'a assumed tlu! title of 
 king of tile East-Angles in 575; Crida that of 
 Mercia in 5H5;'' and Erkcnwin that of I'.ast- 
 Saxony or I'.ssex nearly al)0ut the same time, l)ut. 
 
 > Gildas, Saxon Chroii. H. Hunting, lib. 2. 
 ^ Mall). \\'e-il. Huiitin;;lon, lib. 2. 
 VOL. I. D
 
 34 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 the year is uncertain. This latter kingdom was 
 dismembered from that of Kent, and compre- 
 hended Essex, Middlesex, and part of Hertford- 
 shire. That of the East-Angles, the counties of 
 Cambridge, Suffolk, and Norfolk; Mercia was 
 extended over all the middle counties, from the 
 banks of the Severn, to the frontiers of these two 
 kingdoms. 
 
 The Saxons, soon after the landing of Hengist, 
 had been planted in Northumberland; but, as 
 they met with an obstinate resistance, and made 
 but small progress in subduing the inhabitants, 
 their affairs were in so unsettled a condition, 
 that none of their princes for a long time assumed 
 the appellation of king. At last, in 547/ Ida, a 
 Saxon prince of great valour,'' who claimed a de- 
 scent, as did all the other princes of that nation, 
 from Woden, brought over a reinforcement from 
 Germany, and enabled the Northumbrians to 
 carry on their conquests over the Britons, He 
 entirely subdued the county now called Nor- 
 thumberland, the bishopric of Durham, as well 
 as some of the south-east counties of Scotland; 
 and he assumed the crown under the title of king 
 of Bernicia. Nearly about the same time, JEWa., 
 another Saxon prince, having conquered Lanca- 
 shire, and the greater part of Yorkshire, received 
 the appellation of king of Dciri.' These two 
 kingdoms were united in the person of Ethilfrid, 
 
 ^ Cbron. Sax. p. ip. '' Will. Malms, p. 19. 
 
 ^ Ann. Beverl. p. 78.
 
 %f)t ^eptarcf)^* 
 
 -3''%?t;>5^ 
 
 ^^*7^.s:--:- 
 
 "^^^^l^^^- 
 
 Chap. I. p. 80. 
 
 Thus were united all the kingdoms of the Heptarchy in one 
 great state, near I'uur hundred years after the first arrival of the 
 Saxons in Britain j and the fortunate arms and prudent policy of 
 Egbert at la^t effected, what had been so often attempted in vain 
 by so many princes. Kent, Northumberland, and IVIercia, whicJi 
 had successively aspired to general dominion, were now incorpo- 
 rated in his empire.
 
 THE HEPTARCHY. 35 
 
 grandson of Ida, who married Acca, the daughter 
 of iElla; and expelling her brother Edwin, esta- 
 blished one of the most powerful of the Saxon 
 kingdoms by the title of Northumberland. How 
 far his dominions extended into the country now 
 called Scotland, is uncertain; but it cannot be 
 doubted that all the lowlands, especially the east 
 coast of that country, were peopled in a great 
 measure from Germany; though the expeditions, 
 made by the several Saxou adventurers, have 
 escaped the records of history. The language 
 spoken in those countries, which is purely Saxon, 
 is a stronger proof of this event, than can be op- 
 pQse d^by the impeyfect, or rather fa bulous an n al s, 
 which are obtruded on us by the Scottish histo- 
 riansT "^ 
 
 THE HEPTARCHY. 
 
 Thus was established, after a violent contest of 
 near a hundred and fifty years, the Heptarchy, 
 or seven Saxon kingdoms, in Britain; and the 
 M'liole southern part of the island, exccj^t Wales 
 and Cornwall, had totally changed its inhal)itants, 
 language, customs, and political institutions. The 
 Britons, under the Roman dominion, had made 
 such advances towards arts and civil manners, 
 that they had built twenty-eight considerabU; 
 cities within their province,, besides a great num- 
 ber of villages and country seats.'' But the fierce 
 
 J Glkbs, B-dc, lib. I
 
 io HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 conquerors, by whom they were now subdued, 
 threw every thing back into ancient barbarity; 
 and tliose few natives, who were not either mas- 
 sacred or expehed their habitations, were re- 
 duced to the most abject slavery. None of the 
 otlier northern conquerors, the Franks, Goths, 
 Vandals, or Burgundians, though tliey overran 
 the southern provinces of the empire Hke a mighty 
 torrent, made such devastations in tlie conquered 
 territories, or were inflamed into so violent an 
 animosity against the ancient inhabitants. As 
 the Saxons came over at intervals in separate 
 bodies, the Britons, however at first un warlike, 
 were tempted to make resistance; and hostilities 
 being thereby prolonged, proved more destruc- 
 tive to both parties, especially to the vanquished. 
 The first invaders from Germany, instead of ex- 
 cluding other adventurers, who must share m ith 
 them the spoils of the ancient inhabitants, were 
 obliged to solicit fresh supplies from their own 
 country; and a total extermination of the Bri- 
 tons became the sole expedient for providing a 
 settlement and subsistence to the new planters. 
 Hence there have been found in history few con- 
 quests more ruinous than that of the Saxons ; and 
 ftw revolutions more violent than that which 
 they introduced. 
 
 So long as the contest was maintained with 
 the natives, the several Saxon princes preserved 
 a union of counsels and interests; but after the 
 Britons Mere shut up in the barren counties of
 
 THE HEPTARCHY. 3; 
 
 Cornwall and Wales, and gave no farther disturb- 
 ance to the conquerors, the band of alliance was 
 in a great measure dissolved among the princes 
 of the Heptarchy. Though one prince seems still 
 to have been allowed, or to have assumed an 
 ascendant over the whole, his authority, if it 
 ought ever to he deemed regular or legal, was 
 extremely limited; and each state acted as if it 
 had been independent, and wholly separate from 
 the rest. Wars, therefore, and revolutions and 
 dissensions were unavoidable among a turbulent 
 and military people; and these events, however 
 intricate or confused, ought now to become the 
 objects of our attention. But, added to the diffi- 
 culty of carrying on at once the history of seven 
 independent kingdoms, there is great discourage- 
 ment to a writer, arising from the uncertainty, 
 at least barrenness, of the accounts transmitted 
 to us. The monks, mIio were the only annrdists 
 during those ages, lived remote from publick ni'- 
 fairs, considered the civil transactions as entirely 
 subordinnte to the ecclesiastical, and, besides par- 
 taking of the ignorance and barbarity which \rcre 
 then universal, were strongly infccted_with cre- 
 dulity, with the love of \vi)nderj^avul A\ithiU])ro- 
 pensity to imposture; vices almost inseparable 
 from their profession and manner of life. The 
 history of that period abounds in names, but is 
 extremely barren of events; or.the events are re- 
 lated so miich withoul^\ircuinstances and caus^\s, 
 that the most ])r()f()und or most..elo([uent writer
 
 38 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 must despair of rendering them either instxuctive 
 or entertaining to the reader. Even the great 
 learniiig and vigorous jniaginatipn of JVIilton sunk 
 iincler the weight; and this author scruples not 
 'to declare, that the skirmishes of kites or crows 
 as much merited a particular narrative, as the con- 
 fused transactions and battles of the Saxon Hep- 
 tarchy/ In order, however, to connect the events 
 in some tolerable measure, we shall give a suc- 
 cinct account of the successions of kings, and of 
 the more remarkable revolutions in each parti- 
 cular kingdom; beginning with that of Kent, 
 which was the first established. 
 
 THE KINGDOM OF KENT. 
 
 Escus succeeded his father, Hengist, in the king- 
 dom of Kent; but seems not to have possessed 
 the military genius of that conqueror, who first 
 made way for the entrance of the Saxon arms 
 into Ihitain. All the Saxons, who sought either 
 the fame of valour, or new establishments by 
 arms, flocked to the standard of iElla, kinii" of 
 Sussex, who was carrying on successful M'ar 
 against the Britons, and laying the foundations 
 of a new kingdom. Escus was content to possess 
 in trancpnllity the kingdom of Kent, which he 
 left in 5\2 to his son Octa, in whose time the 
 East-Saxons established their monarchy, and dis- 
 
 c Millon in Kennet, p. 50.
 
 THE HEPTARCHY. 3g 
 
 membered the provinces of Essex and Middlesex 
 from that of Kent. His death, after a reign of 
 twenty-two years, made room for his son Her- 
 menric in 534, who performed nothing memo- 
 rable during a reign of thirty-two years, except 
 associating with him his son Ethelbert in the 
 government, that he might secure the succession 
 in his family, and prevent such revolutions as 
 are incident to a turbulent and barbarous mo- 
 narchy. 
 
 Ethelbert revived the reputation of his family, 
 which had languished for some generations. The 
 inactivity of his predecessors, and the situation 
 of his country, secured from all hostility with 
 the Britons, seem to have much enfeebled the 
 warlike genius of the Kentish Saxons; and Ethel- 
 bert, in his first attempt to aggrandize his coun- 
 try, and distinguish his own name, was unsuc- 
 cessful.^ He was twice discomfited in battle by 
 Ceaulin, king of Wessex; and obliged to yield 
 the superiority in the Heptarchy to that ambi- 
 tious monarch, who preserved no moderation in 
 his victory, and by reducing the kingdom of 
 Sussex to subjection, excited jealousy in all the 
 other princes. An association was formed against 
 him; and Ethelbert, intrusted with the command 
 of the allies, gave him battle, and obtained a 
 decisive victory.^ Ceaulin died soon after; and 
 Ethelbert succeeded as well to his ascendant 
 among the Saxon states, as to his other ambitious 
 
 ^ Chron. Sax. p. 21. '^ IT. Hunting, lib 2.
 
 40 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 projects. He reduced all the princes, except the 
 king of Northumberland, to a strict dependance 
 upon him; and even established himself by force 
 on the throne of Mercia, the most extensive of 
 the Saxon kingdoms. Apprehensive, however, 
 of a dangerous league against him, like that by 
 which he himself had been enabled to overthrow 
 Ceaulin, he had the prudence to resign the king- 
 dom of Mercia to Webba, the rightful heir, the 
 son of Crida, who had first founded that mo- 
 narchy. But governed still by ambition more 
 than by justice, he gave Webba possession of the 
 crown on such conditions, as rendered him little 
 better than a tributary prince under his artful 
 benefactor. 
 
 But the most memorable event which distin- 
 guished the reign of this great prince, was the 
 introduction of the Christian religion among the 
 English Saxons. The superstition of the G ermans, 
 particularly that of the Saxons, was of the gross- 
 est and most barbarous kind; and being founded 
 on traditional tales received from their ancestors, 
 not reduced to any system, not supported by 
 political institutions like that of the Druids, it 
 seems to have made little impression on its vota- 
 ries, and to have easily resigned its ])lace to the 
 new doctrine promulgated to them. Woden, 
 whom they deemed the ancestor of all their 
 princes, was regarded as the god of war, and by 
 a natural consecpience, became tlieir supreme- 
 deity, and the chief object of their religious
 
 THE HEPTARCHY. 41 
 
 worship. They believed, that if they obtained 
 the favour of this divinity by their valour (for 
 they made less account of the other virtues), 
 they should be admitted after their death into 
 his hall; and reposing on couches, should satiate 
 themselves with ale from the skulls of their ene- 
 mies whom they had slain in battle. Incited by 
 this idea of paradise, which gratified at once the 
 passion of revenge and that of intemperance, the 
 ruling inclinations of barbarians, they despised . 
 the dangers of war, and increased their native 
 ferocity against the vanquished by their religious 
 prejudices. We know little of the other theo- 
 logical tenets of the Saxons: we only learn that J 
 they were polytheists; that they worshipped the 
 sun and moon; that they adored the god of 
 thunder, under the name of Thor; that they had 
 images in their temples; that they practised sa- 
 crifices; believed firmly in spells and inchant- 
 mcnts; and admitted in general a system of doc- 
 trines which they held as sacred, but which, like 
 all otlicr superstitions, must carry the air of the 
 wildest extravagance, if propounded to those who 
 are not familiarized to it from their earliest in- 
 fancy. 
 
 The constant hostilities which the Saxons 
 maintained against tlie Britons, would naturally 
 indispose them for receiving the Christian faith, 
 w hen ])reached to them by such inveterate ene- 
 mies; and perhaps the Britons, as is objected to 
 them by (lildas and Bede, were not ovcrfoiul of
 
 42 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 communicating to their cruel invaders the doc- 
 trine of eternal life and salvation. But as a civi- 
 lized people, however subdued by arms, still 
 maintain a sensible superiority over barbarous 
 and ignorant nations, all the other northern con- 
 querors of Europe had been already induced to 
 embrace the Christian faith, which they found 
 established in the empire ; and it was impossible 
 but the Saxons, informed of this event, must 
 have regarded with some degree of veneration a 
 doctrine, which had acquired the ascendant over 
 all their brethren. However limited in their 
 views, they could not but have perceived a de- 
 gree of cultivation in the southern countries be- 
 yond what they themselves possessed; and it was 
 natural for them to yield to that superior know- 
 ledge, as well as zeal, by which the inhabitants 
 of the Christian kingdoms were even at that 
 time distinguished. 
 
 But these causes might long have failed of 
 producing any considerable effect, had not a fa- 
 vourable incident prepared the means of intro- 
 ducing Christianity into Kent. Ethelbert, in his 
 father's lifetime, had married Bertha, the only 
 daughter of Caribert, king of Paris,'' one of the 
 descendants of Clovis, the conqueror of Gaul; 
 but before he was admitted to this alliance, he 
 was obliged to stipulate, that the princess should 
 enjoy the free exercise of her religion; a con- 
 cession not difficult to be obtained from the idola- 
 
 '' Greg, of Tours, lib. Q. cip. 26. H. Hunting, lib. 2,
 
 THE HEPTARCHY. 43 
 
 trous Saxons.' Bertha brought over a French 
 bishop to the court of Canterbury; and being 
 zealous for the propagation of her rehgion, she 
 had been very assiduous in her devotional exer- 
 cises, had supported the credit of her faith by an 
 irreproachable conduct, and had employed every 
 art of insinuation and address to reconcile her 
 husband to her religious principles. Her popu- 
 larity in the court, and her influence over Ethel- 
 bert, had so well paved the way for the reception 
 of the Christian doctrine, that Gregory, sirnamed 
 the Great, then Roman pontiff, began to enter- 
 tain hopes of effecting a project, which he him- 
 self, before he mounted the papal throne, had 
 once embraced, of converting the British Saxons. 
 It happened, that this prelate, at that time in 
 a private station, had observed in the market- 
 place of Rome, some Saxon youth exposed to 
 sale, whom the Roman merchants, in their trad- 
 ing voyages to Britain, had bought of their mer- 
 cenary parents. Struck with the beauty of their 
 fair complexions and blooming countenances, 
 (iregory asked to what country they belonged; 
 and, being told they were Angles^ he replied that 
 they ought more properly to be denominated 
 angels: it Mere a pity that the prince of darkness 
 should enjoy so fair a jirey, and that so beautitul 
 a frontispiece should cover a mind destitute of 
 internal grace and righteousness. Inquiring far- 
 ther concerning the name of their province, he 
 
 ' Btdf, lib. 1. cap. 25. Bromploiij p. ~2().
 
 44 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 was informed that it was Deiri, a district of Nor- 
 thumberland. ' De'irir replied he, ' that is good/ 
 They are called to the mercy of God from his anger 
 (de ira.) l^ut what is the name of the king of that 
 promnceT He was told it was Mlla or Alia, 
 * Alleluia r cried he, ' We must endeavour that 
 the praises of God he sung in their country/ Mov- 
 ed by these allusions, which appeared to him so 
 happy, he determined to undertake, himself, a 
 mission into Britain; and, having obtained the 
 pope's approbation, he prepared for that perilous 
 journey. But his popularity at home was so great, 
 that the Romans, unM^lling to expose him to such 
 dangers, opposed his design; and he was obliged, 
 for the present, to lay aside all farther thoughts 
 of executing that pious purpose.'' 
 
 The controversy between the pagans and the 
 Christians was not entirely cooled in that age; 
 and no pontiff, before Gregory, had ever carried 
 to greater excess an intemperate zeal against tlie 
 former religion. He had waged war with all the 
 precious monuments of the ancients, and even 
 with their M^ritings; which, as appears from the 
 strain of his own wit, as well as from the style of 
 his compositions, he had not taste or genius suf- 
 ficient to comprehend. Ambitious to distinguish 
 his pontificate by the conversion of the British 
 Saxons, he pitclied on Augustine, a Roman monk, 
 and sent him with forty associates to preach the 
 gospel in this island. These missionaries, terrified 
 
 '^ Bede, lib. 2. rnp. !. SpHI. Conr. p. pi.
 
 THE HEPTARCHY. 45 
 
 with the dangers which might attend their pro- 
 posing a new doctrine to so fierce a people, of 
 whose language they were ignorant, stopped some 
 time in France; and sent back Augustine to lay 
 the hazards and difficulties before the pope, and 
 crave his permission to desist from the under- 
 taking. But Gregory exhorted them to perse- 
 vere in their purpose; advised them to choose 
 some interpreters from among the Franks, who 
 still spoke the same language with the Saxons;* 
 and recommended them to the good offices of 
 queen lirunehaut, who had at this time usurped 
 the sovereign power in France. This princess, 
 though stained m ith every vice of treachery and 
 cruelty, either possessed or pretended great zeal 
 for tlie cause; and Gregory acknowledged that 
 to her friendly assistance was, in a great measure, 
 owing the success of that undertaking."" 
 
 Augustine, on his arrival in Kent, in the year 
 ^97," found the danger much less than he had 
 appreliendcd. Fthclbert, already well disposed 
 towards the Christian faith, assigned him a habi- 
 tation in tlie isle of Thanct; and soon after ad- 
 mitted him to a conference. Apprehensive, 
 however, lest spells or enchantments might be 
 employed against him by priests, who brought 
 an unknown worship from a distant country, he 
 hatl the precaution to receive thcni iu the open 
 
 ' Bvdc, lib. 1. cap. 23. 
 
 "' Greg. Kpist. lib. 9. cjiist. 50. SjhII. Cone. {).hJ. 
 
 " Higiku. IVilyclu'uu. lib. 5. Chru:!. Sax. p-'-iJ.
 
 40 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, 
 
 air, where he beheved the force of their magic 
 would be more easily dissipated." Here Augus- 
 tine, by means of his interpreters, delivered to 
 him the tenets of the Christian faith; and pro- 
 mised him eternal joys above, and a kingdom in 
 heaven without end, if he would be persuaded to 
 receive that salutary doctrine. ^ ' Your words 
 and promises,' replied Ethelbert, ' are fair; but, 
 because they are new and uncertain, I cannot 
 entirely yield to them, and relinquish the prin- 
 ciples which I and my ancestors have so long 
 maintained. You are Avelcome, however, to re- 
 main here in peace; and, as you have undertaken 
 so long a journey solely, as it appears, for what 
 you believe to be for our advantage, I will sup- 
 ply you with all necessaries, and permit you to 
 deliver your doctrine to my subjects.''* 
 
 Auo'ustine, encourao;ed bv this favourable re- 
 ception, and seeing now a prospect of success, 
 proceeded with redoubled zeal to preach the gos- 
 pel to the Kentish Saxons. He attracted their 
 attention by the austerity of his manners, by the 
 severe penances to which he subjected himself, 
 by the abstinence and self-denial which he prac- 
 tised : and, having excited their wonder by a 
 course of life which appeared so contrary to na- 
 ture, he procured more easily their belief of mi- 
 
 Pede, lib. 1. cap. 25. H. Hunting, lib. 3. Biompton, p. 729. 
 Parker Antiq. Brit. Ecel. p. 61 . r Bede, lib. 1 . cap. 25. 
 
 Chron. W. Thorn, p. l/oQ. "^ Bed", lib. 1, cap. 25. H. 
 
 Hunting. lib. 3. Brompton, p. 729.
 
 THE HEPTARCHY. 4; 
 
 racles, which, it was pretended, he wrought for 
 their conversion/ Influenced by these motives, 
 and by the declared favour of the court, num- 
 bers of the Kentish men were baptized; and the 
 king himself was persuaded to submit to that rite 
 of Christianity. His example had great influence 
 with his subjects; but he employed no force to 
 bring them over to the new doctrine. Augustine 
 thought proper, in the commencement of his 
 mission, to assume the appearance of the greatest 
 lenity: He told Ethelbert that the service of 
 Christ must be entirely voluntary, and that no 
 violence ought ever to be used in propagating so 
 salutary a doctrine." 
 
 The intelligence received of these spiritual 
 conquests affbrded great joy to the Romans; who 
 now exulted as much in those peaceful trophies 
 as their ancestors had ever done in their most 
 sanguinary triumphs and most splendid victories. 
 Gregory wrote a letter to Ethelbert; in which, 
 after iuforming him that the end of the world 
 was approaching, lie exhorted him to display his 
 zeal in the conversion of his subjects, to exert 
 rigour against the worship of idols, and to build 
 up the good w ork of holiness by every expedient 
 of exhortation, terror, blandishment, or correc- 
 tion:' a doctrine more suitable to that age, and 
 to the usual j)a|)al maxims, than the tolerating 
 [)rinciplcs \\hicli Augustine had thought it pru- 
 
 ' Bfdc, lib. 1 . cap. 2(1 ' Jhid. cnp.2(>. H. Hunting, lib.,}. 
 
 * Ik'df, lib. 1. cap. 32, Broinplun, p.7J'i. Spell. Cone. p. 80'.
 
 48 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 dent to inculcate. The pontiff also ansMered 
 some questions, which the missionary had put, 
 concerning the government of the new church 
 of Kent. Besides other queries, which it is not 
 material here to relate, Augustine asked ' JVhe- 
 ther cousin- germans might he allowed to marry T 
 Gregory answered that that liberty had indeed 
 been formerly granted by the Roman law; but 
 that experience had shewn that no issue could 
 ever come from such marriages: and he there- 
 fore prohibited them. Augustine asked 'Whether 
 a xvoman pregnant might be baptized?' Gregory 
 answered that he saw no objection. ' How soofi 
 after the birth the child might receive baptism?' It 
 was answered, ' Immediately, if necessary.' 'Hozv 
 soon a husband might have commerce with his wife 
 after her delivery?' ' Not till she had given suck 
 to her child; a practice to which Gregory ex- 
 horts all women, ' Hoxv soon a man might enter 
 the churchy or receive the sacrament, after having 
 had commerce xvith his wfef It was replied that, 
 unless he had approached her witliout desire, 
 merely for the sake of propagating his species, 
 he was not Mithout sin : but in all cases it was 
 requisite for him, before he entered the church, 
 or communicated, to purge himself by prayer 
 and ablution; and he ought not, even after using 
 these precautions, to participate immediately of 
 the sacred duties." There are some other ques- 
 tions and replies stij.!^ mgr e iiul ercnt anci more 
 
 " Bede, lib.l. cap. 2/, Spdl. Cone, p.f)/, 98, 99, &c.
 
 THE HEPTARCHY. 49 
 
 ridiculous.'^ A nd, on the whole, it appea rs that 
 Greo^ory and his missionary^ if sympatliy^ ofjuan- 
 n ers have any influ ence, were b etter cal culated 
 
 than men of more re fined u nderstandings for 
 
 _. ' ' n t. 
 
 making a pro g ^ress with the i g :norant ai^ d J:)ar- 
 
 barous Saxons. 
 
 " " " < 
 
 The more to facilitate the reception of Chris- 
 tianity, Gregory enjoined Augustine to remove 
 the idols from the heathen altars, but not to de- 
 stroy the altars themselves; because the people, 
 he said, would be allured to frequent the Chris- 
 tian worship when they found it celebrated in a 
 place which they were accustomed to revere. 
 And, as the pagans practised sacrifices, and feast- 
 ed with the priests on their oii'erings, he also 
 exhorted the missionary to persuade them, on 
 Christian festivals, to kill their cattle in the 
 neighbourhood of the church, and to indulge 
 themselves in those cheerful entertainments to 
 which they had been habituated." These politi- 
 cal compliances shew that, notwithstanding his 
 
 ^ Augustine asks. Si mvUcr menstrua consuetudhie tenetur, 
 an ecch's'iam inlrarc ei licet, aut sacrce communionis sacramenta 
 percipere? Gregory answers, SantiS annminiionis mysterium in 
 eisdem diclus percipere nnn delet pro/iil eri. Si nutem cv ve- 
 ncrntinnc magna percipere nnn prcpsnmitur, laudanda est. Au- 
 gustine asks. Si post illnsioneni, (jiuc per soninuni solet accidere, 
 vel corpus Domini (juilihet accipere rnleat; vel si sacerdos sit, 
 sacra nujsteria celelrare'^ Gregory aiiswers this learnetl (lucstiou 
 by many learned distinctions. 
 
 " Bede, lib. 1. cap. 30. Spell. Cone. p. 89. Greg. F.pi'.t. 
 111). 9. cpist. 71,
 
 50 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 ig noran ce a nd^rejud i ces^ he was no t unacq uaint- 
 ed with the arts of governing mankind. Augus- 
 tine was consecrateTTaTchbishop of Canterbury ; 
 was endowed by Gregory with authority over 
 all the British churches; and received the pall, 
 a badge of ecclesiastical honour, from Rome.^ 
 Gregory also advised him not to be too much 
 elated with his gift of working miracles;^ and, 
 as Augustine, proud wjth the success of his mis- 
 sion, seemed to think himself entitled to extend 
 his authority over the bishops of Gaul, the pope 
 informed him that they lay entirely without the 
 bounds of his jurisdiction.* 
 
 The marriage of Ethelbert with Bertha, and 
 much more his embracing Christianity, begat a 
 connexion of his subjects with the French, Ita- 
 lians, and other nations on the continent; and 
 tended to reclaim them from their o-ross io-no- 
 ranee and barbarity, in which all the Saxon tribes 
 had been hitherto involved.'' Ethelbert also en- 
 acted,' with the consent of the states of his king- 
 dom, a body of laws; the first written la./s pro- 
 mulgated by any of the northern conquerors: 
 and his reign was in every respect glorious to 
 himself, and beneficial to his people. He govern- 
 ed the kingdom of Kent fifty years; and, dying 
 
 y Chron. Sax. p. 23, 24. ^ H. Hunting, lib. 3. Spell. 
 
 Cone. p. 83. Bede, lib. 1. Greg. Epist. lib. 9. epist. 60. 
 Bede, lib. 1. cap. 27. ^ Will. Malm. p. JO. 
 
 ' Wilkins Leges Sax. p. 13.
 
 THE HEPTARCHY. 51 
 
 ill 61 5, left the succession to his son Eadbald. 
 This prince, seduced by a passion for his mother- 
 in-law, deserted for some time the Christian faith, 
 which permitted not these incestuous marriages. 
 His whole people immediately returned with him 
 to idolatry. Laurentius, the successor of Augus- 
 tine, found the Christian worship wholly aban- 
 doned; and was prepared to return to France, 
 in order to escape the mortification of preaching 
 the gospel without fruit to the infidels. Mellitus 
 and Justus, who had been consecrated bishops of 
 London and Rochester, had already departed the 
 kingdom;'' when Laurentius, before he should 
 entirely abandon his dignity, made one effort 
 to reclaim the king. He appeared before that 
 prince; and, throwing off his vestments, shewed 
 his body all torn with bruises and stripes, which 
 he had received. Eadbald, wondering that any 
 man should have dared to treat in that manner a 
 person of his rank, was told by Laurentius that 
 he had received this chastisement from St. Peter, 
 the prince of the apostles; who had appeared to 
 him in a vision, and, severely reproving him for 
 his intention to desert his charge, had inflicted 
 on him these visible marks of his displeasure.'' 
 W'liether Ladbaid was struck with the miracle, 
 or iniluenced by some other motive, he divorced 
 himself from his mother-in-law, and returned to 
 the profession of Christianity/ His whole people 
 
 ^ Bedt-, lib. 2. cap. 5. "^ Rede, cap. 0. Chron. Sax. p. 20', 
 
 Hij^dcn, lib. 5. ' Brompton, p. 7Jy.
 
 52 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 returned with him. Eadbald reached not the 
 fame or authority of his father, and died in 640, 
 after a reign of twenty-five years; leaving two 
 sons, Erminfrid and Ercombert. 
 
 Ercombert, though the younger son by Em- 
 ma, a French princess, found means to mount 
 the throne. He is celebrated by Bede for two 
 exploits; for establishing the fast of Lent in his 
 kingdom, and for utterly extirpating idolatry; 
 which, notwithstanding the prevalence of Chris- 
 tianity, had hitherto been tolerated by the two 
 preceding monarchs. He reigned twenty-four 
 years ; and left the crown to Egbert his son, who 
 reigned nine years. This prince is renowned for 
 his encouragement of learning; but infamous for 
 putting to death his two cousin -germans, sons of 
 Erminfrid, his uncle. The ecclesiastical writers 
 praise him for his bestowing on his sister Dom- 
 nona some lands in the Isle of Thane t, where 
 she founded a monastery. 
 
 The bloody precaution of Egbert could not 
 fix the crown on the head of his son Edric. Lo- 
 thaire, brother of the deceased prince, took pos- 
 session of the kingdom; and, in order to secure 
 the power in his family, he associated with him 
 Richard his son in the administration of the 
 government. Edric, the dispossessed prince, had 
 recourse to Edilwach, king of Sussex, for assist- 
 ance; and, being supported by that prince, fought 
 a battle with his uncle, who was defeated and 
 rslain. Richard fled into Germany; and after-
 
 THE HEPTARCHY. 53 
 
 wards died in Lucca, a city of Tuscany. William 
 of Malmesbury ascribes Lothaire's bad fortune to 
 two crimes; his concurrence in the murder of 
 his cousins, and his contempt for reliques.^ 
 
 Lothaire reigned eleven years, Edric his suc- 
 cessor only two. Upon the death of the latter, 
 Avhich happened in 686, Widred his brother ob- 
 tained possession of the crown : but, as the suc- 
 cession had been of late so much disjointed by 
 revolutions and usurpations, faction began to pre- 
 vail among the nobility; which invited Cedwalla, 
 king of Wessex, with his brother Mollo, to attack 
 the kingdom. These invaders committed great 
 devastations in Kent; but the death of Mollo, 
 who was slain in a skirmish,*' gave a short breath- 
 ing time to that kingdom. Widred restored the 
 affairs of Kent; and, after a reign of thirty-two 
 years,' left the crown to his posterity. Eadbert, 
 Ethelbert, and Alric, his descendants, successive- 
 ly mounted the throne. After the death of the 
 last, which happened in 794, the royal family of 
 Kent was extinguished; and every factious lead- 
 er, mIio could entertain hopes of ascending the 
 throne, threw the state into confusion. ''Egbert, 
 who first succeeded, reigned but two years; Cuth- 
 red, brother to the king of Mercia, six years; 
 Baldred, an illegitimate branch of the royal fami- 
 ly, eighteen: and, after a troublesome and pi-c- 
 
 ?; Will. Malm. p. 1 1 . ' Higdcn, lib. ,';, Cliron. 
 
 Sax. p.r/i. ^ ^^'ill. Maliucs. lib. 1. cap. 1. p. 11.
 
 54 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 carious reign, he was, in the year 723, expelled 
 by Egbert, king of Wessex, who dissolved the 
 Saxon Heptarchy, and united the several king- 
 doms under his dominion. 
 
 KINGDOM OF NORTHUMBERLAND. 
 
 Adelfrid, king of Bernicia, having married 
 Acca, the daughter of JEWa., king of Deiri, and 
 expelled her infant brother Edwin, had united 
 all the counties north of Humber into one mo- 
 narchy, and acquired a great ascendant in the 
 Heptarchy. He also spread the terror of the 
 Saxon arms to the neighbouring people; and, by 
 his victories over the Scots and Picts, as well as 
 Welsh, extended on all sides the bounds of his 
 dominions. Having laid siege to Chester, the 
 Britons marched out with all their forces to en- 
 gage him ; and they were attended by a body of 
 twelve hundred and fifty monks from the monas- 
 tery of Bangor, wlio stood at a small distance 
 from the field of battle, in order to encourage the 
 combatants by their presence and exhortations. 
 Adelfrid, inquiring the purpose of this unusual 
 appearance, Av^as told that these priests had come 
 to pray against him. ' The?i are they as mucJi our 
 enemies,' said he, ' as those who intend to fight 
 against as.'^ And he immediately sent a detach- 
 ment, who fell upon them, and did such execu- 
 
 ' Brompton, p. yyg.
 
 THE HEPTARCHY. 55 
 
 tion, that only fifty escaped with their lives."" 
 The Britons, astonished at this event, received a 
 total defeat. Chester was obliged to surrender. 
 And Adelfrid, pursuing his victory, made him- 
 self master of Bangor, and entirely demolished 
 the monastery; a building so extensive, that 
 there was a mile's distance from one gate of it 
 to another; and it contained two thousand one 
 hundred monks, who are said to have been there 
 maintained by their own labour." 
 
 Notwithstanding Adelfrid's success in war, he 
 lived in inquietude on account of young Edwin, 
 whom he had unjustly dispossessed of the crown 
 of Deiri. This prince, now grown to man's estate, 
 wandered from place to place in continual danger 
 from the attempts of Adelfrid; and received at 
 last protection in the court of Redwald, king of 
 the East Angles; M^ierc his engaging and gallant 
 deportment procured him general esteem and 
 affection. Redwald, however, was strongly soli- 
 cited by the king of Northumberland to kill or 
 deliver up his guest; rich presents were promised 
 him if he would comply; and war denounced 
 against him in case of his refusal. After reject- 
 ing several messages of this kind, his generosity 
 began to yield to the motives of interest ; and he 
 retained the last ambassador till he should come 
 to a resolution in a case of such importance. Ed- 
 
 "^ Trivet, npud Spell. Cone. p. 1 1 1. 
 '" Bcdc-, lib. 2. eaji.'i. AV. M.ilim .-;. lib. ]. cap. 3.
 
 56 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 win, intormed of his friend's perplexity, was yet 
 determined, at all hazards, to remain in East 
 Anglia; and thought that, if the protection of 
 that court failed him, it were better to die than 
 prolong a life so much exposed to the persecu- 
 tions of .his powerful rival. This confidence in 
 Redwald's honour and friendship, with his other 
 accomplishments, engaged the queen on his side; 
 and she effectually represented to her husband 
 the infamy of delivering up to certain destruc- 
 tion their royal guest, who had fled to them for 
 protection against his cruel and jealous enemies. 
 Redwald, embracing more generous resolutions, 
 thought it safest to prevent Adelfrid before that 
 prince was aware of his intention, and to attack 
 him while he was yet unprepared for defence. 
 He marched suddenly with an army into the 
 kingdom of Northumberland, and fought a bat- 
 tle with Adelfrid; in which that monarch was 
 defeated and killed, after avenging himself by 
 the death of Regner, son of Redwald.'' His own 
 sons, Eanfrid, Oswald, and Oswy, yet infants, 
 were carried into Scotland; and Edwin obtained 
 possession of the crown of Northumberland. 
 
 Edwin was the greatest prince of the Hep- 
 tarchy in that age; and distinguished himself, 
 both by his influence over the other ''kingdoms, 
 
 o "\V. Malmes. lib. 1 . cap. 3. H. Hunting, lib. 3. Bede. 
 
 P Bcde, lib. 2. cap. 12. Brompton, p. "81. 
 
 <i Chron. Sax. p. 2/.
 
 THE HEPTARCHY. b-j 
 
 and by the strict execution of justice in his own 
 dominions. He reclaimed his subjects from the 
 hcentious Hfe to which they had been accustom- 
 ed; and it was a common saying that, during liis 
 reign, a woman or child might openly carry every 
 where a purse of gold, without any danger of vio- 
 lence or robbery. There is a remarkable instance 
 transmitted to us of the affection borne him by 
 his servants. Cuichelme, king of Wessex, was 
 his enemy; but, finding himself unable to main- 
 tain open war against so gallant and powerful a 
 prince, he determined to use treachery against 
 him, and he employed one Eumer for that cri- 
 minal purpose. The assassin, having obtained 
 admittance by pretending to deliver a message 
 from Cuichelme, drew his dagger, and rushed 
 upon the king. Lilla, an officer of his army, 
 seeing his master's danger, and having no other 
 means of defence, interposed with his own body 
 between the king and Eumer's dagger, M-hich 
 was pushed with such violence that, after piercing 
 Lilla, it even wounded Edwin: but, before the 
 assassin could renew his blow, he Mas dispatched 
 by the king's attendants. 
 
 The East- Angles conspired against Rcdwald, 
 their king; and, having put him to death, they 
 otfered their crown to Edwin, of m hose valour 
 and capacity they had liad experience wliile he 
 resided among them. Dut Edw in, iVom a siMise 
 of gratitufle towards his henefacior, obliged them 
 to submit to tarpwold, the son of lledwald; and
 
 58 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 that prince preserved his authority though on a 
 precarious footing, under the protection of the 
 Northumbrian monarch/ 
 
 Edwin, after his accession to the crown, mar- 
 ried Ethelburga, the daughter of Ethelbert, king 
 of Kent. This princess, emulating the glory of 
 her mother Bertha, who had been the instrument 
 for conv^erting her husband and his people to 
 Christianity, carried Paullinus, a learned bishop, 
 along with her;' and, besides stipulating a tole- 
 ration for the exercise of her own religion, which 
 was readily granted her, she used every reason 
 to persuade the king to embrace it, Edwin, like 
 a prudent prince, hesitated on the proposal : but 
 promised to examine the foundations of that doc- 
 trine; and declared that, if he found them satis- 
 factory, he was Avilling to be converted/ Ac- 
 cordino'lv he held several conferences with Paul- 
 linus; canvassed the arguments propounded with 
 the wisest of his counsellors; retired frecjuently 
 from company, in order to revolve alone that im- 
 portant question; and, after a serious and long 
 inquiry, declared in favour of the Christian reli- 
 gion." The people soon after imitated his ex- 
 ample. Besides the authority and influence of 
 the king, they were moved by another striking 
 example. Coifi, the high-priest being converted 
 after a public conference Mith PauUinus, led the 
 
 ' Gul. Malmes. lib. 1 . cap. 3. = H. Hunting, lib. 3. 
 
 ' Be-de, lib. 2. cap. y 
 
 " Bcde, lib. 2. cap. Q. Malmes. lib. 1. cap. 3.
 
 THE HEPTARCHY. 59 
 
 way in destroying the images which he had so 
 long M^orshipped, and was forward in making this 
 atonement for his past idolatry.* 
 
 This able prince perished, with his son Osfrid, 
 in a great battle which he fought against Penda, 
 king of Mercia, and Caed walla, king of the Bri- 
 tons." That event, which happened in the forty- 
 eighth vear of Edwin's ag-e and seventeenth of 
 his reign,*' divided the monarchy of Northum- 
 berland, which that prince had united in his own 
 person. Eanfrid, the son of Adelfrid, returned, 
 with his brothers Oswald and Oswy, from Scot- 
 land, and took possession of Bernicia, his paternal 
 kingdom. Osric, Edwin's cousin-german, esta- 
 blished himself in Deiri, the inheritance of his 
 family; but to which the sons of Edwin had a 
 preferable title.. Eanfrid, the elder surviving 
 son, fled to Penda, by whom he was treacherously 
 slain. Tlie younger son, Vuscfraea, with Yffi, 
 the grandson of Edwin by Osfrid, sought pro- 
 tection in Kent; and, not finding themselves in 
 safety tliere, retired into France to king Dago- 
 bert, where tliey died."" 
 
 Osric, king of Deiri, and Eanfrid of Bernicia, 
 returned to paganism, and tlie whole peoj)lc seem 
 to have returned with them; since Paullinus, mIio 
 was the hrst archbisliop of York, and who had 
 converted them, tliought proper to retire with 
 
 " Bedc, lib. 2. rnp. 13. Broitipton, Higden. lib. 5. 
 
 " Matlh.Wcst. p. IM. Chnni. Sax. p. 29. 
 
 y W.Malnics. lib. 1. cap. J. ' Dcdc, lib. 2. cap. 20.
 
 60 ^ HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 Ethelburga, the queen dowager, into Kent. Both 
 these Northumbrian kings perished soon after ; 
 the first in battle against Ceedwalla the Briton, 
 the second by the treachery of that prince. Os- 
 wald, the brother of Eanfrid, of the race of Ber- 
 nicia, united again the kingdom of Northumber- 
 land in the year 634, and restored the Christian 
 religion in his dominions. He gained a bloody 
 and well-disputed battle against Cd walla; the 
 last vigorous effort which the Britons made against 
 the Saxons. Oswald is much celebrated for his 
 sanctity and charity by the monkish historians: 
 and they pretend that his reliques wrought mira- 
 cles, particularly the curing of a sick horse, which 
 had approached the place of his interment/ 
 
 He died in battle against Penda, king of Mer- 
 cia, and was succeeded by his brother Oswy ; 
 who established himself in the government of 
 the whole Northumbrian kingdom by putting to 
 death Oswin, the son of Osric, the last king of 
 the race of Dei'ri. His son Egfrid succeeded him; 
 Avho perished in battle against the Picts, without 
 leaving any children, because Adelthrid, his wife, 
 refused to violate her vow of chastity. Alfred, 
 his natural brother, acquired possession of the 
 kingdom, which he governed for nineteen years; 
 and he left it to Osred his son, a boy of eight 
 years of age. This prince, after a reign of eleven 
 years, was murdered by Kenred his kinsman, who, 
 after enjoying the crown only a year, perished by 
 
 * ]Scde, lib. J. cap. (J.
 
 THE HEPTARCHY. 6l 
 
 a like fate. Osric, and after him Celwulph the 
 son of Kenred, next mounted the throne; which 
 the latter rehnquished in the year 738, in favour 
 of Eadhert his cousin-german; who, imitating 
 his predecessor, abdicated the crown, and retired 
 into a monastery. Oswolf, son of Eadhert, was 
 slain in a sedition a year after his accession to 
 the crown; and Mollo, who was not of the royal 
 family, seized the crown. He perished by the 
 treachery of Ailred, a prince of the blood; and 
 Ailred, having succeeded in his design upon the 
 throne, was soon after expelled by his subjects. 
 Ethelred, his successor, the son of ]\lollo, under- 
 went a like fate. Celwold, the next king, the 
 brother of Ailred, was deposed and slain by the 
 people; and his place was filled by Osred his ne- 
 phew; who, after a short reign of a year, made 
 way for Ethelbert, another son of Mollo, whose 
 death was equally tragical with that of almost all 
 his predecessors. After Ethelbert"s death an uni- 
 versal anarchy prevailed in Northumberland ; 
 and the people, having, by so many fatal revolu- 
 tions, lost all attachment to their government 
 and princes, were well prepared for subjection to 
 a foreign yoke, which Egbert, king of Wesscx, 
 finally imposed upon them.
 
 62 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 THE KINGDOM OF EAST ANGLIA. 
 
 The history of this kingdom contains nothing 
 memorable, except the conversion of Earpwold, 
 the fourth king, and great-grandson of Uffa, the 
 founder of the monarchy. The authority of 
 Edwin, king of Northumberland, on whom that 
 prince entirely depended, engaged him to take 
 this step: but soon after his wife, who was an 
 idolatress, brought him back to her religion; and 
 he was found unable to resist those allurements 
 which had seduced the wisest of mankind. After 
 his death, which was violent, like that of most of 
 the Saxon princes that did not early retire into 
 monasteries, Sigebert, his successor and half- 
 brother, who had been educated in France, re- 
 stored Christianity, and introduced learning, 
 among the East Angles. Some pretend that he 
 founded the university of Cambridge, or rather 
 some schools in that place. It is almost impos- 
 sible, and quite needless, to be more particular 
 in relating the transactions of tlie East Angles. 
 WTTat instruction or eiitertainment^ can.J,t give 
 the reader to hear a lono- bead-roll of barbarous 
 
 _ ^ _ . a .. ^ - 
 
 names; Egric, Annas, Ethelbert, Ethel wald, Al- 
 dulf, Eltwold, lieoriie, EtTielrecT, Ethelbert; who 
 successively murclered, expelled, or inherited, 
 "lrail2!.?a_ch other, and obscurely filled ihe throne 
 gf^that kingdom? Ethelbert, the last of these 
 princes, was treacherously_jrnurdered by Offii,
 
 THE HEPTARCHY. 63 
 
 king of Mercia, in the year 792; and his state 
 was thenceforth united with that of OfFa, as we 
 shall relate presently. 
 
 THE KINGDOM OF MERCIA. 
 
 Mercia, the largest, if not the most powerful, 
 kingdom of the Heptarchy, comprehended all the 
 middle counties of England; and, as its frontiers 
 extended to those of all the other six kingdoms 
 as well as to Wales, it received its name from 
 that circumstance. Wibha, the son of Crida, 
 founder of the monarchy, being placed on the 
 throne by Ethelbert, king of Kent, governed his 
 paternal dominions by a precarious authority; 
 and, after his death, Ceorl his kinsman was, by 
 the influence of the Kentish monarch, preferred 
 to his son Penda, whose turbulent character ap- 
 peared dangerous to that prince. Pcntla Mas thus 
 fifty years of age before he mounted the throne; 
 and his temerity and restless disposition Mere 
 found noM'ise abated by time, experience, or re- 
 flection. He engaged in contiimal hostilities 
 against all the neighboui'ing states; and, by his 
 injustice and violence, rendered himself e(iually 
 odious to his own subjects and to strangers. Sige- 
 bert, Egric, and Annas, three kings of Kast An- 
 glia, perished suceessi\ely in battle against him; 
 as did also Edwin and Oswald, the tuo greatest 
 princes that had reigned over Northumberland.
 
 64 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 At last Oswy, brother to Oswald, having defeated 
 and slain him in a decisive battle, freed the world 
 from this sanguinary tyrant. Peada his son 
 mounted the throne of Mercia in 655, and lived 
 under the protection of Oswy, whose daughter 
 he had espoused. This princess was educated 
 in the Christian faith, and she employed her in- 
 fluence with success in converting her husband 
 and his subjects to that religion. Thus the fair 
 sex have had the merit of introducing the Chris- 
 tian doctrine into all the most considerable king- 
 doms of the Saxon Heptarchy. Peada died a 
 violent death.'' His son Wolfhere succeeded 
 to the government; and, after having reduced 
 to dependence the kingdoms of Essex and East 
 Anglia, he left the crown to his brother Ethel- 
 red, who, though a lover of peace, showed him- 
 self not unfit for military enterprises. Besides 
 making a successful expedition into Kent, he re- 
 pulsed Egfrid, king of Northumberland, who had 
 invaded his dominions; and he slew in battle Elf- 
 win, the brother of that prince. Desirous, how- 
 ever, of composing all animosities with Egfrid, 
 he paid him a sum of money as a compensation 
 for the loss of his brotlier. After a prosperous 
 reign of thirty years, he resigned the crown to 
 Kendred, son of AVoIf here, and retired into the 
 
 ^ Plugo Candidus, p. 4, says, that he was treacherously mur- 
 dered by his queeiij by whose pcrsaasioii lie had embraced Christi- 
 anityj but this account of the matter is found in that historian 
 alone.
 
 THE HEPTARCHY. 6S 
 
 monastery of Bardney/ Kendred returned the 
 present of the crown to Ceolred, the son of Ethel- 
 red; and, making a pilgrimage to Rome, passed 
 his life there in penance and devotion. The 
 place of Ceolred was supplied by Ethelbald, great 
 grand nephew to Penda by Alwy his brother; and 
 this prince being slain in a mutiny, was succeeded 
 by Offa, who was a degree more remote from 
 Penda, by Eawa, another brother. 
 
 This prince, who mounted the throne in '^ 755, 
 had some great qualities, and was successful in 
 his warlike enterprises against Lothaire, king of 
 Kent, and Kenwulph, king of Wessex. He de- 
 feated the former in a bloody battle at Otford 
 upon the Darent, and reduced his kingdom to a 
 state of dependence: he gained a victory over 
 the latter at Bensington in Oxfordshire ; and 
 conquering that county, together with that of 
 Gloucester, annexed both to his dominions. But 
 all these successes were stained by his treacher- 
 ous murder of Ethelbert, king of the East Angles, 
 and his violent seizing: of that kini>;dom. 'i1iis 
 young prince, who is said to have possessed great 
 merit, had paid his addresses to Elfrida, tlie 
 daughter of Offa, and was invited with all his 
 retinue to Hereford, in order to solemnize the 
 nuptials: amidst the joy and festivity of these 
 entertainments, he was seized by Offa, and se- 
 cretly beheaded: and though Elfrida, who ab- 
 
 Ikde, lib. 5. -^ Chron. Sax. p. 5p. 
 
 VOL. I. F
 
 66 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 horred her father's treachery, had time to give 
 warning to the East Anglian nobility, who escaped 
 into their own country, Offa, having extinguished 
 the royal family, succeeded in his design of sub- 
 duing that kingdom/ The perfidious prince, de- 
 sirous of reestablishing his character in the world, 
 and perhaps of appeasing the remorses of his own 
 conscience, paid great court to the clergy, and 
 practised all the monkish devotion so much 
 esteemed in that ignorant and superstitious age. 
 He gave the tenth of his goods to the ^church; 
 bestowed rich donations on the cathedral of He- 
 reford, and even made a pilgrimage to Rome, 
 where his great power and riches could not fail 
 of procuring him the papal absolution. The bet- 
 ter to ingratiate himself with the sovereign pon- 
 tiff, he engaged to pay him a yearly donation for 
 the support of an English college at Rome,^ and 
 in order to raise the sum, he imposed the tax of 
 a penny on each house possessed of thirty pence 
 a year. This imposition, being afterwards levied 
 on all England, was commonly denominated Pe- 
 ter's pence;'' and though conferred at first as a 
 gift, was afterwards claimed as a tribute by the 
 Roman pontiff. Carrying his hypocrisy still far- 
 ther, Offa, feigning to be directed by a vision 
 from heaven, discovered at Verulam the reliques 
 of St. Alban, the martyr, and endowed a magni- 
 
 e Brompton, p. 750, 751, 752. 
 
 *' Spel. Cone. p. 308. Bromptuu, p. 776. 
 
 2 Spel. Cone. p. 230. 310. 312. ^ Higden, lib. 5.
 
 THE HEPTARCHY. Qj 
 
 ficent monastery in that place.' Moved by all 
 these acts of piety, Malmesbury, one of the best 
 of the old English historians, declares himself at 
 a loss to determine " whether the merits or crimes 
 of this prince preponderated. Offa died, after a 
 reign of thirty-nine years, in 79^-^ 
 
 This prince was become so considerable in the 
 Heptarchy, that the emperor Charlemagne en- 
 tered into an alliance and friendship with him; 
 a circumstance which did honour to Offii, as dis- 
 tant princes at that time had usually little com- 
 munication with each other. That emperor being 
 a great lover of learning and learned men, in an 
 age very barren of that ornament, Offa, at his 
 desire, sent him over Alcuin, a clergyman much 
 celebrated for his knowledge, who received great 
 honours from Charlemagne, and even became 
 his preceptor in the sciences. The chief reason 
 why he had at first desired the company of Al- 
 cuin, was, that he might oppose his learning to 
 the heresy of Felix, bishop of Urgil in Catalonia; 
 who maintained, that Jesus Christ, considered 
 in his human nature, could, more pro})erly, be 
 denominated the adoptive, than the natural, son 
 of God."" This heresy Avas condemned in the 
 council of Francfort, held in 79-^, iiid consisting 
 of 300 bishops. Sucii were the cpiestions Mliicli 
 were agitated in tluit age, and wliicli employed 
 
 ' lng\ilph. p. 5. W. Malmes. lib. 1. cap. 4. 
 
 ^ Lib. i. cap. 4. 
 
 ' Chron. Sax. p. 05. "' Dupin, cent. 8. chap. 4.
 
 68 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 the attention, not only of cloistered scholars, but 
 of the wisest and greatest princes." 
 
 Egfrith succeeded to his father Offa, but sur 
 vived him only five months ; when he made way 
 for Kenulph, a descendant of the royal family. 
 This prince waged war against Kent; and taking 
 Egbert the king, prisoner, he cut off his hands, 
 and put out his eyes; leaving Cuthred, his own 
 brother, in possession of the crown of that king- 
 dom. Kenulph was killed in an insurrection of 
 the East Anglians, whose crown his predecessor, 
 Offa, had usurped. He left his son, Kenelm, a 
 minor; who was murdered the same year by his 
 sister, Quendrade, who had entertained the am- 
 bitious views of assuming the government.^ But 
 she was supplanted by her uncle, Ceolulf; who, 
 two years after, was dethroned by Beornulf. The 
 reign of this usurper, who was not of the royal 
 family, was short and unfortunate: he was de- 
 feated by the West Saxons, and killed by his own 
 subjects, the East Angles.*^ Ludican, his succes- 
 sor, underwent the same fate;' and Wiglaff, who 
 mounted this unstable throne, and found every 
 thins: in the utmost confusion, could not with- 
 stand the fortune of Egbert, who united all the 
 Saxon kinofdoms into one o-reat monarchy. 
 
 " Offa, in order to protect his country from Wales, drew a 
 rampart or ditch of a hundred miles in length, from Basin;;\verke 
 in Flintshire, to the south sea near Bristol. See Sj>eed's Description 
 of If ales. 
 
 c Ingulph. p. 6. P Ingnlph. p. /. Eronipton. p. /^G. 
 
 H Ingulph. p. 7- *" Alur. Beverl. p. S/.
 
 THE HEPTARCHY. 69 
 
 THE KINGDOM OF ESSEX. 
 
 This kingdom made no great figure in the Hep- 
 tarchy; and the history of it is very imperfect. 
 Sleda succeeded to his father, Erkinwin, the 
 founder of the monarchy; and made way for 
 his son, Sebert, who, being nephew to Ethelbert, 
 king of Kent, was persuaded by that prince to 
 embrace the Christian faith. ^ His sons and con- 
 junct successors, Sexted and Seward, rehipsed 
 into idohitry, and were soon after slain in a bat- 
 tle against the West Saxons. To shew the rude 
 manner of living in that age, Bede tells us,' that 
 these two kings expressed great desire to eat the 
 white bread, distributed by Mellitus, the bishop, 
 at the communion." But on his refusing them, 
 unless they would submit to be baptised, they ex- 
 pelled him their dominions. The names of the 
 other princes M'ho reigned successively in Essex, 
 are Sigebert the little, Sigebert the good, who 
 restored Christianity, Swithelm, Sigheri, Offa. 
 This last prince having made a vow of chastity, 
 notwithstanding his marriage Avith Keneswitha, 
 a IVIercian princess, daughter to Penda, went in 
 pilgrimage to Home, and shut himself up during 
 the rest of his life in a cloister. Selred, his suc- 
 cessor, reigned thirty-eight years; and was the 
 last of the royal line: the failure of which threw 
 
 Chron. Sax. p.2-1. ' Lib. 2. cnp. 5. 
 
 " Hen. Hunting, lib. ,'5. Rrompton, p. 7:58. 7-1:5. Iledc
 
 70 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 the kingdom into great confusion, and reduced 
 it to dependence under Mercia.'' Switherd first 
 acquired the crown, by the concession of the 
 Mercian princes; and his death made way for 
 Sigeric, who ended his life in a pilgrimage to 
 Rome. His successor, Sigered, unable to defend 
 his kingdom, submitted to the victorious arms 
 of Egbert. 
 
 THE KINGDOM OF SUSSEX. 
 
 The history of this kingdom, the smallest in the 
 Heptarchy, is still more imperfect than that of 
 Essex. iEUa, the founder of the monarchy, left 
 the crown to his son, Cissa, who is chiefly re- 
 markable for his long reign of seventy-six years. 
 During his time, the South Saxons fell almost 
 into a total dependence on the kingdom of Wes- 
 sex; and we scarcely know the names of the 
 princes who were possessed of this titular sove- 
 reignty. Adelwalch, the last of them, was sub- 
 dued in battle by Ceadwalla, king of Wessex, 
 and was slain in the action; leaving two infant 
 sons, who, falling into the hand of the conqueror, 
 were murdered by him. The abbot of Retford 
 opposed the order for this execution ; but could 
 only prevail on Ceadwalla to suspend it till they 
 should be baptized. Bercthun and Audhun, two 
 noblemen of character, resisted some time the 
 
 ^ Malmes. lib. 1. cap. 6.
 
 THE HEPTARCHY. 71 
 
 violence of the West Saxons; but their opposi- 
 tion served only to prolong the miseries of their 
 country; and the subduing of this kingdom was 
 the first step which the West Saxons made to- 
 wards acquiring the sole monarchy of England." 
 
 THE KINGDOM OF WESSEX. 
 
 The kingdom of Wessex, which finally swallowed 
 up all the other Saxon states, met with great re- 
 sistance on its first establishment: and the Bri- 
 tons, who were now inured to arms, yielded not 
 tamely their possessions to those invaders. Cer- 
 dic, the founder of the monarchy, and his son, 
 Kenric, fought many successful and some unsuc- 
 cessful battles against the natives; and the mar- 
 tial spirit, common to all the Saxons, was, by 
 means of these hostilities, carried to the greatest 
 height among this tribe. Ceaulin, who was the 
 son and successor of Kenric, and who began his 
 reign in 560, was still more ambitious and enter- 
 prising than his predecessors; and, by waging 
 continual war against the Britons, he added a 
 great part of the counties of Devon and Somerset 
 to his other dominions. Carried alongr bv the 
 tide of success, he invaded the other Saxon states 
 in his neighbourhood, and becoming terrible to 
 all, he provoked a general confederacy against 
 him. This alliance proved successful under tlie 
 
 * Bromplon, p. 800.
 
 72 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 conduct of Ethelbert, king of Kent; and Ceau- 
 lin, who had lost the affections of his own subjects 
 by his violent disposition, and had novv^ fallen into 
 contempt from his misfortunes, was expelled the 
 throne,*' and died in exile and misery. Cui- 
 chelme and Cuthwin, his sons, governed jointly 
 the kingdom, till the expulsion of the latter in 
 591, and the death of the former in 593, made 
 way for Cealric, to whom succeeded Ceobald in 
 593j by whose death, which happened in 6lJ, 
 Kynegils inherited the crown. This prince em- 
 braced Christianity,^ through the persuasion of 
 Oswald, king of Northumberland, who had mar- 
 ried his daughter, and who had attained a great 
 ascendant in the Heptarchy. Kenwalch next 
 succeeded to the monarchy, and dying in 67^, 
 left the succession so much disputed, that Sex- 
 burga, his widow, a woman of spirit,^ kept pos- 
 session of the government till her death, which 
 happened two years after. Escwin then peace- 
 ably acquired the crown; and, after a short reign 
 of two years, made way for Kentwin, who go- 
 verned nine years. Ceodwalla, his successor, 
 mounted not the throne without opposition; but 
 proved a great prince, according to the ideas of 
 those times; tha t h, TTe^ was'enterprising. wa rlike, 
 and successful, lie entirely subdued the kinff- 
 dom of Sussex, and annexed it to his own domi- 
 
 y Chron. Sax. p. 22. 
 
 ^ Higden, lib. 5. Chron. Sax. p. 15. Alur. Beverl. p. 94. 
 
 Bede, lib. 4. cap. 12. Chron. Sax. p. 41.
 
 THE HEPTARCHY. 73 
 
 nions. He made inroads into Kent; but met with 
 resistance from VVidred, the king, who proved 
 successful against Mollo, brother to Ceodwalla, 
 and slew him in a skirmish. Ceodwalla, at last, 
 tired with wars and bloodshed, was seized with a 
 fit of devotion; bestowed several endowments on 
 the church ; and made a pilgrimage to Rome, 
 where he received baptism, and died in 689. 
 Ina, his successor, inherited the military virtues 
 of Ceodwalla, and added to them the more va- 
 luable ones of justice, policy, and prudence. He 
 made war upon the Britons in Somerset; and 
 having finally subdued that province, he treated 
 the vanquished with a humanity hitherto un- 
 known to the Saxon conquerors. He allowed the 
 proprietors to retain possession of their lands, en- 
 couraged marriages and alliances between them 
 and his ancient subjects, and gave them the privi- 
 lege of being governed by the same laws. These 
 laws he augmented and ascertained; and though 
 he was disturbed by some insurrections at home, 
 his long reign of thirty-seven years may be re- 
 garded as one of the most glorious and most pros- 
 perous of the Heptarchy. In the decline of his 
 age he made a pilgrimage to Rome; and after his 
 return, shut himself up in a cloister, where he 
 died. 
 
 Though the kings of Wesscx had always been 
 princes (jf tlie blood, descended from Cerdic, the 
 founder of the monarchy, the order of succes>i()n 
 had been far from exact; and a more remote
 
 74 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 prince had often found means to mount the 
 throne, in preference to one descended from a 
 nearer branch of the royal family. Ina, there- 
 fore, having no children of his own, and lying 
 much under the influence of Ethelburga, his 
 queen, left by will the succession to Adelard, her 
 brother, who was his remote kinsman: but this 
 destination did not take place without some dif- 
 ficulty. Oswald, a prince more nearly allied to 
 the crown, took arms against Adelard; but he 
 being suppressed, and dying soon after, the title 
 of Adelard was not any farther disputed; and in 
 the year 741? he was succeeded by his cousin, 
 Cudred. The reign of tliis prince was distin- 
 guished by a great victory which he obtained, 
 by means of Edelhun, his general, over Ethel- 
 bald, king of Mercia. His death made way for 
 Sigebcrt, his kinsman, who governed so ill, that 
 his people rose in an insurrection, and dethroned 
 him, crowning Cenulph in his stead. The exiled 
 prince found a refuge with duke Cumbran, go- 
 vernor of Hampshire; who, that he might add 
 new obligations to Sigebert, gave him many sa- 
 lutary counsels for his future conduct, accompa- 
 nied with some reprehensions for the past. But 
 these were so much resented by the ungrateful 
 prince, that he conspired against the life of his 
 protector, and treacherously murdered him. Af- 
 ter this infamous action, he was forsaken by all 
 the world; and skulking about in the wilds and 
 forests, was at last discovered by a servant of
 
 THE HEPTARCHY. 75 
 
 Cumbran's, who instantly took revenge upon 
 him for the murder of his master."* 
 
 Cenulph, who had obtained the crown on the 
 expulsion of Sigebert, was fortunate in many ex- 
 peditions against the Britons of Cornwall; but 
 afterwards lost some reputation by his ill success 
 against Offa, king of Mercia.'' Kynehard also, 
 brother to the deposed Sigebert, gave him dis- 
 turbance; and though expelled the kingdom, he 
 hovered on the frontiers, and watched an oppor- 
 tunity for attacking his rival. The king had an 
 intrigue with a young woman who lived at Mer- 
 ton in Surry, whither having secretly retired, he 
 was on a sudden environed, in the night-time, by 
 Kynehard and his followers, and after making a 
 vigorous resistance, was murdered with all his 
 attendants. The nobility and people of the neigh- 
 bourhood, rising next day in arms, took revenge 
 on Kynehard for the slaughter of their king, and 
 put every one to the sword who had been en- 
 gaged in that criminal enterprise. This event 
 happened in 784. 
 
 Brithric next obtained possession of the go- 
 vernment, though remotely descended from the 
 royal family; but he enjoyed not that dignity 
 without incjuietude. Koppa, nephew to king 
 Ina, by his brother Ingild, who died before 
 that prince, had begot Kta, father to Alclimond, 
 from wliom sprung Kgl)crt,'' a young man of the 
 
 ^ Higdcn, lib. .'5. W. Malnrsb. lib. 1, cap. 2. 
 ' W. M.iliurs. lib. 1. cap. 2. << Clirun. Sax. p. 1(5.
 
 76 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 most promising hopes, who gave great jealousy 
 to Brithric, the reigning prince, both because he 
 seemed by his birth better entitled to the crown, 
 and because he had acquired, to an eminent de- 
 gree, the affections of the people. Egbert, sen- 
 sible of liis danger from the suspicions of Brith- 
 ric, secretly withdrcAv^ into France;^ where he 
 was well received by Charlemagne. By living 
 in the court, and serving in the armies of that 
 prince, the most able and most generous that 
 had appeared in Europe during several ages, he 
 acquired those accomplishments, which after- 
 wards enabled him to make such a shining figure 
 on the throne. And familiarising himself to the 
 manners of the French, who, as Malmesbury ob- 
 serv-es,^ w^ere eminent both for valour and civility 
 above all the western nations, he learned to po- 
 lish the rudeness and barbarity of the Saxon 
 character: his early misfortunes thus proved of 
 singular advantage to him. 
 
 It M as not long ere Egbert had opportunities 
 of displaying his natural and acquired talents. 
 Brithric, kino^ of Wessex, had married Eadburofa, 
 natural daughter of Offa, king of Mcrcia, a pro- 
 fligate woman, equally infamous for cruelty and 
 for incontinence. Having great influence over 
 her husband, she often instigated him to destroy 
 such of the nobility as M^ere obnoxious to her; 
 and where this expedient failed, she scrupled 
 not being herself active in traiterous attempts 
 
 ' H. Hunt. lib. 4. f Lib. 2.
 
 THE HEPTARCHY. 11 
 
 against them. She had mixed a cup of poison 
 for a young nobleman, who had acquired her 
 husband's friendsliip, and had on that account 
 become the object of her jealousy : but, unfor- 
 tunately, the king drank of the fatal cup along 
 with his favourite, and soon after expired.^ This 
 tragical incident, joined to her other crimes, ren- 
 dered Eadburga so odious, that she was obliged 
 to fly into France; whence Egbert was at the 
 same time recalled by the nobility, in order to 
 ascend the throne of his ancestors.'' lie attained 
 that dignity in the last year of the eighth cen- 
 tury. 
 
 In the kingdoms of the Heptarchy, an exact 
 rule of succession was either unknown or not 
 strictly observed; and thence the reigning prince 
 was continually agitated with jealousy against all 
 the princes of the blood, M'hom he still considered 
 as rivals, and whose death alone could give him 
 entire security in his possession of the throne. 
 From this fatal cause, together with the admira- 
 tion of the monastic life, and the opinion of merit 
 attending the preservation of chastity even in a 
 married state, the royal families had been en- 
 tirely extinguished in all tlie kingdoms, except 
 that of Wessex; and the enuilations, suspicions, 
 and conspiracies, which had formerly been con- 
 llnctl to the princes of the blood alone, were now 
 
 ' Higdcii, lib. 5. M.Wf^t. p. 152. Asser. in vita Alfrcli. 
 
 p. ;i. ex cilit. Cniiulnii. 
 
 '' Chroii S:i\. A 1). BOO. Broniptt)ii. p. SOI.
 
 78 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 diffused among all the nobility in the several 
 Saxon states. Egbert was the sole descendant 
 of those first conquerors who subdued Britain, 
 and who enhanced their authority by claiming 
 a pedigree from Woden, the supreme divinity of 
 their ancestors. But that prince, though invited 
 by this favourable circumstance to make attempts 
 on the neighbouring Saxons, gave them for some 
 time no disturbance, and rather chose to turn his 
 arms against the Britons in Cornwall, whom he 
 defeated in several battles.' He was recalled 
 from the conquest of that country by an invasion 
 made upon his dominions by Bernulph, king of 
 IMercia. 
 
 The Mercians, before the accession of Eg- 
 bert, had very nearly attained the absolute so- 
 vereignty in the Heptarchy : they had reduced 
 the East Angles under subjection, and established 
 tributary princes in the kingdoms of Kent and 
 Essex. Norchumberland was involved in anar- 
 chy; and no state of any consequence remained 
 but that of Wessex, which, much inferior in ex- 
 tent to Mercia, Avas supported solely by the great 
 qualities of its sovereign. Egbert led his army 
 against the invaders; and encountering them at 
 EUandum in Wiltshire, obtained a complete vic- 
 tory, and by the great slaughter which he made 
 of them in their flight, gave a mortal blow to the 
 power of the Mercians. Whilst he himself, in 
 prosecution of his victory, entered their country 
 
 ' Chron. Sax. p. 6g.
 
 THE HEPTARCHY. 79 
 
 on the side of Oxfordsliire, and threatened the 
 heart of their dominions; he sent an army into 
 Kent, commanded by Ethel wolph, his eldest "son ; 
 and expeUing Baldred, the tributary king, soon 
 made himself master of that country. The king- 
 dom of Essex was conquered with equal facility; 
 and the East Angles, from their hatred to the 
 Mercian government, which had been established 
 over them by treachery and violence, and pro- 
 bably exercised with tyranny, immediately rose 
 in arms, and craved the protection of ' Egbert. 
 Bernulf, the Mercian king, who marched against 
 them, was defeated and slain; and two years af- 
 ter, Ludican, his successor, met with the same 
 fate. These insurrections and calamities facili- 
 tated the enterprises of Egbert, who advanced 
 into the centre of the Mercian territories, and 
 made easy conquests over a dispirited and di- 
 vided people. In order to engage them more 
 easily to submission, he allowed Wiglef, their 
 countryman, to retain the title of king, while he 
 himself exercised the real powers of "'sovereignty. 
 The anarchy which prevailed in Northumberland 
 tempted him to carry still farther his victorious 
 arms; and the inhabitants, unable to resist his 
 power, and desirous of possessing some esta- 
 blished form of i:()vernincnt, were forward, on 
 his first appearance, to send deputies, who sul>- 
 niitted to his authority, and swore allegiance to 
 
 *= Eliiflwerd, lib. 3. cap. 2. ' Ibid. lib. 3, cap. :;. 
 
 " Ingulph. p. 7, 8. lO.
 
 I 
 
 80 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 him as their sovereign. Egbert, however, still 
 allowed to Northumberland, as he had done to 
 Mercia and East Anglia, the power of electing a 
 king, who paid him tribute, and was dependent 
 on him. 
 
 Thus were united all the kingdoms of the 
 Heptarchy in one great state, near four hundred 
 years after the first arrival of the Saxons in Bri- 
 tain; and the fortunate arms and prudent policy 
 of Egbert at last effected, what had been so often 
 attempted in vain by so many princes." Kent, 
 Northumberland, and Mercia, which had suc- 
 cessively aspired to general dominion, were now 
 incorporated in his empire; and the other sub- 
 ordinate kingdoms seemed willingly to share the 
 same fate. His territories were nearly of the 
 same extent with what is now properly called 
 England; and a favourable prospect was afforded 
 to the Anglo Saxons of establishing a civilised 
 monarchy, possessed of tranquillity within itself, 
 and secure against foreign invasion. This great 
 event happened in the year 827. 
 
 The Saxons, though they had been so long 
 settled in the island, seem not as yet to have been 
 much improved beyond their German ancestors, 
 either in arts, civility, knowledge, humanity, 
 justice, or obedience to the laws. Even Christi- 
 anity, though it opened the way to connexions 
 between them and the more polished states of 
 Europe, had not hitherto been very effectual in 
 
 ^ Chron. Sax. p. 71. Ibid.
 
 THE HEPTARCHY. 81 
 
 banishing their ignorance, or softening their bar 
 barous manners. As they received that doctrine 
 through the corrupted channels of Rome, it car- 
 ried along with it a great mixture of credulity 
 and superstition, equally destructive to the un 
 derstanding and to morals. The reverence to- 
 Avards saints and reliques seems to have almost 
 supplanted the adoration of the Supreme Being. 
 Monastic observances were esteemed more me- 
 ritorious than the active virtues: the knowledo-e 
 of natural causes was neglected from the uni-i 
 versal belief of miraculous interpositions and 
 judgments: bounty to the church atoned for* 
 every violence against society: and the remorses 
 for cruelty, murrjer, treachery, assassination, and 
 the more robust vices, were appeased, not by \ 
 amendment of life, but by penances, servility to 
 the monks, and an abject and illiberal ''devotion. 
 The reverence for the clergy had been carried to 
 such a height, that, wherever a person appeared 
 in a .sacerdotal habit, though on the highway, 
 the people flocked around him; and showing him 
 
 P These abuses were common to all the European churches j 
 but the priests in Italy, Spain, and Gaul, made some atonement 
 for them by other advantages which they rendered society. For 
 several ages they were almost all Romans, or, in other words, 
 the ancient natives; and they preserved the Roman hinguage and 
 laws, with some remains of the former civility. But the priests 
 in the Heptarchy, after the first missionaries, were wholly Saxons, 
 and almost as ignorant and barbarous as the laity. Tliey contri- 
 buted, therefore, little to the improveiu'iU of the ^nci-ty i;i know- 
 ledge or the arts. 
 
 VOL. 1. G
 
 82 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 all marks of profound respect, received every 
 word he uttered as the most sacred oracle.'' Even 
 the military virtues, so inherent in all the Saxon 
 tribes, began to be neglected ; and the nobility, 
 
 I preferring the security and sloth of the cloister 
 to the tumults and glory of war, valued them- 
 
 l selves chiefly on endowing monasteries, of which 
 they assumed the government/ The several 
 kings too, being extremely impoverished by con- 
 tinual benefactions to the church, to which the 
 states of their kingdoms had weakly assented, 
 could bestow no rewards on valour or mihtary 
 services, and retained not even sufficient influ- 
 ence to support their government.' 
 
 / Another inconvenience which attended this 
 
 I corrupt species of Christianity, was the super- 
 stitious attachment to Rome, and the gradual 
 subjection of the kingdom to a foreign jurisdic- 
 tion. The Britons, having never acknowledged 
 any subordination to the Roman pontiff, had con- 
 ducted all ecclesiastical government by their do- 
 mestic synods and councils:' but the Saxons, re- 
 ceiving their religion from Roman monks, were 
 taught at the same time a profound reverence 
 for that see, and were naturally led to regard it 
 as the capital of their religion. Pilgrimages to 
 Rome were represented as the most meritori- 
 
 1 Bede, lib. 3. cap. 26. ^ Ibid. lib. 5. cnp. 23. Epistola 
 Bedae ad Egbert. ^ Bedae Epist. ad Egbert. 
 
 ' Append, to Bede, numb. 10. ex edit. 1/22. Spelm. Cone. 
 
 p. los, 109.
 
 THE HEPTARCHY. 83 
 
 ous acts of devotion. Not only noblemen and 
 ladies of rank undertook this tedious journey;" 
 but kings themselves, abdicating their crowns, | 
 sought for a secure passport to heaven at the 
 feet of the Roman pontiff. New reliques, per- 
 petually sent from that endless mint of supersti- 
 tion, and magnified by lying miracles invented 
 in convents, operated on the astonished minds 
 of the multitude. And every prince has attained 
 the eulogies of the monks, the only historians of 
 those ages, not in proportion to his civil and mi- 
 litary virtues, but to his devoted attachment to- 
 wards their order, and his superstitious reverence 
 for Rome. / 
 
 The sovereign pontiff, encouraged by this 
 blindness and submissive disposition of the peo- 
 ple, advanced every day in his encroachments on 
 the independence of the English churches. Wil- 
 frid, bishop of Lindisfernc, the sole prelate of the 
 Northumbrian kingdom, increased this subjec- 
 tion in the eighth century, by his making an ap- 
 peal to Rome against the decisions of an English 
 synod, which had abridged his diocese by the 
 erection of some new bishopricks.* Agatho, the 
 pope, readily embraced this jirecedent of an 
 appeal to his court; and Wilfrid, though the 
 haughtiest and most luxurious prelate of his 
 age," having obtained with the people the cba- 
 
 " Bede, lib. 5. c. 7. 
 
 * See Appendix to Bcde, numb. 1 9. Higden, lib. 5. 
 
 " Eddiiu vita VillV. 21. 60
 
 84 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 racter of sanctity, was thus able to lay the foun- 
 dation of this papal pretension. 
 
 The great topic by which Wilfrid confounded 
 the imaginations of men was, that St. Peter, to 
 whose custody the keys of heaven were entrusted, 
 would certainly refuse admittance to every one 
 who should be wanting in respect to his succes- 
 sor. This conceit, Arell suited to vulgar concep- 
 tions, made great impression on the people dur- 
 ing several ages; and has not even at present 
 lost all influence in the catholic countries. 
 
 Had this abject superstition produced general 
 peace and tranquillity, it had made some atone- 
 ment for the ills attending it; but besides the 
 usual avidity of men for power and riclies, fri- 
 volous controversies in theology were engen- 
 dered by it, which were so much the more fatal, 
 as they admitted not, like the others, of any final 
 determination from established possession. The 
 disputes excited in Britain were of the most ridi- 
 culous kind, and entirely worthy of those igno- 
 rant and barbarous ages. There were some intri- 
 cacies, observed by all the Christian churches, in 
 adjusting the day of keeping Easter, M'hich de- 
 pended on a complicated consideration of the 
 course of the sun and moon; and it happened 
 that the missionaries, who had converted the 
 Scots and Britons, had followed a different calen- 
 dar from that which was observed at Rome in 
 the age when Augustine converted the Saxons. 
 The priests also of all the Christian churches were
 
 THE HEPTARCHY. 85 
 
 accustomed to shave part of their head; but the 
 form given to this tonsure was different in the 
 former from what was practised in the latter. I 
 The Scots and Britons pleaded the antiquity of 
 their usages; tlie Romans, and their disciples, 
 the Saxons, insisted on the universality of theirs. 
 That Easter must necessarily be kept by a rule, 
 which comprehended both the day of the year 
 and age of tlie moon, was agreed by all; that the 
 tonsure of a priest could not be omitted without 
 the utmost impiety, was a point undisputed : but 
 the Romans and Saxons called their antagonists 
 schismatics, because they celebrated Easter on 
 the very day of the full moon in March, if that 
 day fell on a Sunday, instead of waiting till the 
 Sunday following; and because they shaved the 
 forepart of their head from ear to ear, instead of 
 making that tonsure on the crown of the head, 
 and in a circular foini. In order to render their 
 antagonists odious, they aflirmed that once in 
 seven years they concurred with the Jews in the 
 time of celebrating that festival:^ and that tlicy 
 might recommend their ow^n form of tonsure, 
 they maintained, that it imitated symbolically 
 the crown of thorns worn by Christ in his pas- 
 sion; whereas the other form was invented by 
 Simon Magus, without any regard to that repre- 
 sentation.^ These controversies had, from the 
 beginning, excited such animosity between the 
 
 y Bcde, lib. 2. c.ip. l.Q, 
 '' Ibid. bb. 5. c;ip. 21. Eddius, 2-i.
 
 86 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 British and Romish priests, that, instead of con- 
 curring in their endeavours to convert the idola- 
 trous Saxons, they refused all communion toge- 
 ther, and each regarded his opponent as no bet- 
 ter than a Pagan/ The dispute lasted more than 
 a century; and was at last finished, not by men's 
 discovering the folly of it, which would have 
 been too great an effort for human reason to 
 accomplish, but by the entire prevalence of the 
 Romish ritual over the Scotch and British.'' Wil- 
 frid, bishop of Landisferne, acquired great me- 
 rit, both with the court of Rome and with all 
 the southern Saxons, by expelling the quartode- 
 ciman schism, as it was called, from the North- 
 umbrian kingdom, into which the neighbourhood 
 of the Scots had formerly introduced it." 
 
 Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury, called, 
 in the year 680, a synod at Hatfield, consisting 
 of all the bishops in Britain;'^ where was accepted 
 and ratified the decree of the Lateran council, 
 summoned by jMartin against the heresy of the 
 Monothelites. The council and synod main- 
 tained, in opposition to these heretics, that, 
 though the divine and human nature in Christ 
 made but one person, yet had they different in- 
 clinations, A\qlls, acts, and sentiments, and that 
 the unity of the person implied not any unity in 
 the consciousness." This opinion it seems some- 
 
 * Bede, lib. 2. cap. 2. 4. 20. Eddius, 12. 
 
 '' Ibid, lib. 5. cap. \6. 22. <= Ibid. lib. 3. cap. 25. Eddius, 12. 
 
 ^ Spell. Cone. vol. i. p. lQ8. ibJd. p. 171.
 
 THE HEPTARCHY. 87 
 
 what difficult to comprehend; and no one, un- 
 acquainted with the ecclesiastical history of those 
 ages, could imagine the height of zeal and vio- 
 lence with which it was then inculcated. The 
 decree of the Lateran council calls the Mono- 
 thelites impious, execrable, wicked, abominable, 
 and even diabolical ; and curses and anathema- 
 tizes them to all eternity.^ 
 
 The Saxons, from the first introduction of 
 Christianity among them, had admitted the use 
 of images; and perhaps that religion, without 
 some of those exterior ornaments, had not made 
 so quick a progress with these idolaters: but 
 they had not paid any species of worship or ad- 
 dress to images; and this abuse never prevailed 
 among Christians, till it received the sanction of 
 the second council of Nice. ^ 
 
 f Spell. Cone. vol. i. p. 172, 173, 174.
 
 88 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. A.D.827. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Egbert Ethelwolf. . . . Ethelbald and Ethelbert Ethered. . 
 
 Alfred the Great .... Edward the Elder .... Athelstan. . . . 
 Edmund.. .Edred. . .Edwy. . .Edgar.. .Edward the Martyr, 
 
 EGBERT. 827. 
 
 J. ME kingdoms of the Heptarchy, though united 
 by so recent a conquest, seemed to be firmly ce- 
 mented into one state under Egbert; and the in- 
 habitants of the several provinces had lost all 
 desire of revolting from that monarch, or of re- 
 storing their former independent governments. 
 Their language was every where nearly the same, 
 their customs, laM's, institutions civil and religi- 
 ous; and as the race of the ancient kings was 
 totally extinct in all the subjected states, the 
 people readily transferred their allegiance to a 
 prince, who seemed to merit it, by the splendour 
 of his victories, the vigour of his administration, 
 and the superior nobility of his birth. A union 
 also in government opened to them the agree- 
 able prospect of future tranquillity; and it ap- 
 peared more probable, that they would henceforth 
 become formidable to their neighbours, than be 
 exposed to their inroads and devastations. But 
 these flattering views were soon overcast by the
 
 A.D.827. EGBERT. 89 
 
 appearance of the Danes, who, during some cen- 
 turies, kept the Anglo Saxons in perpetual in- 
 quietude, committed the most barbarous ravages 
 upon them, and at last reduced them to grievous 
 servitude. 
 
 The emperor Charlemagne, though naturally 
 generous and humane, had been induced by bi- 
 gotry to exercise great severities upon the Pagan 
 Saxons in Germany, whom he subdued; and be- 
 sides often ravaging their country with fire and 
 sword, he had in cool blood decimated all the in- 
 habitants for their revolts, and had obliged them, 
 by the most rigorous edicts, to make a seeming 
 compliance with the Christian doctrine. That 
 religion, which had easily made its way among 
 the British Saxons by insinuation and address, 
 appeared shocking to their German brethren, 
 when imposed on them by the violence of Char- 
 lemagne; and the more generous and warlike of 
 these Pagans had fled northward into Jutland, 
 in order to escape the fury of his persecutions. 
 Meeting there with a people of similar manners, 
 thev were readilv received amono; them; and 
 they soon stimulated the natives to concur in en- 
 terprises, which both promised revenge on the 
 haughty contpieror, and afforded subsistence to 
 those numerous inhabitants with which the north- 
 ern countries were now overburdened.^' fli^y 
 in\a(led the provinces of France, which were ex- 
 
 s Ypod. NeusLria, p. 414.
 
