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THE
LIFE OF POGGIO BRACCIOLINI.
THE
l!lFE
POGGIO
THE REV. WM. SHEPHEED, LL. D
LIVERPOOL.
PRINTED BY HARRIS BROTHERS,
FOR LONGMAN, REES, ORME, BROWN, GREEN & LONGMAN, LONDON.
1837.
PREFACE
TO
THE FIRST EDITION.
JL HE services rendered to the cause of litera-
ture by Poggio Bracciolini, have been noticed
with due applause by Mr. Roscoe in his cele-
brated Lite of Lorenzo de' Medici. From the
perusal of that elegant publication, I was led to
imagine, that the history of Poggio must con-
tain a rich fund of information respecting the
revival of letters. A cursory examination of
the Basil edition of his works convinced me
that I was not mistaken ; and I felt a wish to
direct the attention of the public to the merits
of an author, whose productions had afforded
me no small degree of pleasure. Being apprized
that Monsieur L'Enfant had given an account of
the life and writings of Poggio, in two 12mo.
volumes, entitled " Poggiana," I at first bounded
my views to a translation of that work. Upon
11.
perusing it, however, I found it so ill arranged,
and in many particulars so erroneous, that I was
persuaded it would be a much more pleasant
task to compose a new Life of Poggio, than to
correct the mistakes which deform the Poggiana.
In this idea I was fully confirmed by the perusal
of Recanati's Osservazioni Critiche, in which
Monsieur L 'Enfant is convicted of no less than
one hundred and twenty-nine capital errors.
I next turned my thoughts to the translation
of the Life of Poggio, written by Recanati, and
prefixed by him to his edition of Poggio 's His-
tory of Florence. But finding this biographical
memoir, though scrupulously accurate, too con-
cise to be generally interesting, and totally
' destitute of those minute particularities which
alone can give a clear and correct idea of indi-
vidual character, I was persuaded that the
labours of Recanati by no means superseded any
further attempts to elucidate the history of
Poggio. I therefore undertook the task of
giving a detailed account of the life and writings
of that eminent reviver of literature ; and being
convinced, from a perusal of his epistolary
correspondence, that his connexions with the
most accomplished scholars of his age would
111.
impose upon his biographer the duty of giving
some account of his learned contemporaries,
whilst his situation in the Roman chancery in
some degree implicated him in the political
changes which, in his days, distracted Italy,
I carefully examined such books as were likely
to illustrate the literary, civil, and ecclesiastical
history of the period of which I had to treat.
From these books I have selected whatever
appeared to be relevant to my subject ; and I
have also introduced into my narrative, such
extracts from the writings of Poggio as tend to
illustrate, not only his own character, but also
that of the times in which he lived.
I now submit the result of my inquiries to
the public inspection, not without experiencing
considerable anxiety respecting the fate which
awaits my labours ; but at the same time, con-
scious that I have spared no pains in searching
for information, and that I have in no instance
wilfully deviated from the truth of history. The
number and minuteness of my references to
authorities will indeed vouch for my industry,
and for my willingness to facilitate that examina-
tion which may occasionally convict me of error.
For errors and inadvertencies I could plead nn
b
IV.
excuse, which would perhaps tend to mitigate
the severity of criticism, namely, that the life
of Poggio was written during the short intervals
of leisure allowed by a laborious occupation.
But of this excuse I cannot conscientiously avail
myself; for I have long been persuaded that the
habits of industry, acquired by the recurrence of
daily employment, are much more productive
of that exertion of mind which is necessary to
the successful study of literary composition, than
the dignified, but enervating leisure of the
dilettante.
PREFACE
TO
THE SECOND EDITION.
** HEN I first began to collect materials for the
writing of the life of Poggio Bracciolini, I was
much indebted to the kindness of my late friends
Mr. Roscoe and Mr. William Clarke, who
liberally allowed me the free use of the scarce
books which they possessed, illustrative of the '
revival of letters in the fourteenth and fifteenth
' t
centuries. From various passages which occur
in some of these works, I was convinced that
there existed in the public libraries of the city
of Florence several manuscripts, from which
much information might be gathered respecting
the history of the scholar, to whose early exer-
tions for the promotion of sound learning I
wished to do justice. In consequence of this
persuasion, I felt a strong desire to visit the
Tuscan capital, for the purpose of copying and
VI.
analyzing such documents, suitable to my pur-
pose, as I might there discover. But my pro-
fessional engagements not allowing me to be
absent from home for the requisite length of
time, I was obliged, however reluctantly, to
give up this project as impracticable, and to
proceed in my task with the aid of such printed
books as were accessible to me. Soon after the
publication of the first edition of this work,
however, I found that a very interesting portion
of the documents which I wished to inspect
existed in my native country. The late Col.
Johnes, of Hafod, having read my Life of
Poggio, wrote to me in the spring of the year
1803, to inform me that he had in his library
a manuscript volume of Letters written by my
hero, which he would with pleasure permit me to
examine, on the condition of my coming over to
Hafod for that purpose. So frank an invitation
I eagerly accepted, and at my earliest leisure
I repaired to the Colonel's romantic residence,
where I was received with that elegant hos-
pitality, by the exercise of which Mr. Johnes
was distinguished, even in a country where
strangers are generally greeted by the resident
gentry with a hearty welcome. On a cursory
examination of the volume which had thus
Vll.
attracted me to the wilds of Cardiganshire, and
which was beautifully written on the finest
vellum, I found that it contained many letters
of Poggio which had not been printed. From
these I immediately commenced making extracts
of such passages as tended to throw new light on
the particulars of Poggio's history ; and this
task I resumed at future visits which I paid to
Hafod, till, at length, the intercourse between
Mr. Johnes and myself ripening into the con-
fidence of intimate friendship, my kind host
was pleased to present me with the volume itself,
which I keep among the most precious of my
few literary treasures, and which I especially
value, as the gift of an accomplished and warm
hearted man, whose memory I shall gratefully
cherish to the close of my mortal existence.
Under the guidance of this manuscript I
was enabled to settle various dates of occurrences
in the Life of Poggio, which were not supplied
by any printed record which had fallen into my
hands ; and also to collect several traits illustra-
tive of his character, which would naturally be
traced in his epistolary correspondence. Other
engagements, however, for some time prevented
me from arranging these memoranda, which I had
Vlll.
originally collected with a view to an improved
edition of my work. At a certain period, also,
I deferred this task, in hopes of profiting by the
annotations which I was apprized that the
learned Dr. Spiker, librarian to the King of
Prussia, had appended to a translation which he
had made of my Life of Poggio into the Ger-
man language. To my great mortification,
however, the Doctor's manuscript, which had
been put into the hands of a printer at Berlin,
was irrecoverably lost in the confusion which
followed upon the conquest of Prussia by the
Emperor Napoleon after the battle of Jena.
The French version of my work by the Compte
de Laubepin, which was published at Paris in
the year 1819, I found to be faithful, and
elegant in its style ; but its Appendix threw
little new light upon the subject of my lucubra-
tions. My papers relating to Poggio lay, then,
undisturbed in my portfolio, till the appearance
in the year 1825 of the Cavaliere Tonelli's
translation of my work into Italian once more
drew my attention to them, and revived the
wish which I had so long ago entertained to
publish an improved edition of the Life of
Poggio. For the Cavaliere had completely
smoothed to me the work of correction.
IX.
Having had access, not only to a manuscript
copy of Poggio's letters deposited in the Ric-
cardi library at Florence, of which the volume
given to me by Colonel Johnes is a duplicate,
but also to other collections of Poggio's epistles,
which he had discovered in various libraries on
the continent of Europe, with the first volume of
a selection from which he favoured the literary
world in the year 1832, he was enabled to supply
my deficiencies, as well as to rectify the mis-
takes into which I had in some few instances
fallen, by relying too much on secondary autho.
rities. This he has done in the notes appended
to his translation, which in their substance
exemplify the industry in research of a zealous
lover of literature; and in their temper and
style the urbanity of a gentleman. With such
aid to facilitate my labours I experienced little
difficulty in preparing for the press this second
edition of the Life of Poggio, which I now
submit to the public, with that confidence in its
accuracy, which is founded upon the circum-
stance, of its having been improved by the
suggestions of a critic, who has acquired a
knowledge, at once minute and extensive, of
the literary history of the period of which I
treat, and whose opinions I cannot but respect,
as the result of varied information and of en-
lightened judgment.
CHAP. I.
BIRTH of Poggio His education at Florence John
of Ravenna Poggio goes to Rome Enters into the
service of Boniface IX State of Italy Schism of
the West Urban VI The Antipope Clement VII
Bonifice IX Distracted state of Italy The Anti-
pope Benedict XIII Wars in Italy Letter of Pog-
gio Poggio"s arrival in Rome Innocent VII Poggio
introduces Leonardo Aretino into the pontifical chan-
cery Memoirs of Leonardo His contest with Jacopo
d^Angelo Insurrection in Rome Gregory XII
Alexander V Distractions of the Pontificate Poggio
visits Florence John XXII Leonardo Aretino
elected chancellor of Florence His marriage, and
letter to Poggio Convocation of the council of Con-
stance.
CHAP. I.
A OGGIO,* the son of Guccio Bracciolini, was born on
the eleventh day of February, in the year 1380,^ at
Terranuova, a small town situated in the territory of the
republic of Florence, not far from Arezzo. He derived
his baptismal name from his grandfather,! concerning whose
occupation and circumstances, the scanty memorials of the
times in which he lived, do not furnish any satisfactory
information. From his father, Poggio inherited no advan-
tages of rank or fortune. Guccio Bracciolini, who exer-
cised the office of notary, was once indeed possessed of
considerable property ; but being either by his own impru-
dence, or by misfortune, involved in difficulties, he had
Recanati Poggii Vita, p. 1. Recanali Osservazioni, p. 34.
f- Eloffi degli Uomini Illustri Toscani, torn. i. p. 270. MS. in the
Riecardi Library referred to by the Cavaliere Tonelli, torn. i. p. 3. of his transla-
tion of the Life of Poggio, which will be hereafter designated by the abridgment
Ton. Tr.
{ Recanali Poggii Vita, p. 1.
Recanati indeed, on the authority of a letter addressed by an unknown
antiquary to Benedetto do" Bondclmonti, asserts, that the office of notary httri
been for some generations hereditary in the family of Poetpo.
Recanati nt supr.
CHAP. I.
recourse to the destructive assistance of an usurer, by whose
rapacious artifices, his ruin was speedily completed, and he
was compelled to fly from the pursuit of his creditors.*
But whatever might be the disadvantages under which
Poggio laboured, in consequence of the embarrassed state
of his father's fortune, in a literary point of view the cir-
cumstances of his birth were singularly propitious. At the
close of the fourteenth century, the writings of Petrarca
and Bocaccio were read with avidity, and the labours of
those eminent revivers of letters had excited throughout
Italy the emulation of the learned. The day-star had now
pierced through the gloom of mental night, and the dawn
of literature was gradually increasing in brilliancy. The
city of Florence was, at this early period, distinguished by
the zeal with which its principal inhabitants cultivated and
patronized the liberal arts. It was consequently the favour-
ite resort of the ablest scholars of the time, some of whom
were induced by the offer of considerable salaries, to under-
take the task of public instruction. In this celebrated
school, Poggio applied himself to the study of the Latin
tongue, under the direction of Giovanni Malpaghino, more
commonly known by the appellation of John of Ravenna.
This eminent scholar had, for a period of nearly fifteen
years, been honoured by the friendship, and benefited by
the precepts of Petrarca, under whose auspices he made
considerable progress in the study of morals, history, and
* See a fragment of a letter from Colucio Salutati to Pietro Turco. Apud
Mehi Vitam Ambrosii Traversarii, fo. CCCLXXW, CCCLXM.
CHAP. I. O
poetry. After the death of his illustrious patron, lie deli-
vered public lectures on polite literature, first at Venice,
and afterwards at Florence. At the latter place, besides
Poggio, the following celebrated literary characters were
formed by his instnictions Leonarcjo Aretino, Pallas
Strozza, Roberto Rossi, Paulo Vergerio the elder, Omne-
buono Vicentino, Guarino Veronese, Carlo Aretino, Am-
brogio Traversari, and Francesco Barbaro.*
* Giovanni, the son of Jacopo Malpaghino, was born at Ravenna. In his
early youth he left his native city, and went to Venice, where he attended the
lectures of Donato Albasano, a celebrated grammarian. From the instructions
of Donato he derived considerable advantage; but his connexion with that
scholar was more eminently fortunate, as it introduced him to the acquaintance,
and procured him the friendship of Petrarca, who took him into his family, and
superintended the prosecution of his studies. In return for the kindness of his
accomplished patron, Giovanni undertook the improving employment of tran-
scribing his compositions a task for which he was well qualified, as he had
added to his other acquirements that of a beautiful hand writing. Petrarca in
a letter to Giovanni Certaldo, which is preserved in Mehus's life of Ambrogio
Traversari, mentions, with distinguished applause, the industry, temperance and
prudence of his young scribe ; and particularly commends the tenaciousness of
his memory, in proof of which, he informs his correspondent, that Giovanni
had, in eleven successive days, qualified himself to repeat his twelve Bucolic
poems. Perhaps the highest eulogium that can be pronounced upon Giovanni is
this, that he continued to reside in the family of Petrarca for the space of fifteen
years, at the end of which time, by the death of that elegant enthusiast, he was
deprived of an enlightened master and a zealous friend. On this event he went
to Padua, where he for some time gained an honourable livelihood, by instruct-
ing youth in the principles of eloquence. In the year 1397, he received an in-
vitation to undertake the office of public instructor, in the city of Florence.
This invitation he accepted, and discharged the duties of his station with great
applause, during the course of at least fifteen years. The time of his death is
uncertain. Mehi Vita Ambrosii Travcrsarii, p. CCCXLVIII. CCCLIII. Ejvs-
dem preefatio ad Colucii Salulati Epistolas. p. XLI.
CHAP. I.
It has been asserted by most of the writers who have
given an account of the early history of Poggio, that he
acquired a knowledge of the Greek language at the Floren-
tine University under the tuition of the celebrated Manuel
Crysoloras but it is evident from a letter addressed by him
to Niccolo Niccoli, that he did not commence his Greek
studies till the year 1424, when he entered upon them at
Rome, trusting for success in this new pursuit to his own
industry, guided by the occasional instructions of a friend
of his of the name of Rinuccio, an accomplished scholar,
who afterwards became secretary to Pope Nicholas V.*
When he had attained a competent knowledge of
the Latin language, Poggio quitted Florence, and went to
Rome in the year 1403. Soon after his arrival in that city,
on the recommendation of his venerated tutor Coluccio
Salutati, he obtained the appointment of secretary to the
Cardinal Rudulfo Maramori, Bishop of Bari ; and in the
month of August or September in the ensuing year, he
entered into the service of the reigning pontiff Boniface
IX. in the capacity of writer of the apostolic letters.-f-
A. D. 1403. At the time of Poggio^s admission into
the pontifical chancery, Italy was convulsed by war and
faction. The kingdom of Naples was exposed to the hor-
rors of anarchy, consequent upon a disputed succession to
the throne. Many of the cities of Lombardy, now the
Ton. Tr. lorn. i. p. 7.
f Ton. Tr. torn. i. p. 10.
CHA1'. I.
unresisting prey of petty tyrants, now struggling to throw
off the yoke, were the miserable theatres of discord and of
bloodshed. The ambition of the Lord of Milan carried
fire and sword from the borders of Venice to the gates of
Florence. The ecclesiastical state was exposed to the pre-
datory incursions of banditti ; and the cities over which, as
portions of the patrimony of St. Peter, the pope claimed
the exercise of authority, took advantage of the weakness
of the Roman court to free themselves from its oppression.
At the same time, the lustre of the pontificate was dimmed
by the schism, which for the space of more than twenty
years had divided the sentiments, and impaired the spi-
ritual allegiance of the Christian community.
As this celebrated ecclesiastic feud, which is commonly
distinguished by the name of the Schism of the West,
commenced only two years before the birth of Poggio ; as
no fewer than five of his patrons were implicated in its pro-
gress and consequences, and as it was terminated by the ,
council of Constance, which assembly he attended in quality
of secretary to John XXII. it will be necessary to enter a
little at large into its history.
The joy experienced by the inhabitants of Rome, on
the translation of the papal court from Avignon to its
ancient residence, by Gregory XI. was suddenly damped
by the death of that pontiff, which event took place on the
28th of March, 1378. The Romans were apprehensive,
that if the choice of the conclave should fall upon a native
of France, he would again remove the holy see beyond the
8 CHAP. I.
Alps.* They sighed for the restoration of that splendor,
with which the pomp of the successors of St. Peter had
formerly graced their city. Their breasts glowed with in-
dignation, when they saw the states of the church, in con-
sequpnce of the absence of its chief, successively falling
under the dominion of usurpers. During the residence of
the popes at Avignon, the devout pilgrimages, once so
copious a source of gain to the inhabitants of the capital of
Christendom, had been suspended ; the tombs of the mar-
tyrs had been neglected, and the churches were fast hasten-
ing to decay. Dreading the renewal and the aggravation
of these evils, the Roman clergy and populace assembled in
a tumultuous manner, and signified to the cardinals, who
happened to be at Rome at the time of the death of Gregory
XI. their earnest wishes, that they would appoint some
illustrious Italian to fill the pontifical chair. Amidst the
clamours of the people, the conclave was held in the Vati-
can, under the protection of a guard of soldiers. This
assembly was composed of thirteen French and four Italian
cardinals. Notwithstanding this preponderance of ultra-
montane suffrages, in consequence, as Platina says, of a
disagreement among the French,^ or more probably, as
was afterwards alleged by the Gallic ecclesiastics, in con-
sequence of the overawing influence of the Roman populace,
the election was concluded in favor of a Neapolitan, Bar-
tolomeo, Archbishop of Bari, on whom the conclave con-
" Platina Vile de" Pantefifi, torn. i. p. 36!.
j- Plaina, lorn. i. p. 3G9.
CHAP. r. 9
ferret! the name of Urban VI.* The French cardinals,
after protesting against his nomination to the papal chair,
as an act in which they had been obliged to concur through
a dread of rousing the popular indignation, fled from the
city. In the course of a little time, however, they returned
to Rome, and made their peace with Urban by confirming his
election, and paying him the customary homage. But this
reconciliation was not lasting. The manners of Urban were
haughty and stern, and his disposition was severe and
revengeful. Disgusted by his pride, and dreading the
effects of his resentment, the foreign cardinals again with-
drew, first to Anagni, and afterwards to Fondi, a town
situated in the territories of Naples. Here, being em-
boldened by the protection of Joanna, queen of that country,
they renewed their protest against the election of Urban,
and proceeding to form a new conclave, they proclaimed the
cardinal of Ginevra, under the name of Clement VII. the
true successor of St. Peter. This was the beginning of that
schism, which for so long a space of time perplexed the true
believers, by the inexplicable phenomenon of the co-exist-
ence of two supreme and infallible heads of the church, each
proscribing his competitor, and fulminating the terrors of
damnation against the adherents of his rival.
In this contest the Gallic cardinals did not restrict
themselves to the use of spiritual weapons. They assem-
bled a body of mercenary soldiers, whom they employed in
* The conclave gave a name to the new pontiff, because he was absent from
Rome at the time of hi* election.
10
CHAP. J.
making an incursion into the Roman territory. These
troops were at first successful in their operations ; but en-
gaging the pontifical army near Marina, they were defeated
with considerable loss.*
The resentful spirit of Urban, stimulated by the hos-
tile conduct of the rebellious cardinals, prompted him to
meditate a severe revenge. He instantly dispatched an
ambassador to Lodovico, king of Hungary, with instruc-
tions to proffer to that monarch his assistance in punishing
the queen of Naples, for the imputed murder of her
husband Andrew, brother to the Hungarian sovereign,
who it was alleged had, with her concurrence, been put to
death by Luigi, prince of Taranto.^ Lodovico, who had
long thirsted for vengeance, eagerly accepted the offers of
Urban, and gave orders to Carlo, son of Luigi di Durazzo,
the descendant of Charles II. and heir apparent to the
throne of Naples, to march with the Hungarian troops,
which were then engaged in hostilities against the Vene-
tians, and to co-operate with the pope in an attack upon the
kingdom of Naples. J Carlo, after taking Arezzo, and
making peace with the Florentines on the condition of their
lending him forty thousand crowns of gold, repaired to
Rome, where he held a conference with Urban. Thence he
Platina, torn. i. p. 370.
-f- Voltaire, Essai stir les Mceurs et f Esprit des Nations, chap. 69. The
Cavaliere Tonelli is of opinion, that Joanna was innocent of this crime, which is
not imputed to her by the best Neapolitan historians, Costanzo and Giannone.
See Ton. Tr. torn. i. p. 16.
Plalina, torn. i. p. 372.
CHAP. I. 11
directed his march to Naples, of which city he easily made
himself master. Joanna, after sustatiing a short siege in
the Castello Nuovo, was taken prisoner, and, according to
the directions of the inexorable king of Hungary, smothered
between two mattresses.*
This vindictive deed being perpetrated, Urban repaired
to Naples, and, according to the terms of an agreement
which had been concluded before the departure of the prince
of Hungary from Rome, he demanded, on behalf of his
nephew, the possession of the principality of Capua, and of
several other places in the kingdom of Naples. On Carlo's
refusing to accede to this demand, Urban, with character-
istic impetuosity, had recourse to threats, to which the king
answered by putting the pontiff for some days under an
arrest. Urban, dissembling his indignation, requested,
and obtained of the prince, permission to retire to Nocera
for the benefit of his health. The first step which he took
on his arrival at that place, was to strengthen its fortifica-
tions, and recruit its garrison. He then proceeded to the
nomination of new cardinals, and threw seven members of
the sacred college into prison, alleging, that at the insti-
gation of Carlo, and of his rival Clement, they had formed
a conspiracy against his life. Having cited the Neapolitan
monarch to appear and answer to the charges which he had
to prefer against him, he proceeded to his trial. Carlo
treated the summons with contempt, and sent Count
" Paffffitts de Varietate Forturue, p. 56. Ammiruto Istorie Florentine.
P. I. T. II. p. 752.
12 CHAP. I.
Alberico, grand constable of his kingdom, at the head of an
army to lay siege t Nocera. Urban, escaping from that
city, embarked with his prisoners on board some Genoese
galleys, which had been prepared to aid his flight. Exaspe-
rated to the highest degree of cruelty, the fugitive pontiff
vented his fury on the captive cardinals, five of whom he
caused to be tied up in sacks, and thrown into the sea.*
On the death of Carlo, who, having usurped the throne
of Hungary, which belonged of right to Maria, the daugh-
ter of the late monarch, was murdered by assassins hired
by the deposed queen, Urban endeavoured to make himself
master of the kingdom of Naples. Being frustrated in this
attempt, he returned to Rome, where he died on the 15th
of October, 1389. We may easily credit the assertion of
Platina, that " few were the persons who wept at his death."
Poggio, in a letter to Angelotto, cardinal of St. Mark,
ascribes the violent conduct of Urban to a derangement of
intellect, consequent upon his elevation to the pontifical
dignity;^ and he has recorded in his Facetiae an anecdote,
which may be quoted as proving the prevalence of an opinion
that he was afflicted with insanity.!
* Platina, torn. i. p. 373, 374. Giannone, lib. xxiv. cap. i.
f Vide Poggii Epistolas Ivii, a Johanne Oliva Rhodigino vulgatas ad
calcem librorum de Varietate Fortuna, p. 199.
J Alter Urbanum olim summum pontificem leviter perstrinxit. Nam cum
ille nescio quid acrius a pontifice contenderet, " malo capite es " inquit Urba-
nus. Turn ille " hoc idem " inquit " et de te vulgi dicunt homines pater
tancte." Poggii Opera, edit, Basil, p. 428.
CHAP. I. 13
A.D. 1389. Urban was succeeded by Boniface IX.
a Neapolitan, of the family of the Tomacelli, who was
raised to the chair of St. Peter at the early age of thirty
years.* The distracted state of Italy required indeed the
exertions of a pontiff endowed with the vigour and activity
of the prime of life. That beautiful country was the '
devoted prey of war, rapine, and civil discord. The native
country of Poggio did not escape the general calamity.
Galeazzo, lord of Milan, having declared war against
Florence and Bologna, sent a powerful body of forces
under the command of Giovanni Ubaldino, with orders to
lay waste the territories of those states. In this extremity,
the Florentines dispatched a considerable army, under the
command of their general Auguto, to make a diversion in
the Milanese, and successfully solicited the assistance of
Stephen, duke of Bavaria, and of the count d'Armagnac.
The campaign was opened with brilliancy by the conquest of
Padua ; but the duke of Bavaria, having been seduced from
his fidelity to his allies by the tempting offers of the enemy,
returned to his own dominions. The count d'Armagnac,
descending into Italy by the way of Turin, with the in-
tention of co-operating ^rith Auguto, who had advanced to
Bergamo, was also successful in his first operations. But his
troops, encountering the enemy under the walls of Alessan-
dria, were put to the rout, and the count himself, exhausted
by his exertions, was carried a prisoner into the town, where
he soon afterwards expired in consequence, it is said, of
drinking a copious draught of cold water. In these critical
* Platina, torn. i. p. 376.
14 CHAP. I.
circumstances, the Florentines were greatly indebted to the
extraordinary military talents of Auguto, who with an
inferior force, effected a retreat through the heart of the
Milanese, and held in check the army of Galeazzo, which
had made an irruption into the Tuscan territories. Both
parties being at length weary of a contest which was pro-
ductive only of mutual injury, they listened to the paternal
admonitions of Boniface, who interposed between them in
the quality of mediator; and, under the auspices of the
pontiff and the duke of Genoa, a peace was concluded
between Galeazzo and the Florentines, on the basis of
mutual restitution.*
When will a sufficient number of instances have been
recorded by the pen of history, of nations harassing each
other by the outrages of war, and after years of havock and
bloodshed, when exhausted by exertions beyond their na-
tural strength, agreeing to forget the original subject of
dispute, and mutually to resume the station which they
occupied at the commencement of the contest. " Were
subjects wise," what would be their reflections, when their
rulers, after the most lavish waste qf blood, coolly sit down
and propose to each other the status quo ante bellum.
Happy would it be, could the status quo be extended to
the widow and the orphan to the thousands and tens of
thousands, who, in consequence of the hardships and
Plallna. torn. i. p. 376, 377. Poggii Historia Florentine,, lib. Hi. Am-
mirato Islor. lib. xv.
CHAP. I. 13
accidents of war, are doomed to languish out the remnant of
their lives in torment and decrepitude.
A. D. 1393. In the year 1393, the antipope Clement
VII. dying at Avignon, the schismatic cardinals, still per-
sisting in their rebellion against the Italian pontiff, elected
as the legitimate successor of St. Peter, Pietro da Luna,
who assumed the name of Benedict XIII.*
For the space of five years after the pacification of
Genoa, Florence enjoyed the blessings of peace; but at the
end of that period its tranquillity was again disturbed by
the ambition of Galeazzo, who had now obtained from the
emperor Wenceslaus, the title of duke of Milan. This
turbulent chieftain, being encouraged by the death of
Auguto,^ the experienced commander of the Florentine
Platina, torn. i. p. 378.
f- The English reader will prohably be surprised to recognize in Giovanni !
Auguto, his countryman John Hawkewood. John was a soldier of fortune, and
had been engaged in the war which Edward III. king of England, carried on with
so much glory against France. On the conclusion of peace between those two
countries, he led into Italy a band of 3000 adventurers, of restless spirits, and
approved courage, who had engaged to fight under his banners, on behalf of .
any state which would give them a suitable remuneration for their services. In
the year 1363, this army of desperadoes was hired by the republic of Pisa, and
spread ruin and devastation through the territories of Florence, with which state
the Pisans were then at war. They afterwards entered into the service of Bernabo
Visconti, lord of Milan, and being again opposed to the Florentines, they defeated
the Tuscan army, and made predatory incursions to the very gates of Florence.
Being defrauded by Bernabd of the remuneration which his services merited,
Hawkewood readily acceded to the terms proposed to him by the cardinal of
Berry, legate of pope Gregory XI. and heartily engaged on the side of the pontiff
1(5 CHAP. I.
forces, sent into Tuscany a strong body of troops, which
made incursions to the very gates of the capital. Ruin and
devastation attended the progress of the Milanese forces,
who laid waste the country with fire and sword, and led a
great number of the inhabitants into captivity. The fol-
lowing letter, addressed on a similar occasion by Poggio to
the chancellor of Siena, is at once a document of the
misery to which the small states of Italy were at this time
exposed in consequence of the wasteful irruptions of their
in hostilities against the lord of Milan. Having assisted in the capture of nearly
a hundred towns belonging to that prince, he had the satisfaction of seeing him
reduced to the necessity of suing for peace. In the year 1375 he entered into the
service of the Florentines. In the course of a little time he was promoted to the
chief command of the Tuscan forces, in which capacity he merited and acquired
the confidence of his employers, by the courage and skill with which he conducted
the military operations of the Republic. He retained the office of Generalissimo
of the Florentine army till the time of his death, which event took place in the
latter end of the year 1393. The gratitude of the Florentines honoured him
with a magnificent funeral, and his fame was perpetuated by an equestrian
statue, erected to his memory at the public expense.
Poggii Historia Florentina, p. 29, 41, 46, 122, 123. See particularly
note ( x) p. 29, which settles the English appellation of Auguto.
In a volume of portraits of illustrious men, engraven on wood, entitled Musaei
Joviani Imagines, and printed at Basil, An. 1577, there is a portrait of Auguto,
who is there denominated IOANNES AVCVTHVS. BRITAN. Underneath
this portrait is printed the following inscription.
" Anglorum egressus patriis Aucuthus ab oris,
" Italiae primum climata laetus adit,
" Militiae fuerat quascunque edoctus et artes,
" Ausoniae exeruit non semel ipse plagse,
" Ut donaretur statua defunctus equestri,
" Debita nam virtns pnemia semper habet."
CHAP. I. 17
enemies, and a record of the benevolent dispositions of the '
writer's heart.
" I could have wished that our correspondence had
Paulus Jovius, in his Elogia Virorum illustrium, p. 105, 106, gives a long
account of Auguto, who, he asserts, came into Italy in the suite of the duke
of Clarence, when that prince visited Milan, where he married the daughter of
Galcazzo Visconti.
Holingshed, in his Chronicle, has recorded the actions of Hawkcwood in
the following terms. " And that valiant knight, Sir John Hawkewood, whose
" fame in the parts of Italic shall remain for ever, where, as their histories make
" mention, he grew to such estimation for his valiant achieved enterprises, that
" happie might that prince or commonwealth accompt themselves that might
" have his service ; and so living there in such reputation, sometimes he served
" the Pope, sometimes the Lords of Millane, now this prince or commonwealth,
" now that, and otherwhiles none at all, but taking one towne or other, would
" keep the same till some liking entertainment were offered, and then would he
" sell such a towno, where he had thus remained, to them that would give him
" for it according to his mind. Barnabc, Lord of Millane, gave unto him one
" of his base daughters in marriage, with an honourable portion for her dower.
" This man was horn in Essex, (as some write) who at the first became a tailor '
" in London, and afterwards going to the warres in France, served in the roome
" of an archer ; but at length he became a Capteine and leader of men of war,
" highlie commended, and liked of amongst the souldiers, insomuch that when
" by the peace concluded at Bretignie, in the yeare 1360, great numbers of sol-
" diers were discharged out of wages, they got themselves together in companies,
" and without commandment of any prince, by whose authentic they might
" make warre, they fell to of themselves, and sore harried and spoiled diverse
" countries in the realm of France, as partlie yee have heard, amongst whome
" this Sir John Hawkewood was one of the principall capteines, and at length
" went into Italic to serve the Marquis of Montserrato, against the Duke of
" Millane, although I remember that some write how he came into that coun-
" trie with the Duke of Clarence, but 1 thinke the former report to be true ;
" hut it may well be that he was readic to attend the said Duke at his coming
" into Italic." HolingshefTs Chronicle, vol. ii. p. 413.
18 CHAP. I.
" commenced on other grounds than the calamity of a man
" for whom I have a great regard, and who has been taken
" captive, together with his wife and children, whilst he
" was engaged in the cultivation of my estate. I am in-
" formed that he and one of his sons are now languishing
" in the prisons of Siena. Another of his children, a boy
" of about five years of age is missing, and it is not known
" whether he is dead or alive. What can exceed the misery
f ( of this lamentable destiny ? I wish these distresses might
" fall upon the heads of their original authors : but alas !
^ r>Y " tne wretched rustics pay the forfeit of the crimes of others.
" When I reflect on the situation of those on whose behalf
" I now intercede with you, my writing is interrupted by
" my tears. For I cannot help contemplating in the eye
" of imagination the woe-worn aspect of the father the
" pallid countenance of the mother the exquisite grief of
" the unhappy son. They have lost every thing except their
" life, which is bereft of all its comforts. For the father,
" the captors demand, by way of ransom, ten, for the son,
"forty florins. These sums it is impossible for them to
" raise, as they have been deprived of their all by the
" rapacity of the soldiers, and if they do not meet with
" assistance from the well-disposed, they must end their
" days in captivity. I take the liberty of earnestly pressing
" this case upon your consideration, and I entreat you to
" use your utmost exertions to redeem these unfortunate
" people on the lowest terms possible. If you have any
" regard for my entreaties, or if you feel that affection which
"is due from one friend to another, I beseech you with
" all possible importunity to undertake the care of this
CHAP. I. 19
" wretched family, and save them from the misery of pcrish-
" ing in prison. This you may effect by exerting your
" interest to get their ransom fixed at a low rate. Whatever
" must be paid on this account, must be advanced by me.
" I trust my friend Pietro will, if it be necessary, assist
"you in this affair. I must request you to give me an
" answer, informing me what you can do, or rather what
" you have done, to serve me in this matter. I say what
" you have done, for I know you are able, and I trust you
" are willing to assist me. But I must hasten to close my
" letter, lest the misery of these unhappy people should be
" prolonged by my delay."*
The uneasiness which the Florentines experienced, in
consequence of the hostile incursions of Galeazzo's forces,
was considerably augmented by the accession of territory and
of strength, which that enterprising warrior at this time
obtained by the acquisition of the cities of Bologna, Pisa,
Siena, and several fortresses bordering on ^he territories of
the republic. Perugia also having thrown off its allegiance
to the pope, had sheltered itself from his indignation under
the protection of the duke of Milan. *f-
The year of the jubilee was now approaching, and the
Romans, ever delighted with the frivolity of magnificent
spectacles, sent a deputation to Boniface, who had studiously
withdrawn from Rome, requesting him to honour his capital
* Poggii Opera, edit. Basil, p. 311.
f Platina, torn. i. p. 37K.
30 CHAP. I.
with his presence. With this request, Boniface hesitated
to comply, alleging, as the reason of his hesitation, that
the choice of magistrates, which the Roman people had
lately made, was by no means pleasing to him. Unwilling
to forego the amusements and profits of the approaching
festival, the compliant citizens of Rome gratified the pon-
tiff with the selection of the principal officers of state, and
moreover, supplied him with a considerable sum of money.
Boniface, in return for these acts of submission, vouchsafed
to make his public entry into Rome ; and employed the
money which he had received, as the price of his condescen-
sion, in fortifying the Mole of Adrian, in modern times
better known by the name of the castle of St. Angelo, and
other posts, which gave him the command of the city.
Thus had the Romans the satisfaction of celebrating the
jubilee with extraordinary pomp, at the expense of the rem-
nant of their liberty.*
A. D. 1400. In the mean time the Florentines, being
hard pressed by the duke of Milan, derived a ray of hope
from the assistance of the newly-elected emperor Robert
duke of Bavaria, who promised to come to their aid, with a
powerful body of troops. The joy which they felt on this
occasion was however but of short continuance ; for soon
after his entrance into Italy, the emperor was totally defeated
by the duke of Milan, and the remnant of his army being
driven over the mountains, was obliged to take shelter in
the city of Trent. By the retreat of the imperial troops,
* Plalina, torn. i. p. 37'J.
CHAP. I. 21
the Florentines were reduced to the utmost extremity.
Abandoned by their allies, and exposed to the inroads of
their neighbours, they implored the assistance of Bonifa.ce.
The pontiff, who felt deep resentment against Galeazzo on
account of his seizure of several cities in the ecclesiastical
state, readily entered into the views of the Florentines, and
without hesitation concluded a treaty, by which he engaged
to bring into the field an army of five thousand men, which
was to co-operate with the Tuscan forces. But soon after
the commencement of the campaign, the Florentines were
happily relieved from their anxiety, by the death of their
inveterate enemy Galeazzo, whose career of conquest was
terminated by a fever, of which he died at Marignano,* on
* Marignano was a castle, or country residence, to which Galeazzo had
retired to avoid the plague, which had made its appearance in Milan. Poggio
informs us in his history of Florence, that the day and hour of his departure from
his capital was fixed by his astrologers, whom he was accustomed to consult in
all cases of consequence. According to the observations of these soothsayers, so
evidently had the stars determined the proper season for his journey, and so
auspicious was the appearance of the heavens, that they boldly predicted that
their illustrious patron would return, graced with the title of King of Italy.
Poggio also asserts, that it was generally believed, that the death of Galeazzo
was portended by a comet, which appeared in the month of March preceding that
event. It should seem that the astrologers of the lord of Milan had forgotten
to take this comet into their calculations.
Poggio's partiality to his native country did not render him blind to the
merits of Galeazzo, on whom he bestows the praise due to his liberality, magna-
nimity, and noble manners. He also highly commends him for his patronage
of literature and of learned men. The following anecdote however, which is
recorded in Poggio's Facetiae, proves that the lustre of Galcazzo's good qualities
was tarnished by his excessive indulgence in the pleasures of the table.
" Pope Martin V. had employed Antonio Lusco in the composition of tome
" letters, which, after he had perused them, the pontiff ordered him to submit to
22 CHAP. I.
the third of September, 1402. Soon after the death of this
powerful prince, many cities, of which he had at different
times forcibly taken possession, were seized by various petty
tyrants, who took advantage of the odium excited by the
vices of his son and successor Giovanni Maria ; and Boniface
availed himself of the general confusion to reduce Bologna
and Perugia to their ancient allegiance to the papal see.*
" the examination of a friend of mine, in whose judgment he had great confi-
'' dence. This person, who was a little disordered with wine at the time when
" the letters were communicated to him, totally disapproved of them, and
" ordered Lusco to re-write them. Then Antonio said to Bartolomeo de' Bardi,
" who happened to be present, I will do with my letters as the tailor did with
" Giovanni Galeazzo's waistcoat. Upon Bartolomeo's asking what that was, he
" replied, Giovanni Galeazzo was a very corpulent man, and was in the habit of
" eating and drinking immoderately at supper. As he was retiring to rest after
" one of these copious repasts, he sent for his tailor, and sharply reproved him
" for making his waistcoat too tight, and ordered him to widen it. I will take
" care said the tailor to execute your highness's orders, and I trust that to-
" moiTow it will fit you to your satisfaction. He then took the garment in
" question, and without making the least alteration in it, hung it on a nail.