 OO HISTORY OF ENGLAND. A.D.827. 
 
 posed by the degeneracy and dissensions of Char- 
 lemagne's posterity; and being there known un- 
 der the general name of Normans, which they 
 received from their northern situation, they be- 
 came the terror of all the maritime and even of 
 the inland countries. They were also tempted to 
 visit England in their frequent excursions; and 
 being able, by sudden inroads, to make great pro- 
 gress over a people who were not defended by 
 any naval force, who had relaxed their mihtary 
 institutions, and who were sunk into a supersti- 
 tion which had become odious to the Danes and 
 ancient Saxons, they made no distinction in their 
 hostihties between the French and P'nglish king- 
 doms. Their first appearance in this island was 
 in the year 7^7,^ when Brithric reigned in Wes- 
 sex. A small body of them landed in tliat king- 
 dom, with a view of learning the state of the 
 country; and when the magistrate of the place 
 questioned them concerning their enterprise, and 
 summoned them to appear before the king, and 
 account for their intentions, they killed him, 
 and flying to their ships, escaped into their own 
 country. The next alarm was given to Northum- 
 berland in the year 794;' when a body of these 
 pirates pillaged a monastery; but their ships be- 
 ing much damaged by a storm, and their leader 
 slain in a skirmish, they were at last defeated by 
 the inhabitants, and the remainder of them put 
 
 ^ Chron. Sax, p. 64. 
 ' Chron. Sax, p. 66. Alur, Beverl. p. 108.
 
 A.D.827. EGBERT. 91 
 
 to the sword. Five years after Egbert had esta- 
 blished his monarchy over England, the Danes 
 landed in the Isle of Shepey, and having pillaged 
 it, escaped with impunity." They were not so 
 fortunate in their next year's enterprise, when 
 they disembarked from thirty-five ships, and were 
 encountered by Egbert, at Charmouth in Dorset- 
 shire. The battle was bloody; but though the 
 Danes lost great numbers, they maintained the 
 post which they had taken, and thence made good 
 their retreat to their ships.' Having learned by 
 experience, that they must expect a vigorous re- 
 sistance from this warlike prince, they entered 
 into an alliance Avith the Britons of Cornwall; 
 and landing two years after in that country, 
 made an inroad with their confederates into the 
 county of Devon; but were met at Hengesdown 
 by Egbert, and totally defeated.'" While England 
 remained in tliis state of anxiety, and defended 
 itself more by temporary ex])edients than by any 
 regular plan of administration, Egbert, who alone 
 was able to provide effectually against this new 
 evil, unfortunately died; and left the government 
 to his son Ethclwolf. 
 
 ^ Chron. Sax. p. 72. ' Ibid. Ethelward, lib. 3. cap. 2. 
 
 Chron. Sax. p. 72.
 
 92 HISTORY' OF ENGLAND. A.D.83S. 
 
 ETHELWOLF. 838. 
 
 This prince had. neither the abilities nor the vi- 
 gour of his father; and was better quahfied for 
 governing a convent than a kingdom." He began 
 his reign with making a partition of his domi- 
 nions, and deHvering over to his eldest son, Athel- 
 stan, the new conquered provinces of Essex, 
 Kent, and Sussex. But no inconveniencies seem 
 to have arisen from this partition; as the con- 
 tinual terror of the Danish invasions prevented 
 all domestic dissension A fleet of these ravagers, 
 consisting of thirty-three sail, appeared at South- 
 ampton; but were repulsed with loss by Wolf- 
 here, governor of the neighbouring country." The 
 same year, Jithelhelm, governor of Dorsetshire, 
 routed another band which had disembarked at 
 Portsmouth; but he obtained the victory after a 
 furious engagement, and he bought it with the 
 loss of his life.P Next year the Danes made seve- 
 ral inroads into England; and fought battles, or 
 rather skirmishes in East Anglia and Lindesey 
 and Kent; where, though they were sometimes 
 repulsed and defeated, they always obtained their 
 end, of committing spoil upon the country, and 
 carrying off their booty. They avoided coming 
 
 " Wrn. Malmcs. lib. 2. cap. 2. 
 
 " Chron. Sax. p. 73. ElhcKvard, lib. 3. cap. 3. 
 
 p Chron. Sax. )) 73. H, Hunting, lib. j.
 
 A.D.838. ETHELWOLF. 93 
 
 to a general engagement, which M^as not suited to 
 their plan of operations. Their vessels were small, 
 and ran easily up the creeks and rivers; where 
 the}'' drew them ashore, and having formed an 
 intrenchment round them, which they guarded 
 with part of their number, the remainder scat- 
 tered themselves every where, and carrying off 
 the inhabitants and cattle and goods, they hasten- 
 ed to their ships, and quickly disappeared. If 
 the military force of the county were assembled 
 (for there was no time for troops to march from 
 a distance), the Danes either were able to re- 
 pulse them, and to continue their ravages with 
 impunity, or they betook themselves to their ves- 
 sels; and setting sail, suddenly invaded some dis- 
 tant quarter, which was not prepared for their 
 reception. Every part of England was held in 
 continual alarm; and the inhabitants of one 
 county durst not give assistance to those of an- 
 other, lest their own families and propertv should 
 in tlie mean time be exposed by their absence to 
 the fury of these barbarous ravagcrs.'^ All orders 
 of men were involved in this calamity; and the 
 ])riests and monks, who had been commonly 
 spared in the domestic (puirrels of the Ilej)tarchy, 
 were the chief objects on which the Danish ido- 
 laters exercised their rage and animositv. Every 
 season of the }ear was dangerous; and the ab- 
 sence of the enemy was no reason why an\ man 
 could esteem himself a moment in saietv, 
 
 <) AhircJ Ilovc;!. p. 108.
 
 94 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. A.D.838. 
 
 These incursions had now become almost an- 
 nual; when the Danes, encouraged by their suc- 
 cesses against France as well as England (for both 
 kingdoms were alike exposed to this dreadful 
 calamity), invaded the last in so numerous a body, 
 as seemed to threaten it with universal subjection. 
 But the English, more military than the Britons, 
 whom, a few centuries before, they had treated 
 with like violence, roused themselves with a vi- 
 gour proportioned to the exigency. Ceorle, go- 
 vernor of Devonshire, fought a battle with one 
 body of the Danes at Wiganburgh," and put them 
 to route with great slaughter. King Athelstan 
 attacked another at sea near Sandwich, sunk nine 
 of their ships, and put the rest to flight.' A body 
 of them, however, ventured, for the first time, to 
 take up winter-quarters in England; and receiv- 
 ing in the spring a strong reinforcement of their 
 countrymen in three hundred and fifty vessels, 
 they advanced from the Isle of Thanet, where 
 they had stationed themselves; burnt the cities 
 of London and Canterbury; and having put to 
 flight Brichtric, who now governed Mercia under 
 the title of King, they marched into the heart of 
 Surrey, and laid every place waste around them. 
 Ethelwolf, impelled by the urgency of the dan- 
 ger, marched against them at the head of the 
 West Saxons; and carrying with him his second 
 son, Ethelbald, gave them battle at Okely, and 
 
 H. Hunt. lib. 5. Ethelward, lib. 3. cap. 3. Simeon Dunelm. 
 p. 120. ' Chron. Sax. p. 74. Asserius^ p. 2.
 
 A.D.85I. ETHELWOLF. 95 
 
 gained a bloody victory over them. This advan- 
 tage procured but a short respite to the English. 
 The Danes still maintained their settlement in 
 the Isle of I'hanet; and being attacked by Ealher 
 and Huda, governors of Kent and Surrey, though 
 defeated in the beginning of the action, they 
 finally repulsed the assailants, and killed both 
 the governors. They removed thence to the Isle 
 of Shepey; where they took up their winter- 
 quarters, that they might fiirther extend their 
 devastation and ravages. 
 
 This unsettled state of England hindered not 
 Ethehrolf from making a pilgrimage to Rome; 
 whither he carried his fourth, and favourite son, 
 Alfred, then only six years of age.' He passed 
 there a twelvemonth in exercises of devotion; 
 and failed not in that most essential part of de- 
 votion, liberality to the church of Rome. Besides 
 giving presents to the more distinguished eccle- 
 siastics, he made a perpetual grant of three hun- 
 dred mancuscs ' a year to that see; one third to 
 support the lamps of St, Peter's, another those of 
 St. Paul's, a third to the pope himself"^ In his 
 return home, he married Judith, daughter of the 
 emperor Charles the Bald; but on his landing in 
 England, he met with an opposition M'hich he 
 little looked for. 
 
 ' Asscrius, p. 2. Chron. Sax. ^6. Hunt. lib. 5. 
 " A imiicus was about the weight of our present halt" crown: 
 See Sptlman'i Gl()s-.arv, in vcrho Mancus. 
 
 * ^V. MaluK s. lib. 2. cap. 2.
 
 06 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. A.D.851. 
 
 His eldest son, Athelstan, being dead; Ethel- 
 bald, his second, who had assumed the govern- 
 ment, formed, in concert with many of the nobles, 
 the project of excluding his father from a throne, 
 which his weakness and superstition seem to have 
 rendered him so ill-qualified to fill. The people 
 were divided between the two princes; and a 
 bloody civil war, joined to all the other calami- 
 ties under which the English laboured, appeared 
 inevitable; when Ethelwolf had the facility to 
 yield to the greater part of his son's pretensions. 
 He made with him a partition of the kingdom; 
 and taking to himself the eastern part, which was 
 always at that time esteemed the least consider- 
 able, as well as the most exposed," he delivered 
 over to Ethelbald the sovereignty of the western. 
 Immediately after, he summoned the states of the 
 whole kingdom, and with the same facility con- 
 ferred a perpetual and important donation on 
 the church. 
 
 The ecclesiastics, i n those days of igno rance, 
 made rapid advances i n the acq uis itij UL-o^' power 
 and grandeur; and inculcating the most absurd 
 and most interested doctrines^tlim^hjhe^LiiDJiie- 
 times met, from the contrary iirt erests o f the laity, 
 with an opposition, which it required time and 
 acTJress to overcome, they found no obstacle in 
 tlTeir reason or understandings Not content with 
 the donations of land made them by the Saxon 
 
 '^ Asserius, p. 3. W. Malm. lib. 2. cap. 2. Matth, \^"e>t. 
 p. 1. 8.
 
 838. ETHELWOLF. ^7 
 
 princes and nobles, and with temporary oblations 
 from the devotion of the people, they had cast a 
 wishful eye on a vast revenue, which they claimed 
 as belonging to them, by a sacred and indefea- 
 sible title. However little versed in the scrip- 
 tures, they had been able to discover, tliat, under 
 the Jewish law, a tenth of all the produce of land 
 was conferred on the priesthood ; and forgetting 
 what they themselves taught, tliat the moral part 
 only of that law was obligatory on Christians, 
 they insisted, that this donation conveyed a per- 
 petual property, inherent by divine riglit in those 
 who officiated at the altar. During some cen- 
 turies, the whole scope of sermons and homilies 
 was directed to this purpose; and one would have 
 imagined, from the general tenor of these dis- 
 courses, that all the practical parts of Christianity 
 were comprised in the exact and faithful j)ayment 
 of tithes to the clergy.*' Encouraged by their 
 success in inculcating these doctrines, they ven- 
 tured farther than they were M^irranted even by 
 the Levitical law, and pretended to draw the 
 tenth of all industry, mercJiandize, wages of la- 
 bourers, and pay of soldiers;^ nay, some canonists 
 went so far as to ailirui, that the clergy were en- 
 titled to the tithe of the jirofits made by courte- 
 zans in the exercise of their profession.' Thouiili 
 parishes had been instituted in England by IIo- 
 norius, archbishoi) ^^ Canterbury, near two ccn- 
 
 y Padre I'aolo, sopra bentfirii ecclcsiastici, p. 51,52. c.iil. Co- 
 Ion. 10'75. ' Spell. Cone. vol. i. p. 20S. * Padre PaoJo. -.^AZJ.. 
 VOL. I. J/
 
 9S HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 838. 
 
 turies before,'' the ecclesiastics had never yet 
 been able to get possession of the tithes : they 
 therefore seized the present favourable opportu- 
 nity of making that acquisition ; when a weak, 
 superstitious prince filled the throne, and when 
 the people, discouraged by their losses from the 
 Danes, and terrified with the fear of future in- 
 vasions, were susceptible of any impression which 
 bore the appearance of religion." So meritorious 
 was this concession deemed by the English, that, 
 trusting entirely to supernatural assistance, they 
 neglected the ordinary means of safety; and 
 agreed, even in the present desperate extremity, 
 that the revenues of the church should be ex- 
 empted from all burthens, though imposed for 
 national defence and security/ 
 
 ETHELBALD and ETHELBERT. 857. 
 
 Ethelavolf lived only two years after making 
 this grant; and l)y his will he shared England 
 between his two eldest sons, Ethelbald and Ethel- 
 bert; the west being assigned to the former; 
 the east to the latter. Ethelbald was a profligate 
 prince; and marrying Judith, his mother-in-law, 
 gave great ofience to the people; but moved by 
 
 ^ Parker, p. 7". " Ingulf, p. 862. Sclden's Hist of 
 
 Tithes, c. 8. ^ Asserius, p. 2. Chron Sax. p. 76. W. 
 
 Malmes. lib. 2. cap. 2. Elhchvard, lib. 3. cap. 3. M. West, 
 p. 158. Ingulf p. 17. Alar. Beverl. p. 95.
 
 866. ETHERED. gg 
 
 the remonstrances of Swithun, bishop of Win- 
 chester, he was at last prevailed on to divorce 
 her. His reign was short; and Ethelbert, his 
 brother, succeeding to the government, behaved 
 himself, during a reign of five years, in a manner 
 more worthy of his birth and station. The king- 
 dom, however, was still infested by the Danes, 
 who made an inroad and sacked Winchester, but 
 were there defeated. A body also of these pirates, 
 who were quartered in the Isleof Thanet, having 
 deceived the English by a treaty, unexpectedly 
 broke into Kent, and committed great outrages. 
 
 ETHERED. S66. 
 
 Ethelbert was succeeded by his brother Ethe 
 red, who, though he defended himself with 
 bravery, enjoyed, during his M'hole reign, no 
 tranquillity from those Danish irruptions. His 
 younger brother, Alfred, seconded him in all his 
 enterprises ; and generously sacrificed to the pub- 
 lic good all resentment M'hich he might entertain 
 on account of his being excluded by Ethcred from 
 a large patrimony which had been left him by 
 his father. 
 
 The first landins: of the Danes in the rei^n of 
 Ethcred was among the East Angles, who, more 
 anxious for their present safety tlian for the com- 
 mon interest, entered into a separate treaty with 
 the enemy; and furnished tlicm with horses,
 
 100 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 866. 
 
 which enabled them to make an irruption by land 
 into the kingdom of Northumberland. They 
 there seized the city of York; and defended it 
 against Osbricht and iElla, two Northumbrian 
 princes, who perished in the assault.^ Encouraged 
 by these successes, and by the superiority which 
 they had acquired in arms, they now ventured, 
 under the command of Hinguar and Hubba, to 
 leave the sea-coast, and penetrating into Mercia, 
 they took up their winter-quarters at Notting- 
 ham, where they threatened the kingdom with a 
 final subjection. The Mercians, in this extremity, 
 applied to Ethered for succour: and that prince, 
 with his brother Alfred, conducting a great army 
 to Nottingham, obliged the enemy to dislodge, 
 and to retreat into Northumberland. Their rest- 
 less disposition, and their avidity for plunder, 
 allowed them not to remain long in those quar- 
 ters: they broke into East-Anglia, defeated and 
 took prisoner Edmund, the king of that country, 
 whom they afterwards murdered in cool blood; 
 and committing the most barbarous ravages on 
 the people, particularly on the monasteries, they 
 gave the East Angles cause to regret the tempo- 
 rary relief which they had obtained, by assisting 
 the common enemy. 
 
 The next station of the Danes was at Read- 
 ing; whence they infested the neighbouring 
 country by their incursions. 'Ihe Mercians, de- 
 sirous of shaking oft" their dependence on Etlie- 
 
 ^ Asser. p. 6. Cfiron. Sax. p. 79.
 
 666. ETHER ED. 101 
 
 red, refused to join him with their forces; and 
 that prince, attended by Alfred, was obliged to 
 march against the enemy, with the West-Saxons 
 alone, his hereditary subjects. The Danes, being 
 defeated in an action, shut themselves up in their 
 garrison; but quickly making thence an irrup- 
 tion, they routed the West Saxons, and obliged 
 them to raise the siege. An action soon after 
 ensued at Aston in Berkshire, Avhere the English, 
 in the beginning of the day, were in danger of a 
 total defeat. Alfred advancing with one division 
 of the army, was surrounded by the enemy in 
 disadvantageous ground; and Ethered, who was 
 at that time hearing mass, refused to march to 
 his assistance, till prayers should be finished:^ 
 but as he afterwards obtained the victory, this 
 success, not the danger of Alfred, was ascribed 
 by the monks to the piety of that monarch. This 
 battle of Aston did not terminate the Mar: an- 
 other battle was a little after fought at Basing; 
 where the Danes were more successful; and be- 
 ing reinforced by a new army from their own 
 country, they became every day more terrible to 
 the English. Amidst these confusions, Ethered 
 died of a wound which he had received in an 
 action with the Danes; and left the inheritance 
 of his cares and misfortunes, rather than of his 
 grandeur, to his brother, Alfred, who was now 
 twenty-two years of age. 
 
 ^ Asser. p. 7. W. Malm, lib 2. cap. 3. Simoon Dunelm. 
 p. 125. Anglia Sacra, vol. i. p. 20^.
 
 102 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 871. 
 
 ALFRED. 871. 
 
 This prince gave very early marks of those great 
 virtues and shining talents, by which, during the 
 most difficult times, he saved his country from 
 utter ruin and subversion. Ethelwolf, his father, 
 the year after his return with Alfred from Rome, 
 had again sent the young prince thither M'ith a 
 numerous retinue; and a report being spread of 
 the king's death, the pope, Leo III. gave Alfred 
 the royal unction;'' whether prognosticating his 
 future greatness from the appearances of his preg- 
 nant genius, or willing to pretend, even in that 
 age, to the right of conferring kingdoms. Alfred, 
 on his return home, became every day more the 
 object of his father's affections; but being in- 
 dulged in all youthful pleasures, he was much 
 neglected in his education; and he had already 
 reached his twelfth year, when he was yet totally 
 io'iiorant of the lowest elements of literature. 
 
 o 
 
 His genius was first roused by the recital of Saxon 
 poems, in which the queen took delight; and this 
 species of erudition, which is sometimes able to 
 make a considerable progress even among bar- 
 barians, expanded those noble and elevated sen- 
 timents which he had received from 'nature. 
 Encouraged by the queen, and stimulated by his 
 
 *' As?er. p, 2. W. Malm, lib. 2. cap. 2. Ingulf, p. S6g. Si- 
 meon Dunehn, p. 120. ISp. ' Asser. p. 5. M. West. p. 167,
 
 ^ItVtti. 
 
 Chap. II. p. lOy. 
 
 he resolved to inspect, himself, the situation of the 
 
 enemy, and to judge of the probability of success. For this pur- 
 pose he entered their camp under the disguise of a harper, and 
 passed unsuspected through every quarter .... He remarked the 
 supine security of the Danes, their contempt of the English, their 
 negligence in foraging and plundering, and their di'^solute wasting 
 of what they gained by rapine and violence
 
 871. ALFRED. 103 
 
 own ardent inclination, he soon learned to read 
 those compositions; and proceeded thence to 
 acquire the knowledge of the Latin tongue, in 
 which he met with authors that better prompted 
 his heroic spirit, and directed his generous views. 
 Absorbed in these elegant pursuits, he regarded 
 his accession to royalty rather as an object of re- 
 gret than of triumph ;'' but being called to the 
 throne, in preference to his brother's children, 
 as well by the will of his father, a circumstance 
 which had great authority with the 'Anglo-Saxons, 
 as by the vows of the whole nation, and the ur- 
 gency of public affairs, he shook off his literary 
 indolence, and exerted himself in the defence of 
 his people. He had scarcely buried his brother, 
 when he was obliged to take the field, in order to 
 oppose the Danes, who had seized Wilton, and 
 were exercising their usual ravages on the coun- 
 tries around. He marched against them with the 
 few troops which he could assemble on a sudden; 
 and giving them battle, gained at first an advan- 
 tage, but by his pursuing the victory too far, the 
 superiority of the enemy's numbers prevailed, 
 and recovered them the day. Their loss, how- 
 ever, in the action was so considerable, that, 
 fearing Alfred M'ould rccci\e daily reinforcement 
 from his subjects, they were content to stipulate 
 for a safe retreat, and promised to depart the 
 kingdom. For that purpose they were conduct- 
 ed to London, and allowed to take up winter 
 
 * A-ssfT. p. 7. ' Void. p. 22. Simeon Dunelm. p. 121.
 
 J04 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.. 871. 
 
 quarters tl^ere; but, careless of their engage- 
 ments, they immediately set themselves to the 
 committing of spoil on the neighbouring coun- 
 try. Burrhed, king of Mercia, in whose territo- 
 ries London was situated, made a new stipulation 
 with them, and engaged them, by presents of 
 money, to remove to Lindesey in Lincolnshire; 
 a country which they had already reduced to 
 ruin and desolation. Finding therefore no object 
 in that place, either for their rapine or violence, 
 they suddenly turned back upon Mercia, in a 
 quarter where they expected to find it without 
 defence; and fixing their station at Repton in 
 Derbyshire, they laid the whole country desolate 
 with fire and sword. Burrhed, despairing of suc- 
 cess against an enemy, whom no force could 
 resist, and no treaties bind, abandoned his king- 
 dom, and flying to Rome, took shelter in a clois- 
 ter."" He was brother-in-law to Alfred, and the 
 last M'ho bore the title of King in Mercia. 
 
 The West Saxons were now the only remain- 
 ing power in England; and though supported by 
 the vigour and abilities of Alfred, they were un- 
 able to sustain the efforts of those ravagers, M'ho 
 from all (juarters in\a(led them. A new swarm 
 of Danes came over this year under three princes, 
 Guthrum, Oscital, and Amund; and having first 
 joined their countr}men at Repton, they soon 
 found the necessity of separating, in order to 
 provide for their subsistence. Part of them, under 
 
 ^ Asser. p. 8. Chron. Sax. p. 82. Ethchvard, lib. 4. cap. 4.
 
 875. ALFRED. 105 
 
 the command of Haldene, their chieftain," march- 
 ed into Northumberland, wliere they fixed their 
 quarters; part of them took quarters at Cam- 
 bridge, whence they dislodged in the ensuing 
 summer, and seized Wereham, in the county of 
 Dorset, the very centre of Alfred's dominions. 
 That prince so straitened them in these quar- 
 ters, that they were content to come to a treaty 
 with him, and stipulated to depart his country. 
 Alfred, well acquainted with their usual perfidy, 
 obliged them to swear upon the holy reliques to 
 the observance of the treaty;" not that he ex- 
 pected they would pay any veneration to the 
 reliques; but he hoped, that, if they now violated 
 this oath, tlieir impiety would infallibly draw down 
 upon them the vengeance of Heaven. But the 
 Danes, little apprehensive of the danger, sudden- 
 ly, without seeking any pretence, fell upon Al- 
 fred's army; and having put it to route, marched 
 westward and took possession of Exeter. The 
 prince collected new forces, and exerted such 
 vigour, that he fought in one year eight battles 
 with the eiicniy,'' and reduced tiiem to the utmost 
 extremity, lie hearkened Iiom ever to new pro- 
 posals of i)eacc; and was satisfied to stipulate 
 with them, that they Mould settle somewhere in 
 England,'' and would not ])erinit the entrance of 
 more ravagcrs into the kingdom. But while he 
 
 " Chion. Sax. p.S.'i. '^ Asscr. p. 8. p Ibid. The 
 
 Saxon Chron. p. b'i^ says nine luutlcs. ^ Asscr. p.p. Alur. 
 
 Bfvcrl. p. 101.
 
 i06 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 875. 
 
 was expecting the execution of this treaty, which 
 it seemed the interest of the Danes themselves to 
 fulfil, he heard that another body had landed, 
 and having collected all the scattered troops of 
 their countrymen, had surprised Chippenham, 
 then a considerable town, and were exercising 
 their usual ravages all around them. 
 
 This last incident quite broke the spirit of the 
 Saxons, and reduced them to despair. Finding 
 that, after all the miserable havoc which they had 
 undergone in their persons and in their property; 
 after all the vigorous actions which they had ex- 
 erted in their own defence; a new band, equally 
 greedy of spoil and slaughter, had disembarked 
 among them; they believed themselves abandon- 
 ed by Heaven to destruction, and delivered over 
 to those swarms of robbers, Av^hich the fertile 
 north thus incessantly poured forth against them. 
 Some left their country, and retired into Wales, 
 or fled beyond sea: others submitted to the con- 
 querors, in hopes of appeasing their fury by a 
 servile obedience." And every man's attention 
 being now engrossed in concern for his own pre- 
 servation, no one Mould hearken to the exhorta- 
 tions of the king, who summoned them to make 
 under his conduct one eftbrt more in defence of 
 their prince, their country, and their liberties. 
 Alfred himself was obliged to relinquish the en- 
 sio'ns of his dionitv, to dismiss his servants, and 
 to seek shelter, in the meanest disguises, from 
 
 f Cluon. Sax. p. 84. Alured Beverl. p. 105.
 
 ^75. 
 
 ALFRED. 
 
 107 
 
 the pursuit and fury of his enemies. He con- 
 cealed himself under a peasant's hahit, and lived 
 some time in the house of a neatherd, who had 
 been entrusted with the care of some of his cows/ 
 There passed here an incident, which has been 
 recorded by all the historians, and was long pre- 
 served by popular tradition; though it contains 
 nothing memorable in itself, except so far as 
 every circumstance is interesting, which attends 
 so much virtue and dignity reduced to such dis- 
 tress. The wife of the neatherd was ignorant of 
 the condition of her royal guest; and observing 
 him one day busy by the fire-side, in trimming 
 his bow and arrows, she desired him to take care 
 of some cakes which \vere toasting, while she was 
 employed elsewhere in other domestic affairs. 
 But Alfred, whose thoughts were otherwise en- 
 gaged, neglected this injunction; and the good 
 woman, on her return, finding her cakes all 
 burnt, rated the king very severely, and upbraid- 
 ed him, that he always seemed very well pleased 
 to eat her warm cakes, though he was thus negli- 
 gent in toasting them.' 
 
 By degrees, Alfred, as he found the search of 
 the enemy become more remiss, collected some 
 of his retainers, and retired into the centre of a 
 bog, formed by the stagnating waters of the 
 Thone and Parret, in Somersetshire. He here 
 found two acres of firm ground; and building a 
 habitation on them, rendered himself secure by 
 
 lt<iifi 
 
 Asscr. p. 9. 
 
 Asscr. p. g. M. West. p. i;o.
 
 108 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 875. 
 
 its fortifications, and still more by the unknown 
 and inaccessible roads which led to it, and by the 
 forests and morasses Avith which it was every way 
 environed. This place he called ^Ethelingay, or 
 the Isle of Nobles;" and it now bears the name 
 of Athelney. He thence made frequent and un- 
 expected sallies upon the Danes, who often felt 
 the vigour of his arm, but knew not from what 
 quarter the blow came. He subsisted himself and 
 his followers by the plunder which he acquired; 
 he procured them consolation by revenge; and 
 from small successes, he opened their minds to 
 hope, that, notwithstanding his present low con- 
 dition, more important victories might at length 
 attend his valour. 
 
 Alfred lay here concealed, but not unactive, 
 during a twelvemonth ; when the news of a pros- 
 perous event reached his ears, and called him to 
 the field. Hubba, the Dane, having spread de- 
 vastation, fire, and slaughter, over Wales, had 
 landed in Devonshire from tM'enty-three vessels, 
 and laid siege to the castle of Kinwith, a place 
 situated near the mouth of the small river Tau. 
 Oddune, earl of Devonshire, with his followers, 
 had taken shelter there; and being ill supplied 
 with provisions, and even with water, he deter- 
 mined, by some vigorous blow, to prevent the 
 necessity of submitting to ^e barbarous enemy. 
 He made a sudden sally on the Danes before sun- 
 
 " Chron. Sax. p. 85. W. Malm. lib. 2. cap. 4. Ethelward, 
 lib. 4. cap. 4. Ingulf, p. 26.
 
 875. ALFRED. 109 
 
 rising; and taking them unprepared, he put them 
 to rout, pursued them with great slaughter, kill- 
 ed Hubba himself, and got possession of the 
 famous Reafen, or enchanted standard, in which 
 the Danes put great confidence."^ It contained 
 the figure of a raven, which had been inwoven 
 by the three sisters of Hinguar and Hubba with 
 many magical incantations, and whicli, by its dif- 
 ferent movements, prognosticated, as the Danes 
 believed, the good or bad success of any enter- 
 prise." 
 
 When Alfred observed this symptom of suc- 
 cessful resistance in his subjects, he left his re- 
 treat; but before he would assemble them in 
 arms, or urge them to any attempt, which, if un- 
 fortunate, might, in their present despondency, 
 prove fatal, he resolved to inspect, himself, the 
 situation of the enemy, and to judge of the pro- 
 bability of success. For this purpose he entered 
 their camp under the disguise of a harper, and 
 passed unsuspected through every (juarter. lie 
 so entertained them with his music and facetious 
 humours, tiiat he met with a welcome reception; 
 and was even introduced to the tent of (Juthrum, 
 their prince, where he remained some (la\s.^ lie 
 remarked the suj)ine security of the Danes, their 
 contempt of the Knglish, tlieir negligence in 
 foraging and jilundcring, and their dissokite 
 
 * Assf-r. J). 10. Chion. Sax. p. St. Ahhas Ricval, p. 3c)J. 
 Aliircd lUvcrl. p. 105. ^ Asscr. p. 10. y \\ . Malm, 
 
 lib. 1. cap. -I . ' Chron. Sax. p. s;;.
 
 110 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 875. 
 
 M'asting of what they gained by rapine and vio- 
 lence. Encouraged by these favourable appear- 
 ances, he secretly sent emissaries to the most 
 considerable of his subjects, and summoned them 
 to a rendezvous, attended by their warlike fol- 
 lowers, at Brixton, on the borders of Selwood 
 forest/ The English, who had hoped to put an 
 end to their calamities by seryile submission, now 
 found the insolence and rapine of the conqueror 
 more intolerable than all past fatigues and dan- 
 gers; and at the appointed day they joyfully re- 
 sorted to their prince. On his appearance they 
 received him with shouts of applause; " and could 
 not satiate their eyes with the sight of this beloved 
 monarch, whom they had long regarded as dead, 
 and who now, with voice and looks expressing 
 his confidence of success, called them to liberty 
 and to vengeance. He instantly conducted them 
 to Eddington, where the Danes were encamped; 
 and taking advantage of his previous knowledge 
 of the place, he directed his attack against the 
 most unguarded quarter of the enemy. The 
 Danes, surprised to see an arm}^ of English, 
 whom they considered as totally subdued, and 
 still more astonished to hear that Alfred was at 
 their head, made but a faint resistance, notwith- 
 standing their superiority of number, and were 
 soon put to flight with great slaughter. The re- 
 
 * Chron. Sax. p. 85. ^ Asser. p. 10. Chroii. Sax. p. 85. 
 
 Simeon Dunelni. p. 128. Aliired Bt'verl. p. 105. Abbas llieval, 
 p. 354.
 
 87J. ALFRED. Jll 
 
 mainder of the routed army, with their prince, 
 was besieged by Alfred in a fortified camp to 
 which they fled ; but being reduced to extremity 
 by want and hunger, they had recourse to the 
 clemency of the victor, and offered to submit on 
 any conditions. The king, no less generous than 
 brave, gave them their lives; and even formed a 
 scheme for converting them, from mortal ene- 
 mies, into faithful subjects and confederates. He 
 knew that the kingdoms of East Anglia and Nor- 
 thumberland were totally desolated by the fre- 
 quent inroads of the Danes, and he now proposed 
 to repeople them, by settling there Guthrum and 
 his followers. He hoped that the new planters 
 would at last betake themselves to industry, when, 
 by reason of his resistance, and the exhausted 
 condition of the country, they could no longer 
 subsist by plunder; and that they might serve 
 him as a rampart against any future incursions 
 of their countrymen. But before he ratified these 
 mild conditions with the Danes, he rc({uired, that 
 they should give him one pledge of their sub- 
 mission, and of their inclination to incorporate 
 with the English, by declaring their convcision 
 to Christianity.^ Guthrum, and his army, had 
 no aversion to the })roposal; and, without much 
 instruction, or argument, or conference, they 
 were all admitted to baptism. The king answer- 
 ed for Guthrum at the font, gave him the name of 
 Athelstan, and received him as his adopted son.^ 
 
 ("UDii. Sa\. p. Sj. ^ Asscr. p. 10. Chroii. Sax. I'.yO.
 
 112 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 880. 
 
 The success of this expedient seemed to cor- 
 respond to Alfred's hopes : the greater part of the 
 Danes settled peaceahly in their new quarters: 
 some smaller bodies of the same nation, which 
 were dispersed in Mercia, were distributed into 
 the five cities of Derby, Leicester, Stamford, 
 Lincoln, and Nottingham, and were thence call- 
 ed the Fif or Five-burghers. The more turbulent 
 and unquiet made an expedition into France 
 under the command of Hastings;'' and, except 
 by a short incursion of Danes, who sailed up the 
 Thames and landed at Fulham, but suddenly re- 
 treated to their ships on finding the country in a 
 posture of defence, Alfred was not for some years 
 infested by the inroads of those Barbarians/ 
 
 The king employed this interval of tranquil- 
 lity in restoring order to the state, which had 
 been shaken by so many violent convulsions; in 
 establishing civil and military institutions; in 
 composing the minds of men to industry and jus- 
 tice; and in providing against the return of like 
 calamities. He was, more properly than his grand- 
 father Egbert, the sole monarch of the Enghsh 
 (for so the Saxons were now universally called), 
 because the kino-dom of Mercia was at last in- 
 corporated in his state, and was governed by 
 Ethelbert his brother-in-law, who bore the title 
 of Earl : and though the Danes, who peopled 
 East-Anglia and Northumberland, were for some 
 time ruled immediately by their own princes, 
 
 1 W. Malm lib. 2. cap. 4, Ingulf, p. 26. ^Asser. p. 11.
 
 880. ALFRED. , US 
 
 they all acknowledged a subordination to Alfred, 
 and submitted to his superior authority. As equa- 
 lity among subjects is the great source of con- 
 cord, Alfred gave the same laws to the Danes 
 and English, and put them entirely on a like 
 footing in the administration both of civil and 
 criminal justice. The fine for the murder of a 
 Dane was the same with that for the murder of 
 an Englishman; the great symbol of equality in 
 those ages. 
 
 The king, after rebuilding the ruined cities, 
 particularly London,^ which had been destroyed 
 by the Danes in the reign of Ethelwolf, establish- 
 ed a regular militia for the defence of the king- 
 dom. He ordained that all his people should be 
 armed and registered ; he assigned them a regu- 
 lar rotation of duty; he distributed part into the 
 castles and fortresses, which he built at proper 
 places;^ he required another part to take the 
 field on any alarm, and to assemble at stated 
 places of rendezvous; and he left a sufficient 
 number at home, who were employed in the cul- 
 tivation of the land, and who afterwards took 
 their turn in military service.*' The whole king- 
 dom was like one great garrison; and the Danes 
 could no sooner appear in one place, than a suf- 
 ficient number was assembled to oppose them, 
 
 '^ Asscr. p. 15. Chron. Sax. p. 8S. M. West. p. 1/1. Simeon 
 
 Dunelm. p. 131. Brompton. p. 812. Allured Bcvcrl. ex. edit. 
 
 Hearne, p. 100. i^ As.-,cr. p. IS. Ingull", p. 27. '' Cliron 
 Sax. p. 92, 93. 
 
 VOL. I. T
 
 114 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 880. 
 
 without leaving tlie other quarters defenceless or 
 disarmed.' 
 
 But Alfred, sensible that the proper method 
 of opposing an enemy, who made incursions by 
 sea, was to meet them on their own element, 
 took care to provide himself with a naval ^ force, 
 which, though the most natural defence of an 
 island, had hitherto been totally neglected by 
 the English. He increased the shipping of his 
 kingdom both in number and strength, and train- 
 ed his subjects in the practice, as well of sailing, 
 as of naval action. He distributed his armed 
 vessels in proper stations round the island, and 
 was sure to meet the Danish ships either before 
 or after they had landed their troops, and to pur- 
 sue them in all their incursions. Though the 
 Danes might suddenly, by surprise, disembark 
 on the coast, which was generally become deso- 
 late by their frequent ravages, they were encoun- 
 tered by the English fleet in their retreat ; and 
 escaped not, as formerly, by abandoning their 
 booty, but paid, by their total destruction, the 
 penalty of the disorders which they had com- 
 mitted. 
 
 In this manner Alfred repelled several inroads 
 of these piratical Danes, and maintained his king- 
 dom, during some years, in safety and tranquil- 
 lity. A fleet of a hundred and twenty ships of 
 war was stationed upon the coast; and being pro- 
 
 ' Spelman's life of Alfred, p. 147. edit. 1709. 
 ^ Asser. p. 9. M. West. p. 179,
 
 893. ALFRED. 115 
 
 vided with warlike engines, as well as with expert 
 seamen, both Frisians and English (for Alfred 
 supplied the defects of his own subjects by en- 
 gaging able foreigners in his service), maintained 
 a superiority over those smaller bands, with which 
 England had so often been infested.^ But at last 
 Hastings, the famous Danish chief, having ra- 
 vaged all the provinces of France, both along the 
 sea-coast and the Loire and Seine, and being- 
 obliged to (juit that country, more by the deso- 
 lation which he himself had occasioned, than by 
 the resistance of the inhabitants, appeared off 
 the coast of Kent with a fleet of three hundred 
 and thirty sail. The greater part of the enemy 
 disembarked in the llother, and seized the fort 
 of Apuldore. Hastings himself, commanding a 
 fleet of eighty sail, entered tlic Thames, and for- 
 tifying Milton in Kent, began to spread his forces 
 over the country, and to commit the most de- 
 structive ravages. But Alfred, on the first alarm 
 of this descent, flew to the defence of his people, 
 at tlie head of a select band of soldiers, whom he 
 always kept abq,ut his person;'" and gathering to 
 him the armed militia from all (piarters, appeared 
 in the field with a force superior to the cnemv. 
 All straggling parties, whom necessity, or love 
 of plunder, had drawn to a distance from tlicir 
 chief encampment, were cut off by tlie "English; 
 and these pirates, instead of increasing their spoil, 
 
 ' Asscr. p. 11. Chroi). Sax. p. S6, S". M. West. p. I~() 
 '" A.s^cr. T). ip. " Chron. Sax. p. OJ.
 
 116 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 893. 
 
 found themselves cooped up in their fortifica- 
 tions, and obliged to subsist by the plunder which 
 they had brought from France. Tired of this 
 situation, which must in the end prove ruinous 
 to them, the Danes at Apuldore rose suddenly 
 from their encampment, with an intention of 
 inarching towards the Thames, and passing over 
 into Essex: but they escaped not the vigilance 
 of Alfred, who encountered them at Farnham, 
 put them to rout," seized all their horses and 
 baggage, and chased the runaways on board their 
 ships, which carried them up the Colne to Mer- 
 sey in Essex, where they entrenched themselves. 
 Hastings at the same time, and probably by con- 
 cert, made a like movement; and deserting Mil- 
 ton, took possession of Bamflete, near the Isle of 
 Canvey in the same county;'' where he hastily 
 threw up fortifications for his defence against 
 the power of Alfred. 
 
 Unfortunately for the English, Guthrum, 
 prince of the East Anglian Danes, was now dead; 
 as was also Guthred, whom the king had appoint- 
 ed governor of the Northumbrians; and those 
 restless tribes, being no longer restrained by the 
 authority of their princes, and being encouraged 
 by the appearance of so great a body of their 
 countrymen, broke into rebellion, shook ofli' the 
 authority of Alfred, and yielding to their inve- 
 terate habits of war and depredation, "^ embarked 
 
 Chron. Sax. p. 93. Flor. Wigorn. p. 59.5. p Chron. 
 
 Sax. p. 93. "i Ibid. p. 92.
 
 893. ALFRED. 11/ 
 
 on board two hundred and forty vessels, and ap- 
 peared before Exeter in the Avest of England. 
 Alfred lost not a moment in opposing this new 
 enemy. Having left some forces at London to 
 make head against Hastings and the other Danes, 
 he marched suddenly to the west;' and falling 
 on the rebels before they were aware, pursued 
 them to their ships with great slaughter. These 
 ravagers sailing next to Sussex, began to plunder 
 the country near Chichester; but the order which 
 Alfred had every where established, sufficed here, 
 without his presence, for the defence of the place ; 
 and the rebels meeting with a new repulse, in 
 vv^hich many of them were killed, and some of 
 their ships taken,* M^ere obliged to put again to 
 sea, and were discouraged from attempting any 
 other enterprise. 
 
 IMeanwhile, the Danish invaders in Essex, 
 having united their force under the command of 
 Hastings, advanced into the inland countr}-, and 
 made spoil of all around them ; but soon had rea- 
 son to repent of their temerity. The English 
 army left in London, assisted by a body of the 
 citizens, attacked the enemy's entrenchments at 
 Bamfletc, overpowered the garrison, and having 
 done great execution upon them, carried off the 
 wife and two sons of Hastings.' Alfred gene- 
 rously spared these captives; and even restored 
 
 J Chron. Sax. p. 93. ' Ibid. p. g6. Flor. Wigorn. p. 596 
 
 * Chron. Sax. p. 91. ISl. West. p. 1/8.
 
 118 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 893. 
 
 restored them to Hastings," on condition that he 
 should depart the kingdom. 
 
 But though the king had thus honourably 
 rid himself of this dangerous enemy, he had not 
 entirely subdued or expelled the invaders. The 
 piratical Danes willingly followed in an excursion 
 any prosperous leader who gave them hopes of 
 booty; but were not so easily induced to relin- 
 quish their enterprise, or submit to return, baffled 
 and without plunder, into their native country. 
 Great numbers of them, after the departure of 
 Hastings, seized and fortified Shobury at the 
 mouth of the Thames ; and having left a garrison 
 there, they marched along the river, till they 
 came to Boddington in the county of Glocester; 
 where, being reinforced by some Welsh, they 
 threw up entrenchments, and prepared for their 
 defence. The king here surrounded them with 
 the whole force of his dominions;"^ and as he had 
 now a certain prospect of victory, he resolved to 
 trust nothing to chance, but rather to master his 
 enemies by famine than assault. They Mere re- 
 duced to such extremities, that, having eaten 
 their own horses, and having many of them pe- 
 rished witli hunger," they made a desperate sally 
 upon the English; and though the greater num- 
 ber fell in the action, a considerable body made 
 their escape.^ These roved about for some time 
 
 ' M. West. p. l/Q. ^ Chron. Sax. p. 94. 
 
 - Ibid. M. AVcst. J), ijg. Flor. Wigorn. p. 500". 
 y Chron, Sax, p. Qo.
 
 893. ALFRED. Up 
 
 in England, still pursued by the vigilance of Al- 
 fred; they attacked Leicester with success, de- 
 fended themselves in Hartford, and then fled to 
 Quatford, where they were finally broken and 
 subdued. The small remains of them either dis- 
 persed themselves among their countrymen in 
 Northumberland and East Anglia,^ or had re- 
 course again to the sea, where they exercised 
 piracy, under the command of Sigefert, a North- 
 umbrian. This freebooter, well acquainted with 
 Alfred's naval preparations, had framed vessels 
 of a new construction, higher, and longer, and 
 swifter, than those of the English ; but the king 
 soon discovered his superior skill, by building 
 vessels still higher, and longer, and swifter, than 
 those of the Northumbrians; and falling upon 
 them, while they were exercising their ravages 
 in the west, he took twenty of their ships; and 
 having tried all the prisoners at Winchester, he 
 hanged them as pirates, the common enemies of 
 mankind. 
 
 The well-timed severity of this execution, 
 together with the excellent posture of defence 
 established every where, restored full tranquillity 
 in England, and provided for the future secu- 
 rity of the government. The East Anglian and 
 Northumbrian Danes, on the first appearance of 
 Alfred upon their frontiers, made anew the most 
 humble submissions to liini; and he thought it 
 prudent to take them under liis immediate go- 
 
 ' ('iiron. Sax. p. 07.
 
 120 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 901. 
 
 vernment, without establishing over them a vice- 
 roy of their own nation/ The Welsh also acknow- 
 ledged his authority; and this great prince had 
 now, by prudence and justice and valour, esta- 
 blished his sovereignty over all the southern parts 
 of the island, from the English channel to the 
 frontiers of Scotland; when he died, in the vigour 
 of his age and the full strength of his faculties, 
 after a glorious reignof twenty-nine years and a 
 half;^ in which he deservedly attained the ap- 
 pellation of Alfred the Great, and the title of 
 Founder of the English monarchy. 
 
 The merit of this prince, both in private and 
 public life, may with advantage be set in oppo- 
 sition to that of any monarch or citizen which 
 the annals of any age or any nation can present 
 to us. He seems indeed to be the model of that 
 perfect character, which, under the denomination 
 of a sage or wise man, philosophers have been 
 fond of delineating, rather as a fiction of their 
 imagination, than in hopes of ever seeing it really 
 existing: so happily were all his virtues tempered 
 together; so justly were they blended; and so 
 powerfully did each prevent the other from ex- 
 ceeding its proper boundaries! He knew how to 
 reconcile the most enterprising spirit with the 
 coolest moderation ; the most obstinate perseve- 
 rance with the easiest flexibility; the most severe 
 justice with the gentlest lenity; the greatest vi- 
 gour in connnanding with the most perfect affa- 
 
 ' Flor. \\'ioorn, p. 5Q8. ^ Asser. p. 21. Chion. Sax. p. 99.
 
 cjoi. ALFRED. 121 I 
 
 i 
 
 bility of deportment;*' the highest capacity and I 
 inclination for science, with the most shining 
 talents for action. His civil and military virtues 
 are almost equally the objects of our admiration; 
 excepting only, that the former, being more rare 
 among princes, as well as more useful, seem ; 
 chiefly to challenge our applause. Nature also, 
 as if desirous that so bright a production of her 
 skill should be set in the fairest light, had be- 
 stowed on him every bodily accomplishment, 
 vigour of limbs, dignity of shape and air, with a 
 pleasing, engaging, and open countenance/ For- 
 tune alone, by throwing him into that barbarous 
 age, deprived him of historians worthy to trans- 
 mit his fame to posterity; and we wish to see him 
 delineated in more lively colours, and with more 
 particular strokes, that we may at least perceive 
 some of those small specks and blemishes, from 
 which, as a man, it is impossible he could be en- 
 tirely exempted. 
 
 But we should give but an imperfect idea of 
 Alfred's merit, were we to confine our narration 
 to his military exploits, and m ere not more par- 
 ticular in our account of his institutions for the 
 execution of justice, and of his zeal for the en- 
 couragement of arts and sciences. 
 
 After Alfred had subdued, and had settled or 
 expelled the Danes, he found the kingdom in the 
 most M-retchcd condition; desolated bv the ra- 
 vages of those barbarians and throMU into dis- 
 
 * Abscr. p. 13. '' Ibid, p, 5.
 
 122 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 901. 
 
 orders, which were calculated to perpetuate its 
 misery. Though the great armies of the Danes 
 were broken, the country was full of straggling 
 troops of that nation, who, being accustomed to 
 live by plunder, were become incapable of in- 
 dustry; and who, from the natural ferocity of 
 their manners, indulged themselves in commit- 
 ting violence, even beyond what was requisite to 
 supply their necessities. The English themselves, 
 reduced to the most extreme indigence by these 
 continued depredations, had shaken off all bands 
 of government; and those who had been plun- 
 dered to-day, betook themselves next day to the 
 like disorderly life, and, from despair, joined 
 the robbers in pillaging and ruining their fellow- 
 citizens. These were the evils for which it was 
 necessary that the vigilance and activity of Alfred 
 should provide a remedy. 
 
 That he might render the execution of justice 
 strict and regular, he divided all England into 
 counties; these counties he subdivided into hun- 
 dreds; and the hundreds into tithings. Every 
 householder was answerable for the behaviour of 
 his family and slaves, and even of his guests, if 
 they lived above three days in his house. Ten 
 neighbouring householders were formed into one 
 corporation, Avho, under the name of a tithing, 
 decennary, or fribourg, Avere ansu erable for each 
 other's conduct, and over whom one person, call- 
 ed a tithingman, headbourg, or borsholder, was 
 appointed to preside. Every man was punished
 
 901. ALFRED. 123 
 
 as an outlaw, who did not register himself in 
 some tithing. And no man could change his 
 habitation, without a warrant or certificate from 
 the borsholder of the tithing to which he formerly 
 belonged. 
 
 When any person in any tithing or decennary 
 was guilty of a crime, the borsholder was sum- 
 moned to answer for him; and if he were not 
 willing to be surety for his appearance, and his 
 clearing himself, the criminal was committed to 
 prison, and there detained till his trial. If he 
 fled, either before or after finding sureties, the 
 borsholder and decennary became liable to in- 
 quiry, and were exposed to the penalties of law. 
 Thirty-one days were allowed them for producing 
 the criminal; and if the time elapsed without 
 their being able to find him, the borsholder, with 
 two other members of the decennary, was obliged 
 to appear, and, together with three chief mem- 
 bers of the three neighbouring decennaries 
 (making twelve in all), to swear that his decen- 
 nary was free from all privity both of the crime 
 committed, and of the escape of the criminal. If 
 the borsholder could not find such a number to 
 answer for their innocence, the decennary was 
 compelled by fine to make satisfaction to the king, 
 according to the degree of the offence.^ l>y this 
 institution every man was obliged from his own 
 interest to keep a watchful eye over the conduct 
 of his neighbours; and was in a manner suretv 
 
 Leges St. EJw. cap. 20. apud Wilkins, p. 202.
 
 124 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 901. 
 
 for the behaviour of those who were placed under 
 the division to which he belonged : whence these 
 decennaries received the name of frank-pledges. 
 Such a regular distribution of the people, with 
 such a strict confinement in their habitation, 
 may not be necessary in times when men are 
 more inured to obedience and justice; and it 
 might perhaps be regarded as destructive of li- 
 berty and commerce in a polished state; but it 
 was well calculated to reduce that fierce and li- 
 centious people under the salutary restraint of 
 law and government. But Alfred took care to 
 temper these rigours by other institutions favour- 
 able to the freedom of the citizens; and nothing 
 could be more popular and liberal than his plan 
 for the administration of justice. The borsholder 
 summoned together his whole decennary to assist 
 him in deciding any lesser difference which oc- 
 curred among the members of this small commu- 
 nity. In affairs of greater moment, in appeals 
 from the decennary, or in controversies arising 
 between members of different decennaries, the 
 cause was brought before the hundred, which 
 consisted often decennaries, or a hundred fami- 
 lies of freemen, and which was regularly assem- 
 bled once in four weeks for the deciding of ^causes. 
 Their method of decision deserves to be noted, 
 as being the origin of juries; an institution, ad- 
 mirable in itself, and the best calculated for the 
 preservation of liberty and the administration of 
 
 s Leg. Edw. ca]). 2,
 
 901. ALFRED. 125 
 
 justice, that ever was devised by the wit of man. 
 Twelve freeholders were chosen; who, having 
 sworn, together with the hundreder, or presid- 
 ing magistrate of that division, to administer 
 impartial justice, *" proceeded to the examination 
 of that cause which was submitted to their juris- 
 diction. And beside these monthly meetings of 
 the hundred, there was an annual meeting, ap- 
 pointed for a more general inspection of the 
 police of the district; for the inquiry into crimes, 
 the correction of abuses in magistrates, and the 
 obliging of every person to shew the decennary 
 in which he was registered. The people, in imi- 
 tation of their ancestors, the ancient Germans, 
 assembled there in arms; whence a hundred Avas 
 sometimes called a wapentake, and its court 
 served both for the support of military disci- 
 pline, and for the administration of civil jus- 
 tice.' 
 
 The next superior court to that of the hun- 
 dred was the county-court, which met tM'ice a 
 year, after Michaelmas and Easter, and consisted 
 of the freeholders of the county, who possessed 
 an equal vote in the decision of causes. The 
 bishop presided in this court, together with the 
 alderman; and the proper object of the court 
 was the receiving of appeals from the hundreds 
 and decennaries, and the deciding of such con- 
 
 *> Fuedus Alfred, and Gothurn, npud Wilkin'!, cap. 3. p. 47. 
 Leg. Ethelstani, cap. 2. apud Wilkins, p. 58. LL. Ethelr. 4. 
 Wilkins, p. 117' ' Spelman, i t'oce Wapentake.
 
 126 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 901. 
 
 troversies as arose between men of different hun- 
 dreds. Formerly, the alderman possessed both 
 the civil and military authority; but Alfred, sen- 
 sible that this conjunction of powers rendered the 
 nobility dangerous and independent, appointed 
 also a sheriff in each county, who enjoyed a co- 
 ordinate authority with the former in the judicial 
 function. "" His office also impowered him to guard 
 the rights of the crown in the county, and to 
 levy the fines imposed; which in that age formed 
 no contemptible part of the public revenue. 
 
 There lay an appeal, in default of justice, from 
 all these courts to the king himself in council; 
 and as the people, sensible of the equity and great 
 talents of Alfred, placed their chief confidence in 
 him, he was soon overwhelmed with appeals from 
 all parts of England. He was indefatigable in 
 the dispatch of these causes;' but finding that his 
 time must be entirely engrossed by this branch 
 of duty, he resolved to obviate the inconveni- 
 ence, by correcting the ignorance or corruption 
 of the inferior magistrates, from which it "'arose. 
 He took care to have his nobility instructed in 
 letters and the law : " he chose the earls and she- 
 riffs from among the men most celebrated for 
 probity and knowledge: he punished severely all 
 malversation in office:" and he remo\ed all the 
 
 ^ Ingulf, p. 870. ' Asser. p. 20. '" Ibid. p. 18. 
 
 21. Flor. Wigorn. p.594. Abbas Rievnl, p. 355. " Flor. 
 
 Wigorn. p. 594, Bromnton; p. 514. " Le Miroir dt Justice^ 
 
 chap. 2.
 
 pOl. ALFRED. 12; 
 
 earls, whom he found unequal to the trust ;'' al- 
 lowing only some of the more elderly to serve by 
 a deputy, till their death should make room for 
 more worthy successors. 
 
 The better to guide the magistrates in the 
 administration of justice, Alfred framed a body 
 of laws; which, though now lost, served long as 
 the basis of English jurisprudence, and is gene- 
 rally deemed the origin of what is denominated 
 the COMMON LAW. Hc appointed regular meet- 
 ings of the states of England twice a year in Lon- 
 don;'' a city which he himself had repaired and 
 beautified, and which he thus rendered the capi- 
 tal of the kingdom. The similarity of these in- 
 stitutions to the customs of the ancient Germans, 
 to the practice of the other northern conquerors, 
 and to the Saxon laws during the Heptarchy, 
 prevents us from regarding Alfred as the sole 
 author of this plan of government; and leads us 
 rather to think, that, like a wise man, he con- 
 tented himself with reforming, extending, and 
 executing the institutions which he found previ- 
 ously established. But, on the whole, such suc- 
 cess attended his legislation, that every thing bore 
 suddenly a new face in England : robberies and 
 iniquities of all kinds were rcprcssc 1 by the pu- 
 nishment or reformation of the criminals:' and 
 so exact was the general police, that Alfred, it is 
 said, hung uj), by way of bravado, golden brace- 
 lets near the highways; and no man dared to 
 
 P Assrr. p. 20. 'i Lp Miroir dc Justicr. ^ Ingulf, p. 27.
 
 128 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. goi. 
 
 touch them.' Yet, amidst these rigours of justice, 
 this great prince preserved the most sacred re- 
 gard to the Hherty of his people; and it is a me- 
 morable sentiment preserved in his will, that it 
 was just the English should for ever remain as 
 free as their own thoughts/ 
 I As good morals and knowledge are almost in- 
 separable, in every age, though not in every 
 mdividual; the care of Alfred for the encourage- 
 ment of learning among his subjects, was another 
 useful branch of his legislation, and tended to re- 
 claim the English from their former dissolute and 
 ferocious manners: but the king was guided in 
 this pursuit, less by political views, than by his 
 natural bent and propensity towards letters. 
 When he came to the throne, he found the na- 
 tion sunk into the grossest ignorance and bar- 
 barism, proceeding from the continued disorders 
 in the government, and from the ravages of 
 the Danes: the monasteries were destroyed, the 
 monks butchered or dispersed, their libraries 
 burnt; and thus the only seats of erudition in 
 those ages were totally subverted. Alfred him- 
 self complains, that on his accession he knew not 
 one person, south of the Thames, avIio could so 
 much as interpret the Latin service; and very 
 few in the northern parts, who had even reached 
 that pitch of erudition. But this prince invited 
 over the most celebrated scholars from all parts 
 of Europe; he established schools every Mhere 
 
 -' W, Malmcs. lib. 2. c:ip. 4. ' Asscr. p. 24.
 
 001. ALFRED. 129 
 
 for the instruction of his people; he founded, at 
 least repaired, the university of Oxford, and en- 
 dowed it with many privileges, revenues, and 
 immunities; he enjoined by law all freeholders 
 possessed of two hydes " of land or more to send 
 their children to school for their instruction; he 
 gave preferment both in church and state to such 
 only as had made some proficiency in knowledge: 
 and by all these expedients he had the satisfac- 
 tion, before his death, to see a great change in 
 the face of affairs; and in a work of his, which is 
 still extant, he congratulates himself on the pro- 
 gress which learning, under his patronage, had 
 already made in England. 
 
 But the most effectual expedient, employed 
 by Alfred, for the encouragement of learning, 
 was his own example, and the constant assiduity 
 with which, notwithstanding the multiplicity and 
 urgency of his affairs, he employed himself in the 
 pursuits of knowledge. He usually divided his 
 time into three ec^ual portions: one was employ- 
 ed in sleep, and the refection of his body by 
 diet and exercise; another in the dispatch of 
 ])usincss; a third in study and devotion; and 
 that he might more exactly measure the hours, 
 he made use of burning tapers of ccjual length, 
 which he fixed in hmthorns;'^ an expedient suit- 
 
 "' A hyde contained land sujHcient to employ one plough. Sec 
 H. Hunt. lib. G. in A.D. 1CX)S. Annal. Wavcrl. in AD. lOS.}. 
 Gcrvasc of Tilbury says, it coninionly rontainrJ about 100 acres. 
 
 '^ Asser. p. 20. W. Malm. lib. 2. cap. -1. In':iilt". p. 870 
 
 VOL. I. K
 
 130 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. pOl. 
 
 erl to that rude age, when the geometry of dial- 
 ling, and the mechanism of clocks and watches, 
 were totally unknown. And h}'^ such a regular 
 distribution of his time, though he often laboured 
 under great bodily infirmities," this martial hero, 
 who fought in person fifty-six battles by sea and 
 land,^ was able, during a life of no extraordinary 
 length, to acquire more knowledge, and even to 
 compose more books, than most studious men, 
 though blessed with the greatest leisure and ap- 
 plication, have, in more fortunate ages, made the 
 object of their uninterrupted industry. 
 
 Sensible that the people, at all times, especi- 
 ally when their understandings are obstructed by 
 ignorance and bad education, are not much sus- 
 ceptible of speculative instruction, Alfred en- 
 deavoured to convey his morality by apologues, 
 parables, stories, apophthegms, couched in poe- 
 try; and besides propagating, among his subjects, 
 former compositions of that kind, which he found 
 in the Saxon tongue,^ he exercised his genius in 
 inventing Avorks of a Hke nature,^ as well as in 
 translating from the Greek the elegant fables of 
 ^sop. He also gave Saxon translations of Oro- 
 sius's and IJede's histories; and of Roethius con- 
 cerning the consolation of philosophy.^ And he 
 deemed it nowise derogatory from liis other great 
 characters of sovereign, legislator, warrior, and 
 
 X Asser. p. 4. 12, 13. \7. > W. Malm. lib. 4. cap. 4. 
 
 z Asser. p. 13. '' Spclnian, p. 124. Abbas Ricva],]). 355. 
 
 ^- W. Malm. lib. ii. cap. 4. Brompton, p. SI4.
 
 901. ALFRED. 131 
 
 politician, thus to lead the way to his people in 
 the pursuits of literature. 
 
 Meanwhile, this prince was not negligent in 
 encouraging the vulgar and mechanical arts, 
 which have a more sensihle, though not a closer, 
 connection with the interests of society. lie 
 invited, from all quarters, industrious foreigners 
 to repeople his country, which had heen desolated 
 by the rav^ages of the Danes."" He introduced and 
 encouraged manufactures of all kinds ; and no 
 inventor or improver of any ingenious art did he 
 suffer to go unrewarded.' He prompted men of 
 activity to betake themselves to na\igation, to 
 push commerce into the most remote countries, 
 and to ac(|uire riches by propagating industry 
 among their fellow-citizens. He set apart a se- 
 venth portion of his own revenue for maintain- 
 ing a number of workmen, whom he constantly 
 employed in rebuilding the ruined cities, castles, 
 palaces, and monasteries."" Even the elegancies 
 of life were brought to him from the Mediter- 
 ranean and the Indies;* and his subjects, by see- 
 ing those productions of the peaceful arts, were 
 taught to respect the virtues of justice and in- 
 dustry, from w hich alone they could arise. IJotli 
 living and dead, Alfred was regarded by foreign- 
 ers, no less than by his o\\ n subjects, as the great- 
 est |)rince after Charlemagne that had ap[)eared 
 in I'Airope during se\{ ral ages, and as one of the 
 
 ' AssL-r. p. 13. Flor. Wioorn, p. 5SS. '' A'^cr. p 20. 
 
 '^ Asscr. p. 20. \V. MaliiK's. lib 2. rap. -4. ^ \\'. Maimer, 
 
 'lib. 2. (-np. -I.
 
 132 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 901. 
 
 Avisest and best that ever adorned the annals of 
 any nation. 
 
 Alfred had, by his wife, Ethelswitha, daughter 
 of a Mercian earl, three sons and three daugh- 
 ters. The eldest son, Edmund, died without 
 issue, in his father's lifetime. The third, Ethel- 
 ward, inherited his father's passion for letters, 
 and lived a private life. The second, Edward, 
 succeeded to his power; and passes by the appel- 
 lation of Edward the Elder, being the first of that 
 name A\^ho sat on the English throne. 
 
 EDWARD THE ELDER. 901. 
 
 This prince, who equalled his father in military 
 talents, though inferior to him in knowledge and 
 erudition,^ found immediately on his accession, 
 a specimen of that turbulent life to which all 
 piTnces, and even all individuals, Avere exposed, 
 in an age when men, less restrained by law or 
 justice, and less occupied by industry, had no 
 aliment for their inquietude, but wars, insur- 
 , recti ons, convulsions, rapine, and depredation. 
 Ethelwald, his cousin-german, son of king Ethel- 
 bert, the elder brother of Alfred, insisted on a 
 preferable title ;"" and arming his partizans, took 
 possession of Winbourne, where he seemed de- 
 termined to defend himself to the last extremity, 
 
 ? W. Malmes. lib. 2. cap. 5. Hoveclen, p. 421. 
 '' Chron. Sax. p. gg, lOO.
 
 901. EDWARD THE ELDER. 133 
 
 and to wait the issue of his pretensions.' But 
 when the king approached the town with a great 
 army, Ethelwald, having the prospect of certain 
 destruction, made his escape, and fled first into 
 Normandy, then into Northumberland; where 
 he hoped that the people who had been recently 
 subdued by Alfred, and who were impatient of 
 peace, would on the intelligence of that great 
 prince's death, seize the first pretence or oppor- 
 tunity of rebellion. The event did not disappoint 
 his expectations : the Northumbrians declared for 
 him;" and Ethelwald having thus connected his 
 interests with the Danish tribes, went beyond 
 sea, and collecting a body of these freebooters, 
 he excited the hopes of all tbose who had been 
 accustomed to subsist by rapine and ' violence. 
 The East Anglian Danes joined his party: the 
 Five-burgers, who were seated in the heart of 
 Mercia, began to put themselves in motion; and 
 the English found that thev were aQ;ain menaced 
 with those convulsions, from Mhich the valour 
 and policy of Alfred had so lately rescued them. 
 The rebels, headed by Ethehvald, made an in- 
 cursion into the counties of Gloccster, Oxford, 
 and Wilts; and having exercised their ravages 
 in these places, they retired with their booty, 
 before the king, who had assembled an army, 
 was able to approach them. Edward, however, 
 
 ' Chron. Sax. p. 100. H. Hunting, lib, 5. p. 532. 
 ^ Ibid. p. la). H. Hunting, lib. 5. p. :i52. 
 ' Ibid. p. 100. Chron. Abb. St.Pclri dc Eiu-go^ p. 2 1.
 
 134 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 901. 
 
 who was determined that his preparations should 
 not he fruitless, conducted his forces into 
 East Anglia, and retaliated the injuries which 
 the inhabitants had committed, by spreading 
 the like devastation amono^ them. Satiated with 
 revenge, and loaded with booty, he gave or- 
 ders to retire: but the authority of those an- 
 cient kings, which was feeble in peace, was not 
 much better established in the field; and the 
 Kentish men, greedy of more spoil, ventured, 
 contrary to repeated orders, to stay behind him, 
 and to take up their (p.iarters in Bury. This 
 disobedience proved in the issue fortunate to 
 Edward, The Danes assaulted the Kentish men; 
 but met with so vigorous a resistance, that, though 
 they gained the field ot' battle, tliey bought that 
 advantage by the loss of their bravest leaders, 
 and among the rest, by that of Ii,thelwald, who 
 perished in the action."' The king, freed from the 
 fear of so dangerous a competitor, made peace on 
 advantageous terms with the East Angles." 
 
 In order to restore England to such a state of 
 tranquillity as it was then ca]:a1)le of attaining, 
 nought was wanting but the subjection of the 
 Northumbrians, who, assisted by the scattered 
 Danes in Mercia, continually infested the bowels 
 of the kingdom. Edward, in order to divert the 
 force of tliese enemies, prepared a fieet to attack 
 them by sea; hoping that when his ships a{)pearcd 
 
 " Chron. Sax. p. ]0] . I3rr)m{)ton, {). 832. " Chron. Sax, 
 
 p. 102. Brompton, p. 832. M:itth. West. p. ISl.
 
 901. EDWARD THE ELDER. 135 
 
 on their coast, they must at least remain at home, 
 and provide for their defence. But the North- 
 umbrians were less anxious to secure their own 
 property, than greedy to commit spoil on tlieir 
 enemy; and concluding, that tlie chief strength 
 of the English was embarked on board the fleet, 
 they thought the opportunity favourable, and en- 
 tered Edward's territories with all their forces. 
 The king, who was prepared against this event, 
 attacked them on their return at Tetenhall in the 
 county of Stafford, put them to rout, recovered 
 all the booty, and pursued them with great 
 slaughter into tlieir own country. 
 
 All the rest of Edward's reign was a scene 
 of continued and siiccessfid action against the 
 Northumbrians, the East Angles, the Five-bur- 
 gers, and the foreign Danes, who invaded him 
 from Normandy and Britanny. Nor was he less 
 provident in putting his kingdom in a posture of 
 defence, than vigorous in assaulting the enemy. 
 He fortilied the towns of Chester, Eddesbury, 
 Warwick, Cherbury, Buckingham, Towccstcr, 
 Maldon, Huntingdon, and Colchester. He fought 
 two signal battles at Temsford and Afaldon. He 
 van(juished Thurketill, a great Danish chief, and 
 obliii'ed him to retire Mitli his followers into 
 France, in (|uest of spoil and a(l\cntures. He 
 subdued the East Angles, and forced them to 
 swear allegiance to him: he ex])elled the two 
 rival ])rinees of Northumijcrland, Reginald and 
 
 " Chron. S,i\. p. I(.)S. Flur. \\iL-;orn. p.uOI,
 
 13(5 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 925. 
 
 Sidroc, and acquired, for the present, the domi- 
 nions of that province: several trihes of the 
 Britons were subjected by him; and even the 
 Scots, who, during the reign of Egbert, had, 
 under the conduct of Kenneth, their king, in- 
 creased their power by the final subjection of 
 the Picts, were nevertheless obliged to give him 
 marks of submission.'' In all these fortunate at- 
 chievements he was assisted by the activity and 
 prudence of his sister Ethelfleda, who was widow 
 of Ethelbert, earl of INIercia, and who, after her 
 husband's death, retained the government of that 
 province. This princess, who had been reduced 
 to extremity in child-bed, refused afterwards all 
 commerce with her husband; not from any weak 
 superstition, as was common in that age, but be- 
 cause she deemed all domestic occupations un- 
 worthy of her masculine and ambitious '^ spirit. 
 She died before her brother; and Edward, during 
 the remainder of his reign, took upon himself 
 the immediate government of ]VJercia, which be- 
 fore had been entrusted to the authority of a 
 governor/ The Saxon Chronicle fixes the death 
 of this prince in 92o:' his kingdom devolved to 
 Athelstan, his natural son. 
 
 P Chron, Sax. p. 1 10. lioveden. p. 421. i W. Malmes. 
 
 lib. 2. cap. 5. Matth. West. p. 182. Ingulf, p. 28. Higden, 
 p. 261. ' Chron. Sax, p. 110. Brompton, p. 831. 
 
 ^ Paae 1 10.
 
 925. ATHELSTAN. \37 
 
 ATHELSTAN. 925. 
 
 The stain in this prince's birth was not, in those 
 times, deemed so considerable as to exclude him 
 from the throne; and Athelstan, being of an age, 
 as M'ell as of a capacity, fitted for government, 
 obtained the preference to Edward's younger 
 children, who, though legitimate, were of too 
 tender years to rule a nation so much exposed 
 both to foreio'n invasion and to domestic convul- 
 sions. Some discontents, however, prevailed on 
 his accession; and Alfred, a nobleman of con- 
 siderable power, was thence encouraged to enter 
 into a conspiracy against him. This incident is 
 related by historians with circumstances uhich 
 the reader, according to the degree of credit he 
 is disposed to give them, may impute either to 
 the invention of monks, who forged them, or to 
 their artifice, who found means of making them 
 real. Alfred, it is said, being seized upon strong- 
 suspicions, but without any certain proof, firmly 
 denied the conspiracy imputed to him; and in 
 order to justify himself, he offered to swear to his 
 innocence before the pope, whose person, it A\as 
 sui)pose(l, contained such superior sanctity, that 
 no one could j)icsume to give a false oath in his 
 presence, and yet hope to escape the immediate 
 vengeance of Heaven. The king accepted of the 
 condition, and Alfred was conducted to Home;
 
 138 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 925. 
 
 where, either conscious of his innocence, or neg- 
 lecting the superstition to which he appealed, 
 he ventured to make the oath required of him, 
 before John, who then filled the papal chair. But 
 no sooner had he pronounced the fatal words, 
 than he fell into convulsions, of which three days 
 after he expired. The king, as if the guilt of 
 the conspirator were now fully ascertained, con- 
 fiscated his estate, and made a present of it to 
 the monastery of Malmesbury ;^ secure that no 
 doubts would ever thenceforth be entertained 
 concerning the justice of his proceedings. 
 
 The dominion of Athelstan was no sooner 
 established over his English subjects, than he 
 endeavoured to give security to the government, 
 by providing against the insurrections of the 
 Danes, which had created so much disturbance 
 to his predecessors. He marched into Northum- 
 berland; and finding that tlie inhabitants bore 
 with impatience the English yoke, he thought it 
 prudent to confer on Sithric, a Danish nobleman, 
 the title of King, and to attach him to his in- 
 terests, by giving him his sister, Editha, in mar- 
 riage. But this policy proved by accident the 
 source of dangerous consequences. Sithric died 
 in a twelvemonth after; and his two sons by a 
 former marriage, Anlaf and Godfrid, founding 
 pretensions on their father's elevation, assumed 
 the sovereignty without waiting for Athelstan's 
 consent. They were soon expelled by the power 
 
 W. Malm. lib. 2. can. 6. Spell. Cone. p. 40".
 
 925. ATHELSTAN. 139 
 
 of that monarch ; and the former took shelter in 
 Ireland, as the latter did in Scotland; where he 
 received, during some time, protection from Con- 
 stantine, who then enjoyed the crown of that 
 kingdom. The Scottish prince, however, con- 
 tinually solicited, and even menaced by Athel- 
 stan, at last promised to deliver up his guest; but 
 secretly detesting this treachery, he gave God- 
 frid warning to make his escape; " and that fugi- 
 tive, after subsisting by piracy for some years, 
 freed the king, by his death, from any farther 
 anxiety. Athelstan, resenting Constantine's be- 
 haviour, entered Scotland with an army; and 
 ravaging the country with impunity,"^ he reduced 
 the Scots to such distress, that their king was 
 content to preserve his crown, by making sub- 
 missions to the enemv. The Eni]:lish historians 
 assert," that Constantine did homage to Athelstan 
 for his kingdom; and they add, that the latter 
 prince, being urged by his courtiers to push the 
 present favourable opportunity, and entirely sub- 
 due Scotland, replied, that it was more glorious 
 to confer than con(}uer kingdoms.^ But those 
 annals, so uncertain and imperfect in themselves, 
 lose all credit, when national prepossessions and 
 animosities have place: and on that account, the 
 Scotch historians, who, without having any moic 
 
 " W. Malm. lib. 2. cap. 6. '' Cliron. Sa.\. p. 1 1 1 . liovc- 
 
 flen, p.422. H. Hunting, lib. 5. p. 351. " Hovcd( n, p. -122, 
 
 '' \V, Mahncs. lib. 2. cap. 0". Anglia Sacra, \ul. i. ji. 212.
 
 140 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 925. 
 
 knowledge of he matter, strenuously deny the 
 fact, seem more worthy of belief. 
 
 Constantine, whether he owed the retaining 
 of his crown to the moderation of Athelstan, 
 who was unwilling to employ all his advantages 
 against him, or to the policy of that prince, who 
 esteemed the humiliation of an enemy a greater 
 acquisition than the subjection of a discontented 
 and mutinous people, thought the behaviour of 
 the English monarch more an object of resent- 
 ment than of gratitude. He entered into a con- 
 federacy with Anlaf, who had collected a great 
 body of Danish pirates, whom he found hovering 
 in the Irish seas; and with some Welsh princes, 
 who were terrified at the growing power of Athel- 
 stan: and all these allies made by concert an 
 irruption with a great army into England. Athel- 
 stan, collecting his forces, met the enemy near 
 Brunsbury in Northumberland, and defeated them 
 in a general engagement. This victory was chiefly 
 ascribed to the valour of Turketul, the English 
 chancellor: for in those turbulent ages no one 
 was so much occupied in civil employments, as 
 wholly to lay aside the military character.^ 
 
 There is a circumstance not unworthy of no- 
 tice, which historians relate, with regard to the 
 transactions of this war. Anlaf, on the approach 
 
 ^ The office of chancellor among the Anglo-Saxons resembled 
 more that of a secretary of state, than that of our present chancel- 
 lor. See Spellman in voce Cancdlarius.
 
 925. ATHELSTAN. 141 
 
 of the English army, thought that he could not 
 venture too much to ensure a fortunate event; 
 and employing the artifice formerly practised by 
 Alfred against the Danes, he entered the enemy's 
 camp in the habit of a minstrel. The stratagem 
 was for the present attended with like success. 
 He gave such satisfaction to the soldiers, who 
 flocked about him, that they introduced him to 
 the king's tent; and Anlaf, having played before 
 that prince and his nobles during their repast, 
 was dismissed with a handsome reward. His pru- 
 dence kept him from refusing the present ; but 
 his pride determined him, on his departure, to 
 bury it, while he fancied that he was unespied 
 by all the world. But a soldier in Athelstan's 
 camp, who had formerly served under Anlaf, had 
 been struck with some suspicion on the first ap- 
 pearance of the minstrel; and was engaged by 
 curiosity to observe all his motions. He regarded 
 this last action as a full proof of Anlaf's disguise; 
 and he immediately carried the intelligence to 
 Athelstan, Avho blamed him for not sooner giving 
 him information, that he might have seized his 
 enemy. But the soldier told him, that, as he had 
 formerly sworn fealty to Anlaf, he could never 
 have pardoned himself the treachery of betraying 
 and ruining his ancient master; and that Athel- 
 stan himself, after such an instance of his crimi- 
 nal conduct, would have had e(jual reason to 
 distrust his allegiance. Atlielstan, JKiving praised 
 the generosity of the soldier's principles, rellected
 
 142 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 925. 
 
 on the incident, which he foresaw might be at- 
 tended with important consequences. He re- 
 moved his station in the camp; and as a bishop 
 arrived that evening Avith a reinforcement of 
 troops (for the ecclesiastics were then no less 
 warlike than the civil magistrates), he occupied 
 by his train that very place which had been left 
 vacant by the king's removal. The precaution 
 of Athelstan was found prudent: for no sooner 
 had darkness fallen, than Anlaf broke into the 
 camp, and hastening directly to the place Avhere 
 he had left the king's tent, put the bishop to 
 death before he had time to prepare for his de- 
 fence/ 
 
 There fell several Danish and Welsh princes 
 in the actior of Brunsbury;'' andConstantine and 
 Anlaf made their escape with difficulty, leaving 
 the greater part of their army on the field of 
 battle. After this success, Athelstan enjoyed his 
 crown in tranquillity; and he is regarded as one 
 of the ablest and most active of those ancient 
 princes. lie passed a remarkable law^, which was 
 calculated for the encouragement of commerce, 
 and which it required some liberality of mind in 
 that age to have devised: that a merchant, who 
 had made three long sea- voyages on his own ac- 
 count, should be admitted to the rank of a thane 
 or gentleman. This prince died at Glocester in 
 
 " W. Malmes. lib. 2. cap. 6. Higden. p. 263. 
 ^ Biompton, p. 8oQ. Inqulf, p. 29.
 
 p4l. EDMUND. 143 
 
 the year 941," after a reign of sixteen years, and 
 was succeeded by Edmund his legitimate brother. 
 
 EDMUND. 941. 
 
 Edmund, on his accession, met with disturbance 
 from the restless Northumbrians, who lay in wait 
 for every opportunity of breaking into rebellion. 
 But marching suddenly with his forces into their 
 country, he so overawed tlic rebels, that they 
 endeavoured to appease him by the most humble 
 submissions.'' In order to give him the surer 
 pledge of their obedience, they offered to em- 
 brace Christianity; a religion which the English 
 Danes had frecjuently professed, when reduced 
 to diiliculties, but which, for that very reason, 
 they regarded as a badge of servitude, and shook 
 off as soon as a favourable opportunity offered. 
 Edmund, trusting little to their sincerity in this 
 forced submission, used tlie precaution of remov- 
 ing the Five-burgers from the towns of Mercia, 
 in which they had been allowed to settle ; because 
 it was always found, tliat they took advantage of 
 every eommotion, and introduced the rebellious 
 or foreign Danes into the heart of the kingdom. 
 lie also eoncjueied Cumberland from the Dritons; 
 and eonferred that territory on Malcolm king of 
 
 = Chron. Sax. p. 1 14. 
 *' W. Malmcs. lib. 2. cap./- Droniptdn, p. S.")7-
 
 144 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 941. 
 
 Scotland, on condition that he should do him 
 homage for it, and protect the north from all 
 future incursions of the Danes. 
 
 Edmund was young when he came to the 
 crown; yet was his reign short, as his death was 
 violent. One day as he was solemnizing a fes- 
 tival in the county of Glocester, he remarked, 
 that Leolf, a notorious robber, whom he had 
 sentenced to banishment, had yet the boldness 
 to enter the hall where he himself dined, and to 
 sit at table with his attendants. Enraged at this 
 insolence, he ordered him to leave the room; but 
 on his refusing to obey, the king, whose temper, 
 naturally choleric, was inflamed by this additional 
 insult, leaped on him himself, and seized him by 
 the hair: but the ruffian, pushed to extremity, 
 drew his dagger, and gave Edmund a wound, of 
 which he immediately expired. This event hap- 
 pened in the year 946, and in the sixth year of 
 the king's reign. Edmund left male issue, but 
 so young, that they were incapable of governing 
 the kingdom ; and his brother, Edred, was pro- 
 moted to the throne. 
 
 EDRED. 946. 
 
 The reign of this prince, as those of his prede- 
 cessors, was disturbed by the rebellions and in- 
 cursions of theXorthumbrian Danes, who, though 
 frequently quelled, were never entirely subdued,
 
 946. EI) RED, 145 
 
 nor had ever paid a sincere allegiance to the 
 crown of England. The accession of a new king 
 seemed to them a favourable opportunity for 
 shaking off the yoke; but on Edred's appearance 
 with an army, they made him their wonted sub- 
 missions; and the king having wasted the coun- 
 try with fire and sword, as a punishment of tlieir 
 rebellion, obliged them to renew their oaths of 
 allegiance; and he straight retired witli his 
 forces. The obedience of the Danes lasted no 
 longer than the present terror. Provoked at tlie 
 devastations of Edred, and even reduced by ne- 
 cessity to subsist on plunder, they broke into a 
 new rebellion, and were again subdued : but the 
 king, now instructed by experience, took greater 
 precautions against their future revolt. He fix- 
 ed English garrisons in their most considerable 
 towns; and placed over them an English gover- 
 nor, who might watch all their motions, and 
 suppress any insurrection on its hrst appearance. 
 He obliged also Malcolm, king of Scotland, to 
 renew his homage for the lands which he held in 
 England. 
 
 Edrcd, though not uuMarlike, nor unfit for 
 active life, lay under the influence of the lowest 
 superstition, and had blindly delivered over his 
 conscience to the guidance of Dunstan, com- 
 monly called St. Dunstan, abbot of Glastcnbury, 
 whom he advanced to the highest offices, and 
 who covered, under the appearance of sanctity, 
 the most violent and most insolent ambition. 
 
 VOL. I. T
 
 146 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. g46. 
 
 Taking advantage of the implicit confidence re- 
 posed in him by the king, this churchman im- 
 ported into England a new order of monks, who 
 much changed the state of ecclesiastical affairs, 
 and excited, on their first establishment, the 
 most violent commotions. 
 
 From the introduction of Christianity among 
 the Saxons, there had been monasteries in Eng- 
 land ; and these establishments had extremely 
 multiplied, by the donations of the princes and 
 nobles; whose superstition, derived from their 
 ignorance and precarious life, and increased by 
 remorses for the crimes into which they were so 
 frequently betrayed, knew no other expedient 
 for appeasing the Deity than a profuse liberality 
 towards the ecclesiastics. But the monks had 
 hitherto been a species of secular priests, who 
 lived after the manner of the present canons or 
 prebendaries, and were both intermingled in 
 some degree Avith the world, and endeavoured 
 to render themselves usefid to it. They were 
 employed in the education of youth:'' they had 
 the disposal of their own time and industr}^: they 
 were not subjected to the rigid rules of an order: 
 they had made no vows of implicit obedience 
 to their superiors:^ and they still retained the 
 choice, without quitting the convent, either of a 
 married or a single life.^ But a mistaken piety 
 
 c Osberne in Anglia Sacra, torn. ii. p. Q2. ^ Osbenie, p. yi- 
 P See Wharton's notes to Anglia Sacra, torn. ii. p. f)l . Gervase, 
 p. 16-45, Chron. Wint. MS. apud Spell. Cone. p. 434.
 
 946. EDRED. 147 
 
 had produced in Italy a new species of monks 
 called Benedictines; who, carrying farther the 
 plausible principles of mortification, secluded 
 themselves entirely from the world, renounced 
 all claim to liberty, and made a merit of the most 
 inviolable chastity. These practices and princi- 
 ples, which superstition at first engendered, were 
 greedily embraced and promoted by the policy 
 of the court of Rome. The Roman pontiff, who 
 was making every day great advances towards an 
 absolute sovereignty over the ecclesiastics, per- 
 ceived that the celibacy of the clergy alone could 
 break off entirely their connexion with the civil 
 power, and depriving them of every other object 
 oF ambition, engage them to promote, with un- 
 ceasing industry, the grandeur of their own order. 
 lie was sensible, that so long as the monks were 
 indulged in marriage, and were permitted to rear 
 families, they never could be subjected to strict 
 discipline, or reduced to that slavery under their 
 superiors, which was requisite to procure to the 
 mandates, issued from Rome, a ready and zea- 
 lous obedience. Celibacy, therefore, began to 
 be extolled, as the indispensable duty of priests; 
 and the ])ope undertook to make all the clergy 
 throui>,]i()ut the Mcstern world renounce at once 
 the privilege of marriage: a fortunate policy; 
 but at the same time an undertaking the most 
 difficult of any, since he had the strongest })ro- 
 pensiti'es of human nature to encounter, and 
 found, that tlie same connexions w ith the female
 
 148 HISTORY OF P:NGLAND. 946. 
 
 sex, whicli generally encourage devotion, were 
 here unfavourable to the success of his project. 
 It is no Nvonder, therefore, that this master-stroke 
 of art should have met with violent contradic- 
 tion, and that the interests of the hierarchy, and 
 the inclinations of the priests, being now placed 
 in this singular opposition, should, notwithstand- 
 ing the continued efforts of Rome, have retarded 
 the execution of thiijt bold scheme during the 
 course of near three centuries. 
 
 As the bishops and parochial clergy lived 
 apart with their families, and were more con- 
 nected Vv'ith the world, the hopes of success with 
 them were fainter, and the pretence for making 
 them renounce marriage was much less plausible. 
 But the pope, having cast his eye on the monks 
 as the basis of his authority, was determined to 
 reduce them under strict rules of obedience, to 
 procure them the ciedit of sanctity by an appear- 
 ance of the most rigid mortification, and to break 
 off all their other ties which mio-ht interfere with 
 
 O 
 
 his spiritual policy. Under pretence, therefore, 
 of reforming abuses, which were, in some de- 
 gree, unavoidable in the ancient establishments, 
 he had already spread over the southern coun- 
 tries of Europe the severe laMS of the monastic 
 life, and began to ibrm attemj)ts towards a like 
 innovation in England, The fa\'ourable oppor- 
 tunity offered itself (and it M'as greedily seized), 
 arising from the weak superstition of Edred, and 
 the violent impetuous character of Dunstan.
 
 946. EDRED. 149 
 
 Dunstan was born of noble parents in the west 
 of England; and being educated under his uncle 
 Aldhelm, then archbishop of Canterbury, had be- 
 taken himself to the ecclesiastical life, and had 
 acquired some character in the court of Edmund. 
 He was, however, represented to that prince as . 
 a man of licentious manners:'' and finding his 
 fortune blasted by these suspicions, his ardent 
 ambition prompted him to repair his indiscre- 
 tions, by running into an opposite extreme. He 
 secluded himself entirely from the world; he 
 framed a cell so small, that he could neither 
 stand erect in it, nor stretch out his limbs dur- 
 ing his repose; and here employed himself per- 
 petually either in devotion or in manual ' lal)our. 
 It is probable, that his brain became gradually 
 crazed by these solitary occupations, and that 
 his head was filled with chimeras, M'hich being 
 believed by himself and his stupid votaries, pro- 
 cured him the general character of sanctity 
 among the j)e()ple. He fancied that the devil, 
 among the frequent visits which he ])ai(l him, 
 was one day more earnest than usual in his 
 temptations; till Dunstan, provoked at his im- 
 portunity, seized him by the nose with a pair of 
 red-hot pincers, as he put his head into the cell; 
 and he held him there, till that malignant spirit 
 made the whole neighbourhood resound m ith his 
 bellowings. This notable exploit was seriously 
 credited and extolled by the public; it is trans- 
 
 *' Oabc-iM'-, jv (M. M:!tth. West. p. IB;. '' 0.-,bi.rne, p. ()d.
 
 150 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 94G. 
 
 mitted to posterity by one who, considering the 
 age in which he lived, may pass for a writer of 
 some elegance;'' and it ensured to Dunstan a 
 reputation which no real piety, much less virtue, 
 could, even in the most enlightened period, have 
 ever procured him with the people. 
 
 Supported by the character obtained in his 
 retreat, Dunstan appeared again in the world; 
 and gained such an ascendant over Edred, who 
 had succeeded to the crown, as made him not 
 only the director of that prince's conscience, but 
 his counsellor in the most momentous affairs of 
 government. He was placed at the head of the 
 treasury,^ and being thus possessed both of power 
 at court, and of credit with the populace, he was 
 enabled to attempt with success the most arduous 
 enterprises. Finding that his advancement had 
 been owing to the opinion of his austerity, he 
 professed himself a partizan of the rigid monas- 
 tic rules; and after introducing that reformation 
 into the convents of Glastenbury and Abingdon, 
 he endeavoured to render it universal in the 
 kingdom. 
 
 The minds of men were already m-cII prepared 
 for tliis innovation. The praises of an inviolable 
 chastity had been carried to the hio-hest extrava- 
 gance by some of the first preachers of Christi- 
 anity among the Saxons: the pleasures of love 
 had been represented as incompatible M'ith Chris- 
 tian perfection: and a total abstinence from all 
 
 ' Osbernc, p. .07- ' Oi;bcrne,. p. 102. Wallingtbrd, p. 541-
 
 940. EDRED. 151 
 
 commerce with the sex was deemed such a meri- 
 torious penance, as was sufficient to atone for the 
 greatest enormities. The consequence seemed 
 natural, that those, at least, who othciated at the 
 altar should be clear of this pollution ; and when 
 the doctrine of transuhstantiation, which was 
 now creeping in,"" was once fully established, the 
 reverence to the real body of Christ in the eu- 
 charist bestowed on this argument an additional 
 force and influence. The monks knew how to 
 avail themselves of all these popular topics, and 
 to set off their own character to the best advan- 
 tage. They affected the greatest austerity of 
 life and manners: they indulged themselves in 
 the highest strains of devotion: they inveighed 
 bitterly against the vices and pretended luxury 
 of the age: they were particularly vehement 
 against the dissolute lives of the secular cleri>v, 
 their rivals: every instance of libertinism in yny 
 individual of that order was represented as a 
 general corruption: and where other topics of 
 defamation were wanting, their marriage became 
 a sure subject of invective, and their wives re- 
 ceived the name of concubine, or other more 
 opprobrious appellation. The secular clergy, on 
 the other hand, who wore numerous and ricJi, 
 and possessed of the ecclesiastical dignities, de- 
 fended themselves M'ith vigour, and endeavoured 
 to retaliate upon their adversaries. The people 
 were thiown into agitation; and few instances 
 
 '" Spi 11. Coiic. vol. i. p. -k")2.
 
 132 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 946. 
 
 occur of more violent dissensions, excited by the 
 most material differences in religion, or rather 
 the most frivolous: since it is a just remark, that 
 the more affinity there is between theological 
 parties, the greater commonly is their animosity. 
 The progress of the monks, which was become 
 considerable, was somewhat retarded by the 
 death of Edred, their partisan, who expired after 
 a reign of nine years." He left children; but as 
 they were infants, his nephew Edwy, son of Ed- 
 mund, was placed on the throne. 
 
 EDWY. 955: 
 
 Edwy, at the time of his accession, was not above 
 sixteen or seventeen years of age, was possessed 
 of the most amiable figure, and was even endow- 
 ed, according to authentic accounts, with the 
 most promising virtues." He would have been 
 the favourite of his people, had he not unhap- 
 pily, at the commencement of his reign, been 
 engaged in a controversy with the monks, whose 
 rage neither the graces of the body nor virtues 
 of the mind could mitigate, and who have pur- 
 sued his memory with the same unrelenting ven- 
 geance, which they exercised against his person 
 and dignity during his short and unfortunate 
 reign. There was a beautiful princess of the 
 royal blood, called Elgiva, who had made impres- 
 sion on the tender heart of Edv/y; and as he was 
 
 " Chron. Sax. p. 115. " H. Hunting, lib. 5. p. 356,
 
 bto?> 
 
 Chap. II p. ]5:i. 
 
 Dunstan conjectured the reason of the king's retreat; and 
 carrying along with him Odo, archbishop of Canterbury, over 
 whom he had gained an absolute ascendant, he burst into the 
 apartment, upbraided Kdwy with his lasciviousness, probably 
 bestowed on the queen the most opprobrious epithet that can be 
 applied to her sex, and tearing him from her arms, pushed him 
 back, in a disgraceful manner, into the banquet of the nobles.
 
 g55. EDWY. 153 
 
 of an age when the force of the passions first 
 begins to be felt, he had ventured, contrary to 
 the advice of his gravest counsellors, and the re- 
 monstrances of the more dignified ^ ecclesiastics, 
 to espouse her; though she was within the de- 
 grees of aflfinity prohibited by the canon ''law. 
 As the austerity, affected by the monks, made 
 them particularly violent on this occasion, Edwy 
 entertained a strong preposession against them; 
 and seemed, on that account, determined not to 
 second their project of expelling the seculars 
 from all the convents, and of possessing them- 
 selves of those ricli establishments. War was 
 therefore declared between the kins; and the 
 monks; and the former soon found reason to 
 repent his provoking such dangerous enemies. 
 On the day of his coronation, his nobility were 
 assembled in a great hall, and were indulging 
 themselves in that riot and disorder, M'hich, 
 from the example of their German ancestors, 
 had become habitual to the English;' when 
 Edwy, attracted by softer pleasures, retired 
 into the queen's apartment, and in that pri- 
 vacy gave reins to his fondness towards his 
 wife, which was only moderately checked by 
 the presence of her mother. Dunstan conjectured 
 the reason of the king's retreat; and carrying 
 along with him Odo, archbishop of Canterbury, 
 over whom he had gained an absolute ascendant, 
 
 P W. Malmes. lib. 2. cap. 7. ^ Ibi.I. ' WnllingforJ. 
 
 p. .it'i.
 
 154 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 955. 
 
 he burst into the apartment, upbraided Edwy 
 with his lasciviousness, probably bestowed on the 
 queen the most opprobrious epithet that can be 
 apphed to her sex, and tearing him from her 
 arms, pushed him back, in a disgraceful manner, 
 into the banquet of the nobles.' Edwy, though 
 young, and opposed by the prejudices of the 
 people, found an opportunity of taking revenge 
 for this public insult. He questioned Dunstan 
 concerning the administration of the treasury 
 during the reign of his predecessor;' and when 
 that minister refused to give any account of mo- 
 ney expended, as he affirmed by orders of the 
 late king, he accused him of malversation in his 
 office, and banished him the kingdom. But Dun- 
 stan 's cabal was not unactive during his absence: 
 they filled the public with high panegyrics on 
 his sanctity: they exclaimed against the impiety 
 of the king and queen: and having poisoned the 
 minds of the people by these declamations, they 
 proceeded to still more outrageous acts of vio- 
 lence against the royal authority. Archbishop 
 Odo sent into the palace a party of soldiers, who 
 seized the queen; and having burned her face 
 with a red-hot iron, in order to destroy that 
 fatal beauty which had seduced Edwy, they car- 
 ried her by force into Ireland, there to remain 
 in perpetual exile." Edwy finding it in vain to 
 
 "^ W. Malnifs, lib. 2. cap. 7. Osbernt, p. H?,. J 05. M. West, 
 p. 195, \gG. * Walliiigfoid, p. 542. Alur. Ecveil. p. I 12. 
 
 " Osbt^riiC; p. S4. Gcrvase, p. 16-^14.
 
 (J55. EDWY. 155 
 
 resist, was obliged to consent to his divorce, 
 which was pronounced by Odo;*' and a catas- 
 trophe, still more dismal, awaited the unhappy 
 Elgiva. That amiable princess, being cured of 
 her wounds, and having even obliterated the 
 scars with which Odo had hoped to deface her 
 beauty, returned into England, and was flying 
 to the embraces of the king, whom she still re- 
 garded as her husband; when she fell into the 
 hands of a party, whom the primate had sent to 
 intercept her. Nothing but her death could now 
 give security to Odo and the monks; and the 
 most cruel death was requisite to satiate their 
 vengeance. She was hamstringed; and expired 
 a few days after at Glocester in the most acute 
 torments." 
 
 The English, blinded with superstition, in- 
 stead of being shocked with this inhumanity, 
 exclaimed that the misfortunes of Edwy and his 
 consort were a just judgment for their dissolute 
 contempt of the ecclesiastical statutes. They 
 even proceeded to rebellion against their sove- 
 reign; and having placed Edgar at their head, 
 the younger brother of Edw}', a boy of thirteen 
 years of age, they soon put him in possession 
 of ]\Iercia, Northumberland, East Anglia; and 
 chased Edwy into the soutlicrn counties. That 
 it might not be doubtful at whose instigation 
 this revolt was undertaken, Dunstan returned 
 
 ^' Ilovcdcii, p, .I'J.'. O^Iktm*-, p. S.| (I^r'.nc, 
 
 ; 101,"., ]vU).
 
 156 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. y55. 
 
 into England, and took upon him the govern- 
 ment of Edgar and his party. He was first in- 
 stalled in the see of Worcester, then in that of 
 London,'' and, on Odo's death, and the violent 
 expulsion of Brithelm, his successor, in that of 
 Canterbury;^ of all which he long kept posses- 
 sion. Odo is transmitted to us by the monks 
 under the character of a man of piety : Dunstan 
 was even canonized; and is one of those nume- 
 rous saints of the same stamp who disgrace the 
 Romish calendar. Meanwhile the unhappy Edwy 
 was excommunicated," and pursued with unre- 
 lenting vengeance; but his death, which hap- 
 pened soon after, freed his enemies from all 
 farther inquietude, and gave Edgar peaceable 
 possession of the government.* 
 
 EDGAR. 
 
 This prince, who mounted the throne in such 
 early youth, soon discovered an excellent capa- 
 city in the administration of aifairs; and his reign 
 is one of the most fortunate that we meet with 
 in the ancient English history. He showed no 
 aversion to war; he made the wisest prepara- 
 tions against invaders: and by this vigour and 
 foresight he was enabled, without any danger of 
 
 y Chron. Sax. p. 11/. Hor, Wigorn. p. tiOj. VralHngford, 
 p, 544. '' Hovcden, p. 425. Osberne, p. lOp. ^^ Biomp- 
 
 ton, p, 803. * Gee note [B] vol. x.
 
 955. EDGAR. 157 
 
 suffering insults, to indulge his inclination to- 
 wards peace, and to employ himself in support- 
 ing and improving the internal government of 
 his kingdom. He maintained a body of disci- 
 plined troops; which he quartered in the north, 
 in order to keep the mutinous Northumbrians in 
 subjection, and to repel the inroads of the Scots. 
 He built and supported a powerful navy;^ and 
 that he might retain the seamen in the prac- 
 tice of their duty, and always present a for- 
 midable armament to his enemies, he stationed 
 three squadrons off the coast, and ordered them 
 to make, from time to time, the circuit of his 
 dominions.* The foreign Danes dared not to 
 approach a country which appeared in such a 
 posture of defence: the domestic Danes saw 
 inevitable destruction to be the consequence of 
 their tumults and insurrections: the neighbour- 
 ing sovereigns, the king of Scotland, the princes 
 of Wales, of the Isle of Man, of the Orkneys, 
 and even of Ireland," were reduced to pay sub- 
 mission to so formidable a monarclj. He carried 
 his superiority to a great height, and might have 
 excited an universal combination against him, 
 had not his power been so mcU established as to 
 deprive his enemies of all hopes of shaking it. 
 It is said, tliat residing once at Chester, and hav- 
 ing purposed to go by water to the abbey of St. 
 John the Baptist, he obhged eiglit of his tribu- 
 
 ^ Tligden, p.2o5. * See note [C] vol.x. 
 
 ' Spell, Cone. p. -VVI.
 
 158 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 955. 
 
 tary princes to rov/ him in a barge upon the 
 Dee/ The English historians are fond of men- 
 tioning the name of Kenneth II f, king of Scots, 
 among the number : the Scottish historians either 
 deny the fact, or assert that their king, if ever 
 he acknowledged himself a vassal to Edgar, did 
 him homage, not for his crown, but for the do- 
 minions which he held in England. 
 
 But the chief means by which Edgar main- 
 tained his authority, and preserved public peace, 
 was the paying of court to Dunstan and the 
 monks, who had at first placed him on the throne, 
 and who, by their pretensions to superior sanctity 
 and purity of manners, had acquired an ascen- 
 dant over the people. He favoured their scheme 
 for dispossessing the secular canons of all the 
 monasteries;^ he bestowed preferment on none 
 but their partizans; he allowed Dunstan to resign 
 the see of Worcester into the hands of Oswald, 
 one of his creatures;^ and to place Ethehv^old, 
 another of them, in that of Winchester;^ he con- 
 sulted these prelates in the administration of all 
 ecclesiastical, and even in that of many civil 
 affairs; and though the vigour of his own genius 
 prevented him from being implicitly guided by 
 them, the king and the bishops found such ad- 
 
 ^ W. Malroes. lib. 2. cap. 8. Hoveden, p. 406. H. Hunt- 
 ing, lib. 5. p. 356. = Chron. Sax. p. I]/, llS. W. Malmcs. 
 lib. 2. cap. 8. Hoveden, p. 425, 426. Osberne, p. ] 12. 
 
 ^W. Malraes. lib 2. cap. 8. Hoveden, p. 425. s Gervasc, 
 p. 1646. Brompton, p.8(i!. FJor. \Vigorn. p. (io6. Chron. Abb, 
 St. Petri de Burgo^ p. 2/, 28.
 
 gss. EDGAR. i.op 
 
 vantages in their mutual agreement, that they 
 always acted in concert, and united their influ- 
 ence in preserving the peace and tranquilHty of 
 the kingdom. 
 
 In order to complete the great work of placing 
 the new order of monks in all the convents, Ed- 
 gar summoned a general council of the prelates 
 and the heads of the religious orders. He here 
 inveighed against the dissolute lives of the secu- 
 lar clergy ; the smallness of their tonsure, which, 
 it is probahle, maintained no longer any resem- 
 blance to the crown of thorns; their negligence 
 in attending the exercise of their function ; their 
 mixing with the laity in the pleasures of gaming, 
 hunting, dancing, and singing; and their openly 
 living with concubines, by which it is commonly 
 supposed he meant their wives. He then turned 
 himself to Dunstan the primate; and in the name 
 of king Edred, whom he supposed to look down 
 from heaven M'ith indignation against all those 
 enormities, he thus addressed him: "It is you, 
 Dunstan, by whose advice I founded monaste- 
 ries, built churches, and expended my treasure, 
 in the support of religion and religious houses. 
 You were my counsellor and assistant in all my 
 schemes: you were the director of my consci- 
 ence: to 3'ou I was obedient in all things. When 
 (lid you call for supplies, M^liich I refused you? 
 Was my assistance ever wanting to the poor? Did 
 I deny support and establishments to the clergy 
 and the convcMits? Did I not hearken to your
 
 160 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. gss: 
 
 instructions, who told me that these charities 
 were, of all others, the most grateful to my 
 Maker, and fixed a perpetual fund for the sup- 
 port of religion? And arc all our pious endea- 
 vours now frustrated by the dissolute lives of the 
 priests? Not that I throw any blame on you: 
 you have reasoned, besought, inculcated, in- 
 veighed : but it now behoves you to use sharper 
 and more vigorous remedies; and conjoining your 
 spiritual authority with the civil power, to purge 
 effectually the temple of God from thieves and 
 intruders. '"^ It is easy to imagine, that this 
 harangue had the desired effect; and that, when 
 the king and prelates thus concurred with the 
 popular prejudices, it was not long before the 
 monks prevailed, and established their new dis- 
 cipline in almost all the convents. 
 
 We may remark, that the declamations against 
 the secular clergy are, both here and in all the 
 historians, conveyed in general terms; and as 
 that order of men are commonly restrained by 
 the decency of their character, it is dithcult to 
 believe that the complaints against their dissolute 
 manners could be so universally just as is pre- 
 tended. It is more })robable that the monks paid 
 court to the populace by an affected austerity of 
 life; and representing the most innocent liber- 
 ties, taken by the other clergy, as great and un- 
 pardonable enormities, tliereby prepared the way 
 for the increase of their own power and influence. 
 
 b Abbas Ricval. p.sGO, b6l. Spell. Cone. p. 4/6, 477, ^78.
 
 CJ55. EDGAR. t6l 
 
 Edgar, however, like a true politician, concurred 
 with the prevailing party; and he even indulged 
 them in pretensions, which, though they might, 
 when complied with, engage the monks to sup- 
 port royal authority during his own reign, proved 
 afterwards dangerous to his successors, and gave 
 disturbance to the whole civil power. He se- 
 conded the policy of the court of Rome, in 
 granting to some monasteries an exemption from 
 episcopal jurisdiction: he allowed the convents, 
 even those of royal foundation, to usurp the 
 election of their own abbot: and he admitted 
 their forgeries of ancient charters, by which, from 
 the pretended grant of former kings, they assumed 
 many privileges and immunities.' 
 
 These merits of Edgar have procured him the 
 highest panegyrics from the monks; and he is 
 transmitted to us, not only under the character 
 of a consummate statesman and an active prince, 
 praises to which he seems to have been justly 
 CHtitled, but under that of a great saint and a 
 man of virtue. But nothing could more betray 
 both his hypocrisy in inveighing against the li- 
 centiousness of the secular clergy, and the in- 
 terested spirit of his partisans, in bestowing such 
 eulogies on his piety, than the usual tenour of 
 his conduct, which was licentious to the highest 
 degree, and violated every law, luinuin and (livinc. 
 Yet those very monks, m ho, as we arc told by 
 
 > Chron. Sax. p. 118. W. Maimer, lib. 2. cnp. 8. Sildeni 
 Spicilcg. ad Eadm. p. 149. l.j/. 
 VOL. I. M
 
 162 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 955. 
 
 Ingulf, a very ancient historian, had no idea of 
 any moral or religious merit, except chastity and 
 obedience, not onl}^ connived at his enormities, 
 but loaded him. with the greatest praises. His- 
 tory, however, has preserved some instances of 
 his amours, from which, as from a specimen, we 
 may form a conjecture of the rest. 
 
 Edgar broke into a convent, carried off Edi- 
 tha, a nun, by force, and even committed violence 
 on her person.'' For this act of sacrilege he was 
 reprimanded by Dunstan; and that he might re- 
 concile himself to the churcli, he was obliged not 
 to separate from his mistress, but to abstain from 
 wearing his crown during seven years, and to 
 deprive himself so long of that vain 'ornament: 
 a punishment very unequal to that which had 
 been inflicted on the unfortunate Edwy, who, for 
 a marriage which in the strictest sense could 
 only deserve the name of irregular, was ex- 
 pelled his kingdom, saw his queen treated with 
 singular barbarity, was loaded Mith calumnies, 
 and has been represented to us under the most 
 odious colours. Such is the ascendant M-hich may 
 be attained, by hypocrisy and cabal, over man- 
 kind ! 
 
 There Mas another mistress of Edgar's, M'ith 
 whom he first formed a connection by a kind of 
 accident. Passing one day by Andover, he lodged 
 
 ^ W. Malmes. lib. 2. cap. 8. Osbcrne, p. 3. Diceto, p. -15/. 
 iligden, p. 265. 26/, 2G8. Spell. Cone, p. 4SJ . 
 ! Osberne, p. ill.
 
 i)55. EDGAR. 1()3 
 
 in the house of a nobleman, whose daughter, be- 
 ing endowed with all the graces of person and 
 behaviour, enflamed him at first sight with the 
 highest desire; and he resolved by any expedi- 
 ent to gratify it. As he had not leisure to employ 
 courtship or address for attaining his purpose, 
 he went directly to her mother, declared the 
 violence of his passion, and desired that the young 
 lady might be allowed to pass that very night 
 with him. The mother Mas a woman of virtue, 
 and determined not to dishonour her daughter 
 and her family by compliance; but being well 
 accjuainted with the impetuosity of the king's 
 temper, she thought it \vould be easier, as well 
 as safer, to deceive than refuse him. She feigned 
 therefore a submission to his will; but secretly 
 ordered a waiting-maid, of no disagreeable figure, 
 to steal into the king's bed, after all the company 
 should be retired to rest. In tJie morning, be- 
 fore day-break, the damsel, agreeably to the in- 
 junctions of her mistress, otl'ered to retire; but 
 Edgar, who bad no reserve in his pleasures, and 
 whose love to his bed-fellow was rather enflamed 
 by enjoyment, refused his consent, and employed 
 force and entreaties to detain her. Elrlcda (for 
 that was the name of the maid), trusting to her 
 own charms, and to the \o\e M'ith which, she 
 hoped, she had now ins[)ire(l the king, niadc pro- 
 bably but a faint resistance; and the return of 
 light discovered the deceit to I'.dgar. lie had 
 passed a night so much to his satisfaction, that
 
 l64 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 955. 
 
 he expressed no displeasure M'ith the old lady on 
 account of her fraud; his love was transferred 
 to Elfleda; she hecame his favourite mistress; 
 and maintained her ascendant over him till his 
 marriage with Elfrida."" 
 
 The circumstances of his marriage with this 
 lady were more singular and more criminal. 
 Elfrida was daughter and heir of Olgar, earl of 
 Devonshire; and though she had heen educated 
 in the country, and had never appeared at court, 
 she had filled all England with the reputation of 
 her beauty. Edgar himself, who was indifferent 
 to no accounts of this nature, found his curiosity 
 excited by the frequent panegyrics which he 
 heard of Elfrida; and reflecting on her noble 
 birth, he resolved, if he found her charms an- 
 swerable to their fame, to obtain possession of her 
 on honourable terms. He communicated his in- 
 tention to earl Athel wold, his favourite; but used 
 the precaution, before he made any advances to 
 her parents, to order that nobleman, on some 
 pretence, to pay them a visit, and to bring 
 him a certain account of the beauty of their 
 daughter. Athelwold, Avhen introduced to the 
 young lady, found general report to have fallen 
 short of the truth ; and being actuated by the 
 most vehement love, he determined to sacrifice 
 to this new passion his fidelity to his master, and 
 to the trust reposed in him. He returned to 
 Edgar, and told him, that the riches alone, and 
 
 "> W, Malmes. lib. 2, cap. 8. Higden, p. 268,
 
 935. EDGAR. Jd5 
 
 high quality of Elfrida, had been the ground of 
 the admiration paid her, and that her charms, 
 far from being anywise extraordinary, would have 
 been overlooked in a woman of inferior station. 
 When he had, by this deceit, diverted the king 
 from his purpose, he took an opportunity, after 
 some interval, of turning again the conversation 
 on Elfrida: he remarked, that though the paren- 
 tage and fortune of the lady had not produced 
 on him, as on others, any illusion with regard to 
 her beauty, he could not forbear reflecting that 
 she would, on the whole, be an advantageous 
 match for him, and might, by her birth and 
 riches, make him sufficient compensation for the 
 homeliness of her person. If the king, therefore, 
 gave his approbation, he was determined to make 
 proposals in his own behalf to the earl of Devon- 
 shire, and doubted not to obtain his, as well as 
 the young lady's consent to the marriage. Edgar, 
 pleased with an expedient for establisliing his 
 favourite's fortune, not only exhorted him to 
 execute his purpose, but forwarded his success 
 by his recommendations to the parents of ElFrida; 
 and Athelwold was soon made happy in the ])os- 
 session of his mistress. Dreading, however, the 
 detection of the artifice, he employed every pre- 
 tence for detaining Elfrida in the country, and 
 for keeping her at a distance from Edgar. 
 
 The violent passion of Athelwold had render- 
 ed him blind to the necessary consccpiences which 
 must attend his conduct, and the advantages
 
 166 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 953, 
 
 which the numerous enemies that always pursue 
 a royal favourite, would, by its means, be able to 
 make against him. Edgar was soon informed of 
 the truth ; but before he would execute vengeance 
 on Athelwold's treachery, he resolved to satisfy 
 himself with his own eyes of the certainty and 
 full extent of his guilt. He told him, that he in- 
 tended to pay him a visit in his castle, and be 
 introduced to the acquaintance of his new-mar- 
 ried wife; and Athelwold, as he could not refuse 
 the honour, only craved leave to go before him 
 a few hours, that he might the better prepare 
 every thing for his reception. He then discovered 
 the whole matter to EliVida; and begged her, 
 if she had any regard either to her own honour 
 or his life, to conceal from Edgar, by every cir- 
 cumstance of dress and behaviour, that fatal 
 beauty which had seduced him from fidelity to 
 his friend, and had betrayed him into so many 
 falsehoods. Elfrida promised compliance, though 
 nothing was farther from her intentions. She 
 deemed herself little beholden to Athelwold for a 
 passion which had deprived her of a crown; and 
 knowing the force of her own charms, she did 
 not despair even yet of reaching that dignity, of 
 which her husband's artifice had bereaved her. 
 She appeared before the king with all the advan- 
 tages which the richest attire and the most 
 engaging airs could bestow upon her, and she 
 excited at once in his bosom the hi<>hest love 
 towards herself, and the most furious desire of
 
 055. EDGAR. i67 
 
 revenge against her husband. He knew, how- 
 ever, to dissemble these passions; and seducing 
 Athelwold into a wood, on pretence of hunting, 
 he stabbed him with his own hand, and soon after 
 publickly espoused Elfrida." 
 
 Before we conclude our account of this reign, 
 we must mention two circumstances, which are 
 remarked by historians. The reputation of Edgar 
 allured a great number of foreigners to visit his 
 court ; and he gave them encouragement to settle 
 in England." We are told that they imported 
 all the vices of their respective countries, and 
 contributed to corrupt the simple manners of 
 the natives:'' but as this simplicity of manners, 
 so highly and often so injudiciously extolled, did 
 not preserve them from barbarity and treachery, 
 the greatest of all vices, and the most incident 
 to a rude uncultivated people, we ought perhaps 
 to deem their acquaintance with foreigners rather 
 an advantage; as it tended to enlarge their views, 
 and to cure them of those illiberal prejudices and 
 rustic manners to which islanders are often sub- 
 ject. 
 
 Another remarkable incident of this reign was 
 the extirpation of wolves from England. This 
 advantage was attained by the industrious policy 
 of Edgar. He took great pains in hunting and 
 
 " W. Malm. lib. 2. cap. 8. Hoveden, p. 42G. Brompton, 
 p. 8(35, 660. tlor. Wigoni, p. 600\ Higden, p. 268. 
 
 " Chron. Sax. p. 1 16. H. Huiuing. lib. .0. p. 356. Bromp- 
 ton, p. 805. f W. Maliues. lib. 2. cap. 8.
 
 l68 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.. 975. 
 
 pursuing those ravenous animals; and when he 
 found that all that escaped him had taken shel- 
 ter in the mountains and forests of Wales, he 
 changed the tribute of money imposed on the 
 Welsh princes by Athelstan, his predecessor,'' into 
 an annual tribute of three hundred heads of 
 wolves; which produced such diligence in hunt- 
 ing them, that the animal has been no more seen 
 in this island. 
 
 Edgar died after a reign of sixteen years, and 
 in the thirty-third of his age. He was succeeded 
 by Edward, whom he had by his first marriage 
 with the daughter of earl Ordmer. 
 
 EDWARD THE MARTYR. 975. 
 
 The succession of this prince, who was only fif- 
 teen years of age at his father's death, did not 
 take place without much difficulty and opposi- 
 tion. Elfrida, his step-mother, had a son, Ethel- 
 red, seven years old, whom she attempted to raise 
 to the throne : she affirmed that Edgar's mar- 
 riage with the mother of Edward was exposed to 
 insuperable objections; and as she had possessed 
 great credit m ith her husband, she had found 
 means to acquire partisans, Avho seconded all her 
 pretensions. But the title of Edward was sup- 
 ported by many advantages. He was appointed 
 
 ^ W. Malmes. lib. 2. cap. 6. Brompton, p. 838.
 
 g75. EDWARD THE MARTYR. 169 
 
 successor by the will of his father:' he was ap- 
 proaching to man's estate, and might soon be 
 able to take into his own hands the reins of go- 
 vernment: the principal nobility, dreading the 
 imperious temper of Elfrida, were averse to her 
 son's government, which must enlarge her autho- 
 rity, and probably put her in possession of the 
 regency: above all, Dunstan, whose character of 
 sanctity had given him the highest credit with 
 the people, had espoused the cause of Edward, 
 over whom he had already acquired a great ascen- 
 dant;' and he was determined to execute the 
 will of Edgar in his favour. To cut oif all op- 
 posite pretensions, Dunstan resolutely anointed 
 and crowned the young prince at Kingston; and 
 the whole kingdom, without farther dispute, sub- 
 mitted to him.' 
 
 It was of great importance to Dunstan and 
 the monks, to place on the throne a king favour- 
 able to their cause: the secular clergy had still 
 partisans in England, wdio wished to support them 
 in the possession of the convents, and of the 
 ecclesiastical authority. On the first intelligence 
 of Edgar's death, Alfere, duke of Mercia, ex- 
 pelled the new orders of monks from all the 
 monasteries which lay within his "jurisdiction; 
 but Elfwin, duke of East Anglia, and Brithnot, 
 
 > Hoveden, P..127. Eadmer, p. 3. Eadmer, ex edit. 
 
 Seldeni, p. 3. ' \V. Malm. lib. 2. cap. Q. Hoveden, p. 42/. 
 
 Osbeme, p. 113. " Chron. Sax. p. 123. VV. Malmes. lib. 2. 
 
 cap, 9. Hoveden, p. 'I27, Brompton, p. S/O. Flor. Wigorn, 
 p.()07.
 
 170 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. gys, 
 
 duke of the East Saxons, protected them within 
 their territories, and insisted upon the execution 
 of the late lavv^s enacted in their favour. In order 
 to settle this controversy, there were summoned 
 several synods, which, according to the practice 
 of those times, consisted partly of ecclesiastical 
 members, partly of the lay nobility. The monks 
 were able to prevail in these assemblies; though, 
 as it appears, contrary to the secret wishes, if not 
 the declared inclination, of the leading men in 
 the nation'*': they had more invention in forging 
 miracles to support their cause; or having been 
 so fortunate as to obtain, by their pretended 
 austerities, the character of piety, their miracles 
 were more credited by the populace. 
 
 In one synod, Dunstan finding the majority 
 of votes against him, rose up and informed the 
 audience, tliat he had that instant received an 
 immediate revelation in behalf of the monks: 
 the assembly was so astonished at this intelli- 
 gence, or probably so overawed by the populace, 
 that they proceeded no farther in their delibera- 
 tions. In another synod, a voice issued from 
 the crucifix, and informed the members that the 
 establishment of the monks was founded on the 
 will of heaven, and could not be opposed without 
 impiety.'' But the miracle performed in the third 
 synod was still more alarming: the floor of the 
 
 ^^ W. Malmes. lib. 2. cap. g. ^ W. Malmes. lib. 2. 
 
 cap. 9. OsbernCj p. 1 12. Gervase, p, 1647. Brompton, p. 87O. 
 Higden. p. 269.
 
 075. EDWARD THE MARTYR. 171 
 
 hall in which the assembly met sunk of a sudden, 
 and a great number of the members were either 
 bruised or killed by the fall. It was remarked, 
 that Dunstan had that day prevented the king 
 from attending the synod, and that the beam, on 
 which his own chair stood, was the only one that 
 did not sink under the weight of the ^assembly. 
 But these circumstances, instead of begetting 
 any suspicion of contrivance, were regarded as 
 the surest proof of the immediate interposition 
 of Providence, in behalf of those favourites of 
 heaven. 
 
 Edward lived four years after his accession, 
 and there passed nothing memorable during his 
 reign. His death alone was memorable and tra- 
 gical.'' This young prince was endowed with the 
 most amiable innocence of manners; and as his 
 own intentions were always pure, he was incapa- 
 ble of entertaining any suspicion against others. 
 Though his step-mother had opposed his succes- 
 sion, and had raised a party in favour of her own 
 son, he always showed her marks of regard, and 
 even expressed, on all occasions, the most tender 
 affection towards his brother. He was huntinof 
 one day in Dorsetshire; and being led ])v the 
 chase near Corfe-castlc, where Elfrida resided, 
 he took the opportunity of paying her a visit, 
 
 > Clnon. Sax. p. 124. W. Malines. lib. 2. cap.p. Hoveden, 
 p. 427. Il.Munl'mg. lib. 5. p. 35/. Gervase, p. 1 647. Bromp- 
 ton, p. 870. Flor. Wigoni. p. 607. Higdcn, p. 26y. Chron. 
 Abb S. Petri de Buigo, p. 20. ' Cbroii. Sax. p. 124.
 
 17^ HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 975. 
 
 unattended by any of his retinue, and he thereby 
 presented her Avith the opportunity which she 
 had long wished for. After he had mounted his 
 horse, he desired some Hquor to be brought him : 
 While he was holding the cup to his head, a ser- 
 vant of Elfrida approached him, and gave him a 
 stab behind. The prince, finding himself wound- 
 ed, put spurs to his horse; but becoming faint by 
 loss of blood, he fell from the saddle, his foot 
 stuck in the stirrup, and he was dragged along 
 by his unruly horse till he expired. Being tracked 
 by the blood, his body was found, and was pri- 
 vately interred at Wareham by his servants. 
 
 The youth and innocence of this prince, with 
 his tragical death, begat such compassion among 
 the people, that thc}^ believed miracles to be 
 wrought at his tomb; and they gave him the 
 appellation of martyr, though his murder had no 
 connexion with any religious principle or opi- 
 nion. Elfrida built monasteries, and performed 
 many penances, in order to atone for her guilt; 
 but could never, by all her hypocrisy or remorses, 
 recover the good opinion of the public, though 
 so easily deluded in those ignorant ages.
 
 97B. ETHELRED. 173 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Ethelred .... Settlement of the Normans . . . Edmund Ironside. . . 
 Canute. . . . Harold Harefoot. . . . Hardicanute. . . . Edward the 
 Confessor. . . . Harold. 
 
 ETHELRED. 978. 
 
 JLiiE freedom which England had so long en- 
 joyed from the depredations of the Danes, seems 
 to have proceeded, partly from the establishments 
 which that piratical nation had obtained in the 
 north of France, and which employed all their 
 superfluous hands to people and maintain them; 
 partly from the vigour and warlike spirit of a 
 long race of English princes, who preserved the 
 kingdom in a posture of defence by sea and land, 
 and either prevented or repelled every attempt 
 of the invaders. But a new generation of men 
 being now sprung up in the northern regions, 
 who could no longer disburthen themselves on 
 Normandy; the English had reason to dread that 
 the Danes would again visit an island to which 
 they were invited, both by the memory of their 
 past successes, and by the expectation of assist- 
 ance from their countrymen, who, though long- 
 established in the kingdom, -were not yet tho- 
 roughly incorporated with the natives, nor had
 
 J74 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 978. 
 
 entirely forgotten their inveterate habits of war 
 and depredation. And as the reigning prince 
 was a minor, and even when he attained to man's 
 estate,never discovered either courage or capacity 
 sufficient to govern his own subjects, much less 
 to repel a formidable enemy, the people might 
 justly apprehend the worst calamities from so 
 dangerous a crisis. 
 
 The Danes, before they durst attempt any 
 important enterprise against England, made an 
 inconsiderable descent by way of trial; and hav- 
 ing landed from seven vessels near Southampton, 
 they rav'aged the country, enriched themselves 
 by spoil, and departed with impunity. Six years 
 after, they made a like attempt in the west, and 
 met with like success. The invaders, having now 
 found affairs in a very different situation from 
 that in which they formerly appeared, encourag- 
 ed their countrymen to assemble a greater force, 
 and to hope for more considerable advantages. 
 They landed in Essex, under the command of 
 two leaders; and having defeated and slain at 
 Maldon, Brithnot, duke of that county, who ven- 
 tured, with a small body, to attack them, they 
 spread their devastations over all the neighbour- 
 ing provinces. In this extremity, Ethelreci, to 
 whom historians give the epithet of the Unready, 
 instead of rousing his people to defend with cou- 
 rage their honour and their property, hearkened 
 to the advice of Siricius, archbishop of Canter- 
 bury, which Avas seconded by many of the dege-
 
 991. ETHELREt). 175 
 
 nerate nobility; and paying the enemy the sum 
 often thousand pounds, he bribed them to depart 
 the kingdom. This shameful expedient was at- 
 tended with the success which might be expect- 
 ed. The Danes next year appeared off the east- 
 ern coast, in hopes of subduing a people who 
 defended themselves by their money, which in- 
 vited assailants, instead of their arms, which re- 
 pelled them. But the English, sensible of their 
 folly, had, in the interval, assembled in a great 
 council, and had determined to collect at London 
 a fleet able to give battle to the enemy;* though 
 that judicious measure failed of success, from the 
 treachery of Alfric duke of Mercia, whose name 
 is infamous in the annals of that age, by the cala- 
 mities which his repeated perfidy brought upon 
 his country. This nobleman had, in ()S3, suc- 
 ceeded to his father, Alfere, in that extensive 
 command; but being deprived of it two years 
 after, and banished the kingdom, he was obliged 
 to employ ail his intrigue, and all his power, 
 M'hich was too great for a subject, to be restored 
 to his country, and reinstated in his authority. 
 Having had experience of the credit and malevo- 
 lence of his enemies, he thenceforth trusted for 
 security, not to his services, or to the afll^ections 
 of his fellow-citizens, but to the intluence M'hich 
 he had obtained o\ er his vassals, and to the pub- 
 lic calamities, which he thought must, in every 
 revolution, render his assistance necessary, llav- 
 
 Chron. Sdx. p. 126.
 
 176 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 993. 
 
 ing fixed this resolution, he determined to pre- 
 vent all such successes as might establish the royal 
 authority, or render his own situation dependant 
 or precarious. As the English had formed the 
 plan of surrounding and destroying the Danish 
 fleet in harbour, he privately informed the enemy 
 of their danger ; and when they put to sea, in 
 consequence of this intelligence, he deserted to 
 them, with the squadron under his command, the 
 night before the engagement, and thereby dis- 
 appointed all the efforts of his ^ countrymen. 
 Ethelred, enraged at his perfidy, seized his son 
 Alfgar, and ordered his eyes to be put out." But 
 such was the power of Alfric, that he again forced 
 himself into authority ; and though he had given 
 this specimen of his character, and received this 
 grievous pro\'Ocation, it was found necessary to 
 entrust him anew with the government of Mer- 
 cia. This conduct of the court, which in all its 
 circumstances is so barbarous, weak, and impru- 
 dent, both merited and prognosticated the most 
 grievous calamities. 
 
 The northern invaders, now well acquainted 
 with the defenceless condition of England, made 
 a powerful descent under the command of Sweyn 
 king of Denmark, and Olave king of Norway; 
 and sailing up the Humber, spread on all sides 
 their destructive ravages. Lindesey was laid 
 waste; Banbury Mas destroyed; and all the North- 
 
 ^ Chron. Sax. p. 127. W. Malm. p. 62. Higden, p. 270. 
 = Chron. Sax. p. 128. W. Malm. p. 02.
 
 993. ETHELRED. 177 
 
 umbrians, though mostly of Danish descent, were 
 constrained either to join the invaders, or to suf- 
 fer under their depredations. A powerful army 
 was assembled to oppose the Danes, and a gene- 
 ral action ensued; but the English were deserted 
 in the battle, from the cowardice or treachery 
 of their three leaders, all of them men of Danish 
 race, Frena, Frithegist, and Godwin, who gave 
 the example of a shameful flight to the troops 
 under their command. 
 
 Encouraged by this success, and still more 
 by the contempt Avhich it inspired for their ene- 
 my, the pirates ventured to attack the centre 
 of the kingdom; and entering the Thames in 
 ninety-four vessels, laid siege to London, and 
 threatened it M'ith total destruction. Ikit the 
 citizens, alarmed at the danger, and firmly united 
 among themselves, made a bolder defence than 
 the cowardice of the nobility and gentry gave 
 the invaders reason to apprehend; and the be- 
 siegers, after suffering the greatest hardships, 
 were finally frustrated in their attempt. In order 
 to revenge themselves, they laid waste Essex, 
 Sussex, and Hampshire; and having there })ro- 
 cured horses, they were thereby enabled to spread, 
 through the more inland counties, the fury of 
 their depredations. In this extremity, Ethehed 
 and his nobles had rc-coursc to the former ex- 
 pedicMit; and sending aml)assa(lors to the two 
 northern kings, they j)romise(l tlicm sub>)istence 
 and tribute, on condition thoy would, for the 
 vol. I. N
 
 178 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 993. 
 
 present, put an end to their ravages, and soon 
 after depart the kingdom. Sweyn and Olave 
 agreed to the terms, and peaceably took up their 
 quarters at Southampton, where the sum of six- 
 teen thousand pounds was paid to them. Olave 
 even made a journey to Andover, where Ethelred 
 resided; and he received the rite of confirmation 
 from the English bishops, as wxll as many rich 
 presents from the king. He here promised that 
 he would never more infest the English territo- 
 ries; and he faithfully fulfilled the engagement. 
 This prince receives the appellation of St. Olave 
 from the church of Rome; and, notwithstanding 
 the general presumption which lies either against 
 the understanding or morals of every one who in 
 those ignorant ages was dignified with that title, 
 he seems to have been a man of merit and of 
 virtue. Sweyn, though less scrupulous than 
 Olave, was constrained, upon the departure of 
 the Norwegian prince, to evacuate also the king- 
 dom with all his follow^ers. 
 
 This composition brought only a short inter- 
 val to the miseries of the English. The Danish 
 pirates appeared soon after in the Severne; and 
 having committed spoil in Wales, as well as in 
 Cornwall and Devonshire, they sailed round to 
 the south coast, and entering the Tamar, com- 
 pleted the devastation of these two counties. 
 They then returned to the Bristol channel; and 
 penetrating into the country by the Avon, spread 
 themselves over all that neighbourhood, and car-
 
 998. ETHELRED. 179 
 
 ried fire and sword even into Dorsetshire. Tliey 
 next changed the seat of war; and after ravag- 
 ing the Isle of Wight, they entered the Thames 
 and Medway, and laid siege to Rochester, where 
 they defeated the Kentish-men in a pitched bat- 
 tle. After this victory, the whole province of 
 Kent was made a scene of slaughter, fire, and 
 devastation. The extremity of these miseries 
 forced the English into counsels for common 
 defence both by sea and land; but the weak- 
 ness of the king, the divisions among the no- 
 bility, the treachery of some, the cowardice of 
 others, the want of concert in all, frustrated 
 every endeavour: their fleets and armies either 
 came too late to attack the enemy, or were re- 
 pulsed with dishonour; and the people were thus 
 etjually ruined by resistance or by submission. 
 The English therefore, destitute both of pru- 
 dence and unanimity in council, of courage and 
 conduct in the field, had recourse to the same 
 weak expedient which by experience they had 
 ah'cady found so ineffectual: they offered the 
 Dunes to buy peace, by paying them a large sum 
 of money. These ravagcrs rose continually in 
 their demands; and now required the payment 
 of twenty-four thousand pounils, to which the 
 English were so mean and imprudent as to sub- 
 mit." The {lej)arture of the Danes procured tlieni 
 another short interval of repose, which they 
 enjoyed, as if it were to be perpetual, without 
 
 ^ Hovcdcn, P.-I29. Cliron. M.iilr. p. \:>3.
 
 180 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 998. 
 
 making any effectual preparations for a more 
 vigorous resistance upon the next return of the 
 enemy. 
 
 Besides receiving this sum, the Danes Avere 
 engaged by another motive to depart a kingdom 
 which appeared so little in a situation to resist 
 their efforts: they were invited over by their 
 countrymen in Normandy, who at this time Avere 
 hard pressed by the arms of Robert king of 
 France, and who found it difficult to defend the 
 settlement which, with so much advantage to 
 themselves and glory to their nation, they had 
 made in that country. It is probable also, that 
 Ethelred, observing the close connexions thus 
 maintained among all the Danes, however di- 
 vided in government or situation, was desirous 
 of forming an alliance with that formidable peo- 
 ple: for this purpose, being now a widower, he 
 made his addresses to Emma, sister to Richard II. 
 duke of Normandy, and he soon succeeded in 
 his negociation. The princess came over this 
 year to England, and was married to Ethelred.'' 
 
 SETTLEMENT OF THE NORMANS. 1001. 
 
 In the end of the ninth, and beginning of the 
 tenth century, when the north, not yet exhaust- 
 ed by that multitude of people, or rather nations, 
 which she had successively emitted, sent forth a 
 
 '' H. Hunt. p. 359. Higden, p. 271.
 
 1001. ETHELRED. 181 
 
 new race, not of conquerors, as before, but of 
 pirates and ravagers, who infested the countries 
 possessed by her once warhke sons; lived Rollo, 
 a petty prince or chieftain of Denmark, whose 
 valour and abilities soon engaged the attention 
 of his countrymen. He was exposed in his youth 
 to the jealousy of the king of Denmark, who at- 
 tacked his small but independent principality; 
 and who, being foiled in every assault, had re- 
 course at last to perfidy for effecting his purpose, 
 which he had often attempted in vain by force 
 of arms:' he lulled Rollo into security by an in- 
 sidious peace; and falling suddenly upon him, 
 murdered his brother and his bravest officers, 
 and forced him to fly for safety into Scandinavia, 
 Here many of his ancient subjects, induced partly 
 by affection to their prince, partly by the op- 
 pressions of the Danish monarch, ranged them 
 selves under his standard, and offered to follow 
 him in every enterprise. Rollo, instead of at- 
 tempting to recover his paternal dominions, 
 where he nmst expect a vigorous resistance from 
 the Danes, determined to pursue an easier, but 
 more important undertaking, and to make his 
 fortune, in imitation of his countrymen, by pil- 
 lagfimr the richer -uul more southern coasts of 
 Europe. He collected a body of troops, which, 
 like tliat of all those ravagers, was composed of 
 Norwegians, Swedes, Frijsians, Danes, and ad- 
 
 '^ Dudo, c\ edit. DucIr-^iic, p. 70, "1 . Cnl. GraiciifCtrH, lib. 2. 
 cnp. 2, J.
 
 182 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1001. 
 
 venturers of all nations, who, being accustomed 
 to a roving unsettled life, took delight in nothing 
 but war and plunder. His reputation brought 
 him associates from all quarters; and a vision, 
 which he pretended to have appeared to him in 
 his sleep, and which, according to his interpre- 
 tation of it, prognosticated the greatest successes, 
 proved also a powerful incentiv e with those ig- 
 norant and superstitious people/ 
 
 The first attempt made by RoUo was on Eng- 
 land, nea/ the end of Alfred's reign; when that 
 great monarch, having settled Guthrum and his 
 followers in East Anglia and others of those free- 
 booters in Northumberland, and having restored 
 peace to his harassed country, had established 
 the most excellent military as well as civil insti- 
 tutions among the English. The prudent Dane, 
 finding that no advantages could be gained over 
 such a people, governed by such a prince, soon 
 turned his enterprises against France, which he 
 found more exposed to his inroads;" and during 
 the reigns of Eudes, an usurper, and of Charles 
 the Simple, a weak prince, he committed the most 
 destructive ravages both on the inland and ma- 
 ritime provinces of that kingdom. The French, 
 having no means of defence against a leader, who 
 united all the valour of his countrymen with the 
 policy of more civilized nations, were obliged to 
 submit to the expedient practised by Alfred, and 
 
 '' Dudo, p. 71 . Gul. Gem. in epist. ad Gul. Conq. 
 = Gul. Gemet. lib. 2. cap. t5.
 
 1001. ETHEL RED. 183 
 
 to offer the Invaders a settlement in some of those 
 provinces which they had depopulated by their 
 arms.^ 
 
 The reason why the Danes for many years 
 pursued measures so different from those which 
 had been embraced by the Goths, Vandals, Franks, 
 Burgundians, Lombards, and other northern con- 
 querors, was the great difference in the method 
 of attack which was practised by these several 
 nations, and to which the nature of their respec- 
 tive situations necessarily confined them. The 
 latter tribes, living in an inland country, made 
 incursions by land upon the Roman empire; and 
 when they entered far into the frontiers, they 
 were obliged to carry along with them their 
 wives and families, whom they had no hopes of 
 soon revisiting, and who could not otherwise par- 
 ticipate of their pkuider. This circumstance 
 quickly made them think of forcing a settlement 
 in the provinces which they had overrun; and 
 these barbarians, spreading themselves over the 
 country, found an interest in protecting the pro- 
 perty and industry of the people whom they had 
 subdued. But the Danes and Norwegians, in- 
 vited by their maritime situation, and obliged to 
 maintain themselves in their uncultivated coun- 
 try by fishing, had acquired some experience of 
 navigation; and in their military excursions pur- 
 sued the method practised against tlie Roman 
 empire by the more early Saxons: they made 
 
 ' Diulo, p. 82.
 
 184 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. lOOl. 
 
 descents in small bodies from their ships, or 
 rather boats, and ravaging the coasts, returned 
 with the booty to their families, whom they could 
 not conveniently carry along with them in those 
 hazardous enterprises. But Avhen they increased 
 their armaments, made incursions into the inland 
 countries, and found it safe to remain longer in 
 the midst of the enfeebled enemy, they had been 
 accustomed to crowd their vessels with their 
 wives and children; and having no longer any 
 temptation to return to their own country, they 
 willingly embraced an opportunity of settling in 
 the warm climates and cultivated fields of the 
 south. 
 
 Affairs were in this situation with RoUo and 
 his foUoAvers, when Charles proposed to relin- 
 quish to them part of the province formerly 
 called Neustria, and to purchase peace on these 
 hard conditions. After all the terms were fully 
 settled, there appeared only one circumstance 
 shocking to the haughty Dane: he was required 
 to do homage to Charles for this province, and 
 to put himself in that humiliating posture im- 
 posed on vassals by the rites of the feudal law. 
 He long refused to submit to this indignity; but 
 being unwilling to lose such important advan- 
 tages for a mere ceremony, he made a sacrifice 
 of his pride to his interest, and acknowledged 
 himself, in form, the vassal of the French mo- 
 narch.^ Charles ga\e him his daughter Gisla in 
 
 s Ypod. Neust. p. 417.
 
 lOOJ. ETHELRED. 1&5 
 
 marriage ; and, that he might bind him faster to 
 his interests, made him a donation of a consider- 
 able territory, besides that which he was obliged 
 to surrender to him by his stipulations. When 
 some of the French nobles informed him, that in 
 return for so generous a present, it was expect- 
 ed that he should throw himself at the king's 
 feet, and make suitable acknowledgments for his 
 bounty: RoUo replied, that he would rather de- 
 cline the present; and it was with some difficulty 
 they could persuade him to make that compli- 
 ment by one of his captains. The Dane, com- 
 missioned for this purpose, full of indignation at 
 the order, and despising so un warlike a prince, 
 caught Charles by the foot, and pretending to 
 cany it to his mouth, that he might kiss it, over- 
 threw him before all his courtiers. The French, 
 sensible of their present weakness, found it pru- 
 dent to overlook this insult.'' 
 
 Rollo, who was now in the decline of life, and 
 was tired of wars and depredations, applied him- 
 self, with mature coimsels, to the settlement of 
 his new-acquired territory, which was thence- 
 forth called Nt)rmandy; and he parcelled it out 
 among his captains and folIoMcrs. Jlc followed, 
 in this partition, the customs of the feudal law, 
 M'hich was then universally established in the 
 southern countries of Furope, and wliicli suited 
 the peculiar circumstances of that age. lie treat- 
 ed the Frencli subjects, who submitted to him, 
 
 '> Gul. Gcimt. lib. 2. cap. i;.
 
 186 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. lOOl. 
 
 with mildness and justice; he reclaimed his an- 
 cient followers from their ferocious violence; he 
 established law and order throughout his state; 
 and after a life spent in tumults and ravages, he 
 died peaceably in a good old age, and left his 
 dominions to his posterity.' 
 
 William I. who succeeded him, governed the 
 dutchy twenty-five years; and, during that time, 
 the Normans were thoroughly intermingled with 
 the French, had acquired their language, had 
 imitated their manners, and had made such pro- 
 gress towards cultivation, that, on the death of 
 William, his son Richard, though a minor, " in- 
 herited his dominions : a sure proof that the Nor- 
 mans were already somewhat advanced in civility, 
 and that their government could now rest secure 
 on its laws and civil institutions, and was not 
 wholly sustained by the abilities of the sovereign. 
 Richard, after a long reign of fifty-four years, 
 was succeeded by his son of the same name, in 
 the year 996;^ which was eighty-five years after 
 the first establishment of the Normans in France. 
 This was the duke who gave his sister Emma 
 in marriage to Ethelred king of England, and 
 who thereby formed connections with a country 
 which his posterity was so soon after destined to 
 subdue. 
 
 The Danes had been established during a 
 longer period in England than in France; and 
 
 i Gul. Gemct. lib. 2. cap. IQ, 20, 21 . ^ Order. Vitalis, 
 
 p. 459. Gul. Gemet. lib. 4. cap, 1 . ' Order. Vitalis, p. 45g.
 
 1001. ETHELRED. 187 
 
 though the similarity of their original language 
 to that of the Saxons, invited them to a more 
 early coalition with the natives, they had hither- 
 to found so little example of civilized manners 
 among the English, that they retained all their 
 ancient ferocity, and valued themselves only on 
 their national character of military hravery. The 
 recent as well as more ancient achievements of 
 their countrymen tended to support this idea; 
 and the English princes, particularly Athelstaii 
 and Edgar, sensible of that superiority, had been 
 accustomed to keep in pay bodies of Danish 
 troops, who were quartered about the country, 
 and committed many violences upon the inhabit- 
 ants. These mercenaries had attained to such a 
 height of luxury, according to the old English 
 writers,'" that they combed their hair once a day, 
 bathed themselves once a M'cck, changed their 
 clothes frequently; and by all these arts of effe- 
 minacy, as well as by their military character, 
 had rendered themselves so agreeable to the fair 
 sex, that they debauched the Avives and daugh- 
 ters of the Englisli, and dishonoured many fami- 
 lies, Ijut what most provoked the inhabitants 
 M'as, that instead of defending them against in- 
 vaders, they were ever ready to betray them to 
 the foreign Danes, and to associate themselves 
 with all straggling parties ol" that nation. The 
 animosity between the inhabitants of I'.nglish and 
 Danish race bad, from these repeated injuries, 
 
 "' Walliiiglurd, p. 5-17.
 
 188 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1002. 
 
 risen to a great height; when Ethelred, from a 
 policy incident to weak princes, embraced the 
 cruel resolution of massacring the latter, through- 
 out all his dominions.* Secret orders were dis- 
 patched to commence the execution ev^ery where 
 on the same day; and the festival of St. Brice, 
 which fell on a Sunday, Nov. \'3, the day on 
 which the Danes usually bathed themselves, was 
 chosen for that purpose. It is needless to repeat 
 the accounts transmitted concerning the barba- 
 rity of this massacre: the rage of the populace, 
 excited by so many injuries, sanctified by autho- 
 rity, and stimulated by example, distinguished 
 not between innocence and guilt, spared neither 
 sex nor age, and was not satiated without the 
 tortures as well as death of the unhappy victims. 
 Even Gunilda, sister to the king of Denmark, 
 who had married earl Paling, and had embraced 
 Christianity, was, by the advice of Edric, earl 
 of Wilts, seized and condemned to death by 
 Ethelred, after seeing her husband and children 
 butchered before her face. This unhappy prin- 
 cess foretold, in the agonies of despair, that her 
 murder would soon be avenged by the total ruin 
 of the English nation. 
 
 Never M^as prophecy better fulfilled; and ne- 
 ver did barbarous policy prove more fatal to the 
 authors. Sweyn and his Danes, who wanted but 
 a pretence for invading the English, appeared off 
 the western coast, and threatened to take full 
 
 * See note [D] vol. x.
 
 1003. ETHELRED. I89 
 
 revenge for the slaughter of their countrymen. 
 Exeter fell first into their hands, from the neg- 
 ligence or treachery of earl Hugh, a Norman, 
 who had been made governor by the interest of 
 queen Emma. They began to spread their de- 
 vastations over the country; when the English, 
 sensible what outrages they must now expect 
 from their barbarous and offended enemy, assem- 
 bled more early, and in greater numbers than 
 usual, and made an appearance of vigorous re- 
 sistance. But all these preparations were frus- 
 trated by the treachery of duke Alfric, who was 
 intrusted with the command, and who, feigning 
 sickness, refused to lead the army against the 
 Danes, till it was dispirited, and at last dissipated, 
 by his fatal misconduct. Alfric soon after died; 
 and Edric, a greater traitor than he, who had 
 married the king's daughter, and had acquired 
 a total ascendant over him, succeeded Alfric, in 
 the government of Mcrcia, and in the command 
 of the English armies. A great famine, proceed- 
 ing partly from the bad seasons, partly from the 
 decay of agriculture, added to all the other mise- 
 ries of the inhabitants. Tlic country, wasted by 
 the Danes, harassed l)y the fruitless expeditions 
 of its own forces, was reduced to the utmost de- 
 solation; and at last submitted to tlie inlamy of 
 purchasing a ])recarious peace from tlie enemy, 
 by tlie payment of thirty tliousand pounds. 
 
 The English endeavoured to employ this in- 
 terval in making preparations against the return
 
 ipo HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1007. 
 
 of the Danes, which they had reason soon to ex- 
 pect. A law was made, ordering the proprietors 
 of eight hides of land to provide each a horseman 
 and a complete suit of armour; and those of 
 three hundred and ten hides to equip a ship for 
 the defence of the coast. When this navy was 
 assemhled, which must have consisted of near 
 eight hundred vessels," all hopes of its success 
 were disappointed by the factions, animosities, 
 and dissensions of the nobility. Edric had im- 
 pelled his brother Brightric to prefer an accusa- 
 tion of treason against Wolfnorth, governor of 
 Sussex, the father of the famous earl Godwin; 
 and that nobleman, well acquainted with the ma- 
 levolence as well as power of his enemy, found 
 no means of safety but in deserting with twenty 
 ships to the Danes. Brightric pursued him with 
 a fleet of eighty sail; but his ships being shat- 
 tered in a tempest, and stranded on the coast, 
 he was suddenly attacked by Wolfnorth, and all 
 his vessels were burnt and destroyed. The im- 
 becility of the king Mas little capable of repair- 
 ing this misfortune: the treachery of Edric frus- 
 trated every plan for future defence; and the 
 English navy, disconcerted, discouraged, and 
 divided, -was at last scattered into its several har- 
 bours. 
 
 It is almost impossible, or would be tedious, 
 to relate particularly all the miseries to which 
 
 " There were 2-l;},600 hides in England. Consequently the 
 .iiips equipped mu'?t be 785. The cavalry was 30,450 men
 
 1007. ETHELRED. 191 
 
 the English were thenceforth exposed. We hear 
 of nothing but the sacking and burning of towns ; 
 the devastation of the open country; the ap- 
 pearance of the enemy in every quarter of the 
 kingdom; their cruel diligence in discovering 
 any corner which had not been ransacked by 
 their former violence. Tlie broken and disjointed 
 narration of the ancient historians is here well 
 adapted to the nature of the vv^ar, which was con- 
 ducted by such sudden inroads as would have 
 been dangerous even to an united and well-go- 
 verned kingdom, but proved fatal, Avhere nothing 
 but a general consternation and mutual diffidence 
 and dissension prevailed. The governors of one 
 province refused to march to the assistance of 
 another, and were at last terrified from assem- 
 bling their forces for the defence of their own 
 province. General councils M^ere summoned ; but 
 either no resolution was taken, or none was car- 
 ried into execution. And the only expedient in 
 which the English agreed, was the base and im- 
 prudent one of buying a new peace from the 
 Danes, by the payment of forty-eight thousand 
 pounds. 
 
 This measure did not even bring them that 
 short interval of repose which they had ex})ected 
 from it. The Danes, disregarding all engage- 
 ments, continued their devastations and liostili- 
 tics; levied a new contribution of eight thousand 
 pounds upon the county of Kent alone; murdered 
 the arciibishop of Canterbury, who had refused
 
 102 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. lOll. 
 
 to countenance this exaction; and the Englisli 
 nobility found no other resource than that of 
 submitting every where to the Danish monarch, 
 swearing allegiance to him, and delivering him 
 hostages for their fidelity. Ethelred, equally 
 afraid of the violence of the enemy and the 
 treachery of his own subjects, fled into Nor- 
 mandy, whither he had sent before him queen 
 Emma, and her two sons Alfred and Edward. 
 Richard received his unhappy guests with a gene- 
 rosity that does honour to his memory. 
 
 The king had not been above six weeks in 
 Normandy, when he heard of the death of Sweyn, 
 who expired at Gainsborough, before he had time 
 to establish himself in his new-acquired domi- 
 nions. The English prelates and nobility, taking- 
 advantage of this event, sent over a deputation 
 to Normandy; invited Ethelred to return to 
 them, expressing a desire of being again go- 
 verned by their native prince, and intimating 
 their hopes that, being now tutored by experi- 
 ence, he would ^ avoid all those errors which 
 had been attended M^th such misfortunes to 
 himself and to his people. But the misconduct 
 of Ethelred was incurable; and on his resuming 
 the government, he discovered the same incapa- 
 city, indolence, cowardice, and credulity, which 
 had so often exposed him to tlic insults of his 
 enemies. His son-in-law, Edric, notwithstand- 
 ing his repeated treasons, retained such influence 
 at court, as to instil into the king jealousies oi
 
 1014. ETHELRED. 193 
 
 Sigefert and Morcar, two of the chief nobles of 
 Mercia: Eclric allured them into his house, where 
 he murdered them; while Ethelred participated 
 in the infamy of the action, by confiscating their 
 estates, and thrusting into a convent the widow 
 of Sigefert. She was a woman of singular beauty 
 and merit; and in a visit which was paid her, 
 during her confinement, by prince Edmond, the 
 king's eldest son, she inspired him with so vio- 
 lent an affection, that he released her from the 
 convent, and soon after married her without the 
 consent of his father. 
 
 Meanwhile the English found in Canute, the 
 son and successor of Sweyn, an enemy no less 
 terrible than the prince from whom death had so 
 lately delivered them. He ravaged the eastern 
 coast with merciless fury, and put ashore all the 
 English hostages at Sandwich, after having cut 
 off their hands and noses. He was obliged, by 
 the necessity of his affairs, to make a voyage to 
 Denmark; but returning soon after, he conti- 
 nued his depredations along the southern coast: 
 he even broke into the counties of Dorset, \\'ilts, 
 and Somerset; where an army M'as assembled 
 against him, under the command of prince Ed- 
 mond and duke J'dric. The latter still continued 
 his perfidious machinations; and after endeavour- 
 ing in vain to get Uie prince into his power, he 
 found means to disperse the army; and he then 
 openly deserted to Canute M'ith forty vessels. 
 
 Notwithstanding this misfortune, I'dniond was 
 voj.. r. o
 
 194 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1015. 
 
 not disconcerted; but assem])ling all the force of 
 England, was in a condition to give battle to the 
 enemy. The king had had such frequent experi- 
 ence of perfidy among his subjects, that he had 
 lost all confidence in them: he remained at Lon- 
 don, pretending sickness, but really from appre- 
 hensions that they intended to buy their peace, 
 ])y delivering him into the hands of his enemies. 
 The army called aloud for their sovereign to 
 march at their head against the Danes; and on 
 his refusal to take the field, they were so dis- 
 couraged, that those vast preparations became 
 ineffectual for the defence of the kingdom. Ed- 
 mond, deprived of all regular supplies to maintain 
 his soldiers, was obliged to commit equal ravages 
 with those which were practised by the Danes; 
 and after making some fruitless expeditions into 
 the north, which had submitted entirely to Ca- 
 nute's power, he retired to London, determined 
 there to maintain, to the last extremity, the small 
 remains of English liberty. He here found every 
 thing in confusion by the death of the king, who 
 expired after an unhappy and inglorious reign 
 of thirty-five years, lie left two sons by his first 
 marriage, Edmond, who succeeded him, and Ed- 
 w>-, whom Canute afterwards murdered. His 
 two sons by the second marriage, Alfred and Ed- 
 ward, were immediately, upon Ethelred's death, 
 conveyed into Normandy by (pjccn Emma.
 
 101(5. EDMOND IRONSIDE. 195 
 
 EDMOND IRONSIDE. 1016. 
 
 This prince, who received the name of Ironside 
 from his hardy valour, possessed courage and 
 abiHties sufficient to have prevented his country 
 from sinking into those calamities, but not to 
 raise it from that abyss of misery into which it 
 had already fallen. Among the other misfor- 
 tunes of the English, treachery and disaffection 
 had creeped in among the nobility and prelates; 
 and Edmond found no better expedient for stop- 
 ping the farther progress of these fatal evils than 
 to lead his army instantly into the licld, and to 
 employ them against the common enemy. After 
 meeting with some success at Gillingham, he 
 prepared himself to decide, in one general en- 
 gagement, the fate of his crown; and at Scoer- 
 ston, in the county of Glocester, he offered battle 
 to the enemy, who were commanded by Canute 
 and Edric. Fortune, in the beginning of the day, 
 declared for him; but Edric, having cut off the 
 head of one O.smer, whose countenance resembled 
 that of Echnond, fixed it on a spear, carried it 
 tlirough the ranks in triumph, and called aloud 
 to the English, that it was time to fly; for, be- 
 hold! the head of their sovereign. And though 
 Edmond, observing the consteniatiDn of tlie 
 troops, took off his helmet and sJiowed liiniself 
 to tlicni, the utmost he could gain 1)\ his actisity
 
 196 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. IO16. 
 
 and valour was to leave the victory undecided. 
 Edric now took a surer method to ruin him ; by 
 pretending to desert to him; and as Edmond was 
 well acquainted with his power, and probably 
 knew no other of the chief nobihty in whom he 
 could repose more confidence, he was obliged, 
 notwithstanding the repeated perfidy of the man, 
 to give him a considerable command in the army. 
 A battle soon after ensued at Assington in Essex; 
 where Edric, flying in the beginning of the 
 day, occasioned the total defeat of the English, 
 followed by a great slaughter of the nobility. 
 The indefatigable Edmond, however, had still 
 resources: assembling a new army at Glocester, 
 he was again in a condition to dispute the field; 
 when the Danish and English nobility, equally 
 harassed with those convulsions, obliged their 
 kings to come to a compromise, and to divide the 
 kingdom between them by treaty. Canute re- 
 served to himself the northern division, consist- 
 ing of Mercia, Eastxlnglia, and Northumberland, 
 which he had entirely subdued: the southern 
 parts were left to Edmond. This prince survived 
 the treaty about a month : he was murdered at 
 Oxford by two of his chamberlains, accomplices 
 of Edric, who thereby made way for the suc- 
 cession of Canute the Dane to the crown of 
 England.
 
 1017. CANUTE. 197 
 
 CANUTE. 1017. 
 
 The Englisli, who had been unable to defend 
 their country, and maintain their independency, 
 under so active and brave a prince as Edmond, 
 could, after his death, expect nothing but total 
 subjection from Canute, who, active and brave 
 himself, and at the head of a great force, was 
 ready to take advantage of the minority of Ed- 
 win and Edward, the two sons of Edmond. Yet 
 this conqueror, who was commonly so little scru- 
 pulous, showed himself anxious to cover his in- 
 justice under plausible pretences : before he seized 
 the dominions of the English princes, he sum- 
 moned a general assembly of the states, in order 
 to fix the succession of the kingdom. He here 
 suborned some nobles to depose that, in the 
 treaty of Glocester, it had been verbally agreed 
 either to name Canute, in case of Edmond's 
 death, successor to his dominions, or tutor to 
 his children (for historians vary in this particu- 
 lar) : and that evidence, supported by the great 
 power of Canute, determined the states immedi- 
 ately to put the Danish monarch in possession 
 of the government. Canute, jealous of the two 
 princes, but sensible that he should render him- 
 self extremely odious if he ordered them to be 
 dispatched in England, sent them abroad to his 
 ally the king of Sweden, whom he desired, as
 
 198 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1017. 
 
 soon as they arrived at his court, to free him hy 
 their death from all farther anxiety. The Swedish 
 monarch was too generous to comply with the 
 request; but being afraid of drawing on himself 
 a quarrel with Canute, by protecting the young 
 princes, he sent them to Solomon king of Hungary, 
 to be educated in his court. The elder Edwin was 
 afterwards married to the sister of the king of 
 Hungary ; but the English prince dying without 
 issue, Solomon gave his sister-in-law, Agatha, 
 daughter of the emperor Henry H, in marriage 
 to Edward the younger brother; and she bore 
 him Edgar Atheling, Margaret, afterwards queen 
 of Scotland, and Christina, who retired into a 
 convent, 
 
 Canute, though he had reached the great 
 point of his ambition, in obtaining possession of 
 the English crown, was obliged at first to make 
 great sacrifices to it; and to gratify the chief of 
 the nobility, by bestowing on them the most 
 extensive governments and jurisdictions. He 
 created Thurkill earl or duke of East Anglia (for 
 these titles were then nearly of the same import), 
 Yric of Northumberland, and Edric of Mercia; 
 reserving only to himself the administration of 
 Wessex. But seizing afterwards a favourable 
 opportunity, he expelled Thurkill and Yric from 
 their governments, and banished them the king- 
 dom: he put to death many of the English nobi- 
 lity, on whose fidelity he could not rely, and 
 whom he hated on account of their disloyalty to
 
 1017. CANUTE. 199 
 
 their native prince. And even the traitor Edric, 
 having had the assurance to reproach liini with 
 his services, was condemned to be executed, and 
 his body to be thrown into the Thames; a suit- 
 able reward for his multiplied acts of perfidy and 
 rebellion. 
 
 Canute also found himself obliged, in the be- 
 ginning of his reign, to load the people with 
 heavy taxes, in order to reward his Danish fol- 
 lowers: he exacted from them at one time the 
 sum of seventy-two thousand pounds; besides 
 eleven thousand pounds M'hich he levied on Lon- 
 don alone, lie was probably willing, from po- 
 litical motives, to mulct severely that city, on 
 account of the affection which it had borne to 
 Edmond, and the resistance which it had. made 
 to the Danish power in two obstinate sicges. But 
 these rigours were imputed to necessity; and 
 Canute, like a wise prince, was determined that 
 the English, now deprived of all their dangerous 
 leaders, should be reconciled to the Danish ^oke, 
 by the justice and impartiality of his administra- 
 tion. He sent back to Denmark as many of his 
 followers as he could safely spare: he restored 
 the Saxon customs in a general assembly of the 
 states: he made no distinction between Danes 
 and English in the distribution of justice: and 
 he took care, by a strict execution of law, to 
 
 " V/. Malm. p. 72. In one of these sieges, Canute divcrtf il 
 the course of the Thames, and by that means brought his ,hi[);. 
 above Loudon bridge,
 
 200 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1017. 
 
 protect the lives and properties of all his people. 
 The Danes were gradually incorporated with his 
 new subjects; and both were glad to obtain a 
 little respite from those multiplied calamities 
 from M'hich the one, no less than the other, had, 
 in their fierce contest for power, experienced 
 such fatal consequences. 
 
 The removal of Edmond's children into so 
 distant a country as Hungary, was, next to their 
 death, regarded by Canute as the greatest secu- 
 rity to his government: he had no farther anxi- 
 ety, except with regard to Alfred and Edward, 
 who were protected and supported by their uncle, 
 Richard duke of Normandy. Richard even fitted 
 out a great armament, in order to restore the 
 English princes to the throne of their ancestors; 
 and though the navy was dispersed by a storm, 
 Canute saw the danger to which he was exposed 
 from the enmity of so warlike a people as the 
 Normans. In order to acquire the friendship of 
 the duke, he paid his addresses to queen Emma, 
 sister of that prince ; and promised that he would 
 leave the children, v/hom he should have by that 
 marriage, in possession of the crown of England. 
 Richard complied with his demand, and sent 
 over Emma to England, where she was soon after 
 married to Canute.'' The English, though they 
 disapproved of her espousing the mortal enemy 
 of her former husband and his family, were pleased 
 to find at court a so\'ereign, to whom they were 
 
 1 Chron. Sax, p. 151. W, Malmes. p. 73.
 
 1017. CANUTE. 201 
 
 accustomed, and who had aheady formed con- 
 nect'.ons with them : and thus Canute, besides 
 securing by this marriage the alliance of Nor- 
 mandy, gradually acquired, by the same means, 
 the confidence of his own subjects.*' The Nor- 
 man prince did not long survive the marriage of 
 Emma ; and he left the inheritance of the dutchy 
 to his eldest son of the same name; who dying a 
 year after him without children, was succeeded 
 by his brother Robert, a man of valour and abi- 
 lities. 
 
 Canute, having settled his power in England 
 beyond all danger of a revolution, made a voyage 
 to Denmark, in order to resist the attacks of the 
 king of Sweden; and he carried along Avith him 
 a great body of the English, under the command 
 of earl Godwin. This nobleman had here an 
 opportunity of performing a service, by which 
 he both reconciled the king's mind to the English 
 nation, and, gaining to himself the friendship of 
 his sovereign, laid the foundation of that im- 
 mense fortune which he acquired to his family. 
 He M'as stationed next the Swedish camp; and 
 observing a favourable opportunity, which he was 
 obliged suddenly to seize, he attacked the enemy 
 in the night, drove them from their trenches, 
 threw them into disorder, pursued his advantage, 
 and obtained a decisive victory over them. Next 
 morning Canute, seeing the English camp en- 
 tirely abandoned, imagined that those disaifected 
 
 1 \V, MalmcN. p. 73. Iligdcn, p. 275.
 
 302 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1017. 
 
 troops had deserted to the enemy : he was agree- 
 ably surprised to find that they were at that time 
 engaged in pursuit of the discomfited Swedes. 
 He was so pleased with his success, and with the 
 manner of obtaining it, that he bestowed his 
 daughter in marriage upon Godwin, and treated 
 him ever after m ith entire confidence and re^rard. 
 
 o 
 
 In another voyage, which he made afterwards 
 to Denmark, Canute attacked Norway, and ex- 
 pelling the just but unwarlike Olaus, kept pos- 
 session of his kingdom till the death of that 
 prince. He had now, by his conquests and 
 valour, attained the utmost height of grandeur: 
 having leisure from wars and intrigues, he felt 
 the unsatisfactory nature of all human enjoy- 
 ments; and, equally weary of the glories and 
 turmoils of this life, he began to cast his view 
 towards that future existence, which it is so 
 natural for the human mind, whether satiated by 
 prosperity, or disgusted Avith adversity, to make 
 the object of its attention. Unfortunately the 
 spirit which prevailed in that age gave a wrong 
 direction to his devotion: instead of making 
 compensation to those whom he had injured by 
 his former acts of violence, he employed himself 
 entirely in those exercises of piety which the 
 monks represented as the most meritorious. Pie 
 built churches, he endowed monasteries, he en- 
 riched the ecclesiastics, and he bestowed reve- 
 nues for the support of chantries at Assington 
 and other places; Avhere he appointed prayers to
 
 1018. CANUTE. 203 
 
 be said for the souls of those who had there fallen 
 in battle against him. He even undertook a pil- 
 grimage to Rome, where he resided a consider- 
 able time : besides obtaining from the pope some 
 privileges for the English school erected there, 
 he engaged all the princes, through whose domi- 
 nions he was obliged to pass, to desist from those 
 heavy impositions and tolls which they were ac- 
 customed to exact from the English pilgrims. 
 By this spirit of devotion, no less than by his 
 equitable and politic administration, he gained, 
 in a good measure, the affections of his sub- 
 jects. 
 
 Canute, the greatest and most powerful mo- 
 narch of his time, sovereign of Denmark and 
 Norway, as well as of England, could not fail of 
 meeting with adulation from his courtiers; a tri- 
 bute which is liberally paid even to the meanest 
 and weakest princes. Some of his flatterers break- 
 ing out one day in admiration of his grandeur, 
 exclaimed that every thing was possible for him: 
 upon which the monarch, it is said, ordered his 
 chair to be set on the sea-shore, while the tide 
 was rising; and as the waters approached, he 
 commanded tliem to retire, and to obey the voice 
 of him who was lord of the ocean. He feigned 
 to sit some time in expectation of their submis- 
 sion; but wlien the sea still advanced towards 
 him, and began to Mash him with its billows, he 
 turned to his courtiers, and remarked to them, 
 that every creature in the universse was feeble
 
 204 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1031. 
 
 and impotent, and that power resided with one 
 Being alone, in whose hands were all the elements 
 of nature; who coidd say to the ocean, Thus far 
 shalt thou go, and no fart her; and who could level 
 with his nod the most towering piles of human 
 pride and ambition. 
 