" Being asked why he did not make the waistcoat wider, according to the orders
" which he had received, he said, to-morrow when the prince has digested his
" supper, it will be found large enough. He accordingly carried it back in the
" morning, when Galeazzo having put it on, said, Aye, now it will do it fits
. " perfectly easy." ,
Platina, torn. i. p. 379, 380. Poggii Historia Florentina, p. 153.
* During the state of anarchy into which the Milanese territories fell, in
consequence of the folly and wickedness of the successor of Galeazzo, Como
and Piacenza became the prey of the soldiers, Vercelli and Novara were seized
by the marquis of Montferat. Pandolfo Malatesta made himself master of
Brescia ; Ottobuono III. took possession of Piacenza, Parma, and Reggio.
Pavia, Alessandria, Tortona, and several other towns, submitted to the autho-
rity of Facino Cane. This last chieftain was the captain of one of those bands
of adventurers, who at this time subsisted upon the wages which they received
for their military services, and upon the plunder of the rich towns and fertile
CHAP. J. 23
It has been already observed, that Poggio arrived in
Rome in the year 1403. He was then in the twenty-fourth
year of his age. At this dangerous season, though animated
with a lively fancy, and stimulated by an ardent constitution,
he was not allured into dissipation, by the temptations of a
corrupt and luxurious court. We learn indeed from the
introductory conversation of his dialogue on Avarice, that
the appointments of the pontifical secretaries were not very
splendid. Antonio Lusco, one of the interlocutors in that
dialogue, is there represented as declaring, that their income
was scarcely sufficient to maintain the dignity of their
office.* It is probable therefore, that the scantiness of
Poggio^s revenues had no unfavorable influence on his moral
conduct and his studies. In the preface to his Historia
disceptativa conmmalis, he acknowledges, that he fre-
quently had recourse to literary pursuits, in order to beguile
the anxiety which he experienced in consequence of the
provinces of Italy. The following anecdote may serve to give the reader an
idea of the insolent rapacity with which these disciplined robbers carried on
their depredations. 4
" A person once complained to Facino Cane that he had been robbed of his
" cloak by one of that captain's soldiers. Facino, observing that the complain-
" ant was clad in a good waistcoat, asked him whether he wore that at the
" time when he was robbed. Being answered in the affirmative, Go, says he
" the man who robbed you cannot be one of my soldiers, for none of my follow-
" ere would have left you so good a waistcoat."
Poggii Hist. Flor. p. 159, IfiO. Opera, p. 427.
* " Mallem tamen dici adversus avaritiam, cum vcrear ne sit necesse nos
" fieri avaros, ob tenuitatem lucri quo vix possumus tueri officii nostri digni-
" tatem." +
Poggii Opera, edit. Basil, p. 5.
24 CHAP. I.
narrowness of his circumstances.* Poverty is not un-
frequently the parent of knowledge, and the stern, but
salutary guardian of virtue. Whatever might be the cause,
certain it is, that Poggio diligently devoted his leisure hours
to study, and cultivated the acquaintance of those whose
conversation might tend to the improvement of his mind.
As literary pursuits had at this sera acquired the currency of
fashion, the character of the scholar was frequently found
united with that of the man of the world. To this circum-
stance we may ascribe the union of learning, politeness, and
knowledge of the human heart, which shines so conspicuously
in the writings of Poggio.
On the 1st October, 1404, Poggio sustained a con-
siderable loss by the death of his patron, Boniface IX.
" Nothing would have been wanting," says Platina, " to
" complete the glory of this pontiff, had he not tarnished
" the lustre of his fame by his excessive partiality towards
" his relations. These flocked in crowds to Rome ; and the
* " Ego sane quo me ex eorum vulgo cximerem de quorum ocio parum
" constat, nonnulla hac tenus conscripsi, quae jam inter multos diffusa longiorem
" paulo, mini, post obitum, vitam allatura videantur. Idque eo feci libcntius,
" quo facilius fugerem eas molcstias, quibus haec fragilis atque imbecilla setas
" plena est. Haec enim scribendi exercitatio, multum mihi contulit ad tempo-
*' rum injurias perferendas. Non enim non potui angi animo et dolcre aliquando,
" cum viderem me natu majorem, ita adhuc teuui esse censu, ut cogerer quaestui
" potius operam quam ingenio dare."
Poffffii Opera, p. 32.
CHAP. I. 25
" numerous acts of simony of which they were guilty, greatly
" impaired the authority of the keys.""* j
A. D. 1404. On the death of Boniface, Cosmo, car-
dinal of Santa Croce, was elected to the pontificate, and
assumed the name of Innocent VII. The new pontiff was
by no means insensible of the merits of Poggio, whom he
continued in the office to which he had been promoted by
the favour of Boniface. He appears indeed to have treated
him with particular kindness and respect. Poggio availed
himself of his interest with Innocent, to testify the sincerity
of his friendship for Leonardo Aretino, who during his
residence at Florence, had been the associate of his studies,
and the companion of his festive hours. Leonardo, whose
paternal appellation was Bruni, derived the name of Aretino
from Arezzo, in which city he was born in the year 1870.
* Platina, torn. i. p. 380, 381. The following anecdote, inserted by Poggio
in his Facetiae, is at once a record of this partiality, and a curious specimen of
the Italian wit of the fourteenth century.
" Bonifacius pontifcx nonus, nationc fuit Neapolitanus ex familia Tomacel-
" lorum. Appellantur autem vulgari sermone Tomacelli cibus foetus ex jecore
" suillo admodum contrito atque in modum pili involtuto interiore pinguedine
" porci. Contulit Bonifacius se Perusiam secundo sui pontificates anno. Ade-
" rant autem secum fratres et affines ex ea domo permulti, qui ad eum (ut fit)
" confluxerant, bonorum ac lucri cupiditate. Ingresso Bonifacio urbem seque-
" batur turba primorum, inter quos fratres erant et caeteri ex ea familia. Qui-
" dam cupidiores noscendorum hominum quserebant quinam essent qui seque-
" rentur. Dicebat unus item alter, hie est Andreas Tomacellus, deinde hie
" Johannes Tomacellus, turn plures deinde Tomaccellos nominatim recensendo.
" Turn quidam facetus, Hohe ! pennagnum nempe fuit jecur istud, inquit, ex
' quo tot Tomacelli prodierunt et taui ingeutes."
Poggii Opera, p. 431.
26 CHAP. I.
\
His parents, though not graced by the honours of nobility,
held a respectable rank in society, and were sufficiently
wealthy to be enabled to bestow on their son a good educa-
tion.* In his early youth, Leonardo was incited to a love
of letters by an extraordinary accident. A body of French
troops, who were marching to Naples to assist Louis duke
of Anjou in maintaining his claim to the sovereignty of
that kingdom, at the solicitation of the partizans of a faction
which had been banished from Arezzo, made an unexpected
attack upon that city ; and after committing a great slaughter,
carried many of the inhabitants into captivity ; and among
the rest the family of Bruni. Leonardo being confined in a
chamber in which was hung a portrait ot Petrarca, by daily
contemplating the lineaments of that illustrious scholar,
conceived so strong a desire to signalize himself by literary
acquirements, that immediately upon his enlargement he
repaired to Florence, where he prosecuted his studies with
unremitting diligence, under the direction of John, of
Ravenna and Manuel Crysoloras.-f- During his residence at
Florence, he contracted a strict intimacy with Poggio. This
intimacy was not interrupted by the separation of the two
friends, which took place upon the removal of the latter to
Rome. On the contrary, Poggio being informed by
Leonardo, that he wished to procure a presentation to some
place of honour and emolument in the Roman chancery,
took every opportunity of commending his virtues, and of
* Mehi Vita Leonardi Bruni, p. xxiii. MV.
f Janotii Manetti, Oratio Funebris apud Mehi, edit. Epist. Leonardi
Aretini, torn. i. p. xcii, xciii.
CHAP. I. 27
bringing his talents into public notice, by communicating his
letters to the literary characters who frequented the pontifical
court.* In consequence of Poggio's address, the fame of
Leonardo reached the ears of Innocent, who was induced,
by his extraordinary reputation, to invite him to Rome, at
which city he arrived, March 24, 1405. On this occasion
the interest of Leonardo was powerfully promoted by a letter
addressed to Innocent, by Coluccio Salutati,f the chaii-
* Mehi Vita Leon. Aret. p. xxxi.
f- Coluccio Salutati was born in the obscure town of Stignano, about the
year 1330. It appears from a letter which he wrote to Bernardo di Moglo, that
he was destitute of the advantages of early education, and that he did not apply
himself to the cultivation of polite literature, till he was arrived at man's estate,
and that he then began his grammatical studies without the aid of a master.
When he deemed himself properly prepared to extend his literary career, he
went to Bologna, where he attended the public lectures of Giovanni di Moglo,
the father of the above-mentioned Bernardo. In compliance with the advice of
his relations and friends, he qualified himself for the profession of a notary;
but when he had acquired a sufficient knowledge of legal practice, he devoted
himself to the Muses, and composed several poems. In the forty-fifth year of
his age, he was elected chancellor of the city of Florence, which office he held
during the remainder of his life. He died on the fourth of May, 1406, and his
remains, after having been decorated with a crown of laurel, were interred with
extraordinary pomp, in the church of Santa Maria del Fiore. It was a subject
of great regret to I/eonardo Aretino, that soon after his arrival in Rome, some '
unfortunate misunderstanding deprived him of the affectionate regard of Coluc- (
cio, and that the death of his veteran friend prevented him from effecting a
reconciliation, which he appears to have desired with all the earnestness of an
ingenuous mind.
Coluccio was the author of the following works, MS. copies of most of
which are preserved in the Lauren tian library. 1 De Fato et Fortuna. 2 DC
saeculo et rcligionc. 3 De nobilitate legum ct uiedicinae. 4 Tractatus de Ty-
ranno. 5 Tractatus quod medici eloquentiap studeant et de Verecundia an sit
virtus aut vitium. 6 De laboribus Herculis. 7 Historia dc casu Hominis. 8 De
28 CHAT. I.
cellor of the city of Florence, in which he detailed the
merits of the young candidate in the most flattering terms.
The reception which Leonardo met with on his first presenta-
tion at the pontifical court, though in some respects flat-
tering, was on the whole inauspicious. Innocent observed
to him in the presence of his courtiers, that he seemed to
be in every other respect well qualified for the place to which
he aspired ; but that an office of great trust required more
discretion than could be expected from his early years. This
observation stimulated Jacopo d'Angelo, a scholar of consi-
derable reputation, who had formerly been a rival of Leonardo
in the Florentine university, to offer himself as a candidate
for the office in question. The age of Jacopo was more
mature than that of Leonardo, and a residence of four years
in the pontifical court seemed to give a decided superiority
to his claims over those of the stranger.* Poggio sym-
pathized in the disappointment and anxiety of his friend.
Fortunately however for Leonardo, Innocent having at this
time received certain letters from the duke of Berry,
arte dictandi. 9 Certamen Fortunse. 10 Declamationes. 1 1 Invectiva in Anto-
nium Luscum. 12 Phyllidis querimonia. 13 Eclogaj viii. 14 Carolina ad
Jacobum Allegrettum. 15 Sonnetti, and lastly, various Epistles, a collection
of which was published by Mehus in one volume, small quarto, printed at
Florence, A.D. 1741.
We may judge of the zeal which Coluccio manifested for the promotion of
literature by the extent of his library, which consisted of eight hundred volumes
a magnificent collection in those early times, when good MSS. were very
scarce, and consequently very costly. Colluccii Vita a Philippo.Villani, apud
Mehi editionem Epistolarum Lini Colucii Pierii Salutati Leonardi Areiini
Epittolas, lib. i. ep. x. xii.
Leonardi Aretini Epist. I. \. ep. \.
CHAP. I. 2J)
determined to assign to eacli of the competitors, the task
of drawing up an answer to them. The compositions of
the two candidates being compared, the prize was una-
nimously adjudged to Leonardo, who was in consequence
of this decision, instantly advanced to the dignity of
apostolic scribe. This transaction was the means of cement-
ing the friendship of Poggio and Leonardo, which endured,
without interruption till their union was severed by death.*
Before his accession to the chair of St. Peter, Innocent
was accustomed to blame the negligence and timidity of the
Italian pontiffs, and to attribute to their incapacity the
continuance of the schism which gave such occasion of
triumph to the enemies of the true faith. But when he was
invested with the pontifical purple, he was convinced by
mortifying experience, that it was much easier to find fault
with the conduct of his predecessors, than to redress the
* By gaining the victory in this contest, Leonardo considerably encreased
liis reputation, as his competitor was a man of very respectable talents. Jacopo
d'Angelo was a native of Scarparia, and studied the Latin tongue under the
auspices of John of Ravenna. Understanding that Demetrius Cydonius and
Manuel Crysoloras had undertaken to give public lectures on the Grecian classics
in the city of Venice, he immediately repaired thither for the purpose of avail-
ing himself of their instructions. So great was bis zeal in the cause of literature,
that he accompanied Crysoloras to Constantinople, with a view of collecting
manuscripts, and attaining a more accurate and extensive acquaintance with
the Greek language. He translated into Latin Ptolomey's Cosmographia, and
also Plutarch's lives of Brutus and Pompey. His version of the Cosmographia
he dedicated to Alexander V. Contemporary scholars have given ample testi-
monies to his literary abilities, but his studies were abruptly terminated by an
early death. Mehi Vita Amltrotsii Traversarii, p. xvi. ccclvi. Ejusdem l r ilu
Lcttnanll Brunt, p. xxxli. Facius tie viritt illuslribus, p. 9.
30
CHAP. I.
grievances of Italy, and to restore the peace of the church.
[A. D. 1405.] He found himself indeed obliged to exert
all his power, to repress the spirit of liberty which prompted
the Roman people to demand the restitution of the capitol,
the castle of St. Angelo, and of the other places of strength
which had been wrested from them by the policy of his pre-
decessors. The animosity excited in the breasts of the
populace, by the refusal of Innocent to accede to these
demands, was exasperated to the highest degree, by the
culpable impetuosity of his nephew Lodovico, who attacking
a deputation of the citizens, who had waited on the pontiff
with a view of composing the differences which subsisted
between him and the people, had seized eleven of their
number, and put them to death. Two of these were mem-
bers of the council of seven, which presided over the city,
and the remaining nine were citizens of illustrious rank.
Irritated by this act of cruel treachery the populace flew to
arms, and revenged the death of their chiefs by the slaughter
of several of the servants of the pontiff. Innocent, who was
unconscious of the treachery of his nephew, was totally
unprepared to resist the fury of the multitude. The pon-
tifical residence was indeed strongly fortified ; but it was not
furnished with sufficient provisions to be enabled to stand a
siege ; and the troops of Laudislaus, king of Naples, were
said to be hastening to the assistance of the insurgents. In
this extremity, Inndcent determined to seek his safety in
flight. He accordingly left the palace, under the escort of
a sufficient guard, at two o^clock in the afternoon of the
sixth of August, and after a hasty march of two days, in
the course of which several of his attendants died of fatigue,
CHAP. I. 31
arrived at Viterbo.* Most of his servants, and among the
rest Poggio and Leonardo, the latter of whom narrowly
escaped falling a victim to the indiscriminate rage of the
insurgents, were the companions of his flight.*}-
The Roman patriots were now masters of almost every
part of the city. They were however soon dispirited, when
they saw their territory laid waste by the pontifical troops,
and agreed to terms of pacification with Innocent, who
returned in triumph to his capital, towards the latter end of
March, 1406 J [A. D. 1406.] The pontiff did not long
enjoy this favorable reverse of fortune, as he died on the
sixth of November, of the same year.
When the intelligence of the death of Innocent
reached France, the dukes of Berry, of Burgundy, and of
Orleans, who, in the quality of regents, administered the
affairs of that kingdom during the mental indisposition of
Charles VI. repaired to Avignon, and conjuring Benedict
XIII. to concur in putting an end to a schism which had
been the source of so much scandal and calamity, proposed,
that he should voluntarily divest himself of the pontificate.
With a view of softening the harshness of this proposal,
they engaged, that whosoever should be elected at Rome as
See an old diary of Gentile d'Urbino, apud Muralorii Rer. Italic Scrip-
tor, torn. vi. ;;. 844.
~ } Leonard* Aretini Epistolai, I. i. ep. v.
* Leonardi Aretini E pis tolas, I. i. ep. z.
Platina, torn. i. p. 383, 384.
32 CHAP. i.
successor to Innocent, should be obliged to take the
same step. The antichristian competition being thus termi-
nated, it was to be hoped, they said, that the assembled
cardinals would agree in the election of a pontiff, who
would be universally acknowledged as the legitimate head
of the church. Invitations to resign dignity, splendour,
and power, are seldom received with complacence. Bene-
dict made many general protestations of his zeal for the
welfare of the church, but peremptorily refused to quit the
pontifical chair. Fearing that the regents would attempt
to enfore their propositions by arms, he strengthened the
fortifications of Avignon, in which city he was in a manner
besieged for the space of some months. Being at length
reduced to extremities, he embarked on the Rhone, and
proceeding down that river to the Mediterranean, he fled
into Spain, where he found a refuge from the power of his
enemies in his native province of Catalonia.*
In the mean time, each of the cardinals who happened
to be at Rome, at the time of the death of Innocent VII.
took a solemn oath, that if in the ensuing election of a sove-
reign pontiff, the choice of the conclave should happen to
fall upon himself, he would resign the pontificate, provided
Benedict would follow his example.
This arrangement was proposed in order to appease the
mutual jealousy of the French and Italian cardinals, as nei-
ther of these subdivisions of the ecclesiastical senate would
* Platina, torn. i. p. 385, 386.
CHAP. I. 33
consent to sacrifice their representative without the concurrence
of their antagonists in a similar measuie. These preliminaries
being adjusted, on the 30th of November, the conclave pro-
ceeded to fill the vacant chair, by the election of Angelo
Corraro, cardinal of St. Mark, who on his advancement to
the pontifical dignity, adopted the name of Gregory XII.*
Though the new pontiff had, immediately after his elec-
tion, subscribed a ratification of the oath which bound him
to abdicate his newly acquired honours, yet upon frivolous
pretexts, he from time to time deferred the fulfilment of
this sacred engagement. Benedict his competitor, having
repaired to Savona, and afterwards to Porto Venere, with
a view, as he asserted, of settling the peace of the church,
by an amicable conference with Gregory ; the latter insisted
upon it, that they should meet in some inland town, where
they might jointly comply with the requisition of the cardi-
nals. Benedict on the contrary asserting, that he could not
deem himself safe in the interior of Italy, demanded that
Gregory should for that purpose, meet him in some sea-
port. With this proposal, Gregory, on pretence of appre-
hended danger to his person, refused to comply. Thus as
Leonardo Aretino humorously observes, " The one, like
"an aquatic animal, was afraid of trusting himself on dry
" land ; and the other, like a terrestrial animal, had an equal
" dread of the water. "-f- Scandalized by the duplicity of the
* Lconardi Arctini Epistol. ix.
38 CHAP. i.
liis foes, and thundered his anathemas from the walls of the
strong Spanish fortress of Paniscola.*
The well known virtues of Alexander V. had inspired
the friends of the church with sanguine expectations of wit-
nessing the speedy revival of the power and dignity of the
holy see. But these flattering hopes were at once dissipated
by his death, which took place in the eighth month of his
pontificate.^ It was strongly suspected that his days were
shortened by poison, administered to him by Baldassare
Cossa, cardinal of St. Eustachio, who succeeded him in his
pontifical honours.!
* Plalina ut supra.
f Platirut, p. 389.
A manuscript, containing an account of the lives of several of the pontiffs,
which is printed by Muratori, in his magnificent collection of the writers of
Italian history, contains the following encomium on Alexander V.
" This pontiff, who truly deserved the name of Alexander, would have sur-
" passed in liberality all his predecessors, to the extent of a distant period, had
" he not been embarrassed by the insufficiency of his revenues. But so great
" was his poverty, after his accession to the papal chair, that he was accustomed
" to say, that when he was a bishop he was rich, when he became a cardinal he
" was poor, and when he was elected pontiff he was a beggar."
A little while before his death he summoned the cardinals, who were then
attendant on his court, to his bed-side, and after earnestly exhorting them to
adopt such measures after his decease as were likely to secure the tranquillity of
the church, he took leave of them, by repeating the words of our Saviour,
" Peace I give you, my peace I leave unto you."
In a manuscript volume, which formerly belonged to the house of Este,
there occurs the following epitaph on this pontiff, the two concluding lines of
which are so uncouth and obscure, that we may reasonably suspect some error
on the part of the transcriber.
CHAP. I. 39
At an early period of his life, Baldassare seems to have
aspired to the highest ecclesiastical dignity. When he had
finished his studies at Bologna, he determined to repair to
Home. Being asked by some of his friends who saw him
making preparations for his journey, whither he was going,
he replied, " to the pontificate." Soon after his arrival in
the capital of the church, he was advanced by Boniface IX.
to the confidential office of private chamberlain ; and in the
course of a little time he obtained, from the favour of the
same patron, the dignity of cardinal of St. Eustachio, and
was sent, invested with the office of legate, on an important
mission to Bologna. In the exercise of this office, he greatly
contributed, by the exertion of considerable political and
military talents, to the establishment and extension of the
authority of the holy see. It is said, that the power and the
money with which this situation supplied him, were the
principal instruments of his exaltation to the chair of St.
Peter. [A. D. 1410.] However that may be, he was unani-
mously elected to the sovereign pontificate, on the 19th of
May, 1410, and assumed the name of John XXII.*
About this time Leonardo Aretino was, by the con-
current voice of the people, elected to the chancellorship of
Divus Alexander, Cretensi oriundus ab ora
Clauditur hoc saxo, summo venerandua honore.
Antea Petrus erat, sed celsd sede potitus
Quintus Alexander fit, ceu sol orbe coruscans,
Relligione minor, post ad sublime vocatus.
Muratori Hcrum Italicarum Scriptores, torn. vi. p. 84'2.
* Platina, torn. i. p. 389, 390.
40 CHAP. T.
the city of Florence. He did not, however, long retain
this office, which he found to be attended with more labour
than profit. In the latter end of the ensuing year, 1411,
he abdicated his municipal honours, and entered into the
service of John XXII. The return of his friend to the
pontifical chancery was highly gratifying to Poggio, who
during the late storms had retained his situation, and regu-
lating his conduct by the decrees of the council of Pisa, had
acted as apostolic scribe to Alexander V., and was now, in
the same capacity, a member of the household of that pon-
tiffs successor.
Shortly after the resumption of his functions in the
Roman court, Leonardo took a journey to Arezzo, where
he married a young lady of considerable distinction in that
city. The event was of course very interesting to the
colleagues and friends of the bridegroom ; and Poggio wrote
to him on the occasion, informing him of the witticisms to
which his present predicament had given rise, and inquiring
what opinion his short experience had led him to form of the
comforts of the conjugal state. Leonardo replied to Poggio's
letter without delay. By the tenor of his answer, he seems to
have found nothing unpleasant in matrimony, except its
costliness. " It is incredible, 1 ' says he, " with what expense
" these new fashions are attended. In making provision
" for my wedding entertainment, I emptied the market, and
" exhausted the shops of the perfumers, oilmen, and poul-
" terers. This however is comparatively a trivial matter ;
" but of the intolerable expense of female dress and orna-
CHAP. I. 41
" ments, there is no end. In short," says he, " I have in
" one night consummated my marriage, and consumed my
" patrimony."*
* Mehi Vita Leonardi Aretini, p. xxxix. xl. Leonardi Aretini Epistolte,
lib. Hi. ep. xvii. Leonardo Arctino was esteemed by his contemporaries too
attentive to the minutue of o-conomy. From the perusal of the following letter
from Ermolao Barbaro to Pietro Cara, however, it should seem, that in the
fifteenth century, complaints of the cxpensivcuess of matrimony were by no
means destitute of foundation.
" Duxit uxorem, clarus bello et pace vir Trivulcius, Neapolitanam, praenobili
" familia. Invitatus sum ad convivium, immo ad poutificiaui, et adipalem
" cacnam. At ego ad epulas primas satur, spectator potius quam conviva fui.
" Credo gratum fore vel tibi, vel posteris, si fercula quam brevissime descripsero,
" non ut Macrobius apud nostros, nee ut apud Graecos Athenaeus justis volum-
' inihus, sed ut occupatus homo, et ad epi stoke mensuram. Primum aqua
" manibus data, non ut apud nos, stantibus, sed accumbentibus, utique rosacea.
" Turn illati pugillares ex nucleis pineis, et saccaro pastilli. Item placentae nucleis
" amygdalis, et saccaro confectse, quos vulgo martios paneis vocamus. Secundum
" fertum altiles asparagi. Tertium pulpulffi, ita enim popinoe appellant et
" jecuscula. Quartum caro dorcadis tosta. Quintum capitula junicum vitulo-
' rutnve una cum pellibus elixa. Sextum capi, gallinarum, columborumque
' pulli, bubuleis comitati linguie, et petasonibus, ac sumino omnibus clixis addito
" Lymonyacae pultario; sic enim Cupediarii Mediolanenses vocant, quam nostri
' scrmiacam. Septimum hedus integer tostus, in singulas singuli capidas, cum
' jure quod ex amaria Cerasis sire ut quidam malunt appellate laurocerasis,
" coudimenti vice fungitur. Octavum turtures, perdices, phasiani, coturnices,
" turdi, ficedulae, et omnino plurimi generis avitia, molliter et studiose tosta.
" Colymbades olivse condiment! loco apposite. Nonum gallus gallinaceus sac-
" caro iucoctus, et aspergine rosacea madefactus, singulis convivis, singuli patinis
" argenteis, ut et csetera quoque vascula. Decimum porcellus integer tostus, in
" singula singuli crateria jusculento quodam liquore perfusi. Undecimum pavi
11 tosti, pro condimcnto leucopheon jus, immo fcrugineum e jocinoribus pistis,
" et aromate pretiosi generis, ad portionem et Symmetriam additum ; hyspani
appellant- Duodecimum tostus orbis ex ovo, lacte, salvia, polline
" saccareo, Salviatum vocamus. Tertium decimum Struthea cotonca ex saccaro.
" Quariuui decimum, Carduus, pinea, Icolymon sive Cynaram potius appellare
G
CHAP. 1.
Whilst Poggio and his associates were making them-
selves merry at the expense of the new married man, the
superior officers of the pontifical court were engaged in very
serious deliberations. Sigismund, who had been elected to
the imperial throne, July 21st, 1411, being earnestly desi-
rous of the extinction of the schism, demanded of John the
convocation of a general council ; which the cardinals who
had assembled at Pisa in the year 1409, had declared to be
the only measure which could restore to Christendom the
blessings of peace. But the pontiff inherited the prejudices
of his predecessors, against those dangerous assemblies
which were so apt to trench upon the prerogatives of the
head of the church. He would gladly have evaded comply-
ing with the requisition of Sigismund, and with this view
proposed that the intended council should be summoned to
meet at Rome. But danger awaited him in his own cap-
ital. Ladislaus, king of Naples, whom he had endeavoured
to secure in his interest, invaded the territory of the church,
made himself master of Rome, and compelled the pontiff
successively to seek refuge in Florence, in Bologna, and in
Mantua. From this latter city, John went to Lodi, where
" convenit. Quintum decimum a lotis manibus, bellaria et tragemata omnis
' generis saccarea. Inducti mox histriones, pantomimi, petauristse, aretalogi,
" funambuli, choraulse, citharsedi. Singulis porro ferculis prasibant faces, atque
" tubse ; sub facibus inclusa caveis altilia, quadrupedes, aviculae, omnia viventia
" generis ejus videlicet, cujus ea quse magistri et structores coctamensis iuferebant ;
" mensae per atrium ubacis singular singulis dispositae, sed et privi privis ruinistri.
" Ante omnia silentium quale ne pythagorici quidem servare potuissent. Vale
" Mediolani, Idibus Maiis, 1488."
Politiani Epistolce, lib. xii.
CHAP. I. 43
lie was met by Sigismund, who, accompanied by a numerous
retinue, attended him on his return to Mantua. Thus
finding himself in the power of the emperor, and flattered
by the magnificent promises of that potentate, who pro-
fessed his readiness to assist him in expelling the enemies of
the church from the patrimony of St. Peter, John was
persuaded to take the desperate step of summoning a gene-
ral council, and to appoint the city of Constance as the place
of its meeting.*
* Plalina, lorn i. p. 390, 391.
CHAP. II
JOHN XX I L opens the council of Constance John
Huss arrives at that city His imprisonment
Disagreeable proposals made to John XXII He
escapes from Constance His deposition Death of
Manuel Crysoloras Poggio's epitaph on Crysoloras
Trial and execution of John Huss The pontifical
household dispersed Poggio remains at Constance
His Hebrew studies His visits to the baths of Baden
His description of those baths Jerome of Prague
Poggufs account of Jerome's trial and execution
Reflections.
CHAP. II.
_!_ HE reluctance which John XXII. felt at the proposal
of his authorizing the meeting of a general council, was
increased by the importunity of his relations and dependants,
who prophetically warned him to take care, lest, though he
went to such an assembly as a pope, he should return as a
private man.* The death of his enemy Ladislaus, who was
cut off by a violent distemper as he was on his march to
besiege the pontiff in Bologna, seemed also to relieve him
from the necessity of submitting to the requisitions of
Sigismund. But the Christian world was weary of the
schism which had for so long a period tarnished the lustre
of the church. The zeal of Sigismund had accelerated
every necessary preparation for the assembling of the coun-
cil. Sanguine expectations had been awakened throughout
Europe, of the blessed consequences which were likely to
result from the labours of an assemblage of the most dig-
nified and learned members of the Catholic community.
The intrepidity of John shrunk from the idea of encounter-
ing the obloquy which would be poured upon his character,
* Platina, vol. i. p. 391.
48 CHAP. II.
should lie, by refusing to fulfil the engagements into which
he had entered with Sigismund, disappoint the reasonable
hopes of the friends of union and of peace. Poggio has
recorded it to the praise of Zabarella, cardinal of Florence,*
who seems to have enjoyed much of the pontiff's favour and
confidence, that he faithfully impressed these considerations
upon the hesitating mind of the father of the faithful.-f-
Impelled by that prelate's arguments and intreaties, John
took the decisive step and set out for Constance, in which
city he arrived on the 28th of October, 1414. He was
accompanied on his journey by the greater part of his court,
and among the rest by Poggio, whom he had promoted,
from the office of apostolic scribe to the still more confiden-
tial employment of secretary. J In the course of a few weeks
after his arrival, Poggio had the pleasure of welcoming his
friend Leonardo, who after a dreary journey over the Alps,
of which he has left an interesting description in a letter to
Niccolo Niccoli, embarked on the lake of Constance, and
landed at that city towards the latter end of December.
Three principal objects demanded the utmost exertion
of the wisdom of the council the termination of the schism
the reformation of the church and the extirpation of
heresy. The pontiff earnestly wished to confine the atten-
* The correct title of Zabarella, was that of cardinal of St. Cosmo and St.
Damien ; but he is now generally known by the designation of cardinal of Florence.
f- Poggii Opera, p. 255.
Poggii Histor. Florent. p. 76.
Leon. Arel. Epist. lib. iv. ep. iii.
CHAP. U. 4w
tion of the assembled fathers to the last of these points.
He accordingly availed himself of the earliest opportunity
to engage them in prosecuting the enemies of the orthodox
faith. John Huss, a celebrated Bohemian reformer, had
repaired to Constance with an avowed intention of vindi-
cating the correctness of his creed, and of retracting any
errors, of which he might be convinced by the learning of
his opponents. Aware of the danger to which he would be
exposed in defending his cause in the midst of his preju-
diced adversaries, he had taken the precaution of procuring
from the emperor a safe conduct, by which all princes, as
well ecclesiastical as secular, were strictly enjoined " to let
him freely and securely pass, sojourn, stop, and repass."*
But the unfortunate Bohemian soon found to his cost, that
the imperial mandate was insufficient to protect a reputed
heretic. He had not resided at Constance many days,
before he was taken into custody, and imprisoned in the
monastery of the Dominicans. Whilst he was there labour-
ing under the aggravated evils of severe sickness, and
uneasiness of mind, his enemies were employed in making
preparations for his trial, and his friends in vain protested
against the violation of the law of nations, which had been
committed in his imprisonment. In consequence of their
remonstrances, Sigismund had indeed given positive orders
for Huss's release : but these orders were disobeyed : and
when the emperor arrived at Constance, on Christmas day,
sufficient reasons were alleged by the pope, to induce
him to pardon this act of resistance to his authority, and
" L'EnfanCs History of the Council of Constance, book i. sect, xxxix.
H
50 CHAP. II.
to resign the too credulous prisoner to the jurisdiction of
an ecclesiastical tribunal.
But though Sigismund consented to sacrifice a defence-
less individual to the religious zeal, or to the crooked policy
of the pontifical court, he entertained designs by no means
friendly to the interests of John XXII. As the jealous
suspicion of the partizans of the pontiff had foreseen, the
emperor, with the concurrence of the council, proposed to
his holiness, that, in order to put an end to the schism, he
should solemnly engage to resign the tiara, in case his
competitors, Gregory XII. and Benedict XIII. could be
persuaded to concur with him, by taking a similar step.
John with difficulty smothered the indignation which this
proposal excited within his ardent mind. Professing how-
ever his readiness to comply with the wishes of the assem-
bled representatives of the Christian church, he threw every
possible obstacle in the way of their completion. Being at
length pushed to extremity by the importunity of Sigismund,
who had in a manner compelled him to read the instrument
of his resignation in open council, he meditated the despe-
rate design of withdrawing from Constance. By the assist-
ance of the duke of Austria he was enabled to put this
design into execution. That prince, in order to favour the
flight of the pontiff, instituted a grand tournament on the
20th day of March, which was the eve of the festival of
St. Benedict. While the attention of all orders of men
was absorbed by this magnificent spectacle, John easily
found an opportunity of passing through the city gates in
the disguise of a postillion.
CHAP. II. 51
The fugitive pontiff withdrew first to Schaffausen, and
afterwards to Lauffenbourg. Not thinking himself suffi-
ciently secure even in this latter place, he took shelter in
Fribourg. Here he at length deemed himself beyond the
reach of his adversaries ; and in the pride of confidence, he
sent to the council certain extravagant demands, which that
assembly treated with contempt. In the mean time the
duke of Austria had been put under the ban of the empire ;
his territories had been invaded on all sides ; many of his
towns had been taken ; and he was given to understand,
that nothing less than the most unequivocal acts of humilia-
tion, and the delivering up of the contumacious pontiff,
could reconcile him to his imperial sovereign. He accord-
ingly repaired to Constance, and in a most solemn assembly
of the council, craved pardon of Sigismund, and surren-
dered to him the remnant of his dominions.
The council now proceeded to summon John to appear
and answer to divers articles of impeachment, which had
been preferred against him ; and on his refusing to attend,
either in person or by proxy, the members of that assembly
proceeded to exercise a memorable act of supremacy, [May
14th, A. D. 1415.] by first suspending him from the dis-
charge of the pontifical functions, and afterwards decreeing
and proclaiming his deposition. John, finding himself
deserted by the duke of Austria, and at the absolute dis-
posal of the emperor, submitted to the ordinance of the
council. After the annunciation of his sentence, the officers
of his household were discharged from their customary
attendance on his person, and he was sent a prisoner to
62 CHAP. II.
the fortress of Gotleben, whence he was soon afterwards
transferred to Heidleberg. The articles of impeachment,
declared by the council to have been proved against John,
charged him with the most atrocious vices incident to the
vilest corruption of human nature. Influenced however by
the consideration of the exalted rank which he had lately
held, and perhaps mollified by the meekness of his submis-
sion, his judges were satisfied with the measure of punish-
ment which they had already inflicted, in degrading him
from his dignity, and depriving him of liberty.
Whilst the council was thus occupied in contention
with the head of the church, it was deprived of an illustrious
member by the death of Manuel Crysoloras. It has been
already observed, that this eminent scholar, by his assiduous
labours, diffused a knowledge and admiration of Grecian
literature, amongst a numerous assemblage of pupils in
the university of Florence. After a residence of three
years in the Tuscan capital, Manuel was summoned to
Milan by his sovereign, the eastern emperor, who, in the
course of his progress through Italy, was then paying a visit
to Giovanni Galeazzo.* Having received advantageous pro-
posals from the latter prince, and being deterred from return-
ing to Florence, by the violence of Niccolo Niccoli, who
had become his bitter enemy, he undertook to read lectures
on the Greek language in the academy of Ticino, an institu-
tion which had been just founded by the late duke of Milan,
" Jloilins de Greeds illuslribus, p. 14.
(HAP. II. .53
the father of Giovanni.* The tumult and anarchy which
ensued after the death of his patron, compelled Manuel to
quit the Milanese, and take shelter in Venice, whence, at
the recommendation of his pupil Leonardo Aretino, he was
invited to Rome. In this city his talents and his virtues
raised him to such a degree of respectability, that in 1418
John XXII. empowered him, jointly with Zabarella, cardi-
nal of Florence, to treat with Sigismund upon the choice of a
place proper for the holding of the approaching council ; and
it was with his concurrence that the city of Constance was
fixed upon as being well adapted for that purpose. "f Having
faithfully executed this important commission, he returned to
Constantinople, where he was appointed by the emperor of the
east to attend the council as one of the representatives of the
Greek church. He accordingly repaired to Constance, where
the delicacy of his constitution sinking under the fatigues of
business, he died on the 15th of April, 1415.J His
remains were deposited in the Dominican monastery, and
a monument was erected to his memory, on which was engra-
ven the following inscription, said to have been composed
by his disciple Pietro Paulo Vergerio.
Hodius, p. 1.5.
f- Hodius, p. 15.
* /bid.
Pietro Paulo Vcgcrio was a native of Capo d'lstria, a town situated at the
extremity of the Adriatic gulf, not far from Trieste. He was eminent for his
knowledge of the civil law, and made considerable proficiency in the study of
philosophy and the mathematics. Under the instruction of Manuel Crysoloras,
he also attained a respectable knowledge of the Grecian language. He composed
a treatise, De moribus ingenuis, which was received by the literary characters
54 CHAP. II.
" Ante aram situs est D. Emanuel Crysoloras, eques
" Constantinopolitanus, ex vetusto genere Roman orum, qui
" cum Constantino Imperatore migrarunt, Vir doctissimus,
" prudentissimus, optimus, qui tempore Generalis Concilii
" diem obiit, ea existimatione, ut ab omnibus summo sacer-
" dotio dignus haberetur, die xv. Aprilis, MCCCCXV."*
Poggio also, availing himself of this last opportunity
of testifying his sense of the merits of Crysoloras, dedicated
to his memory the following epitaph :
"Hie est Emanuel situs
" Sermonis decus Attici :
" Qui dum quserere opem patriae
" Afflictse studeret hue iit.
" Res belle cecidit tuis
" Votis, Italia ; hie tibi
" Linguae restituit decus
" Attic89, ante reconditse.
of his time with considerable applause ; and at the request of the emperor
Sigismund, he translated into Latin Arrian's history of the expedition of
Alexander the Great. In the execution of this translation, he purposely avoided
the cultivation of elegance of style, through an apprehension, as he himself said,
lest his royal reader should stand in need of the assistance of an interpreter. He
testified his zeal for the honour of classical learning, by publishing an invective
against Carlo Malatesta, who, in detestation of heathens and heathenism, had
removed from the market place of Mantua, a statue of Virgil. In the latter period
of his life he lost his reason, which however returned at intervals before his
death, the date of which event is uncertain.