 The only memorable action which Canute 
 performed after his return from Rome, was an 
 expedition against Malcolm, king of Scotland. 
 During the reign of Ethelred, a tax of a shilling 
 a hide had been imposed on all the lands of Eng- 
 land. It was commonly called Danegelt; because 
 the revenue had been employed, either in buy- 
 ing peace with the Danes, or in making prepa- 
 rations against the inroads of that hostile nation. 
 That monarch had required that the same tax 
 should be paid by Cumberland which was held 
 by the Scots; but Malcolm, a warlike prince, told 
 him, that as he was always able to repulse the 
 Danes by his own power, he would neither sub- 
 mit to buy peace of his enemies, nor pay others 
 for resisting them. Ethelred, offended at this 
 reply, which contained a secret reproach on his 
 own conduct, undertook an expedition against 
 Cumberland; but though he committed ravages 
 upon the country, he could never bring Malcolm 
 to a temper more humble or submissive. Canute, 
 after his accession, summoned the Scottish king 
 to acknowledge himself a vassal for Cumberland 
 to the crown of England; l)ut Malcolm refused 
 compliance, on pretence that he owed homage to
 
 1035. HAROLD HAREFOOT. 205 
 
 those princes only who inherited that kingdom 
 by right of blood. Canute was not of a temper 
 to bear this insult; and the king of Scotland soon 
 found that the sceptre was in very different hands 
 from those of the feeble and irresolute Ethel red. 
 Upon Canute's appearing on the frontiers with 
 a formidable army, Malcolm agreed that his 
 grandson and heir, Duncan, whom he put in pos- 
 session of Cumberland, should make the submis- 
 sions required, and that the heirs of Scotland 
 should always acknowledge themselves vassals to 
 England for that province.' 
 
 Canute passed four years in peace after this 
 enterprise, and he died at Shaftsbury;' leaving 
 three sons, Sweyn, Harold, and Hardicanute. 
 Sweyn, whom he had by his first marriage with 
 Alfwen, daughter of the earl of Hampshire, was 
 crowned in Norway : Hardicanute, M'hom Emma 
 had born him, was in possession of Denmark: 
 Harold, who was of the same marriage with 
 Sv^eyn, was at that time in England. 
 
 HAROLD HAREFOOT. 1035. 
 
 TiiOL'cii Canute, in his treaty Avith Richard, 
 (hike of Normaiuly, liad stipulated that his chil- 
 (hcn by l^jiima should succeed to the crown of 
 Enghuul, lie had cither considered himself as 
 released from that engagement by the death of 
 
 ' W. Malm. p. 71. * China. Sax. p. 15 1. W. Malm. p. 7(3
 
 206 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, 1035. 
 
 Richard, or esteemed it dangerous to leave an 
 unsettled and newly conquered kingdom in the 
 hands of so young a prince as Hardicanute: he 
 therefore appointed, by his will, Harold successor 
 to the crown. This prince was besides present 
 to maintain his claim; he was favoured by all 
 the Danes; and he got immediately possession 
 of his father's treasures, which might be equally 
 usefid, Avhether he found it necessary to proceed 
 by force or intrigue in insuring his succession. 
 On the other hand, Hardicanute had the suffrages 
 of the English, Adio, on account of his being born 
 among them of queen Emma, regarded him as 
 their countryman ; he was favoured by the articles 
 of treaty with the duke of Normandy ; and above 
 all, his party was espoused by earl Godwin, the 
 most powerful nobleman in the kingdom, especi- 
 ally in the province of Wesscx, the chief seat of 
 the ancient English. Affairs Mere likely to ter- 
 minate in a civil war; when, by the interposition 
 of the nobility of both parties, a compromise was 
 made; and it was agreed that Harold should 
 enjoy, together with London, all tlie provinces 
 north of the Thames, while the possession of the 
 south should remain to Hardicanute; and till 
 that prince should appear and take possession of 
 his dominions, Emma fixed her residence at\^'in- 
 chester, and established her authoritv over her 
 son's share of the partition. 
 
 Meanwhile Robert, duke of Normandy, died 
 in a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, and being sue-
 
 1035. HAROLD HAREFOOT. 207 
 
 ceeded by a son, yet a minor, the two English 
 princes, Alfred and Edward, who found no longer 
 any countenance or protection in that country, 
 gladly embraced the opportunity of paying a 
 visit, with a numerous retinue, to their mother 
 Emma, who seemed to be placed in a state of so 
 much power and splendor at Winchester. But 
 the face of affairs soon wore a melancholy aspect. 
 Earl Godwin had been gained by the arts of 
 Harold, who promised to espouse the daughter 
 of that nobleman; and while the treaty was yet 
 a secret, these two tyrants laid a plan for the 
 destruction of the English princes. Alfred was 
 invited to London by Harold with many profes- 
 sions of friendship; but when he had reached 
 Guilford, he was set upon by Godwin's vassals, 
 about six hundred of his train were murdered 
 in the most cruel manner, he himself Mas taken 
 prisoner, his eyes were put out, and he was con- 
 ducted to the monastery of Ely, Avhere he died 
 soon after/ Edward and Emma, apprised of the 
 fate M'hich was awaiting them, fled beyond sea, 
 the former into Normandy, the latter into Elan- 
 ders. While Harold, triumphing in his bloody 
 ])()licy, took j)ossession, without resistance, of all 
 the (lominioiis assigned to his brother. 
 
 ' H. Hunt. p. :H)5. Ypod. Ncustcr. p. 43-1. Hovedcn, p. 438. 
 Chroii. Mailr. p. 15(i. IligHcn, p. 2//. Chroii. St. Petri de Burgo, 
 p. :'.fj. Sim. Dun. p. I 7*). Abbas Ritvnl. p. 36(). .'J/l. Rroniplon, 
 p.9:J5. Gul. Gem. lib. 7. cap. 1 1. Mritli. ^\'est. p. 20f^. Flor. 
 Wigorn. p. <i22. Alur. Bcvcrl. j). lis.
 
 208 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1039. 
 
 This is the only memorable action performed, 
 during a reign of four years, by this prince, who 
 gave so bad a specimen of his character, and 
 whose bodily accomplishments alone are known 
 to us by his appellation of Harefoot, which he 
 acquired from his agility in running and walk- 
 ing. He died on the 14th of April, 1039; httle 
 regretted or esteemed by his subjects; and left 
 the succession open to his brother, Hardicanute. 
 
 HARDICANUTE. 1039. 
 
 Hardicanute, or Canute the Hardy, that is, 
 the robust (for he too is chiefly known by his 
 bodily accomplishments), though, by remaining 
 so long in Denmark, he had been deprived of his 
 share in the partition of the kingdom, had not 
 abandoned his pretensions; and he had deter- 
 mined, before Harold's death, to recover by arms, 
 what he had lost, either by his own negligence, 
 or by the necessity of his affairs. On pretence 
 of paying a visit to the queen dowager in Flan- 
 ders, he had assembled a fleet of sixty sail, and 
 was preparing to make a descent on England, 
 when intelligence of his brother's death induced 
 him to sail immediately to London, where he was 
 received in triumph, and acknowledged king 
 without opposition. 
 
 The first act of Hardicanute^s'government af- 
 forded his subjects a bad prognostic of his future
 
 l039. HARDICANUTE. 209 
 
 conduct. He was so enraged at Harold, for de- \ 
 priving him of his share of the kingdom, and for \ 
 the cruel treatment of his brother Alfred, that, 
 in an impotent desire of revenge against the 
 dead, lie ordered his body to be dug up, and to 
 be thrown into the Thames: and when it was 
 found by some fishermen, and buried in London, 
 he ordered it again to be dug up, and to be 
 thrown again into the river; but it was fished 
 up a second time, and then interred with great 
 secrecy. Godwin, equally servile and insolent, 
 submitted to be his instrument in that unnatural 
 and brutal action. 
 
 That nobleman knew that he was universally 
 believed to have been an accomplice in the bar- 
 barity exercised on Alfred, and that he was on 
 that account obnoxious to Ilardicanute; and per- 
 haps he hoped, by displaying this rage against 
 Harold's memory, to justify himself from having 
 had any participation in his counsels. But prince 
 Edward being invited over by the king, imme- 
 diately on his aj)|)earance, preferred an accusa- 
 tion against Godwin for the murder of Alfred, 
 and demanded justice for that crime. God\\ in, 
 in order to appease the king, made him a mag- 
 nificent present of a galley with a gilt stern, 
 rowed by fourscore men, m ho wore each of them 
 a gold bracelet on his arm, M^eighing sixteen 
 ounces, and Mere armed and clothed in the most 
 sumptuous manner. Hardicanute, pleased with 
 the splendor of this spectacle, (piickly ibrgot 
 
 VOL. J. p
 
 '210 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. IO39. 
 
 his brotlier's murder; and on Godwin's swear- 
 ing that he was innocent of the crime, he allowed 
 him to be acquitted. 
 
 Though Hardicanute, before his accession, 
 had been called over by the vows of the English, 
 he soon lost the affections of the nation by his 
 misconduct; but nothing appeared more griev- 
 ous to them, than his renewing the imposition of 
 Danegelt, and obliging the nation to pay a great 
 sum of money to the fleet which brought him 
 from Denmark. The discontents ran high in 
 many places: in Worcester the populace rose, 
 and put to death two of the collectors. The 
 king, enraged at this opposition, swore vengeance 
 against the city, and ordered three noblemen, 
 Godwin, duke of Wessex, Si ward, duke of North- 
 umberland, and Leofric, duke of Mercia, to exe- 
 cute his menaces with the utmost rigour. They 
 were obliged to set fire to the city, and deliver 
 it up to be plundered by their soldiers; but they 
 saved the lives of the inhabitants, whom they 
 confined in a small island of the Severn, called 
 Bevery, till, by their intercession, they were able 
 to appease the king, and obtain the pardon of the 
 supplicants. 
 
 This violent government was of short dura- 
 tion. Hardicanute died in two years after bis 
 accession, at the nuptials of a Danish lord, which 
 he had honoured with his presence. His usual 
 habits of intemperance were so well known, that, 
 notwithstanding his robust constitution, his sud-
 
 titoarti tlje Confessor* 
 
 Chap. III. p. 232. 
 
 In order to render the onth more obligatory, he employed an 
 artifice well-suited to the ignorance and superstition of the age. 
 He secretly conveyed under the altar, on which Harold agreed to 
 swear, the reliqucs of some of the most reverend martyrs; and 
 when Ifarold had taken the oath, he shewed him the reliques, and 
 admonished him to observe religiously an engagement which had 
 been rati tied by so tremendous a sanction.
 
 1041. EDWARD THE CONFESSOR. 2U 
 
 den death gave as little surprise as it did sorrow 
 to his subjects. 
 
 EDWARD THE CONFESSOR. 1041. 
 
 The English, on the death of Hardicanute, saw 
 a favourable opportunity for recovering their 
 liberty, and for shaking off the Danish yoke, 
 under which they had so long laboured. Sweyn, 
 king of Norway, the eldest son of Canute, was 
 absent; and as the two last kings had died with- 
 out issue, none of that race presented himself, 
 nor any whom the Danes could support as suc- 
 cessor to the throne. Prince Edward was for- 
 tunately at court on his brother's demise; and 
 though the descendants of Edmond Ironside were 
 the true heirs of the Saxon family, yet their 
 absence in so remote a country as Hungary, ap- 
 peared a sufficient reason ior their exclusion to 
 a people Hke the English, so little accustomed 
 to observe a rejjular order in the succession of 
 their monarchs. All delays might be dangerous; 
 and the present occasion must hastily be em- 
 braced; Avhile the Danes, without concert, Mith- 
 out a leader, astonished at the present incident, 
 and anxious only for their personal safety, durst 
 not oppose the united voice of the nation. 
 
 But this concurrence of circumstances in fa- 
 vour of Edward, might have failed of its effect, 
 had his succession been opposed by Godxrin,
 
 12 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1041. 
 
 whose power, alliances, and abilities, gave him a 
 great influence at all times, especially am.idst 
 those sudden opportunities which always attended 
 a revolution of government, and which, either 
 seized or neglected, commonly prove decisive. 
 There M^ere opposite reasons which divided men's 
 hopes and fears with regard to Godwin's con- 
 duct. On the one hand, the credit of that noble- 
 man lay chiefly in Wessex, M'hich was almost 
 entirely inhabited by English: it was therefore 
 presumed, that he would second the wishes of 
 that people in restoring the Saxon line, and in 
 humbling the Danes, from whom he, as well as 
 they, had reason to dread, as they had already 
 felt, the most grievous oppressions. On the other 
 hand, there subsisted a declared animosity be- 
 tween f2dward andOodwin, on account of Alfred's 
 murder, of which the latter had publicly been 
 accused by the prince, and which he might be- 
 lieve so deep an offence as could never, on account 
 of any subsequent merits, be sincerely pardoned. 
 But their common friends here inter{)osed ; and 
 representing the necessity of their good corre- 
 spondence, oLliged them to lay aside all jealousy 
 and rancour, and concur in restoring liberty to 
 their native country. Godwin only stipulated 
 that Edw^Trd, as a pledge of his sincere recon- 
 ciliation, should promise to marry his daughter 
 Editha: and havino- fortified himself bv this alii- 
 ance, he summoned a general council at Ciilling- 
 ham, and prepared every measure for securing
 
 1041. EDWARD THE CONFESSOR. 213 
 
 the succession to Edward. The English were 
 unanimous and zealous in their resolutions; the 
 Danes were divided and dispirited; any small 
 opposition which appeared in this assembly was 
 brow-beaten and suppressed; and Edward was 
 crowned king, with every demonstration of duty 
 and affection. 
 
 The triumph of the English, upon this signal 
 and decisive advantage, wus at first attended with 
 some insult and violence against the Danes; but 
 the king, by the mildness of his character, soon 
 reconciled the latter to his administration, and 
 the distinction between the two nations gradu- 
 ally disappeared. The Danes were interspersed 
 with the English in most of the provinces; they 
 spoke nearly the same language, they differed 
 little in their manners and laws; domestic dis- 
 sensions in Denmark prevented, for some years, 
 any powerful invasion from thence, which might 
 awaken past animosities; and as the Norman con- 
 quest, which ensued soon after, reduced both 
 nations to equal subjection, there is no farther 
 mention in history of any difference between 
 them. The joy, however, of their present de- 
 liverance made such impression on the minds of 
 the English, that they instituted an annual fes- 
 tival for celebrating that great event; and it was 
 observed in some countries even to the time of 
 Spellman." 
 
 The popularity which Edward enjoyed on his 
 
 "* Spell. Glossary, in verbo Hocday,
 
 214 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1041. 
 
 accession, was not destroyed by the first act of 
 his administration, his resuming all the grants 
 of his immediate predecessors; an attempt which 
 is commonly attended with the most dangerous 
 consequences. The poverty of the crown con- 
 vinced the nation that this act of violence was 
 become absolutely necessary ; and as the loss fell 
 chiefly on the Danes, who had obtained large 
 grants from the late kings, their countrymen, 
 on account of their services in subduing the 
 kingdom, the English were rather pleased to see 
 them reduced to their primitive poverty. The 
 king's severity also towards his mother, the 
 queen-dowager, though exposed to some more 
 censure, met not Av^ith very general disapproba- 
 tion. He had hitherto lived on indifferent terms 
 with that princess; he accused her of neglecting 
 him and his brother during their adverse for- 
 tune:"^ he remarked, that as the superior quali- 
 ties of Canute, and his better treatment of her, 
 had made her entirely indifferent to the memory 
 of Ethelred, she also gave the preference to her 
 children of the second bed, and always regarded 
 Hardicanute as her favourite. The same reasons 
 bad probably made her unpopular in England; 
 and though her benefactions to the monks ob- 
 tained her the favour of that order, the nation 
 was not, in general, displeased to see her stripped 
 by Edward of immense treasures which she had 
 amassed, lie confined her, during the remainder 
 
 ^ Anglia Sacra, vol. i, p. 23/.
 
 1041. EDWARD THE CONFESSOR. 215 
 
 of her life, in a monastery at Winchester; but 
 carried his rigour against her no farther. Tlie 
 stories of his accusing her of a participation in 
 her son Alfred's murder, and of a criminal corre- 
 spondence with the bishop of Winchester, and 
 also of her justifying herself by treading bare- 
 foot, without receiving any hurt, over nine burn- 
 ing plough-shares, were the inventions of the 
 monkish historians, and were propagated and be- 
 lieved from the silly wonder of posterity." 
 
 The English flattered themselves that, by the 
 accession of Edward, they were delivered for 
 ever from the dominion of foreigners; but they 
 soon found that this evil was not yet entirely 
 removed. The king had been educated in Nor- 
 mandy ; and had contracted many intimacies with 
 the natives of that country, as well as an affec- 
 tion for their maimers.'' The court of England 
 was soon filled with Normans, who, being dis- 
 tinguished both by the favour of Edward, and 
 by a degree of cultivation superior to that which 
 was attained by the English in those ages, soon 
 rendered their language, customs, and laws, 
 fashionable in the kingdom. The study of the 
 French tongue became general among the jieo- 
 ple. The courtiers affected to imitate that nation 
 in their dress, equipage, and entertainments: 
 Even the lawyers employed a foreign language 
 in their deeds and papers:"' but above all, the 
 church felt the influence and dominion of those 
 
 " Higden, p. 277. y Ingulf, p. 62. " Ibid.
 
 210 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1041. 
 
 Strangers : Ulf and William, two Normans, who 
 had formerly been the king's chaplains, were 
 created bishops of Dorchester and London. Ro- 
 bert, a Norman also, was promoted to the see of 
 Canterbury,^ and always enjoyed the highest 
 favour of his master, of which his abilities ren- 
 dered him not unworthy. And though the king's 
 prudence, or his want of authority, made him 
 confer almost all the civil and military employ- 
 ments on the natives, the ecclesiastical prefer- 
 ments fell often to the share of the Normans; 
 and as the latter possessed Edward's confidence, 
 they had secretly a great influence on public 
 aftairs, and excited the jealousy of the English, 
 particularly of Earl Godwin."" 
 
 This powerful nobleman, besides being duke 
 or earl of Wessex, had the counties of Kent and 
 Sussex annexed to his government. His eldest 
 son, Sweyn, possessed the same authority in the 
 counties of Oxford, Berks, Glocester, and Here- 
 ford: and Harold, his second son, was duke of 
 East Anglia, and at the same time governor of 
 Essex. The great authority of this family was 
 supported by immense possessions and powerful 
 alliances; and the abilities, as well as ambition, 
 of Godwin himself contributed to render it still 
 more dangerous. A prince of greater capacity 
 and vigour than Edward would have found it 
 difficult to support the dignity of the crown under 
 such circumstances; and as the haughty temper 
 
 y Chron. Sax. p. l6l ' W. Malm. p. 80.
 
 1048. EDWARD THE CONFESSOR. 217 
 
 of Godwin made him often forget the respect 
 due to his prince, Edward's animosity against 
 him was grounded on personal as well as politi- 
 cal considerations, on recent as well as more 
 ancient injuries. The king, in pursuance of his 
 engagements, had indeed married Editha, the 
 daughter of Godwin;^ hut this alliance became 
 a fresh source of enmity between them. Edward's 
 hatred of the father was transferred to that prin- 
 cess; and Editha, though possessed of many 
 amiable accomplishments, could never acquire 
 the confidence and affection of her husband. It 
 is even pretended that, during the whole course 
 of her life, he abstained from all commerce of 
 love with her; and such was the absurd admira- 
 tion paid to an inviolable chastity during those 
 ages, that his conduct in this particular is highly 
 celebrated by the monkish historians, and greatly 
 contributed to his acquiring the title of saint and 
 confessor. '' 
 
 The most popular pretence on which Godwin 
 could ground his disaffection to the king and his 
 administration, was to complain of the influence 
 of the Normans in the government; and a de- 
 clared opposition had thence arisen between him 
 and these favourites. It was not long before this 
 animosity broke into action. Eustace, count of 
 Bologne, having paid a visit to the king, passed 
 
 * Chron. Sax. p. 157 . ^ ^^- Ma'm- P- BO. Higden, p. 2//. 
 
 Ab!i.is Ricval. p. HdO". 3//. Matli. Wc ;,t. p. 22 1 . Cliiun. Thorn. 
 Wykes, p. 21. Anglia Sacra, vol. i. p. 241.
 
 218 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1048. 
 
 by Dover in his return: one of his train being 
 refused entrance to a lodging which had been 
 assigned him, attempted to make his way by force, 
 and in the contest he wounded the master of the 
 house. The inhabitants revenged this insult by 
 the death of the stranger; the count and his 
 train took arms, and murdered the wounded 
 townsman; a tumult ensued; near twenty per- 
 sons were killed on each side; and Eustace, being 
 overpowered by numbers, was obliged to save 
 his life by flight from the fury of the populace. 
 He hurried immediately to court, and complained 
 of the usage he had met with: the king entered 
 zealously into the quarrel, and was highly dis- 
 pleased that a stranger of such distinction, whom 
 he had invited over to his court, should, without 
 any just cause, as he believed, have felt so sen- 
 sibly the insolence and animosity of his people. 
 He gave orders to Godwin, in ^d^ose govern- 
 ment Dover lay, to repair immediately to the 
 place, and to punish the inhabitants for the crime : 
 but Godwin, who desired rather to encourage 
 than repress the popular discontents against fo- 
 reigners, refused obedience, and endeavoured to 
 throw the whole blame of the riot on the count 
 of Bologne, and his retinue." Edward, touched 
 in so sensible a point, saw the necessity of exert- 
 ing the royal authority; and he threatened God- 
 win, if he persisted in his disobedience, to make 
 him feel the utmost eifects of his resentment. 
 
 <: Chron. Sax, p. l63. W. Malm. p. 81 . Higden, p. 279,
 
 I04S. EDWARD THE CONFESSOR. 219 
 
 The earl, perceiving a rupture to be unavoid- 
 able, and pleased to embark in a cause where it 
 was likely he should be supported by his country- 
 men, made preparations for his own defence, or 
 rather for an attack on Edward. Under pretence 
 of repressing some disorders on the Welsh fron- 
 tier, he secretly assembled a great army, and was 
 approaching the king, who resided, without any 
 military force, and without suspicion, at Gloces- 
 ter.*^ Edward applied for protection to Si ward, 
 duke of Northumberland, and Leofric, duke of 
 Mercia, two powerful noblemen, whose jealousy 
 of Godwin's greatness, as M'ell as their duty to 
 the crown, engaged them to defend the king in. 
 this extremity. They hastened to him with such 
 of their followers as they could assemble on a 
 sudden; and finding the danger much greater 
 than they had at first apprehended, they issued 
 orders for mustering all the forces within their 
 respective governments, and for marching them 
 without delay to the defence of the king's person 
 and authority. Edward, meanwhile, endeavoured 
 to gain time by ncgociation; Mhile Godwin, who 
 thought the king' entirely in his power, and who 
 was willing to save appearances, fell into the 
 snare; and not sensible that he ought to have no 
 farther reserve after he had proceeded so far, 
 he lost the favourable opportunity oF rendering 
 himself master of the government. 
 
 The English, though they had no high idea 
 
 - Chrou. Sax. p. l63. \V. Malm. p. SI .
 
 220 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1048. 
 
 of Edward's vigour and capacity, bore him great 
 affection on account of his humanity, justice, and 
 piety, as Veil as the long race of their native 
 kings from whom he was descended; and they 
 hastened from all quarters to defend him from 
 the present danger. His army was now so con- 
 siderable, that he ventured to take the field; and 
 inarching to London, he summoned a great coun- 
 cil to jndge of the rebellion of Godwin and his 
 sons. These noblemen pretended at first that 
 they were willing to stand their trial ; but having 
 in vain endeavoured to make their adherents per- 
 sist in rebellion, they offered to come to London^ 
 provided they might receive hostages for their 
 safety: this proposal being rejected, they were 
 obliged to disband the remains of their forces, 
 and have recourse to flight. Baldwin, earl of 
 Flanders, gave protection to Godwin and his three 
 sons, Gurth, Sweyn, and Tosti ; the latter of whom 
 had married the daughter of that prince ; Harold 
 and Leofwin, two other of his sons, took shelter 
 in Ireland. The estates of the father and sons 
 were confiscated: their governments were given 
 to others : queen Editha was confined in a monas- 
 tery at Warewel : and the greatness of this family, 
 once so formidable, seemed now to be totally 
 supplanted and overthrown. 
 
 But Godwin had fixed his authority on too 
 firm a basis, and he was too strongly supported 
 by alliances, both foreign and domestic, not to 
 occasion farther disturbances, and make new
 
 1052. EDWARD THE CONFESSOR. 221 
 
 efforts for his re-establishment. The earl of Flan- 
 ders permitted him to purchase and hire ships 
 within his harbours; and Godwin, having manned 
 them with his followers, and with free-booters of 
 all nations, put to sea, and attempted to make a 
 descent at Sandwich. The king, informed of his 
 preparations, had equipped a considerable fleet, 
 much superior to that of the enemy ; and the earl 
 hastily, before their appearance, made his retreat 
 into the Flemish harbours.'' The English court, 
 allured by the present security, and destitute of 
 all vigorous counsels, allowed the seamen to dis- 
 band, and the fleet to go to decay ;^ while God- 
 win, expecting this event, kept his men in readi- 
 ness for action. He put to sea immediatel}', and 
 sailed to the Isle of Wight, where he was joined 
 by Harold, with a squadron which that nobleman 
 had collected in Ireland. He was now master of 
 the sea ; and entering every harbour in the south- 
 ern coast, he seized all the ships,^ and summoned 
 his followers in those counties, which had so long 
 been subject to his government, to assist him in 
 procuring justice to himself, his family, and his 
 country, against the tyranny of foreigners. Re- 
 inforced by great numbers from all (juarters, he 
 entered the Thames; and appearing before Lon- 
 don, threw every thing into confusion. The king 
 alone seemed resolute to defend himself to the 
 last extremity ; but the interj)Osition of the Eng- 
 lish nobility, many of whom favoured (icnlwin's 
 
 Sim. Dun. p. ISO". ' Clirrni. S.ix. ;>. Uj(i. ^ IMd
 
 222 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1052. 
 
 pretensions, made Edward hearken to terms of 
 accommodation; and the feigned humility of the 
 earl, who disclaimed all intentions of offering vio- 
 lence to his sovereign, and desired only to justify 
 himself by a fair and open trial, paved the way 
 for his more easy admission. It was stipulated, 
 that he should give hostages for his good behavi- 
 our, and that the primate and all the foreigners 
 should be banished: by this treaty, the present 
 danger of a civil war was obviated, but the au- 
 thority of the crown was considerably impaired, 
 or rather entirely annihilated. Edward, sensible 
 that he had not power sufficient to secure God- 
 win's hostages in England, sent them over to his 
 kinsman, the young duke of Normandy. 
 
 Godwin's death, which happened soon after, 
 while he was sitting at table with the king, pre- 
 vented him from farther establishing the autho- 
 rity which he had acquired, and from reducing 
 Edward to still greater subjection.^ He was suc- 
 ceeded in the government of Wessex, Sussex, 
 Kent, and Essex, and in the oliice of steward of 
 the household, a place of great power, by his son 
 Harold, who was actuated by an ambition equal 
 to that of his father, and was superior to him in 
 address, in insinuation, and in virtue. By a mo- 
 dest and gentle demeanor, he acquired the good- 
 will of Edward; at least softened that hatred 
 which the prince had so long borne his ''family; 
 and gaining everyday new partisans by his bounty 
 
 * See note [E] vol. x. '' Brompton, p. Q43.
 
 1052. EDWARD THE CONFESSOR. 223 
 
 and affability, he proceeded in a more silent, and 
 therefore a more dangerous manner, to the in- 
 crease of his authority. The king, who had not 
 sufficient vigour directly to oppose his progress, 
 knew of no other expedient than that hazardous 
 one, of raising him a rival in the family of Leof- 
 ric, duke of Mercia, whose son Algar was invested 
 with the government of East Anglia, which, be- 
 fore the banishment of Harold, had belonged to 
 the latter nobleman. But this policy, of balanc- 
 ing opposite parties, required a more steady hand 
 to manage it than that of Edward, and naturally 
 produced faction, and even civil broils, among 
 nobles of such mighty and independent authority. 
 Algar was soon after expelled his government by 
 the intrigues and power of Harold; but being 
 protected by Griffith, prince of Wales, mIio had 
 married his daughter, as mcU as by the power of 
 his father Leofric, he obliged Harold to submit 
 to an accommodation, and was reinstated in the 
 government of East Anglia. This peace was not 
 of long duration: Harold, taking advantage of 
 Leofric's death, which happened soon after, ex- 
 pelled Algar anew, and banished him the king- 
 dom : and though that nobleman made a fresh 
 irruption into East Anglia Mith an army of Nor- 
 wegians, and over-ran the country, his death soon 
 treed Harold iVom the |)r('tcnsions of so danger- 
 ous a ri\a]. Edward, the eldest son of Algar, Mas 
 indeed advanced to the goveininent of Mereia; 
 but the balance, whicli liic kini;' desired to esta-
 
 224 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1055. 
 
 blish betveen those potent families, was wholly 
 lost, and the influence of Harold greatly prepon- 
 derated. 
 
 The death of Siward, duke of Northumber- 
 land, made the way still more open to the ambi- 
 tion of that nobleman. Siward, besides his other- 
 merits, had acquired honour to England, by his 
 successful conduct in the only foreign enterprise 
 undertaken during the reign of Edward. Dun- 
 can, king of Scotland, was a prince of a gentle 
 disposition, but possessed not the genius requisite 
 for governing a country so turbulent, and so 
 much infested by the intrigues and animosities of 
 the great. Macbeth, a powerful nobleman, and 
 nearly allied to the crown, not content with curb- 
 ing the king's authority, carried still farther his 
 pestilent ambition: he put his sovereign to death; 
 chaced Malcolm Kenmore, his son and heir, into 
 England; and usurped the crown. Siward, whose 
 daughter was married to Duncan, embraced, by 
 Edward's orders, the protection of this distressed 
 family: he marched an army into Scotland; and 
 having defeated and killed Macbeth in battle, he 
 restored Malcolm to the throne of his ''ancestors. 
 This service, added to his former connections 
 with the royal family of Scotland, brought a 
 great accession to the authority of Siward in the 
 north; but as he had lost his eldest son, Osberne, 
 in the action with ]\Iacbcth, it proved in the issue 
 
 h W. Malm. p. 79. Ilovedcn, p. .i43. Chron. Mailr. p. 158. 
 Buchanan, p. 115. edit. 1/15.
 
 1055. EDWARD THE CONFESSOR. 225 
 
 fatal to his family. His second son, Waltheof, 
 appeared, on his father's death, too young to be 
 entrusted with the government of Northumber- 
 land; and Harold's influence obtained that duke- 
 dom for his own brother Tosti. 
 
 There are two circumstances related of Siward, 
 which discover his high sense of honour, and 
 his martial disposition. When intelligence was 
 brought him of his son Osberne's death, he 
 was inconsolable; till he heard that the wound 
 was received in tbe breast, and that he had be- 
 haved with great gallantry in the action. When 
 he found his own death approaching, he ordered 
 his servants to clothe him in a complete suit of 
 armour; and sitting erect on the couch, Mitli a 
 spear in his hand, declared that in that posture, 
 the only one worthy of a warrior, he v/ould pati- 
 ently await the fatal moment. 
 
 The king, now worn out with cares and in- 
 firmities, felt himself far advanced in the decline 
 of life; and having no issue himself, began to 
 think of appointing a successor to the kingdom. 
 He sent a deputation to Hungary, to invite over 
 his nephew, Edward, son of his elder brother, 
 and the only remaining heir of the Saxon line. 
 That prince, whose succession to the crown would 
 have been easy and undisputed, came to England 
 with his children, Edgar, surnamcd Athciing, 
 Margaret and Christina; but his death, M'hich 
 happened a few days after his arrival, threw the 
 king into new difficulties. He saw, that the great 
 
 VOL. J. i
 
 226 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1055. 
 
 power and ambition of Harold had tempted him 
 to think of obtaining possession of the throne on 
 the first vacancy, and that Edgar, on account of 
 his youth and inexperience, was very unfit to 
 oppose the pretensions of so popular and enter- 
 prising a rival. The animosity which he had long 
 borne to earl Godwin, made him averse to the 
 succession of his son; and he could not, without 
 extreme reluctance, think of an increase of gran- 
 deur to a family which had risen on the ruins of 
 royal authority, and which, by the murder of 
 Alfred, his brother, had contributed so much to 
 the weakening of the Saxon line. In this un- 
 certainty he secretly cast his eye towards his 
 kinsman, William duke of Normand}^, as the only 
 person whose power, and reputation, and capa- 
 city, could support any destination which he 
 might make in his favour, to the exclusion of 
 Harold and his family.' 
 
 This famous prince was natural son of Robert 
 duke of Normandy, by Harlotta, daughter of a 
 tanner in Falaise,'' and was very early established 
 in that grandeur from which his birth seemed to 
 have set him at so great a distance. While he 
 was but nine years of age, his father had resolved 
 to undertake a pilgrimage to Jerusalem ; a fashion- 
 able act of devotion, which had taken place of 
 the pilgrimages to Rome, and which, as it was 
 attended with more difficulty and danger, and 
 carried those religious adventurers to the first 
 
 ' Ingulf, p. 68. i^ Bromptoil, p. 910-
 
 1055. EDWARD THE CONFESSOR. 227 
 
 sources of Christianity, appeared to them more 
 meritorious. Before liis departure, lie assembled 
 the states of the dutchy ; and informing them of 
 his design, he engaged them to swear allegiance 
 to his natural son, William, wdiom, as he had no 
 legitimate issue, he intended, in case he should 
 die in the pilgrimage, to leave successor to his 
 dominions.' As he was a prudent prince, he could 
 not but foresee the great inconveniencies which 
 must attend this journey, and this settlement of 
 his succession; arising from the perpetual turbu- 
 lency of the great, the claims of other branches 
 of the ducal family, and the power of the French 
 monarch: but all these considerations were sur- 
 mounted by the prevailing zeal for "" pilgrimages ; 
 and probably the more important they were, the 
 more would Robert exult in sacrificing them to 
 what he imagined to be his religious duty. 
 
 This prince, as he had apprehended, died in 
 his pilgrimage; and the minority of his, son was 
 attended with all those disorders which were al- 
 most unavoidable in that situation. The licen- 
 tious nobles, freed from the awe of sovereign 
 authority, broke out into personal animosities 
 against each otiier, and made the whole country 
 a scene of war and devastation." Roger, count 
 of Toni, and Alain, count of Britanny, advanced 
 claims to the dominion of the state; and Ilenr\' I. 
 king of France, thought the opportunity favour- 
 
 ' W. Mcilm. p. 95. "' Ypod. Neust. p. 4.j2. \V. M.ilm. 
 
 p. 95. C.ul. Gcmct. lib. 7. cap 1 .
 
 228 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1055. 
 
 able for reducing the power of a vassal, who had 
 origmally acquired his settlement in so violent 
 and invidious a manner, and who had long ap- 
 peared formidable to his sovereign." The regency 
 established by Robert encountered great difficul- 
 ties in supporting the government under this 
 complication of dangers; and the young prince, 
 when he came to maturity, found himself reduced 
 to a very low condition. But the great qualities, 
 which he soon displayed in the field and in the 
 cabinet, gave encouragement to his friends, and 
 struck a terror into his enemies. He opposed 
 himself on all sides against his rebellious subjects, 
 and against foreign invaders; and by his valour 
 and conduct prevailed in every action. He obliged 
 the French king to grant him peace on reason- 
 able terms; he expelled all pretenders to the 
 sovereignty; and he reduced his turbulent barons 
 to pay submission to his authority, and to suspend 
 their mutual animosities. The natural severity of 
 his temper appeared in a rigorous administration 
 of justice; and having found the happy effects of 
 this plan of government, without M'hich the laM'S 
 in those ages became totally impotent, he re- 
 garded it as a fixed maxim, that an inflexible 
 conduct was the first duty of a sovereign. 
 
 The tranquillity Avhich he had established in 
 his dominions, had given William leisure to pay 
 a visit to the kino- of EnQ-land duriiio; the time of 
 Godwin's banishment; and he was received in a 
 
 '' W. Malm, p. g~.
 
 1055, EDWARD THE CONFESSOR. 22^ 
 
 manner suitable to the great reputation which 
 he had acquired, to the relation by which he was 
 connected with Edward, and to the obligations 
 which that prince owed to his family.'' On the 
 return of Godwin, and the expulsion of the Nor- 
 man favourites, Robert, archbishop of Canterbury, 
 had, before his departure, persuaded Edward to 
 think of adoptingWilliam as his successor; a coun' 
 sel which was favoured by the king's aversion to 
 Godwin, his prepossessions for the Normans, and 
 liis esteem of the duke. That prelate, therefore, 
 received a commission to inform William of the 
 king's intentions in his favour; and lie was the 
 first person that opened the mind of the prince 
 to entertain those ambitious hopes.'' But Edward, 
 irresolute and feel^le in his purpose, finding that 
 the English would more easily acquiesce in the 
 restoration of the Saxon line, had, in the mean 
 time, invited his brother's descendants from 
 llumjarv, with a view of haviiitv them recoi^nised 
 heirs to the crown. The death of his nephew, 
 and the inexperience and un])romising qualities 
 of young Edgar, made him resume his former 
 intentions in favour of the duke of Normandy; 
 though his aversion to hazardous enterprises en- 
 gaged him to j)()stpon(' the; execution, and even 
 to keep his ])urj)ose secret iVoui all his ministers. 
 JIaiold, meanwhile, [proceeded, after a more 
 
 ^ IIoNcJrn, p. -Mi. Ingulf, p. (iJ. Chroii. Mailr. p \5~. 
 Hi ;,\Kii, p. 'lyn. '1 In<^uU, p. 0"S. (iul. Gcnicl. lib. 7. cap. ;> I , 
 
 Oil':-, r. \'italis, p. UJI,
 
 230 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1033. 
 
 open manner, in increasing his popularity, in 
 establishing his power, and in preparing the way 
 for Ills advancement on the first vacancy; au 
 event which, from the age and infirmities of the 
 king, appeared not very distant. But there was 
 still an obstacle, which it was requisite for him 
 previously to overcome. Earl Godwin, when re- 
 stored to his power and fortune, had given host- 
 ages for his good behaviour; and among the rest, 
 one son and one grandson, whom Edward, for 
 greater security, as has been related, had con- 
 signed to the custody of the duke of Normandy. 
 Harold, though not aware of the duke's being 
 his competitor, was uneasy that such near rela- 
 tions should be detained prisoners in a foreign 
 country; and he was afraid lest William should, 
 in favour of Edgar, retain these pledges as a 
 check on the ambition of any other pretender. 
 He represented, therefore, to the king, his un- 
 feigned submission to royal authority, his steady 
 duty to his prince, and the little necessity there 
 was, after such a uniform trial of his obedience, 
 to detain any longer those hostages who had been 
 required on the first composing of civil discords. 
 By these topics, enforced by his great power, he 
 extorted the kini-'s consent to release them : and 
 in order to elfect his purpose, he immediately 
 ])roceeded, M'ith a numerous retinue, on his jour- 
 ney to Normandy. A tempest drove him on the 
 territory of Ciuy count of Ponthieu, who, being 
 informed of his (juality, immediately detained
 
 1035. EDWARD THE CONFESSOR. 231 
 
 him prisoner, and demanded an exorbitant sum 
 for his ransom. Harold found means to convey 
 intelligence of his situation to the duke of Nor- 
 mandy; and represented, that while he was pro- 
 ceeding to his court, in execution of a commis" 
 sion from the king of England, he had met with 
 this harsh treatment from the mercenary dispo- 
 sition of the count of Ponthieu. 
 
 William was immediately sensible of the im- 
 portance of the incident. He foresaw, that if he 
 could once gain Harold, either by favours or 
 menaces, his way to the throne of England would 
 be open, and Edw ard would meet with no farther 
 obstacle in executing the favourable intentions 
 which he had entertained in his behalf He sent, 
 therefore, a messenger to Guy, in order to de- 
 mand the liberty of his prisoner; and that noble- 
 man, not daring to refuse so great a prince, put 
 Haix)l(l into the hands of the Norman, who con- 
 ducted him to lloiien. William received him 
 with every demonstration of respect and friend- 
 ship; and after showing himself disjioscd to com- 
 ply with his desire, in delivering uj) the hostages, 
 he took an opportunity of {li.sclosing to him the 
 great secret, of his pretensions to the crow n of 
 England, and of the will which Edward intended 
 to make in his favour. He desired the assistance 
 of Harold in ])erfecting that design; he made 
 professions of the utmost gratitude in return for 
 so o-reat an obliu:ation ; he iiromised that the 
 present grandeur of Harold's faniilv, w riich sup-
 
 5^32 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1055. 
 
 ported itself with dilHciilty under the jealousy 
 and hatred of Edward, shoukl receive new in- 
 crease from a successor, who would be so greatly 
 beholden to him for his advancement. Harold 
 was surprised at this declaration of the duke; 
 but being sensible that he should never recover 
 his ov/n liberty, much less that of his brother and 
 nephew, if he refused the demand, he feigned a 
 com})liance with William, renounced all hopes of 
 the crown for himself, and professed his sincere 
 intention of supporting the will of Edward, and 
 seconding the pretensions of the duke of Nor- 
 mandy. Williani, to bind him faster to his in- 
 terests, besides offering him one of his daughters 
 in marriage, required him to take an oath that 
 lie would fulfil his promises; and in order to 
 render the oath more obligatory, he employed 
 an artifice Avell-suited to the ignorance and super- 
 stition of the age. He secretly conveyed under 
 the altar, on which Harold agreed to swear, the 
 reliques of some of the most reverend martyrs; 
 and M'hen Harold had taken the oath, he shewed 
 him the reliques, and admonished him to observe 
 religiously an engagement which had been rati- 
 fied by so tremendous a sanction.' The English 
 nobleman was astonished; Ijut dissembling his 
 concern, he renewed the same professions, and 
 was dismissed with all the marks of mutual con- 
 fidence by the duke of Kormandy. 
 
 f Wace, p. 45.0,4(30. MS, penes Cane p 35k. W.AIalra. p. 93. 
 H. Hunt, p. 3ti0'. Hovcdtn, p.4'J0. Bromptou, p. 947-
 
 1055. EDWARD THE CONFESSOR. 233 
 
 When Harold found himself at liberty, his 
 ambition suggested casuistry sutlficient to justify 
 to him the violation of an oath, which had been 
 extorted from him by fear, and which, if fulfilled, 
 might be attended with the subjection of his na- 
 tive country to a foreign power. He continued 
 still to practise every art of popularity; to in- 
 crease the number of his partisans; to reconcile 
 the minds of the Eno:lish to the idea of his sue- 
 cession; to revive their hatred of the Normans; 
 and, by an ostentation of his power and influence, 
 to deter the timorous Edward from executing 
 his intended destination in favour of William. 
 Fortune, about this time, threw two incidents in 
 his way, by which he was enabled to acquire 
 general favour, and to increase the character 
 which he liad already attained, of virtue and 
 abilities. 
 
 The Welsh, though a less formidable enemy 
 than the Danes, had long been accustomed to 
 infest the western borders; and after committing 
 spoil on the low countries, they usually made a 
 hasty retreat into their mountains, where they 
 were sheltered from the pursuit of their ene- 
 mies, and A\ ere ready to seize the first favour- 
 able opportunity of renewing their depredations. 
 Griffith, the reigning prince, had greatly distin- 
 guished himself in those incursions; and his name 
 had become soterril)le to the English, that Harold 
 found he could do nothing more acceptable to 
 the public, and more honourable for himself, than
 
 234 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1055. 
 
 the suppressing of so dangerous an enemy. lie 
 formed the plan of an expedition against Wales; 
 and having prepared some light-armed foot to 
 pursue the natives into their fastnesses, some 
 cavalry to scour the open country, and a squa- 
 dron of ships to attack the sea-coast, he employed 
 at once all these forces against the Welsh, pro- 
 secuted his advantages with vigour, made no in- 
 termission in his assaults, and at last reduced the 
 enemy to such distress, that, in order to prevent 
 their total destruction, they made a sacrifice of 
 their prince, whose head they cut off, and sent to 
 Harold; and they were content to receive as 
 their sovereigns, two Welsh noblemen appointed 
 by Edward to rule over them. The other inci- 
 dent was no less honourable to Harold. 
 
 Tosti, brother of this nobleman, avIio had been 
 created duke of Northumberland, being of a vio- 
 lent tyrannical temper, had acted Avith such 
 cruelty and injustice, that the inliabitants lose 
 in rebellion, and chased him from his govern- 
 ment. Morcar and Edwin, two brotliers, who 
 possessed great power in those parts, and mIio 
 were o-randsons of the "Teat duke Leofric, con- 
 curred in the insurrection; and the former, 
 being elected duke, advanced with an army to 
 oppose Harold, who was commissioned by tlie 
 king to reduce and chastise tlie Northumbrians. 
 Before the armies came to action, Morcar, well 
 acquainted with the generous disposition of the 
 Eno-lish commander, endea\'oured to justity hi--
 
 1055. EDWARD THE CONFESSOR. 235 
 
 own conduct. lie represented to Harold, that 
 Tosti had behaved in a manner unworthy of the 
 station to which he was advanced, and no one, 
 not even a brother, could support such tyranny, 
 without participating, in some degree, of the 
 infamy attending it; that the Northumbrians, 
 accustomed to a legal administration, and re- 
 garding it as their birth-right, were M'illing to 
 submit to the king, but required a governor who 
 would pay regard to their rights and privileges; 
 that they had been taught by their ancestors, 
 that death was preferable to servitude, and had 
 taken the field, determined to perish, rather than 
 suffer a renewal of those indignities to. which 
 they had so lono- been exposed; and they trusted 
 that Harold, on reflection, would not defend in 
 another that violent conduct, from which he him- 
 self, in his own government, had always kept at 
 so great a distance. Tliis vigorous remonstrance 
 was accompanied with such a detail of facts, so 
 well supported, that Harold found it prudent to 
 abandon his brother's cause; and returning to 
 Edward, he persuaded him to pardon the North- 
 umbrians, and to confirm Morcar in the govern- 
 ment. He even married the sister of that noble- 
 man;' and by his interest, procured Julwin, the 
 younger brother, to be elected into the govern- 
 ment of Mercia. Tosti in a rage departed the 
 kingdom, and took shelter in Flanders with earl 
 Bahhvin, his father-in-law.
 
 236 ' HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1055. 
 
 By this marriage Harold broke all measures 
 with the duke of Normandy ; and William clearly 
 perceived that he could no longer rely on the 
 oaths and promises which he had extorted from 
 him. But the English nobleman was now in such 
 a situation, that he deemed it no longer necessary 
 to dissemble. He had, in his conduct towards 
 the Northumbrians, giv^en such a specimen of his 
 moderation as had gained him the affections of 
 his countrymen. He saw that almost all England 
 was engaged in his interests; while he himself 
 possessed the government of Wessex, Morcar 
 that of Northumberland, and Edwin that of Mer- 
 cia. He now openly aspired to the succession; 
 and insisted, that since it Mas necessary, by the 
 confession of all, to set aside the royal family, on 
 account of the imbecility of Edgar, the sole sur- 
 viving heir, there was no one so capable of fill- 
 ing the throne as a nobleman of great power, 
 of mature age, of long experience, of approxed 
 courage and abilities, wlio, Ijeing a native of the 
 kine:dom, would effectuallv secure it airainst the 
 dominion and tyranny of foreigners. Edward, 
 broken with age and infirmities, saw the difficul- 
 ties too great for him to encounter; and though 
 his inveterate prepossessions kept him from se- 
 conding the pretensions of Harold, he took but 
 feeble and irresolute steps for securing the suc- 
 cession to the duke of Normandy.* While he 
 continued in this uncertainty, he was surprised 
 
 * See note :'F1 vo), x.
 
 1055, EDWARD THE CONFESSOR. 237 
 
 by sickness, which brought him to his grave, on 
 the fifth of January 1066, in the sixty-fifth year 
 of his age, and twenty-fifth of his reign. 
 
 This prince, to wliom the monks gave the 
 title of saint and confessor, was the last of the 
 Saxon line that ruled in England. Though his 
 reign was peaceal)le and fortunate, he owed his 
 prosperity less to his own abilities than to the 
 conjunctures of the times. The Danes, employed 
 in other enterprises, attempted not those incur- 
 sions which had been so troublesome to all his 
 predecessors, and fatal to some of them. The 
 facility of his disposition made him acquiesce 
 under the government of Godwin and his son 
 Harold; and the abilities, as well as the power, 
 of these noblemen enabled them, while they were 
 entrusted with authority, to preserve domestic 
 peace and tranquillity. The most commendable 
 circumstance of Kdward's government, was his 
 attention to the administration of justice, and his 
 compiling, for that purpose, a body of laws, M'hich 
 he collected from the laws of Ethelbert, Ina, and 
 Alfred. This compilation, though now lost (for 
 the laws that pass under Edward's name were 
 composed afterwards), ' was long the object t)f 
 affection to the English nation. 
 
 Edward the Confessor was the first that 
 touched for the king's evil: the opinion of his 
 sanctity procured belief to this cure among the 
 people: his successors regarded it as a part of 
 
 " Sp(lni. in vcrlx) licUh-'i.
 
 238 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1066. 
 
 ftheir state and grandeur to uphold the same 
 il opinion. It has been continued down to our 
 1 time; and the practice was first dropped by the 
 i present royal family, who observed, that it could 
 i no longer give amazement even to the populace, 
 1 and was attended with ridicule in the eyes of all 
 ^ men of understanding. 
 
 HAROLD. 1066. 
 
 Harold had so well prepared matters before the 
 death of Edward, that he immediately stepped 
 into the vacant throne; and his accession was 
 attended with as little opposition and disturbance, 
 as if he had succeeded by the most undoubted 
 hereditary title. The citizens of London were 
 his zealous partisans; the bishops and clergy had 
 adopted his cause; and all the powerful nobility, 
 connected with him by alliance or friendship, 
 willingly seconded his pretensions. The title of 
 Edgar Atheling was scarcely mentioned; much 
 less the claim of the duke of Normandy: and 
 Harold, assembling his partisans, received the 
 crown from their hands, without waiting for the 
 free deliberation of the states, or regularly sub- 
 mitting the question to their determination.'*' If 
 
 ^ G. Pict. p. 196". Ypod. Neust. p. 436. Order. Vitalis, p.4(}2. 
 M. West. p. 221. W. Malm. p. 93. Ingulf, p. 68. Brompton, 
 p. 957. Knyghton, p. 2339. H. Hunt. p. 210. Many of the 
 historians say, that Harold was regularly elected by the states: 
 Some, that Edward left him his successor by will.
 
 106K5. HAROLD. 239 
 
 any were averse to this measure, they were 
 obliged to conceal their sentiments; and the new 
 prince, taking a general silence for consent, and 
 founding his title on the supposed suffrages of 
 the people, which appeared unanimous, was, on 
 the day immediately succeeding Edward's death, 
 crowned and anointed king, by Aldred archbishop 
 of York. The whole nation seemed joyfully to 
 acquiesce in his elevation. 
 
 The first symptoms of danger which the king 
 discovered came from abroad, and from his own 
 brother Tosti, who had submitted to a voluntary 
 banishment in Flanders. Enraged at the success- 
 ful ambition of Harold, to which he himself had 
 fallen a victim, he filled the court of Baldwin 
 with complaints of the injustice which he had 
 suffered: he engaged the interest of that family 
 against his brother: he endeavoured to form in- 
 trigues with some of the discontented nobles in 
 England: he sent his emissaries to Norway, 
 in order to rouse to arms the freebooters of that 
 kingdom, and to excite their hopes of reaping 
 advantage from the unsettled state of afl'airs on 
 the usurpation of the new king: and that he 
 might render the combination more formidable, 
 he made a journey to Normandy; in expectation 
 that the duke, M'ho had married Matilda, another 
 daughter of Baldwin, would, in revenge of his 
 own wrongs, as well as those of Tosti, second, by 
 his counsels and forces, the projected invasion of 
 England." 
 
 '' Order. Vitalis, p. 4g2.
 
 210 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1066. 
 
 The duke of Normandy, when he first re- 
 ceived intelligence of Harold's intrigues and 
 accession, had been moved to the highest pitch 
 of indignation ; but that he might give the better 
 colour to his pretensions, he sent an embassy to 
 England, upbraiding that prince with his breach 
 of faith, and summoning him to resign immedi- 
 ately possession of the kingdom. Harold replied 
 to the Norman ambassadors, that the oath, with 
 which he was reproached, had been extorted by 
 the well-grounded fear of violence, and could 
 never, for that reason, be regarded as obligatory: 
 that he had had no commission, either from the 
 late king or the states of England, who alone 
 could dispose of the crown, to make any tender 
 of the succession to the duke of Normandy ; and 
 if he, a private person, had assumed so much 
 authority, and had even voluntarily sworn to 
 support the duke's pretensions, the oath was 
 unlawful, and it was his duty to seize the first 
 opportunity of breaking it : that he had obtained 
 the crown by the unanimous suffrages of the 
 people; and should prove himself totally un- 
 worthy of their favour, did he not strenuously 
 maintain those national liberties, with whose pro- 
 tection they had entrusted him: and that the 
 duke, if he made any attempt by force of arms, 
 should experience the power of an united na- 
 tion conducted by a prince, Arlio, sensible of 
 the obligations imposed on him by his royal 
 dignity, was determined that the same moment
 
 1060. HAROLD. 241 
 
 should put a period to his life and to his govern- 
 ment/ 
 
 This answer was no other than William ex- 
 pected; and he had previously fixed his reso- 
 lution of making an attempt upon England. 
 Consulting only his courage, his resentment, and 
 his ambition, he overlooked all the difficulties 
 inseparable from an attack on a great kingdom 
 by such inferior force, and he saw only the cir- 
 cumstances which would facilitate his enterprise. 
 He considered that England, ever since the ac- 
 cession of Canute, had enjoyed profound tran- 
 quillity, during a period of near fifty years; and 
 it would re(juire time for its soldiers, enervated 
 by long peace, to learn discipline, and its gene- 
 rals experience. He knew that it was entirely 
 unprovided with fortified towns, by which it 
 could prolong the war; but must venture its 
 whole fortune in one decisive action against a 
 veteran enemy, who, being once master of the 
 field, would be in a condition to overrun the 
 kingdom. He saw that Harold, though he had 
 given proofs of vigour and bravery, had newly 
 mounted a throne, which he had acquired by 
 faction, from Avhich he had excluded a very an- 
 cient royal family, and which was likely to totter 
 under him by its own instability, much more if 
 shaken by any violent external impulse. And he 
 hoj)ed, that the very circumstance of his crossing 
 
 '' W. Malm. p. gg. Higden, p. 2S5. Matl. West. p. 222. 
 Dc Gest. Angl. inccrto auctore, p. 331. 
 vol.. J. H
 
 142 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1066. 
 
 the sea, quitting his own country, and leaving 
 himself no hopes of retreat; as it would astonish 
 the enemy by the boldness of the enterprise, 
 would inspirit his soldiers by despair, and rouse 
 them to sustain the reputation of the Norman 
 arms. 
 
 The Normans, as they had long been distin- 
 guished by valour among all the European na- 
 tions, had at this time attained to the highest 
 pitch of military glory. Besides acquiring by 
 arms such a noble territory in France, besides 
 defending it against continual attempts of the 
 French monarch and all its neighbours, besides 
 exerting many acts of vigour under their present 
 sovereign; they had, about this very time, re- 
 vived their ancient fame, by the most hazardous 
 exploits, and the most wonderful successes, in 
 the other extremity of Europe. A few Norman 
 adventurers in Italy had acquired such an ascen- 
 dant not only over the Italians and Greeks, but 
 the Germans and Saracens, that they expelled 
 those foreigners, procured to themselves ample 
 establishments, and laid the foundation of the 
 opulent kingdom of Naples and Sicily.^ These 
 enterprises of men, who were all of them vassals 
 in Normandy, many of them banished for faction 
 and rebellion, excited the ambition of the haughty 
 William ; who disdained, after such examples of 
 fortune and valour, to be deterred from making 
 an attack on a neighbouring country, where ht 
 
 ' Gul. Gcniet. lib. /. cap. 30.
 
 1066. HAROLD. 243 
 
 could be supported by the whole force of his 
 principality. 
 
 The situation also of Europe inspired William 
 with hopes, that, besides his brave Normans, he 
 might employ against England the flower of the 
 military force which was dispersed in all the 
 neighbouring states. France, Germany, and 
 the Low Countries, by the progress of the feudal 
 institutions, were divided and subdivided into 
 many principalities and baronies; and the pos- 
 sessors, enjoying the civil jurisdiction within 
 themselves, as well as the right of arms, acted, 
 in many respects, as independent sovereigns, and 
 maintained their properties and privileges less 
 by the authority of laws than by their own force 
 and valour. A military spirit had universally dif- 
 fused itself throughout Europe; and the several 
 leaders, whose minds were elevated by their 
 princely situation, greedily embraced the most 
 hazardous enterprises; and being accustomed to 
 nothing from their infancy but recitals of the 
 success attending wars and battles, they were 
 prompted by a natural ambition to imitate those 
 adventures, which they heard so much cele- 
 brated, and which were so much exaggerated 
 by the credulity of the age. United, however 
 loosely, by their duty to one superior lord, and 
 by their connections with the great body of the 
 community to which they belonged, they desired 
 to spread their fame each beyond his own dis- 
 trict; and in all assemblies, whether instituted
 
 244 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 106Q, 
 
 for civil deliberations, for military expeditions, 
 or merely for show and entertainment, to out- 
 shine each other by the reputation of strength 
 and prowess. Hence their genius for chivalry; 
 hence their impatience of peace and tranquil- 
 lity; and hence their readiness to embark in any 
 dangerous enterprise, how little soever interested 
 in its failure or success. 
 
 William, by his power, his courage, and his 
 ai)ilities, had long maintained a pre-eminence 
 among those haughty chieftains; and every one 
 who desired to signalise himself by his address 
 in military exercises, or his valour in action, had 
 been ambitious of acquiring a reputation in the 
 court and in the armies of Normandy. Enter- 
 tained with that hospitality and courtesy which 
 distinguished the age, they had formed attach- 
 ments with the prince, and greedily attended to 
 the prospects of the signal glory and elevation 
 which he promised them in return for their con- 
 currence in an expedition against England. The 
 more grandeur there appeared in the attempt, 
 the more it suited their romantic spirit : the fame 
 of the intended invasion Mas already diffused every 
 where : multitudes crowded to tender to the duke 
 their service, with that of their vassals and retain- 
 ers : ^ and William found less difficulty in complet- 
 ing his levies, than in choosing the most veteran 
 forces,and inrcjecting the offers of those who were 
 impatient to acquire fame under so renowned a 
 leader. 
 
 * Gul. Pictavensis, p. 19S.
 
 4D65. HAROLD. 215 
 
 Besides these advantages, which William owed 
 to his personal valour and good conduct; he was 
 indebted to fortune for procuring him some 
 assistance, and also for removing many obstacles 
 which it was natural for him to expect in an un- 
 dertaking, in which all his neighbours were so 
 deeply interested. Conan, count of Britanny, 
 Avas his mortal enemy: in order to throw a damp 
 upon the duke's enterprise, he chose this con- 
 juncture for reviving his claim to Normandy 
 itself; and he required, that in case of William's 
 success against England, the possession of that 
 dutchy should devolve to him.'' But Conan died 
 suddenly after making this demand; and Hoel, 
 his successor, instead of adopting the malignity, 
 or, more properly speaking, the prudence of his 
 predecessor, zealously seconded the duke's views, 
 and sent his eldest son, Alain Fergant, to serve 
 under him with a body of five thousand Britons, 
 The counts of Anjou and of Flanders encouraged 
 their subjects to engage in the expedition; and 
 even the court of France, though it might justly 
 fear the aggrandizement of so dangerous a vas- 
 sal, pursued not its interests on this occasion 
 with sufficient vigour and resolution. Philip 1. 
 the reigning monarch, M'as a minor; and William, 
 having communicated his project to the council, 
 having desired assistance, and offered to do ho- 
 mage, in case of his success, for the crown of 
 England, was indeed openly ordered to lav asid* 
 
 ^' Gul. Gemet. lib. 7. cap. ,S.-:
 
 24(5 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1066. 
 
 all thoughts of the enterprise; but the earl of 
 Flanders, his father-in-law, being at the head of 
 the regency, favoured under-hand his levies, and 
 secretly encouraged the adventurous nobility to 
 inlist under the standard of the duke of Nor- 
 mandy. 
 
 The emperor, Henry IV. besides openly giv- 
 ing all his vassals permission to embark in this 
 expedition, which so much engaged the attention 
 of Europe, promised his protection to the dutchy 
 of Normandy during the absence of the prince, 
 and thereby enabled him to employ his whole 
 force in the invasion of England.*' But the most 
 important ally, whom William gained by his ne- 
 gociations, was the pope, who had a mighty in^ 
 fluence over the ancient barons, no less devout 
 in their religious principles, than valorous in their 
 military enterprises. The Roman pontiff", after 
 an insensible progress during several ages of 
 darkness and ignorance, began now to lift his 
 head openly above all the princes of Europe; to 
 assume the office of a mediator, or even an arbi- 
 ter, in the quarrels of the greatest monarchs; to 
 interpose in all secular affairs; and to obtrude 
 his dictates as sovereign laws on his obsequious 
 disciples. It was a sufficient motive to Alexan- 
 der II. the reigning pope, for embracing Wil- 
 liam's quarrel, that he alone had made an appeal 
 to his tribunal, and rendered him umpire of the 
 dispute between him and Harold ; but there were 
 
 ^ Gul. Pict. p. 198.
 
 1066. HAROLD. 24? 
 
 Other advantages which that pontiff foresaw must 
 result from the conquest of England by the Nor- 
 man arms. That kingdom, though at first con- 
 verted by Romish missionaries, though it had 
 afterwards advanced some farther steps towards 
 subjection to Rome, maintained still a consider- 
 able independance in its ecclesiastical administra- 
 tion; and forming a world within itself, entirely 
 separated from the rest of Europe, it had hitherto 
 proved inaccessible to those exorbitant claims 
 which supported the grandeur of the papacy. 
 Alexander therefore hoped, that the French and 
 Norman barons, if successful in their enterprise, 
 might import into that country a more devoted 
 reverence to the holy see, and bring the English 
 churches to a nearer conformity with those of 
 the continent. He declared immediately in fa- 
 vour of William's claim; pronounced Harold a 
 perjured usurper; denounced excommiunication 
 against him and his adherents; and the more to 
 encourage the duke of Normandy in his enter- 
 prise, he sent him a consecrated banner, and a 
 ring with one of St. Peter's hairs in it.'' Tlius_ 
 were all the ambition and violence of that in- 
 vasion covered over safely with the broad mantle 
 of religion. 
 
 The greatest difficulty whicli William had to 
 encounter in his preparations, arose from his 
 own subjects in Normandy. The states of the 
 dutchy were assembled at Lislebonne; and suj)- 
 
 "^ Baker, p. 22. edit. l684. 
 
 ^
 
 248 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 106& 
 
 plies being demanded for the intended enterprise, 
 which promised so much glory and advantage to 
 their country, there appeared a rehictance in 
 many members, both to grant sums so much bC' 
 yond the con^mon measure of taxes in that age, 
 and to set a precedent of performing their mih- 
 tary service at a distance from their own country. 
 The duke, finding it dangerous to solicit them in 
 a body, conferred separately with the richest in- 
 dividuals in the province; and beginning with 
 those on whose affections he most relied, he gra-r 
 dually engaged all of them to advance the sums 
 demanded. The count of Longueville seconded 
 him in this negociation ; as did the count of Mor-< 
 taigne, Odo bishop of Baieux, and especially , 
 William Fitz-O&borne, count of Breteiiil, and con-, 
 stable of the dutchy. Every person, when he 
 himself was once engaged, endeavoured to bring 
 over others; and at last the states themselves, 
 after stipulating that this concession should be 
 no precedent, voted that they would assist their 
 prince to the utmost in his intended enterprise/ 
 William had now assembled a fleet of three 
 thousand vessels great and smalV and had se- 
 lected an army of sixty thousand men from among 
 those numerous sup j) lies which from every quar- 
 ter solicited to be received into his service. The 
 camp bore a splendid yet a martial appearance, 
 from the discipli^e of the men, the beauty and 
 
 Camden. Introd. ad Britann. p. 212. 2d edit. Gibs. Verste= 
 gan, p. 173. ^ Gul. Gemet. lib, 7. cap. 34.
 
 1066. HAROLD. 2jO 
 
 vigour of the horses, the lustre of the arms, and 
 the accoutrements of hoth; hut above all, from 
 the high names of nobility who engaged under 
 the banners of the duke of Normand}'. The most 
 celebrated were Eustace count of Boulogne, 
 Aimeri de Thouars, Hugh d'Estaples, William 
 d'Evreux, Geoffrey de Rotrou, Roger de Beau- 
 mont, William de Warenne, Roger de Mont- 
 gomery, Hugh de Grantmesnil, Charles Martel, 
 and. Geoffrey Giffard.^ To these bold chieftains 
 William held up the spoils of England as the 
 prize of their valour; and pointing to the oppo- 
 site shore, called to them, that there was the 
 field, on which they must erect trophies to their 
 name, and fix their establishments. 
 
 While he was making these mighty prepara- 
 tions, the duke, that he might encrease the num- 
 ber of Harold's enemies, excited the inveterate 
 rancour of Tosti, and encouraged him, in con- 
 cert with Harold Halfagar, king of Norway, to 
 infest the coasts of England. Tosti, having col- 
 lected about sixty vessels in the ports of Flanders, 
 put to sea; and after committing some depreda- 
 tions on the south and east coasts, he sailed to 
 Northumberland, and was there joined bv Hal- 
 fagar, Avho came over with a great armament of 
 three hundred sail. The combined tieets entered 
 the Humber, and disembarked the troops, who 
 began to extend their depredations on all sides; 
 when Morcar earl of Northumberland, and Edwin 
 
 - Ordulcus Vitalis, p, 501 ,
 
 350 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1063. 
 
 earl of Mercia, the king's brother-in-law, having 
 hastily collected some forces, ventured to give 
 them battle. The action ended in the defeat and 
 flight of these two noblemen. 
 
 Harold, informed of this defeat, hastened with 
 an army to the protection of his people; and 
 expressed the utmost ardour to show himself 
 worthy of the crown which had been conferred 
 upon him. This prince, though he was not sen- 
 sible of the full extent of his danger, from the 
 great combination against him, had employed 
 every art of popularity to acquire the affections 
 of the public; and he gave so many proofs of an 
 equitable and prudent administration, that the 
 English found no reason to repent the choice 
 which they had made of a sovereign. They 
 flocked from all quarters to join his standard; 
 and as soon as he reached the enemy at Stand- 
 ford, he found himself in a condition to give 
 them battle. The action was bloody; but the 
 victory was decisive on the side of Harold, and 
 ended in the total rout of the Norvegians, to- 
 ther with the death of Tosti and Halfagar. Even 
 the Norvegian fleet fell into the hands of Harold; 
 who had the generosity to give prince Olave, the 
 son of Halfagar, his liberty, and allow him to 
 depart with twenty vessels. But he had scarcely 
 time to rejoice for this victory, when he received 
 intelligence that the duke of Normandy was 
 landed with a great army in the south of Eng- 
 land.
 
 1066, HAROLD. , 25] 
 
 The Norman fleet and army had been assem- 
 bled early in the summer, at the mouth of the 
 small river Dive, and all the troops had been in- 
 stantly embarked; but the winds proved long 
 contrary, and detained them in that harbour. 
 The authority, however, of the duke, the good 
 discipline maintained among the seamen and sol- 
 diers, and the great care in supplying them with 
 provisions, had prevented any disorder; when at 
 last the wind became favourable, and enabled 
 them to sail along the coast till they reached 
 St. Valori. There were, however, several vessels 
 lost in this short passage; and as the wind again 
 proved contrary, the army began to imagine that 
 Heaven had declared against them, and that, not- 
 withstanding the pope's benediction, they were 
 destined to certain destruction. These bold war- 
 riors, who despised real dangers, were very sub- 
 ject to the dread of imaginary ones; and many 
 of them began to mutiny, some of them even to 
 desert their colours; when the duke, in order to 
 support their drooping hopes, ordered a proces- 
 sion to be made with the reliques of St. Valori, *" 
 and prayers to be said for more favourable wea- 
 ther. The wind instantly changed; and as thi*; 
 incident happened on the eve of the feast ot" 
 St. Michael, the tutelar saint of Normandy, the 
 soldiers, fancying they saw the hand of Heaven 
 in all these concurring circumstances, set out with 
 
 ^ Higdcn, p. 285. Order. Vitalis, p. 500. Matth, Paris, edit 
 TarisiSj anno l644. p. 2.
 
 252 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1066. 
 
 the greatest alacrity: they met with no oppo- 
 sition on their passage: a great fleet, which 
 Harold had assembled, and which had cruised all 
 summer off the Isle of Wight, had been dismissed, 
 on his receiving false intelligence that William, 
 discouraged by contrary winds and other acci- 
 dents, had laid aside his preparations. The Npr- 
 man armament, proceeding in great order, arrived, 
 without any material loss, at Pevensey in Sussex ; 
 and the army quietly disembarked. The duke 
 himself, as he leaped on shore, happened to stum- 
 ble and fall; but had the presence of mind, it is 
 said, to turn the omen to his advantage, by call- 
 ing aloud that he had taken possession of the 
 country. And a soldier, running to a neighbour- 
 ing cottage, plucked some thatch, which, as if 
 giving him seizine of the kingdom, he presented 
 to his general. The joy and alacrity of William 
 and his v/hole army was so great, that they Avere 
 nowise discouraged, even when they heard of 
 Harold's great victory over the Norvegians : they 
 seemed rather to wait with impatience the arrival 
 of the enemy. 
 
 The victory of Harold, though great and 
 honourable, had proved in the main prejudicial 
 to his interests, and may be regarded as the im- 
 mediate cause of his ruin. He lost many of his 
 bravest officers and soldiers in the action; and 
 he disgusted the rest by refusing to distribute 
 the Norvegian spoils among them: a conduct 
 which was little agreeable to his usual generosity
 
 1066. HAROLD. 253 
 
 of temper; but which his desire of sparing the 
 people, in the war that impended over him from 
 the duke of Normandy, had probably occasioned. 
 He hastened, by quick inarches, to reach this 
 new invader; but though he was reinforced at 
 London and other places with fresh troops, he 
 found himself also weakened by the desertion of 
 his old soldiers, who from fatigue and discontent 
 secretly withdrew from their colours. His bro- 
 ther Gurth, a man of bravery and conduct,- be- 
 gan to entertain apprehensions of the event; and 
 remonstrated with the king, that it would be 
 better policy to prolong the war; at least, to 
 spare his own person in the action. He urged 
 to him, that the desperate situation of the duke 
 of Normandy made it requisite for that prince to 
 bring matters to a speedy decision, and put his 
 whole fortune on the issue of a battle; but that 
 the king of England, in his own country, beloved 
 by his subjects, provided with every supply, had 
 more certain, and less dangerous means of en- 
 suring to himself the victory: that the Norman 
 troops, elated on the one hand with the highest 
 hopes, and seeing, on the other, no resource in 
 case of a discomfiture, Avould fight to the last ex- 
 tremity; and being the flower of all the warriors 
 of the continent, must be regarded as formidable 
 to the English: tiiat if their first fire, which is 
 always the most (hmgcrous, were allowed to lan- 
 guish for want of action; if they Mere harassed 
 with small skiiinishcs, straitened in provisions,
 
 254 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1066. 
 
 and fatigued with the bad weather and deep 
 roads during the winter season, which was ap- 
 proaching, they must fall an easy and a bloodless 
 prey to their enemy; that if a general action 
 were delayed, the English, sensible of the immi- 
 nent danger to which their properties, as well 
 as liberties, were exposed from those rapacious 
 invaders, would hasten from all quarters to his 
 assistance, and would render his army invincible: 
 that at least, if he thought it necessary to hazard 
 a battle, he ought not to expose his own person, 
 but reserve, in case of disastrous accidents, some 
 resource to the liberty and independence of the 
 kingdom : and that having once been so unfor- 
 tunate as to be constrained to swear, and that 
 upon the holy reliques, to support the pretensions 
 of the duke of Normandy, it were better that the 
 command of the army should be entrusted to 
 another, who, not being bound by those sacred 
 ties, might give the soldiers more assured hopes 
 of a prosperous issue to the combat. 
 
 Harold was deaf to all these remonstrances: 
 elated with his past prosperity, as well as stimu- 
 lated by his native courage, he resolved to give 
 battle in person ; and for that purpose he drew 
 near to the Normans, who had removed their 
 camp and fleet to Hastings, where they fixed 
 their quarters. He was so confident of success, 
 that he sent a message to the duke, promising 
 him a sum of money if he would depart the king- 
 dom without effusion of blood: but his offer was
 
 1060. HAROLD. 255 
 
 rejected with disdain ; and William, not to be 
 behind with his enemy in vaunting, sent him a 
 message by some monks, requiring him either to 
 resign the kingdom, or to hold it of him in fealty, 
 or to submit their cause to the arbitration of the 
 pope, or to fight him in single combat. Harold 
 replied, that the God of battles would soon be the 
 arbiter of all their differences.' 
 
 The English and Normans now prepared them- 
 selves for this important decision; but the aspect 
 of things, on the night before the battle, 14th 
 October, was very different in the two camps. 
 The English spent the time in riot, and jollity, 
 and disorder; the Normans in silence, and in 
 prayer, and in the other functions of their reli- 
 gion.'' On the morning, the duke called together 
 the most considerable of his commanders, and 
 made them a speech suitable to the occasion. He 
 represented to them, that the event which they 
 and he had long wished for, was approaching; 
 the whole fortune of the war now depended on 
 their swords, and would be decided in a single 
 action: that never army had greater motives for 
 exerting a vigorous courage, whether they con- 
 sidered the prize which would attend their vic- 
 tory, or the inevitable destruction which must 
 ensue upon their discomfiture: that if their mar- 
 tial and veteran bands could once break those 
 raw soldiers, who had rashly dared to approach 
 
 Uigdtn,p.'286. ^ W. Malm, p. 201.' De Gest. Angl, p. 332.
 
 256 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1066. 
 
 them, they conquered a kingdom at one blow, 
 and were justly entitled to all its possessions as 
 the reward of their prosperous valour: that, on 
 the contrary, if they remitted in the least their 
 wonted prowess, an enraged enemy hung upon 
 their rear, the sea met them in their retreat, and 
 an ignominious death was the certain punish- 
 ment of their imprudent cowardice: that, by 
 collecting so numerous and brave a host, he had 
 ensured every human means of conquest; and 
 the commander of the enemy, by his criminal 
 conduct, had given him just cause to hope for 
 the favour of the Almighty, in whose hands alone 
 lay the event of wars and battles : and that a per- 
 jured usurper, anathematized by the sovereign 
 pontiff, and conscious of his own breach of faith, 
 would be struck with terror on their appearance, 
 and would prognosticate to himself that fate 
 which his multiplied crimes had so justly me- 
 rited.' The duke next divided his army into 
 three lines: the lii'st, led by Montgomery, con- 
 sisted of archers and lioht-armed infantrv: the 
 second, commanded by Martel, was composed of 
 his bravest battalions, heavy armed, and ranged 
 in close order: his cavalry, at whose head he 
 placed himself, formed the third line; and were 
 so disposed, that they stretched beyond the in- 
 fantry, and flanked each wing of the army.'" He 
 ordered the signal of battle to be given; and the 
 
 ' H. Hunt. p. 368. Brompton, p. 959. Gul. Pict. p. 201 , 
 Gul, Pict. 201. Order. Vital, p. 501.
 
 1060. HAROLD. 257 
 
 whole army, moving at once, and singing the 
 hymn or song of Roland, the famous peer of 
 Charlemagne," advanced in order and Avith ala- 
 crity towards the enemy. 
 
 Harold had seized the advantage of a rising 
 ground, and having likewise drawn some trenches 
 to secure his flanks, he resolved to stand upon 
 the defensive, and to avoid all action with the 
 cavalry, in which he was inferior. The Kentish 
 men were placed in the van ; a post which they 
 had always claimed as their due: the Londoners 
 guarded the standard: and the king himself, 
 accompanied by his two valiant brothers, Gurth 
 and Leofwin, dismounting, placed himself at the 
 head of his infantry, and expressed his resolution 
 to conquer, or to perish in the action. The first 
 attack of the Normans was desperate, but was 
 received with equal valour by the English ; and 
 after a furious combat, which remained long un- 
 decided, the former, overcome by the dilhculty 
 of the ground, and hard pressed by the enemy, 
 began first to relax their vigour, then to retreat; 
 and confusion was spreading among the ranks, 
 when William, who found himself on the brink 
 of destruction, hastened with a select band to the 
 relief of his dismayed forces. His presence re- 
 stored the action; the English were obliged to 
 retire with loss; and the duke, ordering his 
 
 " W.Malm. p. 101. Higden, p. 2S6. MaUh. Wif,t. p 223. 
 Du Cange's Glossary in vcrbo Cantilena liulandl. 
 VOL. I. S
 
 258 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1066. 
 
 second line to advance, renewed the attack with 
 fresh forces, and with redonbled courage. Find- 
 ing that the enemy, aided by the advantage of 
 ground, and animated by the example of their 
 prince, still made a vigorous resistance, he tried 
 a stratagem, which was very delicate in its ma- 
 nagement, but which seemed advisable in his 
 desperate situation, where, if he gained not a 
 decisive victory, he was totally undone: he com- 
 manded his troops to make a hasty retreat, and 
 to allure the enemy from their ground by the 
 appearance of flight. The artifice succeeded 
 against those unexperienced soldiers, who, heat- 
 ed by the action, and sanguine in their hopes, 
 precipitately followed the Normans into the plain. 
 William gave orders, that at once the infantry 
 should face about upon their pursuers, and the 
 cavalry make an assault upon their wings, and 
 both of them pursue the advantage, which the 
 surprise and terror of the enemy must give them 
 in that critical and decisive moment. The Eng- 
 lish were repulsed with great slaughter, and 
 driven back to the hill; where, being rallied by 
 the bravery of Harold, they were able, notwith- 
 standing their loss, to maintain the post, and 
 continue the combat. The duke tried the same 
 stratagem a second time with the same success; 
 but even after this double advantage, he still 
 found a great body of the English, who, main- 
 taining themselves in firm array, seemed deter-
 
 1066. HAROLD. 25g 
 
 mined to dispute the victory to the last extre- 
 mity. He ordered his heavy-armed infantry to 
 make an assault upon them; while his archers, 
 placed behind, should gall the enemy, who were 
 exposed by the situation of the ground, and who 
 were intent in defending themselves against the 
 swords and spears of the assailants. Ey this dis- 
 position he at last prevailed : Harold was slain by 
 an arrow, while he was combating with great 
 bravery at the head of his men : his two brothers 
 shared the same fate: and the English, discou- 
 raged by the fall of those princes, gave ground 
 on all sides, and were pursued m ith great slaughter 
 by the victorious Normans. A few troops, how- 
 ever, of the vanquished had still the courage to 
 turn upon their pursuers; and attacking them in 
 deep and miry ground, obtained some revenge 
 for the slauu:hter and dishonour of the dav. But 
 the ap})earance of the duke obliged them to seek 
 their safety by flight; and darkness saved them 
 from any farther pursuit by tlie enemy. 
 
 Thus was gained by William, duke of Nor- 
 mandy, the great and decisive victory of Hastings, 
 after a battle which was fou<z:ht from mornino; till 
 sunset, and which seemed worthy, by the heroic 
 valour displayed by both armies, and by both 
 comniandcis, to decide the fate of a mighty king- 
 dom. William had three horses killed under him ; 
 and there fell near litteen thousand men on the 
 side of the Normans: the loss was still more con- 
 sitlerable on that of the vancjuished; besides the
 
 260 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1066. 
 
 death of the king and his two brothers. The 
 dead body of Harold was brought to WiUiam, 
 and was generously restored without ransom to 
 his mother. The Norman army left not the field 
 of battle without giving thanks to Heaven in the 
 most solemn manner for their victory: and the 
 prince, having refreshed his troops, prepared to 
 push to the utmost his advantage against the 
 divided, dismayed, and discomfited English.
 
 APPENDIX I. 
 
 THE ANGLO-SAXON GOVERNMENT 
 AND MANNERS. 
 
 First Saxon Government Succession of the kings The 
 
 Wittenagemot. . . . The aristocracy. . . . The several orders of 
 men. . . , Courts of justice. . . . Criminal law . . . Rules of proof 
 .... Military force. . . . Public revenue. . . . Value of money 
 .... Manners. 
 
 Ihe government of the Germans, and that of 
 all the northern nations, who established them- 
 selves on the ruins of Rome, was always ex- 
 tremely free; and those fierce people, accustomed 
 to independence and inured to arms, w^ere more 
 guided by persuasion than authority, in the sub- 
 mission which they paid to their princes. The 
 military despotism, which had taken place in the 
 Roman empire, and which, previously to the irrup- 
 tion of those conquerors, had sunk the genius of 
 men, and destroyed every noble principle of sci- 
 ence and virtue, was unable to resist the vigorous 
 eftbrts of a free people; and Europe, as from a 
 new epoch, rekindled her ancient spirit, and 
 shook off the base servitude to arbitrary Mill and 
 authority under which she had so long laboured.
 
 i62 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 The free constitutions then established, however 
 impaired by the encroachments of succeeding 
 princes, still preserve an air of independence and 
 legal administration, which distinguish the Eu- 
 ropean nations; and if that part of the globe 
 maintain sentiments of liberty, honour, equity, 
 and valour, superior to the rest of mankind, it 
 owes these advantages chiefly to the seeds im- 
 planted by those generous barbarians. 
 
 FIRST SAXON GOVERNMENT. 
 
 The Saxons, who subdued Britain, as they en- 
 joyed great liberty in their own country, obsti- 
 nately retained that invaluable possession in their 
 ne\r settlement; and they imported into this island 
 the same principles of independence, which they 
 had inherited from their ancestors. The chief- 
 tains (for such they were, more properly than 
 kin^s or princes) who commanded them in those 
 military expeditions, still possessed a very limited 
 authority; and as the Saxons exterminated, ra- 
 ther than subdued, the ancient inhabitants, they 
 were indeed trarisj)lan'Led into a new territory, 
 but preserved unaltered all their civil and mili- 
 tary institutions. The language was pure Saxon; 
 even the names of places, which often remain 
 while the tongue entirely changes, were almost 
 all aflBxed by the conquerors; the manners and 
 customs were wholly German; and the same pic-
 
 APPENDIX I. 263 
 
 ture of a fierce and bold liberty, vvbich is drawn 
 by the masterly pencil of Tacitus, will suit those 
 founders of the English government. The king, 
 so far from being invested with arbitrary power, 
 was only considered as the first among the citi- 
 zens; his authority depended more on his per- 
 sonal qualities than on his station; he was even 
 so far on a level with the people, that a stated 
 price was fixed for his head, and a legal fine was 
 levied upon his murderer, which, though propor- 
 tionate to his station, and superior to that paid 
 for the life of a subject, was a sensible mark of 
 his subordination to the community. 
 
 SUCCESSION OF THE KINGS. 
 
 It is easy to imagine, that an independent people, 
 so little restrained by law and cultivated by sci- 
 ence, would not be very strict in maintaining 
 a regular succession of their princes. Though 
 they paid great regard to the royal family, and 
 ascribed to it an undisputed superiority, they 
 either had no rule, or none that was steadily ob- 
 served, in filling the vacant throne; and ])resent 
 convenience, in that emergency, was more at- 
 tended to than general principles. We are not, 
 however, to suppose that the crown was con- 
 sidered as altogether elective; and that a regular 
 plan was traced by the constitution for supply- 
 ing, by the suffrages of the people, every vacancy
 
 264 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 made by tlie demise of the first magistrate. If 
 any king left a son of an age and capacity fit for 
 government, the young prince naturally stepped 
 into the throne: If he was a minor, his uncle, or 
 the next prince of the blood, was promoted to 
 the government, and left the sceptre to his pos- 
 terity : any sovereign, by taking previous mea- 
 sures with the leading men, had it greatly in his 
 power to appoint his successor: all these changes, 
 and indeed the ordinary administration of go- 
 vernment, required the express concurrence, or 
 at least the tacit acquiescence of the people; but 
 possession, however obtained, was extremely apt 
 to secure their obedience, and the idea of any 
 right, which was once excluded, was but feeble 
 and imperfect. This is so much the case in all 
 barbarous monarchies, and occurs so often in 
 the history of the Anglo-Saxons, that we cannot 
 consistently entertain any other notion of their 
 government. The idea of an hereditary succes- 
 sion in authority is so natural to men, and is so 
 much fortified by the usual rule in transmitting 
 private possessions, that it must retain a great 
 influence on every society, which does not ex- 
 clude it by the refinements of a republican con- 
 stitution. But as there is a mateiial difference 
 between government and private possessions, and 
 every man is not as nmch qualified for exercising 
 the one, as for enjoying the other, a people, who 
 are not sensible of the general advantages at- 
 tending a fixed rule, are apt to make great leaps
 
 APPENDIX I. 265 
 
 in the succession, and frequently to pass over 
 the person, who, had he possessed the requisite 
 years and abilities, would have been thought en- 
 titled to the sovereignty. Thus, these monarchies 
 are not, strictly speaking, either elective or 
 hereditary; and though the destination of a 
 prince may often be followed in appointing his 
 successor, they can as little be regarded as wholly 
 testamentary. The states by their suifrage may 
 sometimes establish a sovereign ; but they more 
 frequently recognise the person whom they find 
 established: a few great men take the lead; the 
 people, overawed and influenced, acquiesce in 
 the government; and the reigning prince, pro- 
 vided he be of the royal family, passes undis- 
 putedly for the legal sovereign. 
 
 THE WITTENAGEMOT. 
 
 It is confessed, that our knowledge of the Anglo- 
 Saxon history and antiquities is too imperfect to 
 afford us means of determining, with certainty, 
 all the prerogatives of the crown and privileges 
 of the people, or of giving an exact delineation 
 of that government. It is probable also, that 
 the constitution mi":bt be somewhat different in 
 the different kingdoms of the Heptarchy, and 
 that it changed considerably during the course 
 of six centuries, which elapsed from the first 
 invasion of the Sax(^ns till the XornKin con-
 
 266 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 quest.'* But most of these differences and changes, 
 with their causes and effects, arc unknown to us : 
 it only apj3cars, that at all times, and in all the 
 kingdoms, there was a national council, called a 
 Wittenagemot, or assembly of the wise men (for 
 that is the import of the term), whose consent 
 was requisite for enacting laws and for ratifying 
 the chief acts of public administration. The pre- 
 ambles to all the laws of Ethelbert, Ina, Alfred, 
 Edward the Elder, Athelstan, Edmond, Edgar, 
 Ethelred, and Edward the Confessor; even those 
 to the laws of Canute, though a kind of con- 
 queror; put this matter beyond controversy, and 
 carry proofs every where of a limited and legal 
 government. But who were the constituent 
 members of this Wittenagemot has not been de- 
 termined with certainty by anti(juarics. It is 
 agreed, that the bishops and abbots " were an 
 essential part; and it is also evident, from the 
 tenor of those ancient laws, that the Wittenage- 
 
 ^ We know of one change, not inconsiderable, in the Saxon 
 constitution. The Saxon Annals, \).4g, inform us, that it was in 
 early times the prerogative of the king to name the dukes, earls, 
 aldermen, and sheriffs of the counties. Asser, a contemporary- 
 writer, informs us, that Alfred deposed all the ignorant aldermen, 
 and appointed men of more capacity in their place : yet the laws 
 of Edward the Confessor, 35. say expressly, that the herctoghs 
 or dukes, and the sheriffs, were chosen by the freeholders in the 
 folkmote, a county court, which was assembled once a year, and 
 where all the freeholders swore allegiance to the king. 
 
 P Sometimes abbesses were admitted ; at least, they often sign 
 the king's charters or grants. Spelm. Gloss, in verbo parliamen- 
 tum.
 
 APPENDIX I. 267 
 
 mot enacted statutes which regulated the eccle- 
 siastical as well as civil government, and that 
 those dangerous principles, by which the church 
 is totally severed from the state, were hitherto 
 unknown to the Anglo-Saxons.*' It also appears, 
 that the aldermen, or governors of counties, who 
 after the Danisli times were often called * earls, 
 were admitted into tliis council, and gave their 
 consent to the public statutes. But besides the 
 prelates and aldermen, there is also mention of 
 the wites, or wise-men, as a component part of 
 the Wittenagemot; but Avho these Mere, is not so 
 clearly ascertained by the laws or the history of 
 that period. The matter would probably be of 
 difficult discussion, even were it examined im- 
 partially; but as our modern parties have chosen 
 to divide on this point, the question has been 
 disputed M'ith the greater obstinacy, and the 
 arguments on both sides have become, on that 
 account, the more captious and deceitful. Our 
 monarchical faction maintain, that these wites, 
 or sapientcs, were the judges, or men learned in 
 the law: the popular faction assert them to be 
 representatives of the boroughs, or what we now 
 call the commons. 
 
 The expressions employed by all ancient his- 
 torians, in mentioning the Wittenagemot, seem 
 to contradict the latter supposition. The mem- 
 bers are almost always called the p?'iticipes, sa- 
 trapa\ opt /mates, magnates, proccrcs; terms which 
 
 '1 Wilkins passim. * Sec note [G] vol. x.
 
 268 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 seem to suppose an aristocracy, and to exclude 
 the commons. The boroughs also, from the low- 
 state of commerce, were so small and so poor, 
 and the inhabitants lived in such dependence on 
 the great men,' that it seems nowise probable 
 they would be admitted as a part of the national 
 councils. The commons are well known to have 
 had no share in the governments established by 
 the Franks, Burgundians, and other northern 
 nations; and we may conclude that the Saxons, 
 who remained longer barbarous and uncivilized 
 than those tribes, would never think of confer- 
 ring such an extraordinary privilege on trade 
 and industry. The military profession alone was 
 honourable among all those conquerors: the war- 
 riors subsisted by their possessions in land: they 
 became considerable by their influence over their 
 vassals, retainers, tenants, and slaves: and it re- 
 quires strong proof to convince us that they would 
 admit any of a rank so much inferior as the bur- 
 gesses, to share wuth them in the legislative au- 
 thority. Tacitus indeed affirms, that, among the 
 ancient Germans, the consent of all the members 
 of the community was required in every impor- 
 tant deliberation; but he speaks not of repre- 
 sentatives; and this ancient practice, mentioned 
 by the Roman liibtorian, could only have place in 
 small tribes, where every citizen might, without 
 inconvenience, be assembled upon any extra- 
 ordinary emergency. After principalities became 
 
 ' Brady's Treatise of English Boroughs, p. 3, 4, 5, Sec,
 
 APPENDIX I. 26g 
 
 extensive; after the difference of property had 
 formed distinctions more important than those 
 which arose from personal strength and valour; 
 we may conclude, that the national assemblies 
 must have been more limited in their number, 
 and composed only of the more considerable 
 citizens. 
 
 But though we must exclude the burgesses, or 
 commons, from the Saxon Wittenagemot, there 
 is some necessity for supposing that this assembly 
 consisted of other members than the prelates, 
 abbots, aldermen, and the judges or privy-coun- 
 cil. For as all these, excepting some of the 
 ecclesiastics,' were anciently appointed by the 
 king, had there been no other legislative autho- 
 rity, the royal power had been in a great measure 
 absolute, contrary to the tenor of all the histo- 
 rians, and to the practice of all the northern 
 nations, ^\'e may therefore conclude, that the 
 more considerable proprietors of land were, with- 
 out any election, constituent members of the 
 national assembly: there is reason to think that 
 forty hides, or between four and five thousand 
 acres, was the estate requisite for entitling the 
 
 There is some reason to think that the liishops were sometimes 
 shosen by the Wittenagemot, and contirmed by the king. Eddiiis, 
 cap, 2. The abbots in the monasteries of royal fonndation were 
 anciently named by the king ; though Edgar gave tlie monks the 
 election, and only reserved to himself the ratilioation. This des- 
 tination was afterwards frequently violated j and the abbots, as 
 well as bishops, were afterwards all appointed by the kingj as we 
 learn from Ingulf, a writer contemporary to the conquest.
 
 270 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 possessor to this honourable privilege. We find 
 a passage in an ancient author/ by which it ap- 
 pears, that a person of very noble birth, even 
 one allied to the crown, was not esteemed a 
 princeps (the term usually employed by ancient 
 historians when the Wittenagemot is mentioned) 
 till he had acquired a fortune of that amount. 
 Nor need we imagine that the public council 
 would become disorderly or confused by admit- 
 ting so great a multitude. The landed property 
 of England was probably in few hands during the 
 Saxon times; at least during the latter part of 
 that period : and as men had hardly any ambi- 
 tion to attend those public councils, there was 
 no danger of the assembly's becoming too nume- 
 rous for the dispatch of the little business which 
 was brought before them. 
 
 THE ARISTOCRACY. 
 
 It is certain, that whatever we may determine 
 concerning the constituent members of the Wit- 
 tenagemot, in whom, with the king, the legis- 
 lature resided, the Anglo-Saxon government, in 
 the period preceding the Norman conquest, was 
 become extremely aristocratical: the royal au- 
 thority was very limited; the people, even if 
 admitted to that assendjly, were of litfle or no 
 weiii'ht and consideration. ^\'e ha\ e hints I'-iven 
 
 ' Hist. Eliensis^ lib. 2. cap. 40.
 
 APPENDIX I. 271 
 
 us in historians, of the great power and riches of 
 particular noblemen: and it could not but hap- 
 pen, after the abolition of the Heptarchy, when 
 the king- lived at a distance from the provinces, 
 that those great proprietors, who resided on their 
 estates, would much augment their authority 
 over their vassals and retainers, and over all the 
 inhabitants of the neighbourhood. Hence the 
 immeasurable power assumed by Harold, Godwin, 
 Leofric, Siward, Morcar, Edwin, Edric, and Al- 
 fric, who controlled the authority of the kings, 
 and rendered themselves quite necessary in the 
 government. The two latter, tiiough detested by 
 the people, on account of their joining a foreign 
 enemy, still preserved their power and influence; 
 and we may therefore conclude, tliat tlieir au- 
 thority was founded, not on popularity, but on 
 family riglits and possessions. Tliere is one Atlicl- 
 stan mentioned in the reign of the king of that 
 name, who is called alderman of all England, and 
 is said to be half-king; though the monarch him- 
 self was a prince of valour and abilities." And 
 we fmd, that in tlu^ latter Saxon times, and in 
 these alone, the great ofilices went from father 
 to son, and became in a manner hereditary in 
 the families."' 
 
 " Hist. Ramcs. 3. p. 38/. 
 
 * Roger J^ovoilcn, giving the reason why William tlir Con- 
 qneror niaclc Cospatric earl of Northumht'iland, says, Aarn ex 
 mulerno sa/ii^'uirie attim-J tit ail rum honor i/lius rom'ttiilus. Erat 
 e)i!ni i-i niairc yj/irj/ha, fi/in L'thredi comili'i. Set- also Sim. Dun.
 
 2;2 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 The circumstances attending the invasions of 
 the Danes would also serve much to increase the 
 power of the principal nobility. Those free- 
 booters made unexpected inroads on all quarters; 
 and there was a necessity that each county should 
 resist them by its own force, and under the con- 
 duct of its own nobility and its own magistrates. 
 For the same reason that a general war, managed 
 by the united efforts of the whole state, com- 
 monly augments the power of the crown; those 
 private wars and inroads turned to the advantage 
 of the aldermen and nobles. 
 
 Among that military and turbulent people, so 
 averse to commerce and the arts, and so little 
 inured to industry, justice was commonly very 
 ill administered, and great oppression and vio- 
 lence seem to have prevailed. These disorders 
 would be increased by the exorbitant power of 
 the aristocracy; and would, in their turn, con- 
 tribute to increase it. Men, not daring to rely 
 on the guardianship of the laws, were obliged to 
 devote themselves to the service of some chief- 
 tain, whose orders they followed, even to the 
 disturbance of the government, or the injury of 
 their fellow-citizens, and who afforded them, in 
 return, protection from any insult or injustice 
 by strangers. Hence we find, by the extracts 
 
 p. 205. We see in tliose instances tlie same tendency towards 
 rendering offices hereditarj"-, which took place, during a more early 
 periodj on the continent: and which had already produced there 
 its full effect.
 
 APPENDIX I. 273 
 
 which Dr. Brady has given us from Domesday, 
 that almost all the inhabitants, even of towns, 
 had placed themselves under the clientship of 
 some particular nobleman, whose patronage they 
 purchased by annual payments, and whom they 
 were obliged to consider as their sovereign, more 
 than the king himself, or even the " legislature. 
 A client, though a freeman, was supposed so 
 much to belong to his patron, that his murderer 
 was obliged by law to pay a fine to the latter, as 
 a compensation for his loss; in like manner as he 
 paid a fine to the master for the murder of his 
 slave/ Men who were of a more considerable 
 rank, but not powerful enough, each to support 
 himself by his own independent authorit}^, en- 
 tered into formal confederacies with each other, 
 and composed a kind of separate community, 
 which rendered itself formidable to all aggres- 
 sors. Dr. Hickes has preserved a curious Saxon 
 bond of this kind, which he calFs a SodalUium^ 
 and which contains many particulars characteris- 
 tical of the manners and customs of the "^ times. 
 All the associates are there said to be gentlemen 
 of Cambridgeshire; and they swear before the 
 holy reliques to observe their confederacy, and 
 to be faithful to each other: they promise to 
 
 " Brady's Treatise of Boroughs, 3, 4, 5, &c. The case was the 
 same with the freemen in the country. See Pref. to his Hist. p. s, 
 9, 10, &c. 
 
 > LL. Edw.Conf. 8. apud Ingulf. 
 
 ' Dissert. Lpist. p. 21, 
 
 VOL. I. T
 
 274 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 bury any of the associates who dies, in whatever 
 place he had appointed; to contribute to his 
 funeral charges, and to attend at his interment; 
 and whoever is wanting in this last duty, binds 
 himself to pay a measure of honey. When any 
 of the associates is in danger, and calls for the 
 assistance of his fellows, they promise, besides 
 flying to his succour, to give information to the 
 sheriff; and if he be negligent in protecting the 
 person exposed to danger, they engage to levy a 
 fine of one pound upon him : if the president of 
 the society himself be wanting in this particular, 
 he binds himself to pay one pound; unless he has 
 the reasonable excuse of sickness, or of duty to 
 his superior. When any of the associates is mur- 
 dered, they are to exact eight pounds from the 
 murderer; and if he refuse to pa}" it, they are to 
 prosecute him for the sum at their joint expence. 
 If any of the associates who happens to be poor 
 kill a man, the society are to contribute, by 
 a certain proportion, to pay his fine: a mark a- 
 piece if the fine be seven hundred shillings; less 
 if the person killed be a cloAvn or ceorle; the 
 half of that sum again if he be a 'Welshman. But 
 where any of the associates kills a man, wilfully 
 and without provocation, he must himself pay 
 the fine. If any of the associates kill any of his 
 fellows in a like criminal manner, besides paying 
 the usual fine to the relations of the deceased, 
 he must pay eight pounds to the socict}-, or re- 
 jiounce the benefit of it: in which case, thev
 
 APPENDIX I. 273 
 
 bind themselves, under the penalty of one pound, 
 never to eat or drink with him, except in the 
 presence of the king, bishop, or alderman. There 
 are other regulations to protect themselves and 
 their servants from all injuries, to revenge such 
 as are committed, and to prevent their giving 
 abusive language to each other; and the fine, 
 which they engage to pay for this last offence, 
 is a measure of honey. 
 
 It is not to be doubted but a confederacy of 
 this kind must have been a great source of friend- 
 ship and attachment; when men lived in perpetual 
 danger from enemies, robbers, and oppressors, 
 and received protection chiefly from their per- 
 sonal valour, and from the assistance of their 
 friends or patrons. As animosities were then more 
 violent, connexions were also more intimate, 
 whether voluntary or derived from blood: the 
 most remote degree of propinquity was regarded ; 
 an indelible memory of benefits was preserved: 
 Severe vengeance was taken for injuries, both 
 from a j)oint of honour, and as the best means 
 of future security: and the civil union Ijcing 
 weak, many private engagements were contracted 
 in order to suj)ply its place, and to procure men 
 that safety which the laws and their own inno- 
 cence were not alone able to insure to them. 
 
 On tlie whole, notwithstanding the seeming 
 liberty, or rather licentiousness of tlie Anglo- 
 Saxons, the great body even of the free citi/cns, 
 in those ages, really enjoyed nuicli k'ss true
 
 270 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 liberty than where the execution of the laws is 
 the most severe, and where subjects are reduced 
 to the strictest subordination and dependence on 
 the civil magistrate. The reason is derived from 
 the excess itself of that liberty. Men must guard 
 themselves at any price against insults and in- 
 juries; and where they receive not protection 
 from the laws and magistrate, they will seek it 
 by submission to superiors, and by herding in 
 some private confederacy which acts under the 
 direction of a powerful leader. And thus all 
 anarchy is the immediate cause of tyranny, if 
 not over the state, at least over many of the in- 
 dividuals. 
 
 Security M^as provided by the Saxon laws to 
 all members of the Wittenagemot, both in going 
 and returning, except they icere notorious thieves 
 and robbers. 
 
 THE SEVERAL ORDERS OF MEN. 
 
 The German Saxons, as the other nations of 
 that continent, were divided into three ranks of 
 men, the noble, the free, and the slaves. "" This 
 distinction they brought over with them into 
 Britain. 
 
 The nobles were called thanes; and were of 
 two kinds, the king's thanes and lesser thanes. 
 The latter seem to have been dependent on the 
 
 a NitbarJ. Hist, lib, 4.
 
 APPENDIX I. , 277 
 
 former; and to have received lands, for which 
 they paid rent, services, or attendance in peace 
 and war."" We know of no title which raised any 
 one to the rank of thane, except noble birth and 
 the possession of land. The former was always 
 much regarded by all the German nations, even 
 in their most barbarous state; and as the Saxon 
 nobility, having little credit, could scarcely bur- 
 then their estates with much debt, and as the 
 commons had little trade or industry by which 
 they could accumulate riches, these two ranks of 
 men, even though they were not separated by 
 positive laws, might remain long distinct, and the 
 noble families continue many ages in opulence 
 and splendour. There were no middle ranks of 
 men, that could grachially mix with their supe- 
 riors, and insensibly procure to themselves honour 
 and distinction. If by any extraordinary accident 
 a mean person acquired riches, a circumstance so 
 singular made him be known and remarked; he 
 became the object of envy, as Avell as of indig- 
 nation, to all the nobles; he would have great 
 diificulty to defend what he had acquired; and 
 he would find it impossible to protect himself 
 from oppression, except by courting the patron- 
 age of some great chieftain, and l)aying a large 
 price for his safety. 
 
 There arc two statutes among the Saxon laws 
 which seem calculated to confound those diffe- 
 rent r.t.nks of men : that of Athelstan, by^\Jlicha 
 
 * Sjit'lin. Feus and Tenuus, p, 40.
 
 278 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 merchant, Avho had made three long sea-voyages 
 on his own account, was entitled to the quahty 
 of thane;'' and that of the same prince, by which 
 a ceorle or husbandman, who had been able to 
 purchase five hides of land, and had a chapel, a 
 kitchen, a hall, and a bell, was raised to the same 
 distinction/ But the opportunities were so few, 
 by which a merchant or ceorle could thus exalt 
 himself above his rank, that the law could never 
 overcome the reigning prejudices ; the distinction 
 between noble and base blood would still be in- 
 delible ; and the well-born thanes would entertain 
 the highest contempt for those legal and factiti- 
 ous ones. Though we are not informed of any 
 of these circumstances by ancient historians, they 
 are so much founded on the nature of things, 
 that we may admit tliem as a necessary and in- 
 falHble consequence of the situation of the king- 
 dom during those ages. 
 
 The cities appear by Domesday-book to have 
 been at the conquest little better than ' villages. 
 York itself, though it was always the second, at 
 least the third ^ city in England, and was the 
 
 " Wilkins, p. 71. Selden, Titles of Honour, p. 515. 
 
 Wilkins, p. 70. 
 
 e Winchester, being the capital of the West Saxon monarchy, 
 was anciently a considerable city. Gul. Pict. p. 2 10. 
 
 ^ Norwich contained 7^3 houses, Exeter 315, Ipswich 538, 
 Northampton 60, Hertford 1-1 6, Canterbury 262, Bath 64, South- 
 ampton 84, Warwick 225, See Brady of Boroughs, p. 3, 4, 5, 
 6, &:c. These are the most considerable he mentions. The account 
 of them is extracted from Dcmesday-book.
 
 APPENDIX I. 279 
 
 capital of a great province, which never was 
 thoroughly united with the rest, contained then 
 but one thousand four hundred and eighteen 
 families.^ Malmesbury tells us,'' that the great 
 distinction between the Anglo-Saxon nobility, 
 and the French or Norman, was, that the latter 
 built magnificent and stately castles; whereas 
 the former consumed their immense fortunes in 
 riot and hospitality, and in mean houses. We 
 may thence infer, that the arts in general were 
 much less advanced in England than in France; 
 a greater number of idle servants and retainers 
 lived about the great families; and as these, even 
 in France, were powerful enough to disturb the 
 execution of the laws, we may judge of the au- 
 thority acquired by the aristocracy in England. 
 When earl Godwin besieged the Confessor in 
 London, he summoned from all parts his huscarles, 
 or houseceorles and retainers, and thereby con- 
 strained his sovereign to accept of the conditions 
 which he was pleased to impose upon him. 
 
 The lower rank of freemen were denominated 
 ceorles among the Anglo-Saxons; and, where 
 they were industrious, they were chiefly em- 
 ployed in husbandry: whence a ceorle and a 
 husbandman became in a manner synonymous 
 
 s Brady's Treatise of Boroughs, p. 10. There were six wards, 
 besides the archbishop's palace j and live of these wards contained 
 the number of families here mentioned, which, at the rate of five 
 persons to a family, makes about 7000 sculs. The sixth ward was 
 laid waste. 
 
 ' V. 102. See al,o de Gcst. Aug. p. 333.
 
 280 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 terms. They cultivated the farms of the nobility 
 or thanes, for which they paid rent; and they 
 seem to have been removeable at pleasure. For 
 there is little mention of leases among the Anglo- 
 Saxons: the pride of the nobility, together with 
 the general ignorance of writing, must have ren- 
 dered those contracts very rare, and must have 
 kept the husbandmen in a dependent condition. 
 The rents of farms were then chiefly paid in 
 kind.' 
 
 But the most numerous rank by far in the 
 community seems to have been the slaves or vil- 
 lains, who -were the property of their lords, and 
 were consequently incapable themselves of pos- 
 sessing any property. Dr. Brady assures us, from 
 a survey of Domesday-book,'' that, in all the coun- 
 ties of England, the far greater part of the land 
 was occupied by them, and that the husbandmen, 
 and still more the socmen, who were tenants that 
 could not be removed at pleasure, were very few 
 in comparison. This was not the case with the 
 German nations, as far as we can collect from 
 the account given us by Tacitus. The perpetual 
 wars in the Heptarchy, and the depredations of 
 the Danes, seem to have been the cause of this 
 great alteration with the Anglo-Saxons. Pri- 
 soners taken in battle, or carried off in the fre- 
 quent inroads, were then reduced to slavery; 
 
 ' LL. Inae, 70- These laws fixed the rents for a hide: but it 
 is difficult to convert it into modern measures. 
 
 ^ General Preface to his Hist. p. 7, 8. p, Kr
 
 APPENDIX L 281 
 
 and became, by right of war,' entirely at the dis- 
 posal of their lords. Great property in the nobles, 
 especially if joined to an irregular administration 
 of justice, naturally favours the power of the 
 aristocracy; but still more so, if the practice of 
 slavery be admitted, and has become very com- 
 mon. The nobility not only possess the influence 
 which always attends riches, but also the power 
 which the laws give them over their slaves and 
 villains. It then becomes difficult, and almost 
 impossible, for a private man to remain altoge- 
 ther free and independent. 
 
 There were t^v'0 kinds of slaves among the 
 Anglo-Saxons; household slaves, after the man- 
 ner of the ancients, and pr^edial or rustic, after 
 the manner of the Germans.'" These latter re- 
 sembled the serfs, which are at present to be met 
 with in Poland, Denmark, and some parts of 
 Germany. The power of a master over his slaves 
 was not unlimited among the Anglo-Saxons, as 
 it was among their ancestors. If a man beat out 
 his slave's eye or teeth, the slave recovered his 
 liberty:" if he killed him, he paid a fine to the 
 king; provided the slave died within a day after 
 the wound or blow: otherwise it passed un- 
 punished." The selling of themselves or children 
 to slavery was always the practice among the 
 
 ' LL. Edg, 14. apud. Spclm. Cone, vol, i. p. 4/1 . 
 ^ Spelm. Gloss, in verb. Scrvus. " LL. ^Ell". 20. 
 
 Ibid, k i;.
 
 382 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 German nations/ and was continued by the Anglo- 
 Saxons.^ 
 
 The great lords and abbots among the Anglo- 
 Saxons possessed a criminal jurisdiction within 
 their territories, and could punish, without ap- 
 peal, any thieves or robbers whom they caught 
 there/ This institution must have had a very 
 contrary effect to that which was intended, and 
 must have procured robbers a sure protection on 
 the lands of such noblemen as did not sincerely 
 mean to discourage crimes and violence. 
 
 COURTS OF JUSTICE. 
 
 But though the general strain of the Anglo-Saxon 
 government seems to have become aristocratical, 
 there were still considerable remains of the an- 
 cient democracy, which were not indeed sufficient 
 to protect the lowest of the people, without the 
 patronage of some great lord, but might give 
 security, and even some degree of dignity, to the 
 gentry or inferior nobility. The administration 
 of justice, in particular, by the courts of the de- 
 cennary, the hundred, and the county, was well 
 calculated to defend general liberty, and to re- 
 
 P Tacit. deMorib. Germ. i LL. Inae, 11. LL. JE\f. 
 
 12. " Higden, lib, i. cap. 50. LL. Edw. Conf. 26, 
 
 Spelm. Cone. vol. i, p. 415. Gloss, in verb. Haligemot et Infan- 
 genthefe.
 
 ' APPENDIX I. 283 
 
 strain the power of the nobles. In the county 
 courts, or sbiremotes, all the freeholders were 
 assembled twice a year, and received appeals 
 from the inferior courts. They there decided all 
 causes, ecclesiastical as well as civil; and the 
 bishop, together with the alderman or earl, pre- 
 sided over them.' The affair was determined in 
 a summary manner, without much pleading, for- 
 mality, or delay, by a majority of voices; and 
 the bishop and alderman had no further authority 
 than to keep order among the freeholders, and 
 interpose with their opinion.' Where justice was 
 denied during three sessions by the hundred, and 
 then by the county court, there lay an appeal to 
 the king's court;" but this was not practised on 
 slight occasions. The aldermen received a third 
 of the fines levied in those courts;"^ and as most 
 of the punishments were then pecuniary, this 
 percpiisite formed a considerable part of the pro- 
 fits belonging to his office. The two thirds also, 
 which went to the king, made no contemptible 
 part of the public revenue. Any freeholder was 
 fined who absented himself thrice from these 
 courts." 
 
 As the extreme ignorance of the age made 
 deeds and writings very rare, the county or hun- 
 dred court was the place where the most remark- 
 
 LL. Edg. 5. Wilkins, p. 78. LL. Canut. J 7. Wilkins, 
 p. 13(5. Hickes, Dissert. Epist. p.2,3,4,5,(5, 7, 8. 
 
 " LL. Edg. 2. Wilkins, p. 77. U.. Canut. IS. apnd Wil- 
 kin>, p. 130", ^ LL.Edw. Cunf. 3]. " LL. Ethtlst, 20.
 
 284 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 able civil transactions were finished, in order to 
 preserve the memory of them, and prevent all 
 future disputes. Here testaments were promul- 
 gated, slaves manumitted, bargains of sale con- 
 cluded; and sometimes, for greater security, the 
 most considerable of these deeds were inserted in 
 the blank leaves of the parish Bible, which thus 
 became a kind of register too sacred to be falsi- 
 fied. It was not unusual to add to the deed an 
 imprecation on all such as should be guilty of 
 that crime/ 
 
 Among a people, who lived in so simple a 
 manner as the Anglo-Saxons, the judicial power 
 is always of greater importance than the legis- 
 lative. There were few or no taxes imposed by 
 the states: there were few statutes enacted; and 
 the nation was less governed by laws than by 
 customs, which admitted a great latitude of in- 
 terpretation. Though it should, therefore, be 
 allowed that the Wittenagemot was altogether 
 composed of the principal nobility, the county- 
 courts, where all the freeholders were admitted, 
 and which regulated all the daily occurrences of 
 life, formed a wide basis for the government, and 
 were no contemptible checks on the aristocracy. 
 But there is another power still more important 
 than either the judicial or legislative; to wit, the 
 power of injuring or serving by immediate force 
 and violence, for which it is diflicult to obtain 
 redress in courts of justice. In all extensive 
 
 i Hickes, Dissert, Epist.
 
 APPENDIX I. 285 
 
 governments, where the execution of the laws is 
 feehle, this power naturally falls into the hands 
 of the principal nobility; and the degree of it 
 which prevails, cannot be determined so much 
 by the public statutes, as by small incidents in 
 history, by particular customs, and sometimes by 
 the reason and nature of things. The Highlands 
 of Scotland have long been entitled by law to 
 every privilege of British subjects; but it was 
 not till very lately that the common people could 
 in fact enjoy these privileges. 
 
 The powers of all the members of the Anglo- 
 Saxon government are disputed among historians 
 and antiquaries: the extreme obscurity of the 
 subject, even though faction had never entered 
 into the question, would naturally have begotten 
 those controversies. But the great influence of 
 the lords over their slaves and tenants, the cli- 
 entship of the burghers, the total want of a 
 middling rank of men, the extent of the mo- 
 narchy, the loose execution of the laws, the con- 
 tinued disorders and convulsions of the state; all 
 these circumstances evince that the Anglo-Saxon 
 government became at last extremely aristocra- 
 tical; and the events, during the period im- 
 mediately preceding the conquest, confirm this 
 Inference or conjecture.
 
 286 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 CRIMINAL LAW. 
 
 Both the punishments inflicted by the Anglo- 
 Saxon courts of judicature, and the methods of 
 proof employed in all causes, appear somewhat 
 singular, and are very different from those which 
 prevail at present among all civilized nations. 
 
 We must conceive that the ancient Germans 
 were little removed from the original state of 
 nature: the social confederacy among them was 
 more martial than civil: they had chiefly in view 
 the means of attack or defence against public 
 enemies, not those of protection against their 
 fellow-citizens: their possessions were so slender 
 and so equal, that they were not exposed to great 
 danger; and the natural bravery of the people 
 made every man trust to himself, and to his par- 
 ticular friends, for his defence or vengeance. 
 This defect in the political union drew much 
 closer the knot of particular confederacies: an 
 insult upon any man was regarded by all his re- 
 lations and associates as a common injury: they 
 were bound by honour, as well as by a sense of 
 common interest, to revenge his death, or any 
 violence which he had suffered: they retaliated 
 on the ao-Q-ressor bv like acts of violence; and if 
 he were protected, as was natural and usual, by 
 his own clan, the ([uarrel was spread still wider, 
 and bred endless disorders in the nation.
 
 APPENDIX I. 287 
 
 The Frisians, a tribe of the Germans, had never 
 advanced beyond tliis wild and imperfect state 
 of society; and the right of private revenge still 
 remained among them unlimited and uncontroll- 
 ed.'' But the other German nations, in the age 
 of Tacitus, had made one step farther towards 
 completing the political or civil union. Though 
 it still continued to be an indispensable point of 
 honour for every clan to revenge the death or 
 injury of a member, the magistrate had acquired 
 a right of interposing in the quarrel, and of ac- 
 commodating the difference. He obliged the 
 person maimed or injured, and the relations of 
 one killed, to accept of a present from the ag- 
 gressor and his relations," as a compensation for 
 the injury,'' and to drop all farther prosecution of 
 revenge. That the accommodation of one quarrel 
 might not be the source of more, this present 
 was fixed and certain, according to the rank of 
 the person killed or injured, and was commonly 
 paid in cattle, the chief property of those rude 
 and uncultivated nations. A present of this kind 
 gratified the revenge of the injured family, by 
 the loss which the aggressor suffered: it satisfied 
 their pride, by the submission which it expressed: 
 it (limiMished their regret for the loss or injury of 
 a kinsman, by their actjuisition of new pro[)erty : 
 
 ^ LL. Fris. tit. 2. apud Lindcnbrog. p. 4.01. 
 I,L. ^Mlu-lb. 23. LL. yElf. 27. 
 * Called by tbt; S;ixons nurgiota.
 
 288 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 and thus general peace was for a moment re- 
 stored to the society." 
 
 But when the German nations had been settled 
 some time in the provinces of the Roman empire, 
 they made still another step to\vards a more cul- 
 tivated life, and their criminal justice gradually 
 improved and refined itself. The magistrate, 
 whose office it was to guard public peace, and to 
 suppress private animosities, conceived himself 
 to be injured by every injury done to any of his 
 people; and besides the compensation to the per- 
 son who suffered, or. to his family, he thought 
 himself entitled to exact a fme called the Frid- 
 wit, as an atonement tor the breach of peace, and 
 as a reward for the pains which he had taken in 
 accommodating the quarrel. When this idea, 
 which is so natural, was once suggested, it was 
 willingly received both by sovereign and people. 
 The numerous fines Mdiich were levied, aug- 
 mented the revenue of the king: and the people 
 were sensible that he would be more vigilant in 
 interposing with his good offices, when he reaped 
 such immediate advantage from them; and that 
 injuries would be less frequent, when, besides 
 compensation to the person injured, they were 
 exposed to this additional penalty.'' 
 
 *= Tacit, de Morib. Germ. The author says, that the price of 
 the composition was fixed ; which must have been by the laws and 
 the interposition of the magistrates. 
 
 '^ Besides paying money to the relations of the deceased and to 
 the king, the murderer was also obliged to pay the master of a
 
 APPENDIX I. 289 
 
 This short abstract contains the history of the 
 criminal jurisprudence of the northern nations 
 for several centuries. The state of England in 
 this particular, during the period of the Anglo- 
 Saxons, may be judged of by the collection of 
 ancient laws, published by Lambard and Wilkins. 
 The chief purport of these laws is not to prevent 
 or entirely suppress private quarrels, which the 
 legislator knew to be impossible, but only to re- 
 gulate and moderate them. The laws of Alfred 
 enjoin, that if any one know that his enemy or 
 aggressor, after doing him an injury, resolves to 
 keep within liis own house, and his ozrn lamh\^ he 
 shall not fight him till he require compensation 
 for the injury. IF he be strong enough to be- 
 siege him in his house, he may do it for seven 
 days without attacking him; and if the aggressor 
 be willing, during that time, to surrender him- 
 self and his arms, his adversary may detain him 
 thirty days; but is afterwards obliged to restore 
 him safe to his kindred, and he content zvit/i the 
 compensation. If the criminal fly to the temple, 
 that sanctuary must not be violated. A\'here the 
 assailant has not force suiricient to besiege the 
 criminal in his house, he must ap|)ly fo the alder- 
 man for assistance; and if" the alderman refuse 
 aid, the assailant must have recourse to the king: 
 
 slave or vassal a sura as the compensation tor his loss. I'his was 
 called the Maii/i)tc. See Spel. Gloss, in verh. Frcdniii, Miinlul. 
 
 *' The addition of tliese last words in Italics appears in cessary 
 from what ibllows in the same law. 
 
 VOL. I. I'
 
 290 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 and he is not allowed to assault the house, till 
 after this supreme magistrate has refused assist- 
 ance. If any one meet with his enemy, and be 
 ignorant that he was resolved to keep within his 
 own lands, he must, before he attack him, re- 
 quire him to surrender himself prisoner, and 
 deliver up his arms; in which case he may detain 
 him thirty days: but if he refuse to deliver up 
 his arms, it is then lawful to fight him. A slave 
 may fight in his master's quarrel: a father may 
 fight in his son's with any one, except with his 
 master.^ 
 
 It was enacted by king Ina, that no man 
 shauld take revenge for an injury till he had 
 first demanded compensation, and had been re- 
 cused it.^ 
 
 King Edmond, in the preamble to his laws, 
 mentions the general misery occasioned by the 
 multiplicity of private feuds and battles; and he 
 establishes several expedients for remedying this 
 grievance. He ordains, that if any one commit 
 murder, he may, with the assistance of his kin- 
 dred, pay within a twelvemonth tlie fine of his 
 crime; and if they abandon him, he shall alone 
 sustain the deadly feud or quarrel with the kin- 
 dred of the murdered person: his own kindred 
 are free from the feud, but on condition that they 
 neither converse with the criminal, nor supply 
 him with meat or othei^ f/ecessaries : if any ol 
 them, after renouncing him, receive him into 
 
 *' LL. iElfr. 28. Wilkins, p. 43. e LL. Inse, Q.
 
 APPENDIX I. 291 
 
 their house, or give him assistance, they are finable 
 to the king, and are involved in the feud. If the 
 kindred of the murdered person take revenge on 
 any but the criminal himself, after he is ahajidoned 
 by his kindred, all their property is forfeited, and 
 they are declared to be enemies to the king and 
 all his friends.'' It is also ordained, that the fine 
 for murder shall never be remitted by the 'king; 
 and that no criminal shall be killed who flies to 
 the church, or any of the king's towns;'' and the 
 king himself declares, that his house shall give 
 no protection to murderers, till they have satis- 
 fied the church by their penance, and the kindred 
 of the deceased, by making compensation.' The 
 method appointed for transacting this composi- 
 tion is found in the same law."" 
 
 These attempts of Edmond, to contract and 
 diminish the feuds, were contrary to the ancient 
 spirit of the northern barbarians, and were a step 
 towards a more regular administration of justice. 
 By the Salic law, any man might, by a public de- 
 claration, exempt himself from his family quarrels: 
 but then he Mas considered by the law as no 
 longer belonging to the family; and he M'as de- 
 prived of all right of succession, as the punishment 
 of his cowardice." 
 
 The price of the king's head, or his wcrcgild, 
 as it was then called, was by law thirty thousand 
 thrismas, near one tluiusand three hundred pounds 
 
 ^ LT.. Edm. J . Wilkins, p. 73. * LL. Edra. .1. 
 
 ^ Ibid. 2. ' Il)ld. 4. '" Ibid. 7. " lit 63.
 
 293 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 of present money. The price of the prince's 
 head was fifteen thousand thrismas; that of 
 a bishop's or alderman's eight thousand; a she- 
 riff's four thousand; a thane's or clergyman's tM^o 
 thousand; a ceorle's two hundred and sixty-six. 
 These prices were fixed by the laws of the Angles. 
 By the Mercian law, the price of a ceorle's head 
 was two hundred shillings; that of a thane's six 
 times as much; that of a king's six times "more. 
 By the laws of Kent, the price of the archbishop's 
 head was higher than that of the king's.'' Such 
 respect was then paid to the ecclesiastics ! It 
 must be understood, that where a person was 
 unable or unwilling to pay the fine, he was put 
 out of the protection of law, and the kindred of 
 the deceased had liberty to punish him as they 
 thought proper. 
 
 Some antiquarians " have thought that these 
 compensations were only given for man-slaughter, 
 not lor wilful murder: but no such distinction 
 appears in the laws; and it is contradicted by 
 the practice of all the other barbarous 'nations, 
 by that of the ancient Germans,' and by that 
 curious monument above mentioned, of Saxon 
 antiquity, preserved by Hickes. There is indeed 
 a law of Alfred's, which makes wilful murder 
 capital;' but this seems only to have been an 
 
 Wilkins, p 71, 72. P LL. Elthredi, apud Wilkins, p. 110. 
 
 J Tyrrel, Iiitroduct. vol. i. p. 126. Carte, vol. i. p. 366. 
 Lindenbrogius, passim. * Tac. de Mor. Germ, 
 
 t LL, iElf. 12. Wilkins, p. 2.Q. It is probable, that by wil-
 
 APPENDIX I. 293 
 
 attempt of that great legislator towards establish- 
 ing a better police in the kingdom, and it pro- 
 bably remained without execution. \By the laws 
 of the same prince, a conspiracy against the life 
 of the king might be redeemed by a fine." 
 
 The price of all kinds of wounds was likewise 
 fixed by the Saxon laws: a wound of an inch long 
 under the hair, was paid with one shilling: one 
 of ahke size in the face two shillings: thirty shil- 
 lings for the loss of an ear, and so forth.'*' There 
 seems not to have been any difference made, 
 according to the dignity of the person. By the 
 law of Ethelbert, any one \vho committed adul- 
 tery with his neighbour's wife was obliged to pay 
 him a fine, and buy him another w ife." 
 
 These institutions are not peculiar to the an- 
 cient Germans. They seem to be the necessary 
 progress of criminal jurisprudence among every 
 free people, where the will of the sovereign is 
 not implicitly obeyed. We find them among the 
 ancient Greeks during the time of the Trojan 
 war. Compositions for murder are mentioned in 
 Nestor's speech to Achilles in tlie ninth Iliad, and 
 are called awoivxv. The Irish, who never had any 
 connections with the German nations, ado|)ted 
 the same practice till very lately; and the price 
 of a man's head was called among them his eric; 
 
 fill murder Alfred means a treacliernns murder, comniitlcd hy one 
 who has no declared feud with anotlier. 
 
 " l.L. .-T-:if. i. ^\'ilkins, p.35. LL. yKlf. 40. Sec 
 
 also LL. Elhelb. :,4, kc. " LL. Ktlielb. JJ.
 
 294 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 as we learn from Sir John Davis. The same 
 custom seems also to have prevailed among the 
 Jews.^ 
 
 Theft and robhery were frequent among the 
 Anglo-Saxons. In order to impose some check 
 upon these crimes, it was ordained that no man 
 should sell or buy any thing above twenty-pence 
 value, except in open market;^ and every bargain 
 of sale must be executed before witnesses.^ Gangs 
 of robbers much disturbed the peace of the coun- 
 tr}'; and the law determined, that a tribe of 
 banditti, consisting of between seven and thirty- 
 five persons, was to be called a turma, or troop: 
 any greater company was denominated an ''army. 
 The punishments for this crime were various, but 
 none of them capital." If any man could track 
 his stolen cattle into another's ground, the latter 
 was obliged to show the tracks out of it, or pay 
 their value.'' 
 
 Rebellion, to whatever excess it was carried, 
 was not capital, but might be redeemed by a sum 
 of money." The legislators, knowing it impossi- 
 ble to prevent all disorders, only imposed a higher 
 fine on breaches of the peace committed in the 
 king's court, or before an alderman or bishop. 
 
 y Exod. xxi. 29, 30. ' LL. iEthelst. 12. * Ibid, 
 
 10. 12. LL. Edg. apud \^'i]kins, p. SO. LL. Ethelredi, 4. 
 a])ud Wilkins, p. 103. Hloth and Eadni. 16. LL. Caniu. 22. 
 
 !> LL. Inoe, 12. = Ibid. 3/. '' LL. /Eilicist. 2. 
 
 Wilkins, p. 63. LL. Ethelredi, apud VN'ilkins, p. HO. 
 
 LL. ^If. 4. Wilkins, p. 35.
 
 APPENDIX I. 295 
 
 An alehouse too seems to have been considered 
 as a privileged place; and any quarrels that arose 
 there were more severely punished than else- 
 where/ 
 
 RULES OF PROOF. 
 
 If the manner of punishing crimes among the 
 Anglo-Saxons appear singular, the proofs were not 
 less so; and were also the natural result of the 
 situation of those people. Whatever we may 
 imagine concerning the usual truth and sincerity 
 of men who live in a rude and barbarous state, 
 there is much more falsehood, and even perjury, 
 among them, than among civilized nations: vir- 
 tue, which is nothing but a more enlarged and 
 more cultivated reason, never flourishes to any 
 degree, nor is founded on steady principles of 
 honour, except where a good education becomes 
 general; and where men are taught the pernici- 
 ous conse(juences of vice, treachery, and immo- 
 rality. Even superstition, though more ])revalent 
 among ignorant nations, is but a poor supply for 
 the defects in knowledge and education: our 
 European ancestors, who employed every mo- 
 ment the expedient of swearing on extraordinary 
 crosses and reliques, were less honourable in all 
 engagements than their posterity, who, from ex- 
 
 ' LL. Hlolh. cS; Eadm. 12, J3. l.L. Elhdr. apud. Wilkins, 
 p. 11;.
 
 296 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 perience, have omitted those ineffectual securi- 
 ties. This general proneness to perjury was much 
 increased by the usual want of discernment in 
 judges, who could not discuss an intricate evi- 
 dence, and were obliged to number, not weigh, 
 the testimony of the witnesses.^ Hence the ridi- 
 culous practice of obliging men to bring com- 
 purgators, who, as they did not pretend to know 
 any thing of the fact, expressed upon oath, that 
 they believed the person spoke true; and these 
 compurgators were in some cases multiplied to 
 the number of three hundred.*' The practice also 
 of single combat was employed by most nations 
 on the continent as a remedy against false evi- 
 dence;' and though it was frequently dropped, 
 from the opposition of the clergy, it was con- 
 thiually revived from experience of the faleshood 
 attending the testimony of witnesses.'' It became 
 at last a species of jurisprudence: the cases were 
 determined by law, in which the party might 
 challenge his adversary, or the witnesses, or the 
 judge himself:' and though these customs were 
 absurd, they were rather an improvement on the 
 
 g Sometimes the laws fixed easy general rules for weighing the 
 credibility of witnesses. A man whose life was estimated at 120 
 shillings, counterbalanced six ceorles, each of whose lives was only 
 valued at twenty shillings, and his oath was esteemed equivalent 
 to that of all the six. See Wilkins, p. 72. 
 
 '' Praef Nicol. ad Wilkins, p. 1 1. ' LL. Burgund. cap. 45. 
 
 LL. Lomb. lib 2. tit. 55. cap. .34, 
 
 '' LL. Longob. lib. 2. tit. 55. cap. 23. apud Lidenb. p. 661. 
 
 ' See Dcsfoiitaiiies and Beauniaaoir,
 
 APPENDIX I. 297 
 
 methods of trial which had formerly been prac- 
 tised among those barbarous nations, and which 
 still prevailed among the Anglo-Saxons. 
 
 When any controversy about a fact became 
 too intricaTe for those ignorant judges to unravel, 
 they had recourse to what they called the judg- 
 ment of God; that is, to fortune: their methods 
 of consulting this oracle were various. One of 
 them was the decision by the cross: it was prac- 
 tised in this manner: when a person was accused 
 of any crime, he first cleared himself by oath, 
 and he was attended by eleven compurgators. 
 He next took two pieces of wood, one of M'hich 
 was marked with the sign of the cross, and wrap- 
 ping both up in wool, he placed them on the 
 altar, or on solne celebrated relique. After so- 
 lemn prayers for the success of the experiment, 
 a priest, or, in his stead, some unexperienced 
 youth, took up one of the pieces of wood, and if 
 he happened upon that which was marked with 
 the figure of a cross, the person Mas pronounced 
 innocent; if otherwise, guilty."" 'ihis practice, 
 as it arose from superstition, was abolished by it 
 in France. The emperor, Lew is the Debonnaire, 
 pr()hil)ited that method of trial, not because it 
 was uncertain, but lest that sacred figure, says 
 he, of the cross should be prostituted in common 
 disputes and controversies." 
 
 The ordeal was another established method of 
 
 "' 1/L. Fiinon. lit. 11. apnd Lidenhrogium, p. -Jo6. 
 " Du Cansir, in verb. Crui.
 
 208 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 trial among the Anglo-Saxons. It was practised 
 either by boiling water or red-hot iron. The 
 former was appropriated to the common people; 
 the latter to the nobility. The water or iron was 
 consecrated by many prayers, masses, fastings, 
 and exorcisms;" after which the person accused 
 either took up a stone sunk in the water'' to a 
 certain depth, or carried the iron to a certain 
 distance; and his hand being wrapped up, and 
 the covering sealed for three days, if there ap- 
 peared, on examining it, no marks of burning, he 
 was pronounced innocent; if otherwise, ^guilty. 
 The trial by cold water was different : the per- 
 son was thrown into consecrated water; if he 
 swam, he was guilty; if he sunk, innocent/ It 
 is difficult for us to conceive how any innocent 
 person could ever escape by the one trial, or any 
 criminal be convicted by the other. But there 
 was another usage admirably calculated for al- 
 lowing every criminal to escape who had con- 
 fidence enough to try it. A consecrated cake, 
 called a corsned, was produced; which if the per- 
 son could swallow and digest, he was pronounced 
 innocent.' 
 
 " Spelm. in verb. Ordeal. Parker, p. 155. Lindenbrog. p,1299. 
 P LL. Inse, %77. <i Sometimes the person accused walked 
 
 barefoot over red-hot iron. '^ Spelm. in verb. Ordealium. 
 
 ' Spelm. in verb. Corsned. Parker, p. 156. Text. Ruffens. p. 33.
 
 APPENDIX I. 299 
 
 MILITARY FORCE. 
 
 The feudal law, if it had place at all among the 
 Anglo-Saxons, which is doubtful, was not cer- 
 tainly extended over all the landed property, and 
 was not attended with those consequences of 
 homage, reliefs,' worship, marriage, and other 
 burthens, which were inseparable from it in the 
 kingdoms of the continent. As the Saxons ex- 
 pelled, or almost entirely destroyed the ancient 
 Britons, they planted themselves in this island on 
 the same footing with their ancestors in Germany, 
 and found no occasion for the feudal " institutions, 
 which were calculated to maintain a kind of 
 standing army, always in readiness to suppress 
 any insurrection among the conquered people. 
 The trouble and expence of defending the state 
 in England lay equally upon all the land; and it 
 was usual for every five hides to equip a man for 
 the service. The trinoda iiecessitas, as it was 
 called, or the burthen of military expeditions, of 
 repairing highways, and of building and support- 
 
 ' On the death of an alderman, a greater or lesser thane, there 
 was a payment made to the king of his best arms; and this was 
 called his hcriot : but this was not of the nature of a relief. See 
 Spelm. of Tenures, p. 2. The value of this heriot was fixed by 
 Canute's laws, 6g, 
 
 " Bracton dc Acqu. rcr. domin. lib. 2. cap. 16. See more fully 
 S}u-lnian of Icuds and ttiures, and Cral^'lur, de juii; fi.ud. lib. I. 
 dic^r. 7.
 
 300 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 ing bridges, was inseparable from landed pro- 
 perty, even though it belonged to the church or 
 monasteries, unless exempted by a particular 
 charter."^ The ceorles or husbandmen were pro- 
 vided with arms, and were obliged to take their 
 turn in military duty." There were computed to 
 be 243,600 hides in England;^ consequently the 
 ordinary military force of the kingdom consisted 
 of 48, 720 men; though, no doubt, on extraordi- 
 nary occasions, a greater number might be assem- 
 bled. The king and nobility had some militaiy 
 tenants, who were called Sithcun-men.^ And 
 there were some lands annexed to the office of 
 aldermen, and to other offices; but these proba- 
 bly were not of great extent, and were possessed 
 only during pleasure, as in the commencement 
 of the feudal law in other countries of Europe. 
 
 PUBLIC REVENUE. 
 
 The revenue of the king seems to have consisted 
 chiefly in his demesnes, which were large; and 
 in the tolls and imposts which he probably levied 
 at discretion on the boroughs and sea-ports that 
 lay within his demesnes. He could not alie- 
 nate any part of the crown lands, even to re- 
 ligious uses, without the consent of the ''states. 
 
 ^ Spelm. Cone. vol. I. p. 256. " Inae, 51. 
 
 y Spelm. of feuds and tenures, p. 1/. 
 
 - Spelm, Cone. vol. i. p. lys. ^ Ibid. p. 340.
 
 APPENDIX I. 301 
 
 Danegelt was a land-tax of a shilling a hide, im- 
 posed hy the states,*' either for payment of the 
 sums exacted hy the Danes, or for putting the 
 kingdom in a posture of defence against those 
 invaders/ 
 
 VALUE OF .AIONEY. 
 
 The Saxon pound, as likewise that which was 
 coined for some centuries after the conquest, was 
 near three times the weight of our present mo- 
 ney : there were forty-eight shillings in the pound, 
 and (ive pence in a shilling;'' consequently a 
 Saxon shilling was near a fifth heavier than ours, 
 and a Saxon penny near three times as " heavy. 
 As to the value of money in those times, com- 
 pared to commodities, there are some, though 
 not very certain means of computation. A sheep, 
 hy the laws of Athelstan, was estimated at a shil- 
 ling; that is, iiftecn pence of our money. The 
 fleece was two-fifths of the value of the whole 
 sheep ;^ much ahove its present estimation; and 
 the reason ])rohahly Mas, that the Saxons, like 
 the ancients, Mere little accpiaintcd M'ith any 
 clothing hut uhat Mas made of wool. Silk and 
 cotton M'crc quite unknown: linen Mas not much 
 used. An ox M'as computed at six times the value 
 
 ^ Chron. Sax. p. 12S. " LL. Edw. Con. 12. 
 
 " LL. /Eh'. -10. " Fleetwood's Chron. Prctiosum, p. 27, 
 
 28, &c. f LL. Inac, 6g.
 
 302 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 of a sheep; a cow at four.^ If we suppose that 
 the cattle in that age, from the defects in hus- 
 bandry, were not so large as they are at present 
 in England, we may compute that money was 
 then near ten times of greater value. A horse was 
 valued at about thirty-six shillings of our money, 
 or thirty Saxon shillings;'' a mare a third less. 
 A man at three pounds.' The board wages of a 
 child the first year was eight shillings, together 
 with a cow's pasture in summer, and an ox's in 
 winter.'^ William of Malmesbury mentions it as 
 a remarkably high price that William Rufus gave 
 fifteen marks for a horse, or about thirty pounds 
 of our present money.' Between the years 900 
 and 1000, Ednoth bought a hide of land for about 
 one hundred and eighteen shillings of present 
 money."" This was little more than a shilling an 
 acre, which indeed appears to have been the usual 
 price, as we may learn from other accounts." A 
 palfrey was sold for twelve shillings about the 
 yed.r966. The value of an ox in king Ethelred's 
 time was between seven and eight shillings; a 
 cow about six shillings.'' Gervas of Tilbury says, 
 that in Henry the First's time, bread which ^rould 
 suffice a hundred men for a day was rated at three 
 shillings, or a shilling of that age; for it is thought 
 that, soon after the conquest, a pound sterling 
 was divided into twenty shillings: a sheep was 
 
 s Wilkins, p. 6(3. ^' Ibid. p. 12G. ' Ibid. 
 
 ^ LL. Inas, 38. ' P. 121. "^ Hist. Rames. p. 415. 
 
 n Hist. Eliens. p. 4/3. Ibid. p. 4/1. p Wilkins, p. 12t>.
 
 APPENDIX I. SOS 
 
 rated at a shilling, and so of other things in pro- 
 portion. In Athelstan's time a ram was valued at 
 a shilling, or four pence Saxon. "^ The tenants of 
 Shirehurn were obliged, at their choice, to pay 
 either sixpence, or four hens/ About 1232, the 
 abbot of St. Albans, going on a journey, hired 
 seven handsome stout horses; and agreed, if any 
 of them died on the road, to pay the owner thirty 
 shillings apiece of our present money.' It is to 
 be remarked, that in all ancient times the raising 
 of corn, especially \vheat, being a species of ma- 
 nufactory, that commodity always bore a higher 
 price, compared to cattle, than it does in our 
 times.' The Saxon Chronicle tells us," that in 
 the reign of Edward the Confessor there was the 
 most terrible famine ever known ; insomuch that 
 a quarter of wheat rose to sixty pennies, or fifteen 
 shillings of our present money. Consequently 
 it was as dear as if it now cost seven pounds ten 
 shillings. This much exceeds the great famine 
 in the end of queen Elizabeth; when a quarter of 
 wheat was sold for four pounds. Money in this 
 last period M'as nearly of the same value as in our 
 time. These severe famines arc a certain proof 
 of bad husbandry. 
 
 On the whole, there arc three things to be con- 
 sidered, wherever a sum of money is mentioned 
 in ancient times. First, the change of denomi- 
 nation, by which a pound has been reduced to 
 
 'i Wilkins, p. 5(j. " Monast. Anglic, vol. ii. p. oiS. 
 
 Mat. Paris, < Fleetwood, p. y3, pi. qG. gs. " P. 157.
 
 a04 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 the third part of its ancient weight in silver. 
 Secondly, the change in value by the greater 
 plenty of money, which has reduced the same 
 weight of silver to ten times less value, compared 
 to commodities; and consequently a pound ster- 
 ling to the thirtieth part of the ancient value. 
 Thirdly, the fewer people and less industry, 
 which were then to be found in every European 
 kingdom. This circumstance made even the 
 thirtieth part of the sum more difficult to levy, 
 and caused any sum to have more than thirty 
 times greater weight and influence, both abroad 
 and at home, than in our times; in the same 
 manner that a sum, a hundred thousand pounds, 
 for instance, is at present more difficult to levy 
 in a small state, such as Bavaria, and can produce 
 greater effects on such a small community, than 
 on England. This last difference is not easy to 
 be calculated: but allowing that England has 
 now six times more industry, and three times 
 more people than it had at the conquest, and for 
 some reigns after that period, we are upon that 
 supposition to conceive, taking all circumstances 
 together, every sum of money mentioned by 
 historians, as if it were multiplied more than a 
 hundred fold above a sum of the same denomi- 
 nation at present. 
 
 In the Saxon times, land was divided equally 
 among all the male children of the deceased, ac- 
 cording to the custom of Gavelkind. The prac- 
 tice of entails is to be found in those times.'' Land 
 
 ^ LL. iElf. 37. apud Wilkiiis, p. 43.
 
 APPENDIX I. 305 
 
 was chiefly of two kinds, bockland, or land held 
 by book or charter, which was regarded as full 
 property, and descended to the heirs of the pos- 
 sessor; and folkland, or the land held by the 
 ceorles and common people, who were remove- 
 able at pleasure, and were indeed only tenants 
 during the will of their lords. 
 
 The first attempt which we find in England to 
 separate the ecclesiastical from the civil jurisdic- 
 tion, was that law of Edgar, by which all disputes 
 among the clergy were ordered to be carried 
 before the bishop/ The penances were then very' 
 severe; but as a man could buy them off with 
 money, or might substitute others to perform 
 them, they lay easy upon the rich.'' 
 
 MANNERS. 
 
 With regard to the manners of the Anglo-Saxons 
 we can say little, but that they were in general 
 a rude uncultivated people, ignorant of letters, 
 unskilled in the mechanical arts, untamed to sub- 
 mission under law and government, addicted to 
 intemperance, riot, and disorder. Tlicir best 
 quality was their military courage, which yet was 
 not supported by discipline or conduct. Their 
 want of fidelity to the priuce, or to any trust re- 
 posed in them, appears strongly in the history of 
 their later period; and their want of humanity 
 
 > Wilkins, p. SJ. ^ Ibid. p. 9O, g/. Spclm. Cone. p. -JJi. 
 
 VOJ.. J. X
 
 306 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, 
 
 in all their history. Even the Norman historians, 
 notwithstanding the low state of the arts in their 
 own country, speak of them as barbarians, when 
 they mention the invasion made upon them by 
 the duke of Normandy/ The conquest put the 
 people in a situation of receiving slowly from 
 abroad the rudiments of science and cultivation, 
 and of correcting their rough and licentious 
 manners. 
 
 Gul. Pict, p. 202.
 
 12Killiam tfje Conqueror* 
 
 1^^ ^^j-j iiipiiiiiHiri 
 
 Chap. IV. p. 364. 
 
 The three pnnces, residing with their father in the castle of 
 I'Aigle in Normandy, were one day engaged in sport together; 
 and after some mirth and jollity, the two younger took a fancy of 
 throwing over some water on Robert as he passed through the court 
 on leaving their apartment; a frolic, which he would naturally 
 have regarded as innocent, had it not been for the suggestions of 
 Alberic de Grentmesnil, son of that Hugh de Grentmesnil whom 
 William had formerly deprived of his fortunes, when that baron 
 deserted him during his greatest difficulties in England. The 
 young man, mindful of the injury, persuaded the prince that this 
 action was meant as a public affront, ^\hich it behoved him in 
 honour to resent; and the choleric Robert, drawing his sword, 
 ran up stairs, with an intention of taking revenge on his brother'^.
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 WILLIAM TPIE CONQUEROR. 
 
 Consequences of the battle of Hastings .... Submission of the 
 English. . . . Settlement of the government. . . . King's return 
 to Normandy .... Discontents of the English .... Their in- 
 surrections. . . . Bigours of the Norman government . ^ New 
 insurrections .... New rigours of the government .... Intro- 
 duction of the feudal law .... Innovation in ecclesiastical 
 government. . . . Insurrection of the Norman barons . . . Dis- 
 pute about investitures. . . Revolt of prince Robert. . . Domes- 
 day book. , . . The New forest .... War widi France. . . Death 
 and character of William the Conqueror, 
 
 CONSEQUENCES OF THE BATTLE OF 
 HASTINGS. 106G. 
 
 JNoTHiXG could exceed tlie consternation wbicli 
 seized tlic English, when they received intelli- 
 gence of the unfortunate battle of Hastings, the 
 tleath of their king, the slaughter of their ])rin- 
 cipal nobility and of their bravest warriors, and 
 the rout and dispersion ot' the remainder. l>ut 
 though the loss whicli the>' had sustained in that 
 fatal action was considerable, it might hdvc been 
 repaired by a great nation; where the peo})le 
 were generally armed, and where there re.'^ided 
 so many powerful nobbMuen in exery plo^i^ce,
 
 308 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1066. 
 
 who could have assembled their retainers, and 
 have obliged the duke of Normandy to divide 
 his army, and probably to waste it in a variety of 
 actions and rencounters. It Mas thus that the 
 kingdom had formerly resisted, for many years, 
 its invaders, and had been gradually subdued, by 
 the continued efforts of the Romans, Saxons, and 
 Danes; and equal dithculties might have been 
 apprehended by William in this bold and hazard- 
 ous enterprise. But there Avere several vices in 
 the Anglo-Saxon constitution, which rendered it 
 difficult for the English to defend their liberties 
 in so critical an emergency. The people had in 
 a great measure lost all national pride and spirit, 
 by their recent and long subjection to the Danes; 
 and as Canute had, in the course of his adminis- 
 tration, much aljated the rigours of conquest, and 
 had governed them equitably by their own laM'S, 
 they regarded with the less terror the ignominy 
 of a foreign yoke, and deemed the inconveni- 
 encies of submission less formidable than those 
 of bloodshed, war, and resistance. Their attach- 
 ment also to the ancient royal family had been 
 much weakened, by their habits of submission to 
 the Danish princes, and by their late election of 
 Harold, or their acquiescence in his usurpation. 
 And as they had long been accustomed to regard 
 Edgar Atheling, the only heir of tlie Saxon line, 
 as uiilit to govern them even in times of order 
 and tranquillity, tliey could entertain small hopes 
 of his being able to repair such great losses as
 
 1066. WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 309 
 
 they had sustained, or to withstand the victori- 
 ous arms of the duke of Normandy. 
 
 That they might not, liowever, be altogether 
 wanting to themselves in this extreme necessity, 
 the English took some steps towards adjusting 
 their disjointed government, and uniting them- 
 selves against the common enemy. The two po- 
 tent earls, Edwin and Morcar, who had fled to 
 London with the remains of the broken army, 
 took the lead on this occasion: in concert with 
 Stigand, archbishop of Canterbury, a man pos- 
 sessed of great authority and of ample revenues, 
 they proclaimed Edgar, and endeavoured to put 
 the people in a posture of defence, and encourage 
 them to resist the Normans.'' But the terror of 
 the late defeat, and the near neighbourhood of 
 the invaders, increased the confusion inseparable 
 from great revolutions; and every resolution 
 proposed was hasty, fluctuating, tumultuary; 
 disconcerted by fear or faction, ill planned, and 
 worse executed. 
 
 William, that his enemies might have no lei- 
 sure to recover from their consternation, or unite 
 their counsels, immediately put himself in mo- 
 tion after his victory, and resolved to prosecute 
 an enterprise, whicli nothing but celerity and 
 vigour covdd render Anally successful. His first 
 attempt was against Romney, wliose inhabitants 
 he severely punished, on account of their cruel 
 
 ^ Gul. Pictav. p. 'iO.'}. Order. Vitalis, p. 502, Ht.vedt n, p. .t4Q. 
 Knyghlon, p. 23'1;J.
 
 310 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1060- 
 
 treatment of some Norman seamen and Soldiers, 
 who had been carried thither by stress of weather, 
 or by a mistake in their course:'' and foreseeing 
 that his conquest of England might still be at- 
 tended with many difficulties and with much 
 opposition, he deemed it necessary, before he 
 should advance farther into the country, to make 
 himself master of Dover, which would both secure 
 him a retreat in case of adverse fortune, and 
 afford him a safe landing-place for such supplies 
 as might be requisite for pushing his advantages. 
 The terror diffused by his victory at Hastings 
 was so o-reat, that the c^arrison of Dover, thoui>;h 
 numerous and well provided, immediately capi- 
 tulated; and as the Normans, rushing in to take 
 possession of the town, hastily set fire to some of 
 the houses, William, desirous to conciliate the 
 minds of the English by an appearance of lenity 
 and justice, made compensation to the inhabit- 
 ants for their losses/ 
 
 The Norman army, being much distressed 
 with a dysentery, M'as obliged to remain here 
 eight days; but the duke, on their recovery, 
 advanced with quick marches, towards London, 
 and by his approach increased the confusions 
 which were already so prevalent in the English 
 counsels. The ecclesiastics in particular, whose 
 influence was great over the people, began to de- 
 clare in his favour; and as most of the bishops 
 and dignified clergymen were even then French- 
 
 = Gul. Pictav. p. 204. '^ Ibid.
 
 1066. WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 3Jl 
 
 men or Normans, the pope's bull, by which his 
 enterprise was avowed and hallowed, was now 
 openly insisted on as a reason for general sub- 
 mission. The superior learning of those prelates, 
 which, during the Confessor's reign, had raised 
 them above the ignorant Saxons, made their 
 opinions be received with implicit faith; and a 
 young prince like Edgar, whose capacity was 
 deemed so mean, was but ill qualified to resist 
 the impression which they made on the minds of 
 the people. A repulse which a body of Londoners 
 received from five hundred Norman horse, re- 
 newed in the city the terror of the great defeat at 
 Hastings; the easy submission of all the inhabit- 
 ants of Kent was an additional discouragement 
 to them; the burning of South wark before their 
 eyes, made them dread a like fate to their own 
 city; and no man any longer entertained thoughts 
 but of iunnediate safety and of self-preservation. 
 Even the earls Edwin and Morcar, in despair of 
 making effectual resistance, retired with their 
 troops to their own provinces; and the people 
 thenceforth disposed themselves unanimously to 
 yield to the victor. 
 
 SUBMISSION OF THE ENGLISFL 
 
 As soon as he passed the Thames at Walliugford, 
 and reached Berkhamstead, Stigand the primate 
 made submissions to him: before he came M'ithiu
 
 Sl2 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1065. 
 
 sight of the city, all the chief nobility, and Edgar 
 Atheling himself, the new-elected king, came 
 into his camp, and declared their intention of 
 yielding to his authority/ They requested him 
 to mount their throne, which they now con- 
 sidered as vacant; and declared to him, that as 
 they had always been ruled by regal power, they 
 desired to follow, in this particular, the example 
 of their ancestors, and knew of no one more 
 worthy than himself to hold the reins of govern- 
 ment/ 
 
 Though this was the great object to which the 
 duke's enterprise tended, he feigned to deliberate 
 on the offer; and being desirous, at first, of pre- 
 serving the appearance of a legal administration, 
 he wished to obtain a more explicit and formal 
 consent of the English nation:^ but Aimar of 
 Aquitain, a man equally respected for valour in 
 the field and for prudence in council, remon- 
 strating with him on the danger of delay in so 
 critical a conjuncture, he laid aside all farther 
 scruples, and accepted of the crown Adiich was 
 tendered him. Orders were immediately issued 
 to prepare every thing for the ceremony of his 
 coronation; but as lie was yet afraid to place 
 entire confidence in the Londoners, who were 
 numerous and warlike, he meanwhile commanded 
 fortresses to be erected, in order to curb the 
 
 Hovedcn, p. 450. Flor. Wigorn. p. 634. ^ Gul. Pict. 
 
 p. 205. Ord. Vital, p. 503. e Gul. Pictav. p. 205.
 
 1066. WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 313 
 
 inhabitants, and to secure his person and govern- 
 ment.'' 
 
 Stigand was not much in the duke's favour, 
 both because he had intruded into the see on the 
 expulsion of Robert the Norman, and because he 
 possessed such influence and authority over the 
 English 'as might be dangerous to a new-esta- 
 blished monarch. William, therefore, pretending 
 that the primate had obtained his pall in an irre- 
 gular manner from pope Benedict IX. who was 
 himself an usurper, refused to be consecrated by 
 him, and conferred this honour on Aldred, arch- 
 bishop of York. Westminster abbey was the 
 place appointed for that magnificent ceremony; 
 the most considerable of the nobility, both Eng- 
 lish and Norman, attended the duke on this 
 occasion; Aldred, in a short speech, asked the 
 former whether they agreed to accept of William 
 as their king; the bishop of Coutance put the 
 same question to the latter; and both being an- 
 swered with acclamations,'' Aldred administered 
 to the duke the usual coronation oatb, by which 
 he bound himself to protect the church, to admi- 
 nister justice, and to repress violence: he then 
 anointed him, and put tlie crown upon his ' licad. 
 There appeared nothing but joy in the counte- 
 
 '' Gul. Pictnv. p. 205. ' Eadnicr, p. 6. ^ Ordcr.Vital. p. 503, 
 
 ' Malmcsbury, p. 2^1 , says, that he also promised to govern the 
 
 Normans and English by etjual laws; and this addition to the usual 
 
 oath seems not improbable, considering the circumstances of tlic 
 
 times.
 
 314 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1066. 
 
 nance of the spectators: but in that very moment 
 there burst forth the strongest symptoms of the 
 jealousy and animosity which prevailed between 
 the nations, and which continually increased 
 during the reign of this prince. The Norman 
 soldiers, who were placed without, in order to 
 guard the church, hearing the shouts within, 
 fancied that the English were offering violence 
 to their duke; and they immediately assaulted 
 the populace, and set fire to the neighbouring 
 houses. The alarm was conveyed to the nobility 
 who surrounded the prince; both English and 
 Normans, full of apprehensions, rushed out to 
 secure themselves from the present danger; and 
 it was with difficulty that William himself was 
 able to appease the tumult." 
 
 SETTLEMENT OF THE GOVERNMENT. 1067. 
 
 The king, thus possessed of the throne by a pre- 
 tended destination of king EdM^ard, and by an 
 irregular election of the people, but still more by 
 force of arms, retired from London to Berking 
 in Essex; and there received the submissions of 
 all the nobility who had not attended his coro- 
 nation. Edric, sirnamed the Forester, grand- 
 nephew to that Edric so noted for his repeated 
 acts of perfidy during the reigns of Ethelred and 
 
 ^ Gul. Pict, p.206. Order. Vitalisj p.503.
 
 1067. WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 315 
 
 Edmoncl; earl Coxo, a man famous for bravery; 
 even Edwin and Morcar, earls of Mercia and 
 Northumberland"; with the other principal noble- 
 men of England, came and swore fealty to him; 
 were received into favour, and were confirmed 
 in the possession of their estates and "dignities. 
 Every thing bore the appearance of peace and 
 tranquillity; and William had no other occupa- 
 tion than to s:ive contentment to the foreigners 
 who had assisted him to mount the throne, and 
 to his new subjects, who had so readily submitted 
 to him. 
 
 He had got possession of the treasure of Ha- 
 rold, Avhich was considerable; and being also 
 supplied with rich presents from the opulent men 
 in all parts of England, Avho were solicitous to 
 gain the favour of their new sovereign, he dis- 
 tributed great sums among his troops, and by 
 this liberality gave them hopes of obtaining at 
 lensjth those more durable establishments Avhich 
 they had expected from his enterprise." The 
 ecclesiastics, both at home and abroad, had much 
 forwarded his success, and he failed not, in re- 
 turn, to express his gratitude and devotion in 
 the manner which was most acceptable to them: 
 He sent Harold's standard to the j^ope, accom- 
 panied witli many valuai)le i)resents: all the con- 
 siderable monasteries and churches in France, 
 where ])rayers had been put u\) i'ov his success, 
 
 " Gvil. rict. p.208. Oulcr. Vitalis, p. 500. 
 " Gill. Pict. p. 200".
 
 316 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1067. 
 
 now tasted of his bounty:'' the Engh'sh monks 
 found him well disposed to favour their order: 
 and he built a new convent near Hastings, which 
 he called Battle Abbey, and which, on pretence 
 of supporting monks to pray for his own soul, 
 and for that of Harold, served as a lasting me- 
 morial of his victory.'' 
 
 He introduced into England that strict exe- 
 cution of justice for which his administration had 
 been much celebrated in Normandy; and even 
 during this violent revolution, every disorder or 
 oppression met with rigorous punishment. "^ His 
 army, in particular, was governed with severe 
 discipline; and notwithstanding the insolence of 
 victory, care was taken to give as little offence 
 as possible to the jealousy of the vanquished. The 
 king appeared solicitous to unite, in an amicable 
 manner, the Normans and the English, by inter- 
 marriages and alliances; and all his new subjects 
 who approached his person were received with 
 affability and regard. No signs of suspicion 
 appeared, not even towards Edgar Atheling, the 
 heir of the ancient royal family, whom William 
 confirmed in the honours of earl of Oxford, con- 
 ferred on him by Harold, and whom he affected 
 to treat with the highest kindness, as nephew to 
 
 P Gul. Pict. p. 206. ^! Gul. Gemet. p. 28S. Chron. Sax. 
 
 p. I89. M. West. p. 226. M. PariS;, p. 9. Diceto, p.4S2, This 
 convent was freed by him from all episcopal jurisdiction. Monast. 
 Ang. torn i. p. 311, 312. ' Gul. Pict. p. 208. Order. 
 
 Vital, p. 50(>.
 
 1067. WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 317 
 
 the Confessor, his great friend and benefactor. 
 Though he confiscated the estates of Harold, and 
 of those who had fought in the battle of Hastings 
 on the side of that prince, whom he represented 
 as an usurper, he seemed willing to admit of every 
 plausible excuse for past opposition to his pre- 
 tensions, and he received many into favour who 
 had carried arms against him. He confirmed the 
 liberties and immunities of London and the other 
 cities of England; and appeared desirous of re- 
 placing every thing on ancient establishments. In 
 his AV'hole administration he bore the semblance 
 of the lawful prince, not of the conqueror; and 
 the English began to flatter themselves that they 
 had changed, not the form of their government, 
 but the succession only of their sovereigns, a 
 matter which gave them small concern. The 
 better to reconcile his new subjects to his autho- 
 rity, William made a progress through some parts 
 of England; and besides a splendid court and 
 majestic ])iescnce, which overawed the people, 
 already struck with his military fame, the apj)ear- 
 ance of his clemency and justice gained the ap- 
 probation of the wise, attentive to the first steps 
 of their new sovereign. 
 
 Ikit amidst this confidence and friendship 
 which he ex[)ressc{l for the i'jiglish, the king 
 took care to place all real poMcr in the hands of 
 his Normans, and still to keep possession of the 
 sword, to wliieli he was sensihh^ he had oMcd his 
 advancement to soNereiun authoritv. llv dis-
 
 318 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1067. 
 
 armed the city of London and other places, which 
 appeared most warHke and populous; and build- 
 ing citadels in that capital, as well as in Win- 
 chester, Hereford, and the cities best situated 
 for commanding the kingdom, he quartered Nor- 
 man soldiers in all of them, and left no where 
 any power able to resist or oppose him. He be- 
 stowed the forfeited estates on the most eminent 
 of his captains, and established funds for the pay- 
 ment of his soldiers. And thus, while his civil 
 administration carried the face of a legal magis- 
 trate, his military institutions were those of a 
 master and tyrant; at least of one who reserved 
 to himself, whenever he pleased, the power of 
 assuming that character. 
 
 KING'S RETURN TO NORMANDY. 1067. 
 
 By this mixture, however, of vigour and lenity, 
 he had so soothed the minds of tlie English, that 
 he thought he might safely revisit his native 
 country, and enjoy the triumph and congratula- 
 tion of his ancient subjects. He left the adminis- 
 tration in the hands of his uterine brother, Odo 
 bishop of Baieux, and of William Fitz Osberne. 
 That tlieir authority might be exposed to less 
 danger, he carried over with him all the most 
 considerable nobility of England, Mho, while they 
 served to grace his court by their presence and 
 magnificent retinues, were in reality hostages for
 
 1067. WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 319 
 
 the fidelity of the nation. Among these Nvere 
 Edgar Athehng, Stigand the primate, the earls 
 Edwin and Morcar, Waltheof, the son of the 
 brave earl Siward, with others, eminent for the 
 greatness of their fortunes and families, or for 
 their ecclesiastical and civil dignities. He was 
 visited at the abbey of Fescam}), where he resided 
 during some time, by Rodulph, uncle to the king 
 of France, and by many powerful princes and 
 nobles, who, having contributed to his enterprise, 
 were desirous of participating in the joy and ad- 
 vantages of its success. His English courtiers, 
 willing to ingratiate themselves with their new 
 sovereign, out-vied each other in equipages arid 
 entertainments; and made a display of riches 
 which struck the foreigners with astonishment. 
 William of Poictiers, a Norman historian,' who 
 was present, speaks with admiration of the beauty 
 of their persons, the size and workmanship of 
 their silver plate, the costliness of their embroi- 
 deries, an art in which the English then excelled; 
 and he expresses himself in such terms, as tend 
 much to exalt our idea of the opulence and cul- 
 tivation of the people.' But though every thing 
 bore the face of joy and festivity, and William 
 
 s p. 211, 212. 
 ' As the historian chit'fly hisists on the silver plate, hi^ pane^vric 
 on the English magnificence shows only how incompetent a judge 
 he was of the matter. Silver was then often times the value, and 
 was more than twenty times more rare llian at present; and con- 
 sequently, ot" all species of lu.\ury plate must h..u? been the rarest
 
 320 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 106;. 
 
 himself treated his new courtiers with great ap- 
 pearance of kindness, it was impossible altoge- 
 ther to prevent the insolence of the Normans; 
 and the English nobles derived little satisfaction 
 from those entertainments, where they considered 
 themselves as led in triumph by their ostentatious 
 conqueror. 
 
 DISCONTENTS OF THE ENGLISH. 
 
 In England affairs took still a worse turn during 
 the absence of the sovereign. Discontents and 
 complaints multiplied every where; secret con- 
 spiracies M'ere entered into against the govern- 
 ment; hostilities were already begun in many 
 places; and every thing seemed to menace a 
 revolution, as rapid as that which had placed 
 William on the throne. The historian above men- 
 tioned, who is a panegyrist of his master, throws 
 the blame entirely on the fickle and mutinous 
 disposition of the English, and higlily celebrates 
 the justice and lenity of Odo's and Fitz Osberne's 
 administration." But other historians, with more 
 probability, impute the cause chiefly to the Nor- 
 mans, who, despising a people that had so easily 
 submitted to the yoke, envying their riches, and 
 grudging the restraints imposed upon their own 
 rapine, were desirous of provoking them to a re- 
 bellion, by which they expected to acquire new 
 
 P. 212.
 
 I06f. WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 321 
 
 confiscations and forfeitures, and to gratify those 
 unbounded hopes which they had formed in en- 
 tering on this enterprise.'' 
 
 It is evident, that the chief reason of this 
 alteration in the sentiments of the English, must 
 be ascribed to tlie departure of William, who was 
 alone able to curb the violence of his captains, 
 and to overawe the mutinies of the people. No- 
 thing indeed appears more strange, than that this 
 prince, in less than tliree months after the con- 
 quest of a great, warlike, and turbulent nation, 
 should absent himself, in order to revisit his own 
 country, which remained in profound tranquil- 
 lity, and was not menaced by any of its neigh- 
 bours; and should so long leave his jealous 
 subjects at the mercy of an insolent and licenti- 
 ous army. Were we not assured of the solidiiy 
 of his genius, and the good sense disj)layed in 
 all other circumstances of his conduct, \vc mii>ht 
 ascribe this measure to a vain ostentation, which 
 rendered him impatient to display his pomp and 
 magnificence among his ancient subjects. It is 
 therefore more natural to believe, that in so ex- 
 traordinary a step he was guided by a concealed 
 policy; and that, though he had thought proper 
 at first to allure the people to submission by the 
 semblance of a legal administration, he found 
 that he could neither satisfy his rapacious cap- 
 tains, nor secure his unstable government, m ilh- 
 out farther exerting the rights of concjucst, and 
 
 " Order Vital, [v ,50;. 
 