Facius de Vii is illustribuf, p. 8.
" Hodius, p. 23.
CHAP. II. OO
" Res belle cecidit tuis
" Votis, Emanuel ; solo
" Consecutus in Italo
" ^Eternum decus es, tibi
" Quale Graecia non dedit,
"'Bello perdita Greecia."*
In the mildness of the sentence passed t>y the council
upon the delinquent pontiff, the members of that assem-
bly seem to have exhausted their stock of leniency. Their
mercy was reserved for dignified offenders ; and it appears
by their subsequent conduct, that however tender and
gentle they might be in punishing immorality of practice,
the unrelenting fury of their vengeance was excited by
errors in matters of opinion. The process against John
Huss was expedited with all the ardour of ecclesiastical zeal.
The unfortunate reformer was at various times brought
in chains before a tribunal, on which his enemies sat in
quality of judges ; and, surrounded by a military guard,
he was called upon to answer to a long series of articles of
accusation, the greater part of which related to the most
mysterious and subtile points of doctrine. To some of
these articles he pleaded not guilty. Many of the proposi-
tions which were imputed to him as errors in faith, he
defended as true ; at the same time declaring his readiness
to retract any doctrine, of the erroneousness of which he
should be convinced. His judges having in vain endea-
voured to enlighten his understanding by argument, had
" Hodius, p. 23.
56 CHAP. II.
recourse to the terrors of authority. They declared him
guilty of heresy, and attempted to overawe him to a re-
cantation, by the dread of a painful death. But the con-
stancy of Huss was unshaken. He firmly refused to pur-
chase life at the expence of truth and honour. After various
unsuccesful efforts to persuade him to make ^is peace with
the church, by timely submission, the council proceeded to
degrade him from his priestly office, and after proclaiming
the awful sentence which condemned him as an obstinate
heretic, delivered him over to the secular power. July 6th,
A. D. 1415.] On the sixth day of July, 1415, Huss was
led to the fatal pile, where he suffered death with the
intrepidity of a resolute mind, supported by the conscious-
ness of rectitude, and by the firm conviction of sincere
religious faith, which, happily for the oppressed, are not the
exclusive privileges of any sect, but bestow their animating
influence on the persecuted advocates of every varying shade
of theological belief.
On the dispersion of the pontifical household, conse-
quent upon the deposition of John XXII. , Leonardo Are-
tino returned to Italy, where he resumed his literary pursuits
with great assiduity. Poggio remained at Constance, for the
purpose of improving any opportunity which might there
occur, of promoting his own interest, or that of his friend.
As he had now a good deal of leisure, he employed his
vacant hours in studying the Hebrew language, under the
direction of a Jew who had been converted to the Christian
faith.* His continuance in Germany was not however pro-
* Poffffii Opera, p. 297.
HAP. II. 57
ductive either of immediate pleasure, or of present emolu-
ment. He was wearied and disgusted by the tedious protrac-
tion of the debates of the council. He regarded the pro-
ceedings of that assembly, with the prejudices which natu-
rally rendered them odious to the members of the papal
court ; and the mortifications experienced at Constance by
several of his friends, excited in his breast sentiments of
sorrow and indignation.* His hopes of preferment became
more and more faint, as the power of his patrons was
diminished by the intrigues of their adversaries ; and in
short, wheresoever he turned his eyes, his prospect was
gloomy and discouraging. The study of Hebrew does
not seem to have possessed sufficient charms to beguile the
uneasiness which he experienced, in consequence of these
various distresses. The rudiments of that language are
peculiarly intricate; and Poggio was not stimulated by
incentives sufficiently powerful, to induce him to surmount
the difficulties which presented themselves at the commence-
ment of this new pursuit. For all the purposes of the
Christian faith he had been taught, and in all probability
believed, that St. Jerome's translation of the Jewish scrip-
tures was amply sufficient. As he was not disposed to call
in question the prevailing creed, he did not wish to make
himself master of the oriental tongues, with a view of
providing himself with the weapons of religious controversy.
Leonardo Arelini Epist. lib. iv. ep. iv. This letter is erroneously dated
January 10, 1415. Aretino wrote from Constance a description of his journey
to that city, on the 29th of December, 1414. It is therefore evidently impossible
that he could have returned to Italy, and have there received letters from Poggio
within twelve days from that date. For 1415, we should certainly read Hli'.
I
58 CHAP. II.
In the brief and authoritative precepts of the Israelitish
moralists, he looked in vain for the flow of eloquent argu-
ment, which had captivated his attention in the ethic dis-
quisitions of Cicero. The abrupt transitions, and swelling
metaphors of the Hebrew poets, though, in a variety of
individual instances, striking in effect, generally shrunk
from the severe test of the rules of Aristotle and Quinti-
lian.* The Hebrew language was not, like the Latin
tongue, of practical use in the daily affairs of a literary or
political life ; and finally, his instructor was a man of no
talents or respectability of character, and soon became the
butt of his ridicule, and the object of his sovereign con-
tempt. These causes concurred to check his progress in
biblical studies, in which he does not appear to have made
any great proficiency.
The amusement which he in' vain sought for in the
'Leonardo Aretino, who does not appear to have possessed the slighest know-
ledge of Hebrew, in a very curious letter to Giovanni Cirignano, entered into a
long train of argument, to prove the inutility of the study of that language.
Nothing is more disgusting, than the propensity of men of narrow minds to
undervalue those acquisitions in knowledge, to which they have not themselves
attained ; and which they consequently have not the means of appreciating.
Excellent indeed is the precept of the Apulian hard,
" Neu tua plus laudes studia, aut aliena reprendas."
This letter of Leonardo also shews the unhappy influence of religious bigotry
and sacerdotal tyranny, in checking the progress of science. The most cogent
argument which he advances, to prove the folly of spending time in the perusal
of the Hebrew scriptures, is this, that St. Jerome having translated the Old
Testament into Latin, whosoever presumes to study that book in the original,
manifests a distrust of the fidelity of Jerome's version.
Leonardi Aretini Epist. lib. ix. ep. xii.
CHAP. II. , 50
extension of his literary attainments, he found in a total
suspension of his studies. [A. D. 1416.] In the spring of
the year 1416, he took advantage of the leisure time
afforded him, by the termination of his functions as secre-
tary to the deposed pontiff, to make an excursion to the
baths of Baden.* Of these baths he gave a description in
the following letter, which he addressed to Niccolo Niccoli;
and which, whilst it exhibits an interesting picture of a
fashionable watering place of the fifteenth century, displays
a sportiveness of fancy, and an expansion of good humour,
which were characteristic and attractive features of Poggio's
mind.
** I wrote to you from Constance, on the first of
" March, if my memory be correct, a letter, which, if it
" came to hand, I imagine made you tolerably merry.
" It was rather long, and pregnant with wit. I gave
" you in it a long account of my Hebrew studies, and
" passed many jokes upon my tutor, a stupid, unsteady,
" and illiterate man ; which indeed is the general cha-
" racter of those who are converted from Judaism to
" Christianity. But I am inclined to suspect, that this
" letter, and another which I addressed to Leonardo
* In the letter which Poggio wrote from Baden to Niccolo Niccoli, he says,
that he wrote to him from Constance on the 19th of February, 1416 ; and in
another letter, addressed to Leonardo Aretino, he says, that the trial of Jerome
of Prague took place a few days after his return to the council. As Jerome's
last hearing, to which Poggio evidently alludes, took place May 30th, 1418, the
date of Poggio's journey to Baden is fixed between the above mentioned periods,
that is, in the spring of 1416.
00 CHAP. II.
" Aretino, did not reach their destination. Had you
" received my epistle, you would surely have answered
" it, were it only with the view of congratulating me
" on my new course of study, which you have so fre-
, " quently exhorted me to undertake. I cannot find that
'* the study of Hebrew adds to my stock of philosophical
" knowledge ; but it so far promotes my acquaintance
" with literature, that I am thereby enabled to investi-
" gate the principles upon which St. Jerome founded
" his translation of the scriptures. But I write to you
" from these baths, (to which I am come to try whether
" they can remove an eruption which has taken place
" between my fingers) to describe to you the situation
" of the place, and the manners of its inhabitants, toge-
" ther with the customs of the company who resort
'* hither for the benefit of the waters. Much is said by
" the ancients of the pleasant baths of Puteoli, which
*' were frequented by almost all the people of Rome.
" But in my opinion, those boasted baths must, in the
** article of pleasure, yield the palm to the baths of
" Baden. For the pleasantness of the baths of Puteoli
" was founded more on the beauty of the circumjacent
" country, and the magnificence of the neighbouring
" villas, than on the festive manners of the company by
" which they were frequented. The scenery of Baden,
" on the contrary, has but few attractions : but every
" other circumstance relating to its medicinal springs, is
** so pregnant with delight, that T frequently imagine
" that Venus, and all her attendant joys, have migrated
" hither from Cyprus. The frequenters of these waters
CHAP. II. 01
"' so faithfully observe her institutes, so accurately copy
" her manners, that though they have not read the dis-
'* course of Heliogabalus, they seem to be amply in-
" structed by simple nature. But I must in the first place
" give you an account of my journey hither. On the
" first day I sailed down the Rhine twenty-four miles to
** Schaffausen. Here we were obliged to pass the falls
" by land ; and at the distance of ten miles from Schaff-
" ausen we arrived at a fortress, situated on the Rhine,
" and known by the name of Keisterstul, that is, Caesar's
** seat. From the name of this place, and from its com-
" manding situation, (for it is built on a high hill over-
" hanging the river, across which is thrown a small
" bridge, which effects a communication between France
" and Germany) I conjecture it was formerly a Roman
" station. In this day"s journey we saw the Rhine pre-
" cipitating itself from a considerable height, over craggy
" rocks, with a sound which seemed to express the
" indignation of the river at being thus impeded in its
" course. When I contemplated this sight, I recollected
** the stories which are related concerning the cataracts
" of the Nile, and I did not wonder that the people who
" live in the vicinity of those waterfalls, were deprived
" of their hearing by their noise, when a river of so
" comparatively small a magnitude, that with respect to
" the Nile it may be denominated a torrent, may be
" heard to the distance of half a mile. The next town
" is Baden, which word, in the German language, sig-
" nifies a bath. Baden is a place of considerable opu-
" lence, situated in a valley surrounded by mountains,
62 CHAP. II.
" upon a broad and rapid river, which forms a junction
" with the Rhine, about six miles from the town. About
" half a mile from Baden, and on the bank of the river,
" there is a very beautiful range of buildings, constructed
" for the accommodation of the bathers. These build-
" ings form a square, composed of lodging houses, in
" which a great multitude of guests are commodiously
" entertained. Each lodging house has its private bath,
" appropriated to its tenants. The baths are altogether
" thirty in number. Of these, two only are public baths,
" which are exposed to view on every side, and are fre-
" quented by the lower orders of people, of all ages, and
" of each sex. Here the males and females, entertaining
" no hostile dispositions towards each other, are separated
" only by a simple railing. Ii is a droll sight to see de-
" crepit old women and blooming maidens, stepping into
" the water, and exposing their charms to the profane
1 " eyes of the men. I have often laughed at this exhibi-
" tion, which reminded me of the Floral games of Rome.
"And I have at the same time admired the simplicity of
" these people, who take no notice of these violations of
" propriety, and are totally unconscious of any indecorum.
" The baths belonging to the private houses are very
" neat. They too are common to males and females,
" who are separated by a partition. In this partition,
" however, there are low windows, through which they
k ' can see and converse with, and touch each other, and
" also drink together ; all which circumstances are mat-
" ters of common occurrence. Above the baths are a
" kind of galleries, on which the people stand who wish
CHAP. II. 03
" to see and converse with the bathers ; for every one
" has free access to all the baths, to see the company, to
" talk and joke with them. As the ladies go in and out
" of the water, they expose to view a considerable por-
" tion of their persons ; yet there are no door-keepers,
" or even doors, nor do they entertain the least idea of
" any thing approaching to indelicacy. Many of the
" baths have a common passage for the two sexes, which
if circumstance very frequently occasions very curious
" rencounters. The men wear only a pair of drawers.
" The women are clad in linen vests, which are however
" slashed in the sides, so that they neither cover the neck,
" the breast, nor the arms of the wearer. The ladies
" frequently give public dinners in the baths, on a table
" which floats on the water ; and the men often partake
" of these entertainments. Our party received several in-
" vitations. I paid my share of the reckoning ; but
" though I was frequently requested to favour them with
" my company, I never accepted the summons ; not
** through modesty which would, on these occasions, be
" mistaken for rudeness, and want of good breeding, but
" on account of my ignorance of the language. For it
" seemed to me an act of folly in an Italian, who could
" not take any part in conversation, to spend all the
" day in the water, employed in nothing but eating
" and drinking. But two of my companions were not so
" scrupulous. They visited the ladies in the baths, and
" assisted at their entertainments. They conversed with
" them, by the medium of an interpreter; and when
" their fair hostesses were incommoded by the heat, they
04 CHAP. II.
" had the lion our of fanning them. On their return
" they spoke with great pleasure of the kind reception
" which they had experienced. When they thus vis-
" ited the ladies, they were clothed in linen gowns. From
" the gallery which I have mentioned above, I was
w< a witness of this scene ; and I was astonished to be-
" hold, with what unsuspecting simplicity they con-
" ducted themselves, and with what full confidence the
" husbands suffered their wives to be handed about in
" their dishabille by strangers. They were not uneasy ;
" they did not even attend to the circumstance, but
" saw every transaction in the most favourable light.
" They are well prepared to embrace the doctrine of
" Plato, who would have all things in common ; for
" without instruction, they are already in a great measure
" converts to his principles. In some of the private
11 baths, the men mix promiscuously with their female
" relatives and friends. They go into the water three or
" four times in a day ; and they spend the greater part
" of their time in the baths, where they amuse themselves
" with singing, drinking and dancing. In the shallower
" part of the water they also play upon the harp. It is
" a pleasant sight to see young lasses tuning their lyres,
" like nymphs, with their scanty robes floating on the
" surface of the waters. They look indeed like so many
" Venuses, emerging from the ocean. The women have a
" custom of playfully begging from the men who come to
" see them bathe. The latter throw down small pieces of
" money, which they direct to the fairer damsels. The
" ladies below stretch out their hands, and spread their
CHAP. II. Od
" bathing gowns, to receive these gifts, which frequently
** give rise to a general scramble. This scramble, you will
" easily conceive, occasions very laughable incidents, fyc-
" sides money, garlands and crowns of flowers are thrown
" down, with which the ladies ornament their heads while
" they remain in the water. As I only bathed twice a day,
" I spent my leisure time in witnessing this curious specta-
" cle, visiting the other baths, and causing the girls to '
" scramble for money and nosegays ; for there was no
" opportunity of reading or studying. The whole place
" resounded with songs and musical instruments, so that the
" mere wish to be wise, were the height of folly ; in me
u especially, who am not like Menedemus, in the play,
'* a morose rejecter of pleasure, but one of those who take
" a lively interest in every thing which concerns their
" fellow mortals. My pleasure was however much less than
" it would have been, had I been able to converse with my
" new acquaintance. Circumstanced as I was, I could
" only feast my eyes, wait on the ladies, and attend them
" to the rendezvous of amusement. I had also an oppor-
" tunity of paying my court to them, as against this there
" was no prohibitory law. Besides these various pastimes,
" there is also another, which is a source of no small
" gratification. There is a large meadow behind the village,
" near the river. This meadow, which is shaded by abun-
" dance of trees, is our usual place of resort after supper.
" Here the people engage in various sports. Some dance,
' others sing, and others play at ball, but in a manner
very different from the fashion of our country. For the
" men and women throw, in different directions, a ball,
60 CHAP. II.
" filled wjtlr little bells. When the ball is thrown, they
" all run to catch it, and whoever lays hold of it is the con-
'* queror, and again throws it at somebody for whom lie
" wishes to testify a particular regard. When the thrower is
" ready to toss the ball, all the rest stand with outstretched
" hands, and the former frequently keeps them in a state
" of suspense, by pretending to aim, sometimes at one,
" and sometimes at another. Many other games are here
" practised, which it would be tedious to enumerate. I
" have related enough to give you an idea what a numerous
" school of Epicureans is established at Baden. I think
" this must be the place where the first man was created,
" which the Hebrews call the garden of pleasure. If plea-
" sure can make a man happy, this place is certainly pos-
" sessed of every requisite for the promotion of felicity.
" But you will perhaps wish to know what are the
" virtues of the waters. Their virtues are various and mani-
" fold ; but they have one quality, which is truly wonderful,
" and in a manner divine. I believe there are no baths in
" the world more efficacious in promoting the propagation
" of the human species. This may indeed be in some mea-
'' sure accounted for by the following circumstance. An
" innumerable multitude of persons of all ranks repair to
" this place from the distance of two hundred miles ; not
" with a view of recruiting their health, but of enjoying
" life. These baths are the general resort of lovers and
" their mistresses, of all, in short, who are fond of pleasure.
" Many ladies pretend to be sick, merely with a view of
" being sent for cure to this watering place. You consc-
CHAP. II. ft7
" qucntly see here a great number of handsome females
" without their husbands, and not protected by any male
" relations, but attended by a couple of maids and a man
" servant, or some elderly cousin, who is very easily impo-
" sed upon. And they come adorned with such costly
" apparel, that you would suppose they were coining to a
" wedding, rather than to a watering place. Here we find
" Vestal, or to speak more correctly, Floral virgins. Here
" we meet with abbots, monks, friars, and priests, who
" live with greater license than the rest of the company.
" These ecclesiastics, forgetting the gravity of their profes-
" sion, sometimes bathe with the ladies, and adorn their
" hair with silken ribbons. For all people here concur in
" banishing sorrow, and courting mirth. Their object is, )
" not to divide that which is common, but to communicate
" that which is appropriated. It is "an astonishing circum-
" stance, that in so great a multitude (nearly a thousand
" persons) of various dispositions, and so much given to
" riot, no discord or dissension ever arises. The husbands
" see their wives gallanted, and even attended tete a tete by
" strangers, and yet they are not disturbed or rendered
" uneasy. Hence it happens, that the name of jealousy,
" that plague, which is elsewhere productive of so much
" misery, is here unknown. How unlike are the manners
" of these people to ours, who always sec things on the
" dark side, and who are so much given to cen seriousness,
" that in our minds the slightest suspicion instantly grows
" into full proof of guilt. I often envy the apathy of these
" Germans, and I execrate our perversity, who are always
" wishing for what we have not, and arc continually exposed
08 CHAP. II.
" to present calamity by our dread of the future. But these
" people, content with little, enjoy their day of life in
" mirth and merriment ; they do not hanker after wealth ;
" they are not anxious for the morrow ; and they bear
" adversity with patience. Thus are they rich by the mere
" disposition of their minds. Their motto is, " live while
" you live."" But of this enough it is not my object to
" extol my new friends at the expense of my countrymen.
" I wish my epistle to consist of unqualified good humour,
" that I may impart to you a .portion of the pleasure I
" derived from the baths of Baden."
Soon after Poggio's return from Baden to Constance
the Council proceeded to the trial of Jerome of Prague, an
intimate friend and associate of John Huss. When Jerome
was apprized of the arrest and imprisonment of his brother
reformer, he deemed himself bound in honour to repair to
Constance, to administer to him comfort and assistance. He
accordingly arrived in that city on the 24th of April, 1415.*
But alarmed by the violence of spirit which seemed to rage
against reputed heretics, he soon fled from Constance, and
went to Uberlingen, whence he sent to the council to demand
a safe conduct. Instead of this instrument of protection,
the members of that assembly addressed to him a citation to
appear before them, and answer to a charge of heresy. ^
Justly dreading the consequences of encountering the preju-
dices of the ecclesiastical dignitaries, whose morals and prin-
UEnf ant's History of the Council of Constance, vol. i. p. 107-
t Ibid. p. 188.
. ii.
ciplcs he had so often branded with infamy, he refused to
obey this citation, and set off on his return to Bohemia.
He proceeded without molestation as far as Hirsaw; but there
he was arrested by the officers of the duke of Sultzbach, who
sent him in chains to Constance.* Immediately after his
arrival in that city, he underwent an examination, after which
he was committed to prison. The severity which he there
experienced, the importunity of some of his prosecutors, and
his solitary meditations on the dreadful catastrophe of Huss,
at length shook his constancy, and on the 15th of September,
1415, he read in open Council, a recantation of his errors.-f-
At this price he purchased a relaxation of the rigour of his
confinement : but, notwithstanding the remonstrances of
Zabarella, and of three other cardinals, who contended,
that by his renunciation of error, he had satisfied public
justice, lie was detained in custody. In the course of a
few months after his recantation, new articles of impeach-
ment were exhibited against him. To these he pleaded in
a solemn assembly of the council, held for that purpose, on
the 26th May, 141G.J Poggio, who was present at this
second trial of Jerome, gave the following interesting account
of it to his^ friend Leonardo Aretino.
" Soon after my return from Baden to Constance, the
L'EnfanCs History of the Council of Constance, vol. i. p. 204.
f Ibid. p. 512.
* Ibid. p. 584.
In the Fasciculus Her. expel, et fugiend. it is erroneously asserted that
the following letter was addressed to Niccolo Niccoli.
70
CHAP. II.
" cause of Jerome of Prague, who was accused of heresy,
" came to a public hearing. The purport of my present
'* letter is to give you an account of this trial, which must
** of necessity be a matter of considerable interest, both on
" account of the importance of the subject, and the eloquence
" and learning of the defendant. I must confess that I never
" saw any one who in pleading a cause, especially a cause on
" the issue of which his own life depended, approached
" nearer to that standard of ancient eloquence, which we so
" much admire. It was astonishing to witness with what
" choice of words, with what closeness of argument, with
" what confidence of countenance he replied to his adversaries.
" So impressive was his peroration, that it is a subject of
" great concern, that a man of so noble and excellent a
" genius should have deviated into heresy. On this latter
" point however, I cannot help entertaining some doubts.
" But far be it from me to take upon myself to decide in
(< so important a matter. I shall acquiesce in the opinion
" of those who are wiser than myself.
" Do not however imagine that I intend to enter into
" the particulars of this cause I shall only touch upon the
" more remarkable and interesting circumstances, which will
" be sufficient to give you an idea of the learning of the
" man.
" Many things having been alleged against the prisoner
" as proofs of his entertaining heretical notions? and the
" council being of opinion, that the proof was sufficiently
" strong to warrant further investigation, it was ordered that
" he should publicly answer to every particular of the charge.
CHAP. II. 71
" He was accordingly brought before the council. But
" when he was called upon to give in his answers, he for
" a long time refused so to do ; alleging, that he ought
" to be permitted to speak generally in his defence, before
" he replied to the false imputations of his adversaries. This
" indulgence was however denied him. Upon which, stand-
" ing up in the midst of the assembly What gross injustice
" is this ! exclaimed he, that though for the space of three
" hundred and forty days, which I have spent in filth and
" fetters, deprived of every comfort, in prisons situated at
" the most remote distances from each other, you have been
" continually listening to my adversaries and slanderers, you
" will not hear me for a single hour ! The consequence of
" this is, that while on the one hand, every one^s ears are
" open to them, and they have for so long a time been
" attempting to persuade you that I am a heretic, an enemy
" of the true faith, a persecutor of the clergy ; and on the
" other hand, I am deprived of every opportunity of defend-
" ing myself; you have prejudged my cause, and have in
" your own minds condemned me, before you could possibly
" become acquainted with my principles. But, s#ys he, you
" are not Gods, but men, not immortals, but mortals, liable
" to error, and subject to imperfection. We are taught to
" believe that this assembly contains the light of the world,
" the prudent men of the earth. You ought therefore to be
" unremittingly careful not to do any thing rashly, foolishly
" or unjustly. I indeed, who am pleading for my life,
" am a man of little consequence ; nor do I say what I
" do say through anxiety for myself (for I am prepared
" to submit to the common lot of mortality) but I am
72 CHAP. II.
" prompted by an earnest desire, that the collective wis-
" dom of so many eminent men may not, in my person,
" violate the laws of justice. As to the injury done to
" myself, it is comparatively of trifling consequence ;
" but the precedent will be pregnant with future mis-
" chief. These and many other observations he made
" with great eloquence ; but he was interrupted by the
" murmurs and clamours of several of his auditors. It
" was decreed, that he should first answer to the charges
" exhibited against him, and afterwards have free liberty
" of speech. The heads of the accusation were accor-
" dingly read from the desk. When, after they had been
" proved by testimony, he was asked whether he had
" any remarks to make in his defence, it is incredible
" with what skill and judgment he put in his answers.
" He advanced nothing unbecoming a good man ; and if his
" real sentiments agreed with his professions, he was so far
" from deserving to die, that his principles did not even give
" just ground for the slightest offence. He denied the whole
" impeachment, as a fiction invented by the malice of his
" enemies. Amongst others an article was read, which
" accused him of being a detractor of the apostolic see, an
" oppugner of the Roman pontiff, an enemy of the cardi-
" nals, a persecutor of prelates, and an adversary of the
" Christian clergy. When this charge was read, he arose,
" and stretching out his hands, he said in a pathetic tone of
" voice, Fathers ! to whom shall I have recourse for succour ?
" Whose assistance shall I implore ? Unto whom shall I
" appeal, in protestation of my innocence ? Unto you ?
" But these my persecutors have prejudiced your minds
(HAP. II. 78
" against me, by declaring that I entertain hostility against
" all my judges. Thus have they artfully endeavoured, if
" they cannot reach me by their imputations of error, so to
" excite your fears, that you may be induced to seize any
" plausible pretext to destroy your common enemy, such as
" they most falsely represent me to be. Thus, if you give
" credit to their assertion, all my hopes of safety are lost.
" He caused many to smart by the keenness of his wit, and
" the bitterness of his reproaches. Melancholy as the occa-
" sion was, he frequently excited laughter, by turning to
" ridicule the imputations of his adversaries. When he was
" asked what were his sentiments concerning the sacrament,
" he replied, that it was by nature bread ; but that at the
" time of consecration, and afterwards, it was the true body
" of Christ, &c. according to the strictest orthodoxy. Then
" some one said, but it is reported that you have maintained,
" that there remains bread after consecration. True, said
" Jerome, there remains bread at the baker's. When one
" of the order of preaching friars was railing against him
" with uncommon asperity, he said to him Hold thy peace,
" hypocrite f When another swore by his conscience, this,
" said he, is a very safe mode of deceiving. One man, who
" was particularly inveterate against him, he never address-
" ed but by the title of ass or dog. As, on account of the
" number and importance of the articles exhibited against
" him, the cause could not be determined at that sitting,
" the court was adjourned to another day, on which the
" proofs of each article of impeachment were read over,
" and confirmed by more witnesses. Then he arose and
" said, since you have attended so diligently to my adver-
L
74 CHAP. II.
" saries, I have a right to demand that you should also
" hear me with patience. Though many violently objected
" to this demand, it was at length conceded to him that he
" should be heard in his defence. He then began by
" solemnly praying to God, so to influence his mind, and
" so to inspire his speech, that he might be enabled to
" plead to the advantage and salvation of his soul. He
" then proceeded thus I know, most learned judges, that
" many excellent men have been most unworthily dealt with,
" overborne by false witnesses, and condemned by the most
" unjust judgments. Illustrating this position by particu-
" lar instances, he began with Socrates, who was unjustly
" condemned by his countrymen, and Avho could not be
" persuaded by the dread of the most formidable evils,
" imprisonment or death, to avail himself of an opportu-
" nity which was presented to him of escaping out of cus-
" tody. He then proceeded to mention the captivity of
" Plato, the torments endured by Anaxagoras and Zeno,
" and the unjust condemnations of many other gentiles
" the banishment of Rutilius, the unmerited death of
" Boetius, and of others mentioned in the writings of that
" author. He then passed on to the instances which are
" recorded in the Jewish history and in the first place,
" he observed, that Moses, the deliverer and legislator
" of the Jews, was frequently calumniated by his own
" countrymen, as a seducer and contemner of the people.
" He also instanced Joseph, who was sold to slavery, in
" consequence of the envy of his brethren, and afterwards
" imprisoned under a groundless suspicion of incontinence.
" Besides these, he enumerated Isaiah, Daniel, and almost
CHAP. II. 7O
" all the prophets, who were calumniated and persecuted,
" as despisers of God and sowers of sedition. He also
" alluded to the trial of Susannah, and of many others,
" who, notwithstanding the integrity of their lives, perished
" by unjust sentences. Coming down to the time of John
" the Baptist and our Saviour, he observed, that all are
" agreed that they were unjustly condemned, upon false
" charges, supported by false witnesses. He next quoted
" the case of Stephen, who was put to death by the priests ;
" and reminded the assembly that all the apostles were con-
" demned to die, as seditious movers of the people, con-
" tcmners of the gods, and workers of iniquity. He niain-
" taincd that it was a scandalous thing that one priest
" should be unjustly condemned by another ; that it was
" still more scandalous) that a college of priests should be
" guilty of this crime ; and that it was most scandalous
" of all, that it should be perpetrated by a general council.
" Nevertheless he proved from history that these circum-
" stances had actually occurred. Upon these topics he
" enlarged in so impressive a manner, that every body
" listened to him with fixed attention. But as the weight of
" every cause rests upon the evidence by which it is supported,
" he proved, by various arguments, that no credit was due
" to the witnesses who deposed against him, more especially
" as they were instigated to give evidence against him by
" hatred, malevolence, and envy. He then so satisfacto-
" rily detailed the causes of the hatred which he imputed
" to his prosecutors, that he almost convinced his judges
" of the reasonableness of his objections against their testi-
" mony. His observations were so weighty, that little
76 CHAP. II.
" credit would have been given to the depositions of the
" witnesses for the prosecution, in any other cause except
' 4 in a trial for heresy. He moreover added, that he had
" voluntarily come to the council, in order to defend his in-
" jured character ; and gave an account of his life and stu-
" dies, which had been regulated by the laws of duty and
" of virtue. He remarked, that holy men of old were ac-
" customed to discuss their differences of opinion in mat-
" ters of belief, not with a view of impugning the faith,
" but of investigating the truth that St. Augustine and
" St. Jerome had thus differed in opinion, and had upon
*' some points even held contrary sentiments, without any
" suspicion of heresy. All the audience entertained hopes
" that he would either clear himself by retracting the
" heresies which were objected to him, or supplicate pardon
" for his errors. But he maintained that he had not
" erred, and that therefore he had nothing to retract. He
" next began to praise John Huss, who had been con-
" demned to the flames, calling him a good, just, and
" holy man, a man who had suffered death in a righteous
" cause. He professed that he himself also was prepared
" to undergo the severest punishment with an undaunted
" and constant mind, declaring that he submitted to his
" enemies, and to witnesses who had testified such shame-
" ful falsehoods ; who would however, on some future
" day, give an account of what they had said, to a God
" who could not be deceived. When Jerome made these
*' declarations, the assembly was affected with the greatest
" sorrow ; for every body wished, that a man of such
" extraordinary talents should repent of his errors and be
CHAP. ii. 77
/
" saved. But he persisted in his sentiments, and seemed
" to court destruction. Dwelling on the praises of John
;< Huss, he said, that he entertained no principles hostile
" to the constitution of the holy church, and that he only
*' bore testimony against the abuses of the clergy, and
" the pride and pomp of prelates : for that since the
" patrimony of the church was appropriated first to the
" poor, then to strangers, and lastly to the erection of
" churches, good men thought it highly improper that it
" should be lavished on harlots, entertainments, dogs,
4< splendid garments, and other things unbecoming the
" religion of Christ. It may be mentioned as the greatest
** proof of Jerome's abilities, that though he was fre-
" quently interrupted by various noises, and was teased by
" some people who cavilled at his expressions, he replied
" to them all, and compelled them either to blush or to be
" silent. When the clamour incommoded him, he ceased
*' speaking, and sometimes reproved those who disturbed him.
" He then continued his speech, begging and entreating
" them to suffer him to speak, since this was the last time
' they would hear him. He was never terrified by the
** murmurs of his adversaries, but uniformly maintained
" the firmness and intrepidity of his mind. It was a won-
" derful instance of the strength of his memory, that
** though he had been confined three hundred and forty
" days in a dark dungeon, where it was impossible for
*' him to read, and where he must have daily suffered
" from the utmost anxiety of mind, yet he quoted so
k many learned writers in defence of his opinions, and
" supported his sentiments by the authority of so many
78 CHAP. II.
" doctors of the church, that any one would have been
" led to believe, that he had devoted all the time of his
" imprisonment to the peaceful and undisturbed study of
" philosophy. His voice was sweet, clear and sonorous ;
" his action dignified, and well adapted either to express
" indignation, or to excite compassion, which however he
" neither asked nor wished for. He stood undaunted and
" intrepid, not merely contemning, but like another Cato
" longing for death. He was a man worthy to be held in
" everlasting remembrance. I do not commend him for
" entertaining sentiments hostile to the constitution of the
' church ; but I admire his learning, his extensive know-
" ledge, the suavity of his eloquence, and his ability in
" reply. But I am afraid that all these endowments were
" bestowed on him by nature, in order to effect his destruc-
44 tion. As he was allowed two days for repentance, several
" learned men, and amongst the rest the cardinal of Flo-
" rence, visited him, with a view of persuading him to
" change his sentiments, and turn from the error of his
" ways. But as he pertinaciously persisted in his false
" notions, he was condemned as guilty of heresy, and
" consigned to the flames. No stoic ever suffered death
&
" with such constancy of mind. When he arrived at the
" place of execution, he stripped himself of his garments,
, ^) " and knelt down before the stake, to which he was soon
" after tied with wet ropes and a chain. Then great
" pieces of wood, intermixed with straw, were piled as
" high as his breast. When fire was set to the pile, he
" began to sing a hymn, which was scarcely interrupted by
" the smoke and flame. I must not omit a striking circum-
CHAP. II. 79
" stance, which shows the firmness of his mind. When
" the executioner was going to apply the fire behind him,
" in order that he might not see it, he said, come this way,
" and kindle it in my sight, for had I been afraid of it, I
" should never have come to this place. Thus perished a
" man, in every respect exemplary, except in the errone-
" ousness of his faith. I was a witness of his end, and ob-
" served every particular of its process. He may have been
" heretical in his notions, and obstinate in perservering in
" them, but he certainly died like a philosopher. I have
" rehearsed a long story, as I wished to employ my leisure
" in relating a transaction which surpasses the events of
" ancient history. For neither did Mutius suffer his hand
" to be burnt so patiently as Jerome endured the burning
" of his whole body ; nor did Socrates drink the hemlock
" as cheerfully as Jerome submitted to the fire."*
They who are admitted within the veil which hides
the daily transactions of the great from the profane eyes
of the vulgar, rarely entertain an excessive reverence for
dignities. From a variety of passages which occur in the
works of Poggio, it is evident, that he was by no means
insensible of the corruptions of the pontifical court ; and '
on more occasions than one, he drew upon himself the
severity of reproof, by the freedom with which he ex-
* Poggii Opera, p. 301305.
80
CHAP. IT.
posed the vices of the clergy.* Whether his indignation
against the disgraceful conduct of the teachers of the
Catholic doctrine had shaken his belief in the Catholic creed,
his prudence has rendered it impossible to ascertain. It
is certain, that he thought a reformation of the manners of
ecclesiastics absolutely necessary to the credit of the church ;
and though he was not inspired by the zeal which prompted
John Huss, and Jerome of Prague, publicly to arraign the
conduct of their ecclesiastical superiors, let it be recorded to
his honour, that he did not, as many have done, reprove
and ridicule prevailing corruptions in private, and at the
same time join in the persecution of those who had sufficient
courage to impugn the same corruptions by open hostility.
The feeling manner in which he describes the trial and execu-
tion of Jerome, evinces a heart which daily intercourse with
bigoted believers and licentious hypocrites could not deaden
to the impulses of humanity. Indeed the manifest interest
which he took in the fate of a man, who was held by the
church as an object of unqualified abhorrence,^ awakened
the fears of Leonardo Aretino on his behalf. Leonardo was
* See a letter from Poggio to Alberto di Sarteano, which is preserved in the
collection of Ambrogio Traversari's epistles, edited by Mehus, (lib. xxv. ep.
xxii.) in which he defends his strictures on the immoralities of the clergy; his
dialogue on Hypocrisy, printed in the second volume of the Fasciculus Rerum
expetend. el fugiend. ; his treatise on Avarice ; and many of his epistles.
f- The sentence passed by the council upon Jerome concluded with the
following declaration. " Propter quae eadem fancta synodus eundem Hierony-
" mum palmitem putridum et aridum, in vite non manentem, foras mittendum
" decernit : ipsumque hsereticum, et in haeresim relapsum, excommunicatum,
" anathematizatum pronuneiat et declarat atque damnat."
Fasciculus Her. Expet. et Fug. torn. i. p. 303.
CHAP. II. 81
undoubtedly apprehensive, lest his admiration of the abilities,
and his compassion for the fate of the heretic, should be
attributed to a latent love of heresy. He therefore thought
it requisite to admonish his friend in the following terms.
" I received the day before yesterday, by the medium of
" Barbaro, your letter on the subject of the execution of
" Jerome of Prague. I very much admire its elegance ;
" but you seem to give a more ample testimony to the
" merits of the heretic than I could wish. You take care
" indeed frequently to put in proper caveats ; but upon the
" whole, you show too great an affection for his cause. I
" must advise you henceforth to write upon such subjects in
" a more guarded manner. 1 '*
The cold caution of Leonardo may be a quality con-
ducive to the insurance of personal safety ; but the gene-
rous warmth of Poggio lays an irresistible claim to the
applause of every ingenuous mind.
* Leon. Arct. Epist. lib. iv. ep. x.
U
CHAP. III.
POGGIO receives a copy of Francesco Barbarous treatise
De Re Uxoria Memoirs of Francesco Barbara
Poggio's journey in quest of ancient manuscripts
Account of the ancient autliors recovered by him
Death of Cardinal Zabarella Poggio^s oration pro-
nounced at Zabarella 1 s funeral Account of Zabarella
Martin V. elected to the pontificate Termination
of the Schism Dissolution of the Council Poggio
attends the pontiff to Mantua He visits England,
at the instance of Beaufort, bishop of Winchester
He is disappointed State of literature in Britain
Several of Cicero's works recovered in Italy Quarrel
between Leonardo Aretino and Niccolo Niccoli
Poggio obtains a small benefice He is still dissatisfied
He returns to Italy Notices of the state of society
in Britain which occur in his works.
CHAP. III.
Q
C5OON after the execution of Jerome of Prague, Poggio
received from Guarino Veronese,* a copy of a treatise,
De Re Uxorid, i. e. on the duties of a wife, which had
* Guarino Veronese, as his surname imports, was a native of Verona, in
which city he was born A. D. 1370. Dedicating himself to study from his early
years, he became a pupil of John of Ravenna. Not contented with acquiring,
under the instructions of this able tutor, a knowledge of the Latin language, he
undertook a voyage to Constantinople for the express purpose of reading the
Greek classics in the school of Manuel Crysoloras. Ponticio Virunio, who
flourished in the beginning of the 16th century, affirms, that when Guarino had
finished his Greek studies, he returned to Italy with two large chests full of
books, which he had collected during his residence in Constantinople ; and that
he was so much affected by the loss of one of these valuable packages, which
perished in a shipwreck, that his hair became grey in the space of a single night.