 Nor . [. v
 
 322 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1067. 
 
 seizing tlie possessions of the English. In order 
 to have a pretext for this violence, he endea- 
 voured, without discovering his intentions, to 
 provoke and alkire them into insurrections, which, 
 he thought, could never prove dangerous, while 
 he detained all the principal nobility in Nor- 
 mandy, while a great and victorious army was 
 quartered in England, and while he himself was 
 so near to suppress any tumult or rebellion. But 
 as no ancient writer has ascribed this tyrannical 
 purpose to William, it scarcely seems allowable, 
 from conjecture alone, to throw such an imputa- 
 tion upon him. 
 
 THEIR INSURRECTIONS. 
 
 But whether we are to account for that measure 
 from the king's vanity or from his policy, it was 
 the immediate cause of all the calamities M'hich 
 the English endured during this and the subse- 
 quent reigns, and gave rise to those mutual 
 jealousies and animosities between them and the 
 Normans, which were never appeased till a long 
 tract of time had gradually united the two na- 
 tions, and made them one people. The inhabit- 
 ants of Kent, who had first submitted to the 
 Conqueror, Avere the first that attempted to throw 
 off the yoke; and in confederacy with Eustace, 
 count of Bologne, who had also been disgusted 
 by the Normans, they made an attempt, though
 
 1067. WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 323 
 
 without success, on the garrison of Dover/ Edric 
 the Forester, whose possessions lay on the banks 
 of the Severne, being provoked at the depre- 
 dations of some Norman captains in his neigh- 
 bourhood, formed an alliance with Blethyn and 
 Rowallan, two Welsh princes; and endeavoured, 
 with their assistance, to repel force by ^ force. 
 But though these open hostilities were not very 
 considerable, the disaffection was o;eneral amon<>- 
 the English, who had become sensible, though 
 too late, of their defenceless condition, and be- 
 gan already to experience those insults and in- 
 juries which a nation must always expect, that 
 allows itself to be reduced to that abject situ- 
 ation. A secret conspiracy was entered into to 
 perpetrate in one day a general massacre of the 
 Normans, like that which had formerly been 
 executed upon the Danes; and the quarrel was 
 become so general and national, that the vassals 
 of earl Coxo, having desired him to head them 
 in an insurrection, and finding him resolute in 
 maintaining his fidelity to William, put him to 
 death as a traitor to his country. 
 
 The king, informed of these dangerous dis- 
 contents, hastened over to England; and by his 
 presence, and the vigorous measures which he 
 pursued, disconcerted all the schemes of the con- 
 spirators. Such of them as had been more vio- 
 
 " Gul. Gemet. p. 289. Order. Vital, p. 508. Anglii Sacra, 
 vol. i. p. 215. > Hovc'deii;, p. -150. M. \\\'st. p. 220". Situ 
 
 Dunclm. p. ip7.
 
 32i HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1068. 
 
 lent ill their mutiny, betrayed their guilt by 
 flying, or conceahng themselves; and the confis- 
 cation of their estates, while it increased the 
 number of malcontents, both enabled William to 
 gratify farther the rapacity of his Norman cap- 
 tains, and gave them the prospect of new for- 
 feitures and attainders. The king began to regard 
 all his English subjects as inveterate and irre- 
 claimable enemies; and thenceforth either em- 
 braced, or was more fully confirmed in the 
 resolution of seizing their possessions, and of re- 
 ducing them to the most abject slavery. Though 
 the natural violence and severity of his temper 
 made him incapable of feeling any remorse in 
 the execution of this tyrannical purpose, he had 
 art enough to conceal his intention, and to pre- 
 serve still some appearance of justice in his op- 
 pressions. He ordered all the English, who had 
 been arbitrarily expelled by the Normans dur- 
 ing his absence, to be restored to their "" estates: 
 but at the same time he imposed a general tax on 
 the people, that of Danegelt, which had been 
 abolislied by the Confessor, and Vvhich had always 
 been extremely odious to the nation.^ 
 
 As the vigilance of William overawed the mal- 
 contents, their insurrections were more the result 
 of an impatient humour in the people, than of 
 
 * Chron. Sax, p. 173. This fact is a lull proof that the Nor- 
 mans had committed great injustice, and were the real cause of the 
 insurrections of the English. 
 
 ' Hoveden,p.4.30. Si;u. Dunelm. p. 197. Alur. Reverl. p. 12/.
 
 1068. WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 325 
 
 any re<^ular conspiracy, which could give tlicm 
 a rational hope of success against the established 
 power of the Normans. The inhabitants of Exe- 
 ter, instigated by Githa, mother to king Harold, 
 refused to admit a Norman garrison, and be- 
 taking themselves to arms, were strengthened 
 by tlie accession of the neighbouring inhabitants 
 of Devonshire and Cornwall.^ The king hastened 
 with bis forces to chastise this revolt; and on his 
 approach, the wiser and more considerable citi- 
 zens, sensible of the unequal contest, persuaded 
 the people to submit, and to deliver hostages for 
 their ol)edience. A sudden mutiny of the popu- 
 lace broke this agreement; and W^ilHam, appear- 
 ing before the walls, ordered the eyes of one of 
 the hostages to be put out, as an earnest of that 
 severity M-hich the rebels must exj)ect if they 
 persevered in their revolt."" The inhabitants were 
 anew seized with terror, and surrendering at dis- 
 cretion, threw themselves at the king's feet, and 
 suppli(;ated his clemency and forgiveness. Wil- 
 liam was not destitute of generosity, mIicu his 
 temper was not hardened either by policy or 
 passion : he was pre\'ailed on to pardon the re- 
 bels, and he set guards on all the gates, in order 
 to prevent the rapacity and insolence of his 
 soldiery.'' (Jitha escaped ^itli her treasures to 
 Flanders. The malcontents of Cornwall in^itated 
 the example of Kxeter, and met with like treat- 
 ment: and the king, Jiaving built a citadel in 
 
 ^ Order. Vit;jl. p.olO. ' Hm'-I. '' Ibid.
 
 326 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1068. 
 
 that city, which he put under the command of 
 Baldwin, son of earl Gilbert, returned to Win- 
 chester, and dispersed his army into their quar- 
 ters. He was here joined by his wife Matilda, 
 who had not before visited England, and whom 
 he now ordered to be crowned by archbishop 
 Aid red. Soon after, she brought him an accession 
 to his family by the birth of a fourth son, whom 
 he named Henry. His three elder sons, Robert, 
 Richard, and William, still resided in Normandy, 
 iiut though the king appeared thus fortunate, 
 both in public and domestic life, the discontents 
 of his English subjects augmented daily; and the 
 injuries committed and suffered on both sides, 
 rendered the quarrel between them and the 
 Normans absolutely incurable. The insolence of 
 victorious masters, dispersed throughout the 
 kingdom, seemed intolerable to the natives; and 
 wherever they found the Normans, separate or 
 assembled in small bodies, they secretly set 
 upon them, and gratified their vengeance by the 
 slaughter of tl;eir enemies. But an insurrection 
 in the north drew thither the general attention, 
 and seemed to threaten more important conse- 
 quences. Edwin and Morcar appeared at the 
 head of this rebellion; and these potent noble- 
 men, before the}' took arms, stipulated for foreign 
 succours, from tb.cir nephew Blethyn prince of 
 North Wales, from Malcolm king of Scotland, 
 and from Sweyn king of Denmark. Besides the 
 general discontent* which had seized the English^
 
 1068. WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 327 
 
 the two earls were incited to this revolt by pri- 
 vate injuries. William, in order to insure them 
 to his interests, had, on his accession, promised 
 his daughter in marriage to Edwin; but either 
 he had never seriously intended to perform this 
 engagement, or, having changed his plan of ad- 
 ministration in England from clemency to rigour, 
 he thought it was to little purpose, if he gained 
 one family, while he enraged the whole nation. 
 When Edwin, therefore, renewed his applications, 
 he gave him an absolute denial;" and this disap- 
 pointment, added to so many other reasons of 
 disgust, induced that nobleman and his brother 
 to concur with their incensed countrymen, and 
 to make one general effort for the recovery of 
 their ancient liberties. William kne\v the im- 
 portance of celerity in quelling an insurrection, 
 supported by such powerful leaders, and so agree- 
 able to the wishes of the people; and having his 
 troops always in readiness, he advanced by great 
 journics to the north. On his march he gave 
 orders to fortify the castle of Warwic, of which 
 he left Henry de Beaumont governor, and that 
 of Nottingham, which he committed to the cus- 
 tody of William Peverell, another Norman cap- 
 tain.* He reached York before the rebels were 
 in any condition for resistance, or were joined 
 by any of the foreign succours which they ex- 
 pected, except a small reinforcement from '^Wales ; 
 and the two earls ibund no means of safety, but 
 
 OrJ.ci. \il.il. p. ,51 I. ' Ibid. Ibid.
 
 32S HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1068. 
 
 having recourse to the clemency of the victor. 
 Archil, a potent nobleman in those parts, imi- 
 tated their example, and delivered his son as a 
 hostage for his fidelity;'' nor were the people, 
 thus deserted by their leaders, able to make any 
 farther resistance. But the treatment which 
 William gave the chiefs, was very ditHerent from 
 that M'hich fell to the share of their followers. 
 He observed religiously the terms which he had 
 granted to the former, and allowed them for the 
 present to keep possession of their estates; but 
 he extended the rigours of his confiscations over 
 the latter, and gave away their lands to his fo- 
 reign adventurers. These, planted throughout 
 the whole country, and in possession of the mili- 
 tary power, left Edwin and Morcar, whom he 
 pretended to spare, destitute of all support, and 
 ready to fall, whenever he should think proper 
 to command their ruin. A peace which he made 
 with Malcolm, who did him homage for Cumber- 
 land, seemed at the same time to deprive theni 
 of all prospect of foreign assistance.' 
 
 RIGOURS OF THE NORMAN GOVERN- 
 MENT. 1068. 
 
 The English Mere now sensible that their final 
 destruction w^as intended; and that instead of a 
 sovereign, whom they had hoped to gain by their 
 
 ^ Order. Vital. p.oU. ' Ibid.
 
 1068. WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 32(j 
 
 submissions, they had tamely surrendered them- 
 selves, without resistance, to a tyrant and a con- 
 queror. Though the early confiscation of Harold's 
 followers might seem iniquitous; being inflicted 
 on men who had never sworn fealty to the duke 
 of Normandy, who were ignorant of his preten- 
 sions, and who only fought in defence of the 
 government which they themselves liad esta- 
 blished in their own country : yet were these 
 rigours, however contrary to the ancient Saxon 
 laws, excused on account of the urgent necessi- 
 ties of the prince; and those A\'ho were not in- 
 volved in the present ruin, hoped that they should 
 thenceforth enjoy, without molestation, their 
 possessions and their dignities. But the succes- 
 sive destruction of so many other families con- 
 vinced them, that the king intended to rely 
 entirely on the support and aifcctions of foreign- 
 ers; and they foresaw new forfeitures, attainders, 
 and acts of violence, as the necessary result of 
 this destructive plan of administration. They 
 observed, that no Englishman possessed his con- 
 fidence, or Mas entrusted with any command or 
 authority; and that the strangers, Avhom a rigor- 
 ous discipline could have but ill restrained, were 
 encouraged in their insolence and tyranny against 
 them, 'J'he easy submission of the kingdom on 
 its first invasion had exposed the natives to con- 
 tempt; the subsequent proofs of their animosity 
 and resentment had made them the object of 
 hatred; and they were now deprived of every
 
 330 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1068. 
 
 expedient by which they could hope to make 
 themselves either regarded or beloved by their 
 sovereign. Impressed with the sense of this dis- 
 mal situation, many Englishmen fled into foreign 
 countries, with an intention of passing their lives 
 abroad free from oppression, or of returning on 
 a favourable opportunity to assist their friends in 
 the recovery of their native liberties.'' Edgar 
 Atheling himself, dreading the insidious caresses 
 of William, was persuaded by Cospatric, a power- 
 ful Northumbrian, to escape with him into Scot- 
 land; and he carried thither his two sisters, 
 Margaret and Christina. They were well re- 
 ceived by Malcolm, mIio soon after espoused 
 Margaret the eldest sister; and partly with a 
 view of strengthening his kingdom by the acces- 
 sion of so many strangers, partly in hopes of 
 employing them against the growing power of 
 William, he gave great countenance to all the 
 English exiles. IVIany of them settled there; 
 and laid the foundation of families Avhich after- 
 wards made a figure in that country. 
 
 While the English suffered under these op- 
 pressions, even the foreigners were not much at 
 their ease; but finding themselves surrounded 
 on all hands by enraged enemies, Avho took every 
 advantage against them, and menaced them with 
 still more bloody effects of the public resent- 
 ment, they began to wish again for the tranquil- 
 
 k Order. Vital, p, 50S. iSI. West. p. 225. M. Paris, p. -J. 
 Sim. Dun. p. K)/.
 
 1068. WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 331 
 
 lity and security of their native country. Hugh 
 de Grentmesnil, and Humphry de Teliol, though 
 entrusted with great commands, desired to be 
 dismissed the service; and some others imitated 
 their example: a desertion which was highly re- 
 sented by the king, and which he punished by 
 the confiscation of all their possessions in Eng- 
 land.'' But William's bounty to his followers 
 could not fail of alluring many new adventurers 
 into his service; and the rage of the vanquished 
 English served only to excite the attention of 
 the king and those warlike chiefs, and keep 
 them in readiness to suppress every commence- 
 ment of domestic rebellion or foreign invasion. 
 
 NEW INSURRECTIONS. IO69. 
 
 It was not long before they found occupation 
 for their prowess and military conduct. Godwin, 
 Edmond, and Magnus, three sons of Harold, had, 
 immediately after the defeat at Hastings, sought 
 a retreat in Ireland; where, having met with a 
 kind reception from Dermot and other princes 
 of that country, they projected an invasion on 
 England, and they hoped that all the exiles from 
 Denmark, Scotland, and Wales, assisted by forces 
 from these several countries, would at once com- 
 mence hostilities, and rouse the indignation of 
 tlie English against their haughty con(]uerors. 
 
 ^ Order. Vitalis, p. .512.
 
 332 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1O09. 
 
 They landed in Devonshire; but found Brian, 
 son of the count of Britanny, at the head of some 
 foreign troops, ready to oppose them; and being 
 defeated in several actions, they were obliged to 
 retreat to their ships, and to return with great 
 loss to Ireland.' The efforts of the Normans 
 were now directed to the north, where aftairs 
 had fallen into the utmost confusion. The more 
 impatient of the Northumbrians had attacked 
 Robert de Comyn, who was appointed governor 
 of Durham ; and gaining the advantage over him 
 from his negligence, they put him to death in 
 that city, with seven hundred of his '"followers. 
 This success animated the inliabitants of York, 
 \\lio, rising in arms, slew Robert Fitz-Richard 
 tlicir governor;" and besieged in tJie castle Wil- 
 liam Mallet, on whom the command now de- 
 volved, A little after, the Danish troops landed 
 from three hundred vessels: Osberne, brother to 
 kimr Swevn, was entrusted with the command of 
 these forces, and he M'as accompanied by Harold 
 and Canute, two sons of that monarch. Edgar 
 Atheling appeared from Scotland, and brought 
 along with him Cospatrick, Waltheof, Siward, 
 Bearuc, Merleswain, Adelin, and other leaders, 
 who, partly from the hopes which thcv gave of 
 Scottish succours, partly from their authority in 
 
 1 Gul. Gemet. p. 2()0. Order. Vital, p. 513, Anglia Sacrn, 
 vol, i. p, 246. " Order. Vital, p. 512. Chron. de Mailr. 
 
 p. 116. Hoveden, p. 450. M. Paris, p. 5. Sim. Dun. p. 198. 
 ^ Order. Vital, p. 5 12.
 
 1069 WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 333 
 
 those parts, easily persuaded the warlike and dis- 
 contented Northumbrians to join the insurrec- 
 tion. Mallet, that he might better provide for the 
 defence of the citadel of York, set fire to some 
 houses which lay contiguous; but this expedient 
 proved the immediate cause of his destruction. 
 The flames, spreading into the neighbouring 
 streets, reduced the whole city to ashes: the en- 
 raged inhabitants, aided by the Danes, took 
 advantage of the confusion to attack the castle, 
 which they carried by assault; and the garrison, 
 to the number of three thousand men, was put 
 to the sword without mercy. 
 
 This success proved a signal to many other 
 parts of England, and gave the people an oppor- 
 tunity of showing their malevolence to the Nor- 
 mans. Hereward, a nobleman in East-Anglia, 
 celebrated for valour, assembled his followers, 
 and taking shelter in the Isle of Fly, made in- 
 roads on all the neighbouring country.'' 'J^l.e 
 English in the counties of Somerset and Dorset 
 rose in arms, and assaulted Montacute the Nor- 
 man governor; while the inhabitants of Cornwall 
 and Devon invested Exeter, w hich from the me- 
 mory of William's clemency still remained faith- 
 ful to him, Edric tlic Forester, calling in the 
 assistance of the Welsh, laid siege to Shrewsbury, 
 and made head against earl Bricnt and Fitz- 
 Osberne, who connnanded in those (juarters.'' The 
 
 '' Order. Vital, p. f)!.}. Hovcat-ii, p. 1j1. i- Ingulf, p. 71. 
 
 Chron. Ablx St. Pctn dt-jtiurgo, p. 47. 'i Ord' r. \'ital. p. 514.
 
 334 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1069. 
 
 English, every M-hcre repenting their former easy 
 submission, seemed determined to make by con- 
 cert one great eftbrt for the recovery of their 
 liberties, and for the expulsion of their op- 
 pressors. 
 
 William, undismayed amidst this scene of con- 
 fusion, assembled his forces, and animating them 
 with the prospect of new confiscations and for- 
 feitures, he marched against the rebels in the 
 north, whom he regarded as the most formidable, 
 and whose defeat he knew would strike a terror 
 into all the other malcontents. Joining policy 
 to force, he tried before his approach to weaken 
 the enemy, by detaching the Danes from them; 
 and he engaged Osberne, by large presents, and 
 by offering him the liberty of plundering the 
 sea-coast, to retire, without committing farther 
 hostilities, into Denmark/ Cospatrick also, in 
 despair of success, made his peace with the king, 
 and paying a sum of money as an atonement for 
 his insurrection, Avas received into favour, and 
 even invested with the earldom of Northumber- 
 land. Waltheof, who long defended York A\dth 
 great courage, was allured with this appearance 
 of clemency; and as William knew how to esteem 
 valour even in an enemy, that nobleman had no 
 reason to repent of this confidence.' Evenlildric, 
 compelled by necessity, submitted to the Con- 
 queror, and received forgiveness, which was soon 
 
 ^ Hovcden, p. 451 , Chron. Abb. St. Petri de Burgo. p. 47. Sim. 
 Dan. p. 199. ' Malmes. p, 104. H. Hunt. p. 369.
 
 lOGp. WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 335 
 
 after followed by some degree of trust and favour. 
 Malcolm, coming too late to support his confe- 
 derates, was constrained to retire; and all the 
 English rebels in other parts, except Hereward, 
 who still kept in his fastnesses, dispersed them- 
 selves, and left the Normans undisputed masters 
 of the kingdom. Edgar Atheling, with his fol- 
 lowers, sought again a retreat in Scotland from 
 the pursuit of his enemies. 
 
 NEW RIGOURS OF THE GOVERNMENT. 1070. 
 
 But the seeming clemency of William towards 
 the English leaders proceeded only from artifice, 
 or from his esteem of individuals: his heart was 
 hardened against all compassion towards the peo- 
 ple; and he scru])lcd no measure, however vio- 
 lent or severe, which seemed requisite to support 
 his plan of tyrannical administration. Sensible 
 of the restless disposition of the Northumbrians, 
 he determined to incapacitate them ever after 
 from giving disturbance, and he issued orders for 
 laying entirely M'uste that fertile country, ^hich 
 for the extent of sixty miles lies between the 
 Ilumber and the Tees.' The houses Mere reduced 
 to ashes by tlie merciless Normans; the cattle 
 
 ' Cliroii. S;ix. p. 17 1. Ingulf, p./Q. Malmcs. p. lOJ. Hove- 
 cUii, [).45\. (^liron. Abb. St. Petri dc Rr.rgo, p -4/. M. Paris, 
 p. .0. Sim. Dun. p. iQij. Broinpton, p. 0()(i. Knyglitoii, p. 2344. 
 .\ii'j'ii' Sacra, \ol.i. p. 702.
 
 33(5 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1070. 
 
 seized and driven away; the instruments of hus- 
 bandry destroyed; and the inhabitants compelled 
 either to seek for a subsistence in the southern 
 parts of Scotland, or if they lingered in England, 
 from a reluctance to abandon their ancient habi- 
 tations, they perished miserably in the woods 
 from cold and hunger. The lives of a hundred 
 thousand persons are computed to have been sa- 
 crificed to this stroke of barbarous policy,'' which, 
 by seeking a remedy for a temporary evil, thus 
 inflicted a lasting wound on the power and popu- 
 lousness of the nation. 
 
 But William, finding himself entirely master 
 of a people who had given him such sensible 
 proofs of their impotent rage and animosity, now 
 resolved to proceed to extremities against all the 
 natives of England, and to reduce them to a con- 
 dition in which they should no longer be formi- 
 dable to his government. The insurrections and 
 conspiracies in so many parts of the kingdom, 
 had involved the bulk of the landed proprietors, 
 more or less, in the guilt of treason ; and the 
 king took advantage of executing against them, 
 with the utmost rigour, the laws of forfeiture 
 and attainder. Their lives were indeed com- 
 monly sj)aicd; but tiieir estates were confiscated, 
 and either annexed to the royal demesnes, or 
 conferred with the most profuse bounty on the 
 Normans and other foreigners.'"' While the king's 
 declared intention was to depress, or rather en- 
 
 Orckr. Vital, p. 51,5. "^ Malmes. p. ]0i.
 
 1069. WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 337 
 
 entirely extirpate, the English gentry/ it is easy 
 to believe that scarcely the form of justice would 
 be observed in these violent proceedings;* and 
 that any suspicions served as the most undoubted 
 proofs of guilt against a people thus devoted to 
 destruction. It was crime sufficient in an Eng- 
 lishman to be opulent, or noble, or powerful; and 
 the policy of the king, concurring with the rapa- 
 city of foreign adventurers, produced almost a 
 total revolution in the landed property of the 
 kingdom. Ancient and honourable families were 
 reduced to beggary; the nobles themselves were 
 every where treated with ignominy and con- 
 tempt; they had the mortification of seeing their 
 castles and manors possessed by Normans of the 
 meanest birth and lowest stations;'' and they 
 found themselves carefully excluded from every 
 road which led either to riches or preferment.! 
 
 INTRODUCTION OF THE FEUDAL LAW. 
 
 As power naturally follows property, this revolu- 
 tion alone gave great security to the foreigners; 
 but William, by the new institutions M'hich he 
 established, took also care to retain for ever the 
 military authority in those hands which had en- 
 abled him to subdue the kingdom. He intro- 
 
 " H. Hunt. p. 870. * See note [H] vol. x. 
 
 > Order. Vitalis, p. 521 . M. West. p. 229. 
 \ Sec note [I] vol. x. 
 VOL. I. A
 
 338 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1070. 
 
 duced into England the feudal law, which he 
 found established in France and Normandy, and 
 which, during that age, was the foundation both 
 of the stability and of the disorders in most of 
 the monarchical governments of Europe. He 
 divided all the lands of England, with very few 
 exceptions, besides the royal demesnes, into 
 baronies; and he conferred these, with the re- 
 servation of stated services and payments, on the 
 most considerable of his adventurers. These great 
 barons, who held immediately of the crown, shared 
 out a great part of their lands to other foreigners, 
 who were denominated knights or vassals, and 
 who paid their lord the same duty and submission 
 in peace and war, which he himself owed to his 
 sovereign. The whole kingdom contained about 
 seven hundred chief tenants, and sixty thousand 
 two hundred and fifteen knights-fees;^ and as 
 none of the native English Avere admitted into 
 the first rank, the few who retained their landed 
 property were glad to be received into the second, 
 and under the protection of some powerful Nor- 
 man, to load themselves and their posterity with 
 this grievous burthen, for estates which they had 
 received free from their ancestors.* The small 
 mixture of English which entered into this civil 
 
 z Order. Vi talis, p. 523. Secretum Abbati-s apud Selden, Titles 
 of Honour, p. 573, Spelm. Gloss, in verbo Feodmn. Sir Robert 
 Cotton. 
 
 *M. West. p. 225. M.Paris, p. 4. Bracton, lib. 1. cap. H. 
 num. 1. Fleta, lib. 1. cap. 8. n.2.
 
 1070. WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 339 
 
 or military fabric (for it partook of both species), 
 was so restrained by subordination under the 
 foreigners, that the Norman dominion seemed 
 now to be fixed on the most durable basis, and 
 to defy all the efforts of its enemies. 
 
 The better to unite the parts of the govern- 
 ment, and to bind them into one system, which 
 might serve both for defence against foreigners, 
 and for the support of domestic tranquillity, Wil- 
 liam reduced the ecclesiastical revenues under 
 the same feudal law; and though he had courted 
 the church on his invasion and accession, he now 
 subjected it to services which the clergy regarded 
 as a grievous slavery, and as totally unbefitting 
 their profession. The bishops and abbots Mere 
 obliged, when requiried, to furnish to the king, 
 during war, a number of knights or military 
 tenants, proportioned to the extent of property 
 possessed by each see or abbey; and they were 
 liable, in case of failure, to the same penalties 
 which were exacted from the laity.'' The pope 
 and the ecclesiastics exclaimed against this ty- 
 ranny, as they called it; but the king's authority 
 was so well established over the army, who held 
 every thing from his bounty, that superstition 
 itself, even in that age, M'hen it was most preva- 
 lent, was constrained to bend under his superior 
 influence. 
 
 Ikit as the great body of the clergy were still 
 natives, the king had iiiucli reason to dread the 
 
 ^ M. Parii, p. 5. Angli;i Sacra, vol. i. p. 24S.
 
 340 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. IO70. 
 
 effects of their resentment: he therefore used the 
 precaution of expelling the Enghsh from all the 
 considerable dignities, and of advancing foreign- 
 ers in their place. The partiality of the Confessor 
 towards the Normans had been so great, that, 
 aided by their superior learning, it had promoted 
 them to many of the sees in England; and even 
 before the period of the conquest, scarcely more 
 than six or seven of the prelates were natives of 
 the country. But among these was Stigand, arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury; a man who, by his address 
 and vigour, by the greatness of his family and 
 alliances, by the extent of his possessions, as well 
 as by the dignity of his office, and his authority 
 among the English, gave jealousy to the king." 
 Though William had on his accession aftronted 
 this prelate, by employing the archbishop of York 
 to officiate at his consecration, he was careful on 
 other occasions to load him M'ith honours and 
 caresses, and to avoid giving him farther offence 
 till the opportunity should offer of effecting his 
 final destruction. "^ The suppression of the late 
 rebellions, and the total subjection of the Eng- 
 lish, made him hope that an attempt against Sti- 
 gand, however violent, would be covered by his 
 great successes, and be overlooked amidst the 
 other important revolutions M'hicli affected so 
 deeply the property and liberty of the kingdom. 
 Yet, notwithstanding these great advantages, lie 
 did not think it safe to violate the reverence 
 
 = Parker, p. 161. Ibid. p. l64.
 
 1070. WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 341 
 
 usually paid to the primate; but under cover of 
 a new superstition, which he was the great instru- 
 ment of introducing into England. 
 
 INNOVATION IN ECCLESIASTICAL GOVERN- 
 MENT. 
 
 The doctrine which exalted the papacy above all 
 human power, had gradually diffused itself from 
 the city and court of Rome; and was, during 
 that age, much more prevalent in the southern 
 than in the northern kingdoms of Europe. Pope 
 Alexander, who had assisted William in his con- 
 quests, naturally expected that the French and 
 Normans would import into England the same 
 reverence for his sacred character with which 
 they were impressed in their omii country; and 
 would break the spiritual as well as civil inde- 
 pendency of the Saxons, who had hitherto con- 
 ducted their ecclesiastical government M'ith an 
 acknowledgment indeed of primacy in the see of 
 Rome, but without much idea of its title to do- 
 minion or authority. As soon, therefore, as the 
 Kornian prince seemed fully established on the 
 throne, the pope dispatched Ermcnfroy, bishop 
 of Sion, as his legate into England; and this i)re- 
 late was the first that had ever appearetl with that 
 character in any part of the British islands. The 
 king, though he was probably led by principle to 
 pay this submission to Rome, determined, as is
 
 342 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1070. 
 
 usual, to employ the incident as a means of serv- 
 ing his political purposes, and of degrading those 
 English prelates who were become obnoxious to 
 him. The legate submitted to become the in- 
 strument of his tyranny; and thought that the 
 more violent the exertion of power, the more 
 certainly did it confirm the authority of that 
 court from which he derived his commission. He 
 summoned, therefore, a council of the prelates 
 and abbots at Winchester; and being assisted by 
 two cardinals, Peter and John, he cited before 
 him Stigand, archbishop of Canterbury, to an- 
 swer for his conduct. The primate M^as accused 
 of three crimes; the holding of the see of Win- 
 chester, together with that of Canterbury; the 
 officiating in the pall of Robert his predecessor; 
 and the having received his own pall from Bene- 
 dict IX. who was afterwards deposed for simony, 
 and for intrusion into the papacy.^ These crimes 
 of Stigand were mere pretences; since the first 
 had been a practice not unusual in England, and 
 was never any where subjected to a higher pe-- 
 nalty than a resignation of one of the sees; the 
 second was a pure ceremonial; and as Benedict 
 was the only pope who then officiated, and his 
 acts were never repealed, all the prelates of the 
 church, especially those who lay at a distance, 
 were excusable for making their applications to 
 him. Stigand s ruin, however, was resolved on, 
 
 *Hoveden, p.453. Diceto, p.482. Knyghton^ p.2345. An- 
 ijlia Sacra, vol. i. p. 5, 6. Ypod. Neust, p. 438.
 
 1070. WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 343 
 
 and was prosecuted with great severity. The 
 legate degraded him from his dignity: the king 
 confiscated his estate, and cast him into prison, 
 where he continued in poverty and want during 
 the remainder of his life. Like rigour was exer- 
 cised against the other English prelates: Agelric, 
 bishop of Selesey, and Agelmare of Elmham, were 
 deposed by the legate, and imprisoned by the 
 king. Many considerable abbots shared the same 
 fate: Egelwin, bishop of Durham, fled the king- 
 dom : Wulstan of Worcester, a man of an inof- 
 fensive character, was the only English prelate 
 that escaped this general proscription,^ and re- 
 mained in possession of his dignity. Aldred, 
 archbishop of York, who had set the crown on 
 William's head, had died a little before of grief 
 and vexation, and had left his malediction to that 
 prince, on account of the breach of his corona- 
 tion oath, and of the extreme tyranny with which 
 he saw he was determined to treat his English 
 subjects.^ 
 
 It was a fixed maxim in this reign, as well as 
 in some of the subsequent, that no native of the 
 
 " Brompton relates, that Wulstan was also deprived by the sy- 
 nod j but refusing to deliver his pastoral statF and ring to any but 
 the person from whom he first received it, he went immediately to 
 king Edward's tomb, and struck the staft'so deeply into the stone, 
 that none but himself was able to pull it out : upon which he \\'as 
 allowed to keep his bishopric. This instance may serve, instead 
 of many, as a specimen of the monkish miracles. See also the 
 Annals of Burton, p. 28-1. 
 
 ? Malmes, de Gcbt. Pont. p. 1.34.
 
 344 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1070. 
 
 island should ever be advanced to any dignity, 
 ecclesiastical, civil, or military.'' The king, there- 
 fore, upon Stigand's deposition, promoted Lan- 
 franc, a Milanese monk, celebrated for his learn- 
 ing and piety, to the vacant see. This prelate 
 was rigid in defending the prerogatives of his 
 station; and after a long process before the pope, 
 he obliged Thomas, a Norman monk, who had 
 been appointed to the see of York, to acknow- 
 ledge the primacy of the archbishop of Canter- 
 bur}^ Where ambition can be so happy as to 
 cover its enterprises, even to the person himself, 
 under the appearance of principle, it is the most 
 incurable and inflexible of all human passions. 
 Hence Lan franc's zeal in promoting the interests 
 of the papacy, by which he himself augmented 
 his own authority, was indefatigable; and met 
 with proportionable success. The devoted attach- 
 ment to Rome continually increased in England; 
 and being favoured by the sentiments of the con- 
 querors, as well as by the monastic establishments 
 formerly introduced by Edred and by Edgar, it 
 soon reached the same height at which it had, 
 during some time, stood in France and 'Italy. 
 It afterwards went much farther; being favoured 
 by that very remote situation which had at first 
 obstructed its progress; and being less checked 
 
 ' Ingulf, p. ;o, 71. 
 
 ' M, West. p. 228, Lanfranc wrote in defence of the real pre- 
 sence against Berengarius; and in those ages of stupidity and ig- 
 norance, lie was greatly applauded for that performance.
 
 10;0. WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 345 
 
 by knowledge and a liberal education, which were 
 still somewhat more common in the southern 
 countries. 
 
 The prevalence of this superstitious spirit be- 
 came dangerous to some of William's successors, 
 and incommodious to most of them: but the arbi- 
 trary sway of this king over the English, and his 
 extensive authority over the foreigners, kept him 
 from feeling any immediate inconveniencies from 
 it. He retained the church in great subjection, 
 as well as his lay subjects; and would allow none, 
 of whatever character, to dispute his sovereign 
 will and pleasure. He prohibited his subjects 
 from acknowledging any one for pope whom he 
 himself had not previously received : he required 
 that all the ecclesiastical canons, voted in any 
 synod, should first be laid before him, and be ra- 
 tified by his authority: even bulls or letters from 
 Rome could not legally be produced, till they 
 received the same sanction: and none of his mi- 
 nisters or barons, whatever offences they were 
 guilty of, could be subjected to spiritual censures 
 till he himself had given his consent to their ex- 
 conmiunication.'' These regulations were worthy 
 of a sovereign, and kept united the civil and 
 ecclesiastical powers, which the principles intro- 
 duced by this prince himself had an ininiediate 
 tendency to separate. 
 
 But the English had the cruel mortilication to 
 find that their king's authority, however ac(]uircd 
 
 ^ Eadnier, p. 6.
 
 346 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1070. 
 
 Or however extended, was all employed in their 
 oppression; and that the scheme of their subjec- 
 tion, attended with every circumstance of insult 
 and indignity,' was deliberately formed by the 
 prince, and wantonly prosecuted by his follow- 
 ers." William had even entertained the difficult 
 project of totally abolishing the English language ; 
 and for that purpose, he ordered that in all schools 
 throughout the kingdom the youth should be in- 
 structed in the French tongue; a practice which 
 was continued from custom till after the reign 
 of Edward III. and was never indeed totally dis- 
 continued in England. The pleadings in the su- 
 preme courts of judicature were in French:" the 
 deeds were often drawn in the same language: 
 the laws were composed in that idiom : no other 
 tongue was used at court : it became the language 
 of all fashionable company; and the English 
 themselves, ashamed of their own country, af- 
 fected to excel in that foreign dialect. From this 
 attention of William, and from the extensive 
 foreign dominions long annexed to the crown of 
 England, proceeded that mixture of French which 
 is at present to be found in the English tongue, 
 and which composes the greatest and best part of 
 our language. But amidst those endeavours to 
 depress the English nation, the king, moved by 
 
 ' Order. Vital, p. 523. H. Hunt. p. 370. "^ Ingulf, p.;]. 
 
 " 36Edw. III. cap. 15. Selden Spicileg. ad Eadmer. p. I89. 
 
 Fortescue de laud. leg. Angl. cap, 48. " Chron. Rothom. 
 A.D. lOOG.
 
 1071. WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 347 
 
 the remonstrances of some of his prelates, and 
 by the earnest desires of the people, restored a 
 few of the laws of king Edward/ which, though 
 seemingly of no great importance towards the 
 protection of general liberty, gave them extreme 
 satisfaction, as a memorial of their ancient go- 
 vernment, and an unusual mark of complaisance 
 in their imperious conquerors.* 
 
 The situation of the two great earls, Morcar and 
 Edwin, became now very disagreeable. Though 
 they had retained their allegiance during this 
 general insurrection of their countrymen, they 
 had not gained the king's confidence, and they 
 found themselves exposed to the malignity of the 
 courtiers, who envied them on account of their 
 opulence and greatness, and at the same time in- 
 volved them in that general contempt which they 
 entertained for the English. Sensible that they 
 had entirely lost their dignity, and could not even 
 hope to remain long in safety; they determined, 
 though too late, to share the same fate with their 
 countrymen. While Edwin retired to his estate 
 in the north, with a view of conmiencing an in- 
 surrection, jNIorcar took shelter in the Isle of Ely 
 with the brave Here ward, who, secured by the 
 inaccessible situation of the place, still defended 
 himself against the Normans. But this attempt 
 served only to accelerate the ruin of the few 
 English, N\ ho had hitherto been able to preserve 
 
 C Ingulf, p. 6S. Ihoinptoii, p. (b'i. Knyghtun, p. 2355. Hovc- 
 df-n, p. 0\X). * Src note [R] vol x.
 
 348 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1071. 
 
 their rank or fortune during the past convulsions. 
 WilHam employed all his endeavours to subdue 
 the Isle of Ely; and having surrounded it with 
 flat-bottomed boats, and made a causeway through 
 the morasses to the extent of two miles, he obliged 
 the rebels to surrender at discretion. Hcreward 
 alone forced his way, sword in hand, through 
 the enemy; and still continued his hostilities by 
 sea against the Normans, till at last William, 
 charmed with his bravery, received him into 
 favour, and restored him to his estate. Earl 
 Morcar, and Egelvvin bishop of Durham, who had 
 joined the malcontents, were thrown into prison, 
 and the latter soon after died in confinement. 
 Edwin, attempting to make his escape into Scot- 
 land, was betrayed by some of his followers, and 
 was killed by a party of Normans, to the great 
 affliction of the English, and even to that of Wil- 
 liam, who paid a tribute of generous tears to the 
 memory of this gallant and beautiful youth. The 
 king of Scotland, in hopes of profiting by these 
 convulsions, had fallen upon the northern coun- 
 ties; but on the approach of William he retired;, 
 and when the king entered his country, he was 
 glad to make peace, and to pay the usual homage 
 to the English crown. To complete the king's 
 prosperity, Edgar Atheling himself, despairing of 
 success, and weary of a fugitive life, submitted. 
 to his enemy ; and receiving a decent pension for 
 his subsistence, was permitted to live in England 
 unmolested. But these acts o-f generosity towards
 
 1073. WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 349 
 
 the leaders were disgraced, as usual, by William's 
 rigour against the inferior malcontents. He or- 
 dered the hands to be lopt off, and the eyes to be 
 put out, of many of the prisoners whom he had 
 taken in the Isle of Ely; and he dispersed them 
 in that miserable condition throughout the coun- 
 try, as monuments of his severity. 
 
 The province of Maine in France had, by the 
 will of Herbert the last count, fallen under the 
 dominion of William some years before his con- 
 quest of England; but the inhabitants, dissatis- 
 fied with the Norman government, and instigated 
 by Fulk count of Anjou, mIio had some preten- 
 sions to the succession, now rose in rebellion, 
 and expelled the magistrates whom the king had 
 placed over them. The tuU settlement of Eng- 
 land afforded him leisure to punish this insult on 
 his authority; but being unwilling to remove his 
 Norman forces from this island, he carried over 
 a considerable army, composed almost entirely 
 of English; and joining them to some troops 
 levied in Normandy, he entered the revolted 
 province. The English appeared ambitious of 
 tlistinguishing themselves on this occasion, and 
 of retrieving that character of valour which had 
 long been national among them ; but which their 
 late easy subjection under the Normans had some- 
 what degraded and obscured. Perhaps too they 
 hoped that, i)y their zeal and activity, they might 
 recover the confidence of their sovereign, as 
 their ancestors had formerly, by like means,
 
 350 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, Io;3. 
 
 gained the affections of Canute; and might con- 
 quer his inveterate prejudices in favour of his 
 own countrymen. The king's miHtary conduct, 
 seconded by these brave troops, soon overcame 
 all opposition in Maine: the inhabitants were 
 obliged to submit, and the count of Anjou re- 
 linquished his pretensions. 
 
 INSURRECTION OF THE NORMAN 
 BARONS. 1074. 
 
 But during these transactions the government 
 of England was greatly disturbed; and that too 
 by those very foreigners who owed every thing 
 to the king's bounty, and who were the sole ob- 
 ject of his friendship and regard. The Norman 
 barons, who had engaged with their duke in the 
 conquest of England, were men of the most in- 
 dependent spirit; and though they obeyed their 
 leader in the field, they would have regarded 
 with disdain the richest acquisitions, had they 
 been required in return to submit, in their civil 
 government, to the arbitrary will of one man. 
 But the imperious character of William, encou- 
 raged by his absolute dominion over the English, 
 and often impelled by the necessity of his affairs, 
 had prompted him to stretch his authority over 
 the Normans themselves beyond Mhat the iree 
 genius of that victorious people could easily bear. 
 The discontents were become general among
 
 1074. WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 351 
 
 those haughty nobles; and even Roger, earl of 
 Hereford, son and heir of Fitz-Osberne, the king's 
 chief favourite, was strongly infected with them. 
 This nobleman, intending to marry his sister to 
 Ralph de Guader, earl of Norfolk, had thought 
 it his duty to inform the king of his purpose, and 
 to desire the royal consent; but meeting with a 
 refusal, he proceeded nevertheless to complete 
 the nuptials, and assembled all his friends, and 
 those of Guader, to attend the solemnity. The 
 two earls, disgusted by the denial of their re- 
 quest, and dreading William's resentment for 
 their disobedience, here prepared measures for a 
 revolt; and during the gaiety of the festival, 
 while the company was heated with wine, they 
 opened the design to their guests. They inveigh- 
 ed against the arbitrary conduct of the king; his 
 tyranny over the English, whom they affected on 
 this occasion to commiserate; his imperious be- 
 haviour to his barons of the noblest birth; and 
 his apparent intention of reducing the victors 
 and the vantpiished to a like ignominious servi- 
 tude. Amidst their complaints, the indignity of 
 submitting to a bastard '^ was not forgotten; the 
 certain prospect of success in a revolt, by the 
 assistance of the Danes and the discontented 
 English, was insisted on; and the whole com- 
 pany, inflamed with the same sentiments, and 
 
 'i William was so little ashamed of his birth, that he assumed the 
 appellation of Bastard in some of his letters and charters, Speliu. 
 Gloss, in verb, Bastardus. Camden in Richmondihire.
 
 352 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1074. 
 
 warmed by the jollity of the entertainment, en- 
 tered, by a solemn engagement, into the design 
 of shaking off the royal authority. Even earl 
 Waltheof, who was present, inconsiderately ex- 
 pressed his approbation of the conspiracy, and 
 promised his concurrence towards its success. 
 
 This nobleman, the last of the English who, 
 for some generations, possessed any power or au- 
 thority, had, after his capitulation at York, been 
 receiv^ed into favour by the Conqueror; had even 
 married Judith, niece to that prince ; and had 
 been promoted to the earldoms of Huntingdon 
 and Northampton.'' Cospatrick, earl of North- 
 umberland, having on some new disgust from 
 William, retired into Scotland, where he received 
 the earldom of Dunbar from the bounty of Mal- 
 colm; Waltheof was appointed his successor in 
 that important command, and seemed still to 
 possess the confidence and friendship of his sove- 
 reign.' But as he was a man of generous prin- 
 ciples, and loved his country, it is probable that 
 the tyranny exercised over the English lay heavy 
 upon his mind, and destroyed all the satisfaction 
 which he could reap from his own grandeur and 
 advancement. When a prospect, therefore, was 
 opened of retrieving their liberty, he hastily em- 
 braced it; while the fumes of the liquor, and the 
 ardour of the company, prevented him from re- 
 flecting on the consequences of that rash attempt. 
 
 1 Order. Vital, p. 522. Hovtden, p. '154. 
 " Sim. Dun. p. 205.
 
 1074. WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 353 
 
 But after his cool judgment returned, he foresaw, 
 that the conspiracy of those discontented l)arons 
 was not likely to prove successful against the 
 established power of William ; or if it did, that 
 the slavery of the English, instead of being alle- 
 viated by that event, would become more griev- 
 ous under a multitude of foreign leaders, factious 
 and ambitious, whose union and whose discord 
 would be equally oppressive to the people. Tor- 
 mented with these reflections, he opened his mind 
 to his wife Judith, of whose fidelity he entertained 
 no suspicion; but who, having secretly fixed her 
 affections on another, took this opportunity of 
 ruining her easy and credulous husband. She 
 conveyed intelligence of the conspiracy to the 
 king, and aggravated every circumstance, which, 
 she believed, would tend to incense him against 
 Waltheof, and render him absolutely 'implacable. 
 Meanwhile the earl, still dubious with regard to 
 the part which he should act, discovered the se- 
 cret in confession to Lanfranc, on whose probity 
 and judgment he had a great reliance: he was 
 persuaded by the prelate, that he owed no lideiity 
 to those rebellious barons, who had by surprise 
 gained his consent to a crime; that his first duty 
 was to his sovereign and benefactor; his next to 
 himself and his family; and that, if he seized not 
 the opportunity of making atonement for his 
 guilt by revealing it, the temerity of the con- 
 spirators was so great, that they would give some 
 
 ' Order. Vital, p. 536. 
 
 VOL. r. 2 A
 
 354 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1074. 
 
 other person the means of acquiring the merit 
 of the discovery. Waltheof, convinced hy these 
 arguments, went over to Normandy; but though 
 he was well received by the king, and thanked 
 for his fidelity, the account, previously trans- 
 mitted by Judith, had sunk deep into William's 
 mind, and had destroyed all the merit of her hus- 
 band's repentance. 
 
 The conspirators, hearing of Waltheof's de- 
 parture, immediately concluded their design to 
 be betrayed; and they flew to arms before their 
 schemes were ripe for execution, and before the 
 arrival of the Danes, in whose aid they placed 
 their chief confidence. The earl of Hereford was 
 checked by Walter de Lacy, a great baron in 
 those parts, who, supported by the bishop of 
 Worcester and the abbot of Kvesham, raised some 
 forces, and prevented the earl from passing the 
 Severne, or advancing into the heart of the king- 
 dom. The earl of Norfolk was defeated at Faga- 
 dun, near Cambridge, by Odo, the regent, assisted 
 by Richard de Bienfaite and William deWarrcnne, 
 the two justiciaries. The prisoners taken in this 
 action had their right foot cut off, as a punish- 
 ment of their treason : the earl himself escaped to 
 Norwich, thence to Denmark; where the Danish 
 fleet, which had made an unsuccessful attempt 
 upon the coast of England,' soon after arrived, 
 and brought him intelligence, that all his confe- 
 derates were suppressed, and were either killed, 
 
 t Chron. Sax. p. 183, M.Paris, p. 7.
 
 1075. WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 355 
 
 banished, or taken prisoners." Ralph retired in 
 despair to Britanny, where he possessed a large 
 estate and extensive jurisdictions. 
 
 The king, who hastened over to England in 
 order to suppress the insurrection, found that 
 nothing remained but the punishment of the cri- 
 minals, which he executed with great severity. 
 Many of the rebels were hanged ; some had their 
 eyes put out; others their hands cut off. But 
 William, agreeably to his usual maxims, showed 
 more lenity to their leader, the carl of Hereford, 
 who was only condenmed to a forfeiture of his 
 estate, and to imprisonment during pleasure. 
 The king seemed even disposed to remit this last 
 part of the punishment; had not Roger, by a 
 fresh insolence, provoked him to render his con- 
 finement j)erj)etual. But Waltheof, being an Eng- 
 lishman, was not treated with so much humanity; 
 though his guilt, always much inferior to that 
 of the other conspirators, was atoned for by an 
 early repentance and return to his duty. \\'il- 
 liam, instigated by his niece, as well as by his 
 rapacious courtiers, M'ho longed for so rich a for- 
 feiture, ordered him to be tried, condemned, and 
 executed on the i^9th of Aj)ril. The Englisii, who 
 considered tliis nobleman as the last resource of 
 their nation, grievously lamented his fate, and 
 
 " Many of the fugitive Normans are supposed to have flctl into 
 Scotlanil; where they were protected, as well as the lii^iiixe Imij^- 
 lish, by Maleohn. Whence come the many Fren( h and Aurnian 
 families, which are found at present in that country.
 
 356 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1075. 
 
 fancied that miracles were wrought by his re- 
 liques, as a testimony of his innocence and sanc- 
 tity. The infamous Judith, falHng soon after 
 under the king's displeasure, was abandoned by 
 all the world, and passed the rest of her life in 
 contempt, remorse, and misery. 
 
 Nothing remained to complete William's satis- 
 faction but the punishment of Ralph de Guader; 
 and he hastened over to Normandy, in order to 
 gratify his vengeance on that criminal. But 
 though the contest seemed very unequal between 
 a private nobleman and the king of England, 
 Ralph was so well supported both by the earl of 
 Britanny and the king of France, that William, 
 after besieging him for some time in Dol, was 
 obliged to abandon the enterprise, and make with 
 those powerful princes a peace, in which Ralph 
 himself was included. England, during his ab- 
 sence, remained in tranquillity; and nothing 
 remarkable occurred, except two ecclesiastical 
 synods which were summoned, one at London, 
 another at Winchester. In the former, the pre- 
 cedency among the episcopal sees was settled, 
 and the seat of some of them was removed from 
 small villages to the most considerable town 
 within the diocese. In the second was transacted 
 a business of more importance.
 
 1070. WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 357 
 
 DISPUTE ABOUT INVESTITURES. 1076. 
 
 The industry and perseverance are surprising, 
 with which the popes had been treasuring up 
 powers and pretensions during so many ages of 
 ignorance; M^hile each pontiff employed every 
 fraud for advancing purposes of imaginary piety, 
 and cherished all claims which might turn to the 
 advantage of his successors, though he himself 
 could not expect ever to reap any benefit from 
 them. All this immense store of spiritual and 
 civil authority was now devolved on Gregory VII. 
 of the name of Hildcbrand, the most enterpris- 
 ing pontiff that had ever filled that chair, and 
 the least restrained by fear, decency, or modera- 
 tion. Not content with shaking off the yoke of 
 the emperors, who had hitherto exercised the 
 power of appointing the pope on every vacancy, 
 at least of ratifying his election; he undertook 
 the arduous task of entirely disjoining the eccle- 
 siastical from the civil power, and of excluding 
 profane laymen from the right which they had 
 assumed, of filling the vacancies of bishoprics, 
 abbies, and other spiritual dignities.* The sove- 
 reigns, who had long exercised this power, and 
 who had acquired it, not by encroachments on 
 the church, but on the people, to whom it ori- 
 ginally belonged," made great ()})p()sition to this 
 
 * L'Ahln' Cone tnni. x. p. :>J\, 'Ayi. com. 2, 
 ^ I'adrc Paolo sopra bcnel'. ccclcs. p. 30.
 
 3.';8 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 10/6. 
 
 claim of the court of Rome; and Henry IV. the 
 reigning emperor, defended this prerogative of 
 his crown with a vigour and resohition suitahle 
 to its importance. The few offices, either civil 
 or military, which the feudal institutions left the 
 sovereign the power of hestowing, made the pre- 
 rogative of conferring the pastoral ring and staff 
 the most valuable jewel of the royal diadem; 
 especially as the general ignorance of the age 
 bestowed a consequence on the ecclesiastical of- 
 fices, even beyond the great extent of power and 
 property which belonged to them. Superstition, 
 the child of ignorance, invested the clergy with 
 an authority almost sacred ; and as they ingrossed 
 the little learning of the age, their interposition 
 became requisite in all civil business, and a real 
 usefulness in common life M'as thus superadded 
 to the spiritual sanctity of their eharacter. 
 
 When the usurpations, therefore, of the church 
 had come to such maturity as to embolden her 
 to attempt extorting the right of investitures 
 from the temporal power, Europe, especially Italy 
 and Clermany, Mas thrown into the most violent 
 convulsions, and the pope and the emperor waged 
 implacable war on each other. Gregory dared 
 to fulminate the sentence of excommunication 
 against Henry and his adherents, to pronounce 
 him rightfiiliv deposed, to free his subjects from 
 their oaths of allegiance ; and instead of shocking 
 manldr.d by this gros.> encroaeliUK'nt (;n the civil 
 aiitliority, he found the stupid pc'(>j)lc ready to
 
 1076. WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 359 
 
 second his most exorbitant pretensions. Every 
 minister, servant, or vassal of the emperor, who 
 received any disgust, covered his rebellion under 
 the pretence of principle; and even the mother 
 of this monarch, forg-etting all the ties of nature, 
 was seduced to countenance the insolence of his 
 enemies. Princes themselves, not attentive to the 
 pernicious consequences of those papal claims, 
 employed them for their present purposes: and 
 the controversy, spreading into every city of 
 Italy, engendered the parties of Gitelf and Gliib- 
 belin; the most durable and most inveterate 
 factions that ever arose from the mixture of 
 ambition and relis'ious zeal. Besides numberless 
 assassinations, tumults, and convulsions, to which 
 they gave rise, it is computed that the quarrel 
 occasioned no less than sixty battles in the reign 
 of Henry IV. and eighteen in that of his sucessor, 
 Henry V. when the claims of the sovereign |)on- 
 tiff finally prevailed.^ 
 
 But the bold spirit of Gregory, not dismayctl 
 with the vigorous opposition M'hich he met with 
 from the emperor, extended his usurpations all 
 over Europe; and well knowing the nature of 
 mankind, whose blind astonishment ever inclines 
 them to yield to the most impudent pietensions, 
 he seemed determined to set no bounds to the 
 spiritual, or rather temporal monarchy, which he 
 had undertaken to erect. He pronounced the 
 sentence of ex(M)mmunication against Niccpho- 
 
 > I'adre Vao\o sopra bciicf. ecclcs. p, ll.i.
 
 360 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. lo;6. 
 
 rus, emperor of the East; Robert Guiscard, the 
 adventurous Norman Mho had acquired the do- 
 minion of Naples, was attacked by tlie same 
 dangerous weapon: he degraded Boleslas, king 
 of Poland, from the rank of king; and ev^en 
 deprived Poland of the title of a kingdom: he 
 attempted to treat Philip king of France with the 
 same rigour M'hich he had employed against the 
 emperor:'' he pretended to the entire property 
 and dominion of Spain; and he parcelled it out 
 amongst adventurers, who undertook to conquer 
 it from the Saracens, and to hold it in vassalage 
 under the see of Rome:"* even the Christian 
 bishops, on whose aid he relied for subduing the 
 temporal princes, saw that he was determined to 
 reduce them to servitude; and by assuming the 
 whole legislative and judicial power of the church, 
 to centre all authority in the sovereign pontiff.'' 
 William the Conqueror, the most potent, the 
 most haughty, and the most vigorous prince in 
 Euroj)e, was not, amidst all his splendid successes, 
 secure from tlie attacks of this enterprising pon- 
 tiff. Gregory wrote him a letter, requiring him 
 to fulfil his promise in doing homage for the 
 kingdom of England to the see of Rome, and to 
 send him over that tribute, which all his prede- 
 cessors had been accustomed to pay to the vicar 
 of Christ. By the tribute, he meant Peter's 
 
 ^ Epist. Greg. VII. epist. 32. 35. lib. 2. epist 5. 
 
 ^ Epist. Greg. VII. lib. 1. epist. 7- 
 
 b Greg. Epi.st, lib 2. epist. 55.
 
 1070. WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 30i 
 
 pence; which, though at first a charitable dona- 
 tion of the Saxon princes, was interpreted, accord- 
 ing to the usual practice of the Romish court, to 
 be a badge of subjection acknowledged by the 
 kingdom. William replied, that the money should 
 be remitted as usual; but that neither had he 
 promised to do homage to Rome, nor was it in 
 the least his purpose to impose that servitude on 
 his state.'' And the better to show Gregory his 
 independence, he ventured, notwithstanding the 
 frequent complaints of the pope, to refuse to the 
 English bishops the liberty of attending a general 
 council which that pontiff had summoned against 
 his enemies. 
 
 Ikit though the king displayed this vigour in 
 supporting the royal dignity, he was infected 
 with the general superstition of the age, and he 
 did not perceive the ambitious scope of those in- 
 stitutions, which, under colour of strictness in 
 religion, were introduced or promoted l)y the 
 court of Rome. Gregory, while he was throwing 
 all Europe into combustion by his violence and 
 impostures, aflccted an anxious care for the pu- 
 rity of manners; and even the chaste pleasures 
 of the marriage-bed were inconsistent, in his 
 o})inion, with the sanctity of the sacerdotal cha- 
 racter, lie had issued a decree prohibiting the 
 marriage of priests, exconnnunicating all clergy- 
 men M'ho retained their wives, declaring such 
 unlawful commerce to be fornication, and rcn- 
 
 ' S;)i(:ikg. Scldcni ad Er.cliur. p. I.
 
 36l HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1076. 
 
 dering it criminal in the laity to attend divine 
 worship when such profane priests officiated at 
 the altar.'' This point was a great object in the 
 politics of the Roman pontiffs; and it cost them 
 infinitely more pains to establish it, than the pro- 
 pagation of any speculative absurdity which they 
 had ever attempted to introduce. Many synods 
 were summoned in different parts of Europe, 
 before it was finally settled; and it was there 
 constantly remarked, that the younger clergy- 
 men complied cheerfully Mith the pope's decrees 
 in this particular, and that the chief reluctance 
 appeared in those who were more advanced in 
 year?: an event so little consonant to men's 
 natural expectations, that it could not fail to be 
 glossed on, even in that blind and superstitious 
 age. William allo'^ed the pope's legate to assem- 
 ble, in his absence, a synod at Winchester, in 
 order to establish the celibacy of the clergy; but 
 the church of England could not yet be carried 
 the whole length expected. The synod was con- 
 tent with decreeing, that the bishops should not 
 thenceforth ordain any jiriests or deacons with- 
 out exacting from them a promise of celibacy; 
 but they enacted, that none, excej)t those who 
 belonged to collegiate or cathedral churches, 
 ihould be obliged to separate from their wives. 
 
 ' Hoveden, p. 4.5.'3. 457. Flor. Wigorn. p. 638. Spelra. Con- 
 til, fol, 13. A.D. 107a.
 
 107(). WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 303 
 
 REVOLT OF PRINCE ROBERT. 
 
 The king passed some years in Normandy; but 
 his long residence there was not entirely owing 
 to his declared preference of that dutchy : his 
 presence was also necessary for composing those 
 disturbances Mhich had arisen in that favourite 
 territory, and which liad even originally pro- 
 ceeded from his own family. Robert, his eldest 
 son, surnamed Gambaron or Courthose, from his 
 short legs, was a prince who inherited all the 
 bravery of his family and nation; but without 
 that policy and dissimulation, by which his father 
 was so much distinguished, and which, no less 
 than his military valour, had contributed to liis 
 great successes, (n'eedy of fame, impatient of 
 contradiction, without reserve in his friendships, 
 declared in his enmities, this prince could en- 
 dure no control even from his imperious father, 
 and openly aspired to that independence, to 
 which his temper, as well as some circumstances 
 in his situation, strongly invited him." \Mien 
 William first received the submissions of the pro- 
 vince of Maine, he had promised the inhabitants 
 that Robert should be their prince; and before 
 he undertook the exijcdition against Enii-land, 
 he had, on the application of the French court, 
 
 '' Order. Vital, p. 515. Ilovctlcn, p. 45y. Flor. W'iL^orn, 
 
 p. (i;};).
 
 364 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1076. 
 
 declared him his successor in Normandy, and had 
 obliged the barons of that dutchy to do him ho- 
 mage as their future sovereign. By this artifice, 
 he had endeavoured to appease the jealousy of 
 his neighbours, as affording them a prospect of 
 separating England from his dominions on the 
 continent; but when Robert demanded of him 
 the execution of those engagements, he gave him 
 an absolute refusal, and told him, according to 
 the homely saying, that he never intended to 
 throw off his clothes till he went to bed/ Robert 
 openly declared his discontent; and was suspect- 
 ed of secretly instigating the king of France 
 and the earl of Britanny to the opposition which 
 they made to William, and M'hich had formerly 
 frustrated his attempts upon the tOMU of Dol. 
 And as the quarrel still augmented, Robert pro- 
 ceeded to entertain a strong jealousy of his two 
 surviving brothers, William and Henry (for 
 Richard was killed in hunting, by a stag), who, 
 by a greater submission and complaisance, had 
 acquired the affections of their father. In this 
 disposition on both sides, the greatest trifle suf- 
 ficed to produce a rupture between them. 
 
 The tliree princes, residing with their father 
 in the castle of I'Aigle in Normandy, Mere one 
 day engaged in sport together; and after some 
 mirth and jollity, the two younger took a fancy 
 of throwino" over some water on Robert as he 
 passed through the court on leaving their apart- 
 
 ' Chruu. tie Mailr. p. 16O.
 
 1076. WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 3^5 
 
 ment;^ a frolic, which he would naturally have 
 regarded as innocent, had it not been for the 
 suggestions of Alberic de Grentmesnil, son of 
 that Hugh de Grentmesnil whom William had 
 formerly deprived of his fortunes, when that ba- 
 ron deserted him during his greatest difficulties 
 in England. The young man, mindful of the in- 
 jury, persuaded the prince that this action was 
 meant as a public affront, which it behoved him 
 in honour to resent; and the choleric Robert, 
 drawing his sword, ran up stairs, with an inten- 
 tion of taking revenge on his brothers.^ The 
 whole castle was filled with tumult, which the 
 king himself, who hastened from his apartment, 
 found some difficulty to appease. But he could 
 by no means appease the resentment of his eldest 
 son, who complaining of his partiality, and fancy- 
 ing that no proper atonement had been made 
 him for the insult, left the court that very even- 
 ing, and hastened to Roiien, M-ith an intention 
 of seizing the citadel of that place.' But being 
 disappointed in this view by the precaution and 
 vigilance of Roger de Ivery, the governor, he 
 fled to Hugh de Neufchatel, a powerful Norman 
 baron, who gave him protection in his castles; 
 and he openly levied war against his " father. 
 The popular character of the j)rince, and a simi- 
 larity of manners, engaged all the young nobility 
 
 E Order Vital, p. 545. Ibid. > Ibid. 
 
 ^ Order. \ ital. p. 5-1^. llovcdcn, p. 15/. Sim. Dun. p. 210. 
 Diceto, p. 48/.
 
 366 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1079. 
 
 of Normand}^ and Maine, as well as of Anjou 
 and Britanny, to take part with him; and it was 
 suspected, that Matilda, his mother, whose fa- 
 vourite he w^as, supported him in his rehellion 
 by secret remittances of money, and by the en- 
 couragement which she gave his partisans. 
 
 All the hereditary provinces of William, as 
 M'ell as his family, were, during several years, 
 thrown into convulsions by this war; and he was 
 at last obliged to have recourse to England, 
 where that species of military government which 
 he had established gave him greater authority 
 than the ancient feudal institutions permitted 
 him to exercise in Normandv. He called over 
 an army of English under his ancient captains, 
 who soon expelled Robert and his adherents from 
 their retreats, and restored the authority of the 
 sovereign in all his dominions. The young prince 
 Av^as obliged to take shelter in the castle of Ger- 
 beroy in the Beauvoisis, which the king of France, 
 who secretly fomented all these dissensions, had 
 provided for him. In this fortress he was closely 
 besieged by his father, against whom, having a 
 strong garrison, he made an obstinate defence. 
 There passed under the walls of this place many 
 rencounters, which resembled more the single 
 combats of chivalry, than the military actions of 
 armies; but one of them Mas remarkable for its 
 circumstances and its event. Robert ha|)peiied 
 to enirao-e the kini>-, m ho was concealed bv his 
 helmet; and both of them being valiant, a fierce
 
 1079- WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 3^7 
 
 combat ensued, till at last the young prince 
 wounded his father in the arm, and unhorsed 
 him. On his calling out for assistance, his voice 
 discovered liim to his son, who, struck with re- 
 morse for his past guilt, and astonished with the 
 apprehensions of one much greater, which he had 
 so nearl}^ incurred, instantly threw himself at liis 
 father's feet, craved pardon for his offences, and 
 offered to purchase forgiveness by any atone- 
 ment.' The resentment harboured by William 
 M'as so implacable, that he did not immediately 
 correspond to this dutiful submission of his son 
 with like tenderness; but giving him his male- 
 diction, dejjarted for his own camp, on Robert's 
 liorse, which that piincc had assisted him to 
 mount. He soon after raised the siege, and 
 marched with his army to Normandy; where the 
 interposition of the (juecn, and other common 
 friends, brought about a reconcilement, which 
 was probably not a little forwarded by the gene- 
 rosity of the son's behaviour in this action, and 
 by tlie returning sense of his j)ast misconduct. 
 Tl'.e king seemed so fnlly appeased, that he even 
 took Robert with him into England; where he 
 entrusted him with the command of an army, in 
 order to repel an inroad of Malcolm, king of 
 Scotland, and to retaliate by a like inroad into 
 that country. The Welsh, unable to resist \\'il- 
 
 ' MalmtN. p. KKj. H. Hunt. p. Jdp. Hovrdcii, p. I,);. Flor. 
 Wii^. p. (j,J(). Sim. Dim. p. 210. Diccto, p. '287. Knygliloiij 
 p '_' ;jl Allur. Hcvcrl. p. l.i'l.
 
 3^8 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1081. 
 
 liam's power, were, about the same time, necessi- 
 tated to pay a compensation for their incursions; 
 and every thing was reduced to full tranquillity 
 in this island. 
 
 DOMESDAY-BOOK. 1081. 
 
 This state of affairs gave William leisure to begin 
 and finish an undertaking, which proves his ex- 
 tensive genius, and does honour to his memory: 
 It was a general survey of all the lands in the 
 kingdom, their extent in each district, their pro- 
 prietors, tenures, value; the quantity of meadow, 
 pasture, wood, and arable land, which they con- 
 tained ; and in some counties the number of te- 
 nants, cottagers, and slaves of all denominations, 
 who lived upon them. He appointed commis- 
 sioners for this purpose, who entered every par- 
 ticular in their register by the verdict of juries; 
 and after a labour of six years (for the work was 
 so long in finishing) brought him an exact ac- 
 count of all the landed property of liis " kingdom. 
 This monument, called Domesday-book, the most 
 valuable piece of antiquity possessed by any na- 
 tion, is still preserved in the Exchequer; and 
 
 " M. Chron. Sax. p. 19O. Ingulf, p. 7Q. Chion. T. Wykcs, 
 p. 23. H. Hunt, p. 370. Hoveden, p. -360. M. West. p. 229. 
 Flor. Wigorn. p.641. Chron. Abb, St. Petri dc inirgo, p. 51. 
 M. Paris, p. 8. The more northern counties were not compre- 
 hended in this surveyj I suppose because of tiicir wild, uuculti- 
 Yated state.
 
 1081. WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 309 
 
 though only some extracts of it have hitherto 
 been published, it serves to illustrate to us, in 
 many particulars, the ancient state of England. 
 The great Alfred had finished a like survey of the 
 kingdom in his time, which was long kept at 
 Winchester, and which probably served as a mo- 
 del to William in this undertaking." 
 
 The king was naturally a great oeconomist; 
 and though no prince had ever been more boun- 
 tiful to his officers and servants, it was merely 
 because he had rendered himself universal pro- 
 prietor of England, and had a whole kingdom to 
 bestow. He reserved an ample revenue for the 
 crown; and in the general distribution of land 
 among his followers, he kept possession of no less 
 than fourteen hundred and twenty-two manors 
 in different parts of England," which paid him 
 rent, either in money, or in corn, cattle, and the 
 usual produce of the soil. An ancient historian 
 computes, that his annual fixed income, besides 
 escheats, fines, reliefs, and other casual profits to 
 a great value, amounted to near four hundred 
 thousand pounds a year;"' a sum which, if all 
 circumstances be attended to, w ill appear MhoUy 
 incredible. A pound in that age, as we have al- 
 ready observed, contained three times the weight 
 of silver that it does at present; and the same 
 
 " Ingulf, p. 8. 
 ^ West's inquiry into the manner of creating peers, p. 24, 
 P Order. Vital, p. 523. He says 10t)0 pounds and sonic odd 
 shillings and pence a day. 
 
 VOL. I. 2 B
 
 370 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1081. 
 
 weight of silver, by the most probable computa- 
 tion, would purchase near ten times more of the 
 necessaries of life, though not in the same pro- 
 portion of the finer manufactures. This revenue, 
 therefore, of William, would be equal to at least 
 nine or ten millions at present; and as that prince 
 had neither fleet nor army to support, the former 
 being only an occasional expence, and the latter 
 being maintained, without any charge to him, 
 by his military vassals, we must thence conclude, 
 that no emperor or prince, in any age or nation, 
 can be compared to the Conqueror for opulence 
 and riches. This leads us to suspect a great mis- 
 take in the computation of the historian; though, 
 if we consider that avarice is always imputed to 
 William, as one of his vices, and that having by 
 the sword rendered himself master of all the 
 lands in the kingdom, he would certainly in the 
 partition retain a great porportion for his own 
 share; we can scarcely be guilty of any error in 
 asserting, that perhaps no king of England was 
 ever more opulent, was more able to support, by 
 his revenue, the splendour and magnificence of a 
 court, or could bestow more on his pleasures, or 
 in liberalities to his servants and favourites.'' 
 
 1 Fortescue, de Dom, reg. & politic, cap. 111.
 
 1081. WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 371 
 
 THE NEW FOREST. 
 
 There was one pleasure, to which William, as 
 well as all the Normans and ancient Saxons, was 
 extremely addicted, and that was hunting-: hut 
 this pleasure he indulged more at the expence of 
 his unhappy subjects, whose interests he always 
 disregarded, than to the loss or diminution of 
 his own revenue. Not content with those large 
 forests, which former kings possessed in all parts 
 of England; he resolved to make a new forest 
 near Winchester, the usual place of his residence: 
 and for that purpose he laid waste the country in 
 Hampshire for an extent of thirty miles, expelled 
 the inhabitants from their houses, seized their 
 property, even demolished churches and con- 
 vents, and made the sufferers no compensation 
 for the injury/ At the same time, he enacted 
 new laws, by which he prohibited all his subjects 
 from luinting in any of his forests, and rendcM'cd 
 the penalties more severe than ever had been in- 
 flicted for such offences. The kiliini*; of a deer 
 or boar, or even a hare, was punished with the 
 loss of the (lelin(iuent's eyes; and that at a time, 
 when the killing of a man could be atoned for by 
 paying a moderate fine or composition. 
 
 The transactions recorded during the remain- 
 der of this reign, may be considered more as 
 
 ' Malmes. p. 3. H. Hunt. p. /31. Angiia Sacra, vol. i. p. 25S.
 
 372 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1081. 
 
 domestic occurrences, wliich concern the prince, 
 than as national events, which regard England. 
 Odo, bishop oF Baieux, the king's uterine bro- 
 tlicr, whom he had created earl of Kent, and 
 entrusted with a great share of power during his 
 whole reign, had amassed immense riches; and 
 agreeably to the usual progress of human wishes, 
 he began to regard his present acquisitions but 
 as a step to farther grandeur. He had formed 
 the chimerical project of buying the papacy; and 
 though Gregory, the reigning pope, was not of 
 advanced years, the prelate had confided so much 
 in the predictions of an astrologer, that he rec- 
 koned upon the pontiff's death, and upon attain- 
 ing, by his own intrigues and money, that envied 
 state of greatness. Resolving, therefore, to remit 
 all his riches to Italy, he had persuaded many 
 considerable barons, and, among the rest, Hugh 
 earl of Chester, to take the same course; in 
 hopes that, when he should mount the papal 
 throne, he would bestow on them more consider- 
 able establishments in that country. The king, 
 from whom all these projects had been carefully 
 concealed, at last got intelligence of the design, 
 and ordered Odo to be arrested. His ofiicers, 
 from respect to the immunities Avhich the ecclesi- 
 astics now assumed, scrupled to execute the com- 
 mand, till the king himself was obliged in person 
 to seize him; and when Odo insisted that he was 
 a prelate, and exempt from all temporal juris- 
 diction, William replied, that he arrested him not
 
 1087. WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 3;3 
 
 as bishop of Baieux, but as earl of Kent. He was 
 sent prisoner to Normandy; and notwithstanding 
 the remonstrances and menaces of Gregory, was 
 detained in custody during the remainder of this 
 
 reign. 
 
 Another domestic event gave the king much 
 more concern : it was the death of Matilda, his 
 consort, whom he tenderly loved, and for whom 
 he had ever preserved the most sincere friend- 
 ship. Three years afterwards he passed into Nor- 
 mandy, and carried with him Edgar Atheling, to 
 whom he willingly granted permission to make a 
 pilgrimage to the Holy Land. 
 
 WAR WITH FRANCE. 1087. 
 
 He was detained on the continent by a misunder- 
 standing, which broke out between him and the 
 king of France, and which was occasioned by 
 inroads made into Normandy by some F'rench 
 barons on the frontiers. It was little in the })ower 
 of princes at that time to restrain their licentious 
 nobility; but William suspected, that these ba- 
 rons durst not have provoked his indignation, 
 had they not been assured of the countenance 
 and protection of Philip. His displeasure was 
 increased by the account he received of some 
 railleries which that monarch had thrown out 
 against him. William, who Mas become corpulent, 
 had been detained in bed some time by sickness;
 
 374^ HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 108;. 
 
 upon which Philip expressed his surprise that 
 his hrother of England should he so long in be- 
 ing delivered of his big belly. The king sent 
 him word, that, as soon as he Was up, he would 
 present so many lights at Notre-dame, as would 
 perhaps give little pleasure to the king of France; 
 alluding to the usual practice at that time of wo- 
 men after child-birth. Immediately on his re- 
 covery, he led an army into L'Isle de France, 
 and laid every thing waste with fire and sword. 
 He took the town of Mante, which he reduced to 
 ashes. But the progress of these hostilities w^as 
 stopped by an accident, which soon after put an 
 end to William's life. His horse starting aside 
 of a sudden, he bruised his belly on the pommel 
 of the saddle ; and being in a bad habit of body, 
 as well as somewhat advanced in years, he began 
 to apprehend the consequences, and ordered him- 
 self to be carried in a litter to the monastery of 
 St. Gervas. Finding his illness increase, and be- 
 ing sensible of the approach of death, he dis- 
 covered at last the vanity of all human grandeur, 
 and was struck with remorse for those horrible 
 cruelties and acts of violence, which, in the at- 
 tainment and defence of it, he had committed 
 during the course of his reign over England. 
 He endeavoured to make atonement by presents 
 to churches and monasteries; and he issued or- 
 ders, tbat earl Morcar, Siward Bearne, and other 
 English ])risoners, should be set at liberty. He 
 was even prevailed on, though not without re-
 
 
 /),/,/:./,, / a: /,/'/: /Sr: I /,>_/..- n;,'/,s ,/.;./;.',.>/...',./',
 
 1087. WILLIAM THE CONaUEROR. 375 
 
 luctance, to consent, with his dying breath, to 
 release his brother Odo, against whom he was ex- 
 tremely incensed. He left Normandy and Maine 
 to his eldest son Robert: he wrote to Lanfranc, 
 desiring him to crown William king of England : 
 he bequeathed to Henry nothing but the posses- 
 sions of his mother Matilda; but foretold, that 
 he would one day surpass both his brothers in 
 power and opulence. He expired on the 9th of 
 September, in the sixty-third year of his age, in 
 the twenty-first year of his reign over England, 
 and in the fifty-fourth of that over Normandy. 
 
 CHARACTER OF WILLIAM THE CON- 
 QUEROR. 1087. 
 
 Few princes have been more fortunate than this 
 great monarch, or were better entitled to gran- 
 deur and prosperity, from the abilities and the 
 vigour of mind which he displayed in all his con- 
 duct. His spirit was bold and enterprising, yet 
 guided by prudence: his ambition, which was 
 exorbitant, and lay little under the restraints of 
 justice, still less under those of humanity, ever 
 submitted to the dictates of sound policy. Born 
 in an a<ie when tlie minds of men were intractable 
 and unaccjuainted with submission, he Avas yet 
 able to direct them to his purposes; and partly 
 from the ascendant of liis vehement character, 
 partly from art and dissimulation, to establisli an
 
 376 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1O87. 
 
 unlimited authority. Though not insensible to 
 generosity, he was hardened against compassion ; 
 and he seemed equally ostentatious and equally 
 ambitious of show and parade in his clemency 
 and in his severity. The maxims of his adminis- 
 tration were austere; but might have been use- 
 ful, had they been solely employed to preserve 
 order in an established government:' they were 
 ill calculated for softening the rigours, which, 
 under the most gentle management, are insepar- 
 able from conquest. His attempt against England 
 was the last great enterprise of the kind, which, 
 during the course of seven hundred years, has 
 fully succeeded in Europe; and the force of his 
 genius broke through those limits, which first 
 the feudal institutions, then the refined policy of 
 princes, have fixed to the several states of Chris- 
 tendom. Though he rendered himself infinitely 
 odious to his English subjects, he transmitted his 
 power to his posterity, and the throne is still 
 filled by his descendants: a proof, that the foun- 
 dations which he laid were firm and solid, and 
 that, amidst all his violence, while he seemed 
 only to gratify the present passion, he had still 
 an eye towards futurity. 
 
 Some writers have been desirous of refusing 
 to this prince the title of Conqueror, in the sense 
 which that term commonly bears; and, on pre- 
 tence that the word is sometimes in old books 
 applied to such as make an acquisition of terri- 
 
 ' M. West. p. 230. Anglia Sacra, vol. i. p. 258.
 
 1087. WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 377 
 
 tory by any means, they are willing to reject 
 William's title by right of war, to the crown of 
 England. It is needless to enter into a contro- 
 versy, which, by the terms of it, must necessarily 
 degenerate into a dispute of words. It suffices 
 to say, that the duke of Normandy's first invasion 
 of the island was hostile; that his subsequent 
 administration was entirely supported by arms; 
 that in the very frame of his laws he made a dis- 
 tinction between the Normans and English, to 
 the advantage of the former;' that he acted in 
 every thing as absolute master over the natives, 
 whose interest and affections he totally disre- 
 garded; and that if there was an interval when 
 he assumed the appearance of a legal sovereign, 
 the period was very short, and was nothing but 
 a temporary sacrifice, which he, as has been the 
 case with most conquerors, was obliged to make, 
 of his inclination to his present policy. Scarce 
 any of those revolutions, which, both in history 
 and in common language, have always been de- 
 nominated conquests, appear equally violent, or 
 were attended M^th so sudden an alteration both 
 of power and property. The Roman state, which 
 spread its dominion over Europe, left the rights 
 of individuals in a great measure untouched ; and 
 those civilized conquerors, Avhilc they made their 
 own country the seat of empire, found that they 
 could draw most advantage from the subjected 
 provinces by securing to the natives the free 
 
 Hoveden, p. OOO.
 
 379 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1087- 
 
 enjoyment of their own laws and of their private 
 possessions. Tlie barbarians, who subdued the 
 Roman empire, though they settled in the con- 
 quered countries, yet being accustomed to a rude 
 uncultivated life, found a part only of the land 
 sufficient to supply all their wants; and they 
 were not tempted to seize extensive possessions, 
 which they knew neither how to cultivate nor 
 enjoy. But the Normans and other foreigners, 
 who followed the standard of William while they 
 made the vanquished kingdom the seat of go- 
 vernment, were yet so far advanced in arts as to 
 be acquainted with the advantages of a large pro- 
 perty; and having totally subdued the natives, 
 they pushed the rights of conquest (very exten- 
 sive in the eyes of avarice and ambition, however 
 narrow in those of reason) to the utmost extre- 
 mity against them. Except the former conquest 
 of England by the Saxons themselves, who were 
 induced, by peculiar circumstances, to proceed 
 even to the extermination of the natives, it 
 would be difficult to find in all history a revolu- 
 tion more destructive, or attended with a more 
 complete subjection of the ancient inhabitants. 
 Contumely seems even to have been wantonly 
 added to oppression;" and the natives were uni- 
 versally reduced to such a state of meanness and 
 poverty, that the English name became a term 
 of reproach; and several generations elapsed be- 
 fore one family of Saxon pedigree was raised to 
 
 H. Hunt. p. 3/0. Brompton^ p. 980.
 
 1087. WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 379 
 
 any considerable honours, or could so much as 
 attain the rank of baron of the realm.'*' These 
 facts are so apparent from the whole tenour of 
 the English history, that none would have been 
 tempted to deny or elude them, A\^ere they not 
 heated by the controversies of faction ; while one 
 party was absurdly afraid of those absurd conse- 
 quences which they saw the other party inclined 
 to draw from this event. But it is evident that 
 the present rights and privileges of the people, 
 who are a mixture of English and Normans, can 
 never be affected by a transaction, which passed 
 seven hundred years ago; and as all ancient au- 
 thors,* who lived nearest the time, and best knew 
 the state of the country, unanimously speak of 
 the Norman dominion as a conquest by war and 
 arms, no reasonable man, from the fear of ima- 
 ginary consequences, will ever be tempted to 
 reject their concurring and undoubted testi- 
 mony. 
 
 King William had issue, besides his three sons 
 Avho survived him, five daughters, to wit, (1.) Ci- 
 cily, a nun in the monastery of Feschamp, after- 
 wards abbess in the Holy Trinity at Caen, where 
 
 * So late as the reign of king Stephen, the earl of Albemarlr, 
 before the battle of the Standard, addressed the officers of his 
 army in these terms, Proccrcs Angllir clarisiimi, isf gcncre Xor- 
 manni, tS'c. IJronipton, p. 1026. See farther Alibas Rieval, 
 p. 'A3Q, kc. All the barons and military men of England still 
 called themselves Normans. 
 
 "^ See note [L] vol. x.
 
 380 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. IO87. 
 
 she died in 1127- (2.) Constantia, married to 
 Alan Fergent, earl of Britanny. She died with- 
 out issue. (3.) Alice, contracted to Harold. 
 (4.) Adela, married to Stephen earl of Blois, by 
 whom she had four sons, William, Theobald, 
 Henry, and Stephen; of whom the elder was 
 neglected on account of the imbecility of his 
 understanding. (5.) Agatha, who died a virgin, 
 but was betrothed to the king of Gallicia. She 
 died on her journey thither, before she joined 
 her bridegroom.
 
 William mufus* 
 
 
 Chap. V. p. 404. 
 
 He resolved therefore to supply instantly the vacancy of Can- 
 terbury; and for that purpose he sent for Anselm, a Piedmontesc 
 by birth, abbot of Bcc in Normandy, who was much celebrated 
 for his learning and pidy. The abbot earnestly refused the dig- 
 nity, fell on his knees, wrjit, and entreated the king to change 
 his purpose; and when he found the prince obstinate in forcing 
 the pastoral stalF upon him, he kept his fist so fast clenched, that 
 it required the utmost violence of the bystanders to open it, and 
 force him to receive that ensign of spiritual dignity.
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 WILLIAM RUFUS. 
 
 Accession of William Rufus. . . . Conspirac)' against the king, . . , 
 Invasion of Normandy .... The Crusades .... Acquisition 
 of Normandy .... Quarrel with Anselm the primate .... 
 Death .... and Character of William Rufus. 
 
 ACCESSION OF WILLIAM RUFUS. 1087. 
 
 William, sirnamed Rufus, or the Red, from 
 the colour of his hair, had no sooner procured 
 his father's recommendatory letter to Lanfranc 
 the primate, than he hastened to take measures 
 for securin"- to himself the "-overnment of Ens:- 
 
 o o o 
 
 land. Sensihle that a deed so unformal, and so 
 little prepared, which violated Robert's right of 
 primogeniture, might meet with great opposi- 
 tion, he trusted entirely for success to his own 
 celerity; and having left St. Gervas while Wil- 
 liam was breathinu; his last, he arrived in Eng:- 
 land before intelligence of his father's deatii liad 
 reached that kingdom." Pretending orders from 
 the king, he secured the fortresses of Dover, 
 Pevensey, and Hastings, whose sitnation ren- 
 
 ^ W. Mahnes. p. Vld. M. Paris, p. 10,
 
 382 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 108/. 
 
 dered them of the greatest importance; and he 
 got possession of the royal treasure at Win- 
 chester, amounting to the sum of sixty thousand 
 pounds, by which he hoped to encourage and in- 
 crease his partisans/ The primate, whose rank 
 and reputation in the kingdom gave him great 
 authority, had been entrusted with the care of 
 his education, and had conferred on him the 
 honour of knighthood^; and being connected 
 with him by these ties, and probably deeming 
 his pretensions just, declared that he would pay 
 a willing obedience to the last M'ill of the Con- 
 queror, his friend and benefactor. Having as- 
 sembled some bishops, and some of the principal 
 nobility, he instantly proceeded to the ceremony 
 of crowning the new king; "" and by this dispatch 
 endeavoured to prevent all faction and resist- 
 ance. At the same time Robert, who had been 
 already acknowledged successor to Normandy, 
 took peaceable possession of that dutchy. 
 
 CONSPIRACY AGAINST THE KING. 1087. 
 
 But though this partition appeared to have been 
 made without any violence or opposition, there 
 remained in England many causes of discontent, 
 which seemed to menace that kingdom with a 
 
 y Chron.Sax. p. I92. Brompton, p. 983. 
 
 W, Malmes, p. 120. M. Paris, p. 10. Thorn. Rudborne, p. 263. 
 
 * Hoveden, p. 46l.
 
 1087. WILLIAM RUFUS. 383 
 
 sudden revolution. The barons, who generally 
 possessed large estates both in England and in 
 Normandy, were uneasy at the separation of 
 those territories; and foresaw, that as it would 
 be impossible for them to preserve long their 
 allegiance to two masters, they must necessarily 
 resign either their ancient patrimony or their 
 new acquisitions.'' Robert's title to the dutchy 
 they esteemed incontestible; his claim to the 
 kingdom plausible ; and they all desired that 
 this prince, who alone had any pretensions to 
 unite these states, should be put in possession of 
 both. A comparison also of the personal qua- 
 lities of the two brothers led them to give the 
 preference to the elder. The duke Mas brave, 
 open, sincere, generous: even his predominant 
 faults, his extreme indolence and facility, were 
 not disagreeable to those haughty barons, who 
 affected independence, and submitted with re- 
 luctance to a vigorous administration in their 
 sovereign. The king, though equally brave, 
 was violent, haughty, tyrannical, and seemed 
 disposed to govern more by the fear than by the 
 love of his subjects. Odo bishoj) of Baieux, and 
 Robert earl of Mortaigne, maternal brothers of 
 the Con(jueror, envying the great credit of Lan- 
 franc, m hich was increased by his late services, 
 enforced all these motives m ith their partisans, 
 and engaged them in a formal conspiracy to de- 
 
 i* Order. Vitalis, p. ()0(j.
 
 384 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 108?. 
 
 throne the king. They communicated their de- 
 sign to Eustace count of Bologne, Roger earl of 
 Shrewsbury and Arumiel, Robert de Belesme, 
 his eldest son, William bishop of Durham, Robert 
 de Moubray, Roger Bigod, Hugh de Grent- 
 mesnil ; and they easily procured the assent of 
 these potent noblemen. The conspirators, re- 
 tiring to their castles, hastened to put themselves 
 in a military posture; and expecting to be soon 
 supported by a powerful army from Normandy, 
 they had already begun hostilities in many 
 places. 
 
 The king, sensible of his perilous situation, 
 endeavoured to engage the affections of the na- 
 tive English. As that people were now so 
 thoroughly subdued that they no longer aspired 
 to the recovery of their ancient liberties, and 
 ^yere content with the prospect of some mitiga- 
 tion in the tyranny of the Xornian princes, they 
 zealously embraced William's cause, upon re- 
 ceiving general promises of good treatment, and 
 of enjoying the licence of hunting in the royal 
 forests. The king was soon in a situation to 
 take the field ; and as he knew the danger of 
 delay, he suddenly marched into Kent; where 
 his uncles had already seized the fortresses of 
 Pevensey and Ptochester. These places he suc- 
 cessively reduced by famine ; and though he 
 was prevailed on by the earl of Chester, William 
 de Warrenne, and Robert Fitz Hummon, who 
 had embraced his cause, to spare the lives of the
 
 1087. WILLIAM RUFUS. 385 
 
 rebels, he confiscated all their estates, and ba- 
 nished them the kingdom/ This success gave 
 authority to his negotiations with Roger earl of 
 Shrewsbury, whom he detached from the con- 
 federates: and as his powerful fleet, joined to 
 the indolent conduct of Robert, prevented the 
 arrival of the Norman succours, all the other 
 rebels found no resource but in fliglit or sub- 
 mission. Some of them received a pardon; but 
 the greater part were attainted; and the king 
 bestowed their estates on the Norman barons, 
 who had remained faithful to him. 
 
 William, freed from the danger of these in- 
 surrections, took little care of fulfdling his pro- 
 mises to the English, who still found themselves 
 exposed to the same oppressions which they had 
 undergone during the reign of the Conqueror, 
 and which were rather augmented by the violent 
 impetuous temper of the present monarch. The 
 death of Lanfranc, who retained great intluence 
 over him, gave soon after a full career to his 
 tyranny ; and all orders of men found reason to 
 complain ot" an arbitrary and illegal administra- 
 tion. Even the privileges of the church, held 
 sacred in those days, were a feeble rarij)art 
 against his usurpations. He seized the tenijio- 
 ralities of all the vacant bishoprics and abbies; 
 he delayed the appointing of successors to those 
 dignities, that he might the longer enjov th(^ 
 
 c Chron. Sax. p. IQS. Order. Vital, p. O'jS 
 vol.. I. 2 C
 
 686 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. IO90. 
 
 profits of their revenue; he bestowed some of 
 the ehurch lands in property on his captains and 
 favourites; and he openl}' set to sale such sees 
 and abbies as he thought proper to dispose of. 
 Though the murmurs of the ecclesiastics, which 
 were quickly propagated to the nation, rose high 
 against this grievance, the terror of William's 
 authority, confirmed by the suppression of the 
 late insurrections, retained every one in subjec- 
 tion, and preserved general tranquillity in Eng- 
 land. 
 
 INVASION OF NORMANDY, logo. 
 
 The king even thought himself enabled to dis- 
 turb his brother in the possession of Normandy. 
 The loose and neii'lio-ent administration of that 
 prince had emboldened the Norman barons to 
 afl^ect a great independency; and their mutual 
 quarrels and devastations had rendered that 
 whole territory a scene of violence and outrage. 
 Two of them, Walter and Odo, were bribed by 
 William to deliver the fortresses of St. Valori 
 and Albemarle into his hands: others soon after 
 imitated the example of revolt; while Philip, 
 king of France, M^ho ought to ha\'e protected his 
 vassal in the possession of his lief, was, after 
 making some efforts in his favour, engaged by 
 larj,e presents to remain neuter. TJie duke had 
 also reason to apprehend danger from the in-
 
 1090. WILLIAM RUFUS. 387 
 
 trigues of his brother Henry. Tliis young prince, 
 who had inherited nothing of his father's great 
 possessions, but some of his money, had fur- 
 nished Robert, while he was making his prepar- 
 ations against England, with tlie sum of three 
 thousand marks; and, in return for so slender a 
 supply, had been put in possession of the Coten- 
 tin, which comprehended near a third of the 
 dutchy of Normandy. Robert afterwards, upon 
 some suspicion, threw him into prison; butiind- 
 ing himself exposed to invasion from the king 
 of England, and dreading the conjunction of 
 the two brothers against him, he now gave 
 Henry his liberty, and even made use of his 
 assistance in suppressing the insurrections of his 
 rebellious subjects. Conan, a rich burgess of 
 Roiien, had entered into a conspiracy to deliver 
 that city to William; but Henry, on the detec- 
 tion of his guilt, carried the traitor up to a liigh 
 tower, and with his own hands ilung him from 
 the battlements. 
 
 The king appeared in Normandy at the head 
 of an army; and affairs seemed to have come to 
 extremity between the brothers; when the no- 
 bility on both sides, strongly connected by in- 
 terest and alliances, interposed and mediated an 
 accommodation. The chief advantage of this 
 treaty accrued to William, ^ho obtained pos- 
 session of the territory of Eu, tlie towns of Au- 
 male, Fescam}), and other places: but in return 
 he pro.nised that he would assist iiis brother in
 
 3SS HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1090. 
 
 subduing Maine, wliich had rebelled; and that 
 the Norman barons, attainted in Robert's cause, 
 should be restored to their estates in England. 
 The two brothers also stipulated, that on the 
 demise of either without issue, the survivor 
 should inherit all his dominions; and twelve of 
 the mo^t powerful barons on each side swore, 
 that they would employ their power to insure 
 the effectual execution of the whole treaty :'' a 
 strong proof of the great independence and au- 
 thority of the nobles in those ages! 
 
 Prince Henry, disgusted that so little care 
 had been taken of his interests in this accommo- 
 dation, retired to St. Michaefs Mount, a strong- 
 fortress on the coast of Normandy, and infested 
 the neighbourhood with his incursions. Robert 
 and William, with their joint forces, besieged 
 him in this place, and had nearly reduced him 
 by the scarcity of water; when the elder, hear- 
 ing of his distress, granted him permission to 
 supply himself, and also sent him some pipes of 
 wine for his own table. Being reproved by Wil- 
 liam for this ill-timed generosity, he replied, 
 JF/iat, isltaU I suffer my brother to die of thirst? 
 JVhere shall we find another ichen he is gone? 
 The king also, during this siege, performed an 
 act of generosity which was less suitable to his 
 character. Riding out one day alone, to take a 
 
 ^- Chron. Sax. p. 1()7. W. Malm. p. 121. Ilovcden, p. 462. 
 M. Palis, p. 11. Aiiaal. Wavci-1. p. 13/. ^^^ Htuiing. j). -lOJ. 
 Sira. Duneim. p. 2lO. Brompton, p. 9S6.
 
 lOpO. WILLIAM RUFUS. JSp 
 
 survey of the fortress, he was attacked hy two 
 soldiers and dismounted. One of them drew 
 his sword in order to dispatch him; M'hen the 
 king exclaimed, Hold hiavel I am the king of 
 England. The soldier suspended his blow; and 
 raising the king from the ground, with expres- 
 sions of respect, received a handsome reward, 
 and M^as taken into his service. Prince Henry 
 was soon after oliliged to capitulate; and being 
 despoiled of all his patrimony, wandered about 
 for some time with very i^cw attendants, and often 
 in great poverty. 
 
 The continued intestine* discord among the 
 barons "was alone in that age destructive: the 
 public wars were connnonly short and feeble, 
 produced little bloodshed, and were attended 
 with no memorable event. To this Norman Mar, 
 which was so soon concluded, there succeeded 
 liostilities Mith Scotland, which were not of 
 longer duration. Robert here commanded his 
 brother's army, and obliged Malcolm to accept 
 of })eace, and do homage to the crown of Kng- 
 land. This peace was not more durable. Mal- 
 colm, two years after, levying an army, invaded 
 Kngland; and after ravaging Northumberhmd, 
 he laid siege to Alnwick, where a party of earl 
 Moubray's troops falling upon him by surjjrise, 
 a sharp action ensued, in which Malcobn was 
 slain. Tins incident interrupted for some years 
 the regular succession to the Scottish crown. 
 Though Malcohn left legitimate sons, his brother
 
 390 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1090. 
 
 Donald, on account of the youth of these princes, 
 was advanced to the throne; but kept not long 
 possession of it. Duncan, natural son of Mal- 
 colm, formed a conspiracy against him ; and 
 being assisted by William with a small force, 
 made himself master of the kingdom. New 
 broils ensued with Normandy. The frank, open, 
 remiss temper of Robert was ill fitted to with- 
 stand the interested rapacious character of Wil- 
 ham, who, supported by greater power, was still 
 encroaching on his brother's possessions, and in- 
 stigating his turbulent barons to rebellion against 
 him. The king, having gone over to Normandy 
 to support his partisans, ordered an army of 
 twenty thousand men to be levied in England, 
 and to be conducted to the sea-coast, as if they 
 were instantly to be embarked. Here Ralph 
 Flambard, the king's minister, and the chief in- 
 strument of his extortions, exacted ten shillings 
 a-piece from them, in lieu of their service, and 
 then dismissed them into their several counties. 
 This money was so skilfully employed by Wil- 
 ham, that it reiulered him better service than 
 he could have expected from the army. He en- 
 gaged the French king by new presents to de- 
 part from the protection of Robert ; and he 
 daily bribed the Norman barons to desert liis 
 service : but was prevented from pushing his 
 advantages by an incursion of the W'ei'sh, \\ hich 
 obliaed him to return to Eni>land. He found 
 no difficulty in repelling the enemy; but was
 
 W96. WILLIAM RUFUS. 391 
 
 not able to make any considerable impression on 
 a country guarded by its mountainous situation. 
 A conspiracy of his own barons, which was de- 
 tected at this time, appeared a more serious 
 concern, and engrossed all his attention. Robert 
 Moubray, earl of Northumberland, was at the 
 head of this combination; and he engaged in it 
 the count d'Eu, Richard de Tunbridge, Roger 
 de Laccy, and many others. The purpose of 
 the conspirators was to dethrone the king, and 
 to advance in his stead Stephen, count of Aumale, 
 nephew to the Conqueror. William's dispatch 
 prevented the design from taking effect, and 
 disconcerted the conspirators. IMoubray made 
 some resistance ; but being taken prisoner, was 
 attainted, and thrown into confmement, where 
 he died about thirty years after. The count 
 d'Eu denied his concurrence in the plot; and to 
 justify himself, fought, in the presence of the 
 court at Windsor, a duel with Geoffrey Bainard 
 who accused him. But being worsted in the 
 combat, he was condemned to be castrated, and 
 to have his eyes put out. W^illiam de Alderi, 
 anoj^her conspirator, was supposed to be treated 
 with more rigour when he was sentenced to be 
 hanged. 
 
 THE CRUSADES. 1096. 
 
 But the noise of these petty M'ars and commo- 
 tions was (juite sunk in tlic tunnilt of the cru-
 
 392 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1096. 
 
 sades, which now engrossed the attention of 
 Europe, and have ever since engaged the curi- 
 osity of mankind, as the most signal and most 
 durable monument of human folly that has yet 
 appeared in any age or nation. After Mahomet 
 had, by means of his pretended revelations, 
 united the dispersed Arabians under one head, 
 they issued forth from their deserts in great 
 multitudes; and being animated M'ith zeal for 
 their new religion, and supported by the vigour 
 of their new government, they made deep im- 
 pression on the eastern empire, which was far in 
 the decline, with regard both to military dis- 
 cipline and to civil policy. Jerusalem by its 
 situation, became one of their most early con- 
 quests; and the Christians had the mortification 
 to see the holy sepulchre, and the other places, 
 consecrated by the presence of their religious 
 founder, fallen into the possession of infidels. 
 But the Arabians or Saracens were so employed 
 in military enterprises, by which they spread 
 their empire in a few years from the banks of 
 the Ganges to the Streights of Gibraltar, that 
 they had no leisure for theological controversy: 
 and though the Alcoran, the original monument 
 of their faith, seems to contain some violent 
 precepts, they were much less infected with the 
 spirit of bigotry and persecution, than the indo- 
 lent and speculative Greeks, who were continually 
 refining on the several articles of their religious 
 system. They gave little disturbance to those
 
 109(5. WILLIAM RUFUS. 393 
 
 zealous pilgrims, who daily flocked to Jerusalem; 
 and they allowed every man, after paying a mo- 
 derate tribute, to visit the holy sepulchre, to 
 perform his religious duties, and to return in 
 peace. But the Turcomans or Turks, a tribe of 
 Tartars, who had embraced Mahometanism, hav- 
 ing wrested Syria from the Saracens, and having, 
 in the year W65, made themselves masters of 
 Jerusalem, rendered the pilgrimage much more 
 difficult and dangerous to the Christians. The 
 barbarity of their manners, and the confusions 
 attending their unsettled government, exposed 
 the pilgrims to many insults, robberies, and ex- 
 tortions; and these zealots, returning from their 
 meritorious fatigues and sufferings, filled all 
 Christendom with indignation against the in- 
 fidels, who profaned the holy city by their 
 presence, and derided the sacred mysteries in 
 the very place of their completion. Gregory VII. 
 among the other vast ideas which he entertained, 
 had formed the design of uniting all the western 
 Christians against the Mahometans ; but tlie 
 egregious and violent invasions of that pontiff 
 on the civil power of princes, had created him 
 so many enemies, and had rendered his schemes 
 so suspicious, that he was not able to make great 
 progress in this undertaking. The Avork was 
 reser\'cd for a meaner instrument, whose low 
 condition in life ex])Ose(l him to no jealousy, 
 and w h)se folly was well calculated to coincide 
 M"itli the prevailing [)rinciples of the times.
 
 394 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1096. 
 
 Peter, commonly called the Hermit, a native 
 of Amiens in Picardy, had made the pilgrimage 
 to Jerusalem. Being deeply affected with the 
 dangers to which that act of piety now exposed 
 the pilgrims, as Avell as with the instances of op- 
 pression under which the eastern Christians la- 
 boured, he entertained the bold, and in all ap- 
 pearance impracticable project of leading into 
 Asia, from the farthest extremities of the West, 
 armies sufficient to subdue those potent and war- 
 like nations which now held the holy city in 
 subjection.^ He proposed his views to Martin H. 
 who filled the papal chair, and who, though sen- 
 sible of the advantao'es which the head of the 
 Christian religion must reap from a religious 
 war, and though he esteemed the blind zeal of 
 Peter a proper means for effecting the ^purpose, 
 resolved not to interpose his authority, till he 
 saw a greater probability of success. He sum- 
 moned a council at Placentia, which consisted 
 of four thousand ecclesiastics, and thirty thou- 
 sand seculars; and which was so numerous that 
 no hall could contain the multitude, and it was 
 necessary to hold the assembly in a plain. The 
 harangues of the pope, and of Peter himself, 
 representing the dismal situation of their bre- 
 thren in the east, and the indignity suffered by the 
 Christian name, in allowing the holy city to re- 
 
 e Gul.Tyrius, lib. 1. cap. 11. M. Paris p. 17. 
 *' Gul. Tyrius, lib. 1. cap. 13.
 
 1096. WILLIAM RUFUS. SQS 
 
 main in the hands of infidels, here found the 
 minds of men so well prepared, that the whole 
 multitude suddenly and violently declared for 
 the war, and solemnly devoted themselves to 
 perform this service, so meritorious, as they be- 
 lieved it, to God and religion. 
 
 But though Italy seemed thus to have zealous- 
 ly embraced the enterprise, Martin knew, that, 
 in order to ensure success, it was necessary to 
 enlist the oreater and more warlike nations in 
 
 o 
 
 the same engagement; and having previously 
 exhorted Peter to visit the chief cities and 
 sovereigns of Cbristendom, he summoned another 
 council at Clermont in Auvergne.^ Tlie fame 
 of this great and pious design, being now uni- 
 versally difil'nsed, procured the attendance of the 
 greatest prelates, nobles, and princes; and when 
 the })ope and the hermit renewed tlieir pathetic 
 exhortations, the whole assembly, as if impelled 
 by an immediate inspiration, not moved by their 
 preceding impressions, exclaimed with one voice, 
 // /,v t/ic will of (rod, It is the "will of God ! 
 Words deemed so memorable, and so much the 
 result of a divine influence, that they were em- 
 ployed as tlie signal of rendezvous and i)attle in 
 all the future exploits of tliose adventurers.'' 
 Men of all ranks Hew to arms with the utmost 
 ardour: and an exterior .^ynibol too, a circum- 
 
 e Concil. toin. x. Concil. Claroin. Mauh, Paris, p. 1(5. 
 M, West, p. 2JJ. 
 
 *" Histoiia Bell. Sacii, toni. i. jMus;ci Ital.
 
 396 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. logo. 
 
 stance of chief moment, was here clioscn by the 
 devoted combatants. The sign of the cross, 
 which had been hitherto so much revered among* 
 Christians, and which, the more it was an object 
 of reproach among the Pagan world, was the 
 more passionately cherished by them, became 
 the badge of union, and was affixed to their right 
 shoulder, by all who enlisted themselves in this 
 sacred warfare/ 
 
 Europe was at this time sunk into profound 
 ignbrarice and superstition: the ecclesiastics had 
 acquired the greatest ascendant over the human 
 mind: the people, who, being little restrained 
 by honour, and less by law, abandoned them- 
 selves to the A\ orst crimes and disorders, knew 
 of no other expiation than the observances im- 
 posed on them by their spiritual pastors : and it 
 was easy to represent the holy war as an equi- 
 valent for all penances,'' and an atonement for 
 every violation of justice and humanity. But, 
 amidst the abject superstition which now pre- 
 vailed, the military spirit also had universally 
 diffused itself; and though not supported by art 
 or discipline, was become the general passion of 
 the nations governed by the feudal law. All the 
 great lords possessed the right of peace and Mar: 
 they were engaged in perpetual hostilities with 
 each other : the open country was become a 
 
 HI>;. T5ell. Sacri, torn. i. Mus. Iial. Order. Vital, p. 721. 
 ^ Order. Vital, p. 720.
 
 iOgQ. WILLIAM RUFUS. zg? 
 
 scene of outrage and disorder: the cities, still 
 mean and poor, were neither guarded by walls 
 nor protected by privileges, and were exposed 
 to every insult: individuals were obliged to de- 
 pend for safety on their own force, or their pri- 
 vate alliances: and valour was the only excel- 
 lence which was held in esteem, or gave one 
 man the pre-eminence above another. When 
 all the particular superstitions, therefore, M'ere 
 here united in one great object, the ardour for 
 military enterprises took the same direction; 
 and Europe, impelled by its two ruling passions, 
 was loosened, as it M'cre, from its foundations, 
 and seemed to precipitate itself in one united 
 body upon the east. 
 
 All orders of men, deeming the crusades the 
 only road to heaven, enlisted themselves under 
 these sacred banners, and were impatient to 
 open the way with their svv'ord to the holy city. 
 Nobles, artisans, peasants, even priests,' inrolled 
 their names; and to decline this meritorious ser- 
 vice was branded with the reproach of impiety, 
 or what perhaps was esteemed still more dis- 
 graceful, of cowardice and i)usillanimify.'" The 
 infirm and aged contributed to the expedition 
 by presents and money; and many of them, not 
 satisfied with the merit ot" tbi.^ atonement, at- 
 tended it in person, and were determined, if 
 possii)le, to breathe their last in sight of that 
 
 ' (~)rJtr. Vital, p. 720 " \V. Malm. p. 133.
 
 398 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. IO96. 
 
 city where their Saviour had died for them. 
 Women themselves, concealing their sex under 
 the disguise of armour, attended the camp; and 
 commonly forgot still more the duty of the sex, 
 by prostituting themselves, without reserve, to 
 the army." The greatest criminals were forward 
 in a service, which they regarded as a propitia- 
 tion for all crimes ; and the most enormous 
 disorders were, during the course of those ex- 
 peditions, committed by men enured to wicked- 
 ness, encouraged by example, and impelled by 
 necessity. The multitude of the adventurers 
 soon became so o-reat, that their more sao-acious 
 leaders, Hugh count of Vermandois, brother to 
 the French king, Raymond count of Toulouse, 
 Godfrey of Bouillon, prince of Brabant, and 
 Stephen count of Blois, became apprehensive 
 lest the greatness itself of the armament should 
 disappoint its purpose ; and they permitted an 
 undisciplined multitude, computed at 3()0,000 
 men, to go before them, under the command of 
 Peter the Hermit and Walter the Afoneyless.^ 
 These men took the road towards Constantinople 
 through Hungary and Bulgaria ; and trusting 
 that Heaven, by supernatural assistance, would 
 supply all their necessities, they made no pro- 
 vision for subsistence on their march. They 
 soon found themselves obliged to oljtain by 
 
 n Vertot Hist, de Chev. de Maltc, vol. i. p. 46. 
 Sim. Dunclm. p. 222. P Matth. faiia, p. ]/.
 
 1096. WILLIAM RUFUS. 993 
 
 plunder, what they had vainly expected from 
 miracles; and the enraged inhabitants of the 
 countries through which they passed, gathering 
 together in arms, attacked the disorderly multi- 
 tude, and put them to slaughter without resist- 
 ance The more disciplined armies followed 
 after; and passing the streights at Constan- 
 tinople, they were mustered in the plains of Asia, 
 and amounted in the whole to the number of 
 700,000 combatants.'' 
 
 Amidst this universal frenzy which spread it- 
 self by contagion throughout Europe, especially 
 in France and Germany, men were not entirely 
 forgetful of their present interests ; and both 
 those who \vent on this expedition, and those 
 who stayed behind, entertained schemes of gra- 
 tifying, by its means, their avarice or their am- 
 bition. The nobles who enlisted themselves 
 were moved, from the romantic sj)irit of the age, 
 to hope for opulent establishments in the east, the 
 chief seat of arts and commerce during those 
 ages ; and in pursuit of these chimerical pro- 
 jects, they sold at the loMcst jiricc their ancient 
 castles and inheritances, which had now lost all 
 value in their eyes. The greater princes, who 
 remained at home, besides establishing peace in 
 their dominions by giving occu{)ation abroad to 
 the in(|uietu(le and martial disposition of their 
 subjects, took the opportunity of annexijig to 
 
 'i Mmh. Riris, p. 20. 2J.
 
 400 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. lOgG. 
 
 their crown many considerable fiefs, either by 
 purchase, or by the extinction of heirs. The 
 pope frequently turned the zeal of the crusades 
 from the infidels against his own enemies, whom 
 he represented as equally criminal with the ene- 
 mies of Christ. The convents and other religious 
 societies bought the possessions of the adven- 
 turers; and as the contributions of the faithful 
 were commonly entrusted to their management, 
 they often diverted to this purpose what was 
 intended to be employed against the infidels.' 
 But no one was a more immediate gainer by this 
 epidemic fury than the king of England, who 
 kept aloof from all connexions with those fanati- 
 cal and romantic warriors. 
 
 ACQUISITION OF NORMANDY. 1096. 
 
 Robert duke of Normandy, impelled by the 
 bravery and mistaken generosity of his spirit, 
 had early enlisted himself in the crusade; but 
 being always unprovided with money, he found 
 that it would be impracticable for him to appear 
 in a manner suitable to his rank and station at 
 the head of his numerous vassals and subjects, 
 who, transported with tlie general rage, were 
 determined to follow him into Asia. He re- 
 solved, therefore, to mortgage, or rather to sell 
 
 Padre Paolo Hist, delle benef. ecclcslast. p. 128.
 
 I0g6. WILLIAM RUFUS. 401 
 
 his dominions, which he had not talents to go- 
 vern ; and he offered them to his brother Wilham, 
 for the very unequal sum often thousand ' marks. 
 The bargain was soon concluded : the king raised 
 the money by violent extortions on his subjects 
 of all ranks, even on the convents, who were 
 obliged to melt their plate in order to furnish 
 the quota demanded of them:^ he was put in 
 possession of Normandy and Maine, and Robert, 
 providing himself with a magnificent train, set 
 out for the Holy Land, in pursuit of glory, and 
 in full confidence of securing his eternal sal- 
 vation. 
 
 The smallness of this sum, with the difficulties 
 which William found in raising it, suffices alone 
 to refute the account which is heedlessly adopted 
 by historians, of the enormous revenue of the 
 Conqueror. Is it credible, that Robert would 
 consign to the rapacious hands of his brother 
 such considerable dominions, for a sum, which, 
 according to that account, made not a week's in- 
 come of his father's English revenue alone? Or 
 that the king of England could not on demand, 
 without oppressing his subjects, have been able 
 to pay him the money? The Conqueror, it is 
 agreed, was frugal as well as rapacious; yet his 
 treasure, at his death, exceeded not sixty thou- 
 
 ' W.Malm. p. 123. Chroii.T. Wykcs, p.2i. Aiiiial. Wavcrl. 
 p. 139. W. Ilcmiiig. [).467. Flor. VVig. p.(J48. Sim. Dundm. 
 p, 222. Knyghton, p. 'i3()4, 
 
 * Eadnicr, p. 35. W. Malm. p. 12.'5. W. Ilcming. p. 467. 
 VOL, I. 2 D
 
 402 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. IO96. 
 
 sand pounds, which hardly amounted to his in- 
 come for two months: another certain refutation 
 of that exaggerated account. 
 
 The fury of the crusades, during this age, less 
 infected England than the neighbouring king- 
 doms ; probably because the Norman conquerors, 
 finding their settlement in that kingdom still 
 somewhat precarious, durst not abandon their 
 homes in quest of distant adventures. The selfish 
 interested spirit also of the king, which kept him 
 from kindling in the general flame, checked its 
 progress among his subjects; and as he is accused 
 of open profaneness," and was endued with a sharp 
 wit,* it is likely that he made the romantic chi- 
 valry of the crusades the object of his perpetual 
 raillery. As an instance of his irreligion, we are 
 told, that he once accepted of sixty marks from 
 a Jew, whose son had been converted to Christi- 
 anity, and who engaged him by that present to 
 assist him in bringing back the youth to Judaism. 
 William employed both menaces and persuasion 
 for that purpose; but finding the convert obsti- 
 nate in his new faith, he sent for the father and 
 told him, that as he had not succeeded, it was not 
 just that he should keep the present; but as he 
 had done his utmost, it was but equitable that 
 he should be paid for his pains; and he would 
 therefore retain only thirty marks of the ''money. 
 At another time, it is said, he sent for some 
 
 " G. Newbr. p. 35:5. W. Gemet. p. 292. "' W. Malm, 
 
 p. 122. "" Eadmtr, p. 47-
 
 logfi. WILLIAM RUFUS. 403 
 
 learned Christian theologians and some rabbies, 
 and bade them fairly dispute the question of their 
 religion in his presence: he was perfectly indif- 
 ferent between them ; had his ears open to reason 
 and conviction ; and would embrace that doctrine 
 M^hich upon comparison should be found supported 
 by the most solid arguments/ If this story be 
 true, it is probable that he meant only to amuse 
 himself by turning both into ridicule: but we 
 must be cautious of admitting every thing related 
 by the monkish historians to the disadvantage of 
 this prince: he had the misfortune to be engaged 
 in quarrels with the ecclesiastics, particularly 
 with Anselm, commonly called St. Anselm, arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury ;_and it is no wonder his 
 memory should be blackened by the historians of 
 that order. 
 
 QUARREL WITH ANSELM THE PRIMATE. 1096. 
 
 After the death of Lanfranc, the king for 
 several years retained in his own hands the reve- 
 nues of Canterbury, as he did those of many other 
 vacant bishoprics; but falling into a dangerous 
 sickness, he was seized with remorse, and the 
 clergy represented to him, that he was in danger 
 of eternal perdition, if before his death he did 
 not make atonement for those multiplied impie- 
 
 y W. Malm. p. 123.
 
 404 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. IO96. 
 
 ties and sacrileges, of which he had been ^guilty. 
 He resolved therefore to supply instantly the 
 vacancy of Canterbury; and for that purpose he 
 sent for Anselm, a Piedmontese by birth, abbot 
 of Bee in Normandy, who was much celebrated 
 for his learning and piety. The abbot earnestly 
 refused the dignity, fell on his knees, wept, and 
 entreated the king to change his purpose;^ and 
 when he found the prince obstinate in forcing 
 the pastoral staff upon him, he kept his fist so 
 fast clenched, that it required the utmost vio- 
 lence of the bystanders to open it, and force him 
 to receive that ensign of spiritual dignity.'' Wil- 
 liam soon after recovered; and his passions re- 
 gaining their wonted vigour, he returned to his 
 former violence and rapine. He detained in pri- 
 son several persons whom he had ordered to be 
 freed during the time of his penitence; he still 
 prayed upon the ecclesiastical benefices; the sale 
 of spiritual dignities continued as open as ever; 
 and he kept possession of a considerable part of 
 the revenues belonging to the see of" Canterbury, 
 but he found in Anselm that persevering oppo- 
 sition, which he had reason to expect from the 
 ostentatious humility which that prelate had dis- 
 played in refusing his promotion. 
 
 The opposition made by Anselm was the more 
 dangerous on account of the character of piety 
 
 ^ Eadmer, p. 16. Chron. Sax. igS. * Eadmer, p. 17- 
 
 Diceto, p. 494. '' Eadmer, p. 18, <' Eadmer, p. I9. 43. 
 
 Chron. Sax. p. IQQ.
 
 1096. WILLIAM RUFUS. 405 
 
 which he soon acquired in England, by his great 
 zeal against all abuses, particularly those in dress 
 and ornament. There was a mode, which, in that 
 age, prevailed throughout Europe, both among 
 men and women, to give an enormous length to 
 their shoes, to draw the toe to a sharp point, and 
 to affix to it the figure of a bird's bill, or some 
 such ornament, which was turned upwards, and 
 which was often sustained by gold or silver chains 
 tied to the knee/ The ecclesiastics took excep- 
 tion at this ornament, which they said was an 
 attempt to bely the scripture, Avhere it is affirm- 
 ed, that no man can add a cubit to his stature; 
 and they declaimed against it with great vehe- 
 mence, nay assembled some synods, \vho abso- 
 lutely condemned it. But, such are the strange 
 contradictions in human nature! tliouoh the 
 clergy, at that time, could overturn thrones, and 
 had authority sufiicient to send above a million 
 of men on Meir errand to the deserts of Asia, they 
 could never prevail against these long-pointed 
 shoes: on the contrary, that caprice, contrary 
 to all other modes, maintained its ground during 
 several centuries; and if the clergy had not at 
 last desisteil from their persecution of it, it might 
 still have been the prevailing fashion in Europe. 
 But Anselm was more fortunate in decrvinir 
 the particular mode which Mas the object of his 
 aveision, and m hicb probably had not taken such 
 
 ^ Older. Vital, p. 0S2. W. Malmcs. p. 123. Knyghton^ 
 p. 23(i(j.
 
 406 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. I0g6. 
 
 fast hold of the affections of the people. He 
 preached zealously agajnst the long hair and 
 curled locks which were then fashionable among 
 the courtiers ; he refused the ashes on Ash-Wed- 
 nesday to those who were so accoutred; and his 
 authority and eloquence had such influence, that 
 the young men universally abandoned that orna- 
 ment, and appeared in the cropt hair, which was 
 recommended to them by the sermons of the 
 primate. The noted historian of Ansehn, who 
 was also his companion and secretary, celebrates 
 highly this effort of his zeal and piety.*" 
 
 When William's profaneness therefore re- 
 turned to him with his health, he was soon 
 engaged in controversies with this austere pre- 
 late. There was at that time a schism in the 
 church between Urban and Clement, who both 
 pretended to the papacy;^ and Anselm, who, as 
 abbot of Bee, had already acknowledged the 
 former, was determined, without the king's con- 
 sent, to introduce his authority into ^England. 
 William, who, imitating his father's example, had 
 prohibited his subjects from recognizing any pope 
 whom he had not previously received, was en- 
 raged at this attempt; and summoned a synod 
 at Rockingham, with an intention of deposing 
 Anselm : but the prelate's suffragans declared, that, 
 without the papal authority, they knew of no ex- 
 pedient for inflicting that punishment on their 
 
 <^ Eadmer, p.23. f Hoveden, p. 463, g Eadraer, p. 29. 
 
 M. Paris, p, 13. Diceto, p. 494. Spelm. Cone, vol.ii. p. 16.
 
 1096. WILLIAM RUFUS. 407 
 
 primate.'' The king was at last engaged by other 
 motives to give the preference to Urban's title; 
 Anselm received the pall from that pontiff; and 
 matters seemed to be accommodated between the 
 king and the primate,' when the quarrel broke 
 out afresh from a new cause. William had un- 
 dertaken an expedition against Wales, and re- 
 quired the archbishop to furnish his quota of 
 soldiers for that service; but Anselm, who re- 
 garded the demand as an oppression on the 
 church, and yet durst not refuse compliance, 
 sent them so miserably accoutred, that the king 
 was extremely displeased, and threatened him 
 with a prosecution.'' Anselm, on the other hand, 
 demanded positively that all the revenues of his 
 see should be restored to him; appealed to Rome 
 against the king's injustice;' and affairs came to 
 such extremities, that the primate, finding it 
 dangerous to remain in the kingdom, desired and 
 obtained the king's permission to retire beyond 
 sea. All his temporalities were seized;'" but he 
 was received with great respect by Urban, who 
 considered him as a martyr in the cause of reli- 
 gion, and even menaced the king, on account 
 of his proceedings against the primate and the 
 church, with the sentence of exconnnunication. 
 Anselm assisted at the council of 13ari, where, 
 besides fixing the controversy between the Greek 
 and Latin cliurches concerning the procession of 
 
 '' I'-ulmer, p. ;;0. ' ITuvXo, p. 4(J5. * IviJiner, p, :}/. 43. 
 
 ' Ibid. p. 40. '" -M. I'uris, p. IJ. Paikcr, p. l/b.
 
 408 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1096. 
 
 the Holy Ghost," the right of election to church 
 preferments was declared to belong to the clergy- 
 alone, and spiritual censures were denounced 
 against all ecclesiastics, who did homage to lay^ 
 men for their sees or benefices, and against all 
 laymen who exacted it. The rite of homage, by 
 the feudal customs, was, that the vassal should 
 throw himself on his knees, should put his joined 
 hands between those of his superior, and should 
 in that posture swear fealty to him/ But the 
 council declared it execrable, that pure hands, 
 which could create God, and could offer him up 
 as a sacrifice for the salvation of mankind, should 
 be put, after, this humiliating manner, between 
 profane hands, Avhich, besides being enured to 
 rapine and bloodshed, were employed day and 
 night in impure purposes, and obscene ^^ contacts. 
 
 I Such were the reasonings prevalent in that age; 
 
 : reasonings which, though they cannot be passed 
 over in silence, without omitting the most curi- 
 ous, and, perhaps not the least instructive part 
 t sof history, can scarcely be delivered with the re- 
 quisite decency and gravity. 
 
 The cession of Normandy and Maine by duke 
 Robert increased the king's territories; but 
 brought him no great increase of power, because 
 of the unsettled state of those countries, the mu- 
 
 " Eadmer, p. 49. M. Paris, p. i J, Sim, Dun. p. 224. 
 " M, Paris, p. 14. P Spe.lman, Du Cange_, in verb. Honingiurn. 
 ^ W, Homing, p, 46"/. Flor. Wigorn. p 640). Sim. Dunelra 
 p. 224. Brompton, p. p(j 1 .
 
 1099. WILLIA.M RUFUS. 409 
 
 tinous disposition of the barons, and the vicinity 
 of the French king, who supported them in all 
 their insurrections. Even Helie, lord of la Fleche, 
 a small town in Anjou, was able to give him in- 
 quietude; and this great monarch was obliged 
 to make several expeditions abroad, without be- 
 ing able to prevail over so petty a baron, who 
 had acquired the confidence and affections of 
 the inhabitants of Maine. He was, however, so 
 fortunate as at last to take him prisoner in a 
 rencounter; but having released him, at the in- 
 tercession of the French king and the count of 
 Anjou, he found the province of Maine still ex- 
 posed to his intrigues and incursions. Helie, 
 being introduced b}'^ the citizens into the town of 
 ]\Ians, besieged the garrison in the citadel: Wil- 
 liam, who was hunting in the new forest, when 
 he received intelligence of this hostile attempt, 
 was so provoked, that he immediately turned his 
 horse, and galloped to the sea-shore at Dart- 
 mouth; declaring, that he would not stop a 
 moment till he had taken vengeance for the 
 offence. He found the weather so cloudy and 
 tempestuous, that the mariners thought it dan- 
 gerous to put to sea: but the king hurried on 
 board, and ordered them to set sail instantly; 
 telling them, that they never yet heard of a king 
 that was drowned.' By this vigour and celerity, 
 he delivered the citadel of Mans from its present 
 
 ^ W. Malm. p. 124. H. Hunt. p. 3/8. M, Pari?, p. 3*5. Ypod. 
 Neust. p.4Ji.
 
 410 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1100. 
 
 danger; and pursuing Helie into his own terri- 
 tories, he laid siege to Majol, a small castle in 
 those parts: but a A\^ound, which he received be- 
 fore this place, obliged him to raise the siege; 
 and he returned to England. 
 
 The weakness of the greatest monarchs, dur- 
 ing this age, in their military expeditions against 
 their nearest neighbours, appears the more sur- 
 prising, when we consider the prodigious num- 
 bers, which even petty princes, seconding the 
 enthusiastic rage of the people, were able to as- 
 semble, and to conduct in dangerous enterprises 
 to the remote provinces of Asia. William, earl 
 of-Poitiers and duke of Guienne, enflamed with 
 the glory, and not discouraged by the misfor- 
 tunes, which had attended the former adventurers 
 in the crusades, had put himself at the head of 
 an immense multitude, computed by some histo- 
 rians to amount to sixty thousand horse, and a 
 much greater number of foot,' and he purposed 
 to lead them into the Holy Land against the in- 
 fidels. He wanted money to forward the prepara- 
 tions requisite for this expedition, and he offered 
 to mortgage all his dominions to William, with- 
 out entertaining any scruple on account of that 
 rapacious and iniquitous hand, to which he re- 
 solved to consign them.' The king accepted the 
 offer; and had prepared a fleet and an army, in 
 order to escort the money, and take possession 
 
 ' W. Malm. p. 149. The wliole is said by Order. Vital. p./SQ. 
 to amount to 300^000 men. ' W. Malmcs. p. 12/.
 
 1100. WILLIAM RUFUS. 411 
 
 of the rich provinces of Guienne and Poictou; 
 when an accident put an end to his life, and to 
 all his ambitious projects. He was engaged in 
 hunting, the sole amusement, and indeed the chief 
 occupation of princes in those rude times, when 
 society was little cultivated, and the arts afforded 
 few objects worthy of attention. Walter Tyrrel, 
 a French gentleman, remarkable for his address 
 jn archery, attended him in this recreation, of 
 which the new forest was the scene; and as Wil- 
 liam had dismounted after a chase, Tyrrel, im- 
 patient to show his dexterity, let fly an arrow at 
 3, stag, which suddenly started before him. The 
 arrow, glancing from a tree, struck the king in 
 the breast, and instantly slew him ; " while Tyrrel, 
 without informing any one of the accident, put 
 spurs to his horse, hastened to the sea-shore, em- 
 barked for France, and joined the crusade in an 
 expedition to Jerusalem; a penance which he 
 imposed on himself for this involuntary crime. 
 The body of William was found in the forest by 
 the country people, and was buried without any 
 pomp or ceremony at Winchester. His courtiers 
 were negligent in performing the last duties to 
 a master who v/as so little beloved ; and every 
 one was too much occupied in the interesting 
 object of hxing his successor, to attend the fune- 
 ral of a (lead sovereign. 
 
 " W. Malm. p. 120'. H. Hunt, p. 3/6. M. Taiis, p. 3/. Tctr. 
 Blcs. p. 110.
 
 412 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. liOO. 
 
 CHARACTER OF WILLIAM RUFUS. 
 
 The memory of this monarch is transmitted to 
 us with little advantage by the churchmen, whom 
 he had offended; and though we may suspect, 
 in general, that their account of his vices is some- 
 what exaggerated, his conduct affords little rea- 
 son for contradicting the character which they 
 have assigned him, or for attributing to him any 
 very estimable qualities. He seems to have been 
 a violent and tyrannical prince; a perfidious, en- 
 croaching, and dangerous neighbour; an unkind 
 and ungenerous relation. He was equally pro- 
 digal and rapacious in the management of his 
 treasury; and if he possessed abilities, he lay so 
 much under the government of impetuous pas- 
 sions, that he made little use of them in his ad- 
 ministration; and he indulged, without reserve, 
 that domineering policy, which suited his temper, 
 and which, if supported, as it was in him, with 
 courage and vigour, proves often more successful 
 jn disorderly times, than the deepest foresight 
 apd most refined artifice. 
 
 The monunients which remain of this prince 
 in England, are the Tower, Westminster-hall, 
 and London-bridge, which he built. The most 
 laudable foreign enterprise which he undertook, 
 was the sending of Edgar Atheling, three years 
 before his death, into Scotland with a small army, 
 to restore prince Edgar, the true heir of that
 
 - V 

 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 HENRY I. 
 
 The Crusades . . . Accession of Henry, . . Marriage of the king 
 .... Invasion by duke Robert, . . . Accommodation with Ro- 
 bert .... Attack of Normandy. . . . Conquest of Normandy. . . 
 Continuation of the quarrel with Anselm, the primate .... 
 Compromise with him, .. . Wars abroad. . . . Death of prince 
 William. . . . King's second marriage. . . . Death. . . . and cha- 
 racter of Henry. 
 
 THE CRUSADES. UOO. 
 
 After the adventurers in the holy war were 
 assembled on the banks of the Bosphorus, oppo- 
 site to Constantinople, they proceeded on their 
 enterprise; but immediately experienced those 
 diihculties which their zeal had hitherto conceal- 
 ed from them, and for which, even if they had 
 foreseen them, it would have been almost impos- 
 sible to provide a remedy. The Greek emperor, 
 Alexis Commenus, who had applied to the wes- 
 tern Christians for succour against the Turks, 
 entertained hopes, and those but feeble ones, of 
 obtaining such a moderate supply, as, acting 
 under his command, might enable him to repulse 
 the enemy: but he was extremely astonished to 
 see his dominions overwhelmed, on a sudden, by
 
 1100. WILLIAM RUFUS. 413 
 
 kingdom, son of Malcolm, and of Margaret, sister 
 of Edgar Atheling; and the enterprise proved 
 successful. It was remarked in that age, that 
 Richard, an elder brother of William's, perished 
 by an accident in the new forest; Richard, his 
 nephew, natural son of Duke Robert, lost his life 
 in the same place, after the same manner: and 
 all men, upon the king's fate, exclaimed, that, 
 as the Conqueror had been guilty of extreme 
 violence, impelling all the inhabitants of that 
 large district to make room for his game, the 
 just vengeance of Heaven was signahzed, in the 
 same place, by the slaughter of his posterity. 
 William was killed in the thirteenth year of his 
 reign, and about the fortieth of his age. As he 
 was never married, he left no legitimate issue. 
 
 In the eleventh year of this reign, Magnus, 
 king of Norway, made a descent on the isle of 
 Anglesea, but was repulsed by Hugh, earl of 
 Shrewsbury. This is the last attempt made by 
 the northern nations upon England. That rest- 
 less people seem about this time to have learned 
 the practice of tillage, which thenceforth kept 
 them at home, and freed the other nations of 
 Europe from the devastations spread over them 
 by those piratical invaders. This proved one 
 great cause of the subsequent settlement and im- 
 provement of the southern natiqns.
 
 ^tm^ tift Sivst 
 
 Chap. VI. p. 455. 
 
 A batcher of Roiicn was the only person who escaped: he 
 clung to iht nv:i3t, and was taken up next mornuig by li'^hcrmen, 
 Fitz-Si([jhens al-o took ho!d ut' the mast; but h( ing infoiinrcl by 
 the biuclu-r tliat prince WiUii'.in h.ul p'-riihcd, he >.i:d ihal he 
 would not hur\lvc the disaster j and he ihicw huuach hcad!(;ng" 
 into the aca.
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 HENRY I. 
 
 The Crusades . . . Accession of Henry, . . Marriage of the king 
 .... Invasion by duke Robert. . . . Accommodation with Ro- 
 bert .... Attack of Normandy. . . . Conquest of Normandy. . . 
 Continuation of the quarrel with Anselm, the primate .... 
 Compromise with him. .. . Wars abroad. . . . Death of prince 
 William. . . . King's second marriage. . . . Death. . . . and cha- 
 racter of Henry. 
 
 THE CRUSADES. UOO. 
 
 After the adventurers in the holy war were 
 assembled on the banks of the Bosphorus, oppo- 
 site to Constantinople, they proceeded on their 
 enterprise; but immediately experienced those 
 difficulties which their zeal had hitherto conceal- 
 ed from them, and for which, even if they had 
 foreseen them, it would have been almost impos- 
 sible to provide a remedy. The Greek emperor, 
 Alexis Commenus, who had applied to the wes- 
 tern Christians for succour against the Turks, 
 entertained hopes, and those but feeble ones, of 
 obtaining such a moderate supply, as, acting 
 under his command, might enable him to repulse 
 the enemy: but he was extremely astonished to 
 see his dominions overwhelmed, on a sudden, bv
 
 4l6 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. llOO. 
 
 such an inundation of licentious barbarians, who, 
 though they pretended friendship, despised his 
 subjects as unwarhke, and detested them as he- 
 retical. By all the arts of policy, in which he 
 excelled, he endeavoured to divert the torrent; 
 but while he employed professions, caresses, civi- 
 lities, and seeming services towards the leaders 
 of the crusade, he secretly regarded those impe- 
 rious allies as more dangerous than the open 
 enemies by whom his empire had been formerly 
 invaded. Having effected that difficult point of 
 disembarking them safely in Asia, he entered into 
 a private correspondence with Soliman, emperor 
 of the Turks ; and practised every insidious art, 
 which his genius, his power, or his situation, 
 enabled him to employ, for disappointing the 
 enterprise, and discouraging the Latins from 
 making thenceforward any such prodigious mi- 
 grations. His dangerous policy was seconded by 
 the disorders inseparable from so vast a multi- 
 tude, who were not united under one head, and 
 were conducted by leaders of the most inde- 
 pendent intractable spirit, unacquainted with mi- 
 litary discipline, and determined enemies to civil 
 authority and submission. The scarcity of pro- 
 visions, the excesses of fatigue, the influence of 
 unknown climates, joined to the want of concert 
 in their operations, and to the sword of a M'arlike 
 enemy, destroyed the adventurers by thousands, 
 and would have abated the ardour of men im- 
 pelled to war by less powerful motives. Their
 
 1100. HENRY I. 417 
 
 zeal, however, their bravery, and their irresistible 
 force, still carried them forward, and continually 
 advanced them to the great end of their enter- 
 prise. After an obstinate siege they took Nice, 
 the seat of the Turkish empire; they- defeated 
 Soliman in two great battles; they made them- 
 selves masters of Antioch; and entirely broke 
 the force of the Turks, who had so long retained 
 those countries in subjection. The soldan of 
 Egypt, whose alliance they had hitherto courted, 
 recovered, on the fall of the Turkish power, his 
 former authority in Jerusalem; and he informed 
 them by his ambassadors, that if they came dis- 
 armed to that city, they might now perform their 
 religious vows, and that all Christian pilgrims, 
 who should thenceforth visit the holy sepulchre, 
 might expect the same good treatment which 
 they had ever received from his predecessors. 
 The offer was rejected; the soldan was required 
 to yield up the city to the Christians; and on 
 his refusal, the champions of the cross advanced 
 to the siege of Jerusalem, which they regarded 
 as the consummation of their labours. By the 
 detachments which they had made, and the dis- 
 asters which they had undergone, they M'^ere 
 diminished to the number of twenty thousand 
 foot and fifteen hundred horse; but these were 
 still formidable, from their valour, their expe- 
 rience, and the obedience which, from past cala- 
 mities, they had learned to pay to their leaders. 
 After a siege of five weeks, they took Jerusalem 
 
 VOL. J. 2 E
 
 418 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1100. 
 
 by assault; and, impelled by a mixture of mili- 
 tary and religious rage, they put the numerous 
 garrison and inhabitants to the sword without 
 distinction. Neither arms defended the valiant, 
 nor submission the timorous: no age or sex was 
 spared: infants on the breast were pierced by 
 the same blow with their mothers, Mdio implored 
 for mercy: even a multitude, to the number of 
 ten thousand persons, who had surrendered them- 
 selves prisoners, and were promised quarter, were 
 butchered in cool blood by those ferocious con- 
 querors."^ The streets of Jerusalem were covered 
 with dead bodies;'' and the triumphant warriors, 
 after every enemy was subdued and slaughtered, 
 immediately turned themselves, with the senti- 
 ments of humiliation and contrition towards the 
 holy sepulchre. They threw aside their arms, 
 still streaming with blood: they advanced with 
 reclined bodies, and naked feet and heads, to 
 that sacred monument: they sung anthems to 
 their Saviour, who had there purchased their 
 salvation by his death and agony: and their de- 
 votion, enlivened by the presence of the place 
 where he had suffered, so overcame their fury, 
 that they dissolved in tears, and bore the appear- 
 ance of every soft and tender sentiment. So in- 
 consistent is human nature with itself! and so 
 easily does the most effeminate superstition ally, 
 
 ^ Vertot, vol. i. p. 5"] . 
 " M. Paris, p. 34. Order. Vital, p. TdQ. Diceto, p. 498.
 
 1100. HENRY I. 419 
 
 both with the most heroic courage and M^th the 
 fiercest barbarity ! 
 
 ThTsgreaFevent happened on the fiftli of July 
 in the last year of the eleventh century. The 
 Christian princes and nobles, after chusing God- 
 frey of Boiiillon king of Jerusalem, began to set- 
 tle themselves in their new conquests; while 
 some of them returned to Europe, in order to 
 enjoy at home that glory, which their valour 
 had acquired tliem in this popular and merito- 
 rious enterprise. Among these was Robert duke 
 of Normandy, who, as he hatl relinquished the 
 greatest dominions of any prince that attended 
 the crusade, had all along distinguished himself 
 by the most intrepid courage, as well as by that 
 affable disposition and unbounded generosity, 
 which gain the hearts of soldiers, and qualify a 
 prince to shine in a military life. In passing 
 through Italy, he became acquainted with Si- 
 bylla, daughter of the count of Con\'ersana, a 
 young lady of great beauty and merit, whom he 
 espoused: indulging himself in this new j)assion, 
 as Avell as fond of enjoying ease and pleasure, 
 after the fatigues of so many rough campaigns, 
 he lingered a twelvemonth in that delicious cli- 
 mate: and tliouiih his friends in the north looked 
 every moment for his arrival, none of them knew 
 when they could a\ ith certain t}' expect it. l)y 
 this delay he lost the kingdom of Ijigland, which 
 the great fame he had ac(piircd during the cru- 
 sades, as Mcll as his undoubted title, both by birth
 
 420 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1100. 
 
 and by the preceding agreement witli his de- 
 ceased brother, would, had he been present, have 
 infaUibly secured to him. 
 
 ACCESSION OF HENRY. llOO. 
 
 Prince Henry was hunting with Rufus in the 
 new forest, when intelligence of that monarch's 
 death was broug-ht him ; and beins: sensible of 
 the advantage attending the conjuncture, he 
 hurried to Winchester, in order to secure the 
 royal treasure, which he knew to be a necessary 
 implement for facilitating his designs on the 
 crown. He had scarcely reached the place when 
 William de Breteiiil, keeper of the treasure, ar- 
 rived, and opposed himself to Henry's preten- 
 sions. This nobleman, who had been engaged 
 in the same party of hunting, had no sooner 
 heard of his master's death, than he hastened to 
 take care of his charge; and he told the prince, 
 that this treasure, as well as the crown, belonged 
 to his elder brother, Avho was now his sovereign; 
 and that he himself, for his part, was determined, 
 in spite of all other pretensions, to maintain his 
 allegiance to him. But Henry, drawing his sword, 
 threatened him with instant death if he dared to 
 disobey him; and as others of the late king's re- 
 tinue, who came every moment to Winchester, 
 joined the prince's party, Breteiiil was obliged to 
 withdraw his opposition, and to acquiesce in his 
 
 violence, y 
 
 y Order. Vital, p. 782.
 
 1100. HENRY r. 421 
 
 Henry, without losing a moment, hastened 
 with the money to London; and having assem- 
 bled some noblemen and prelates, whom his ad- 
 dress, or abilities, or presents, gained to his side, 
 he was suddenly elected, or rather saluted king; 
 and immediately proceeded to the exercise of 
 royal authority. In less than three days after 
 his brother's death, the ceremony of his corona- 
 tion was performed by Maurice bishop of Lon- 
 don, who was persuaded to officiate on that occa- 
 sion;* and thus, by his courage and celerity, he 
 intruded himself into the vacant throne. No 
 one had sufficient spirit or sense of duty to ap- 
 pear in defence of the absent prince: all men 
 were seduced or intimidated : present possession 
 supplied the apparent defects in Henry's title, 
 which was indeed founded on plain usurpation: 
 and the barons, as well as the people, acquiesced 
 in a claim, which, though it could neither be 
 justified nor comprehended, could now, they 
 found, be opposed through the perils alone of 
 civil M^ar and rebellion. 
 
 But as Henry foresaw that a crown, usurped 
 against all rules of justice, would sit unsteady on 
 his head, he resolved, by fair professions at least, 
 to gain the affections of all his subjects. Besides 
 taking the usual coronation oath to maintain the 
 laws and execute justice, he passed a cliarter, 
 which was calculated to remedy many of the 
 grievous oppressions which had been complained 
 
 ' Chron. Sax. p. 208. Order. \'ital. p. 7S3
 
 422 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1100. 
 
 of during the reigns of his father and brother.' 
 He there promised, that, at the death of any bi- 
 shop or abbot, he never would seize the revenues 
 of the see or abbey during the vacancy, but would 
 leave the whole to be reaped by the successor; 
 and that he would never let to farm any eccle- 
 siastical benefice, nor dispose of it for mone3^ 
 After this concession to the church, whose favour 
 was of so great importance, he proceeded to enu- 
 merate the civil grievances which he purposed to 
 redress. He promised that, upon the death of 
 any earl, baron, or militar}^ tenant, his heir should 
 be admitted to the possession of his estate, on pay- 
 ing a just and lawful relief; without being ex- 
 posed to such violent exactions as had been usual 
 during the late reigns: he remitted the wardship 
 of minors, and allowed guardians to be appointed, 
 who should be answerable for the trust: he pro- 
 mised not to dispose of any heiress in marriage, 
 but by the advice of all the barons ; and if any ba- 
 ron intended to give his daughter, sister, niece, or 
 kinswoman in marriage, it should only be neces- 
 sary for him to consult the king, mIio promised 
 to take no money for his consent, nor ever to 
 refuse permission, unless the person, to whom it 
 was purposed to marry her, should happen to be 
 his enemy: he granted his barons and military 
 tenants the power of bequeathing, by will, their 
 money or personal estates; and if they neglected 
 to make a will, he promised that their heirs sliould 
 
 * Chron.Six. p. 20S, Sim, Dunelm. p 225.
 
 1100. HENRY I. 423 
 
 succeed to them : he renounced the right of im- 
 posing moneyage, and of levying taxes at plea- 
 sure on the farms which the barons retained in 
 their own hands:'' he made some general profes- 
 sions of moderating fines ; he offered a pardon for 
 all offences; and he remitted all debts due to the 
 crown: he required that the vassals of the barons 
 should enjoy the same privileges which he granted 
 to his own barons; and he promised a general 
 confirmation and observance of the laws of kingr 
 Edward. This is the substance of the chief arti- 
 cles contained in that famous charter.'' 
 
 To give greater authenticity to these conces- 
 sions, Henry lodged a cop}^ of his charter in some 
 abbey of each county; us if desirous that it should 
 be exposed to the view of all his subjects, and re- 
 main a perpetual rule for the limitation and di- 
 rection of his government: yet it is certain that, 
 after the present purpose was served, he never 
 once thought, tluringhis reign, of observing one 
 single article of it; and the whole fell so much 
 into neglect and oblivion, that, in the following 
 century, when the barons, who had heard an ob- 
 scure tradition of it, desired to make it the mo- 
 del of the great charter which they exacted from 
 king John, they could with difficulty find a cojiy 
 of it in the kingdom. But as to tlic grievances 
 here meant to be redressed, they were still con- 
 
 '' Sec Appendix 1 1. 
 
 = Matth. Paris, p. 38. Hovedcn, p. 468. Brompton. p. 1021 
 
 HaguKtad. p. :;iO.
 
 424 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. llOO. 
 
 tinued in their full extent; and the royal autho- 
 rity, in all those particulars, lay under no manner 
 of restriction. Reliefs of heirs, so capital an ar- 
 ticle, were never effectually fixed till the time of 
 Magna Charta;** and it is evident that the general 
 promise here given, pf accepting a just and law- 
 ful relief, ought to have been reduced to more 
 precision, in order to give security to the subject. 
 The oppression of wardship and marriage was per- 
 petuated even till the reign of Charles II: and 
 it appears from Glanville/ the famous justiciary 
 of Henry II. that, in his time, where any man 
 died intestate, an accident which must have been 
 very frequent when the art of writing was so lit- 
 tle known, the king, or the lord of the fief, pre- 
 tended to seize all the moveables, and to exclude 
 every heir, even the children of the deceased: a 
 sure mark of a tyrannical and arbitrary, govern- 
 ment. 
 
 The Normans, indeed, who domineered in 
 England, were, during this age, so licentious a 
 people, that they may be pronounced incapable 
 of any true or regular liberty; whicli requires 
 
 ^ Glanv, lib. 2. cap. 36. What is called a relief in the Con- 
 querors laws, preserved by Ingulf, seems to have been tlie heriotj 
 since reliefs, 'as well as the other burdens of the feudal law, were 
 unknown in the age of the confessor, whose laws these originally 
 were. 
 
 fi Lib. 7. cap. iG. This practice w as contrary to the laws of 
 king Edward, ratified by the Conqueror, as we learn from Ingulf, 
 p. 91. But laws had at that time very little influence: power 
 and violence governed every thin.r.
 
 1100. HENRY I. 425 
 
 such improvement in knowledge and morals as 
 can only be the result of reflection and expe- 
 rience, and must grow to perfection during se- 
 veral ages of settled and established government. 
 A people so insensible to the rights of their sove- 
 reign as to disjoint, without necessity, the here- 
 ditary succession, and permit a younger brother 
 to intrude himself into the place of the elder, 
 whom they esteemed, and who was guilty of no 
 crime but being absent, could not expect that 
 that prince would pay any greater regard to their 
 privileges, or allow his engagements to fetter his 
 power, and debar him from any considerable in- 
 terest or convenience. They had indeed arms in 
 their hands, which prevented the establishment 
 of a total despotism, and left their posterity suf- 
 ficient power, whenever they should attain a 
 sufficient degree of reason, to assume true li- 
 berty : but their turlmlent disj)osition frecjuently 
 prompted them tomakesuch use of their arms,that 
 they were more fitted to obstruct the execution 
 of justice, than to stop the career of violence and 
 opj)rc.ssion. The prince, finding that greater op- 
 position was often made to liim when he enforced 
 the laws tlian n lien he violated them, was apt to 
 render hi^i own m ill and j)leasure the sole rule of 
 government; and, on every emergence, to con- 
 sider more the power of the persons whom he 
 might oli'end, than the riglits of those whom he 
 might injuie. The \ery iorm of this ehaiter of 
 lleiiiy proves that the Xorman barons (iortiiey,
 
 426 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. llOO. 
 
 rather than the people of England, were chiefly 
 concerned in it) were totally ignorant of the na- 
 ture of limited monarchy, and were ill qualified 
 to conduct, in conjunction with their sovereign, 
 the machine of government. It is an act of his 
 sole power, is the result of his free grace, con- 
 tains some articles which bind others as well as 
 himself, and is therefore unfit to be the deed of 
 any one who possesses not the whole legislative 
 power, and who may not at pleasure revoke all 
 his concessions. 
 
 Henry, farther, to increase his popularity, de- 
 graded and committed to prison Ralph Flambard, 
 bishop of Durham, who had been the chief in- 
 strument of oppression under his brother:^ but 
 this act was followed by another, which was a 
 direct violation of his own charter, and was a 
 bad prognostic of his sincere intentions to ob- 
 serve it: he kept the see of Durham vacant for 
 five years, and during that time retained posses- 
 sion of all its revenues. Sensible of the great 
 authority which Anselm had acquired by his cha- 
 racter of piety, and by the persecutions Avhicli 
 he had undergone from William, he sent I'epeated 
 messages to him at Lyons, where he resided, and 
 invited him to return and take possession of his 
 dignities.^ On the arrival of the prelate, he pro- 
 
 ' Chron. Sax. p. 208. W. Malm. p. 156. Matth. Paris, 
 
 p. 39. Alured. Beverl. p. IH. 
 s Chron, Sax. p. 208. Order. Vital, p. 783. Matth. Paris, 
 
 p. 39. T. Rudborne, p. 2/3.
 
 1100. HENRY I. 427 
 
 posed to him the renewal of that homage which 
 he had done his brother, and which had never 
 been refused by any English bishop: but Anselm 
 had acquired other sentiments by his journey 
 to Rome, and gave the king an absolute refu- 
 sal, lie objected to the decrees of the council of 
 Bari, at which he himself had assisted; and he 
 declared, that so far from doing homage for his 
 spiritual dignity, he would not so mucii as com- 
 municate with any ecclesiastic who paid that sub- 
 mission, or who accepted of investitures from 
 laymen. Henry, who expected, in his present 
 delicate situation, to reap great advantages from 
 the authority and popularity of Ansehn, durst 
 not insist on his demand:^ he only desired that 
 the controversy might be suspended; and that 
 messengers might be scut to Rome, in order to 
 accommodate matters with the pope, and obtain 
 his confirmation of the laws and customs of 
 England. 
 
 MARRIAGE OF THE KfNG. 
 
 Thkuk immediately occurred an important aflPair, 
 in wliich the king was obliged to have recourse 
 to the authoritv of Anselm. Matilda, dauo-jiter 
 of Malcolm III. king of Scotland, and niece to 
 Edgar Atlu'liiig, had, on her father's death, and 
 the subscJiucnt revolutions in the Scottish oo- 
 vernnient, been brought to England, and edu- 
 
 5 W. Malm. p. 22.'5.
 
 428 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. liOO. 
 
 cated under her aunt Christina, in the nunnery 
 of Rumsey. This princess Henry proposed to 
 marry; but as she had worn the veil, though 
 never taken the vows, doubts might arise con- 
 cerning the lawfulness of the act; and it behoved 
 him to be very careful not to shock, in any par- 
 ticular, the religious prejudices of his subjects. 
 The affair was examined by Ansel m, in a council 
 of the prelates and nobles which M^as summoned 
 at Lambeth: Matilda there proved that she had 
 put on the veil, not with a view of entering into 
 a religious life, but merely in consequence of a 
 custom familiar to the English ladies who pro- 
 tected their chastity from the brutal violence of 
 the Normans, by taking shelter under that ha- 
 bit,'' which, amidst the horrible licentiousness of 
 the times, was yet generally revered. The coun- 
 cil, sensible that even a princess had otherwise 
 no security for her honour, admitted this reason 
 as valid: they pronounced that ^latilda was still 
 free to marry;' and her espousals with Henry 
 were celebrated by Ansclm with great pomp and 
 solemnity. "" No act of the king's reign rendered 
 him equally popular M'ith his English subjects, 
 and tended more to establish him on the throne. 
 Though Matilda, during the life of her uncle and 
 brothers, was not heir of the Saxon line, she was 
 become very dear to the English on account of 
 her connexions with it: and that people, mIio 
 before the conquest had fallen into a kind of in- 
 
 ^ Eadmer, p, 57 . * ]bid, *- no\ cdtn, p. 46'S.
 
 1101. HENRY I. 42$ 
 
 difference towards their ancient royal family, 
 had felt so severely the tyranny of the Normans, 
 that they reflected with extreme regret on their 
 former liberty, and hoped for a more equal and 
 mild administration, when the blood of their na- 
 tive princes should be mingled with that of their 
 new sovereiirns.' 
 
 INVASION BY DUKE ROBERT, noi. 
 
 But the policy and prudence of Henry, which, if 
 time had been allowed for these virtues to pro- 
 duce their full effect, would have secured him 
 possession of the crown, ran great hazard of be- 
 ing frustrated by the sudden appearance of Ro- 
 bert, who returned to Normandy about a month 
 after the death of his brother William. He took 
 possession, without opposition, of that dutchy; 
 and immediately made preparations for recover- 
 ing England, of which, during his absence, he 
 had, by Henry's intrigues, been so unjustly de- 
 frauded. The great fame which he had acquired 
 in the East forwarded his psetensions; and the 
 Norman barons, sensible of the consequences, 
 expressed the same discontent at the separation 
 tion of the dutchy and kingdom, Mhich had ap- 
 peared on the accession of WiUiam. Robert de 
 Belesme carl of Shrewsbury and Arundel, Wil- 
 liam de la Warrenne earl of Surrey, Arnulf dc 
 
 M. Paris, p. 40.
 
 430 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. llOl. 
 
 Montgomery, Walter Giffard, Robert de Ponte- 
 fract, Robert de Mallet, Yvo de Grentmcsiiil, 
 and many others of the principal nobility, "" in- 
 vited Robert to make an attempt upon England, 
 and promised, on his landing, to join him with all 
 their forces. Even the seamen were affected with 
 the general popidarity of his name, and they car- 
 ried over to him the greater part of a fleet which 
 had been equipped to oppose his passage. Henry, 
 in this extremity, began to be apprehensive for 
 his life, as well as for his crown; and had recourse 
 to the superstition of the people, in order to op- 
 pose their sentiment of justice. He paid dili- 
 gent court to Anselm, whose sanctity and wis- 
 dom he pretended to revere. He consulted liim 
 in all difficult emergencies; seemed to be go- 
 verned by him in every measure; promised a 
 strict regard to ecclesiastical privileges; pro- 
 fessed a great attachment to Rome, and a reso- 
 lution of persevering in an implicit obedience to 
 the decrees of councils and to the will of the so- 
 vereign pontiff. By these caresses and declara- 
 tions he entirely gained the confidence of the 
 primate, whose influence over tlie people, and 
 authority with the barons, were of the utmost 
 service to him in his present situation. Anselm 
 scrupled not to assure the nobles of the king's 
 sincerity in those professions which he made, of 
 avoiding the tyrannical and oppressive govern- 
 ment of his father and brother: he even rode 
 
 " Order. Vital, p. 785.
 
 1101. HENRY I. 431 
 
 through the ranks of the army, recommended 
 to the soldiers the defence of their prince, re- 
 presented the duty of keeping their oaths of al- 
 legiance, and prognosticated to them the greatest 
 happiness from the government of so wise and 
 just a sovereign. Cy this expedient, joined to 
 the influence of the earls of VVarwic and Mellent, 
 of Roger Bigod, Richard dc Redvers, and Robert 
 Fitz-Hamon, powerful barons, who still adhered 
 to the present government, the army was re- 
 tained in the king's interests, and marched, with 
 seeming union and firmness, to oppose Robert, 
 who had landed with his forces at Portsmouth. 
 
 ACCOMMODATION WITH ROBERT. 
 
 The two armies lay in sight of each other for 
 some days without coming to action; and both 
 princes, being apprehensive of the event which 
 would probably be decisive, hearkened the more 
 willingly to the councils of Anselm and the other 
 great men, \\ho mediated an accommodation be- 
 tween them. After employing some negociation, 
 it was agreed that Robert should resign his pre- 
 tensions to England, and receive in lieu of them 
 an annual pension of 3000 marks; that if either 
 of the princes died without issue, the otlicr should 
 succeed to his dominions; that the adherents of 
 each should be pardoned, and restored to all their 
 possessions either in Normandy or England; and
 
 432 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1102. 
 
 that neither Robert nor Henry should thence- 
 forth encourage, receive, or protect the enemies 
 of the other." 
 
 This treaty, though calculated so much for 
 Henry's advantage, he was the first to violate. 
 He restored indeed the estates of all Robert's 
 adherents; but was secretly determined, that 
 noblemen so powerful and so ill affected, who 
 had both inclination and ability to disturb his 
 government, should not long remain unmolested 
 in their present opulence and grandeur. He 
 began with the earl of Shrewsbury, who was 
 watched for some time by spies, and then in- 
 dicted on a charge, consisting of forty-five ar- 
 ticles. This turbulent nobleman, knowing his 
 own guilt, as well as the prejudices of his judges 
 and the power of his prosecutor, had recourse to 
 arms for his defence: but being soon suppressed 
 by the activity and address of Henry, he Avas 
 banished the kingdom, and his great estate was 
 confiscated. His ruin involved that of his two 
 brothers, Arnulf de Montgomery, and Roger earl 
 of Lancaster. Soon after followed the prosecu- 
 tion and condemnation of Roger de Pontefract 
 and Robert de Mallet, who had distinguished 
 themselves among Robert's adherents. William 
 deWarrenne was the next victim; even William 
 earl of Cornwal, son of the earl of Mortaigne, the 
 king's uncle, having given matter of suspicion 
 against him, lost all the vast acquisitions of his 
 
 n Chron. Sax. p. 20g. W. Malmes. p. 156.
 
 1102. HENRY I. 433 
 
 family in England. Though the usual violence 
 and tyranny of the Norman barons afforded a 
 plausible pretence for those prosecutions, and it 
 is probable that none of the sentences pro- 
 nounced against these noblemen was wholly ini- 
 quitous ; men easily saw, or conjectured, that 
 the chief part of their guilt was not the injustice 
 or illegality of their conduct. Robert, enraged 
 at the fate of his friends, imprudently ventured 
 to come into England ; and he remonstrated 
 with his brother, in severe terms, against this 
 breach of treaty : but met with so bad a recep- 
 tion, that he began to apprehci\d danger to his 
 own liberty, and was glad to purchase an escape, 
 by resigning his pension. 
 
 The indiscretion of Robert soon exposed him 
 to more fatal injuries. This prince, whose bra- 
 very and candour procured him respect while at 
 a distance, had no sooner attained the possession 
 of power and enjoyment of peace, than all the 
 vigour of his mind relaxed; and he fell into 
 contempt among those who approached his ])cr- 
 son, or were subject to his authority. Alter- 
 nately abandoned to dijssolute pleasures and to 
 womanish superstition, he was so remiss, botJi in 
 the care of his treasure, and the exercise of liis 
 government, that his servants pillaged his money 
 with impunity, stole from him his very clothes, 
 and proceeded thence to practise every species 
 of extortion on his defenceless subjects. 
 
 VOL. I. 2 F
 
 434 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1103, 
 
 ATTACK OF NORMANDY. 1303. 
 
 The barons, whom a severe administration alone 
 could have restrained, gave reins to their un- 
 bounded rapine upon their vassals, and invete- 
 rate animosities against each other; and all Nor- 
 mandy, during the reign of this benign prince, 
 was become a scene of violence and depredation. 
 The Normans at last, observing the regular 
 government which Henry, notwithstanding his 
 usurped title, had been able to establish in Eng- 
 land, applied to him, that he might use his au- 
 thority for the suppression of these disorders; 
 and they thereby afforded him a pretence for 
 interposing in the affairs of Normandy. In- 
 stead of employing his mediation to render his 
 brother's government respectable, or to redress 
 the grievances of the Normans; he was only 
 attentive to support his own partisans, and to 
 increase their number by every art of bribery, 
 intrigue, and insinuation. Having found, in a 
 visit Avhich he made to that dutchy, that the 
 nobility were more disposed to pay submission 
 to him than to their legal sovereign, he col- 
 lected, by arbitrary extortions on England, a 
 great army and treasure, and returned next 
 year to Normandy, in a situation to obtain, 
 eitlie'r by violence or corruption, the dominion 
 of that province. He took Baycux by storm
 
 1106. HENRY I. 43i 
 
 after an obstinate siege; he made himself master 
 of Caen by the voluntary submission of the in- 
 habitants : but being repulsed at Falaise, and 
 obliged by the winter season to raise the siege, 
 he returned into England; after giving assur- 
 ances to his adherents that he would persevere 
 in supporting and protecting them. 
 
 CONQUEST OF NORMANDY. 1106. 
 
 Next year he opened the campaign with the 
 siege of Tenchebray; and it became evident, 
 from his preparations and progress, that he in- 
 tended to usurp the entire possession of Nor- 
 mandy. Robert was at last roused from his 
 lethargy; and being supported by the earl of 
 Mortaigne and Robert de Bcllcsne, the king's 
 inveterate enemies, he raised a considerable 
 army, and approached his brother's camp, with 
 a vicM' of finishing, in one decisive battle, the 
 quarrel between them. lie was now entered on 
 that scene of action in Mhich alone he was quali- 
 fied to excel; and he so animated his troops by 
 his example that they threw the English into 
 disorder, and had nearly obtained the "victoiy; 
 when the iliglit of Rellesiie spread a panic among 
 the Normans, and occasioned their total defeat. 
 Ilenry, besides doing great execution on tlio 
 enemy, made near ten thonsand prisoners; 
 
 " H.Uunt. p. 379. M.Paris p. -13. Bionipton, p. 1002.
 
 436 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 110(5. 
 
 among whom was duke Robert himself, and all 
 the most considerable barons who adhered to his 
 interests.'* This victory was followed by the 
 final reduction of Normandy : Rouen imme- 
 diately submitted to the conqueror : Falaise, 
 after some negotiation, opened its gates; and 
 by this acquisition, besides rendering himself 
 master of an important fortress, he got into his 
 hands prince William, the only son of Robert: 
 he assembled the states of Normandy; and hav- 
 ing received the homage of all the vassals of 
 the dutchy, having settled the government, re- 
 voked his brother's donations, and dismantled 
 the castles lately built, he returned into Eng- 
 land, and carried along with him the duke as 
 prisoner. That unfortunate prince was detained 
 in custody during the remainder of his life, 
 Avhich was no less than twenty-eight years, and 
 he died in the castle of Cardiff in Glamorgan- 
 shire; happy if, without losing his liberty, he 
 could have relinquished that power which he was 
 not qualified either to hold or exercise. Prince 
 William was committed to the care of Helie de 
 St. Saen, who had married Robert's natural 
 daughter, and who being a man of probity and 
 honour beyond what was usual in those ages, 
 executed the trust with great affection and 
 fidelity. Edgar Atheling, who had followed 
 Robert in the expedition to Jerusalem, and 
 who had lived with him ever since in Normandy, 
 
 ? Eadmer, p. 90. Chron. Sax, p. 214, Order. Vital, p. 821,
 
 1107. HENRY 1. 43T 
 
 was another illustrious prisoner taken in the 
 battle of Tenchebray.'^ Henry gave him his 
 liberty, and settled a small pension on him, with 
 which he retired; and he lived to a good old age 
 in England, totally neglected and forgotten. 
 This prince was distinguished by personal bra- 
 very : but nothing can be a stronger proof of 
 his mean talents in every other respect, than 
 that, notwithstanding he possessed the affections 
 of the English, and enjoyed the only legal title 
 to the throne, he was allowed, during the reigns 
 of so many violent and jealous usurpers, to live 
 unmolested, and go to his grave in peace. 
 
 CONTINUATION OF THE QUARREL WITH 
 ANSELM THE PRIMATE. II07. 
 
 A LiTTi.E after Henry had completed the con- 
 quest of Normandy, and settled the government 
 of that province, he finished a controversy, 
 which had been long depending between him 
 and the pope, with regard to the investitures in 
 ecclesiastical benefices ; and though he was here 
 obliged to relinquish some of the ancient rights 
 of the crown, he extricated himself from the 
 difficulty on easier terms than most princes, wlio 
 in that age were so unhapj)y as to be engaged 
 in disputes with the a})ostolic see. The king's 
 situation, in the beginning of his reign, obliged 
 
 1 Cliron. Sax, p. 214. Aiui. Wavcrl. p. H-J.
 
 438 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. II07. 
 
 him to pay great court to Anselm : the advan- 
 tages which he had reaped from the zealous 
 friendship of that prelate, had made him sensible 
 how prone the minds of his people were to super- 
 stition, and what an ascendant the ecclesiastics 
 had been able to assume over them. He had 
 seen, on the accession of his brother Rufus, that 
 though the rights of primogeniture were then 
 violated, and the inclinations of almost all the 
 barons thwarted, yet the authority of Lanfranc, 
 the primate, had prevailed over all other con- 
 siderations: his own case, Avhich was still more 
 unfavourable, afforded an instance in which the 
 clergy had more evidently shewn their influence 
 and authority. These recent examples, Mdiile 
 they made him cautious not to offend that power- 
 ful body, convinced him, at the same time, that 
 it was extremely his interest to retain the former 
 prerogative of the crowai in filling offices of such 
 vast importance, and to check the ecclesiastics 
 in tliat independence to which they visibly as- 
 pired. The choice which his brother, in a fit of 
 penitence, had made of Anselm, was so far un- 
 fortunate to the king's pretensions, that this 
 prelate was celebrated for his piety and zeal, 
 and austerity of manners; and though his monkish 
 devotion, and narrow principles, prognosticated 
 no great knowledge of the world or depth of 
 policy, he was, on that very account, a more 
 dangerous instrument in the hands of politicians, 
 .aid retained a i,>reater ascendant over the bi<i;otcd
 
 iio;. HENRY I. 439 
 
 populace. The prudence and temper of the 
 king appear in nothing more conspicuous than 
 in the management of this delicate affair; where 
 he was always sensible that it had become ne- 
 cessary for him to risque his whole crown, in 
 order to preserve the most invaluable jewel of 
 it.P 
 
 Anselm had no sooner returned from banish- 
 ment, than his refusal to do homage to the king 
 raised a dispute, which Henry evaded at that 
 critical juncture, by promising to send a mes- 
 senger, in order to compound the matter with 
 Pascal II. who then filled the papal throne. The 
 messenger, as was probably foreseen, returned 
 with an absolute refusal of the king's '^ demands; 
 and that fortified by many reasons, vvhich were 
 well qualified to operate on the understandings 
 of men in those ages. Pascal quoted the scrip- 
 tures to prove that Christ was the door; and he 
 thence inferred, that all ecclesiastics must enter 
 into the church through Christ alone, not through 
 the civil magistrates, or any profane 'laymen. 
 *' It is monstrous," added the pontiff, '' that a 
 son should pretend to beget his father, or a man 
 to create his God : priests arc called gods in 
 scripture, as being the vicars of God: and will 
 you bv your abominable pretensions to grant 
 
 P Eadmcr, p.5(). *i W. Malm. p. 225. 
 