But this story is generally considered as fabulous. On his return to his native
country, he adopted the profession of a public lecturer on Rhetoric, in which
capacity he visited various cities of Italy. The names of these cities arc thus
enumerated by Janus Pannonius, who testified his gratitude for the benefit
which he had derived from Guarino's instructions, by composing a poem to his
praise.
" Tu mare fnrnantes Venetos, tu Antcnoris alti
" Instituis cives, tua te Vcroua legcntcm,
Finis ct Italia: stupuit sublime Tridcntum ;
" Ncc jam flumineuiu rcfcrens Florentia nomcn,
" Ac Phaibo quondam, uunc sacra Bononia Marti .
" Tandem mansiirum placida stationc rcccpit
" Pads et aligcri Fcrraria mater amoris."
86 CHAP. III.
been lately published by Francesco Barbaro, a Venetian
scholar, who was now beginning to attain a considerable
degree of celebrity. His opinion of this composition he
expressed in the following terms. " I thank you, my
" dear Guarino, for the little volume which you have been
" so kind as to communicate to me. My obligation to you
" would be immense, had I any thoughts of matrimony ;
" but I must acknowledge, that the perusal of this treatise
" has done away the little inclination which I previously
" felt to enter into the married state ; for how can I expect
" to find a help-mate who concentrates in her character all
" the good qualities, the union of which, in the opinion of
" wise judges, constitutes a good wife. But to be serious.
" As soon as I received the book, I began to peruse it ;
" and found the subject so novel, the style so excellent,
Ferrara was the last abode of Guarino. After having resided many years iu
that city under the protection of the Marquis d'Este, he there terminated a life
of literary labour, in the year 1460, at the advanced age of ninety. Bartolomeo
Facio, who had been of the number of his pupils, made mention of him during
his lifetime in the following flattering terms.
" Artem Rhetoricam profitetur, qua in re supra quinque et triginta anuos se
'' exercuit. Ab hoc uno plures docti et eloquentes viri facti sunt quam a ceteris
" omnibus hujus ordinis, ut non immerito quidam de eo dixerit quod de Isocrate
" dictum fcrunt, plures ex ejus schola viros erudites, quam ex equo Trojauo
" milites prodiise Ejus quoque prsestantiae singulare testimonium est Epigramrna
" hoc nobile Antonii Panonnitae editum ab illo quum vita functum audivisset."
" Quantum Romulidx sanctum videre Catonem,
" Quantum Cepheni volitantcm Persea ccelo,
" Alciden Thebe pacantem viribus orbem,
" Tantum laeta suum vidit Verona Guarinum."
Tiraboschi Storia della Letter. Ital. torn. vi. p. 255 $ seq. Facius de
Viris Illustr. p. 18.
CHAP. III. 87
V
k ' and the method so clear, that I hastily ran over the
" whole in one day. I afterwards read it again more
" deliberately. The subject is indeed a pleasant one ;
" and he has illustrated it by numerous and well arranged
" examples. I am however most of all captivated by the
" gravity of his diction. This dissertation on the duty of
" a wife, is, in my opinion, worthy to be classed with
" Tully's Offices. You know that I am no flatterer, but
" that I always speak from the impulse of the heart. Bar-
" baro unites with the greatest eloquence a dignity of senti-
" ment, worthy of a man of consummate gravity. Earn-
" estly exhort him to cultivate those talents, the first fruits
" of which are so admirable.' 1 *
The warm approbation which Poggio expressed of this
treatise De Re Uxorid, led the way to an intercourse of
mutual good offices between him and its author, in whose
character were united the dignity of the patrician, and the
accomplishments of the scholar.
Francesco Barbaro was descended from a noble Vene-
tian family, which formerly bore the name of Magadesi,
but exchanged that appellation for the honourable title
of Barbaro, or de 1 Barbari, which was conferred upon it
in the twelfth century, in consequence of the valorous
exertions of Marco Magadesi, in a battle fought against
the Saracens, ne^r Ascalon. Francesco was bom at
Venice, in the year 1 398. At an early age he was placed
* Poffffii Opera, p. 305.
88 (HAP. III.
/
under the tuition of John of Ravenna, and was after-
wards entrusted to the care of Gasperino Barziza.*'
Under the auspices of these instructors he made a surpris-
ingly rapid progress in the study of the Latin tongue. In
the acquisition of the rudiments of the Greek language he
was assisted by Guarino Veronese, and not, as some have
erroneously supposed, by Manuel Crysoloras. So suddenly
did the talents of Francesco come to maturity, that he
made a public exhibition of his acquirements in the eigh-
teenth year of his age, at which early period he pronounced
the funeral eulogiuin of Giovanni Corrodino, a physician of
Padua ; and also, at the command of the directors of the
Paduan university, delivered an oration on the occasion
of the conferring the degree of doctor of civil and canon
* Gasperino Barziza was a native of Bergamo, and was one of that numerous
assemblage of scholars, who were indebted for their knowledge of the Latin
tongue to John of Ravenna. He read lectures on Rhetoric, first at Padua, and
afterwards at Milan. His writings are not numerous : they consist of a treatise
on Orthography ; another on Elegance of Composition ; various Orations and
Letters ; and a commentary on the Epistles of Seneca. In undertaking to
supply the deficiencies which occurred in Cicero's treatise de Oratore, in conse-
quence of the mutilated condition of the ancient copies of that elegant and
useful work, he evinced a temerity of spirit which nothing but the most able
execution of his task could have justified. Happily however for the admirers
of ancient eloquence, the labours of Gasperino were rendered useless, by the
discovery of a complete copy of the work in question, made by the Bishop of
Lodi. It appears however that he had actually enlarged, by supplementary
chapters, the imperfect copies of Quintilian's Institutes. These were also
superseded by the labours of Poggio in search of auricMt manuscripts.
W
Several of Gasperino's letters were edited by Josepho Alessandro Fiirietti,
aud published at Rome, in 4 to. A. D. 1733. Mehi Vita Ambros. Travers.
p. xl. xlvi. Agostini Scrittori Finis, torn. i. p. 20, torn. xi. p. tt. Foetus de
Viris illus. p. 28.
CHAP. III. $9
law on Alberto Guidalotti, a noble Perugian. But a more
singular instance of the precocity of, his mind was displayed
in the course of the same year, in the publication of his
treatise De Re U^vorid, which was received by the learned
with universal applause.* The vacancy of the pontifical
* On the subject of matrimony, Francesco did not confine himself to
theoretical speculations. Trusting that in Maria, daughter of Piero Loredano,
procurator of St. Mark, he had found the union of good qualities which he had
represented in his dissertation, as requisite to the formation of the character of
a good wife, he married that lady in the year 1419.
So great was the reputation of his eloquence and prudence, that he had
scarcely attained the age of twenty-one, when notwithstanding the prohibitioji
of the Venetian law, he was admitted by the Concilio Maggiore into the number
of the senators. Three years after his exaltation to this honour, he was
appointed to the government of Como, which office, however, he did not
think proper to accept. It does not appear what were the motives which
induced him to decline this honour. His biographer Agostini attributes his
conduct in this instance to his modesty. If this amiable virtue, a quality of
such rare occurrence in the history of statesmen, prevented him from under-
taking the chief magistracy of the city of Como, it should seem that it did not
long continue to obstruct him in his way to preferment, since in the same year
in which he is supposed to have been thus diffident of his abilities, he suffered
himself to be invested with the government of Trivigi, in which city he presided
for the space of twelve months. The inhabitants of Trivigi lamented his depar-
ture, and long entertained a respectful remembrance of the wisdom of his admin-
istration. At the expiration of twenty-four years after the termination of his
government, they applied for his advice in the choice of a public preceptor ; and
on this occasion, Francesco assured them, that he should always regard their
welfare as an object of his particular attention. Immediately after his return to
the Venetian capital, he was appointed, in conjunction with Leonardo Giustini-
ano, to compliment the eastern emperor Palaeogolus on his arrival in Venice.
In the execution of this commission, he pronounced a Greek oration with such
elegance and purity of style and diction, that, as a contemporary writer affirms,
" He seemed to have been educated in the school of Homer." Early in the
year 1424 he was nominated to the prefecture of Vicenza. On his accession
to this office, he found the laws of that city in such a state of confusion, that
N
90 CHAP. III.
throne still affording to the officers of the Roman chancery
a considerable degree of leisure, Poggio about this time
he deemed it absolutely necessary to reduce them to order and consistency.
With the assistance of a committee of Vicentians, appointed for that purpose,
and of Antonio Lusco, a celebrated civilian, he happily accomplished this
difficult and delicate undertaking. Francesco was also the means of conferring
upon the citizens of Vicenza another public benefit, in inducing George of
Trebisond, whom he had invited from his native island Candia, to Italy, to
settle amongst them, in quality of professor of the Greek language. In the
year 142li he was sent by the Venetian seignory to Rome, invested with the
office of embassador extraordinary at the pontifical court. The object of his
mission was to persuade Martin V. to enter into an alliance with his country-
men against the duke of Milan, with whom the Venetians were then at war.
The pontiff, as became the common father of the faithful, interposed his good
offices between the contending powers ; and after encountering a variety of
difficulties, he at length had the satisfaction of assembling a congress at Ferrara,
which terminated April 18th, 1428, in the signing of a definite treaty of peace
between the Venetians and their adversary. At this congress Francesco assisted
as one of the deputies of his republic.
In the course of the war, the Venetians had taken the city of Bergamo.
Of this newly acquired possession, Francesco Barbaro administered the govern-
ment in 1430. On the expiration of this office, he was raised to the dignity of
counsellor, and in the year 1433 he was elected by the Venetian government as
a member of the embassy of honour, which they deputed to attend the emperor
Sigismund, who purposed to travel through the states of the republic, on his way
to the city of Basil, where the general council was then assembled. On this
occasion, the Venetian envoys received from the emperor the honour of knight-
hood. So great was the esteem which Sigismund had conceived of the good
qualities of Barbaro, that, with the permission of the seignory, he dispatched
him into Bohemia upon the difficult errand of soothing the irritation, and
abating the zeal of the confederated heretics. Nor was this the only instance of
the trust reposed in the fidelity of Francesco by foreign princes. On his return
from Germany he was employed by Eugenius IV. in conducting a negociation
with the emperor. His reputation being increased by these striking testimonies
to his merits, in the year 1434 he was appointed to the important and honour-
able government of Verona. In this station he conducted himself with his
wonted wisdom, and consequently gained the esteem and affection of his
CHAP. III. 91
undertook an expedition of no small importance to the
interests of literature. Having received information that
subjects. Soon after ttic expiration of the term of his new government, he was
dispatched to Florence, on an embassy to Eugenius IV. who then held his court
in that city. During this visit to Florence, the following circumstance took
plare, which is related by Maffei as a proof of the patience and forbearance of
liis temper. The steward of his household having been reproved by his nephew
Danicllo Barbara, was so much irritated, that he drew his sword, and attacked
the youth with an intention of killing him. Daniello complained of this out-
rage to his uncle. Francesco sent for the offender, who vented his rage in the
most violent and indecent reproaches against his master. The bystanders
trembled for the life of the steward, when, to their astonishment, Francesco
thus addressed him. " Begone ! and act more prudently in future ; I would not
" wish that your faults should make me lose that patience, of which, luckily
" for you, I am now possessed."
In the year 1437 Francesco was appointed governor of Brescia. In the
discharge of the duties of this office, he was obliged to call into exercise the full
vigour of his abilities. At the time of his appointment the Venetians were at
war with the duke of Milan, whose general, Piccinino, menaced their western
borders with a powerful army ; and in the month of September encamped before
Brescia. On Francesco's arrival in that city he had found it torn by fac-
tion, and scantily supplied with provisions. But by his prudent exertions he
reconciled the contending families, and used the most strenuous exertions to
provide the place with the necessary supplies. Encouraged by his example,
the inhabitants repelled the attacks of the enemy with great valour, and patiently
endured the evils of famine and pestilence, consequent upon their being for the
space of three months closely confined within the walls of the town. At
length, in the month of December, they had the satisfaction of seeing the
Milanese forces retire. In gratitude for Francesco's strenuous exertions in their
defence, the inhabitants of Brescia presented him with a banner ornamented
with the armorial bearings of their city ; and when he returned to Venice, to
give the seignory an account of the events of his administration, the Brescian
deputies detailed his services t that august assembly in the most flattering
terms.
He was afterwards called to the discharge of various other public offices, in
which he acquitted himself in smh a manner as to obtain universal coininendu-
\)2 CHAP. III.
many ancient manuscripts of classic authors were scattered
in various monasteries, and other repositories in the neigh-
tion. A most unequivocal testimony to his honour and intelligence occurred,
A. D. 1444, when he was chosen by the inhabitants of Verona and Vicenza as
umpire to settle a dispute which had arisen between those communities about
the limits of their respective territories. Having passed through all the inferior
offices of the state, on the 5th of January, 1 452, he received what he regarded
as an ample reward of his labours, in being elected procurator of St. Mark.
Two years after his exaltation to this distinguished honour, his earthly career
of glory was terminated by his death, which event took place towards the end
of January, 1454.
His remains were interred in the church of Santa Maria Gloriosa, and the
following inscription marks the spot where his body is deposited.
" Si quis honos, si fas lacrymis decorare sepultos,
" Flete super tumulum, moestisque replete querelis.
" Franciscus, cui prisca parem vix secla tulerunt,
" Barbarus hie situs cst ; linguae decus omne Lathue.
" Fortia facta viri pro libertate Scnatus
" Brixia, quain magno tenuit sudore, fatetur.
" Hie summi ingenii, scriptis, monumenta reliquit ;
" Graecaque praterea fecit Romana. Tenet mine
" Spiritus astra ; sacros tumulus complectitur artus."
The life of this illustrious scholar was so much occupied by active pursuits,
that the catalogue of his writings is necessarily short. The following produc-
tions of his pen are still extant.
1. Francisci Barbari Veneti pro insigni Viro Joannino Conradino
Veneto Physico Epilaphios Logo*. Manuscript copies of this oration were
preserved in the Dominican monastery of S. Nicole, in Trivigi, and in the
library of Apostolo Zeno.
2. Francisci Barbari Veneti Laudatio in Albertum Guidalotum cum eum
in Academa Patavina J. V. laurea decoraret. This oration was published
by Bernardo Fez, in a collection entitled Thesarurus novissimus Anecdoto-
rum.
3. Francisci Barbari Veneti ad insit/nem Laurentium de Medicis Flo-
rentinum de Re Uxoria Liber. The autograph of this treatise is preserved in
CHAP. III.
93
bourhood of Constance, where they were suffered to perish
in neglected obscurity, he determined to rescue these pre-
the Mediccan library at Florence ; an early edition of it, of uncertain date, was
printed at Antwerp. In the year 1513 it was printed at Paris, in 4to. in cedibus
Ascensianis. In 1533 it was printed at Hagcnau, in 8vo. A duodecimo
edition of it was published at Strasbourg, in 1612 ; and another in the same form
at Amsterdam, by John Janson, in IfiSD. This treatise was twice translated into
the French language, first by Martin du Pin, and afterwards by Claude Joly.
A beautiful MS. copy of the original Latin is preserved in the Cheethain
library, in Manchester.
4. Eloquentissimi ac Palricii viri Francisci Barbari Veneti Vitas Aris-
tidis et Majorls Catonis a Plutarcho conscriplce, a Grceco in La tin inn versa.
This translation was printed in an edition of Plutarch's lives, published at
Venice, by Nicolas Jenson, A. D. 1478, in folio ; and in the Basil folio edition
of the same work, printed by Bebelius in 1535. In Jenson's edition, the ver-
sion of the life of Aristidcs is erroneously ascribed to Leonardo Aretino.
5. Oralio Clariss. Viri Francisci Barbari ad Siytsmundum Ccesarem
pro Republica Veneta acta Ferraria. Agostini Las printed this oration in his
Isloria degli Scriltori l r iniziani, after a MS. copy belonging to Marco Fos-
carini.
6. Oralio Francisci Barbari Patricii Veneti, habita, anno 1J3JJ, in
templo Sanctorum Fauslini et Jovitca cum civitatis Brixiensls Magislralum
inirct. This oration is to be found in Pez's Thesaurus.
7. Francisci Barbari P. V. Apologia ad Mediolanemes pro populo Brix-
icnsi, anno 1439. A MS. copy of this work is preserved in the Vatican library.
8. Oratio Francisci Barbari P. V. ad Populum Brixiensem in rcnun-
ciatione illius Civitatis. This is in fact a report of an extempore speech of
Francesco's, composed from memory by Manelli, in whose Commentaries it is
printed.
9. Francisci Barbari, et aliorum ad ipsurn Epistofte alt anno Christi
1 425, ad annum 1 453, nunc primum editae ex duplici MS. Cod. Brixiano et
Vaticano uno, ijc. Brixiai cxcudebat Joannes Maria Rizzardi, 1743, in
Quarto mayno. This collection of Francesco's epistles, which was edited by
Cardinal Quirini, contains 284 of his letters, besides 94 addressed to him by
various correspondents. In the learned dissertation prefixed to this publication,
the cardinal has quoted at length fourteen other epistles of Barbaro.
W-4 CHAP. III.
cious relics from the hands of barbarians, who were so little
sensible of their value. lie was not deterred from this
laudable design by the inclemency of the season, or by the
ruinous state of the roads ; but with an industry and per-
severance, which cannot be too highly applauded, he made
several excursions to the places which were said to contain
the objects of his research. These excursions he even ex-
tended to the city of Paris. For the fatigue and trouble
which he encountered in these inquiries he was requited by
the most signal success. A great number of manuscripts,
some of which contained portions of classic authors, which
the admirers of ancient learning had hitherto sought for in
vain, were the reward of his literary zeal. The scholars of
Italy took a lively interest in these investigations of their
learned countryman. The noble art of printing has in mo-
dern times rendered books so easily accessible to all ranks of
men, that we cannot enter into the feelings of those whose
libraries were scantily furnished with volumes, which were
slowly multiplied by the tedious process of transcription.
10. Francisci Barbari viri illustris. pro Flavio Forliviensi pro Procmio
descriplionis Italics illustrates. Ad Alphonsum Serenissimum Arragonum
Regem. Cardinal Quirini, in the above mentioned dissertation, has printed
this pncfatory essay, which was written by Barbaro, in the name of Flavio
Biondo.
11. Epitaphium clarissimi viri Francisci Barbari Veneli in laudem
Gathamdatce Imperaloris Gentis Venetorum. This epitaph Agostiui has
published in his Istoria degli Scrittori Viniziani, from a MS. preserved in the
Guarnerian library in Friuli.
Agostini Istoria degli Scrittori Vinissani, torn ii. p. 28134.
CHAP. Ill- 95
But the epistolary correspondence of the studious of the fif-
teenth century contains frequent and striking intimations of
the value which was then set upon good modern copies of the
works of classic writers. It may therefore be easily pre-
sumed, that the discovery of an ancient manuscript was a
common subject of exultation to all the lovers of the polite
arts. In the following letter from Leonardo Aretino to Pog-
gio, congratulating him on the success of his expedition, and
particularly on his acquisition of a perfect copy of Quin-
tiliaiVs treatise on Oratory, the writer speaks the sentiments
of the literary characters of the age.
" I have seen the letter which you wrote to our friend
" Niccolo, on the subject of your last journey, and the
" discovery of some manuscripts. In my opinion the re-
" public of letters has reason to rejoice, not only on account
" of the acquisition of the works which you have already
" recovered, but also on account of the hope which I see you
" entertain of the recovery of others. It will be your glory
" to restore to the present age, by your labour and diligence,
" the writings of excellent authors, which have hitherto
" escaped the researches of the learned. The accomplish-
" ment of your undertaking will confer an obligation, not on
" us alone, but on the successors to our studies. The me-
" mory of your services will never be obliterated. It will
" be recorded to distant ages, that these works, the loss of
" which had been for so long a period a subject of lament-
" ation to the friends of literature, have been recovered by
" your industry. As Camillus, on account of his having
" rebuilt the city of Rome, was stiled its second founder, so
W> CHAP. III.
" you may be justly denominated the second author of all
" those pieces which are restored to the world by your meri-
" torious exertions. I therefore most earnestly exhort you
" not to relax in your endeavours to prosecute this laudable
" design. Let not the expense which you are likely to incur
" discourage you from proceeding. I will take care to pro-
" vide the necessary funds. I have the pleasure of inform-
" ing you, that from this discovery of yours, we have
" already derived more advantage than you seem to be
" aware of ; for by your exertions we are at length in pos-
" session of a perfect copy of Quintilian. I have inspected
" the titles of the books. We have now the entire treatise,
" of which, before this happy discovery, we had only one
" half, and that in a very mutilated state. Oh ! what a
" valuable acquisition ! What an unexpected pleasure ! Shall
" I then behold Quintilian whole and entire, who, even in
" his imperfect state, was so rich a source of delight ? I
" entreat you, my dear Poggio, send me the manuscript as
" soon as possible, that I may see it before I die. As to
" Asconius and Flaccus, I am glad that you have recovered
" them, though neither of these authors have conferred any
" additional grace on Latin literature. But Quintilian is so
" consummate a master of rhetoric and oratory, that when,
" after having delivered him from his long imprisonment in
" the dungeons of the barbarians, you transmit him to this
" country, all the nations of Italy ought to assemble to bid
" him welcome. I cannot but wonder that you and your
" friends did not eagerly take him in hand, and that,
" employing yourselves in the transcription of inferior
" writers, you should have neglected Quintilian an author,
CHAP. III. 97
" whose works I will not hesitate to affirm, are more an
" object of desire to the learned than any others, excepting
" only Cicero's dissertation De Republicd. I must next
" admonish you not to waste your time on the works which
" we already possess, but to search for those which we have
" not, especially the works of Cicero and Varro."*
Poggio was far from being unconscious of the good
service which he had done to the cause of letters, by the
successful assiduity of his researches after the lost writers of
antiquity. [A. D. 1416.] On the sixteenth of December
of this year, he wrote to Guarino Veronese an epistle, in
which, after duly extolling the importance and agreeable
nature of the intelligence which he was about to announce,
he gave him a particular account of the treasure which he
had lately brought to light. From this letter it appears,^
that in consequence of information which Poggio had
received, that a considerable number of books were deposited
in the monastery of St. Gall, he took a journey to that
town, accompanied by some of his friends. There they
found a large number of manuscripts, and among the rest
a complete copy of Quintilian, buried in rubbish and dust.
For the books in question were not arranged in a library,
but were thrown into the lowest apartment or dungeon of a
tower, " Which," says Poggio, " was not even a fit resi-
* Leonardi Aretini Epistolae, I. iv. ep. v.
f This letter from Poggio to Guarino Veronese is printed by L' Enfant, in
the supplement to the second volume of his Poggiana, from a MS. in the
Wolfenbuttle library. See Poggiana, torn. ii. p. 309.
O
U8 CHAP. III.
u dence for a condemned criminal." Besides Quintilian they
found in this obscure recess the three first, and one half of
the fourth books of the Argonautics of Valerius Flaccus,
and Asconius Pedianus's comment on eight of Cicero's
orations. The two latter manuscripts Poggio himself tran-
scribed, with an intention of sending them to Leonardo
Aretino, who, as appears by his letters quoted above, was
so much elated by the revival of Quintilian, that he speaks
of the discovery of Asconius and Flaccus as a matter of
comparatively trifling moment.*
Poggio zealously concurred in the wish of his friend
Leonardo, to rescue from obscurity the lost works of Cicero.
Nor were his endeavours to accomplish this valuable object
entirely unsuccessful. In a monastery of the monks of
Clugny, in the town of Langres, he found a copy of Cicero^s
Oration for Csecina, of which he made a transcript for the
use of his Italian friends. In the course of various journeys,
which the vicissitudes of fortune obliged him to take at
different periods of his life, he had the satisfaction to
discover the following orations of the same author, the loss
of which had been long deplored by the learned De lege
Agraria contra Rullum liber primus Ejusdem liber secun-
dus Contra legem Agrariam ad populum In L. Pisonem.
A copy of these orations is preserved in the Abbey of Santa
Maria, at Florence, to which is affixed a memorandum,
which records the fact of their having been discovered by
* Mehus is of opinion that the copy of Quintilian, thus found by Poggio,
is preserved in the Laurentian library.
Prcefatlo ad vitam Ambrosii Traversarii, p. xxxiv.
CHAP. III. 99
Poggio. This memorandum indeed makes mention of
seven orations as having been found by him in France and
Germany; and the catalogue prefixed to the manuscript,
besides the works above mentioned, enumerates the Oration
pro C. Rabirio Pisone Pro C. Rabirio perduellionis reo
and pro Roscio Comrade but these orations have been torn
from the volume in question.* With the assistance of
Bartolomeo di Montepulciano, Poggio also restored to light
the poem of Silius Italicus Lactantius's treatise de ira Dei
et opificio hominis Vegetius de re Militari Nonius Mar-
cellus Ammianus Marcellinus^ Lucretius J Columella
and Tertullian.
Before the time of Poggio, eight only of the comedies
of Plautus were known to the classical student- But by the
Mehi Prafatio ad vitam Ambrosii Traversarii, p. xxxv. xxxvi.
f The manuscript of this author was sent by Poggio to Martin V. who
permitted Niccolo Niccoli to transcribe it. Niccolo's transcript is preserved in
the Marcian library at Florence.
Mehi Pros/at, p. xxxvii. xxxviii.
* Poggio transmitted his newly recovered copy of Lucretius to Niccolo
Niccoli, who, with his usual diligence, made with his own hand a transcript of
it, which is yet extant in the Laurentian library.
Mehi Prtefal. p. xxxviii.
Poggio found this copy of Tertullian in a monastery of the monks of
Clugny at Rome. By some means the cardinal Ursini got possession of it, and
morosely locked it up from the inspection of the learned. At the instance of
Ix>renzo de' Medici, however, he suffered the manuscript to be transported to
Florence, where it was copied, first by Ambrogio Traversari, and afterwards by
Niccolo Niccoli. The transcript of Niccol% is lodged in the library of St.
Mark.
Mehi Prafalio, p. xxxix.
CHAP. III.
industry or good fortune of one Nicolas of Trevcs, whom
Poggio employed in continuing the researches in the monas-
teries of Germany, which he was unable to conduct in
person, twelve more were brought to light. When Poggio
had notice of this discovery, he was highly elated, and
strenuously exhorted the cardinal Ursini to dispatch a trusty
messenger to bring these valuable treasures to Rome. " I
" was not only solicitous, but importunate with his cmi-
" nence,' 1 says Poggio in a letter to Niccolo Niccoli, "to
" send somebody for the books." The cardinal did not how-
ever second the impatience of the Italian literati, who waited
nearly two years before the manuscripts in question arrived
in Rome, whither they were brought by Nicolas of Treves
himself.*
* The volume which Nicolas of Treves thus conveyed from Germany,
contained, besides four comedies which had been already recovered, the follow-
ing twelve, which had been till then unknown, Bacchides, Moslellaria, Men-
aechrni, Miles gloriosus, Mercator, Pseudolus Peenulus, Pcrsa, Rudens, Stichus,
Trinummus, Truculentus This volume was seized by cardinal Ursini, who
would not permit Poggio to take a copy of it. Poggio highly resented the
illiberality of the cardinal's conduct. *' I have not been able," says he, address-
ing himself to Niccolo Niccoli, " to get possession of Plautus. Before the
" cardinal's departure, I begged him to send you the book, but he refused to
" comply with my request. I do not understand what the man means. He
" seems to think that he has done something great, though in fact he has not had
" the least participation in the discovery of the book. It was found by another,
' but it is hidden by him. I told both him and his people, that I would never
" again ask him for the book, and I shall be as good as iny word. I had rather
" unlearn what I have learnt, than acquire any knowledge by the means of his
" books." By the interposition of Lorenzo de' Medici, however, the cardinal
was induced to intrust the volume to Niccolo Niccoli, who copied it, and
returned it to the Cardinal. Niccolo's copy is deposited in the Marcian library.
Mehi Prafatio, p. xi xliii.
CHAP. III. 101
Besides Plautus's comedies, Nicolas of Trcves brought
to Rome a fragment of Aulus Gcllius.
Poggio also found a copy of Julius Frontinus de
Aquseductis, and eight books of Firmicus's treatise on the
mathematics, lying neglected and forgotten in the archives
of the monastery of Monte Cassino ; and at the instance of
Niccolo Niccoli he prevailed upon the governors of that
religious house, to allow him to convey these manuscripts
to his own residence, for the purpose of decyphering and
copying them. After he had transcribed Frontinus with his
own hand, he returned the original manuscript to the library
where it had been discovered.* He also procured at Cologne
a copy of Petronius Arbiter, a small fragment of which
author he had before discovered in Britian. By his exertions
also the entire work of Columella was brought to light, of
which only fragments had been known to the earlier scho-
lars. For the preservation of Calpurnius's Bucolic also, the
republic of letters is indebted to the sagacious diligence of
Poggio.f
* Joannes Polenus, who published an elegant edition of Frontinus de
Aquaeductis at Padua in the year 1722, procured a transcript of this manuscript,
which was still preserved in the monastery of Monte Cassino, and which he
found to be much more correct than any printed editions of Frontinus's treatise.
It is in the form of a quarto volume, written on parchment, and, as appears
from a fac simile of the first ten or twelve lines, in a very legible character.
From the form of the letters, Polenus conjectures that it was written at the end
of the thirteenth, or the beginning of the fourteenth century.
Prolegomena ad Poleni editioiiem Frontini de Aqaeduclis, p, 19, 20.
-Mention is made of this manuscript by Mabillon, in his Museum Italicitm,
torn. i. p. 123.
t Mehi Prafalio, p. xlviii. xlix.
102 CHAP. III.
In a long and elaborate letter which Poggio received
from Francesco Barbaro, and which bears the date of June
7th, 1417, this learned patrician congratulates his cor-
respondent on the glory which he had acquired by his labours
in the cause of learning, and ascribes to the unremitted
diligence of his investigations, the recovery of the works
of the following authors, in addition to others which have
been already enumerated ; Manilius, Lucius Septimius,
Caper, Eutychius, and Probus. From this letter of Bar-
baro, it appears, that the republic of letters had expected
that Poggio would have been materially assisted in his
inquiries after the relics of ancient literature by Bartolomeo
di Montepulciano, but that in consequence of the ill state of
his associate's health, he was under the necessity of taking
upon himself almost the entire conduct and trouble of the
research.
The expense occasioned by these literary excursions was
a heavy incumbrance upon Poggio, whose property could
by no means bear any extraordinary diminution : and the
fatigue and inconvenience which he experienced in the course
of his travels in quest of manuscripts, induced him at one
time to declare to Niccolo Niccoli that he could not possibly
spend more time in this pursuit.* This declaration was
* Ambrosii Traversarii Opera, torn. ii. p. 285. To the decline of life
Poggio retained a considerable degree of indignation, which was at this time
excited in his mind, by the indifference with which his labours to recover the
los't writers of antiquity were regarded by the great. In the introduction to his
dialogue, De I nfelicitate Principum, he pnts the following strictures on their
conduct into the mouth of Niccolo Niccoli. '' When many of the ancient
CHAP. III. 103
however nothing more than the result of a temporary de-
jection of spirits. During the remainder of his life he
eagerly took advantage of every opportunity of recovering
the lost works of the writers of antiquity, many of which
he transcribed with his own hand. In several of his letters
the zeal with which he endeavoured to procure good copies
of the Latin classics is strikingly conspicuous. His in-
quiries were incessantly and anxiously directed after the
ancient compositions which had not yet been rescued from
beneath the ruins of ages. In the course of his investiga-
tions, he once entertained hopes of recovering the lost
Decads of Livy. A Swede, of the name of Nicolaus, had
solemnly assured him, that he had seen a perfect copy of
Livy's Roman history in a monastery of Cistercian monks
in Hungary. On the receipt of this intelligence, he imme-
diately applied by letter to Niccolo Niccoli, not doubting
but that he could persuade Cosmo de' Medici to dispatch
one Gherardo de 1 Buris to the monastery where the manu-
script was said to be deposited. He was also in hopes that
cardinal Ursini would send a confidental agent to procure
this valuable work ; but in these expectations he was disap-
" classics had been brought to light by our friend Poggio, and there was a most
" flattering prospect of the recovery of others of still greater consequence, uo
" sovereign prince or pontiff contributed in the least degree to the liberation of
" those most excellent authors from the prisons of the barbarians. These
" exalted personages spend their days and their money in pleasures, in unworthy
" pursuits, in pestiferous and destructive wars. So great is their mental tor-
" pidity, that nothing can rouse them to search after the works of excellent
" writers, by whose wisdom and learning mankind are taught the way to true
" felicity."
Poggii Opera, p. 394.
104 CHAP. III.
%
pointed.* The testimony of Nicolaus the Swede being a
a few years afterwards corroborated by another traveller,
Poggio wrote a letter to Leonello d' Este, Marquis of
Ferrara, giving him an account of the infonnation which
he had received, and intimating, that though the authority
upon which it rested was not of the highest nature, still it
was worthy of attention. Whether Leonello was induced
by Poggio's letter to institute any inquiry after the manu-
script in question, cannot perhaps now be ascertained. Cer-
tain it is, that the learned still lament the imperfect state of
the history of Livy.-f-
Poggio had also at one time conceived hopes of obtain-
ing from a German monk a copy of the works of Tacitus,
containing many portions of that historian's writings, which
had till then lain neglected beneath the accumulated dust of
ages. These hopes were likewise frustrated. By the course
of events, however, it was afterwards proved that they were
not void of foundation : for during the pontificate of Leo. X.
an ancient manuscript containing five books of the history
of Tacitus, which had been long regarded as irrecoverably
lost, was found in Germany, and presented to that pontiff",
according to whose directions it was deposited in the Lau-
rentian library at Florence.^
Amongst the literary characters whose applause ani-
* Mehi Prccfatio, p. xlvi. xlvii.
f Poggii Epistolte Ivii. ep. xxx.
* Mehi Prtpfatio, p. xlvii.
CHAP. III. 105
mated Poggio to persevere in his researches after the lost
writers of antiquity, a place of distinguished honour is due
to Ambrogio Traversari. This learned ecclesiastic was the
son of Bencivennj dei Traversari, and was born on the 16th
of September, 1386, in Portico, a town of Romagna. His
biographers arc not agreed whether his family was poor
or rich, plebeian or noble.* It appears however from in-
contcstible evidence, that soon after he had completed his
fourteenth year, he was admitted into the Camaldolese con-
vent Degli Angioli, at Florence, and that he there took
the monastic vows, on the sixth day of November, 1401.
At the time of his entrance into this religious seminary, it
was governed by Matteo di Guido, a Florentine, who, hap-
pily for the welfare of the ecclesiastical fraternity committed
to his care, tempered the severity, and beguiled the weari-
someness of the cloistered life, by the study of polite letters.
Kindly desirous of communicating to others the pleasure
which he himself experienced in literary pursuits, he person-
ally superintended the education of the youths whom puerile
enthusiasm, or parental authority, had secluded from the
world within the walls of his monastery. Under the care of
this enlightened superior, Ambrogio continued his Latin
studies, which he had commenced under the guidance of
* Mchus, on the authority of one Vespasiano di Filippo, says, that he was
born of poor parents. The author of his life, in the Eloffi degli Illustri
urnnini Toscani, maintains, on the contrary, that his family was graced with
the honours of nobility ; and he supports his position by very cogent arguments.
These different statements may be reconciled by an hypothesis by no means
devoid of probability, namely, that the father of Ambrogio was descended of
noble blood, but that the fortunes of his house were fallen to decay.
P
106 CHAV. in.
John of Ravenna. In the Greek language he was instructed
by Demetrius Scaranus, an eminent scholar, whom the
alarming inroads of the Turks had caused to fly from Con-
stantinople, and who was induced by the liberality of Matteo
to read lectures on the Grecian classics, in the cloisters of
this convent.* As Ambrogio was actuated by the genuine
enthusiasm of literary zeal, he made a rapid progress in
knowledge. In the prosecution of his studies, indeed, he
enjoyed peculiar advantage. The retirement of the monastic
life afforded him considerable leisure- The library of his
convent was well furnished with books, and he had more-
over the free use of the copious collection of Niccolo
Niccoli, who regarded him with parental affection, and
assiduously fostered his ripening talents by the most liberal
patronage. Inspired by a profound veneration of the models
of just taste, which are to be found in the writings of anti-
quity, he assiduously employed a considerable portion of his
time in multiplying the copies of the classic authors : and
his elegant transcripts of the works which Poggio had res-
cued from obscurity, at once testified his love of literature,
and the high estimation in which he held the labours of his
friend.^
Demetrius was so much pleased with the respectful attention which he
received from his Camaldolese pupils, that he became a member of their frater-
nity in the year 141fi.
Mehi Vita Ambros. Travers. p. ccclxv.
f Elogi degli uomini illus. Toscani, lorn. i. p. cccxl. Mehi Vila Ambros.
Trovers, p. crelxiv. $ seq. Ejusdem Pratfatio ad Colucii Salutati Epis-
lolas, p. xli.
CHAP. III. 107
%
After the deposition of John XXII. Poggio still re-
mained at Constance, anxiously hoping that the appoint-
ment of a successor to that ill-fated pontiff would enable
him once more to establish himself in the Roman chancery.
In the prosecution of his interests, he had great dependance
upon the support and patronage of Zabarella, cardinal of
Florence. But his expectations of preferment from this
quarter were unfortunately destroyed by the death of that
illustrious ecclesiastic. [A. D. 1417.] This event, which
occurred on the twenty-sixth of September, 1417, deprived
the council of one of its ablest members, and Poggio of a
kind and zealous friend. The obsequies of Zabarella were
celebrated with extraordinary pomp ; and on this occasion,
Poggio fulfilled the last duties of friendship, by commemo-
rating his virtues in a funeral oration. Impressed by the
solemnity of the subject, and the dignity of his audience,
he exerted in the composition of this oration the full powers
of his eloquence and learning. After a modest exordium,
he proceeded to give a brief account of his departed friend
he then entered into the detail of his good qualities, and
concluded by an impassioned burst of sorrow for the loss
which the lovers of union and peace had sustained ; and by
an exhortation to the assembled dignitaries to pay to their
deceased brother the honours due to his virtues, and to
imitate the moral graces which they had so much admired in
his conduct.
Franceso Zabarella was a native of Padua. His
parents, who moved in the superior circles of society, readily
indulged his early love of literature, and procured him the
108 CHAP. III.
best instructions which their city could afford. Having
finished his preparatory education, Francesco applied him-
self to the study of the civil law, tempering the severity of
this pursuit by the cultivation of polite letters. When he
was arrived at years of maturity, he delivered public lec-
tures on the science of jurisprudence. In discharging the
duty of instruction, he gained the respect and love of his
pupils, by the variety of his knowledge and the benevolence
of his disposition. The celebrity which he acquired by
the ability with which he filled the professor's chair,
attracted the notice of John XXII., who, without any
solicitation on his part, nominated him to the bishopric of
Florence, and afterwards raised him to the dignity of car-
dinal. Stimulated by an earnest desire to put an end to
the schism, he successfully exerted his influence with the
pontiff to induce him to assent to the wishes of the em-
peror of Germany, by summoning a general council ; and
being deputed on the part of the pope, to confer with the
representatives of Sigisrnund, concerning the place where
the council should assemble, he concurred with them in
fixing, for that purpose, upon the city of Constance. He
entered with great zeal into the discussion of the various
subjects which engaged the attention of that renowned
synod. The ardour of his mind indeed hastened his end.
Engaging with uncommon warmth in a tumultuous debate,
at a time when he was languid with sickness, he found
himself so much exhausted, that making a last effort, he
declared, that the speech which he had just concluded was
his testamentary oration, and that he felt himself dying in
defence of the church. He did not long survive this exer-
CHAP. III. 109
tion. After a short residence at the baths of Baden, which
seemed to be of service in recruiting his constitution, he
returned to renew his labours at Constance, where he soon
died, a victim to the ardour of his zeal, and to the unre-
mitting toil of his exertions.*
-<
In the funeral eulogium which Poggio pronounced over
the remains of Zabarella, he asserts, that had the life of
his friend been prolonged, he would in all probability have
been invested with the pontifical purple. All orders of men
now began impatiently to demand the election of a sove-
reign pontiff. [A. D. 1417.] In compliance with their
wishes, the cardinals assembled in conclave on the tenth of
November, and after the usual vehemence of dissention,
they at length agreed in the nomination of Otto Colonna,
who immediately after his election assumed the appellation
of Martin V.f
Thus was terminated the famous schism of the west.
Gregory XII. had died on the 18th of October preceding
the election of Martin :J and though Benedict XIII., con-
fident in the strength of the fortifications of Paniscola,
refused to submit to the decrees of the council, and still
assumed the style, and pretended to exercise the functions
of the pontificate, his adherents were so few, and the tide
of general opinion ran so strongly in favour of Martin V.,
* Pogyii Opera, p. 'J52 261.
f M urn tori .l/inuli if Italia, torn. ix. p. 34.
Ibid.
110 CHAP. 111.
that he was henceforth regarded rather as an object of con-
tempt than of fear.
The council had given an awful admonition to here-
tics. It had also, by an extraordinary exertion of autho-
rity, effected an union of the true believers under a legiti-
mate head. But a most important and difficult matter
remained unaccomplished, namely, the reformation of the
church. The newly elected pontiff listened with apparent
complacence to the petitions which were from time to time
preferred to him, by the various subdivisions of the council,
beseeching him to prosecute this good work by all the means
in his power; but he contrived by studied delays so to
protract the consideration of the particular heads of reform,
that the members of the assembly, weary of their long resi-
dence in Constance, were eager to embrace the first oppor-
tunity of returning to their respective homes. This oppor-
tunity was afforded them on the twenty-second day of April,
1418, on which day the pope formally dismissed the
council.* On the sixteenth of May he left Constance, and
passing through Schaffausen, he proceeded by easy stages
* From a MS. which is preserved at Vienna, L' Enfant has given the fol-
lowing list of the persons who attended this wonderfully numerous assembly
Knights, 2300 Prelates, Priests, and Presbyters, 18,000 Laymen 80,000.
In a more detailed catalogue, the Laymen are thus enumerated Goldsmiths,
45 Shopkeepers, 330 Bankers, 242 Shoemakers, 70 Furriers, 48, Apothe-
caries, 44 Smiths, 92 Confectioners, 75 Bakers belonging to the pope, &c.
250 Vintners of Italian wines, 83 Victuallers for the poorer sort, 43 Floren-
tine Money-changers, 48 Tailors, 228 Heralds at Arms, 65 Jugglers, or
Merry Andrews, 346 Barbers, 306 Courtezans, whose habitations were
known to the author of the list, 700. It should sccrn, however, that this indus-
CHAP. IH. Ill
to Geneva, where he arrived on the eleventh of June.*
At this city he kept his court for some months. Quitting
Germany on the twelfth day of September, he proceeded
to Milan, and afterwards to Mantua. Here he fixed his
residence during the remainder of the year, being prevented
from visiting his capital by the anarchy which the long
absence of legitimate authority had occasioned in the states
of the church. As a grateful return for the hospitality
with which he was received by the duke of Milan, he me-
diated a peace between that prince and Pandolfo Mala-
testa, who, after having taken Bergamo, had directed his
march to Brescia, and by the vigour of his operations had
caused the duke to tremble for the safety of the rest of his
dominions.^
Though it does not appear that Poggio held any office
under the new pontiff, he travelled in the suite of Martin V.
to Mantua. At this city he suddenly quitted the Roman
court with a determination to spend some time in England,
to which country he had been invited by Beaufort, bishop
of Winchester. This prelate, who is well known to all the
admirers of Shakspeare by the title of cardinal Beaufort,
was the son of the celebrated John of Gaunt, duke of Lan-
trious chronicler had not visited all these professional ladies, as the Vienna list
estimates their number at 1500 ! From a memorandum subjoined to this list, it
appears, that during the sitting of the council, one of these frail fair ones earned
the sum of 800 Florins.
L'EnfanCs History of the Council of Constance, vol. ii. p. 415 416,
Muratori Annnli, torn. ix. p. 80.
f Ibid. p. 95.
112 CHAP. III.
caster, and uncle to the reigning English monarch Henry V.
whose studies he had superintended during his residence at
Oxford. In the year 1397 he was elected bishop of Lincoln.
After having enjoyed this promotion for the space of eight
years, he succeeded William of Wickham in the see of
Winchester. He was a man of boundless ambition, well
versed in the crooked policy of court intrigue, and enor-
mously rich. In the course of a pilgrimage which he under-
took to make to Jerusalem, he visited the council of Con-
stance,* where it is probable he first became acquainted with
the merits of Poggio.
Nothing but some suddenly conceived dissatisfaction
with his actual situation, or the prospect of considerable
emolument, could have induced Poggio to fix his residence
in Britain, a country regarded by the Italians as the remo-
test corner of the globe, and as the abode of ignorance and
barbarity. He was in fact led to entertain great expectations
by the magnificent promises of the bishop of Winchester.
But when he arrived in London, he found himself doomed
to the common lot of those who depend upon the patronage
of the great. Beaufort wanted either leisure or inclination to
minister to the wants and wishes of his guest ; and Poggio
began to feel all the inconveniences of straightened circum-
stances, aggravated by the reflection that he was situated at so
serious a distance from his native land. His communication
with his early friends, and the companions of his youthful
years, was interrupted. He experienced the embarrassments
* UEnfanCs History of the Council of Constance, vol. ii. p. 143.
(HAP. III. 113
lU'cessarily incident to those who are thrown into a new
circle of society, to the habits of which they are entirely
unaccustomed ; and his mind became the prey of discontent
and anxiety. He was also much chagrined on observing the
uncultivated state of the public mind in Britain, when com-
pared with the enthusiastic love of elegant literature which
polished and adorned his native country.* The period of
his arrival in England has been justly pronounced by one of
our most accurate historians, to be in a literary point of view
one of the darkest which occur in the whole series of British
annals.f Leland indeed and other writers enumerate long
lists of scholars, whom they indiscriminately grace with the
title of most learned. These champions of literature were
however nothing more than monks and astrologers, who
were regarded with superstitious admiration by an ignorant
age, but whose works are now deservedly buried in oblivion.
The occult sciences, scfiolastic philosophy, and the mysteries
of theology, absorbed the attention of the contemptible few
who advanced any pretensions to the cultivation of learning.
Of the principles of composition and the graces of style '
they were totally ignorant nay so imperfect was their
knowledge of the Latin tongue, that almost every sentence
of their writings is deformed by the barbarous introduction
of English words, miserably metamorphosed by a Latin
termination. J
* See Tonelli's Epiatolarium Poggii, lilt. i. epist. xi.
f See Henry's History of Great Britain, vol. x. p. 109128.
{ Thus William of Wyrcester tells us, that the duke of York returned
from Ireland, " et arrivavit apud Redbank prope Cestriam."
Henry's History vl supra-
Q i
114 CHAP. III.
The respectable author, whose opinion of the state of
British literature in the fifteenth century has been quoted
above, ascribes the neglect of learning which disgraces this
portion of our history to the following causes. The wars
in which the English had been so long engaged against
France The schism of the west The little encourage-
ment afforded to learned men and the scarcity of books.
With respect to the first of these causes, it may be
observed, that a state of warfare by no means in itself pre-
cludes the extension of science, and the cultivation of letters.
The most renowned luminaries of Greece flourished during
the devastation of the Peloponnesian war. Julius Caesar
and Cicero were not diverted from their literary pursuits by
the tumult of faction, and the din of arms. And at the
time when literature was revived in Italy, the provinces of
that country were frequently laid waste by hostile invasions,
and its cities were agitated by the discord of contending
parties. As to the second cause, namely, the distraction
occasioned by the schism, it may be remarked, that though
this distraction was felt to a superior degree in Italy, it did
not in that country operate as the slightest check to the pro-
gress of learning. The want of encouragement to learned
men, is rather a consequence than a cause of the forlorn
state of literature. Some degree of knowledge and taste is
requisite to form the character of a patron of the studious.
The neglect of the liberal arts which spread the gloom
of barbarism over our ancestors of the fifteenth century,
may perhaps be more justly ascribed to the operation of the
f
CHAP. III. 115
feudal system. This primary cause prevented that excita-
tion of the public mind, which is necessary to the successful
cultivation of literature. The feudal system was a system
of strict subordination, which prescribed to every member of
the political community his particular rank and place, and
surrounded him by a circle, beyond which he was forbidden
to pass. In the spirit of this system, till the reign of
Henry IV., no farmer or mechanic was permitted to send his
children to school ; and long after that period, a license
from his lord was necessary to enable a man of this descrip-
tion to educate a son for the church. Whilst the majority
of the people were thus impeded in their approach to the
fountains of knowledge, it was impossible for learning to
raise her drooping head. The feudal superiors, exalted by
the accident of their birth to the enjoyment of power and
plenty, had no motive to induce them to submit to the
labour of study. The younger branches of noble families
were early taught to depend upon their swords for sub-
sistence ; and the acquisition of learning was an object far
beyond the scope of the oppressed and humble vassal.
The influence of the feudal system in checking the
progress of intellect will be more plainly visible, if we con-
sider the circumstances of Italy during the period in ques-
tion. In that country, the ambition of adventurers, and
the extension of commerce, had broken the fetters of feud-
alism ; and had enabled the bold and daring in every species
of exertion to rise to the pitch of consequence which their
talents could vindicate. Hence the dormant powers of the
human mind were roused, and the expansion of learning
116 CHAP. III.
and the liberal arts was promoted. The equalizing tyranny
of the petty princes who usurped the sovereignty of various
cities of Lombardy, whilst it repressed the power of the
aristocracy> called into life the abilities of all the orders
of society. The precarious title by which these chieftains
held their exalted stations induced them to court popularity,
by freeing the mass of the people from invidious restraints.
During the residence of the popes at Avignon, and during
the continuance of the schism, the feeble rule exercised by
the pontifical deputies over the ecclesiastical cities enabled
the inhabitants of those cities to defy the authority which
endeavoured to confine their exertions within the limits of
slavish subordination. The factions which disturbed the
peace of the Italian republics tended also in an eminent
degree to call forth the full energy of abilities, which in
other circumstances would have been buried in obscurity.
Great talents are too frequently united with turbulence of
spirit. In times when the order of society is inverted by
the tumults of civil broils, while men of peaceful souls
retire trembling from the conflict, he who is endued with
the energy of genius, comes forth, conscious of his strength,
and despising every danger, exults in the hope of vindi-
cating his claim to promotion.
It is evident, that these various stimulants of intellect
which occurred in Italy did not occur in Britain On this
account, whilst the liberal arts were cultivated and respected
in the former country, they were neglected and despised in
the latter.
CHAP. III. 117
Another cause of incitement to the study of letters,
which operated in Italy, and was wanting in Britain, arose
from the subdivision of the former country into a variety
of petty states. These states maintained a constant inter-
course with each other, by the medium of ambassadors,
who were usually selected from among the most distinguished
candidates for literary fame. Thus one of the most honour-
able offices in the civil department of the state was pre-
sented to inflame the ambition of the studious, and the
diplomatic profession became the nurse of learning.
When the wish of acquiring knowledge was excited,
the numerous copies of the Avorks of the ancients, which
were scattered throughout Italy, afforded ample means of
instruction ; while the penury of Britain in this respect
repressed the exertions of inquiry, and excluded the nascent
scholar from the cultivated regions of classic taste. *
The vexation which Poggio experienced, when he
contemplated the gloomy contrast which Britain exhibited,
when compared with his native land, was encreased by the
receipt of letters from Italy, informing him, that whilst he
was wasting his days in the unprofitable pursuit of prefer-
ment, his late associates were enjoying, with scholastic
rapture, the perusal of some valuable manuscripts, which
* Though Poggio carefully examined the libraries of many of the English
monasteries, he discovered in them only one manuscript which he esteemed of
any value, namely the Chronicle of Sigebert, a monk who lived in the tenth
century. See Ton.^Tr. vol. i. p. 116.
118 CHAP. III.
had been discovered at Lodi by Gerardo Landriani, bishop
of that city. This prelate had rescued from a heap of
rubbish a very ancient copy of various works of Cicero,
written in a character so antique, that few were able to
decypher it. The manuscript in question contained, besides
Cicero^s treatise on Rhetoric, which was already in the hands
of collectors of books, the following works of the same elegant
writer, which had till this period escaped the researches of
the learned The three books De Oratore, entire Brutus
de claris Oratoribus and the Orator ad Brutum. Nobody
could be found at Milan who was able to read the character
in which these treatises were written. But Cosmo of Cre-
mona, a scholar of excellent accomplishments, decyphered
and copied the treatise De Oratore ; and the celebrated
Flavio Biondo* undertook and soon accomplished the task
* Flavio Biondo, who was born at Forli, in the year 1388, waa a descen-
dant of the illustrious family of Ravaldini. He kas himself recorded the fact,
that he studied Grammar, Rhetoric, and Poetry, under the instructions of Gio-
vanni Ballistario, of Cremona. At an early age he was commissioned by his
countrymen to conduct some negociations at the court of Milan ; and it was
during his visit to that city, that he executed the task of copying the newly-dis-
covered manuscript of Cicero's treatise, De Claris Oratoribus. In the year
1430, he was making preparations for a journey to Rome ; but Francesco Barbaro,
who held him in the highest esteem, and who had procured for him the privi-
leges of a Venetian citizen, having been lately appointed governor of the Ber-
gamese district, induced him to give up this design, and to accompany him to
Bergamo, invested with the confidential office of chancellor of that city. He
afterwards entered into the Roman chancery, under the patronage of Eugenius
IV., by whom he was employed in the year 1434, in conjunction with the bishop
of Recanati, to solicit, on his behalf, the assistance of the Florentines and Vene-
tians. He continued to hold the office of apostolic secretary during the ponti-
ficate of Nicholas V., Calixtus III., and Pius II. In the year 1459 he attended
the last mentioned pontiff to the council of Mantua. From that city he
OHAP. III. 119
of transcribing Brutus de claris Oratoribus. From these
transcripts copies were speedily multiplied, and dispersed all
over Italy, while Poggio was waiting with the* utmost
returned to Rome, where he died on the 4th of June, 1463, leaving five sons,
all well instructed in literature.
Of his numerous publications the following aie the most considerable.
1. Roma Instaurata A work of great erudition, in which he gave a most
exact description of the buildings, gates, temples, and other monuments of an-
cient Rome, which still resisted the destructive band of time.
2. Roma Triumphans This is also a most elaborate treatise, which contains
an account of the laws, constitution, religion, and sacred ceremonies of the
Roman republic, collected from the incidental notices of these subjects, which
are scattered through the wide extent of Latin literature.
3. Of a similar description is his Italia Illustrata, in which he describes
Italy, according to its ancient division into fourteen regions, and details the
origin and history of each province and city. This work he composed at the
request of Alphonso, king of Naples.
4. A treatise, De Origine et Gestis Venetorum.
5. He undertook a work of still greater extent than any of those which have
been enumerated above, viz. A General History of the period extending from
the decline of the Roman Empire to his own times. He had finished three decads
and the first book of the fourth of this work, when its prosecution was inter-
rupted by his death.
" In all these works," says Tiraboschi, " though Biondo occasionally deviates
" into various errors, he displays a singular diligence in collecting from all
" authors whatever appertains to his subject ; and when it is considered, that
" they are the first essays in their kind, they cannot but give the reader a high
" idea of the prodigious learning and unwearied application of their author."
The historical works of Biondo, translated into Italian by Lucio Fauno,
were printed at Venice by Michel Tramezzino. A general collection of his
writings was also printed in folio, at Basil, by Frobenius, A. D. 1231 and 1539.
Apostolo Zeno Dissertazioni Vossiane, torn. i. p. 229, <|-c. Tiraboschi Storia
della Let. Ital. torn. vi. p. 3,4, 5,6,7.
120 CHAP. III.
impatience, till Leonardo Aretino could convey one of these
copies to the distant region in which his friend then resided.*
At this inauspicious period, Poggio was filled with
anxiety on account of the destitute condition of his mother,
and also by the dissolute conduct of one of his brothers.^
In these circumstances his uneasiness and vexation were
greatly aggravated by the receipt of a letter from Niccolo
Niccoli, containing grievous complaints against Leonardo
Aretino, and informing him, that the bond of friendship,
by which his correspondent and Leonardo had for so long a
space of time been united, was for ever sundered.
The quarrel which took place between Leonardo
Aretino and Niccolo Niccoli, originated in a cause, which
has, in every age, been productive of the fiercest and most
fatal contentions, namely, the uncontrolled gratification of
the passion, or rather of the appetite, of love. The follow-
ing are the principal circumstances which gave rise to this
unfortunate disagreement. Giovanni, the younger brother
of Niccolo, kept a mistress of the name of Benvenuta. As
the two brothers resided in the same house, Niccolo had fre-
quent opportunities of seeing this syren, whose charms and
allurements gained such an ascendancy over his better princi-
ples, ^hat after having for some time carried on an intrigue
with her in private, he at length, in defiance of all decency,
openly robbed his brother of his fair companion, and esta-
* Mehi Prtefatio, p. xlvi.
f Ton. Tr. vol. i. p. 117.
CHAP. III.
blished Benvenuta in his own apartments.* It may easily be
imagined, that Giovanni did not tamely submit to such an
injury. In consequence of his resentment, the neighbourhood
was daily disturbed by the outrages of fraternal discord.
One of the worst effects produced by such disgraceful connec-
tions as that which Niccolo had formed with Benvenuta, is
the absolute ascendancy which artful and wicked women
thereby gain over men of weak minds ; and which they uni-
formly exercise, in setting their lovers at variance with their
relations and friends. The history of Niccolo confirms the
truth of this observation. By the crafty insinuations of his
mistress his affections were alienated from those with whom he
had formerly been united by the bonds of consanguinity and
friendship. Influenced by her suggestions, he dropped all
intercourse with his five brothers, and quarrelled with Lorenzo
de"* Medici, whom he had till this unfortunate transaction
been proud to enumerate amongst his dearest associates. In
the height of her insolence, Benvenuta had the audacity to
defame the character of the wife of Jacopo, one of the
brothers of Niccolo. Jacopo, for some time, endured her
insolence with patient contempt ; but at length exasperated
by her petulance, he asked the advice, and demanded the
* It is rather an extraordinary circumstance, that Ambrogio Traversari, the
celebrated superior of the monastery of Camaldoli, in several of his letters to
Niccolo Niccoli, requests his correspondent to present his compliments to this
Benvenuta, whom he distinguishes by the title ot fasmina jidelissima. Shall
we suppose, that the reverend ecclesiastic was so little acquainted with the
private history of the Florentine gentry, as to be ignorant of the intercourse
which subsisted between Beuveuuta aud his friend or shall we conclude that
he did not regard this intercourse as a breach of moral duty ?
Ambrogii Traversarii Epislola, lib, viii. ep. ii. iii. v. 7
The event of these negociations demonstrated the
prudence of Poggio, in not precipitately rejecting the
invitation of Adimaro. Some obstacle intervened to pre-
vent the execution of the plan proposed by Lamberteschi ;
and we may estimate the impatience with which Poggio
endured his exile from Italy, by the undoubted fact, that
notwithstanding the above confession of his dislike of the
pontifical court, he accepted the office of Secretary to
Martin V. He accordingly quitted England, where his
hopes had been so severely disappointed, and after a jour-
ney, of the incidents of which no record appears in his
works, he once more took up his residence at Rome.
It is very probable, that Poggio communicated to
his Italian correspondents an account of the remarkable
circumstances which he observed in the course of his jour-
ney to England, and of his return to his native land. It
is also reasonable to suppose, that some of the letters which
he wrote from this country would contain his opinion of
the manners and customs of our ancestors. If this was the
case, we have reason to lament that these interesting docu-
ments are not yet made public. Though incidental men-
tion is frequently made in the works of Poggio, of his
residence in Britain, he never dwells upon this topic. A
trait of the manners of the English in the fifteenth century
occurs in his dialogue on Nobility, in which he thus notices
the English aristocracy. "> The nobles of England deem it
" disgraceful to reside in cities, and prefer living in retire-
" ment in the country. They estimate the degree of a
" man's nobility by the extent of his estates. Their time
128 CHAP. III.
" is occupied in agricultural pursuits,- and they trade in wool
" and sheep, not thinking it at all derogatory to their dig-
" nity to be engaged in the sale of the produce of their
" lands. I have known a wealthy merchant, who had
" closed his mercantile concerns, vested his money in land,
" and retired into the country, become the founder of a
" noble race ; and I have seen him freely admitted into
" the society of the most illustrious families. Many per-
" sons also of ignoble blood have been advanced to the
" honours of nobility by the favour of their sovereign,
" which they have merited by their warlike achievements."*
In his Historia Disceptativa Conmvialis, he relates
another trait of the manners of our forefathers, which he
records as an instance of their politeness. A splenetic
traveller would probably have quoted it as a proof of their
love of good living. k ' The English," says he, " if they
" meet with any one at whose table they have dined, even if
" the rencounter should take place ten days after the feast,
" thank him for his good entertainment ; and they never
u omit this ceremony, lest they should be thought insen-
" sible of his kindness."^
From the following story, which Poggio has chroni-
cled in his Facetice, we learn, that at this early period the
English were addicted to the practice of diverting them-
selves at the expense of their brethren on the other side of
* Poffffii Opera, p. 69.
f Ibid, p. 36.
CHAP. III. 120
St. George's channel, and that when he visited this country,
an Irishman was already become the common hero of an
English tale of absurdity.
" When I was in England, I heard a curious anecdote
" of an Irish captain of a ship. In the midst of a violent
" storm, when all hands had given themselves over for lost,
" he made a vow, that if his ship should be saved from
" the imminent danger which threatened to overwhelm her,
" he would make an offering at the church of the Virgin
" Mary of a waxen taper, as large as the main-mast. One
" of the crew observing that it would be impossible to
" discharge this vow, since all the wax in England would
" not be sufficient to make such a taper, hold your
" tongue, said the captain, and do not trouble yourself
" with calculating whether t can perform my promise or
" not, provided we can escape the present peril."*
* Poffffii Opera, p. 474.
CHAP. IV.
STATE of Italy during Poygio's residence in England
Martin V. retires to Florence Retrospect of the his-
tory of that city Martin is dissatisfied with the con-
duct of the Florentines Baldassare Cossa is liberated
from confinement, and submits to the autliority of
Martin V. His death Martin V. transfers his
court to Rome A reconciliation is effected between
Leonardo Aretino and Niccolo Niccoli Poggio^s
letter to Leonardo on this event Council of Pavia
The council is transferred to Siena, and there
dissolved Hostility of Alfonso of Arragon against
Martin V. Unsuccessful attempts to crush the re-
formers in Germany Termination of the schism
Poggio's dialogue on Avarice The Fratres Observan-
tice satirized by Poggio Poggio excites displeasure by
curbing the zeal of the Fratres Observantife His
letter on this subject His opinion of the monastic
fife and itinerant preachers Reflections.
CHAP. IV.
W HILST Poggio was living in a kind of exile in Eng-
land, the sovereign pontiff was in a manner banished from
his capital. On his arrival in Italy, Martin V. found the
states of the church in the hands of troops of banditti,
who had taken advantage of the disorders of the times, to
spread ruin and devastation through every quarter of the
pontifical dominions. The passes, and places of strength,
were so generally occupied by these adventurers, who were
in the pay of a noted chieftain, named Braccio di Montonc,
that the pontiff did not dare to expose himself to their
outrages, by attempting to establish himself in Rome.
The inhabitants of Bologna also, espousing the cause of
John XXII., had shut their gates against him. He was
therefore reduced to the necessity of taking refuge in some
friendly territory. In this extremity, the Florentines
offered him an asylum, and Martin accordingly removed his
court from Mantua to their city, into which he made his
public entry with extraordinary pomp, on the twenty-sixth
of February, 1419.* His residence in Florence did not,
however, produce within his mind any friendly sentiments
towards his hosts. The Florentines indeed, by their
* Muralori Annull, lorn. be. p. 1)3.
134 CHAP. IV.
behaviour to their illustrious guest, greatly diminished the
value of the favour which they had conferred upon him,
in affording him a place of rest. At this period, they were
elated with the self-confidence occasioned by a long series
of almost uninterrupted prosperity. Filippo, who upon
the death of his brother, Giovanni Maria, had succeeded
to the ducal throne of Milan, disclaiming the hostile views
of his predecessors, had lived in a state of friendship with
his Tuscan neighbours, and did not even interpose to pre-
vent them from reducing the district of Pisa under their
dominion. In the year 1408 the repose of the Florentines
had been disturbed by an invasion of their territories by
Ladislaus, king of Naples, who had taken possession of a
considerable portion of the ecclesiastical states ; but with
the assistance of Louis of Anjou, they had discomfited the
usurper, and had expelled him from the dominions of the
church. By his death, which happened in the year 1414,
they had been freed from all fear of hostile incursions, and
for the space of five years from that event, they had
enjoyed the blessing of peace. During this period they
had extended their commerce, and greatly cncreased their
opulence and power. In the insolence of their pride, they
looked upon the wandering pontiff with contempt. Insen-
sible to those delicate impulses which prompt man to regard
the unfortunate with respect, they wantonly published the
sentiments of their hearts ; and Martin was irritated and
disgusted by hearing his name made the subject of ridicule,
and the burden of contumelious songs.* The Florentine
* Poggii Historia Flor. lib. iv. v. Martin was particularly offended by a
ballad, the burthen of which was Papa Martino non vale un quatlrino. IbM,
p. 203. apudnotas. Muralori AnnuH, torn. ix. p. 103.
CHAP. IV. 135
populace were betrayed into these violations of decorum
by their attachment to the interests of Braccio di Montone ;
and this undisguised partiality to his enemy exasperated
the indignation of the pontiff. Yielding, however, to the
pressure of circumstances, he was persuaded, by the solici-
tations of the Florentine government, to agree to terms of
pacification with Braccio, whom he invested, in quality of
Vicar of the church, with the government of the cities of
Perugia, Assisi, Jesi, and Todi; in return for which con-
descension, the rebellious chieftain gave up to the pontiff
the towns of Narni, Terni, Orvieto, and Orta.* Braccio
being thus reconciled to the head of the church, and being
encouraged by the promise of an ample recompense for his
services, turned his arms against his late brethren in rebel-
lion ; and reduced the Bolognese to submission to the
Roman see.-f-
During these transactions, Cosmo de' Medici, who
had been united by the strictest ties of friendship to Bal-
dassare Cossa, the deposed pontiff, was very urgent in
his petitions to Martin V. to liberate his unfortunate pre-
decessor from confinement. Martin at length graciously
assented to Cosmo's request ; and despatched the necessary
orders to Heidleberg. But the impatience of Baldassare,
who was weary of seclusion from the world, had already
stimulated him to purchase his freedom from the Count
* Afuraiori Annali, torn. ix. p. 97-
f- Bologna surrendered to Braccio after a short siege, July 15th, 1420.
Muralori Annali, torn. ix./>. 98.
130 CHAP. iv.
Palatine, (to whose custody he had been assigned) at the
price of thirty thousand pieces of gold- Having thus
obtained his liberty, he crossed the Alps, and arrived
safely in Italy. The well-known turbulence of his spirit
led many to expect that he would reclaim the pontifical
honours, and distract the Christian church by a renewal of
the schism. But to the surprise of every body, he re-
paired with all convenient speed to Florence, where he
arrived on the 13th of May, 1419, and there, kissing the
feet of Martin, he acknowledged him as the only true and
legitimate successor of St. Peter. The spectators of this
extraordinary scene were melted into tears, and the com-
passion and generosity of the pontiff were excited by this un-
expected act of submission. Deeply affected by the serious
instance of the instability of human greatness, which was thus
presented before his eyes, Martin received his humble prede-
cessor with kindness ; and endeavoured to alleviate his sense
of the degradation which he had experienced, by creating him
cardinal, and bishop of Toscolano- The haughty spirit of
Baldassare did not long undergo the mortification of wit-
nessing the pomp and splendour of which he had been so
rudely deprived. He died at Florence, on the twenty-
second day of December, and was interred with much
pomp in the church of St. John. Cosmo de 1 Medici
erected to his honour a magnificent monument, on which
he caused to be engraven the following simple inscription :
BALTHASSARIS COSS^E IOHANNIS XXII. QUONDAM PAP^E
CORPUS HOC TUMULO coNDixuM.* Platina asserts in his
" Platina, p. 398.
CHAP. IV. 137
Lives of the Popes, that Baldassare, at the time of his
death was possessed of immense treasures, which were
inherited or seized by the family of the Medici ; and in
tli is assertion he has been copied by subsequent writers.
But Muratori maintains, on the contrary, that it is clearly
proved by his last will, that the deposed pontiff died poor
rather than rich.*
Muratori Annali, lorn. ix. p. 93. Baldassare Cossa is generally distin-
guished by the pontifical appellation of John XXIII. He was however in fact
only the twenty-second of that name who filled the papal chair. The mistake
in his designation arises from the extraordinary circumstance of the annalists
of the holy see having admitted into the series of pontiffs the famous pope
Joan, who it is asserted, on succeeding Leo IV. in the pontificate, assumed the
name of John VII. This ecclesiastical Amazon is said to have been an English-
woman, who went in man's attire with her lover to Athens, where she made
such a proficiency in her studies, that she rose through the subordinate degrees
of clerical preferment to the supreme honours of the pontificate. It is further
alleged, that having become pregnant by one of her domestics, she was seized
with the pains of labour, as she was conducting a procession to the church of
St. John Lateran, and expired in the street. This improbable story is related
by Platina, who observes, however, that though it is commonly believed, it rests
upon doubtful authority. He informs us, that those who maintain the truth of
this narration, allege in proof of its authenticity, two circumstances, namely,
that the pontiffs always avoid passing through the street where this unto-
ward accident is said to have happened : and that on the installation of a newly
elected pope, he is obliged to undergo a ceremony, which would infallibly detect
any attempt at a repetition of the above-mentioned imposture. With regard to
the first of these allegations, Platina acknowledges the fact of the pontiffs avoid-
ing the supposed scene of Joan's disgrace ; but says, that the reason of this is,
that the street in question is too narrow to admit the passage of a crowded retinue.
With regard to the second, he makes the following truly curious remark. " De
" secunda ita sentio, sedem illam (perforatam sedem scilicet ubi pontificis geni-
" talia ab ultimo diacono attrcctautur) ad id paratam esse, ut qui in tanto
" magistratu constuitur sciat se non deum sed hominem esse, et necessitatibus
" naturae, utpote egerendi subjectum esse, unde merito stercoraria sedes vocatur."
T
138 CHAP. IV.
The territories of the church being restored to peace
by the active exertions of Braccio di Montone, and no
obstacle remaining to prevent the pontiff from visiting his
capita], he departed from Florence and proceeded to
Rome, to which city he was welcomed by the enthusiastic
joy of the populace, on the twenty-second of September,
1420.
The Pontifical household being once more regularly
established in the capital of the church, Poggio, as it has
been before observed, was induced, by the invitation of
the cardinal of St. Eusebius, to accept the office of Secre-
tary. The time of his arrival in Rome may be fixed some-
time in the spring of 1423,* and it appears that his first
care, after his re-establishment in the sacred chancery, was
to renew with his friends the personal and epistolary com-
munication, which his long absence from Italy had inter-
rupted. The unfortunate quarrel of Leonardo Aretino and
Niccolo Niccoli also engaged his early attention. Nothing
is more painful to a man of an ingenuous mind, than the
occurrence of dissension between those for whom he enter-
tains an equal degree of friendly regard. Poggio, there-
fore, embraced the first opportunity which presented itself,
of exerting his utmost endeavours to effect a reconciliation
In the annotations subjoined by Panvinio to the Italian translation of
Platina's history, published at Venice, A. D. 1744, it is most satisfactorily
proved, that this story of John VII., alias pope Joan, is a gross falsehood,
invented by one Martin, a monk.
" Ton. Tr. vol. i. p. 137-
CHAP. IV. 139
between the angry disputants. A long letter, which Leon-
ardo had dispatched to him during his residence in London,
with the view of giving him a full account of the cause of
this disgraceful strife, had never reached him ; but soon
after his arrival at Rome, Leonardo supplied this deficiency
by sending him a copy of this letter, which he had kept
for the inspection of his other friends.* Poggio soon found,
that in his endeavours to terminate this unhappy difference,
he was likely to experience as serious obstacles in the
wounded pride of Leonardo, as in the infatuated wrath of
Niccolo.-f- In this difficult affair, therefore, he thought
it advisable to avail himself of the assistance of the common
friends of both parties. Ambrogio Traversari had already,
indeed, interposed his good offices to bring about the
desired reconciliation, but without effect.^ Poggio however
conceived great hopes, that the mediation of Francesco
Barbaro, for whom Leonardo entertained a high degree of
respect, would have considerable weight ; and when that
eminent scholar, being vested with the office of ambassador
extraordinary of the Venetian Republic, paid a visit to
Rome, where he was met by Leonardo, he flattered him-
self that the reconciliation which he so ardently wished
would be effected. Francesco was equally desirous with
Poggio to discharge the duties of a peace-maker ; but he
* Leon. Aret. Episl. lib. iv. ep. xxi.
f- Ibid, lib. iv. ep. xxii.
J Ambrogii Traversarii Opera, torn. ii. p. 2K7.
$ This embassy occurred in the year, 1426 Agoslini Isloria degli Scritlori
I'iniziani. torn. ii. p. 58, 59, fiO.
140 CHAP. IV.
found Leonardo so determined upon requiring from his anta-
gonist a very ample apology for his conduct, that he was
almost induced to give up the cause in despair : and Leon-
ardo, being perhaps apprehensive that at the time of his
departure from Rome his friends would renew their efforts
to shake his resolution, withdrew from the city in so sudden
and secret a manner, that Poggio hadjiot an opportunity
of taking leave of him. For this conduct the latter gently
reproved his friend in a letter, in which he stated to him
his opinion, that in his affair with Niccolo, it was by no
means advisable to use recrimination, or to demand an
apology, and that nothing was requisite but a mutual
oblivion of the past. " Remember," says he, " that it is
" the characteristic of a great mind, to forget and not to
" revenge injuries, and that the duties of friendship are
" paramount to all other considerations. You seem to me
" to attach too much importance to trifles, which it will be
" more conducive to your glory to despise, than to make
" them the subjects of serious concern.""* In a second
letter on the same subject he informed Leonardo, that he
could not, without the utmost vexation, witness the inter-
ruption of a friendship which had been established on the
best foundation of mutual esteem, and which had continued
for so long a period; and that his concern was much
increased, when he observed that their disagreement was
detrimental to the good fame of both parties. f In this
letter he grants, that Niccolo has his failings, but reminds
* Poggii Opera, p. 306.
t Ibid, p. 347.
CHAP. IV. 14J
his correspondent, that imperfection is the common lot of
mortality, and that it is our duty, according to the instruc-
tions of the apostle, to bear one another's burdens.*
The obstinacy of Leonardo for some time withstood
the solicitations of his friends. But Francesco Barbaro,
proceeding from Rome to Florence, laboured with such
earnestness and prudence to allay the heat of his resent-
ment, that he at length consented once more to enrol Nic-
colo in the number of his friends. The news of this event
drew from Poggio a letter of thanks and congratulation to
the mediator, and the following .prudent and friendly
admonition to Leonardo.
" I have just received intelligence of an event, the
" most delightful which could possibly have occurred at
" the present time ; namely, the reconciliation which has
" taken place between you and Niccolo. This circumstance
" inspires me with the greatest pleasure, especially because
" it proves that you do not belie the promise of your
" former years ; but that you support the consistency of
" your excellent character. It must now be your care to
" act with such prudence, that this reconciliation may be
" improved into a renewal of friendship. It is not enough
" that your hatred is at an end. Love and kind affection
" must succeed in the place of animosity. These are the
" indications of an upright, ingenuous, and virtuous mind.
* Poffffii Opera, p. 347-
142 CHAP. IV.
" Reassume then I beseech you, that familiar and friendly
" intercourse with Niccolo, which I have for so long a space
" of time witnessed with so much pleasure. Carefully
" avoid every thing which may tend to impair your mutual
" good will ; and act in such a manner that this reconcilia-
" tion may appear to have been effected, not merely by
" the interposition of your friends, but by your own free
" will, and with your hearty concurrence. By your conduct
" you have obtained the greatest glory, and I trust you
" will find it the source of the most exquisite pleasure. I
" can assure you that this event has given the utmost satis-
" faction to all our friends at Rome I say our friends ;
" for I have the happiness of being connected by the bonds
" of friendship with all your associates in the pontifical
" court. The reputation which you have acquired by your
" conduct in this affair, you must support by perseverance
" and firmness of mind ; for your late enmity would soon
" have injured the reputation both of yourself and of Nic-
" colo. By your reconciliation however you have main-
" tained your dignity, and conciliated the esteem of the
" virtuous and the learned. I have written a shorfrletter
" to Niccolo, and am anxious to receive his answer ; for I
" am surprised that neither you nor he should have given
" me the least intimation of this event ; especially when
" you were both fully sensible how much I was interested
" in it. 11 *
In the thirty-ninth session of the council of Constance
* Poygii Episl. Ivii. p. 161.
CHAP. IV. 143
it had been decreed, that for the suppression and prevention
of heresy and schism, at the end of five years after the
dissolution of the existing council, another should be sum-
moned ; a third at the expiration of seven years from the
breaking up of the second ; and that after these extraor-
dinary meetings, general councils should be regularly held
once in every ten years. At the expiration of the prescribed
term, therefore, Martin V. according to the tenor of the
first head of this decree, summoned the representatives of
the different nations of Christendom to repair to Pavia.
[A. D. 1423.] Nothing however having lately occurred,
particularly to interest the Christian powers in the proceed-
ings of the Roman hierarchy, the inconsiderable numbers
of this assembly formed a striking contrast with the mul-
titudes who had a few years before this time flocked on a
similar occasion to the city of Constance. The plague
having made its appearance in Pavia, the council was
removed to Siena, where it began to be more numerously
frequented. Alfonso, king of Arragon, took this opportu-
nity of supporting, in opposition to Martin V., the pre-
tensions of Piero da Luna, who still assumed the name of
Benedict XIII. and maintained a sort of pontifical splendour
in the fortress of Paniscola. Alfonso was prompted thus
to trouble the peace of the church, by the resentment
which he felt against Martin, in consequence of that pontiff's
refusing to acknowledge the legitimacy of his pretensions to
the throne of Naples. On the death of Ladislaus, the
crown of that distracted realm was inherited by his sister,
144 CHAP. IV.
Johanna II.,* who soon after her accession married Jacques,
count of La Marche, a prince of the royal blood of France.