 ^ Eadmcr, j), 00. This topic is I'lnlhcr cnfoiaxl in p ^3, /J- 
 Sfc also \V. iMalm. p. lO'.i,
 
 440 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. II07. 
 
 them their investiture, assume the right of creat- 
 ing them?'" 
 
 But how convincing soever these arguments, 
 they could not persuade Henry to resign so im- 
 portant a prerogative ; and, perhaps, as he was 
 possessed of great reflection and learning, he 
 thought that the absurdity of a man's creating 
 his God, even allowing priests to be gods, was 
 not urged with the best grace by the Roman pon- 
 tiff. But as he desired still to avoid, at least to 
 delay, the coming to any dangerous extremity 
 with the church, he persuaded Anselm, that he 
 should be able, by farther negotiation, to attain 
 some composition with Pascal; and for that pur- 
 pose he dispatched three bishops to Rome, while 
 Anselm sent two messengers of his own, to be 
 more fully assured of the pope's ' intentions. 
 Pascal wrote back letters equally positive and 
 arrogant, both to the king and primate; urging 
 to the former, that by assuming the right of in- 
 vestitures, he committed a kind of spiritual adul- 
 tery witli the church, who was the spouse of 
 Christ, and Avho must not admit of such a com- 
 merce with any other person;" and insisting 
 with the latter, that the pretension of kings to 
 
 ' Eadmer, p. 61. I much suspect, that this text of scripture 
 is a forgery of his hohness : for I have not been able to tind it. 
 Yet it passed current in those ages, and was often quoted by the 
 clergy as the foundation of their power. See Epist. St. Thorn. 
 
 p. iG9- 
 
 ' Eadmer, p.C2. W. Malm, p. 225. " Eadmer, p. 63.
 
 1107. HENRY I. 441 
 
 confer benefices was the source of all simony; a 
 topic which had but too much foundation in 
 those ages.* 
 
 Henry had now no other expedient than to 
 suppress the letter addressed to himself, and to 
 persuade the three bishops to prevaricate, and 
 assert upon their episcopal faith, that Pascal had 
 assured them in private of his good intentions 
 towards Henry, and of his resolution not to re- 
 sent any future exertion of his prerogative in 
 granting investitures; though he himself scrupled 
 to give this assurance under his hand, lest other 
 princes should copy the example, and assume a 
 like privilege/ Ansclm's two messengers, who 
 were monks, alHrmed to him, that it was impos- 
 sible this story could have any foundation: but 
 their word was not deemed equal to that of three 
 bisho])s; and the king, as if he had finally gained 
 his cause, proceeded to fill the sees of Hereford 
 and Salisbury, and to invest the new bishops in 
 the usual manner/ Ihit Ansclm, who, as he had 
 good reason, gave no credit to the asseveration 
 of llie king's messengers, refused not only to 
 consecrate tlicm, l)ut c\en to communicate with 
 them; and the bisliops themselves, finding how 
 odious they were become, returned to Henry 
 tlie ensigns of their dignity. The quarrel every 
 day increased between the king and the pri- 
 
 " Kadintr, p. 0-1. 66. " Eadmer, p. 65. \V. Malm. p. 225, 
 y KadiiKT, p. 0(). W. Malm. p. 225. Hovcden, p. 46y. Sim. 
 
 Duiulni. p. 22a.
 
 442 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. HOT. 
 
 mate: the former, notwithstanding the prudence 
 and moderation of his temper, threw out me- 
 naces against such as shoukl pretend to oppose 
 him in exerting the ancient prerogatives of his 
 crown: and Ansehn, sensible of his own dan- 
 gerous situation, desired leave to make ajourncy 
 to Rome, in order to lay the case before the 
 sovereign pontiff. Henry, well pleased to rid 
 himself, without violence, of so inflexible an an- 
 tagonistj readily granted him permission. The 
 prelate was attended to the shore by infinite 
 multitudes, not only of monks and clergymen, 
 but people of all ranks, who scrupled not in this 
 manner to declare for their primate against 
 their sovereign, and who regarded his departure 
 as the final abolition of religion and true piety 
 in the kingdom.^ The king, however, seized all 
 the revenues of his see; and sent William de 
 Warelwast to negotiate with Pascal, and to find 
 some means of accommodation in this delicate 
 affair. 
 
 The English minister told Pascal, that his 
 master would rather lose his crown, than part 
 with the right of granting investitures. " And 
 I," replied Pascal, " would rather lose my head 
 than allow him to retain it. "'' Henry secretly 
 prohibited Anselm from returning, unless he 
 resolved to conform himself to the laws and 
 usages of the kingdom; and the primate took 
 
 ^ Eadmer, p. 7 1. 
 ' Eadmer, p. 73. W.Malm. p. 226. JNI. Paris, p. 40.
 
 1107. HENRY I. 443 
 
 up his residence at Lyons, in expectation that 
 the king would at last be obliged to yield the 
 point which was the present object of contro- 
 versy between them. Soon after he was per- 
 mitted to return to his monastery at Bee in Nor- 
 mandy; and Henry, besides restoring to him 
 the revenues of his see, treated him with the 
 greatest respect, and held several conferences 
 with him, in order to soften his opposition, and 
 bend him to submission.'' The people of Eng- 
 land, who thought all differences now accommo- 
 dated, were inclined to blame their primate for 
 absenting himself so long from his charge ; and 
 he daily received letters from his partisans, re- 
 presenting the necessity of his speedy return. 
 The total extinction, they told him, of religion 
 and Christianity was likely to ensue from the 
 want of his fatherly care: the most shocking 
 customs prevailed in England ; and the dread of 
 his severity being now removed, sodomy, and 
 the practice of Mcaring long hair, gain ground 
 among all ranks of men, and these enormities 
 openly appear every where without sense of shame 
 or fear of punishment." 
 
 Ihe i)olicy of the court of Rome has com- 
 monly been much admired; and men, judging 
 by success, have bestowed the highest eulogies 
 on that prudence by which a power, from such 
 slender beginnings, could adv anee, without force 
 of arms, to establish an universal and almost 
 
 * ITovcJcn, ]^-47l. ' Kadmcr, p. 81.
 
 444 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. IIO^ 
 
 absolute monarchy in Europe. But the wisdom 
 of so long a succession of men who filled the 
 papal throne, and who were of such different 
 ages, tempers, and interests, is not intelligible, 
 and could never have place in nature. The in- 
 strument, indeed, with which they wrought, the 
 ignorance and superstition of the people, is so 
 gross an engine, of such universal prevalence, 
 and so little liable to accident or disorder, that 
 it may be successful, even in the most unskilful 
 hands; and scarce any indiscretion can frustrate 
 its operations. While the court of Rome was 
 openly abandoned to the most flagrant disorders, 
 even while it was torn with schisms and factions, 
 the power of the church daily made a sensible 
 progress in Europe; and the temerity of Gregory 
 and caution of Pascal were equally fortunate in 
 promoting it. The clergy, feeling the necessity 
 which they lay under of being protected against 
 the violence of princes, or rigour of the laws, 
 were well pleased to adhere to a foreign head, 
 who, being removed from the fear of the civil 
 authority, could freely employ the power of the 
 whole church, in defending her ancient or 
 usurped properties and privileges, when invaded 
 in any particular country: the monks, desirous 
 of an independence on their diocesans, professed 
 a still more devoted attachment to the triple 
 crown; and the stupid people possessed no 
 science or reason, which they could oppose to 
 the most exorbitant pretensions. Nonsense
 
 1107. HENRY I. 445 
 
 passed for demonstration : the most criminal 
 means were sanctified by the piety of the end: 
 treaties were not supposed to be binding, where 
 the interests of God were concerned: the an- 
 cient laws and customs of states had no autho- 
 rity against a divine right: impudent forgeries 
 were received as authentic monuments of an- 
 tiquity: and the champions of holy church, if 
 successful, were celebrated as heroes; if unfor- 
 tunate, were worshipped as martyrs ; and all 
 events thus turned out equally to the advantage 
 of clerical usurpations. Pascal himself, the 
 reigning pope, was, in the course of this very 
 controv^ersy concerning investitures, involved 
 in circumstances, and necessitated to follow a 
 conduct, which would have drawn disgrace and 
 ruin on any temporal prince that had been so 
 unfortunate as to fall into a like situation. His 
 person was seized by the emperor Henry V. and 
 he was ol)ligc(l, by a formal treaty, to resign to 
 that monarch the right of granting investitures, 
 for which they had so long contended.'' In 
 order to add greater solemnity to this agree- 
 ment, the emperor and pope communicated to- 
 gether on the same hoste; one half of which was 
 given to the prince, the other taken by tlie pon- 
 titi': the most tremendous imprecations were 
 publickly denounced on either of them who 
 should violate tiie treaty: yet no sooner did 
 Pascal recover his libeity, than he rcvoketi all 
 
 ' W. Malm. p. 167.
 
 446 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1107. 
 
 his concessions; and pronounced the sentence of 
 excommunication against the emperor, who, in 
 the end, was obliged to submit to the terms re- 
 quired of him, and to yield up all his preten- 
 sions, which he never could resume/ 
 
 The king of England had very nearly fallen 
 into the same dangerous situation: Pascal had 
 already excommunicated the earl of Mellent, 
 and the other ministers of Henry, who were in- 
 strumental in supporting his pretensions : ^ he 
 daily menaced the king himself with a like sen- 
 tence; and he suspended the blow only to give 
 him leisure to prevent it by a timely submission. 
 The malcontents waited impatiently for the op- 
 portunity of disturbing his government by con- 
 spiracies and insurrections:^ the king's best 
 friends were anxious at the prospect of an in- 
 cident which would set their religious and civil 
 duties at variance : and the countess of Blois, 
 his sister, a princess of piety, who had great in- 
 fluence over him, was affrightened with the dan- 
 ger of her brother's eternal damnation.'' Henry, 
 on the other hand, seemed determined to run 
 all hazards, rather than resign a prerogative of 
 such importance, which had been enjoyed by all 
 his predecessors; and it seemed probable, from 
 his great prudence and abilities, that he might 
 
 ^ Padre Paolo sopra benef, eccles, p, 1 12. W. Malmcs. 
 p. 170. Chron. Abb. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 63. Sim. Dunelm. 
 p. 233. 
 * Eadmer, p. 79. '>^ Ibid. p. 80. ' Ibid. p. 7g.
 
 1107. HENRY I. 447 
 
 be able to sustain his rights, and finally prevail 
 in the contest. While Pascal and Henry thus 
 stood mutually in awe of each other, it was the 
 more easy to bring about an accommodation 
 between them, and to find a medium in which 
 they might agree. 
 
 COMPROMISE WITH ANSELM. II07. 
 
 Before bishops took possession of their digni- 
 ties, they had formerly been accustomed to 
 pass through two ceremonies : they received 
 from the hands of the sovereign a ring and 
 crozier, as symbols of their office; and this was 
 called their investiture : they also made those 
 submissions to the prince which were required 
 of vassals by the rights of the feudal law, and 
 M'hich received the name o^ homage. And as the 
 king might refuse both to grant the i)tvestiture 
 and to receive the homage, though the chapter 
 had, by some canons of the middle age, been 
 endowed with the right of election, the sovereign 
 had in reality tlie sole power of appointing pre- 
 lates. Urban II. had equally deprived laymen 
 of the right of granting investitures and .of 
 receiving homage:' the emperors never were 
 able, by all their wars and negotiations, to make 
 any distinction be admitted between them : 
 the intcrj)osition of profane la3'men, in any par- 
 
 ' Eadmcr, p. 91. W. Malm. p. l03. Sim, Dunclm. p.230.
 
 448 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. HO^. 
 
 ticular, was still represented as impious and abo- 
 minable: and the church openly aspired to a 
 total independence on the state. But Henry 
 had put England as well as Normandy in such a 
 situation, as gave greater weight to his negotia- 
 tions ; and Pascal was for the present satisfied 
 with his resigning the right of granting investi- 
 tures, by which the spiritual dignity was supposed 
 to be conferred; and he allowed the bishops to 
 do homage for their temporal properties and pri- 
 vileges.'" The pontiff was well pleased to have 
 made this acquisition, which, he hoped, would 
 in time involve the whole: and the king, anxi- 
 ous to procure an escape from a very dangerous 
 situation, was content to retain some, though a 
 more precarious authority, in the election of 
 prelates. 
 
 After the principal controversy was accom- 
 modated, it was not difficult to adjust the other 
 difterences. The pope allowed Anselm to com- 
 municate with the prelates who had already re- 
 ceived investitures from the crown ; and he only 
 required of them some submissions for their 
 past misconduct/ He also granted Anselm a 
 plenary power of remedying every other dis- 
 order, which, he said, might arise from the bar- 
 barousness of the country."" Such was the idea 
 which the popes then entertained of the English; 
 
 k Eadmer, p. f)l. W. Malm. p. l64. 22". Hoveden, p.471, 
 M, Paris, p. 43. T. Rudb. p. 274. Brompton, p. 1000. Wilkins, 
 p.303. Chron. Dunst, p. 21. 1 Eadmer, p. S^. "' Ibid.jp.pl.
 
 1107. HENRY I. 449 
 
 and nothing can be a stronger proof of the mi- 
 serable ignorancejn which that people were then 
 plunged, than that a man who sat on the papal 
 throne, and who subsisted by absurdities and 
 nonsense, should think himself entitled to treat 
 them as barbarians. 
 
 During the course of these controversies, a 
 synod was held at Westminster, where the king, 
 intent only on the main dispute, allowed some 
 canons of less importance to be enacted, which 
 tended to promote the usurpations of the clergy. 
 The celibacy of priests was enjoined, a point 
 which it was still found very difficult to carry 
 into execution : and even laymen were not al- 
 lowed to marry within the seventh degree of 
 afiTinity." By this contrivance the pope augmented 
 the profits which he reaped from granting dispen- 
 sations, and likewise those from divorces; for as 
 the art of writing was then rare, and parish re- 
 gisters were not regularly kept, it was not easy 
 to ascertain the degrees of athnity even among 
 people of rank; and any man who had money 
 suthcient to pay for it, might obtain a divorce, 
 on pretence that his wife w as more nearly related 
 to him than was permitted by the canons. The 
 synod also passed a vote, proliibiting the laity 
 from wearing long hair. The aversion of the 
 clergy to this mode was not confined to Engkind. 
 When the king went to Normandy, before lie had 
 
 n Eadmcr, p. 6y, 68. SpHm. Cone. vol. ii. p. 22. 
 ^ Eadmer, p. 0"8. 
 VOL. I. 2 G
 
 450 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. II07. 
 
 conquered that province, the hishop of Seez, in a 
 formal harangue, earnestly exhorted him to re- 
 dress the manifold disorders under which the 
 government laboured, and to oblige the peoj>le to 
 poll their hair in a decent form. Henry, though 
 he would not resign his prerogatives to the 
 church, willingly parted with his hair: he cut it 
 in the form which they required of him, and 
 obliged all the courtiers to imitate his ''example. 
 
 WARS ABROAD. 
 
 The acquisition of Normandy was a great point 
 of Henry's ambition; being the ancient patri- 
 mony othis family, and the only territory, which, 
 while in his possession, gave him any weiglit or 
 consideration on the continent: but the injustice 
 of his usurpation was the source of great inquie- 
 tude, involved him in frequent wars, and obliged 
 him to impose on his English subjects those many 
 heavy and arbitrary taxes, of which all the histo- 
 rians of that age unanimously complain.'^ His 
 nephew A^'illiam was but six years of age, when 
 he committed him to the care of Helie de St. 
 Saen; and it is probable, that his reason for en- 
 trusting that important charge to a man of so 
 unblemished a character, was to prevent all malig- 
 
 P Order Vital, p. 816. 
 1 Eadmer, p. 83. Chron. Sax. p. 21 1, 212, 213. 210, 220. 228. 
 H. Hunt, p, 380. Hovcden, p. 47O. Ann. Waverl. p. 143.
 
 JUO. HENRY I. 451 
 
 nant suspicions, in case any accident should befall 
 the life of the young prince. He soon rej)ented 
 of his choice; but when he desired to recover 
 possession of William's person, Hclie withdrew his 
 pupil, and carried him to the court of Fulk count 
 of Anjou, who gave him protection/ In propor- 
 tion as the prince grew up to man's estate, he dis- 
 covered virtues becoming his birth ; and wander- 
 ing through different courts of Europe, he excited 
 the friendly compassion of many princes, and 
 raised a general indignation against his uncle, 
 who had so unjustly bereaved him of his inherit- 
 ance. Lewis the Gross, son of Philip, was ai this 
 time king of France, a brave and generous prince, 
 who having been obliged, during tbe lifetime of 
 his father, to tly into England, in order to escape 
 the persecutions of hi^' step-mother Bertrude, had 
 been j)rotected by Henry, and had thence con- 
 ceived apersonal friendship forhini. Ikit tbeseties 
 \vere soon dissolved after the accession of Lewis, 
 M'ho found bis interests to be in so many parti- 
 culars opposite to those of tbe ! nglish monarch, 
 and who became jsensibie of the dani-er attending 
 the annexation of Xormandy to England. He 
 joined, therefore, the counts of Anjou and Flan- 
 ders in giN'ing (lis(iniet to Henr\"s government ; 
 and this monarch, in order to defend bis loreign 
 dominions, ibund himself obliged to go ov( r to 
 Normandy, where be resided two years. Tbe w ar 
 which ensued among tbo^e princes, was attended 
 
 ' Order, Vital, p. 8.37.
 
 452 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1113. 
 
 with no memorable event, and produced only 
 slight skirmishes on the frontiers, agreeably to 
 the weak condition of the sovereigns in that ajre, 
 whenever their subjects were not roused by some 
 great and urgent occasion. Henry, by contract- 
 ing his eldest son VV^illiam to the daughter of 
 Fulk, detached that prince from the alliance, and 
 obliged the others to come to an accommodation 
 with him. This peace was not of long duration. 
 His nephew, William, retired to the court of Bald- 
 v\^in, earl of Flanders, who espousedhis cause, and 
 the king of France, having soon after, for other 
 reasons, joined the party, a new war was kindled 
 in Normandy, which produced no event more 
 memorable than had attended the former. At 
 last the death of Baldwin, M'ho was slain in an 
 action near Eu, gave some respite to Henry, and 
 enabled him to carry on war m ith more advan- 
 tage against his enemies. 
 
 Lewis, finding himself unable to wrest Nor- 
 mandy from the king by force of arms, had re- 
 course to the dangerous expedient of applying to 
 the spiritual power, and of aifording the ecclesi- 
 astics a pretence to interpose in the temporal con- 
 cerns of princes. He carried young William to a 
 general council, which was assembled at Rlieims 
 by pope Caiixtus H. presented the Norman prince 
 to tlicni, complained of tlie manifest usurj)ation 
 and iiijusLiee of Henry, craved tlie assistance of 
 the ehuich for leinstating the true heir in his 
 dominions, and rcjHcsented the eiiorniity of dc-
 
 lllp. HENRY I. 453 
 
 taining in captivity so brave a prince as Robert, 
 one of the most eminent champions of the cross, 
 and who, by that very quality, was placed under 
 the immediate protection of the holy see. Henry 
 knew how to defend the rights of his crown with 
 vigour, and yet with dexterity. He had sent over 
 the English bishops to this synod; but at the 
 same time had warned them that if any farther 
 claims were started by the pope or the ecclesi- 
 astics, he was determined to adhere to the laws 
 and customs of England, and maintain the pre- 
 rogatives transmitted to him by his predecessors. 
 " Go," said he to them, " salute the pope in my 
 name; hear his apostolical precepts; but take 
 care to bring none of his new inventions into my 
 kingdom." Finding, however, that it would be 
 easier for him to elude than oppose the efforts of 
 Calixtus, he gave his ambassadors orders to gain 
 the pope and his favourites by liberal presents and 
 promises. The complaints of the Norman prince 
 were thenceforth heard with great coldness by 
 the council; and Calixtus confessed, after a con- 
 ference which he had the same summer with 
 Henry, and when that prince probably renewed 
 his presents, that, of all men whom he had ever 
 yet been acquainted with, he was beyond com- 
 parison the most clocjuent and persuasive. 
 
 The waiTikc measures of Lewis proved as in- 
 effectual as his intrigues. He had laid a scheme 
 for surprising Noyon ; but Henry having received 
 intelligence of the design, marched to the relief
 
 454 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. ilig. 
 
 of the place, and suddenly attacked the French 
 at Brenneville, as they were advancing towards 
 it. A sharp conflict ensued; where prince Wil- 
 liam hehaved with great bravery, and the king 
 himself was in the most im.minent danger. He 
 was wounded in the head by Crispin, a gallant 
 Norman officer, who had followed the fortunes 
 of William ; ' but being rather animated than ter- 
 rified by the blow, he immediately beat his an- 
 tagonist to the ground, and so encouraged his 
 troops by the example, that they put the French 
 to total rout, and had very nearly taken their 
 king prisoner. The dignity of the persons en- 
 gaged in this skirmish, rendered it the most 
 memorable action of the war: for, in other re- 
 spects, it was not of great importance. There 
 were nine hundred horsemen, who fought on both 
 sides; yet were there only two persons slain. The 
 rest were defended by that heavy armour worn 
 by the cavalry in those times/ An accommo- 
 dation soon after ensued between the kings of 
 France and England; and the interests of young- 
 William were entirely neglected in it. 
 
 DEATH OF PRINCE WILLIAM. 1120. 
 
 But this public prosperity of Henry was much 
 overbalanced by a domestic calamity which befel 
 
 H. Hunt. p. 381. M. Paris, p. 47. Diceto, p. 503. 
 Order. Vital, p. 854,
 
 1120. HENRY I. 455 
 
 him. His only son William had now reached his 
 eighteenth year; and the king-, from the facility 
 with which he himself had usurped the crown, 
 dreading that a like revolution might subvert his 
 family, had taken care to have him recognised 
 successor by the states of the kingdom, and had 
 carried him over to Normandy, that he might 
 receive the homage of the barons of that dutchy. 
 The king, on his return, set sail from Barfleur, 
 and was soon carried by a fair wind out of sight 
 of land. The prince was detained by some acci- 
 dent; and his sailors, as well as their captain 
 Thomas Fitz-Stephens, having spent the interval 
 in drinking, were so flustered, that, being in a 
 hurry to follow the king, they heedlessly carried 
 the >.hip on a rock, where she immediately foun- 
 dered. William was put into the long-boat, and 
 had got clear of the ship; when hearing the cries 
 of his natural sister, the countess of Perche, he 
 ordered the seamen to row back in hopes of sav- 
 ing her: but the numbers who then crowded in, 
 soon sunk the boat; and the prince with all his 
 retinue perished. Above a hundred and forty 
 young noblemen of the principal families of Eng- 
 land and Normandy were lost on this occasion. 
 A butcher of Koilen was the only person on board 
 Avho escaped:' he clung to the mast, and was 
 taken up next morning by lishermcn. Jitz-Ste- 
 phens also took hold of the mast; but being in- 
 formed by the butcher that prince William had 
 
 Sim. DuiK'lm. p. 242. Alured Bevcrl. p. 1 43.
 
 455 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1120. 
 
 perished, he said that he would not survive the 
 disaster; and he threw himself headlong into the 
 sea."^ Henry entertained hopes for three days, 
 that his son had put into some distant port of 
 England: but Avhen certain intelligence of the 
 calamity was brought him, he fainted away; and 
 it was remarked, that he never after was seen to 
 smile, nor ever recovered his wonted cheerful- 
 ness." 
 
 The death of William may be regarded, in 
 one respect, as a misfortune to the English; be- 
 cause it was the immediate source of those civil 
 wars, which, after the demise of the king, caused 
 such confusion in the kingdom : but it is remark- 
 able, that the young prince had entertained a 
 violent aversion to the natives; and had been 
 heard to threaten, that when he should be king, 
 he would make them draw the plough, and would 
 turn them into beasts of burthen. These pre- 
 possessions he inherited from his father, who, 
 though he was wont, when it might serve his 
 purpose, to value himself on his birth, as a native 
 of England,^ showed, in the course of his govern- 
 ment, an extreme prejudice against that people. 
 All hopes of preferment, to ecclesiastical as well 
 as civil dignities, were denied them during this 
 whole reign; and any foreigner, however igno- 
 rant or worthless, was sure to have the preference 
 in every competition.'' As the English had given 
 
 "^ Order. Vital, p. 868. * Hoveden, p. 476. Order. Vital, 
 
 p. 869. y Gul. Neub. lib. 1 . cap. 3. * Eadmer, p. 1 10.
 
 1121. HENRY I. 457 
 
 no disturbance to the government during the 
 course of fifty years, this inveterate antipathy in 
 a prince of so much temper as well as penetration, 
 forms a presumption that the Enghsh of that age 
 were still a rude and barbarous people even com- 
 pared to the Normans, and impresses us with 
 no very favourable idea of the Anglo-Saxon 
 manners. 
 
 Prince William left no children ; and the king 
 had not now any legitimate issue; except one 
 daughter, Matilda, whom in 1110 he had betroth- 
 ed, though only eight years of age,^ to the em- 
 peror Henry V. and whom he had then sent over 
 to be educated in Germany.* 
 
 KING'S SECOND MARRIAGE. 1121. 
 
 But as her absence from the kingdom, and her 
 marriage into a foreign family, might endanger 
 the succession, Henry, who was now a widower, 
 was induced to marry in hopes of having male 
 heirs; and he made his addresses to Adelais, 
 daughter of Godfrey duke of Lovaine, and niece 
 of pope Calixtus, a young princess of an amiable 
 person.'' But Adelais brought him no children; 
 and the prince, who M'as most likely to tlisj)ute 
 the succession, and even the immediate posscs- 
 
 = Chion. Sax. p. 215. W. Malm. p. l66. Order. Vit.:l p. S3. 
 * See note [M] vol. x. 
 * Chron. Sax. p. 223. W. Malm. p. 16j.
 
 458 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1127. 
 
 sion of the crown, recovered hopes of subverting 
 his rival, who had successively seized all his pa- 
 trimonial dominions. William, the son of duke 
 Robert, was still protected in the French court; 
 and as Henry's connexions with the count of An- 
 jou were broken off by the death of his son, Fulk 
 joined the party of the unfortunate prince, gave 
 him his daughter in marriage, and aided him in 
 raising disturbances in Normandy. But Henry 
 found the means of drawing off the count of 
 Anjou, by forming anew with him a nearer con- 
 nexion than the former, and one more material 
 to the interests of that count's family. The em- 
 peror, his son-in-law, dying without issue, he 
 bestowed his daughter on GeotiVey, the eldest 
 son of Fulk, and endeavoured to insure her suc- 
 cession by having her recognised heir to all his 
 dominions, and obliging the barons both of Nor- 
 mandy and England to swear fealty to her. He 
 hoped that the choice of this husband would be 
 more agreeable to all his subjects than that of the 
 emperor; as securing them from the danger of 
 falling under the dominion of a great and distant 
 potentate, who might bring them into subjec- 
 tion, and reduce their country to the rank of a 
 province: but the barons were displeased, that a 
 step so material to national interests had been 
 taken without consulting them;" and Henry had 
 too sensibly experienced the turbulence of their 
 
 * W.Malm, p. 175, The annals of Waverly, p. 1 50. say, that 
 the king asked and obtained the consent of all the barons.
 
 1128. HENRY I. 459 
 
 disposition, not to dread the effects of their re- 
 sentment. It seemed probable, that his nephew's 
 party might gain force from the increase of the 
 malcontents: an accession of power which that 
 prince ac(iuire(l a little after, tended to render his 
 pretensions still more dangerous. Charles earl 
 of Flanders being assassinated during the cele- 
 bration of divine service, king Lewis immediately 
 put the young prince in possession of that county, 
 to which he had pretensions in the right of his 
 grandniotlur Matilda, wife to the Conqueror. 
 But \V iliiam survived a very little time this piece 
 of good fortune, which seemed to open the way 
 to still farther prosperity. He was killed in a 
 skirmish with the landgrave of Alsace, his com- 
 petitor for Flanders; and his death put an end, 
 for the present, to the jealousy and inquietude of 
 Henry. 
 
 The chief merit of this monarch's government 
 consists in the profound tranquillity which he 
 established and maintained throughout all his 
 dominions during the greater part of his reign, 
 Tlie mutinous barons were retained in subjection; 
 and his neighl)onrs, in every attempt which they 
 made upon him, found him so well prepared, that 
 they were discouraged from continuing or renew- 
 ing their enterprises. In order to repress the 
 incursions of the Welsh, he brought over some 
 Flemings, in the year 1111, and settled them in 
 Pembrokeshire, where they long maintained a 
 ditfcrent language, and customs, and manners,
 
 460 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1128. 
 
 from their neighbours. Though his government 
 seems to have been arbitrary in I^nglancl, it was 
 judicious and prudent; and was as Httle oppres- 
 sive as the necessity of his affairs would permit. 
 He wanted not attention to the redress of griev- 
 ances; and historians mention in particular the 
 levying of purveyance, which he endeavoured to 
 moderate and restrain. The tenants in the king's 
 demesne lands were at that time obliged to sup- 
 ply gratis the court with provisions, and to fur- 
 nish carriages on the same hard terms, when the 
 king made a progress, as he did frequently, into 
 any of the counties. These exactions were so 
 grievous, and levied in so licentious a manner, 
 that the farmers, when they heard of the ap- 
 proach of the court, often deserted their houses 
 as if an enemy had invaded the country;'' and 
 sheltered their persons and families in the woods, 
 from the insults of the king's retinue. Henry 
 prohibited those enormities, and punished the 
 persons guilty of them by cutting off their hands, 
 legs, or other members." But the prerogative was 
 perpetual; the remedy applied by Henry was 
 temporary; and the violence itself of this re- 
 medy, so far from giving security to the people, 
 was only a proof of the ferocity of the govern- 
 ment, and threatened a quick return of like 
 abuses. 
 
 One great and difficult object of the king's 
 prudence was, the guarding against the encroach- 
 
 Eadmer, p. 94. Chron, Sax., p, 212. e Eadmer, p. g^i.
 
 1128. HENRY 1. 461 
 
 ments of the court of Rome, and protecting the 
 liberties of the church of England. The pope, 
 in the year 1101, had sent Guy, archbishop of 
 Vienne, as legate into Britain; and though he 
 was the first that for many years had appeared 
 there in that character, and his commission gave 
 general surprise,^ the king, Adio was then in the 
 commencement of his reign, and was involved in 
 many difficulties, was obliged to submit to this 
 encroachment on his authority. But in the year 
 1116, Ansclm abbot of St. Sabas, who was com- 
 ing over M'itb a like legantine commission, was 
 prohibited from entering the kingdom;^ and 
 pope Calixtus, who in his turn was then la1)our- 
 ing under many difficulties, by reason of the pre- 
 tensions of Gregory, an antipope, A\^as obliged to 
 promise, tliat he never would for the future, ex- 
 cept when solicited by the king himself, send any 
 legate into f'ngland.*' Notwithstanding this en- 
 gagement, the ])opc, as soon as he had suppressed 
 his antagonist, granted the cardinal de Crcma a 
 legantine commission over that kingdom; and 
 tbe king, who, by reason of his nephew's in- 
 trigues an<l invasions, found himself at that tiiuG 
 ill a dangerous situation, was obliged to submit 
 to the exercise of this cotnmission.' A s^'nod was 
 called by the legate at London; where, among 
 other canons, a vote passed, enacting severe 
 penalties on the marriages of the clergy.'' I1ic 
 
 * luuimer, p. 58. ? Hovcdeii, p. -1/4. ^ E.ulmcr, p. 12J. 
 
 IJ/, 1J8. ' Chron. Sax. p.'ii'Q. ^ Spclm. Cciic, vol. ii. p.'j4.
 
 462 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1128. 
 
 cardinal, in a public harangue, declared it to be 
 an unpardonable enormity, that a priest should 
 dare to consecrate and touch the body of Christ 
 immediately after he had risen from the side of 
 a strumpet : for that was the decent appellation 
 which he ffave to the wives of the clers>'y. But 
 it happened, that the very next night the officers 
 of justice, breaking into a disorderly house, found 
 the cardinal in bed with a courtezan;' an inci- 
 dent which threw such ridicule upon him, that 
 he immediately stole out of the kingdom : the 
 synod broke up; and the canons against the 
 marriage of clergymen were worse executed than 
 ever." 
 
 Henry, in order to prevent this alternate re- 
 volution of concessions and encroachments, sent 
 William, then archbishop of Canterbury, to re- 
 monstrate with the court of Rome against those 
 abuses, and to assert the liberties of the English 
 church. It was a usual maxim with every pope, 
 when he found that he could not prevail in any 
 pretension, to grant princes or states a power 
 which they had always exercised, to resume at a 
 proper juncture the claim Mdiich seemed to be 
 resigned, and to pretend that the civil magistrate 
 
 Hoveden, p. 478. M.Paris, p. 48. Matth. West, ad ann. 
 1125. H.Huntingdon, p 382. It is remarkable, that this last 
 writer, who was a clergyman as well as the other'-, makes an apo- 
 logy for using such freedom with the fathers of the church; But 
 says, that the fact was notorious, and ought not to be concealed. 
 "> Chron. Sax. p.23'i.
 
 1132. HENRY I. 463 
 
 had possessed the authority only from a special 
 indulgence of the Roman pontiff. After this 
 manner, the pope, finding that the French nation 
 would not admit his claim of granting investi- 
 tures, had passed a bull, giving the king that 
 authority; and he now practised a like invention 
 to elude the complaints of the king of England. 
 He made the archbishop of Canterbury his legate, 
 renewed his commission from time to time, and 
 still pretended that the rights which that prelate 
 had ever exercised as metropolitan, were entirely 
 derived from the indulgence of the apostolic see. 
 The English princes, and Henry in particular, 
 who were glad to avoid any immediate contest 
 of so dangerous a nature, commonly acquiesced 
 by their silence in these pretensions of the court 
 of Rome.* 
 
 As every thing in England remained in tran- 
 quillity, Henry took the oj)portunity of paying a 
 visit to Normandy, to which he was invited as 
 well by his affection for that country, as by his 
 tenderness for his daughter the empress Matilda, 
 who was always his favourite. Some time after, 
 that princess was delivered of a son, who received 
 the name of Henry; and the king, farther to 
 ensure her succession, made all the nobility of 
 England and Normandy renew the oath of fealty, 
 which they had already sworn to her." The joy 
 of this event, and the satisfaction which he reaped 
 from his (laughter's company, who bore succes- 
 
 * See note [N] vol. x. " W. Malm. p. j;/.
 
 464 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1135. 
 
 sively two other sons, made his residence in Nor- 
 mandy very agreeable to him; and he seemed 
 determined to pass the remainder of his days in 
 that country; when an incursion of the Welsh 
 obliged him to think of returning into England. 
 He was preparing for the journey, but was seized 
 the Jst of December with a sudden illness at St. 
 Dennis le Forment, from eating too plentifully 
 of lampreys, a food which always agreed better 
 with his palate than his constitution.^ He died in 
 the sixty-seventh year of his age, and the thirty- 
 fifth of his reign; leaving by Avill his daughter 
 Matilda heir of all his dominions, without making 
 any mention of her husband Geoifrey, who had 
 given him several causes of displeasure. '^ 
 
 CHARACTER OF HENRY. 
 
 This prince was one of the most accomplished 
 that has filled the English throne, and possessed 
 all the great qualities both of body and mind, 
 natural and acquired, which could fit him for the 
 high station to which he attained. His person 
 was manly, his countenance engaging, his eyes 
 clear, serene, and penetrating. The affability 
 of his address encouraged those who might be 
 overawed by the sense of his dignity or of his 
 wisdonf ; and though he often indulged his face- 
 
 " H. Hunt. p. 315. ! H. Hunt, p.385. M. Paris, p. 50. 
 
 ^ W. Malm. p. 178.
 
 />,/./..-/,../ ;/.,/v/; ,':''/.i' ./ /i .//;;,/',., >,: ,;,./,
 
 1138. HENRY I. 435 
 
 tioLis humour, he knew how to temper it M'ith 
 discretion, and ever kept at a distance from all 
 indecent familiarities Avith his courtiers. His 
 superior eloquence and judgment M'ould have 
 given him an ascendant, even had he been born 
 in a private station; and his personal bravery 
 would have procured him respect, though it had 
 been less supported by art and policy. By his 
 great progress in literature, he acquired the 
 i\a.me of Beau-cle7'/c, or the scholar; but his appli- 
 cation to those sedentary pursuits abated nothing 
 of the activity and vigilance of his government; 
 and though the learning of that age Mas better 
 fitted to corrupt than improve the understanding, 
 his natural good sense preserved itself untainted, 
 both from the pedantry and superstition, which 
 M^ere then so prevalent among men of letters. 
 His temper was susceptible of the sentiments as 
 M^ell of friendship as of resentment;" and his am- 
 bition, though high, might be deemed moderate 
 and reasonable, had not his conduct towards his 
 brother and nephew showed that he M'as too much 
 disposed to sacrifice to it all the maxims of justice 
 and equity. Ikit the total incapacity of llolxnt 
 for government afforded his younger brother a 
 reason or pretence for seizing the sceptre both 
 of Knjrland and Normandv; and when violence 
 and usurpation are once begun, necessity obliges 
 a prince to continue in the same criminal course, 
 and enuaiies him in measures wliich his better 
 
 Older, \'ilal. p.bUj. 
 V O L . 1 , 2 11
 
 466 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1135. 
 
 judgment and sounder principles would otherwise 
 have induced him to reject with warmth and in- 
 dignation. 
 
 King Henry was much addicted to women; 
 and historians mention no less than seven illegiti- 
 mate sons and six daughters born to him/ Hunt- 
 ing was also one of his favourite amusements; 
 and he exercised great rigour against those who 
 encroached on the royal forests, which were aug- 
 mented during his reign/ though their number 
 and extent were already too great. To kill a stag 
 was as criminal as to murder a man : he made all 
 the dogs be mutilated which were kept on the 
 borders of his forests: and he sometimes deprived 
 his subjects of the liberty of hunting on their 
 own lands, or even cutting their own woods. In 
 other respects he executed justice, and that wMth 
 rigour; the best maxim which a prince in that 
 age could follow. Stealing was first made capital 
 in this reign:" false coining, which was then a 
 very common crime, and by which the money 
 had been extremely debased, was severely pu- 
 nished by Henry. "^ Near fifty criminals of this 
 kind were at one time hanged or mutilated; and 
 though these punishments seem to have been 
 exercised in a manner somewhat arbitrary, they 
 were grateful to the people, more attentive to. 
 
 Gul. Gemet. lib. 8. cap. 2g. ' W. Malm. p. lyg. 
 
 " Sim. Dunelm. p. 231. Brompton, p. 1000. Flor. Wigorn, 
 p. 653. Hovedcn, p. 4/1. 
 
 *' Sim. DuneLm. p. 231. Brompton, p. 1000. Hoveden, p. 471. 
 Annal. Waved, p. 149.
 
 1135. HENRY I. A67 
 
 present advantages than jealous of general laws. 
 There is a code which passes under the name of 
 Henry I. but the best antiquaries have agreed to 
 think it spurious. It is however a very ancient 
 compilation, and may be useful to instruct us in 
 the manners and customs of the times. We learn 
 from it, that a great distinction was then made 
 between the English and Normans, much to the 
 advantage of the latter.'' The deadly feuds, and 
 the liberty of private revenge, which had been 
 avowed by the Saxon laws, were still continued, 
 and were not yet wholly illegal.^ 
 
 Among the laws granted on the king's acces- 
 sion, it is remarkable that the re-union of the 
 civil and ecclesiastical courts, as in the Saxon 
 times, was enacted.^ But thislaw, like the articles 
 of his charter, remained without effect, probably 
 from the opposition of archbishop Anselm. 
 
 Henry, on his accession, granted a charter to 
 London, which seems to have been the first step 
 towards rendering that city a corporation. By 
 this charter the city was empowered to keep the 
 farm of Middlesex at three hundred pounds a 
 year, to elect its own sheriff and justiciary, and 
 to hold pleas of the crown; and it was exempted 
 from scot, Danegelt, trials by combat, and lodg- 
 ing the king's retinue. These, with a confirma- 
 tion of the privileges of their court of hustings, 
 wardmotes, and common halls, and their liberty 
 
 LL, Hen. 1. 18. 75. y LL. Hrn. 82. 
 
 ^ Spelm, p. 305. Blackstone, vol. iii. p. 63. Coke, 2 Inst. /O.
 
 468 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1135. 
 
 of hunting in Middlesex and Surrey, are the chief 
 articles of this charter/ 
 
 It is said'' that this prince, from indulgence to 
 his tenants, changed the rents of his demesnes, 
 which were formerly paid in kind, into money, 
 which was more easily remitted to the exchequer. 
 But the great scarcity of coin would render that 
 commutation difficult to be executed, while at 
 the same time provisions could not be sent to 
 a distant quarter of the kingdom. This affords a 
 probable reason why the ancient kings of Eng- 
 land so frequently changed their place of abode : 
 they carried their court from one place to an- 
 other, that they might consume upon the spot 
 the revenue of their several demesnes. 
 
 Lambardi Archaionomia ex edit, Twisden. Wilkins, p. 235. 
 ^ Dial, de Scaccario, lib. 1 . cap. 7.
 
 tepfjen. 
 
 Chap. V'II. p. 485. 
 
 He was conducted to Gloucester} and, though at first treated 
 with humanity, was soon after, on some suspicion, thrown into 
 prison, and loaded with irons.
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 S T E P 11 E N. 
 
 Accession of Stephen, . . . War -with Scotland. . . . Insurrection in 
 
 favour of Matilda Stephen taken prisoner Matilda 
 
 crowned. . . . Stephen released. . . . Festored to the crown. . .. 
 Continuation of the civil wars.. ..Compromise between the 
 king and prince Henry. . . . Death of the king. 
 
 Ln the progress and settlement of the feudal law, 
 the male succession to fiefs had taken place some 
 time before the female was admitted; and estates 
 being considered as military benefices, not as 
 pro])erty, were transmitted to such only as could 
 serve in the armies, and perform in person the 
 conditions upon which they Mere originally 
 granted. But M'hen the continuance of rights, 
 during some generations, in the same family, 
 had, in a great measure, obliterated the primi- 
 tive idea, the females were i>ra(luallv admitted 
 to the possession of feudal property; and the 
 same revolution of ])rincipks which procured 
 them the inheritance of private estates, naturally 
 introduced their succession to government and 
 autliority. The faihire, therelore, ol" male heirs 
 to the kingdom of Jhighind and (hitehy of Nor- 
 mandy, scenud to leave the succession open, 
 without a rival, to the empress Matihki; and a->
 
 470 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1135. 
 
 Henry had made all his vassals in both states 
 swear fealty to her, he presumed that they would 
 not easily be induced to depart at once from her 
 hereditary right, and from their own reiterated 
 oaths and engagements. But the irregular man- 
 ner in which he himself had acquired the crown, 
 might have instructed him, that neither his Nor- 
 man nor English subjects were as yet capable of 
 adhering to a strict rule of government; and as 
 every precedent of this kind seems to give autho- 
 rity to new usurpations, he had reason to dread, 
 even from his own family, some invasion of his 
 daughters title, which he had taken such pains 
 to establish. 
 
 Adela, daughter of William the Conqueror, 
 had been married to Stephen count of Blois, and 
 had brought him several sons, among whom Ste- 
 phen and Henry, the two youngest, had been 
 invited over to England by the late king, and 
 had received great honours, riches, and prefer- 
 ment, from the zealous friendship which that 
 prince bore to every one that had been so fortu- 
 nate as to acquire his favour and good opinion. 
 Henry, who had betaken himself to the ecclesi- 
 astical profession, was created abbot of Glasten- 
 bury and bishop of Winchester; and though these 
 dignities were considerable, Stephen had, from 
 liis uncle's liberality, attained establishments still 
 more solid and durable. "* The king had married 
 him to jMatilda, who was daughter and heir of 
 
 Gul. Neubr. p. 3OO. Brompton, p. 1023.
 
 1135. STEPHEN. 4/1 
 
 Eustace count of Boulogne, and who brought 
 him, besides that feudal sovereignty in France, 
 an immense property in England, which in the 
 distribution of lands had been conferred by the 
 Conqueror on the family of Boulogne. Stephen 
 also by this marriage ac(juired a new connexion 
 with the royal family of England; as Mary his 
 wife's mother, was sister to David the reigning 
 king of Scotland, and to IVIatilda, the first wife 
 of Henry, and mother of the empress. The 
 king, still imagining that he strengthened the 
 interests of his family by the aggrandizement of 
 Stephen, took pleasure in enriching him by the 
 grant of new possessions; and he conferred on 
 liim the great estate forfeited by Robert JVIallet 
 in England, and that forfeited by the earl of 
 JMortaigne in Normandy. Stephen, in return, 
 professed great attachment to his uncle; and 
 appeaj'ed so zealous for the succession of INIatilda, 
 tliat, when the barons swore fealty to that prin- 
 cess, he contended with Robert earl of Glouces- 
 ter, the king's natural son, who should first be 
 admitted to give her this testimony of devoted 
 zeal and fidelity.'' INleanwhile he continued to 
 cultivate, by every art of popularity, the friend- 
 sliipof the Engiisliiiation; and many virtues with 
 which he seemed to be endowed, favoured the 
 success of liis intentions. By his bravery, acti- 
 vity, and \ igour, lie ac(iuircd the esteem of the 
 barons: by his generosit}-, and by an afl'able and 
 
 W. Malm. p. 1(J2.
 
 472 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1135. 
 
 familiar address, unusual in that age among men 
 of his high quality, he obtained the affections of 
 the people, particularly of the Londoners/ And 
 though he dared not to take any steps towards 
 his farther grandeur, lest he should expose him- 
 self to the jealousy of so penetrating a prince as 
 Henry; he still hoped that, by accumulating 
 riches and powder, and by acquiring popularity, 
 he might in time be able to open his way to the 
 throne. 
 
 No sooner had Henry breathed his last than 
 Stephen, insensible to all the ties of gratitude and 
 fidelity, and blind to danger, gave full reins to 
 his criminal ambition, and trusted that, even 
 without any previous intrigue, the celerity of his 
 enterprise, and the boldness of his attempt, might 
 overcome the weak attachment v/hich the English 
 and Normans in that age bore to the laws and to 
 the rights of their sovereign. He hastened over to 
 England; and though the citizens of Dover, and 
 those of Canterbury, apprised of his purpose, shut 
 their gates against him, he stopped not till he 
 arrived at London, where some of the lower rank, 
 instigated by his emissaries, as well as moved by 
 his general popularity, immediately saluted him 
 king. His next point Avas to acquire the good- 
 will of the clergy; and by performing the cere- 
 mony of his coronation, to put himself in posses- 
 sion of the throne, from which he was confident 
 
 ' W. Malm. p. ];p. Gest. Stepb. p. g2S.
 
 J 135. STEPHEN. 473 
 
 it would not be easy afterwards to expel him. 
 His brother, the bishop of Winchester, was use- 
 ful to him in these capital articles: having gained 
 Roger bishop of SaHsbury, who, though he owed 
 a great fortune and advancement to the favour 
 of tlie late king, preserved no sense of gratitude 
 to that prince's family; he applied, in conjunc- 
 tion -w ith that prelate, to William archbishop of 
 Canterbury, and required him, in virtue of his 
 ofiice, to give the royal unction to Stephen. The 
 primate, who, as all the others, had sworn fealty 
 to ]\Iatilda, refused to jierform this ceremony; 
 but his opposition was overcome by an expedient 
 e([ually dishonourable with the other steps by 
 Avhich this revolution was effected. Hugh Bigod, 
 steward of the household, made oath before the 
 primate, that the late king on his death-bed had 
 shown a dissatisfaction with his daughter IMatilda, 
 and IkuI expressed his intention of leaving the 
 count of Doulognc heir to all his '' dominions. 
 William, either believing, or feigning to believe, 
 Bigod's testimony, anointed Stephen, and put the 
 crown uj)on his head the 2^2d of December; and 
 From this religious ceremony that prince, without 
 any shadow cither of hereditary title or consent 
 of the nobility or j)e()])le, was allowed to proceed 
 to the exercise of sovereign authority. Aery 
 i'cw barons attended his coronation;'' Init none 
 oppdseil his usurpation, however unjust or fla- 
 
 * Mi'.i ill. Paris p. 51, Diccto, p. 50:3. Cliroii. Duiut. p. 25, 
 f Hionipioii, p. lO'li.
 
 474 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1135. 
 
 grant. The sentiment of religion, which, if cor- 
 rupted into superstition, has often little efficacy 
 in fortifying the duties of civil society, was not 
 affected by the multiplied oaths taken in favour 
 of Matilda, and only rendered the people obedi- 
 ent to a prince who was countenanced by the 
 clergy, and who had received from the primate 
 the rite of royal unction and consecration.^ 
 
 Stephen, that he might farther secure his tot- 
 tering throne, passed a charter, in which he made 
 liberal promises to all orders of men; to the 
 clergy, that he would speedily fill all vacant be- 
 nefices, and would never levy the rents of any of 
 them during the vacancy; to the nobility, that 
 he would reduce the royal forests to their ancient 
 boundaries, and correct all encroachments; and 
 to the people, that he Av^ould remit the tax of 
 Danegelt, and restore the laws of king ^Edward. 
 The late king had a great treasure at Winchester, 
 amounting to a hundred thousand pounds: and 
 Stephen, by seizing this money, immediately 
 turned against Henry's family the precaution 
 which that prince had employed for their gran- 
 deur and security: an event which naturally 
 attends the policy of amassing treasures. By 
 means of this money the usurper insured the com- 
 
 ^ Such stress was formerly laid on the rite of coronation, that 
 the monkish writers never give any prince the title of king till he 
 is crowned ; though he had for some time been in possession of 
 the crown, and exercised all the powers of sovereignty. 
 n W. Malm. p. l/Q. Hoveden, p. 432.
 
 1130. STEPHEN. 475 
 
 pliance, though not the attacliment, of the prin- 
 cipal clergy and nobility; but not trusting to 
 this frail security, he invited over from the con- 
 tinent, particularly from Britanny and Flanders, 
 great numbers of those bravoes or disorderly sol- 
 diers, M'ith whom every country in Europe, by 
 reason of the general ill police and turbulent 
 government, extremely abounded.'' These mer- 
 cenary troops guarded his throne by the terrors 
 of the sword; and Stephen, that he might also 
 over-awe all malcontents by new and additional 
 terrors of religion, procured a bull from Rome, 
 which ratified his title, and which the pope, see- 
 ing this prince in possession of the throne, and 
 pleased with an appeal to his authority in secular 
 controversies, very readily granted him.' 
 
 Matilda, and her husband Geoffrey, were as 
 unfortunate in Normandy as they had been in 
 England. The Norman nobility, moved by an 
 hereditary animosity against the Angevins, first 
 applied to Theobald count of Blois, Stephen's 
 elder brother, for i)rotection and assistance; but 
 liearing afterwards that Stei)hen had got posses- 
 sion of the Enu;lish crown, and havinc: nianv of 
 them the same reasons as formerly t"or desiring a 
 continuance of their union with that kingdom, 
 they transferred their allegiance to Stephen, and 
 j)ut him in possession ol' tlicir government. Lewis 
 the younger, the reigning king of France, ac- 
 cepted the homage of Eustace, Stephen's eldest 
 
 "^ W. Malm. p. 179. ' Kagulitad, p. 25g. 313.
 
 476 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1135. 
 
 son, for the dutchy ; and the more to corroborate 
 his connexions with that family, he betrothed his 
 sister Constantia to the young prince. The count 
 of Blois resigned all his pretensions, and received 
 in lieu of them an annual pension of two thou- 
 sand marks; and Geoffrey himself was obliged 
 to conclude a truce for two years with Stephen, 
 on condition of the king's paying him, during 
 that time, a pension of five thousand."^ Stephen, 
 who had taken a journey to Normandy, finished 
 all these transactions in person, and soon after 
 returned to England. 
 
 Robert earl of Glocester, natural son of the 
 late king, was a man of honour and abilities ; and 
 as he M as much attached to the interests of his 
 sister Matilda, and zealous for the lineal succes- 
 sion, it was chiefly from his intrigues and resist- 
 ance that the kino- had reason to dread a new 
 revolution of government. This nobleman, who 
 was in Normandy when he received intelligence 
 of Stephen's accession, found himself much em- 
 barrassed concerning the measures which he 
 should pursue in that difficult emergency. To 
 swear allegiance to the usurper aj)peared to him 
 dislionourable, and a breach of his oath to Ma- 
 tilda: to refuse giving tliis pledge of his fidelity, 
 was to banish himself from PLngland, and be to- 
 tally incapacitated from serving the ro\al family, 
 or contributing to their restoration.' He offered 
 Stephen to do him homage, and to take the oath 
 
 " M. Piiris, p. 52. ' Malmes. p. 179.
 
 1136. STEPHEN. 477 
 
 of fealty; hut with an express condition that the 
 king should maintain all his stipulations, and 
 should never invade any of Rohert's rights or 
 dignities: and Stephen, though sensihle that this 
 reserve, so unusual in itself, and so unhefitting 
 the duty of a subject, was meant only to afford 
 Robert a pretence for a revolt on the first favour- 
 able opportunity, M'as obliged, by the numerous 
 friends and retainers of that nobleman, to re- 
 ceive him on those terms. The clergy, who 
 could scarcely at this time be deemed subjects 
 to the crown, imitated that dangerous example: 
 they annexed to their oaths of allegiance this 
 condition, that they were only bound so long as 
 the king defended the ecclesiastical liberties, and 
 supported the discipline of the church." The 
 barons, in return for their submission, exacted 
 terms still more destructive of public peace, as 
 well as of royal authority: many of them re- 
 quired the right of fortifying their castles, and 
 of putting themselves in a posture of defence; 
 and the king found liimself totally unable to re- 
 fuse his consent to this exorbitant demand." All 
 England was immediately filled with those for- 
 tresses, which the noblemen garrisoned either 
 with their vassals, or Mith licentious soldiers, 
 who flocked to them from all quarters. Un- 
 bounded rai)ine was exercised upon tiic pcojilc 
 for tlie maintenance of these troo[)s; and private 
 
 HI Malmcs. M. Paris, p. 5 1 . > W. Alilni. p. 179. 
 
 Ibid. p. 180.
 
 478 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, 113(5. 
 
 animosities, which had with difficulty been re- 
 strained by law, now breaking out without con- 
 trol, rendered England a scene of uninterrupted 
 violence and devastation. Wars between the no- 
 bles were carried on with the utmost fury in 
 every quarter; the barons even assumed the right 
 of coining money, and of exercising, Mnthout 
 appeal, every act of jurisdiction; ^ and the infe- 
 rior gentry, as well as the people, finding no 
 defence from the laws during this total dissolu- 
 tion of sovereign authority, were obliged, for 
 their immediate safety, to pay court to some 
 neighbouring chieftain, and to purchase his pro- 
 tection, both by submitting to his exactions, and 
 by assisting him in his rapine upon others. The 
 erection of one castle proved the immediate cause 
 of building many others; and even those who 
 obtained not the king's permission, thought that 
 they were entitled, by the great principle of self- 
 preservation, to put themselves on an equal foot- 
 ing with their neighbours, who commonly Mere 
 also their enemies and rivals. The aristocratical 
 power, which is usually so oppressive in the feudal 
 governments, had now risen to its utmost height 
 during the reign of a prince who, though endowed 
 v/ith vigour and abilities, had usurped the throne 
 without the pretence of a title, and who was 
 necessitated to tolerate in others the same vio- 
 
 P Triver, p. ig. Gul. Neub. p. 372. Chrou. Heraing. p. 4S7. 
 Brompton, p. 1035.
 
 1136. STEPHEN. 479 
 
 lence to which he himself had been beholden for 
 his sovereignty. 
 
 But Stephen was not of a disposition to sub- 
 mit long to these usurpations, without making 
 some effort for the recovery of royal authority. 
 Finding that the legal prerogatives of the crown 
 were resisted and abridged, he was also tempted 
 to make his power the sole measure of his con- 
 duct; and to violate all those concessions which 
 he himself had made on his accession,'' as well 
 as the ancient privileges of his subjects. The 
 mercenary soldiers, who chiefly supported his 
 authority, having exhausted the royal treasure, 
 subsisted by depredations; and every place was 
 filled with the best grounded complaints against 
 the government. The earl of Glocester, having 
 now settled with his friends the plan of an in- 
 surrection, retired beyond sea, sent the king a 
 defiance, solemnly renounced his allegiance, and 
 upbraided him with the breach of those condi- 
 tions which had been annexed to the oath of 
 fealty sworn by that nobleman.' 
 
 WAR WITH SCOTLAND. 1138. 
 
 David, king of Scotland, aj)pcared at the head 
 of an army in defence of his niece's title, and 
 penetrating into Yorkshire, committed the most 
 
 H W. Malm. p. 180. M.Paris, [i.Sl. 
 ' W. Malm. p. 180.
 
 480 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1138. 
 
 barbarous devastations on that country. The 
 fury of his massacres and ravages enraged the 
 northern nobility, who might otherwise have 
 been inclined to join him; and William earl of 
 Albemarle, Robert de Ferrers, William Piercy, 
 Robert de Brus, Roger Moubray, Ilbert Lacey, 
 Walter I'Espec, powerful barons in those parts, 
 assembled an arm}^ M'ith which they encamped 
 at North-AUerton, and awaited the arrival of 
 the enemy. A great battle was here fought, on 
 the 22d of August, called the battle of the Stan- 
 dard, from a high crucifix, erected by the Eng- 
 lish on a waggon, and carried along Avith the 
 army as a military ensign. The king of Scots 
 was defeated, and he himself, as well as his son 
 Henry, narrowly escaped falling into the hands 
 of the English. This success overawed the mal- 
 contents in England, and might have given some 
 stability to Stephen's throne, had he not been so 
 elated with prosperity as to engage in a contro- 
 versy with the clergy, who were at that time an 
 overmatch for any monarch. 
 
 Though the great power of the church in an- 
 cient times weakened the authority of the crown, 
 and interrupted the course of the laws, it may 
 be doubted whether, in ages of such violence 
 and outrage, it was not rather advantageous that 
 some limits were set to the power of the SMord, 
 both in the hands of the prince and nobles, and 
 that men were taught to pay regard to some 
 principles and privileges. The chief misfortune
 
 1139. STEPHEN. 481 
 
 was, that the prelates on some occasions acted 
 entirely as barons, employed military power 
 against their sovereign or their neighbours, and 
 thereby often increased those disorders which it 
 was their duty to repress. The bishop of Salis- 
 bury, in imitation of the nobility, had built two 
 strong castles, one at Sherborne, another at the 
 Devizes, and had laid the foundations of a third 
 at Malmesbury : his nephew Alexander, bishop 
 of Lincoln, had erected a fortress at NcM^ark* 
 and Stephen, Mdio was now sensible from expe- 
 rience of the mischit'fs attending these multi- 
 plied citadels, resolved to begin with destroying 
 those of the clergy, who by their function seemed 
 less entitled than the barons to such military se- 
 curities.' JNIaking pretence of a fray mIhcIi had 
 arisen in court between the retinue of the bishop 
 of Salisbury and that of the earl of Brltanny, he 
 seized both that prelate and the bishop of Lin- 
 coln, threw them into prison, and obliged them 
 by menaces to deliver up those places of strength 
 which tliey had lately erected.' 
 
 Henry bishop of Winchester, the king's bro- 
 ther, being armed with a legantine commission, 
 now conceived himself to be an ecclesiastical 
 sovereign no less powerful than the ci\il ; and 
 forirettinir the ties of blood which connected him 
 with the king, he resolved to vindicate the cleri- 
 cal })rivileges, which he jmaeiided Avere here 
 openly violated. He asse]n])le(l a synod at W'est- 
 
 ^ Gul. Nfuber, p. 3(72. 
 < Chiou. Sax. p. 2JS. W. Malmcs. p. 181. 
 VOL. I. 2 1
 
 432 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. llSp. 
 
 minster, and there complained of the impiety of 
 Stephen's measures, ^v\\o had employed violence 
 against the dignitaries of the church, and had 
 not awaited the sentence of a spiritual court, by 
 which alone, he affirmed, they could lawfully be 
 tried and condemned, if their conduct had any- 
 wise merited censure or punishment." The synod 
 ventured to send a summons to the king, charg- 
 ing him to appear before them, and to justify 
 his measures;"^ and Stephen, instead of resent- 
 ing this indignity, sent Aubrey de Vere to plead 
 his cause before that assembly. De Vere ac- 
 cused the two prelates of treason and sedition ; 
 but the synod refused to try the cause, or exa- 
 mine their conduct, till those castles, of which 
 they had been dispossessed, were previously re- 
 stored to them.'' The bishop of Salisbury de- 
 clared that he would appeal to the pope; and 
 had not Stephen and his partisans employed me- 
 naces, and even shown a disposition of executing 
 violence by the hands of the soldiery, aifairs had 
 instantly come to extremity between the crown 
 and the mitre.^ 
 
 INSURRECTION IN FAVOUR OF MATILDA. 
 2 2d SEPTEMBER. 
 
 While this quarrel, joined to so many other 
 grievances, encreased the discontents among the 
 
 " W, Malm. p. 182. ^ Ibid. M. Paris, p. 53. 
 
 '^ \V. Malm, p. ]83. y Ibid.
 
 1139. STEPHEN. 483 
 
 people, the empress, invited by the opportunity, 
 and secretly encouraged by the legate himself, 
 landed in England, with Robert earl of Gloces- 
 ter, and a retinue of a hundred and forty knights. 
 She fixed her residence at Arundel castle, whose 
 gates were opened to her by Adelais the queen- 
 dowager, now married to William de Albini carl 
 of Sussex; and she excited by messengers her 
 partisans to take arms in every county of Eng- 
 land. Adelais, who had expected that her 
 daughter-in-law would have invaded the king- 
 dom with a much greater force, became appre- 
 hensive of danger; and JMatilda, to ease her of 
 her fears, removed first to Bristol, which be- 
 longed to her brother Robert, thence to Glo- 
 cester, where she remained under the protection 
 of JMilo, a gallant nobleman in tliose parts, who 
 had embraced her cause. Soon after Geoffrey 
 Talbot, ^Villiam Mohun, Ralph Lovel, William 
 Fitz-John, William Fitz-Alan, Paganell, and many 
 other barons, declared for her; and her party, 
 which was generally favoured in the kingdom, 
 seemed every day to gain ground upon that of 
 her antagonist. 
 
 Were we to relate all the military events 
 transmitted to us by contem})oiary and authen- 
 tic historians, it Mould be easy to swell our ac- 
 counts of this reign into a large volume : but 
 those incidents, so little memorable in themselves, 
 and so confused both in time and place, could af- 
 ford neither instruction nor entertainment to the 
 reader. It suffices to say that the war was spread
 
 484 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. IIS9. 
 
 into every quarter ; and that those turbulent 
 barons, who had already shaken off, in a great 
 measure, the restraint of government, having 
 now obtained the pretence of a public cause, 
 carried on their devastations M'ith redoubled fury, 
 exercised implacable vengeance on each other, 
 and set no bounds to their oppressions over the 
 people. The castles of the nobility were become 
 receptacles of licensed robbers ; who, sallying 
 forth day and night, committed spoil on the 
 open country, on the villages, and even on the 
 cities: put the captives to torture, in order to 
 make them reveal their treasures ; sold their 
 persons to slaver}'; and set fire to their houses, 
 after they had pillaged them of every thing valu- 
 able. The fierceness of their disposition, leading 
 them to commit wanton destruction, frustrated 
 their rapacity of its purpose: and the property 
 and persons even of the ecclesiastics, generally 
 so much revered, were at last, from necessity, 
 exposed to the same outrage which had laid waste 
 the rest of the kingdom. The land was left un- 
 tilled; the instruments of husbandry were de- 
 stroyed or abandoned; and a grie\'ous famine, 
 the natural result of those disorders, affected 
 equally both parties, and reduced the spoilers, 
 as well as the defenceless people, to the most 
 extreme want and indigence.'' 
 
 After several fruitless negotiations and treaties 
 of peace, which never interrupted these destrac- 
 
 ^ Chron. Sax. p. 238. W. Malmes. p. 185. Gcst.Steph. p. 961.
 
 1141. STEPHEN. 485 
 
 tive hostilities, there happened at last an event, 
 which seemed to promise some end of the public 
 calamities. Ralph, earl of Chester, and his 
 half-brother William dc Roumara, partisans of 
 Matilda, had surprised the castle of Lincoln; 
 but the citizens, who were better affected to 
 Stephen, having- invited him to their aid, that 
 prince laid close siege to the castle, in hopes of 
 soon rendering himself master of the place, 
 either by assault or by famine. 
 
 STEPHEN TAKEN PRISONER. 
 2d FEBRUARY, 1141. 
 
 The earl of Glocester hastened with an army to 
 the relief of his friends; and Stephen, informed 
 of his approach, took the field with a resolution 
 of giving him battle. After a violent shock, the 
 two M'ings of the royalists were put to flight ; 
 and Stephen himself, surrounded by the enemy, 
 was at last, after exerting great efforts of valour, 
 borne down by numbers, and taken prisoner. 
 He was conducted to Glocester; and though at 
 first treated Mith humanity, M*as soon after, on 
 some suspicion, thrown into prison, and loaded 
 with irons. 
 
 Stephen's party was entirely broken by the 
 ca])tivity of their leader, and the b.arons came in 
 daily from all (piarters, and did hon^ii^e to Ma- 
 tilda. '1 he {)riucess, howe\er, aniidit all her
 
 486 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1141. 
 
 prosperity, knew that she was not secure of suc- 
 cess, unless she could gain the confidence of the 
 clergy; and as the conduct of the legate had 
 been of late very ambiguous, and showed his 
 intentions to have rather aimed at humbling his 
 brother, than totally ruining him, she employed 
 every endeavour to fix him in her interests. She 
 held a conference with him in an open plain near 
 Winchester; where she promised upon oath, that 
 if he would acknowledge her for sovereign, 
 would recognise her title as the sole descendant 
 of the late king, and would again submit to the 
 allegiance which he, as well as the rest of the 
 kingdom, had sworn to her, he should in return 
 be entire master of the administration, and in 
 particular should, at his pleasure, dispose of all 
 vacant bishoprics and abbies. Earl Robert, her 
 brother, Brian Fitz-Count, ^lilo of Glocester, 
 and other great men, became guarantees for her 
 observing these engagements;^ and the prelate 
 was at last induced to promise her allegiance, 
 but that still burdened with the express condi- 
 tion, that she should on her part fulfil her pro- 
 mises, lie then conducted her to AVinchester, 
 led her in procession to the cathedral, and M'ith 
 great solemnity, in the presence of many bishops 
 and abbots, denounced curses against all those 
 M'ho cursed her, poured out blessings on those 
 who blessed her, granted absolution to such as 
 were obedient to her, and excommunicated such 
 
 W. Malm. p. 187.
 
 1141. STEPHEN. 487 
 
 as were rebellious.'' Theobald archbishop of 
 Canterbury soon after came also to court, and 
 swore allegiance to the empress." 
 
 MATILDA CROWNED. 1141. 
 
 Matilda, that she might farther ensure the at- 
 tachment of the clergy, was willing to receive 
 the crown from their hands; and instead of as- 
 sembling the states of the kingdom, the measure 
 which the constitution, had it been either fixed 
 or regarded, seemed necessarily to require, she 
 was content, that the legate should summon an 
 ecclesiastical synod, and that her title to the 
 throne should there be acknowledged. The le- 
 gate, addressing himself to the assembly, told 
 them, that in the absence of the empress, Stephen 
 his brother had been permitted to reign, and, 
 previously to his ascending the throne, had se- 
 duced them by many fiiir promises of honouring 
 and exalting the church, of maintaining the 
 laws, and of reforming all abuses: that it grieved 
 him to observe how much that prince had in 
 every particular been wanting to his engage- 
 ments; public peace was interrupted, crimes 
 were daily committed with impunity, bishops 
 were thrown into prison and forced to surrender 
 their possessions, ai)bics were put to sale, churches 
 were pillaged, and the most enormous disorders 
 
 ^ Chron. Sax. p. 242. Conlin. Flor. Wig. p. 076. 
 ^ W. INIalmes. p. 187.
 
 488 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1141. 
 
 prevailed in the administration : that he himself, 
 in order to procure a redress of these grievances, 
 had formerly summoned the king before a coun- 
 cil of bishops; but instead of inducing him to 
 amend his conduct, had rather offended him by 
 that expedient: tliat, how much soever mis- 
 guided, that prince was still his brother, and the 
 object of his affections; but his interests, how- 
 ever, must be regarded as subordinate to those 
 of their heavenly Father, who had now rejected 
 him, and thrown him into the hands of his ene- 
 mies: that it principally belonged to the clergy 
 to elect and ordain kings; he had summoned 
 them together for that purpose; and having in- 
 voked the divine assistance, he now pronounced 
 Matilda the only descendant of Henry, their late 
 sovereign, queen of England. The whole assem- 
 bly, by their acclamations o^r silence, gave, or 
 seemed to give, their assent to this ''declaration. 
 The only laymen summoned to this council, 
 Avhicli decided the fate of the crown, were the 
 Londoners; and even these were required not to 
 give their opinion, but to submit to the decrees 
 of the synod. The deputies of London, however, 
 Avere not so passive : they insisted that their king 
 should be delivered from prison; but were told 
 by the legate, that it became not the Londoners, 
 who were regarded as noblemen in England, to 
 take part v itb those l^arons, M'ho had basely for- 
 
 <i W. Malnies. p. 188. This autlior, a judicious man, was pre- 
 sent, and says, that I e was \try attentive to uhot passed. This 
 speech, thtrefore, may be regarded as entirely genuine.
 
 1141. STEPHEN. 489 
 
 saken their lord in battle, and who had treated 
 holy church with contumely:'' it is with reason 
 that the citizens of London assumed so much 
 authority, if it be true, what is related by Fitz- 
 Stephen, a contemporary author, that that city 
 could at this time bring into the field no less than 
 eighty thousand combatants/ 
 
 London, notwithstanding its great power, and 
 its attachment to Stephen, was at length obliged 
 to submit to Matilda; and her authority, by the 
 prudent conduct of earl Robert, seemed to be 
 established over the whole kingdom: but affairs 
 remained not long in this situation. That prin- 
 cess, besides the disadvantages of her sex, which 
 weakened her influence over a turbulent and 
 martial people, ^\us of a passionate, imperious 
 spirit, and kncM^ not how to temper with affa- 
 bility the harshness of a refusal. Stepheirs (}ueen, 
 seconded by many of the nobility, petitioned for 
 the liberty of her husband; and offered that, on 
 this condition, he should lenounce the crown, 
 and retire into a convent. The legate desired 
 
 e W. Malnus. p. 188. 
 ^ P. -I. Were this account to be dcpcndrd on, London must at 
 that [\n\c have cont. lined near lOO.CKK) inliabitants, wliicli is above 
 douMe tlie nuniljer it contained at the diath of" (juecn Klizabctli. 
 But these loose cahnlal ions, or rather guesses, d.-t rve very little 
 cretlit. I'eter of lUois, a contenipniary writer, and a man nl" sense, 
 says, there were then only lorty tlicu^and inhabitar.ts in Lendon, 
 which i-> much morclikely. Sic i pist. 151, AN'liat I itz-Slephen 
 say-i of the \n\ digious riches, sj)I( ndi)ur, and comnic rce of London, 
 proves only the eriat po\erty of the oiiu r towns of the kingdom, 
 and indeed of all the northern parts of Europe.
 
 490 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1141. 
 
 that prince Eiistace, his nephew, might inherit 
 Boulogne and the other patrimonial estates of his 
 father:^ the Londoners applied for the establish- 
 ment of king Edward's laws, instead of those of 
 king Henry, which, they said, were grievous and 
 oppressive.'' All these petitions were rejected in 
 the most haughty and peremptory manner. 
 
 The legate, who had probably never been 
 sincere in his compliance with Matilda's govern- 
 ment, availed himself of the ill-humour excited 
 by this imperious conduct, and secretly insti- 
 gated the Londoners to a revolt. A conspiracy 
 was entered into to seize the person of the em- 
 press; and she saved herself from the danger by 
 a precipitate retreat. She fled to Oxford : soon 
 after she went to Winchester; M'hither the legate, 
 desirous to save appearances, and watching the 
 opportunity to ruin her cause, had retired. But 
 having assembled all his retainers, he openly 
 joined his force to that of the Londoners, and to 
 Stephen's mercenary troops, who had not 3 et 
 evacuated the kingdom ; and he besieged ]\latilda 
 in Winchester. The princess, being hard pressed 
 by famine, made her escape; but in the flight, 
 earl Robert, her brother, fell into the hands of 
 the enemy. This nobleman, though a subject, 
 was as much the life and soul of his own party, 
 as Stephen was of the other; and the empress, 
 sensible of his merit and importance, consented 
 to exchange the prisoners on equal terms. The 
 
 s Brompton, p. 1031. 
 ^ Contin. Flor. Wig. p. 6/7. Gen^ase, p. 1355,
 
 1142. STEPHEN. 491 
 
 civil war was again kindled with greater fury 
 than ever. 
 
 Earl Rohert, finding the successes on both 
 sides nearly balanced, went over to Normandy, 
 which, during Stephen's captivity, had submitted 
 to the earl of Anjou; and he persuaded Geoffrey 
 to allow his eldest son Henry, a young prince of 
 great hopes, to take a journey into England, 
 and appear at the head of his partisans. This 
 expedient, however, produced nothing decisive. 
 Stephen took Oxford after a long siege: he was 
 defeated by earl Robert at Wilton : and the em- 
 press, though of a masculine spirit, yet being 
 harassed with a variety of good and bad fortune, 
 and alarmed with continual dangers to her per- 
 son and family, at last retired into Normandy, 
 whitlier she had sent her son some time before. 
 The death of her brother, which happened nearly 
 about the same time, Mould have proved fatal to 
 her interests, had not some incidents occurred, 
 wliich checked the course of Stephen's prospe- 
 rity. Tills prince, finding that the castles built 
 by the noblemen of his own part}' encouraged 
 tlie spirit of independence, auvl were little less 
 (lanjjerous than those which remained in the 
 hands of the enemy, endeavoured to extort iVom 
 tJiem a surrender of those forti-esses; and he 
 alienated the afVeetlons of many of them l)y this 
 ecjuitable demand. U he artillerv also of the 
 church, which his brother had brought over to 
 his side, had, after some Interval, joined the 
 other part}-. Engenlus III. had mounted the
 
 492 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1146. 
 
 papal throne; the bishop of Winchester was de- 
 prived of the legantine commission, which was 
 conferred on Theobald archbishop of Canter- 
 bury, the enemy and rival of the former legate. 
 That pontiff also, having summoned a general 
 council at Rheims in Champagne, instead of al- 
 lowing the church of England, as had been usual, 
 to elect its own deputies, nominated five English 
 bishops to represent that church, and required 
 their attendance in the council. Stephen, Avho, 
 notwithstanding his present difficulties, was jea- 
 lous of the rights of his crown, refused them 
 permission to attend;' and the pope, sensible of 
 his advantage in contending with a prince who 
 reigned by a disputed title, took revenge by lay- 
 ing all Stephen's party under an interdict.'' The 
 discontents of the royalists, at being thrown into 
 this situation, were augmented by a comparison 
 with Matilda's party, who enjoyed all the benefits 
 of the sacred ordinances; and Stephen was at last 
 obliged, by making proper submissions to the 
 see of Rome, to remove the reproach from his 
 party.' 
 
 The weakness of both sides, rather than any 
 decrease of mutual animosity, having produced 
 a tacit cessation of arms in England, many of the 
 nobility, Roger de INloubray, William de War- 
 renne, and others, finding no opportunity to 
 exert their military ardour at home, inlisted 
 themselves in a new crusade, which, with sur- 
 
 Epist. St. Thorn, p. 225. ^ Chron. W. Thorn, p. ISO;. 
 
 ' Epist. St, Thom. p,226'.
 
 1148. STEPHEN. 496 
 
 prising success, after former disappointments 
 and misfortunes, was now preached by St. 
 Bernard."" But an event soon after happened 
 which threatened a revival of hostihties in Eng- 
 land. Prince Henry, who had reached his six- 
 teenth year, was desirous of receiving the honour 
 of knighthood; a ceremony which every gentle- 
 man in tliat age passed through before he was 
 a(huitted to the use of arms, and which was even 
 deemed requisite for the greatest princes. He 
 intended to receive his admission from his great- 
 uncle, David king of Scotland ; and for that 
 purpose he passed through England with a great 
 retinue, and was attended l)y the most consider- 
 able of his partisans. He remained some time 
 with the king of Scotland; made incursions into 
 England; and by his dexterity and vigour in all 
 manly exercises, by his valour in Mar, and his 
 prudent conduct in every occurrence, he roused 
 tlie hopes of his party, and gave symptoms of 
 those great qualities which he afterwards dis- 
 played when he mounted the throne of England. 
 Soon after his return to Normandy, he was, by 
 Matilda's consent, invested in that dutchy; and 
 u|)on the death of his lather Geoffrey, Mhich 
 happened in the subsecpicnt year, he took ])os- 
 session both of Anjou and I\iaine, and concluded 
 a marriage, whif.h brought him a great accession 
 ol" power, and rendered him extremely formid- 
 able to his rival. I'^leanor, the daughter and 
 heir of \\ illiani duke of (iuieune, and earl of 
 
 "' Ilagulbt. p. 275,2;0\
 
 494 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1U8. 
 
 Poictou, had been married sixteen years to 
 Lewis VII. king of France, and had attended 
 him in a crusade, which that monarch conducted 
 against the infidels: but having there lost the 
 affections of her husband, and even fallen under 
 some suspicion of gallantry with a handsome 
 Saracen, Lewis, more delicate than polite, pro- 
 cured a divorce from her, and restored her those 
 rich provinces, which by her marriage she had 
 annexed to the crown of France. Young Henry, 
 neither discouraged by the inequality of years, 
 nor by the reports of Eleanor's gallantries, made 
 successful courtship to that princess, and espous- 
 ing her six weeks after her divorce, got posses- 
 sion of all her dominions as her dowry. The 
 lustre which he received from this acquisition, 
 and the prospect of his rising fortune, had such 
 an effect in England, that when Stephen, desir- 
 ous to ensure the crown to his son Eustace, re- 
 quired the archbishop of Canterbury to anoint 
 that prince as his successor, the primate refused 
 compliance, and made his escape beyond sea, to 
 avoid the violence and resentment of Stephen. 
 
 COMPROMISE BETWEEN THE KING AND 
 PRINCE HENRY. 1153. 
 
 Henry, informed of these dispositions in the 
 people, made an invasion on England: having 
 gained some advantage over Stephen at jNIalmes- 
 bury, and having taken that place, he proceeded
 
 ,1153. STEPHEN. 495 
 
 thence to throw succours into Wallingford, which 
 the king liad advanced with a superior army to 
 besiege. A decisive action was every day ex- 
 pected; wlien the great men of both sides, terri- 
 fied at the prospect of farther bloodshed and 
 confusion, interposed with their good offices, 
 and set on foot a negociation between the rival 
 princes. The death of Eustace, during the 
 course of the treaty, facilitated its conclusion : 
 an accommodation was settled, by which it was 
 agreed, that Stephen should possess the crown 
 during his lifetime, that justice should be ad- 
 .ministered in his name, even in the provinces 
 which had submitted to Henry, and that this 
 latter prince should, on Stephen's demise, suc- 
 ceed to the kingdom, and William, Stephen's 
 son, to Boulogne and his patrimonial estate. 
 
 DEATH OF THE KING. OCTOBER 25, 1151. 
 
 Ai'TKii all the barons liad sworn to the observ- 
 ance of tliis treaty, and done homage to Henry, 
 as to tlie heir of the crown, tliat prince evacu- 
 ated the kingdom; and tlie death of Steplien, 
 which haj)peiied the next year, after a short ill- 
 ness, ])re\cnted all those (juanels and jealousies, 
 which were likely to have ensued in so delicate 
 a situation. 
 
 I'nglaiid siillered great miseries (hiring the 
 reign of this j)rince: but liis personal ehaiaeter, 
 allowing for tlie temerity and injustice of his
 
 496 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1154. 
 
 usurpation, appears not liable to any great excep- 
 tion ; and he seems to have been well qualified, 
 had he succeeded by a just title, to have pro- 
 moted the happiness and prosperity of his sub- 
 jects." Pie was possessed of industry, activity, 
 and courage, to a great degree; tliough not en- 
 dowed with a sound judgment, he Mas not defi- 
 cient in abilities; he had the talent of gaining 
 men's affections; and notwithstanding his pre- 
 carious situation, he never indulged himself in 
 the exercise of any cruelty or revenge. His 
 advancement to the throne procured him neither 
 tranquillity nor happiness; and though the situa- 
 tion of England prevented the neighbouring 
 states from taking any durable advantage of her 
 confusions, her intestine disorders were to the 
 last degree ruinous and destructive. The court 
 of Rome was also permitted, during those civil 
 wars, to make farther advances in her usurpa- 
 tions; and appeals to the pope, whi; h had shrub's 
 been strictly prohibited by the English laws, be- 
 came now common in ever^^ ecclesiastical con- 
 troversy. '^ 
 
 " W. Mijla), p. 180. o ]\[. Paris, p. 5!. Hagnl. p. 312. 
 p H. Hunt, p. 395. 
 
 ex:d of the first volume. 
 
 1 . iwislt-y, i'ni -r. 
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