The ambition of Jacques, who, not contented with admin-
istering the government in the name of his wife, wished to
be acknowledged as sovereign paramount of the kingdom,
occasioned serious disputes between him and Joanna, which
terminated in his being obliged to quit the territories of
Naples, and flee to France. Soon after his arrival in that
country he renounced the pursuit of secular concerns, and
assumed the habit of the Franciscan order. In this con-
juncture, Louis III. of Anjou revived the claims of his house
upon the throne of Naples, and marched into Italy, at the
head of a considerable army, with the intention of prosecut-
ing his rights by the sword.*f" Seeing the necessity of oppos-
* Of this great personage Poggio has recorded an ancedote, which at once com-
memorates her reputation for gallantry, and her ready wit. " The Florentines,"
says he, " once sent a certain doctor of laws of the name of Francesco as their
" embassador to the court of Naples. Francesco being apprised of the amorous
" disposition of the reigning queen Joanna, requested on his second interview
" with her majesty, that she would grant him a private audience, as he was in-
" structed by his republic to communicate certain matters to her majesty alone.
" The queen accordingly withdrew with him into an inner apartment, where
" after a short preliminary conversation, he abruptly made to her a declaration
" of love ; on which Joanna looked upon him with a pleasant smile, and said,
" Was this alsrt in your instructions 9"
Poggii Opera, 448.
f- Whilst Louis II., on whose claim that of Louis III. was founded, was on
his march from Provence to the Neapolitan frontier, he was visited in his camp
by Rodolfo of Camerino, to whom he made an ostentatious display of a valuable
assortment of jewels, which he destined as ornaments of the regal state, which
he flattered himself he should shortly attain. Rodolfo, unmoved by the brilliant
spectacle, asked him what was the value and use of this collection. Louis
answered, that it was very valuable, but of no utility. " I can show you at my
CHAP. IV.
ing against this invader an adversary of distinguished
abilities, Joanna adopted as her son, Alfonso, king of
Arragon, a prince of great courage and military skill, by
whose active exertions, Louis of Anjou was soon driven
from the Neapolitan territories. The adopted son of Joanna
being unfortunately influenced by the views of her late
husband, and wishing to rule by his own sole authority, that
princess was justly disgusted by his ingratitude, and in the
year 1423, she annulled the act of his adoption, substituting
in his place his rival, the duke of Anjou. This circum-
stance gave rise to an obstinate war between the two parties,
in the commencement of which Martin entered into an
alliance with Louis, and by bestowing on him the investi-
ture of the kingdom of Naples, supported his claims, in
opposition to those of Alfonso. Prompted by the spirit
of revenge, the Arragonese monarch exerted all his influence
to raise a party against Martin in the council of Siena. The
" house," replied Rodolfo, " a pair of stones which cost only ten florins, and
u annually produce me a revenue of two hundred." The duke was astonished
at this assertion ; but Rodolfo soon solved the riddle, by shewing him a mill
which he had lately erected, intimating at the same time, that a wise man will
always prefer utility to finery.
Poffffii Opera, p. 440.
Rodolfo was indeed a man of very phlegmatic humour, as appears by the
advice which he gave to one of his fellow-citizens, who informed him of his
intention of travelling with a view of seeing the curiosities of different countries.
" Go," said he, " to the neighbouring town of Macerata, and there you will see
" hills, valleys, and plains, wood and water, lands cultivated and uncultivated.
" This is the world in miniature ; for travel as far as you please, and you will
" see nothing else."
Popgii Opera, p. 441.
146 CHAP. iv.
pontiff, alarmed by the intrigues of Alfonso, hastily dis-
solved that assembly early in the year 1424, summoning
another to meet at the end of seven years, in the city of
Basil.*
But the dissolution of the council did not shelter Martin
from the consequences of Alfonso's indignation. Braccio
di Montone, taking advantage of the embarrassments of the
pontiff, again invaded the states of the church ; and after
making himself master of several towns in the ecclesiastical
district, laid siege to Aquila. Alarmed by the loss of these
places, and apprehensive, that should Braccio make him-
self master of Aquila, he would in fact keep Rome itself
in a state of blockade, the pontiff applied for succour to
Joanna of Naples, and by the assistance of that princess
raised a considerable body of forces, which he sent to stop
the career of the invader. In this expedition the army of
the church was signally successful. Braccio quitting a most
advantageous position, advanced to give battle to the pon-
tifical troops in the open field, on the second day of June,
1424. The encounter of his cavalry was fierce and impe-
tuous ; but in consequence of his rashness, his army was
defeated, and Braccio himself, being mortally wounded,
was carried prisoner into Aquila, where he died in the
course of a few hours after his arrival. His body was
conveyed to Rome, and buried without the walls in uncon-
secrated ground. By the death of Braccio, the pontiff
" Platina, p. 399.Tiraboschi sloria della Letteratura Ital. torn. vi. p. 8.
CHAP. IV. 147
recovered Perugia, Assisi, and the other cities, which the
successful rebellion of that chieftain had compelled him to
yield to his dominion. The states of the church were now
restored to tranquillity. The roads were cleared of the
banditti by which they had been so long infested the
traveller journeyed without molestation or fear the laws
were respected, and peace and order succeeded to anarchy
and rapine.* The quiet of the church was -also further
secured by the death of Benedict XIII., who in the begin-
ning of this year closed his earthly career at Paniscola, at
the advanced age of ninety.-f- In the summer of this year,
the Pontiff having retired to Tivoli to avoid the plague,
which was raging in Rome, Poggio went to Rieti, where
he remained two months, entirely occupied with literary
pursuits. This appears from a letter addressed by him to
Niccolo Niccoli after his return to Rome, in which he
laments the loss of a brother on whom he had depended
as the support of his family, and especially of his mother,
who was then labouring under the evils of old age and
sickness.^
About this time Martin had an opportunity of grati-
fying the animosity which he entertained against the Floren-
tines, by secretly fomenting certain disputes which had
taken place between the administrators of their republic and
* Muratori Annali, lorn. ix. p. 114, 119, 120, 121.
t Ibid, p. 118.
J Popgii Epitt. a Toncl. lib. i. ep. 17.
148 CHAP. IV.
the duke of Milan. Encouraged by the connivance of the
pontiff, that prince declared war against the Tuscan state,
the territories of which he menaced with a considerable
army. In the course of this contest, which was singularly
obstinate and bloody, the pontiff had the satisfaction of
retaining in his own hands the balance of power ; and of
beholding the supercilious Tuscans, humbled by disasters
and defeats, sueing to him for assistance, and entreating his
mediation for the restoration of peace. Martin, though he
professed the strictest impartiality between the hostile
parties, not only refused to assist the Florentines, but still
continued secretly to stimulate the ambition of their adver-
sary. Being thus disappointed in their application to the
pontiff, the Florentines had recourse to the Venetians,
whose dread of the growing power of the duke of Milan
induced them readily to enter into an alliance with his
antagonists. Animated by this accession of strength, the
Florentines prosecuted the war with renewed vigour, and
with such success, that the duke was glad to accept of the
mediation opportunely proffered by his friend the pontiff,
under whose auspices a peace was concluded at Ferrara in
the year 1428.*
* Poggii Hist. Florent. p. 253. In his Facetiae, Poggio relates the fol-
lowing instance, which occurred during the course of this contest, of the free-
dom of speech in which Filippo Maria permitted one of his domestics to indulge
himself.
" The old duke of Milan, a prince in all respects of singular good taste,
" had an excellent cook, whom he had sent to France to learn the art of dressing
' nice dishes. In the great war which he carried on against the Florentines, he
" one day received some bad news, which gave him a good deal of uneasiness.
CHAP. IV. 149
When the pontiff had declared his readiness to inter-
pose his good offices between the contending powers, for
the restoration of peace, the Florentines sent Leonardo
Aretino to the Roman court, invested with the dignity of
embassador of the Tuscan republic.* In the nomination
of their representative, they gratified the wishes of Martin V.
who had long entertained a great respect for Leonardo,
and had in vain attempted, by the offer of considerable
preferment, to induce him to enter into his service.^ So
highly did Leonardo's constituents approve of his conduct
in his diplomatic capacity, that immediately after his return
to Florence, in the latter end of the year ] 427, they
appointed him to fill the honourable and lucrative office of
Secretary or Vice-chancellor of the Florentine state. If
credit may be given to his own assertion in a letter to
Feltrino Boiardo, he accepted this dignity with reluctance,
and lamented the imperious necessity, which compelled him,
from a sense of duty, to relinquish the pleasures of literary
" Soon after the arrival of this intelligence he sat down to dinner. The dishes
" not at all pleasing him, he sent for his cook, and reproved him severely for
" his unskilfulness. The cook, who was accustomed to take great liberties with
" his master, replied, I can assure your highness that the dishes are excellently
" dressed And if the Florentines have taken away your appetite, how am I to
" blame ?"
Poggii Opera, p. 425.
This anecdote proves that Filippo inherited from his father a fondness of
good living, and also intimates, that even at this early period, our Gallic neigh-
bours were noted for their skill in cookery.
* Mehi Vita Leonard! Arelini. p. xliv.
+ Ibid.
150 CHAP. IV.
retirement, for the cares incident to a public station.* His
reluctance is, however, otherwise accounted for in an epistle
which Poggio wrote to him on this occasion, and from
which it appears, that when the office in question was first
offered to his acceptance, it was proposed that the marks of
dignity usually attached to it should be withdrawn ; but
that on his refusal to accept it on those conditions, the
administrators of the government agreed to confer upon
him the full honours which had been received by preceding
Vice-chancellors, to which terms he acceded. When Pog-
gio was informed that his friend was established in his new
office, he congratulated him by letter on this accession to
his civic honours, which, however, he observed, was, like
matrimony, likely to be attended with considerable diffi-
culty, trouble, and uneasiness.-f-
The satisfaction which Martin V. experienced in wit-
nessing the peaceful and happy condition of that portion of
Christendom, the civil interests of which were intrusted to
his immediate care, was not a little lessened by the contu-
macy and rebellion of the Bohemian reformers. These
high-spirited men had been fired with indignation, when
they were informed of the sad catastrophe of their beloved
apostles, John Huss, and Jerome of Prague. The cen-
* Mehi Vita Leonardi Aretini, p. xliv.
f " Volui satisfacere amori in tc meo, et tecum rongratulari, quemadmo-
" dum solemus ci, qui uxorem duxit, cum onus subeat grave, difficile et mo-
" lestum."
Poffyii Epistoltc Ivii. p. 167.
CHAP. IV. 151
sures of the church, which were fulminated against their
opinions, they treated with contempt. Taking advantage
of the weakness of Winceslaus, their king, they possessed
themselves of several churches in Prague and its environs,
where they caused the communion to be administered in
both kinds, and openly defied the pope, the emperor, and
the council of Constance. Upon the death of Winceslaus,
their confidence in their strength, and the ardour of their
zeal, impelled them, to risk a contest with the power of
Sigismund, his successor. Led on by the intrepid Zisca,
they encountered danger without fear ; and in the shock of
battle, their impetuosity was irresistible. For the space of
four years, the military talents of their favourite commander
discomfited the armies of the emperor, who was at length
reduced to the mortifying necessity of entering into a treaty
with a man, whom he could regard in no other light than
as an obstinate infidel, and a rebellious subject. This
treaty was interrupted by the death of Zisca, who was cut
off by the plague, on the sixth of October, 1424, at
the castle of Priscow. After the death of this formidable
antagonist, Sigismund, in hopes that the courage of the
Bohemians would expire with their chieftain, again ap-
pealed to arms. But he was disappointed in his expectation.
Great occasions produce great men. The heretics chose
as the successor to Zisca, Procopius, an officer whose
valour and skill they had frequently seen put to the proof.
Procopius maintained the contest with courage, conduct,
and success, and worsted the imperial forces in various
engagements. The intelligence of these continued dis-
asters filled the mind of the pontiff with vexation. Re-
152 CHAP. IV.
solving to aid the emperor with the temporal and spiritual
power of the church, he proclaimed a crusade against the
heretics, and sent a commission to cardinal Beaufort,
authorizing him, in quality of legate, to wield the sword
of the church, and chastise her rebellious sons. This
commission was by no means disagreeable to the turbulent
spirit of Beaufort. In pursuance of the instructions which
he received from the pontiff, he appropriated to the pur-
poses of the crusade, a tenth part of the revenues which
accrued from England to the Roman see.* With this
* It should seem that Humphrey, duke of Gloucester, who at this time
governed the kingdom of England in quality of Protector, regarded this com-
mission of the cardinal's with a jealous eye. With a view of preventing the
mischiefs which might ensue upon the exercise of foreign authority in the
English dominions, he summoned Beaufort into his presence ; and by a formal
and express act, which set forth, that the legates of the pope had never been
permitted to enter into England, except by summons, invitation, or permission
of the king, which summons, invitation, or permission, Beaufort had not
received, protested against his exercising the authority of legate in the king's
dominions in any form or manner whatever. To this protest Beaufort put
in a formal answer, that it was not his intention in any thing to derogate from,
or contravene the rights, privileges, liberties, or customs of the king or king-
dom. This protest was made November llth, 1428. It is printed in the
appendix to Browjjs Fasciculus Rerun expetendarum et Fugiendarum, p.
1J18, from an ancient register, formerly in the possession of archbishop Sancroft.
For the purpose of raising money to defray the expense of the crusade, boxes
emblazoned with the sign of the cross were fixed in the churches, in which the
friends of the true faith were exhorted to deposit their contributions. To give
additional stimulus to the zeal of the pious, the pontiff issued a bull, whereby
he granted an indulgence of one hundred days to those who should attend the
preaching of the crusade a full pardon of all their sins, and an assurance of
eternal happiness, to those who took the cross and served against the heretics at
their own expense. The same premium was offered to those, who fully intend-
ing to perform this meritorious service, should happen to die before they joined
C'HAP. IV. 153
money he raised an army of four thousand men, at the
head of which he encamped in the neighbourhood of Do-
ver, waiting for a favourable wind to pass over to Flanders.
{A. D. 1429.] Here he received letters from the duke
of Gloucester, regent of the kingdom, requesting him to
transport his troops into France, and march to the assist-
ance of the duke of Bedford, who was at that time hard
pressed by the Dauphin. In compliance with the regent's
request, Beaufort repaired with his army to Paris, whence
he soon afterwards proceeded to Bohemia. The terrors of
the crusade, thus aided by the power of the cardinal legate,
did not dismay the heretics, who rushed to the combat with
unabated fury, and routed the army of the church. The
pontiff, sensibly mortified by this disaster, and attributing
the ill success of his arms to the imprudence of Beaufort,
recalled that haughty prelate, substituting in his place
Bartolomeo da Piacenza. The new legate was not more
fortunate than his predecessor. The orthodox army still
continued to experience a series of defeats. Hoping that
a change of his representative might effect a change in the
fortune of his arms, Martin superseded Bartolomeo da
the army -, and to those who should send a soldier or soldiers to fight, at their
expense, for the propagation of the true faith. This latter provision was particu-
larly addressed to the women, who were graciously informed by the cardinal, that
those females, who, being prevented by their poverty from maintaining each a
warrior at their own expense, should enter into joint subscriptions for the pur-
pose, should be entitled to considerable privileges ; and so grateful was his
holiness even for the gift of good wishes, that he granted six days' indulgence
to those who fasted and prayed in order to promote the success of the expedition.
Appendix to Brown" a Fasciculus, p. 621, 625, 630.
154 CHAP. IV.
Piacenza, and committed the direction of the war to
Giuliano Csesarino, Cardinal of St. Angelo.*
This was one of the last acts of the pontificate of
Martin V., who died on the 20th of February, 1431.
Though this pontiff was unable to accomplish the extinction
of heresy, he had the good fortune to witness the termina-
tion of the famous schism of the West. Benedict XII.
dying at Paniscola in the year 1424, two cardinals who had
adhered to him in the midst of his misfortunes, at the
instance of Alfonso of Arragon elected as his successor the
Canonico Egidio of Barcelona, who, accepting the empty
title bestowed upon him by this diminutive conclave, assu-
med the appellation of Clement VII. But soon after this
transaction, Martin, having composed his differences with
Alfonso, sent a legate into Spain, who easily persuaded
Egidio, in consideration of the gift of the bishopric of
Majorca, to abdicate the vain honours which rendered him
ridiculous, and to renounce all claim to the pontifical dig-
nity. In order to prevent the cardinals who had placed the
tiara on the head of Egidio from again disturbing the
peace of the church by proceeding to a new election, the
Italian legate caused them to be arrested and thrown into
prison.-}-
Thus were the latter days of Martin V. passed in
* HottinsheacTs Chronicle^ vol. ii. p. 602. Stowe's Annals, p. 371 .
Platina, p. 400.
f Muratori Annali, torn. ix. p. 136. Platina, p. 401.
I'HAP. IV. 155
a state of tranquillity, which was disturbed only by the
rumours of the distant war in Bohemia, and by a transitory
revolt of the citizens of Bologna, who, after a feeble at-
tempt to vindicate their freedom, were soon reduced to
their wonted subjection. The fear of the plague, indeed,
which at this period occasionally manifested itself at Rome,
compelled the Pontiff to fly for safety to the neighbouring
villages. When on these hasty removals his master
required his attendance, Poggio devoted himself to a
careful examination of the remains of antiquity, which
were to be found in the places where the Papal court from
time to time fixed its temporary residence. But whenever
he was enabled to return to Rome, he took advantage of
this period of domestic quiet to prosecute his studies-*
He was now deeply engaged in the composition and correc-
tion of various works, and among the rest, of his dialogue
on Avarice, which he submitted to the inspection of Niccolo
Niccoli and others of his literary friends, in the year 1429.
In the prefatory address to Francesco Barbaro, which is
prefixed to this dialogue, he intimates, that he had not yet
made a sufficient progress in the Greek language to be able
to present to the public what was at that time held in the
highest estimation a version of any of the Graecian clas-
sics ; but at the same time expresses his hopes, that this his
first essay may be deemed not altogether destitute of merit.
It should seem, however, that when he had given the last
polish to his work, he was induced for a while to suppress it.
Martin V. was impeached of the vice of avarice ; and his
* Ton. Tr. vol. i. p. 155.
156 CHAP. IV.
secretary, whilst he did ample justice to the kind feelings
of his master, was doubtful how far it would be prudent,
by the publication of his dialogue, to run the risk of the
imputation of making his sole failing the object of satirical
comment.* Besides this, Niccolo Niccoli, in perusing the
work in question, without reserve declared his opinion that
it was by no means worthy of the known talents of the
author. + Encouraged however by the flattering encomiums
of Francesco Barbaro, and others of his literary friends,
to whom he had communicated his manuscript, and em-
boldened by the consciousness which he felt, that when com-
pared with the productions of the times, his dialogue was
possessed of considerable merit, he yielded to the sugges-
tions of scholastic ambition ; and immediately after the
death of Martin V. by its publication proclaimed himself a
candidate for the laurel of literary fame.J
In the introduction to the dialogue on Avarice, Pog-
gio intimates that Antonio Lusco, Cincio, and others of
the pope's secretaries, paying a visit to Bartolomeo di
Montepulciano, the conversation after supper turned upon
the character of Bernardino, a famous preacher who was
* Poggii Epistolce Ivii. p. 1J3.
j- Tonelli Poggii Epist. torn. \. lib. iii. ep. xxxv.
Poggii Epist. Ivii. p. 178. Ambrogii Traversarii Opera, lorn. ii. p. 97ft.
This Bernardino had for some time preached with uncommon applause to
crowded audiences in the churches of Florence. The talents of a popular orator
generally procure their possessor as many enemies as friends. Several eccle-
siastics, who were envious of the reputation of Bernardino, took advantage of
a daring flight of rhetoric, into which he was betrayed by the enthusiasm of his
(HAP. IV.
at that time exercising his talents at Rome. After a very
favourable testimony to this preacher's merits on the part
of Lusco, Cincio observes, " In one respect both Bernar-
" dino and other preachers of the same description seem to
" me to fall into an error. They do not preach with a
" view of doing good, but for the purpose of displaying
" their eloquence. They are not so anxious to cure the
" mental diseases which they profess to heal, as to obtain
" the favour and applause of the mob. They learn a few
" phrases by heart, and utter them indiscriminately before
" audiences of every description. Treating of recondite
" and obscure matters, they soar beyond the comprehension
" of the vulgar, and tickle the ears of women and fools,
" whom they dismiss as ignorant as they found them.
" Some vices they reprove in such a manner that they seem
" rather to teach, than to correct them, and in their thirst
" for gain, they forget the promotion of the cause of
" religion."
zeal, to endeavour to accomplish his ruin. In order to enforce his eloquence, in
describing some impressive scene, (probably the sufferings of Christ) he ex-
hibited to the people a picture, in which the transaction to which he alluded was
delineated. Of this exhibition his detractors complained to the pope, as a kind
of profanation cf the rites of the church ; and Bernardino was obliged to repair
to Rome to vindicate his cause. Though the pontifical court was inflamed with
prejudice against him by the artifices of his accusers, so captivating was his
eloquence, that when he was permitted to preach in Rome, the ecclesiastics of
the highest eminence; as well as the populace, being attracted by his fame to
hear his discourses, listened to him with enthusiastic admiration. Martin V.
commanded him to abstain for the future from the exhibition of pictures ; he
readily complied with this injunction, and by his prompt obedience obtained the
favour of the pontiff, who during the remainder of his life treated him with
distinguished kindness.
Ambrosii Traversarii Epint. lib. ii. ep. \\, xli.
CHAP. IV.
After various other observations have been made on
the defects of the preachers of that time, Bartolomeo
remarks, that though luxury and avarice are the most
copious sources of vice, these failings are rarely reprehended
from the pulpit ; or if at any time they happen to become
the subject of clerical animadversion, they are treated in a
dry, jejune and ludicrous manner, without dignity of
thought or energy of expression. He therefore proposes
that the company then assembled should, in a friendly
conversation, enter into a discussion of the nature of these
vices. To this proposal Lusco assents, expressing, how-
ever, his opinion, that it will be advisable for them to
confine themselves to the subject of Avarice. While they
are arranging the order in which they are to deliver their
sentiments, they are joined by Andrew of Constantinople,
a man of great erudition, and the most respectable cha-
racter. After the interchange of the customary salutations,
the new guest is informed of the proposed subject of dis-
course, and Bartolomeo proceeds to utter an eloquent
invective against Avarice. This oration being ended,
Lusco replies in extenuation of that vice, and in the course
of his harangue reprobates the opposite error of luxury and
extravagance. Lusco's speech displays considerable inge-
nuity. The most striking passages which it contains are
levelled against the professors of the civil law, and against
the mendicant friars, both which descriptions of men are
treated with great severity. Alluding to the latter, Lusco
says, " Look through the whole city the market the
" streets the churches and if you can find any body
" who professes that he wishes for no more than a bare
CHAP. IV. 159
" sufficiency, depend upon it you have, found a prodigious
" rarity. Do not cite as instances in contradiction to my
" assertion, those slovenly hypocritical vagabonds, who,
" under the pretext of religion, get their living without
" labour, and make their pretended poverty and contempt
" of worldly things a most copious source of gain. A well
" constituted state will not encourage these lazy rogues, but
" it will prefer those citizens who are willing to work for
" the benefit of the human race."*
Andrew of Constantinople, in quality of moderator,
replies to Lusco, and points out the distinction which the
latter had artfully confounded, between a desire of the
good things of life, and Avarice. This desire, says he, if
moderate, is virtuous ; if immoderate, it degenerates into
covetousness, and becomes a vice. He then proceeds to
answer the arguments of Lusco in regular order. In the
course of his harangue he takes occasion to stigmatize the
avaricious disposition of sovereign princes, and of the
clergy ; and in conclusion he supports his opinion by
various quotations from the fathers and the ancient classic
authors. The remarks of Andrew meeting the approbation
of his auditors, the conference is closed.-f-
Poggii Opera, p. 13.
f- In the original sketch of this dialogue, Poggio had attributed the first
part of the attack on Avarice to Cincio, one of the apostolic secretaries ; but on
the admonition of Lusco, that as Cincio had the reputation of being a covetous
man, an invective against that vice would be out of character, if represented as
proceeding from him, he substituted in his place Bartolomeo di Montcpulciano.
100 CHAP. TV.
In the sentiments of disapprobation with which the
good taste of Poggio led him to regard the harangues of
the popular preachers of his time, he is supported by the
weighty suffrage of Tiraboschi. " Some of the sacred
" orators of the fifteenth century," says that judicious critic,
" are mentioned with praise, not merely by vulgar and
" unpolished, but also by the most cultivated writers.
" On the other hand, we have an opportunity of inspecting
" the discourses of these famed orators ; and generally
" speaking, we cannot see in them the shadow of that
" eloquence for which they are so highly commended. Let
" any one read the sermons of S. Bernardino da Siena,
" Fra Roberto da Lecce, B. Alberto da Sarteano, Fra
" Michele da Carcano, and of many others, who, as the
" writers of that age inform us, attracted whole cities and
.
t Concilior. p. 146.
212 CHAP. V.
continued to feel the scourge of war. The freebooters by
whom they were infested, in fact despised the debates of
churchmen ; and though they pretended that they invaded
the ecclesiastical states in order to compel Eugenius to sub-
mit to the power of the council, they did not manifest any
disposition fo withdraw their forces when the pretended
object of their expedition was accomplished. In these cir-
cumstances Eugenius endeavoured to diminish the number
of his foes by soliciting Sforza to agree to terms of pacifica-
tion. In this instance his efforts were crowned with the
desired success. Sforza, on condition of his being appointed
to the government of the Marca d'Ancona, with the title
of apostolic vicar and gonfaloniere of the Roman church,
not only consented to abstain from further hostilities
against his holiness, but promised to defend the pontiff
from the attacks of his other enemies In pursuance of
this promise, he turned his arms against Fortebraccio,
whom he fought and defeated near Tivoli. The duke of
Milan was greatly displeased by the change which had so
suddenly taken place in the politics of Sforza; and still
persisting in his determination to harrass the pontiff, he
excited Niccolo Piccinino to attempt the conquest of his
native city Perugia. Piccinino marching into Romagna
with this' intention, kept Sforza in check, and thus favoured
the operations of Fortebraccio. The latter chieftain
having received a reinforcement of troops from Viterbo,
pushed his light cavalry to the very gates of Rome. On
the approach of his forces, the faction of the Colonnas,
who, though not openly, yet deeply resented the cruelty
with which their chiefs had been treated at the commence-
CHAP. V. 213
nient of Eugenius's pontificate, and had long been waiting
for an opportunity of taking vengeance on their adversaries,
flew to arms, exhorting the populace to assert their liberty.
[May 29th, A. D. 1433.] The insurrection soon became
general, and the rebellious Romans, not contented with
imprisoning Francesco Condolmieri, the nephew of Euge-
nius, surrounded with guards the residence of the pontiff
himself. Eugenius, however, disguising himself in the
habit of a monk, had the good fortune to elude their
vigilance ; [June 5th] and, attended by two only of his
domestics, threw himself into a small bark, with an
intention of taking refuge in Ostia. But he had not
proceeded far down the Tyber, before he was recognised
by the populace, who, crowding to the banks of the river,
almost overwhelmed him with a shower of stones and
arrows. So fierce was their attack, that it was not without
considerable difficulty that the fugitive pontiff effected his
escape, and retired, first to Leghorn, and afterwards to
Florence.*
On this occasion the officers of the .pontifical house-
hold were dispersed, each providing for his own safety
according to the dictates of his prudence, or his fear.
The greater number of them, embarking in some small
coasting vessels, set sail for Pisa ; but were met in the
course of their voyage by some Corsican pirates, who plun-
dered them of all their property. Others, attempting to
* Muratori Annali, torn. ix. p. 155, 15tt, 157, 158. Platina, p. 405.
Ambroyii Traversarii Episloke, lib. i. ep. vi. apud notes.
214 CHAP. V.
proceed to Florence by land, were exposed to various
vexations. Poggio had the misfortune to fall into the
hands of the soldiers of Piccinino, who detained him in
captivity, in the expectation of extorting from him a con-
siderable sum of money, by way of ransom.* When the
intelligence of this event reached the Tuscan territory,
it excited the deep concern of all his acquaintance, and
particularly of Ambrogio Traversari, who, without delay,
earnestly solicited Francesco, count of Poppio, to exert
all his influence to procure his liberation.
" Since I wrote to you," says he in his letter to the
count, " I have received information that my most inti-
" mate friend, the dear associate of my studies, Poggio,
" the papal secretary, is detained in captivity by the mag-
" nificent lord and excellent captain Niccolo Piccinino.
" Believe me this intelligence is very painful to my
" feelings but the concern which I experience is much
" alleviated by the opinion which I have long entertained
" of your humanity, and which induces me to hope that
" I shall not make a request to you in vain. I beg and
" beseech you therefore, my lord, to use all diligence to
" effect the liberation of one whom you know to be most
" dear to me. I presume that the illustrious chieftain, at
" whose disposal he now is, can deny you nothing, especi-
" ally when you make a reasonable request on behalf of a
" friend. I should be more diffuse in my petition did I
* Poggii Histor. de Variet. Fortunes, p. 92.
CHAP. V. 215
" think it were needful, and were I not assured, that fewer
" words than those which I have already written will be
** sufficient to induce Piccinino to restore so learned and
" so liberally minded a man as Poggio to liberty. 1 '*
The endeavours of Ambrogio to procure the gratuitous
release of Poggio were ineffectual. The rugged soldiers
who detained the learned secretary in captivity, had no
sympathy with the feelings of friendship. They respected
not the accomplishments of the scholar ; and in all pro-
bability their observation of the esteem in which their
prisoner was held by his friends, served only to enhance the
price which they demanded for his liberation. Finding that
he had no other means of deliverance, Poggio purchased
his freedom at the expense of a sum of money, which the
narrowness of his circumstances rendered it very inconve-
nient for him to paj^ and immediately on his enlargement,
he continued his route to Florence.'!'
* Ambrogii Traversarii Epist. lib. v. ep. x.
f Poggii Hist, de Variet. Fort. p. 92. Opera, p. 392.
CHAP. VI.
STATE of parties in Florence Cosmo de" 1 Medici at
the head of the faction of the people His banish-
ment Poggid's letter to him on that occasion Fran-
cesco Filelfo an enemy of the Medici Poggio's
quarrel with Filelfo.
,1 F
CHAP. VI.
J\.T almost any other period than that of the flight of
Eugenius from Rome, the dangers and inconveniences to
which Poggio was exposed in following the fortunes of his
master, would have been in a great measure counterbalanced
by the opportunity which the translation of the pontifical
court to Florence afforded him of revisiting the scene of
his youthful studies. He was accustomed to regard the
Tuscan capital as a sure refuge in the season of calamity,
as a hospitable retreat, where, whenever he was oppressed
by adverse fortune, he might sooth his cares to rest in the
bosom of friendship. But how frequently do events de-
monstrate the fallaciousness of human expectations ! When
at the termination of his journey, the stately towers of
Florence rose to the view of Poggio, he experienced a
sentiment of deep dejection, in reflecting, that amongst
the friends whose eagerness to congratulate him on his safe
arrival) he anticipated, in pleasing imagination, he should
not now behold his illustrious protector, Cosmo de Medici,
whom the intrigues of faction had lately banished from his
native land. This celebrated man had inherited from hi.s
ancestors a considerable property, which he had improved
by his own industry and skill in mercantile affairs. In
popular governments, riches, if they are diffused with a
220 CHAP. VI.
liberal hand, generally become the means of acquiring
power ; and if the possessor of wealth unite with generosity
the discernment of prudence and the graces of urbanity, he
almost infallibly secures to himself the permanent favour
of the people. To Cosmo, therefore, in whose character
these virtues met in happy conjunction, the Florentine
populace looked up with sentiments of enthusiastic admira-
tion. Examining the history of his native city with the
eye of a statesman, and meditating upon the civic revolu-
tions which he himself had witnessed, that sagacious
politician had observed, that in the contentions for power
which had frequently taken place between the aristocracy
and the lower orders of the state, the plebeian faction had
almost always failed, through want of a leader whose
authority might restrain their irregularities, and whose
judgment might give to their efforts the consistency and
energy of system. In order to supply this deficiency, he
placed himself at the head of the popular party, presuming
no doubt, that whilst he exercised his splendid talents for
the benefit of his adherents, he could at the same time
make use of the favour of the people to promote his own
emolument and glory.* Acting with these views, he soon
gained a degree of ascendency in the republic, which
enabled him to embarrass the measures of the aristocracy.
Cosmo now found by experience, that he who engages in civil
dissensions embarks on a sea of troubles. The chiefs of
the opposite party regarded him with that hatred, which the
privileged orders usually entertain against those who attempt
* Eloffi degli Uomini Illustri Toscani, lorn. i. p. 367-
CHAP. VI. 221
to restrain their ambition and diminish their power. At the
head of the nobility was Rinaldo degli Albizzi, who watched
the proceedings of Cosmo with all the vigilance of fac-
tious jealousy, and resolved to seize the earliest opportunity
to effect his destruction. With this view Rinaldo procured
the appointment of Bernardo Guadagni, a declared enemy
to popular rights, to the office of gonfaloniere, or chief
magistrate of the republic. No sooner was Guadagni in-
vested with his new honours, than he made the requisite
preparations to subdue the faction of the people. At this
time Cosmo was at his country seat at Mugello, a pleasant
valley, situated at a small distance from Florence,* whither
he had withdrawn, in order to avoid the confusion of civil
discord ; but the proceedings of Guadagni could not be con-
cealed from his partizans, who immediately sent messengers
to inform him that his adversaries were meditating some en-
terprise of a hostile nature. On the receipt of this intelligence
Cosmo repaired to Florence, and waiting on some of the
chief magistrates whom he regarded as his personal friends,
he represented to them the reasons which he had to be
alarmed for his safety. Being either ignorant of the designs
of Rinaldo, or eager to secure their victim by the base
artifices of treachery, these men assured him that he had
nothing to fear ; and in order to lull his apprehensions to
sleep, nominated him as one of a council of eight, by whose
advice, as they said, they wished to be guided in the govern-
Eadcm itcr facicnti ad ortum occurrit amrcna vallis, villis ct pagia refcrta
nomine Mugcllum quam intcrfluit (lumen Saeva.
Schotti I tiiier arium Italia, p. 189.
222 CHAP. vi.
nient of the state.* Cosmo put so much confidence in these
demonstrations of friendship, that he readily obeyed a
summons which he soon afterwards received, requiring him
to attend at a council which was to be held on the seventh
of September, 1483, to deliberate upon the best method of
securing the tranquillity of the republic. He was no sooner
arrived at the palace, than the square in front of that edifice
was lined with armed men, commanded by Rinaldo and the
other chiefs of the aristocracy. Under the control of this
guard the people were summoned to elect two hundred
deputies, to whom was to be delegated the important busi-
ness of deciding upon the reforms which were necessary in
the administration of public affairs. These deputies were
no sooner chosen, than their attention was directed to Cos-
mo by his enemies, some of whom loudly demanded his
death, as necessary to the preservation of the public tran-
quillity ; whilst others, more moderate in their views, and
more merciful in their dispositions, insisted upon it, that
this desirable end would be effectually accomplished, by
banishing him to a distance from the territories of the re-
public. During this awful deliberation, Cosmo was detained
a prisoner in the palace, from the windows of which, whilst
he anxiously endeavoured, by watching the gestures of his
judges, to prognosticate his fate, he heard the din of arms,
and observed the movements of the troops. The fear of
some of the deputies, and the secret attachment of others
to the person of Cosmo, preventing the assembly from
coining to any immediate determination of his destiny, ho
* Piffnotli Istor. rii Toscana, lib. iv. cap. f), as referred to by Tonelli.
CHAP. VI. j> 223
was for the present committed to the custody of Federigo
Malavolti. Finding himself thus in the power of his
enemies, and understanding that they had not been able to
prevail on the deputies to decree his death, he was appre-
hensive that they would attempt to take him off by poison.
Powerfully impressed by this idea, for the space of four
days he declined taking any food, except a small portion of
bread. The pride of Federigo was offended by this suspi-
cion of his prisoner, whom he is said to have addressed in
the following terms : " Through fear of dying by poison,
" Cosmo, you are destroying yourself by famine. And
" have you so little reliance on my honour as to think that 1
" would be accessary to such villainy ? So numerous are
" your friends, that I do not think your life is in any dan-
" ger ; but should your destruction be determined upon,
" rest assured, that your adversaries will find other means
" than my assistance to effect their purpose. I would not
" imbrue my hands in any one's blood, much less in yours,
" who have never offended me. Be of good courage
" take your food, and live for your friends and your
" country ; and that you may take your repast in full con-
" fidence, I will partake of whatsoever you eat.' 1 Overcome
by this manly address, Cosmo, with tears in his eyes,
embraced his keeper, and vowed, that if fortune should
ever put it in his power, he would testify his grateful sense
of his kindness.
When the adherents of Cosmo were informed of his
imprisonment, they took up arms with a determination to
effect his deliverance : but by the direction of his particular
224 H CHAP. VI.
friends, who were justly apprehensive that Rinaldo would
be provoked by any hostile attempt on their part to signalize
his vengeance by the murder of his prisoner, they retired
without accomplishing any thing in his favour. When
the news of the arrest of Cosmo reached Venice, the seig-
niory of that republic took such a lively interest in his fate,
that they sent to Florence three ambassadors, who were
instructed to exert all their influence in his favour. At last
these plenipotentiaries could obtain from the Florentine
magistracy nothing more than an assurance that the person of
Cosmo should be safe. When he was at length sentenced
to be banished to Padua for ten years, they requested from
the magistrates that during the term of his exile he might
be permitted to reside in their city. The petition of the
Venetians was granted ; but the triumphant nobles still
detained Cosmo in custody as an hostage, to secure the
acquiescence of his partizans in the new measures which
they intended to adopt for the regulation of the state.
They were also prompted to protract his imprisonment by
the malicious hope, that the hazardous nature of his situa-
tion would injure his commercial credit. When Cosmo
found himself thus unexpectedly detained, with the con-
nivance of his keeper he sent a message to his friends,
directing them to purchase the favour of Guadagni by the
timely application of a sum of money. Influenced by this
powerful motive, the mercenary chief magistrate, on the
night of the third of October, liberated his prisoner from
custody, and conducting him through one of the city gates,
suffered him without further molestation to proceed on his
route to Padua, from whence he proceeded to Venice. On his
(HAP. VI. 223
arrival at the latter city, the illustrious exile was met by the
principal citizens, who received him with every mark of
honour and respect; and he had not long resided there,
before the administrators of the Tuscan government were
persuaded, by the reiterated instances of the seigniory,
to enlarge the sphere of his liberty to the full extent of
the territories of the Venetian republic.*
In the days of his prosperity, Cosmo had been distin-
guished as the munificent patron of learned men. To them
his doors were constantly open ; and his purse was always
ready to assist their efforts to promote the diffusion of
literature. Poggio had long enjoyed the happiness of
being honoured by his particular favour. The pleasing
interchange of beneficence and gratitude, which had at an
early period taken place between the learned secretary and
the princely merchant of Florence, had been matured
into the intimacy of the most cordial friendship. Poggio
was not one of those sycophants who reserve their homage
for the prosperous ; and who, with the base foresight which
is too frequently dignified with the name of prudence,
studiously disengage themselves from the fortunes of a
falling family. When he received information that his
benefactor had been obliged to yield to the fury of his
enemies, he experienced all the emotions of affectionate
sympathy ; and hastened to testify his undiminished regard
for his persecuted friend in the following consolatory epistle.
* Machiavclli Istorie Florentine, p. 209, 210, 211. Ricordi di Cosmo
33
" it happens, that very few men of superlative talents escape
'* the fury of civil tempests. The fear of giving offence
" deters me from dwelling upon the instances of this nature,
" which have occurred in modern times, and in our own
" republic. But whosoever examines the records of an-
" tiquity will find, that the odium excited by civil discord
" has occasioned the banishment of a considerable number
" of excellent citizens and that, not in our country alone,
" but in other states of the greatest eminence. To say
** nothing of the Greeks and Barbarians, the Roman re-
" public, even at the time when it is represented as having
" attained to the highest pitch of glory, was afflicted with
" this infirmity. A few examples will be sufficient to
" demonstrate the truth of my assertion. Which of his
" contemporaries was equal in valour, probity, and illus-
" trious deeds to Furius Camillus ? Yet, in consequence
" of the malevolence of the tribunes and the populace, he
" was compelled to retire into exile ; at a time too when
" his country stood very much in need of his assistance.
" You well remember the important services rendered to
t( the Roman commonwealth by Scipio Africanus ; you
" recollect the moderation, continence, and gravity, which
" shone so conspicuously in the life of the illustrious
" conqueror of Hannibal yet he too was driven from his
" native country by the rage of the tribunes. The upright-
" ness and sanctity of P. Rutilius were the very causes of
" his banishment. When this man had an opportunity of
" returning to his country in consequence of Sylla's victory,
" he had the honest pride to refuse to fix his residence in a
" state in which arms were superior to the laws. The
2 H
234 CHAP. VI.
" villany of Clodius expelled M. T. Cicero, the saviour of
" his country, who is said to have been accustomed to
" boast, that he was carried back to Rome on the shoulders
" of all Italy. History has recorded the names of several
" other renowned men who have shared the same fate : but
" I have only mentioned these four, the consideration of
" whose destiny may prevent you from being surprised at
" your own misfortunes. I shall not pretend to maintain
" that you are equal to these exalted characters in fame and
" splendour but this I will say, that, like them, you have
" experienced an ungrateful return for your good services
" to your fellow citizens ; and that in one respect your
" glory is not at all inferior to theirs. For, in my opinion,
" you deserve to be held in everlasting remembrance for the
" deference which you paid to the decree of the magistrates,
" though you knew the doom which awaited you. For
" when, as it is commonly reported, you could have repelled
" the meditated injury by the assistance of your partizans,
" and the interference of the populace, you thought it
" better to submit to wrong, than to avert it by violence.*
" And as civil tumults never end in good, consulting for
* The following extract from Cosmo's Ricordi proves that he could not
with a safe conscience accept this part of Poggio's panegyric. " Niccolo da
" Tolentino sentito il caso a di 8. venne la mattina con tutta la sua compagnia
" alia Lastra, e con animo di fare novita nella Terra, perche io fussi lasciato ; e
" cosi subito che si senti il caso nell' Alpi di Romagna e di piu altri luoghi,
" venne a Lorenzo gran quantita di fanti. Fu confortato il Capitano, e cosi
" Lorenzo a non fare novita, che poteva esser cagione di farmi fare novita nella
" persona, e cosi feciono ; e benche chi consiglio questo fussino parenti, e amici,
" e a buon fine, non fu buono consiglio ; perche se si fussino fatti inanzi, ero
" libero, e chi era stato cagione di questo restava disfatto." Ricordi ut supra.
CHAP. VI. 235
" the quiet of your country, and the tranquillity of your
" fellow citizens, you prudently suffered this sudden storm
" to waste its fury on yourself and your connections, rather
" than endanger the republic by exciting the flame of war.
" By this conduct you have attained to the height I say
te not of modern, but of ancient glory. For what is more
" laudable than that disposition which prompts a man to
" expose himself to the fury of the billows for the sake of
" the general safety? Under the influence of that virtue
" which prefers public to private good, other states have
" flourished , and the Roman republic attained to universal
" dominion.
" Protected then as you are by the most illustrious
" virtues, you ought not to complain. You ought to be
" thankful to fortune, which has called these virtues into
" exercise, and has summoned you to a contest, in which
" you will gain the highest commendation on earth, and
" eternal glory in heaven. These two things are the
" objects of the most ardent wishes of good men ; for they
" are the meed of virtue. During the remainder of your
" life, then, enjoy the blessings which you still possess
" with a tranquil and peaceful mind ; and in whatever land
" your lot may be cast, think that your country, ther
^* theatre of your dignity the spot where you are called
" to exert your talents for the promotion of the public
good."*
* Poygii Opera, p. 312317-
236 CHAP. vi.
Such were the counsels by which Poggio endeavoured
to fortify the mind of his banished patron against the
shafts of adverse fortune. His letter breathes the spirit
of enlightened friendship, and his choice of topics of
consolation evinces an accurate knowledge of the human
heart. It may be reasonably conjectured, that Cosmo was
highly gratified by this proof of his sincere attachment,
and that he profited by his good advice. But the admin-
istration of wholesome counsel was not the only mode in
which Poggio, on this occasion, testified his zeal in the
cause of his persecuted benefagtor. In the intercourses of
friendship, his temperament disposed him strongly to
sympathize with the resentment of those whom he regarded
with sentiments of esteem and affection. Consequently
the injuries sustained by Cosmo inspired him with the
utmost degree o^ animosity against the family of the
Albizzi, and all their partizans and abettors. This animo-
sity against the enemies of his exiled friend, which he took
no pains to disguise, soon involved him in a most violent
quarrel with the celebrated Francesco Filelfo, who had
been induced by the turbulence of his temper, to inter-
meddle in the political disputes which had for a long space
of time disturbed the tranquillity of Florence, and to
discharge the venom of his spleen against the house of
Medici and all its adherents. r<
This extraordinary man was born at Tolentino, on
the twenty-fifth of July, 1398. Having given early indi-
cations of a love of literature, he was sent to prosecute
his studies in the university of Padua. In this seminary
CHAP. VI. 237
he made such an uncommon proficiency, that when he
had attained the age of eighteen, he read lectures on
eloquence to numerous audiences. The reputation which
he had acquired by this early display of brilliant talents
procured him an invitation to instruct the noble, youth of
Venice in polite literature. This invitation he readily
accepted; and in the discharge of his public duties he
acquitted himself so much to the satisfaction of his
employers, that he was presented with the freedom of the
state. In the course of a little time after his settlement
in Venice, the seigniory testified their sense of his merits
by appointing him to the office of secretary to the embassy
which they usually maintained at Constantinople. This
office he retained for the space of two years, at the end
of which period he entered into the service of the Greek
emperor, John Palseologus, who employed him in affairs
of the greatest consequence. In the character of confi-
dential agent or envoy of that monarch, he visited the
courts of Amurath II. the Turkish sultan, and of Sigis-
mund, emperor of Germany. During his residence at
Constantinople he married Theodora, the daughter of a
noble Greek, the celebrated John Crysoloras. In the year
1427 he quitted Constantinople and returned to Venice.
As he had assiduously improved the opportunities which
he had lately enjoyed of cultivating the knowledge of
Grecian literature, he expected, on his return to his
adopted country, to be hailed as the champion of science,
and the restorer of learning.* But in this expectation
In a letter to Ambrogio Travcrsari, he gives the following catalogue of the
238
CHAP. VI.
he was disappointed. His name no longer possessed the
charm of novelty. The interest which was occasioned on
his first visit to Venice, by the circumstance of his filling
the professor's chair at so early an age, was naturally
weakened** by the lapse of nearly eight years ; and in all
probability the jealous aristocracy of the Venetian capital
resented his quitting the service of their state for the
honours and emoluments of the Byzantine court. These
causes concurred to render his reception at Venice by no
means flattering to his feelings. The mortification which
he experienced on this occasion was heightened by the
books which he had collected during his residence in Constantinople. " Qui
" mihi nostri in Italiam libri gesti sunt, honim nomina ad te scribo : alios
" autem nonnullos per primas ex Byzantio Venetorum naves opperior. Hi
" autem sunt Plotinus, Aelianus, Aristides, Dionysius Halicarnasseus, Strabo
" Ceographus, Hermogenes, Aristotelis Rhetorice, Dionysius Halicarnasseus de
" numeris et characteribus, Thucydides, Plutarchi Moralia, Proclus in Platonem,
" Philo Judaeus, Herodotus, Dio Chrysostomus, Appollonius Pergaeus, Ethica
" Aristotelis, Ejus magna Moralia et Eudemia, Occonomica, et Politica, quaedaui
" Theophrasti Opuscula, Homeri Ilias, Odyssea, Philostrati de vita Appollonii,
" Orationes Libanii, et aliqui sermones Luciani, Pindarus, Aratus, Euripidis
" tragediae septem, Theocritus, Hesiodus, Suidas ; Phalaridis, Hippocratis,
" Platonis, et multorum ex veteribus philosophis Epistolac ; Demosthenes,
" Aeschinis Orationes et Epistolae, pleraque Xenophontis Opera, una Lysiac
" Oratio, Orphei Argonautica et Hymni, Callimachus, Aristoteles de historiis
" animalium, Physica, et Metaphysica, et de Anima, de partibus Animalium,
*' et alia quaedam, Polybius, nonnulli sermoues Chrysostomi, Dionysiaca, et
" alii Poetae plurimi. Habes qui mihi sint, et his utere aeque ac tuis."
Ambrosii Traversarii Opera, torn. ii. p. 1010.
In the collection of this noble store of Grecian literature Filelfo must have
expended a considerable sum of money ; and this circumstance may honourably
account for the embarrassed state of his finances on his arrival in his native
country. ,
CHAP. vi. 239
deplorable state of his finances, which the expenses of his
increasing family had reduced to a very low ebb. From
these circumstances of embarrassment he was relieved by
the liberality of the citizens of Bologna, who invited him to
read lectures on eloquence and moral philosophy, in their
university; and engaged to requite his services by an
annual stipend of four hundred and fifty gold crowns.
Readily accepting this invitation, he repaired to Bologna
with all convenient speed. Soon after he had entered upon
his new office, that city, which had lately revolted from
Martin V., was doomed to. suffer the horrors of a siege, in
consequence of which literary pursuits were entirely sus-
pended. Thus circumstanced, Filelfo began to feel no small
degree of anxiety, not only concerning the means of his
future support, but also for the safety of himself and his
family. His uneasiness was, however, mitigated by the
receipt of very friendly letters from Niccolo Niccoli and
Pallas Strozza, urging him to quit Bologna, and exercise
his talents for public instruction in Florence.* After a
negociation of some length, he agreed to give lectures on
the Greek and Roman classics, for the consideration of an
annual salary of three hundred gold crowns, to be paid out
of the revenues of the state. But when he had concluded
this agreement, he experienced very considerable difficul-
ties in effecting his departure from Bologna, which was
closely invested by the pontifical army. These difficulties
being at length overcome, he hastened to Florence, where
* Ambrosii Traversarii Epist. p. 1007.
240 CHAP. VI.
he was received with every demonstration of respect, and
commenced his labours with the utmost zeal.* The fol-
lowing sketch of his first lectures, which is preserved in
the works of Ambrogio Traversari, demonstrates that
in the execution of his engagement he exerted a most
laudable degree of industry. At the dawn of day he ex-
plained and commented upon Cicero's Tusculan questions,
the first decad of Livy, Cicero's treatise on Rhetoric, and
Homer's Iliad. After an interval of a few hours, he de-
livered extraordinary lectures on Terence, Cicero's Epis-
tles and Orations, Thucydides and Xenophon. In addi-
tion to this laborious course of instruction, he also daily
read a lecture on Morals.-f* Such was the arduous task
undertaken by Filelfo a task which demanded the exer-
tions of a literary Hercules. He was, however, animated
to the endurance of toil by the number and dignity of
his audience, which daily consisted of four hundred per-
sons, many of whom were not less eminent for their
literary acquirements, than for the rank which they held
in the state.J
On Filelfo's arrival in Florence, he found the inhabi-
tants of that city divided into factions, and was by no
means insensible of the difficulties which he had to en-
counter in endeavouring to avoid being involved in their
* Filelfo arrived in Florence in the month of May, 1429. Philelft Epist.
p. 9.
+ Amhrosii Traversarii Epist. p. 1016.
* Philelfi Epist. p. 9.
CHAP. VI. 241
disputes.* For the space of two years he seems to have
acted with becoming discretion, and to have pursued his
literary occupations without rendering himself subservient
to the views of either party. His prudence was rewarded
by an increase of his salary, which was augmented, towards
the latter end of the year 1432, to the sum of three
hundred and fifty gold crowns. j* Unfortunately however
for his peace of mind, he had not resided long at Florence,
before he began to suspect that Niccolo Niccoli and Carlo
Aretino, the latter of whom was one of the most accom-
plished of the Tuscan scholars, moved by envy of his
literary fame, regarded him with sentiments of determined
hostility. The irritable temper of Niccolo was indeed
provoked by the supercilious pride of the new Coryphaeus,
who, without the least reserve of diffidence, assumed the
high degree of eminence in the scale of importance to
which he deemed himself entitled, and looked down upon
the learned Florentines with undisguised disdain. Well
knowing the intimacy which subsisted between Niccolo
Niccoli and Cosmo de 1 Medici, Filelfo took it for granted,
that the latter would adopt the quarrels of his friend, and
consequently apprehended that he had much to dread from
the effects of his resentment. In this apprehension he
was confirmed by the manifest coolness with which he was
treated by Lorenzo, the brother of Cosmo ; and he
regarded the assurances which he received from the latter,
that his suspicions with respect to himself were groundless,
PhileIJi Epint. p. P.
t Ibid, p. 10.
2 I
242 CHAP. vi.
as a refinement of malice, intended to betray him into a
fatal security.* His dread of the machinations of his
enemies was also increased by a violent attack made upon
him in the streets of Florence, by one Filippo, a noted
assassin, by whom he was severely wounded in the face.*f*
Whilst Filelfo was brooding over his real or imagined
wrongs, a contest arose between the two factions which
divided the city of Florence, in consequence of a quarrel
which had occurred between the houses of Soderini and
Guzano.J On this occasion he publicly enlisted himself
on the side of the aristocracy, and under the pretext of
honest indignation against injustice, gratified his personal
resentment, by publishing a poetical philippic against the
factious disposition of the Florentine populace, into the
commencement of which he introduced a violent attack
upon the family of the Medici. Not contented with this
act of provocation, he afterwards turned the artillery of
his wrath directly against Cosmo, whom he insulted in a
satire against confidence in riches, in which he attempted
* Philelfi Epist. p. 11.
f- Philelfi Epist. p. !? In the account which Filelfo gave of this transac-
tion to ./Eneas Sylvius, he says, that he had never discovered by whom Filippo
was hired to commit so execrable a deed, but intimates very strong suspicious
of Cosmo de' Medici. Poggio, however, in his third invective against Filelfo,
asserts, that the assassin was the minister of the vengeance of one Jeronimo of
Imola, whom Filelfo had provoked by the intemperance of his tongue.
Poggii Opera, p. 381.
Ibid.
Francisci Philelfi Satyree ,- primes decadis hecatosticha secunda.
CHAP. VI. f 243
to disguise the reproaches of malevolence in the garb of
philosophic advice.
The well known liberality of Cosmo's disposition,
the laudable uses to which he appropriated a considerable
portion of his vast wealth, and the engaging familiarity
with which he was accustomed to converse with people of
merit in every class of life, constituted the most convincing
proof of the malignant falsehood of this libel ; and the
adherents of the house of Medici would have done well,
had they treated it with contempt. But thirsting for
revenge, they endeavoured to expel the offending satirist
from the city, by inducing the assembly of the people
considerably to diminish the salaries allowed to the public
instructors maintained by the state. To this defalcation of
their revenues, the other professors patiently submitted ;
but Filelfo appealed to the senate, and by the power of his
eloquence persuaded that body to restore their literary
servants to their former footing in point of emolument.
He had also the good fortune to procure the abrogation
of a second ordinance obtained by his enemies, whereby
the whole of the sums annually granted for the support
of public education were marked as objects of retrench-
ment.*
Irritated by these hostile measures, Filelfo declared
open war against Cosmo and his friends. He poured forth
a torrent of invective in a series of satires, in which the
Philelfi Epist. p. 12, 13.
244 ^ CHAP. VI.
severity of Juvenal, and his nauseous delineations of
atrocious vices, are much more successfully imitated than
the sublimity of his moral precepts, or the dignity of his
style. The bitterness of FilelftTs wrath was particularly
directed against Niccolo Niccoli, whom, sometimes under
the contemptuous appellation of Utis, and sometimes under
the fanciful designation of Lycolaus, he charged with envy
of the learned hatred of the virtuous extravagant anger
infidelity blasphemy and the most disgusting impu-
rities which have ever swelled the black catalogue of
human crimes.*
The arrest of Cosmo de' Medici filled the heart of
Filelfo with the greatest joy, as it not only freed him
from the dread of a formidable adversary, but also grati-
fied his pride, by fulfilling certain prophetic denunciations
with which he had concluded his satire against confidence
in wealth. In the exhilaration of triumph, he exulted
* Philelfi Saiyrce ; prinue decadis, hecatosticha quinta. Ejusdem
hecatosticha sexto. Secundte decadis, hecatosticha prima, S[C.
In a letter of remonstrance to Cosmo de' Medici, Filelfo inveighed bitterly
against Niccolo Niccoli, whom he asserted Cosmo had himself acknowledged
to be guilty of insolence to the learned, and particularly of contumelious con-
duct towards the eminent Manuel Crysoloras. " Ad ea tu sane leniter respon-
" disti, ac subridens, non oportere inquiens mirari me nee sege ferre Nicolai
" Nicoli detractionem ; eo eniin esse hominem ingeuio ut ncmiuem doctum
" virum relinquat intactum mordacitate bua, quique ne soli quidem ipsi par-
" ceret, upote gui et Munuelem Chrysoloram sapientem et summum ilium
" virum barbam pediculoaam adhuc semper nominet, et Ambrosium mouachum
" cui magis affcctus est quam proprise animir, attonitum per contuineliam vocct."
Phile'Ji Epistolai, p. 12.
CHAP. VI. 245
;
over the fallen demagogue, to whom he gave the fictitious
name of Mundus, in a copy of verses, in the conclusion
of which he earnestly exhorted the Florentine nobility not
to endanger the safety of the state, by commuting the
punishment of death, which their prisoner merited, for the
lighter penalty of banishment.* Happily for Cosmo, as it
has been already related, the sanguinary counsels of his
personal enemies were rejected.
Thus when Poggio arrived in Florence, he found the
party of his kindest friends reduced to a state of irksome
humiliation his most powerful protector driven into exile ;
and his most intimate associates daily annoyed by the
rancorous effusions of a libeller, whose malignant imagina-
tion seemed to supply an inexhaustible store of topics of
abuse. In these circumstances, by the fidelity of his
* Philelfi Satyrte, quartet decadis, hecatoslicha prima.
This satire concludes with the following atrocious address to the judges of
Cosmo.
4> En Munduui servat conjectum in vincula career,
" Qui rebus momenta dabit non parva futuris.
" Nunc etiam atque etiam vobiscum volvite curas,
" Et lustrate animo qua; sint potiora saluti
" Urbis consilia : his castas accommodet aurcs
" Quisque suas. Vobis res coram publica scse
" Offeret in medium, rcferens stragesque necesque
" Venturas, ubi forte minus pro lege vel aequo
" Supplicium sumptum fuerit de soutc ncfando ;
" Aut etiam officium collatum muncrc civis.
' Nainquc relegatus, si culpac nomine mulctam
44 Peudeat, afficiet inaguis vos cladibus omncs."
246 CHAP. VI.
attachment to the persecuted partizans of the Medici, he
drew down upon his own head the lightning of Filelfo's
wrath ; and he soon found himself exhibited as a conspicu-
ous figure in the groups of outrageous caricaturas drawn
by the bold hand of the enraged satirist.* During the
exile of Cosmo, his dread of incurring the displeasure of
the ruling faction induced him to submit to obloquy in
silence ; and Filelfo enjoyed the mean triumph of those
who wantonly malign an adversary whose pen is restrained
by the strong hand of the civil power. But this triumph
* The passages in Filelfo's Satires, in which he has attacked the character of
Poggio, are very numerous. Those who wish to examine these passages may
consult the following references.
Decad. i. hecat. 5. Decad. ii. hecat. 1. 3. Decad. iii. hecat. 2. 10. Decad.
iv. hecat- 7. Decad. v. hecat. 8. 9. Decad. vi. hecat. 10. Decad. viii. hecat.
1, 3, 5. Such readers as are not possessed of a copy of Aurece Francisci Phi-
lelfii Poetce Oratorisque celeberrimi Satyrce centum, printed in octavo at Paris,
anno 1518, (a book of rare occurrence) will probably be contented with the
following specimen of what may be properly termed learned Billingsgate.
" Quae rapidis natura polis, quse causa sepulchri
" Humano generi, quae tanta licentia rerum,
" Spumantes inter pateras cereremque voracein
" Ostensurus erat Codrus ; cum grande pepedit,
" Rancidulum eructans post longa volumina verbum.
" Hunc mox Oenepotes miratus rara profatur.
" Rara inter Latias phoenix haec pervolat urbes :
" Hinc vomit et meiens grave cunctis reddit oletuin.
" Poggius arridet, simili dum peste tenetur.
" Nam quascunque dapes affert, ut verna Canopi
" Praelambens, rapidus vino sese obruit hospes.
" Laudibus hinc miris effert Codrumque, bonumque
" Oenepotam Nicolum: mox ne fortasse minoris
" Se quisquam reputet, quod foetet olentius addit."
CHAP. vi. 247
was of short duration. The first year of Cosmo's banish-
ment was not expired, before he was recalled by the com-
manding voice of the people. On his approach to the
city his enemies fled ; and amongst the rest, Filelfo, con-
scious of the provocations by which he had stimulated his
resentment, hastily quitted Florence, and withdrew to
Siena.*
Poggio expressed his joy on the return of his friend
in a long epistle, in the commencement of which he inti-
mated, that he had chosen that mode of address in prefer-
ence to a personal congratulation,, in order that his com-
mendation of his patron might be diffused amongst such
of the learned as felt an interest in the perusal of his
compositions. He then proceeded to dilate at considerable
length upon the unanimity with which the Florentine
people passed the decree of the recall of Cosmo, which,
he justly observed, was a most distinguished proof of his
merits. " This is," said he, " in my opinion, the great-
" est subject of congratulation in your case that all ranks
" concurred in bearing testimony to your dignity and virtue.
" So earnest was the desire of your return, that the incon-
" veniences resulting to yourself from your exile, must be
" far overbalanced by the unprecedented honour and affec-
" tion with which your fellow citizens have received you on
" your return to your native country." He concluded this
epistle by exhorting his friend to persevere in those virtuous
principles which had been his support in the day of adver-
PhUelfi Epist. p. 12.
248 CHAP. VI.
sity, and which had caused him to be restored to the exalted
rank in the state from which he had been for a short period
displaced by the intrigues of faction.*
. j
Poggio had long meditated a signal retaliation of the
insults which he had experienced from Filelfo ; and no .f
sooner did the Medici regain their ascendancy in the repub-^
lie, than he proceeded to administer to the acrimonious\ H
Tolentine the merciless severity of a literary castigation. *
Wisely stepping forward as the indignant friend of the
injured Niccolo Niccoli, rather than as the avenger of his
own wrongs, he published an invective against Filelfo, in
which he almost exhausted the Latin language in the accu-
mulation of epithets of abuse. Noticing the obscenity of
the satire which, as he says, Filelfo " had vomited forth
" against his friend, from the feculent stores of his putrid
" mouth," he reproved him for the use of terms and
phrases which even a strumpet of any degree of reputation
would be ashamed to utter. The propensity of the satirist
to the adoption of such language, he ascribed to the early
taste which he had acquired for impurity, in consequence of
the occupation of his mother, whom he represented as
living at Rimini, engaged in the most sordid offices.-f-
Tracing the history of his antagonist from his earliest days,
Poggii Opera, p. 339342.
f- " Verum nequaquam mirum videri debet, eum cujus mater Arimini
" dudum in purgandis ventribus et intestinis sorde diluendis qusestum fecerit,
" maternse artis foetorem redolere. Hwsit naribus filii sagacis materni exercitii
" attrectata putredo, et continui stercoris fcetens halitus."
Poggii Opera, p. 165.
CHAP. VI. 249
he alleged, that he was banished from Padua, in con-
sequence of his indulgence of the most depraved propensi-
ties ; and that, when he had been hospitably entertained at
Constantinople by John Crysoloras, he repaid the kindness
of his host by debauching his daughter. By the perpetra-
tion of this crime, if credit may be given to the assertions
of Poggio, Filelfo obtained the hand of a lady, to whom,
if her conduct had been in any degree answerable to the )
nobility of her descent, he would never have had the \ ^> r
audacity to aspire.* Finally, the enraged secretary accused '
his adversary of bartering the honour of his wife for the
most vicious gratifications, and concluded his invective by
proposing to ornament his brows not with a wreath of
laurel, but with a crown more befitting the filthiness of
his conversation. +
This scurrility, as it might have been naturally ex-
pected, served only to inflame the hostile passions which
* The term* in which Poggio mentions this transaction are superlatively
abusive, and whimsically gross. " Itaque Crysoloras moerore confectus, com-
" pulsus precibu,s, malo coactus, (ilium tibi nuptui dedit a te corruptam, qu
" si extitisset Integra, ne pilum quidem tibi abrasum ab illius natibus ostendisset. ,
" An tu ilium unquam duxisses uxorem si virginitatem per te servare potuisset ?
" Tibi pater illam dedisset profugo, ignobili, iinpuro ? Primariis sun civitatis
" viris servabatur virgo, non tibi insulsse pecudi et asello bipedali quern ill
" domi alebat tanquam canem aliquem solent scnio et state confectum."
Poffffii Opera, p. 167.
f- " Sperasti, monstrum infandum hos tuos insnlsissimos versus, in quibus
" etaim male latine loqueris, allaturos tibi laurcolam. qua fnnatirum caput
" redimircs. At stercorea corona oruabuntur fetentes crines priapsei vatis."
Ibid, p. 16!).
250 CHAP. VI.
had so long rankled in the breast of Filelfo, and to direct
his fury against his new assailant. The exiled professor,
accordingly, once more dipping his pen in gall, traduced
the morals, and vilified the talents of Poggio, in a bitter
satire of one hundred verses in length ; of the virulence
of which the reader may form some idea from the following
translation of its commencement.
Poggio ! ere long thy babbling tongue shall feel
The keen impression of the trenchant steel ;
That tongue, the herald of malicious lies,
That sheds its venom on the good and wise.
What mighty master in detraction's school,
Thus into knavery has matured a fool ?
Has Niccolo that scandal of the times,
Taught thee to dare the last extreme of crimes ?
Yes ! taught by Niccolo, thou spreadst thy rage
(Ter the wide area of thy feeble page.
Fain wouldst thou pour the torrent of thine ire
From lips that glow with all a Tully's fire ;
But, thy weak nerves by stale debauch unstrung,
Thy half-formed accents tremble on thy tongue.
Of filth enamoured, like a hideous swine,
Daily thou wallowest in a sea of wine.
Earth, air, and ocean, join their ample store,
To cram thy maw, that ceaseless craves for more ;
And, worse than beast ! to raise thy deaden'd gust,
In nature's spite thou satest thy monstrous lust.
Black list of crimes ! but not enough to fill
Poggio, thy ample register of ill.
CHAP. VI. 251
Like some black viper, whose pestiferous breath
Spreads through the ambient air the seeds of death,
Obscure and still thou wind'st thy crooked way,
And unsuspecting virtue falls thy prey.*
The publication of this poem again roused the vin-
dictive spirit of Poggio, who retorted the acrimony of
his adversary in a second invective, in which he accused
him of the basest ingratitude to those who had treated him
with the most distinguished kindness. Amongst these he
particularly enumerated Niccolo Niccoli, Ambrogio Tra-
Lingua tibi media, Poggi, plus parte sccetur
Qua nunquam lacerare probes et carpere ccssas.
Improbe, quis talem tibi taut us tiadidit artcm
Auctor ? An e Btulto fatuoque et mentis egente
Te tuus insanum Lycolaus rcddidit Utis,
Addictum vitio dirumque per omne volutum
Flagitium et facinus ? Tantum maledicere semper
Edoctus, cunctos decoret quos aurea virtus
Insequcris calamo, nequeas quos fulmine lingtuc,
Quam nimius crassam potus vcl crapula fecit,
Immanisque Venus. Tibi quae tarn dira voluptas,
Undantis pelago dum vini nocte dieque
Ebrius obrueris ; dum tanquain immensa vorago
Quidquid pontus habet, quidquid vel terra vel ae'r
Vescendum peperit, latus tibi venter et ingens
Excepit ; dum foeda Venus patiturquc facitque
Omne genus probri : tactus te levius esto
Titillans, vesane, juvat redditque furcntem
Et dulci qui tactus agit pmrigiue linguam :
Ut te communem pnestes sapientibus hostem
Omnibus, et nulli parcas velut eft'era qiiedam
Vipera tabifero ten-am rflplumque veneno
Inficiens.-f-
-j- Phitelphi Satyra. Decad. ii. Hecat. 3.
252 CHAP. VI.
versari, Carlo and Leonardo Aretino, Francesco Barbaro,
Guarino Veronese, and several others, all of whom, he
asserted, being disgusted by the petulance and scandalous
immorality of Filelfo, had found themselves compelled
to withdraw from him their countenance and support.
Warmed by his subject, Poggio concluded this philippic
with the following impassioned burst of scurrility. " Thou
" stinking he-goat ! thou horned monster ! thou malevo-
" lent detractor ! thou father of lies and author of discord !
" May the divine vengeance destroy thee as an enemy
" of the virtuous, a parricide who endeavourest to ruin
" the wise and good by lies and slanders, and the most
" false and foul imputations. If thou must be contume-
" lious, write thy satires against the suitors of thy wife
" discharge the putridity of thy stomach upon those who
" adorn thy forehead with horns."
Such, was the style in which Poggio and Filelfo, two
of the most learned men of their age, conducted their
disputes. In their mutual accusations, so evidently do
they aim at exhausting every topic of obloquy, without the
slightest regard to veracity, that it is impossible for the
acutest judgment, by the most careful examination of the
odious mass of their allegations, to distinguish truth from
falsehood. Thus does their acrimony defeat its own pur-
pose : for who will give credit to those, who, in the heat
of altercation, set decency at defiance ; and forgetting
what is due to their own dignity, concentrate all their
powers in an endeavour to overwhelm their adversary by
virulent and foul abuse ? It may, however, be observed,
CHAP. vi. 253
that in this unmanly warfare Filelfo had the advantage,
in consequence of his superior sagacity in the choice of his
weapons. In these encounters, a prose invective is like a
ponderous mace, the unmanageable weight of which is the
best security of him at whom the blow is aimed. But he
who annoys his antagonist by poetic effusions, assails him
with an instrument, which affords full scope for the exer-
cise of the most consummate dexterity. The effect of
abusive attacks against character or talents upon him who is
the subject of obloquy, is generally proportionate to the
reception which those attacks experience from the public.
And it is obvious to remark, that a dilated oration is
almost uniformly wearisome to the reader, and few of its
passages are remembered after its perusal ; but the happy
turn of an epigram, or the pointed numbers of a length-
ened satire, captivate the fancy, strongly arrest the public
attention, and make a durable impression on the memory.
Thus do the lashes of poetic wit produce a poignant and
a lasting smart ; and truly unfortunate is he who, in con-
sequence of the provocation of literary wrath, becomes
" The sad burthen of some inerry song."
CHAP. VII.
THE Romans submit to the arms of the pontiff Seve-
rities exercised upon the revolters by Vitelleschi
Eugenius concludes a peace with his enemies He
seizes a part of the Neapolitan territories Proceed-
ings of the council of Basil Poggio purchases a villa
in Valdarno He is exempted from the payment of
taxes His love of ancient sculptures and monuments
of art His dispute with Guarino Veronese His
marriage His dialogue " An seni sit uxor ducenda "
His letter on hfe marriage to a learned ecclesiastic
Poggio accompanies the pontiff" to Bologna His
letter to the cardinal of St- Angelo on the subject of
his matrimonial felicity His letter to the Marquis of
Mantua His reconciliation with Guarino Veronese
He publishes a collection of his letters Death of
Niccolo Niccoli Poggio's funeral oration on that
occasion Character of Niccolo Niccoli.
CHAP. VII.
after the commencement of the late insurrection,
which, as it has been already related, compelled Eugenius
to provide for his safety by a precipitate flight, the Roman
populace proceeded to the election of seven officers, to
whom they delegated the most ample authority to enforce
the preservation of the public peace, and to promote the
general welfare. On the departure of the pontiff, these
new magistrates found themselves masters of the whole of
the city except the castle of St. Angelo. They immedi-
ately commenced the siege of this fortress ; but their efforts
to reduce it were vain. In the mean time the troops of
Sforza made frequent incursions to the very gates of the
city, spreading terror and devastation through the surround-
ing territory. The garrison of the castle also harrassed the
citizens by daily sallies. Wearied and disheartened by the
inconveniences resulting from this concurrence of external
and internal warfare, the degenerate Romans, at the end of
the fifth month of the enjoyment of their delusive liberty,
surrendered their principal places of strength to Giovanni
de^ Vitelleschi, bishop of Recanati, who took possession
of them in the name of the pontiff*
* Muratori Annali, torn. ix. p. 158. Platina, lorn. i. p. 406.
2 L
258 CHAP. VII.
Though the standard of revolt no longer waved
defiance against established government from the walls of
Rome, and though the populace seemed to be desirous of
atoning by the humblest submission for the outrages which
they had lately committed, not only against the authority,
but also against the person of their sovereign, Eugenius
did not yet venture to revisit his capital. He wisely
dreaded the effects of that agitation which usually accompa-
nies the subsiding of the stormy sea of political contention.
It was also the opinion of his counsellors, that it was
necessary to punish the ringleaders of the late revolt with
the utmost severity; and he perhaps thought that those
princes act consistently with the dictates of prudence, who,
whilst they personally interpose in the performance of
beneficent and merciful actions, delegate to inferior agents
the odious task of inflicting the sanguinary penalties of
political vengeance. He accordingly instructed Vitelleschi
to take such measures as he should deem necessary for the
extinction of the latent sparks of rebellion. For the pur-
poses of severity he could not have selected a fitter instru-
ment than Vitelleschi, a man of haughty demeanour, a
bigotted assertor of the rights of established power, whose
promptitude in action was guided by the dictates of a cool
head, and an obdurate heart. When the inhabitants of
the pontifical states were informed that their destiny was
committed to the disposal of this merciless ecclesiastic,
they were struck dumb with fear ;* and suspicion and
; " Sopravenendo poi Giovanni Vitellesco che chiamavano il Patriarca,
" entranono in tanto spavento i Boinani, che non avevano pure animo d'aprir
" la bocca."
Platina, torn. i. p. 405.
CHAP. VII. 259
terror spread a gloom over the whole of the papal domi-
nions. No long space of time intervened before the
threatening cloud burst upon the heads of the Colonnas
and their partizans.* Vitelleschi, personally assuming the
command of a body of troops, laid siege to the fortresses
which sheltered the despairing remnant of rebellion. In
the course of a few weeks he took and sacked Castel Gan-
dolfo, Sabello, Borghetto, Alba, Citta Lanuvie, and Za-
garola. All the inhabitants of these places who survived
the carnage which occurred at their capture he carried in
chains to Rome. On his return to the capital he proceeded
to level with the ground the houses of the principal insur-
gents. Determined by still severer measures to strike
terror into the enemies of the pontiff, he seized one of the
ringleaders of the late revolt, and after publicly exposing
him to the horrible torture of having his flesh torn with red
hot pincers, he terminated his sufferings, by causing him to
be hanged in the Campo di Fiore. At the same time,
with a view of ingratiating himself with the populace, who
dreaded the horrors of approaching famine, he imported
into the city an abundant supply of provisions. By this
alternate exercise of severity and conciliation, he at length
completely re-established the authority of the pontiff in
Rome.*
Fortune now began to dispense her favours to Eugenius
with a liberal hand. In the spring of the year 1435,
Fortebraccio, having received intelligence that Francesco
" Platina, torn. i. p. 40, 407.
260 CHAP. vii.
Sforza had marched into Romagna to oppose Piccinino,
who was preparing to invade that district at the head of
a large body of troops, made a forced march, and surprising
Leone Sforza, who had been left at Todi with an army of
one thousand horse and five hundred foot, compelled him
and the greater part of his forces to surrender at discretion.
His triumph was, however, but of short duration. Whilst
he was employed in the siege of Capo del Monte, he was
attacked by Alessandro Sforza, and after an obstinate engage-
ment, in which he received a mortal wound, his troops were
entirely defeated. This event, which rid Eugenius of a
formidable and implacable foe, prepared the way for a treaty
of peace between him and his various enemies. The pontiff
derived considerable advantages from the terms of this treaty,
in consequence of which he regained possession of Imola and
Bologna, and saw Romagna freed from the miseries of war.*
On the second of February in this year Joanna, queen
of Naples, died, by her last will leaving the inheritance of
her kingdom to Regnier of Anjou. The claim of Reg-
nier was, however, disputed by Alfonso of Arragon, who,
by virtue of the act of adoption which Joanna had annulled,
asserted his title to the Neapolitan crown. Whilst the
kingdom of Naples was divided and harrassed by these
contending claimants, Eugenius ordered Vitelleschi to take
possession of certain towns situated on its frontiers, the
sovereignty of which had long been asserted, and occasion-
ally enjoyed, by the Roman pontiffs. Vitelleschi executed
* Muratori Annali, torn. ix. p. 162, 163.
CHAP. VII. 201
i
this commission with his usual good fortune ; and by the
conquests which lie made in the Neapolitan territories,
still farther extended the power of his master.*
Whilst the flames of war which had been kindled
against Eugenius by the machinations of the duke of Milan
were thus gradually extinguished, the members of the
council of Basil proceeded with considerable diligence in
the execution of the difficult task which they had under-
taken the reformation of the church in its head and
members. After settling some preliminary arrangements,
with a view of facilitating the union of the Greek and
Latin churches, and promoting the conversion of the Jews,f
IbidPlatina, torn. i. p. 407.
f- The decree relative to the conversion of the Jews ordained amongst
other things, that all diocesans should annually commission certain learned
theologians to explain to them the word of God, in so plain a manner, that
they might be convinced of their errors that the Jews should be compelled, by
the infliction of certain penalties, to attend the lectures of these theologians
that all infidels should be prohibited from keeping Christian servants or nurses
that no Christain should partake of any Jewish festivals that the Jewish trades-
men should be strictly forbidden to buy, or take in pawn, any ecclesiastical books,
chalices, crosses, or other church ornaments that the Jews should be compelled
to wear a distinguishing dress, and that they should live in a separate quarter of
each town, at as great a distance as possible from any church. With regard to
the converted Israelites, it was ordained, that whereas whatever goods or pro-
perty they had obtained by usury, or by defrauding persons who were not to be
found, became upon this conversion the property of the church ; the council, in
the name of the church, bestowed upon them all such property as a baptismal
present that the indigent converts should be relieved by the charitable assistance
of the faithful that they should be separated as much as possible from their
unbelieving brethren and that the ordinaries of each diocese should be directed
to do all in their power to cause them to marry persons who had been born in
the Christian faith.
262 CHAP. vii.
i
the assembled fathers proceeded to denounce against those
priests who disgraced their profession by keeping concubines,
the penalty of the forfeiture of their ecclesiastical revenues
for the space of three months ; and the further penalty of
deprivation in case they continued, after solemn admonition,
to persevere in their flagitious conduct.* In a very long
and particular decree they laid down wholesome regulations
for the decent solemnization of public worship ; and strictly
prohibited the continuance of those sacrilegious buffoon-
eries which it had been customary in some countries to
celebrate in the churches on Innocents' day, or the feast of
fools. -f* Eugenius perhaps felt no repugnance to give his
assent to these articles of reformation. But he could not
consider with complacency a decree of the ninth of June,
whereby the payment of annates, and of the first fruits of
* Condi, torn. xxx. p. 162.
f- " Turpem etiam ilium abusum in quibusdam frequentatum ecclesiis, quo
" certis anni celebritatibus nonnulli cum mitra, baculo, ac vestibus pontificali-
" bus more episcoporum benedicunt, alii ut reges ac duces induti, quod festum
" fatuorum vel innocentium, seu pueroruin, in quibusdam regionibus nun-
" cupatur, alii larvales et theatrales jocos, alii choreas et tripudia mariuin ac
" mulierum facientes, homines ad spectacula et cachinnationes movent, alii
" comessationes et convivia ibidem praeparant ; haec sancta Synodus detestans,
" statuit et jubet tarn ordinariis quam ecclesiarum decanis et rectoribus, sub
" pcena suspensionis omnium proventuum ecclesiasticorum trium mensium spa-
" tio, ne haec aut similia ludibria, neque etiam mercantias seu negotiationes
" nundinarum in ecclesiis quae domus orationis esse debent, ac etiam cameterio
" exercere amplius permittant, transgressoresque, per censuram ecclesiasticam,
" ahaque juris remedia punire non negligant, omnes autem consuetudines, sta-
" tuta ac privilcgia quae his non concordant circa haec decretis, nisi forte majorcs
" adjicerent poenas, irritas esse haec sancta synodus decernit."
CHAP. VII. 2C3
I
benefices, into the pontifical treasury, was prohibited as an
unlawful compliance with a simoniacal demand.* This
ordinance he naturally detested, as tending materially to
impair his revenues, and consequently to diminish his
power. The spirit of hostility against the undue influence
of the head of the church, which actuated the deliberations
of the council, was further manifested by a decree of the
twenty-fifth of March, 1436, whereby the pontiff was
prohibited from bestowing the government of any province,
city, or territory appertaining to the church, on any of his
relatives, to the third generation inclusive.^ These pro-
ceedings evidently proved, that whatever benefits the synod
of Basil might extend to the general community of Chris-
tians, the successor of St. Peter was likely to sustain con-
siderable loss in consequence of its labours ; and Eugenius
determined to seize the earliest opportunity of throwing off
its yoke.J
* Condi, torn. xxx. p. 168.
f- Condi' torn. xxx. p. 180.
On the 15th of October, 1435, the council condemned as heretical various
propositions which had been lately maintained by Agostino di Roma, arch-
bishop of Nazareth, in three elaborate theological tracts. Those whose anxiety
to preserve the purity of the catholic faith leads them, to wish to know what
sentiments it is their duty to reject, and those who are interested in observing
the niceties of theological distinctions, will perhaps be gratified by the following
recital of the dangerous errors which incurred the severe reprehension and repro-
bation of the venerable synod of Basil.
" Et postissime scandalosam illam assertionem, erroneam in fide, in ipso
" libello contentam, quam piao fidelium aures sine horrore audire non possum,
" videlicet : Christus quotidie pecrat ; ex quo fuit Christus quotidie peccavit ;
" quamvis de capite ecclesiae Christo Jesu Salvatore nostro dicat se non intelli-
264 CHAP. vii.
Whilst the power, and activity of the pontiff's enemies
seemed t& throw a considerable degree of uncertainty upon
the future destiny of the father of the faithful, Poggio
appears to have made preparations permanently to fix his
own residence in the Tuscan territory. With this view
he purchased a villa in the pleasant district of Valdarno.
It appears from a letter addressed by Beccatelli, of Palermo,
to Alphonso, king of Naples, that Poggio raised a part of
the fund necessary for the making of the purchase by the
sale of a manuscript of Livy, written with his own hand,
and for which he obtained the sum of one hundred and
" gere, sed ad membra sua, qua; cum Christo eapite unum esse Christum
" asseruit, intelligentiam ejus esse referendam dicat. Nee non et propositiones
" istas, et eis in sententia similes, quas in articulos damnatos in sacro Constan-
" tiensi Concilio incidere declarat, videlicet : Non omnes fideles justificati sunt
" membra Christi, sed soli electi, finaliter in perpetuum regnaturi cum Christo.
" Secundum ineffabilem praescientiam Dei sumuntur membra Christi, ex quibus
" constat ecclesia, quae tamen non constat nisi ex eis qui secundum propositum
" electionis vocati sunt. Non sufficit Christo uniri vinculo caritatis, ut aliqui
" efficiantur membra Christi, sed requiritur alia unio. Has etiam quae sc-
" quuntur : Humana natura in Christo, vere est Christus. Humana natura in
" Christo, est persona Christi. Ratio suppositalis determinans humanam natu-
" ram in Christo non realiter distinguitur ab ispa natura determinate. Natura
" humana in Christo procul dubio est persona verbi ; et verbum in Christo
" natura assumpta, est realiter persona assumens. Natura humana assumpta a
" verbo ex unione personal!, est veraciter Deus naturalis et proprius. Christus
" secundum voluntatem creatam tantum diligit naturam humanam unitam
" person* verbi, quantum diligit naturam divinam. Sicut duae personse in
" divinis sunt sequaliter diligibiles ita duae naturae in Christo, humana et
" divina, sunt aequaliter diligibiles propter personam communem. Anima
" Christi videt Deum tarn clare et intense, quantum clare et intense Deus vidct
" seipsum. Quas quideni propositiones, et alias ex eadem radice procedentcs,
" in praedicto libello contentas, tamquam erroneas in fide, damnat et reprobat
" haec sancta Synodus."
Concil. torn. xxx. p. 172.
CHAP. VII. -'>
twenty florins of gold.* In the choice of the situation of his
intended mansion, he was guided by that love of rural
retirement which is generally experienced by men of con-
templative minds, who are compelled by the nature of their
occupation to engage in the active scenes of society- To
him who has been distracted by the bustle and tumult of a
court, Ariose spirits have been jaded by the empty parade of
pomp, and whose ingenuous feelings have been wounded by
the intrigues of ambition, the tranquil pleasures and
innocent occupations of a country life appear to possess a
double charm.
Whilst Poggio was thus providing for himself a place
of peaceful retirement, he received from the administrators
of the Tuscan government a testimony of respect, equally
honourable to the givers and to the receiver. By a public
act, which was passed in his favour, it was declared, that
whereas he had announced his determination to spend his
old age in his native land, 'and to dedicate the remainder of
his days to study ; and whereas his literary pursuits would
not enable him to acquire the property which accrued to
those who were engaged in commerce, he and his children
should from thenceforth be exempted from the payment of
all public taxes. -f-
The fortune of Poggio was, indeed, still very small,
* Panormitani Epist. lib. \. ep. 118, as referred to by the French and
Italian translators of the life of Poggio.
f- Apnstolo Zeno Dissertazioni l r ossiane, torn. i. p. 37, 38.
2 M
266 CHAP. VII.
and consequently his villa could not vie in splendour with
the palaces of the Tuscan aristocracy ; but he wisely
attempted to compensate by taste what he wanted in
magnificence. In pursuance of this design he rendered his
humble mansion an object of attention to the lovers of the
liberal arts, by the treasures of his library, and by a small
collection of statues, which he disposed in such a|inanner
as to constitute a principal ornament of his garden, ahd the
appropriate furniture of an apartment which he intended to
dedicate to literary conversation.*
The study of ancient sculpture had long engaged the
attention of Poggio, who was not less diligent in rescuing
its relics from obscurity, than in searching for the lost
writers of antiquity. During his long residence in Rome,
he assiduously visited the monuments of imperial magni-
ficence, which fill the mind of the traveller with awe, as
he traverses the ample squares and superb streets of the
former mistress of the nations. The ruins of these stu-
pendous edifices he examined with such minute accuracy,
that he became familiarly acquainted with their construction,
their use, and their history.-f- Hence the learned men who
had occasion to repair to the pontifical court were solicitous
* Poggii Opera, p. 66, 67. Mehi vita Ambrosii Traversarii, p. Hi.
f- The catalogue of reliques of Roman architecture, which Poggio has in-
serted in the interesting proemium to his dialogue De varietate Fortune, evin-
ces the diligence and care with which he had surveyed the ruins of ancient Rome.
This catalogue did not escape the extensive researches of Gibhon, who has in-
troduced it into the 71st chapter of his Decline and Fall of the Roman
Empire.
CHAP. VII. 267
to obtain his guidance in their visits to these wonderful
specimens of industry and taste.* Whenever the avarice
or the curiosity of his contemporaries prompted them to
search into the ruined magnificence of their ancestors,
Poggio attended the investigation, anxious to recover from
the superincumbent rubbish some of those breathing forms,
the offspring of Grecian art, which the refined rapacity of
Roman generals had selected from amongst the spoils of
Greece, as ornaments worthy to adorn the temples and
palaces of the capital of the world. Nor did he confine
these researches to the precincts of Rome. The neigh-
bouring district witnessed his zeal for the restoration of the
monuments of ancient sculpture. With this interesting
object in view, he visited Grotta Ferrata, Tusculo, Feren-
tino, Alba, Arpino, Alatri, Ostia, and Tivoli.-f* Whilst
he was fitting up his villa, he had the good fortune to pass
through Monte Cassino. at the time when an antique bust
of a female was discovered by some workmen, who were
* " Poggius noster saepe mecum est ; reliquias civitatis probe callens nos
" comitatur."
Ambrosii Traversarii Epistolte, p. 407.
In a letter to Bartolomeo Facio, Poggio thus invites him to visit the ruins
of Rome. "Video te cupere urbem visere, et certenisi incoeptum opus, ut
" ais, impedirct hortarcr te ad inspiciendas reliquias ejus urbis quac quondam
" urbis lumen praclarissimum fuit. Equidem quamvis in ea jam pluribus annis
" ab ipsa juvcntutc fuerim versa tus, tamen quotide tamquam novus incola
" tantarum rerum admirationc obstupesco, recreoque persaepe animum visu
" eorum aedificiorum, qua; stulti proptcr ingenii imbccillitatem a Daemonibus
" facta dicunt."
Facius de viris Ilhistribut, p. 97.
f- Mehi Vita Ambrosii Traversarii, p. lii.
268 CHAP. VII.
employed in digging up the foundation of a house. Tins
bust he purchased and added to his collection, which already
filled a chamber in his mansion.* His inquiries after
specimens of art were also extended into distant countries.
Being informed that one Francesco di Pistoia was on the
eve of embarking for Greece, he requested him with the
utmost earnestness to procure for him any relics of Grecian
statuary which he might be able to obtain in the course of
his travels. -f- At the same time he wrote to a Rhodian, of
the name of Suffretus, a celebrated collector of antique
marbles, to inform him that he could not bestow upon him
a greater pleasure, than by transmitting to him one or more
of the pieces of sculpture which he might be able to spare
out of his well furnished gallery.J Suffretus, actuated by
a noble spirit of liberality, immediately on Francesco's
arrival in Rhodes, consigned to his care three marble busts,
one of Juno, another of Minerva, and the third of Bac-
chus, said to be the works of Polycletus and Praxiteles,
and one statue of the height of two cubits, all which he
destined for Poggio. The annunciation of this intelli-
gence was received by Poggio with the highest exultation.
The names of such eminent artists as Polycletus and Prax-
iteles raised, indeed, in his mind a prudent degree of
scepticism ; but he dwelt with fond anticipation upon the
*Mehi Vita Ambrosii Traversarii, p. In. Poggii Epist. dial, a Ton. lorn. i.
p. 258.
f Poggii Opera, p. 321.
Slbid.
Ibid, p. 329.
CHAP. VII. 269
pleasure which he should experience on the arrival of the
busts ; and he instantly assigned to each of his expected
guests their proper stations in his villa. " Minerva," says
he in a letter to Niccolo Niccoli, " will not, I trust, think
" herself improperly situated beneath my roof I will
" place her in my library. I am sure Bacchus will find
" himself at home in my house ; for if any place is his
" appropriated residence, that place is my native district,
" where he is held in peculiar honour. As to Juno, she
" shall retaliate the infidelities of her straying husband by
" becoming my mistress. 11 *
The busts in question arrived in safety at the place of
their destination ;"f* but Francesco alleged that the statue
had been stolen out of the ship in which he returned from
Greece.}: Poggio strongly suspected that the plunderer who
had deprived him of this portion of his expected treasure
was no other than Francesco himself. In this suspicion he
was confirmed by his subsequent conduct. For this faith-
* Mehi Vita Ambrosii Traversarii, p. lii. liii.
f From an expression which Poggio uses in a letter on the subject of
Francesco's conduct, addressed ta Andreolo Giustiniano, it should seem, either
that the busts did not answer the expectation which he had formed concerning
the cxquisiteness of their workmanship, or that he suspected that Francesco
had substituted inferior pieces of sculpture, in the place of those destined for
him by Suffretus. The following is the expression in question. " Cum Suf-
" fretus quidem Rhodius ei consignasset tria capita marmorea, et signuiu inte-
" grum duorum fere cubitorum, qu Franciscus se ad me allaturum promisit,
u capita queedam dedit, signo autem me fraudavit," &c. Perhaps, however,
qusedam is, by an error of the press, substituted for quidem.
Poggii Opera, p. 329.
270
CHAP. VII.
less agent having been afterwards commissioned by Andrc-
olo Giustiniano, a Genoese of considerable learning, to
convey to Poggio some antique busts, disposed of this
valuable deposit to Cosmo de' Medici. Poggio did not
tamely bear this injury, but inveighed against the dishon-
esty of the Pistoian with great bitterness in a letter which
he addressed to Giustiniano.* From this letter it appears,
that in addition to his groups of ancient statues, Poggio
had adorned his villa by a collection of antique coins and
gems. To these pursuits he was instigated, not merely
by the desire of illustrating the classic authors by a
reference to works of ancient art, but also by an enthusi-
astic admiration of the sculptured wonders, the productions
of men endowed with superlative talents, who, rising from
individual to general nature, combined in their imaginations,
and embodied with their plastic hands, those finished forms
which, as it were, fill the mind of the spectator, and raise
him to the exalted idea of perfection. -f- On this subject
he thus expressed himself in a letter to Francesco di Pistoia.
" I am struck with awe by the genius of the artist, when
" I see the powers of nature herself represented in marble.
" Different men are visited by different diseases. My
" infirmity is an admiration of the works of excellent
Poggii Opera, p. 329.
t The admirer of ancient art will find the principles, the observance of which
led to the perfection to which it was carried by the Greeks, clearly and forcibly
explained in the eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth pages of Mr. Puseli's
Lectures on Painting. Of this work it may be asserted, that hardly any
composition in the English language comprehends an equal quantity of thought
in the same compass of expression. Almost every sentence which it contains
is a theme of reflection, a text, pregnant with the most useful instruction.
CHAP. VII. 271
" sculptors : for I cannot but be affected with astonishment
" by the skill of the man who gives to inanimate substance
" the expression of animation. 1 "*
Whilst Poggio was thus occupied in adorning his
rural residence, he received a letter from one of his corres-
pondents named Scipio, of Ferrara, who requested him to
give him his opinion upon the question, whether Caesar or
Scipio Africanus were the greater man. The discussion of
subjects of this description may give scope to a display of
historical knowledge ; but it is seldom productive of much
utility. It is, perhaps, a proper exercise for youth ; but
it is hardly worthy of the exertion of talents matured by
age. In compliance, however, with the wishes of his friend,
Poggio drew up an elaborate comparison between the two
eminent men in question, in the course of which he entered
much in detail into the history of their respective actions.
After this induction of particulars, he compressed his
arguments into a general statement of his opinion, that the
youth of Scipio was distinguished by the purest morals,
whilst the early years of Caesar were rendered infamous by
his vices ; that the former, inspired with the spirit of patri-
otism, by his splendid military achievements rescued his
country from destruction ; and that the latter, prompted by
ambition, too successfully exerted his extraordinary talents
to effect the subversion of the commonwealth that conse-
quently, whilst Scipio was by no means inferior to Caesar
in the fame of his military exploits, he was greatly his
Poggii Epiat. Ivii. p. 181.
272 CHAP. VII.
superior in virtue, which alone constitutes the character of
a truly great man.*
This dissertation on the comparative merits of Csesar
and Scipio is ingenious and interesting ; and in the pro-
nunciation of his decision, Poggio was certainly guided
by the principles of sound morality. It might reasonably
have been expected, that an inquiry into the character of
two illustrious ancients would be productive of nothing but
amusement and instruction ; and little did Poggio imagine
that any of his contemporaries would be inflamed with
resentment by the freedom of his strictures upon the
accomplished vanquisher of Roman liberty. But his
treatise falling into the hands of Guarino Veronese, who
at this time filled the professor's chair in the university of
Ferrara, that renowned preceptor, either actuated by in-
tolerant zeal in defence of the reputation of Csesar, or
influenced by a desire of paying his court to Leonello
d'Este, who had frequently declared himself an admirer
of the dictator's character, composed a long answer to the
inquiry of Poggio. The spirit and style of this com-
position were by no means compatible with the friendly
sentiments which Guarino professed to entertain with regard
to his antagonist. In a kind of preface which he prefixed
to it, he contemptuously bestowed upon Poggio the
appellation of Csesaromastix, and asserted, that in his
attack upon the character of Csesar, he was rather auda-
ii Opera, p. 357, # *eq.
CHAP. VII. 273
cioiis than brave.* Poggio was much displeased by this
provocation, and lost no tirae in replying to the unexpected
strictures of the Ferrarese professor. In this instance,
however, he had the discretion to restrain his anger within
due bounds. Avoiding as much as possible any altercation
with Guarino, he addressed himself to Francesco Barbaro,
in a long epistle, in which he dilated his original arguments,
and confirmed them by ample authorities. In the introduc-
tion to this letter, he complained in a manly strain of
dignity of the conduct of Guarino, who had wantonly
wounded his feelings, by intermixing personal reflections in
the discussion of a literary question, on which all scholars
were equally entitled to unlimited freedom of opinion. In
this defence of his sentiments, Poggio exhibited much
learning and acuteness, and evinced the skill of a practised
disputant. As Guarino did not prosecute the discussion of
this subject, it may be presumed that he felt due compunc-
tion for the breach of friendship into which he had been
inadvertently betrayed, and that, overpowered by the
superior abilities of his opponent, he shrunk from a renewal
of the combat. Guarino was not the only person whose
displeasure was excited by the preference given by Poggio
to Scfpio over Caesar. Another scholar of that age ad-
dressed a letter to Leonardo Aretino, in the course of
which, in vindicating the fair fame of the Dictator, he
characterizes his censor as a rash and foolish writer. To
this second antagonist, however, who from his initials C. A.
is supposed to have been Cyriac of Ancona, Poggio did
* Poggii Opera, p. 36B.
2 N
274 CHAP. vn.
not condescend to make a formal reply, but contented him-
self with ridiculing him in a letter addressed to their com-
mon friend Leonardo.*
Soon after the termination of this controversy, Pog-
gio happily lost the remembrance of the uneasiness oc-
casioned by the mutual recrimination of polemic disquisi-
tions, in the tender assiduities of honourable courtship.
As he was now arrived at the advanced age of fifty-five, the
intemperate heat of his passions was allayed, and the re-
monstrances of his friend, the cardinal of St. Angelo, on
the subject of his unlicensed amours, began to make an
impression on his mind. He was also weary of the un-
settled state in which he had hitherto lived, and sighed
for the participation of those pure domestic comforts,
which heighten the pleasures, and alleviate the sorrows of
human life. He accordingly sought amongst the Tuscan
ladies for a partner of his future fortunes. The object of
his research he found in Vaggia, the daughter of Ghino
Manente de 1 Bondelmonti, a lady of a wealthy and honour-
able family, to whom he was united in the latter end of the
month of December, 1435.-J* From a memorandum inserted
in a diary kept by Manente, it appears, that he gave Poggio
together with his daughter the sum of six hundred florins^
as a marriage portion. Pecuniary affairs do not, however,
appear to have occupied much of the attention of the bride-
* See note to Tonellfs translation, vol. i. p. 2t>4.
1" Poffff" vita a Recanatio, p. xiv.
* Poggii vita a Recanatio, p. xiv.
CHAP. VII. 275
groom, whose gallantry led him to dwell with happy pride
upon the most valuable of all dowries the beauty and virtues
of his spouse. Previously to his taking the decisive step of
matrimony, Poggio deliberately weighed the probable advan-
tages and disadvantages which might arise from the disparity
of the ages of himself and Vaggia, who had not yet seen
eighteen summers. The result of his cogitations on this
interesting topic he set forth in a Latin dialogue on the
question " An seni sit uxor ducenda" which he publish-
ed soon after his marriage. This dialogue, to which was
originally prefixed a dedicatory epistle from its author to
Cosmo de' Medici, is represented as having taken place
at a dinner given by Poggio, on occasion of his entering
into the holy state, to his friends Niccolo Niccoli and Carlo
Aretino. The former of these guests, in the freedom of
conversation over his wine, declares, with his habitual blunt-
ness, that nothing but insanity could have induced the
founder of the feast, by encumbering himself with matri-
monial duties, to undertake a burden which wisdom would
avoid at any period of life, but which must be particularly
grievous to one, like Poggio, far advanced in years. In
reply to this sally of caustic humour Poggio protests that
his experience of matrimony by no means vindicates
Niccolo's opinion of that state, from which he has hitherto
derived nothing but satisfaction. Niccolo avers that he
hears with pleasure tliis declaration, to which he politely
professes to give full credence ; but he at the same time
maintains, that, regarding the case of his friend as an
exception to a general rale, he cannot, abstractedly speak-
ing, applaud the wisdom of a man, who, at the age of fifty-
270 ni.vp. vii.
five, enters upon a course of life quite alien from his former
habits. He then proceeds, in the style of an advocate
arguing on one side of a question, to enumerate all possible
suppositions as to defects in the character of the object of
an old man's choice as a partner for the remainder of his
life. She may be peevish and morose She may be intem-
perate, immodest, idle and sluttish If she is a maiden
and young, it will be found on trial that the levity of youth
will not harmonize with the gravity of advanced years If
she be a widow, there is great hazard lest she should en-
tertain vivid recollections of the pleasures which she enjoyed
in her connexion with her former spouse recollections
which will by no means operate to the advantage of her
present husband. As to the entering into an union with an
aged woman, this would be of course the feeble propping
and sustaining the feeble it would be a proceeding pro-
ductive of nothing but a doubling of infirmity and dis-
comfort. For a literary man to enter into a connexion
which must trespass upon that time which should be devoted
to the cultivation of his mind were folly indeed to all
which considerations must be added this most important
one, that if a man who marries late in life becomes the
father of children, he cannot expect to live to see the com-
pletion of that education which he hopes may imbue his
offspring with that useful knowledge and with those virtuous
dispositions which are requisite to secure their success in the
world. At his death, then, he will be oppressed by the
painful reflection, that he must leave the objects of his fond
solicitude to the discretion of guardians, who have been
found in so many instances to be careless or unfaithful in
(HAP. VII. 277
the discharge of their important trust. " I am aware," says
Niccolo at the termination of his speech, u that in some
cases circumstances may be different from what I have repre-
sented them as likely to be. You, Poggio, for instance, are
fortunate if what you tell us of your matrimonial experience
is true but yet I always have been, and still am, of opinion,
that safe counsels are to be preferred to hazardous ones."
When Poggio, smiling at these remarks of Niccolo, is
preparing to reply to them, he is interrupted by his friend
Carlo, who begs from him permission to undertake the
management of the cause of the aged gentlemen who
become the votaries of Hymen ; and, this being granted to
him, he begins his speech by making a personal attack upon
Niccolo, who, he alleges, has declined to enter into the
married state by an unreasonable timidity of spirit, and an
unaccommodating austerity of temper. But if all men were
to follow his example, they would manifestly act in dis-
obedience to the first law of nature, which provides for the
continued propagation of the human species, and they would
moreover grossly neglect the duty which they owe to the
state to which they belong, which demands from them that
succession of virtuous citizens by whom alone its rights and
liberties can be maintained. As to the cares and avocations
of matrimony breaking in upon literary occupations, Carlo
reminds his adversary that this was not the case with Plato,
with Aristotle, with Theophratus, Cato the elder, Cicero,
and many others of the ancients distinguished by the extent
of their learning. Matrimony also, which Niccolo has
vilified as a species of servitude, preserves a man from that
licentiousness of conduct which is the worst kind of slavery
278 CHAP. VII.
in which he can be enthralled. Moreover, if any elderly
man be united to a young woman, his wisdom will be a
guide to her inexperience his prudence will teach her to
restrain her appetites, and his example will in every case
afford her instruction and encouragement in the regulation
of her conduct in life.
On Niccolo's appealing with a smile to the experience
of Carlo himself, and asking him whether he has not known
old men who have been more foolish than boys, and whether
people of this description are not very unsafe guides in the
discharge of moral and political duties, the latter replies
that he pleads not on the behalf of foolish people of any
age ; but that he is ready to assert as a general principle,
that the matrimonial union is singularly well adapted to pro-
mote the happiness of an elderly man. Young folks, he
says, are unable to regulate themselves ; much less are they
qualified to govern others. What, then, will be the con-
sequence of an union of two parties, each of which is totally
inexperienced in the management of human affairs, but the
pressure of poverty, and its attendant train of miseries ?
But the man who is ripe in years will support the weakness
of his wife, and instruct her ignorance in the ordering of
their domestic concerns, and will abate in her the effer-
vescence of passion by the inculcation of the lessons of
virtue.
Enlarging on these ideas, and more particularly an-
alyzing Niccolo's objections to the marriage of men ad-
vanced in years, Carlo boldly maintains, that it is expedient
for a person of this description not only to marry, but also to
CHAP. VII. 279
marry a young woman, whom he may mold like wax to his
will. As to sensual indulgences whilst so many examples are
seen of the total abstinence from them which is practised in
convents and nunneries, why should any doubt be enter-
tained, that a well-instructed female will cheerfully submit
to that restricted enjoyment of them which circumstances
may demand from her ? As to the little likelihood of an
aged parent living to see his offspring settled in the world,
Carlo demurs to the fact, and asserts that longevity is fully
as likely to follow upon the temperance of mature age as
upon the careless dissoluteness of youth. " But granting,"
says he, " that the remaining years of an old man are few in
number, will he not, nevertheless, derive the greatest
pleasure from his children, whom it will be a gratification to
him to train to good manners, at a period when they are
much more disposed to revere their parent, and to obey
him, than they are likely to be when growing strength and
self-confidence shall have rendered them more independent
of parental controul ?"
Fortifying his doctrine by the test of facts, Carlo
appeals, in proof of the soundness of the principles which
he is maintaining, not only to the domestic history of Cato
the Elder and of Cicero, but stjll more especially to that of
Galeazzo Malatesta, who, having married a young wife in
the seventy-fourth year of his age, left behind him at his
death four sons, who became the most illustrious men of all
Italy, and one of whom, Carlo, was no less celebrated for
his literary accomplishments than for his prowess in war.
" These illustrious characters," says he, " were, indeed,
280 CHAP. vii.
" virtuous by nature ; but they were not a little indebted
" for the renown which they obtained in their maturer years,
" to the instructions which they received in their early
" youth from their father. The wise exhortations of an
" aged parent have, in my opinion,' 1 continues he, " great
" efficacy in the right training of children a greater
" efficacy, indeed, than if they fell from the lips of persons
'* of unripe years for it is to advanced age that we look
" for gravity and experience." After enlarging on this
topic, Carlo draws from his reasonings the conclusion, that
both on public and on private grounds, it is expedient that
elderly men should quit the slate of celibacy, and that they
should marry youthful wives. " It is," he observes, " an
" unspeakable advantage in life, for a man to have a partner
" to whom, as to a second self, he may communicate his
" counsels and his joys, and who, by sympathizing in, may
* mitigate his sorrows. Nor is it to be doubted," says he,
" that a wife of this description will continue to love her
u husband as long as he loves her, and as long as he
" maintains towards her that fidelity which is too often
" violated by the impetuosity of youthful appetite." He
then proceeds to controvert in their order the other positions
of Niccolo, who, however, is by no means converted from
his original opinions on the subject matter of the debate ;
but closes the conference, by charging Carlo with uttering
the sentiments which he has propounded merely for the sake
of flattering their host, in return for the good dinner which
he has given to his friends ; and by characteristically pro-
fessing that he will look to himself, and take care. not to
suffer by imitating the follies of others.
CHAP. VII. . 281
This dialogue on the question An seni sit uaeor
ducenda is one of the most ingenious of Peggie's com-
positions. It evinces its author's intimate acquaintance with
life and manners ; and at the same time, in the lucidness
of its arrangement and the dexterity of its argumentation,
it exhibits a specimen of no common rhetorical powers.
In the course of the conversation between the interlocutors
Poggio indulges in the liveliness of fancy ; but he never
transgresses the bounds of decorum. On the contrary,
though he introduces into the discussion some slippery
topics, he touches upon them with great delicacy ; and it
may be stated, greatly to his honour, that, in the character
of the advocate of matrimony, he treats the female sex with
marked respect, and represents woman not only as gifted
with great acuteness of intellect, but also as endowed with
dispositions which incline her, as a rational being, to listen
with deference to the lessons of wisdom and virtue. To
which may be added, that the diction of this dialogue is
singularly correct, and that it evinces, on the part of its
author, a familiar acquaintance with the phraseology of
Cicero.*
This dialogue was, for upwards of three centuries, buried in the repositories
of Manuscripts which are stored up in a few public libraries on the continent of
Europe. In the year 1802, the author of this work was fortunate enough to find
in the then Bibliolheque Nationale, now BMiothlque du Roi, at Paris, a very
legible manuscript copy of it, which he carefully transcribed ; and soon after
his return home he printed a very small impression of it for distribution among
his literary friends. A copy of this impression having been sent by him to the
late Dr. Parr, that eminent scholar urged him to reprint and publish it, with a
few necessary corrections. The wish of Parr was complied with, and the
Dialogue was brought out in the year 1807, with a Latin preface and a Latin
282 CHAP. VII.
Peggie's resolution to correct the irregularity of his
conduct, and to enter into the state of lawful wedlock,
most certainly merited high commendation. It is to be
hoped, however, that he experienced the keenest remorse
of self-accusation for his former licentiousness, when he
found that the commencement of his reformation was to be
signalized by an act of extreme unkindness. In order to
prepare the way for his marriage, he was obliged to dismiss
a mistress who had borne him twelve sons and two daughters.
What distressing embarrassments crowd the train of vice;
and how powerfully are the benevolent feelings excited on
the side of virtue, when we see the object of licentious
passion, after a connexion of many years, in circumstances
which seem to imply on her part fidelity to her seducer,
at length abandoned by him, and sent forth, perhaps in
poverty certainly in agonizing mental distress to encoun-
ter the taunts of public scorn.*
If, however, we may give credit to Peggie's account of
the state of his feelings on his entrance upon his new con-
dedication to the late Mr. Roscoe. In the year 1823, the Signer Pecchioli
published at Florence a new edition of it, which is enriched with various
readings from a MS. in the Riccardi library.
In the first edition of the work it was stated that Poggio, on his marriage,
not only parted with his mistress, but also deprived four of his illegitimate
children, who were then living, of an inheritance which he had secured to them
by a Bull of legitimacy. This statement, however, rests only on the authority
of Valla, the bitter personal enemy of Poggio, and it has been satisfactorily
proved by the Cavaliere Tonelli (Ton. Tr. vol. i. p. 266.,) that this imputation
is of the number of those calumnies in which the scholars of the fifteenth
century were, in their contests with each other, so apt to indulge.
CHAP. VII.
nexion, his felicity was not interrupted by any painful
reflections on the past, or by any uneasy forebodings with
respect to the future. In a letter to one of his English
friends, Nicholas Bilston, Archdeacon of Winchester, he
thus expresses himself on the subject of his marriage.
" Our epistolary intercourse, my dear father, has by
" my omission been too long suspended. Do not, however,
" impute my silence to forgetfulness of the obligations which
" your goodness has conferred upon me; for I can assure you
" that a sense of your kindness is impressed upon my mind
" in indelible characters. The fact is, that till lately, no
" event has occurred in my history of sufficient importance
" to constitute the subject of a letter. But I have now to
" announce to you a most important change in my situa-
" tion a change, of which I hasten to give you the
" earliest intelligence, in full confidence that you will
" participate in my joys. You know that I have been
" hitherto uncertain what course of life to pursue, and that
" I have long hesitated whether to adopt the secular or the
" clerical character. To the ecclesiastical profession, how-
" ever, I must confess that I never felt any inclination.
" In this dubious state of mind, I arrived at a period when
" it was absolutely requisite for me to fix upon some settled
" plan for the regulation of my future conduct. Deter-
" mining, therefore, not to spend the remainder of my days
" in unsocial solitude, I resolved to marry ; and though
w now declining into the vale of years, I have ventured to
" enter into the matrimonial union with a young lady of
" great beauty, and possessed of all the accomplishments
284 CHAP. VII.
" which arc proper for her sex. You will perhaps say,
" that I ought to have taken this step at an earlier period.
" I confess it : but, as the old proverb says, * better late
"than never;' and you must remember that philosophers
" assure us, that ' Sera nunquam est ad bonos mores
" via.' I might, indeed, have changed my condition
" many years ago ; but in that case I should not have
" obtained my present spouse, a partner in all respects
" suited to my manners and disposition, in whose agreeable
" converse I find a solace for all my anxieties and cares.
" So richly is she endowed with virtues, that she gratifies
t( my most sanguine wishes. This circumstance is the
" source of the greatest comfort to me ; and I return
" thanks to God, who, having continually been propitious
" to me, ' has loved me even to the end, 1 and has bestowed
" upon me more than I could have wished. Well knowing
11 your regard for me, and duly sensible of the value of
" your friendship, I have thought it my duty to acquaint
" you with my present circumstances, and to make you a
" partaker in my pleasure. Farewell."
This letter, which bears the date of the sixth of
February, 1436, was written in the course of that halcyon
period, during the continuance of which the fetters of
matrimony are usually entwined with flowers, and unmixed
pleasure is supposed to be the almost certain portion of the
newly united pair. In the strictness of investigation, there-
fore, it cannot be admitted as evidence of the happiness
which Poggio enjoyed in the married state. Hymeneal
transports, however ardent, are proverbially fleeting ; and
CHAP. vii. 285
many a matrimonial union which has commenced in affec-
tion, has been found productive of disgust. From various
detached passages, however, which occur in his future cor-
respondence with his friends, it appears that Poggio was not
disappointed in his hopes of conjugal felicity, and that his
connexion with Vaggia was a source of comfort to his
declining years.
On the eighteenth of April, [A. D. 1436.] Eugenius
quitted Florence, and transferred the pontifical court to
Bologna, whither he was accompanied by Poggio, who
soon after his arrival there, detailed his further experience
of the joys of wedded love in the following letter to the
cardinal of St. Angelo.
u You have frequently, most reverend father, exhorted
" me, both in conversation and by letter, to adopt some set-
" tied course of life. I have at length followed your advice.
" Two plans were proposed to my consideration : to enter
" into the priesthood, or to pursue some secular concern
*' To the ecclesiastical profession I always entertained an
" invincible objection I disliked solitude ; and therefore,
" being determined to enter upon civil life, I turned my mind
" to matrimony. I do not deny that the clerical life is
" by many esteemed more peaceable and tranquil than that
" which I have chosen. It is, indeed, generally regarded
" as free from care, and as allowing the greatest scope to
" ease and self-indulgence. The opulence which it promises
" to confer is also a powerful motive to impel men to the
" adoption of it a much more powerful one, indeed, than
286 CHAP. VII.
" any considerations of a religious or moral nature. For
" what numbers are there whose inquiry is directed after
" wealthy benefices rather than after the rule of an upright
" life. It is deemed honourable amongst mortals to excel
" others in pomp, to be flattered and courted by the multi-
" tude, to abound in riches, which procure that outward
a splendour which is generally thought to constitute dignity.
" And it is deemed still more honourable to obtain these ad-
" vantages without labour, and in a short time. Hence the
" clergy, springing like mushrooms in an hour, are rapidly
" advanced to the highest dignities. Thus it very frequent-
" ly happens, that you are obliged to venerate as a God, a
" man whom you have been accustomed to despise as a
" mean, abject, ignoble, and ill-bred character. By one
" word of the pontiff, the ignorant become, in the estima-
" tion of the vulgar, learned ; the stupid wise ; the un-
" instructed accomplished though at the same time the
" real character of the men is precisely the same as it was
" before.
" In addition to these considerations, I was well aware
" how important is the dignified office of an ecclesiastic ;
" and what a weight of responsibility rests upon those who,
" by accepting benefices, undertake the spiritual guidance
" of their fellow men ; and I was deterred from entering
" upon the clerical functions by the strictness of the precepts
" which are inculcated by the ancient doctors of the church.
" For when I was informed by these most holy men, whose
" works I had perused, to what uses the wealth of the
" church ought to be appropriated that he who does not
CHAP. vii. 287
" work, ought not to eat and that the labourer in spiritual
" things ought to be content with food and raiment ; and
" when I was conscious that I was unfit for the discharge of
" clerical duties ; and when I knew that I could obtain
" food and raiment by other, though certainly more
" laborious means ; I thought it advisable not indeed to
" contemn the former pursuit, but to adopt the latter,
" which seemed more suitable to my disposition. That
" warfare is, I must confess, better and more illustrious
" in which men can attain to a greater pitch of merit,
" provided they conduct themselves according to the rules
" of religion and their office. But after maturely exa-
" mining my own strength and ability, I was afraid of
" engaging in a field, in which I should incur the almost
" certain danger of basely yielding to the adversary, or of
" falling in the combat, to the hazard of my soul.
" Being determined therefore to employ myself in
" secular concerns, in forming my matrimonial engagement,
" I adopted those principles which have obtained the appro-
" bation of the wise and learned. For in the choice of a
" wife, I was not influenced by riches, which render the
" generality of men blind to their true interests nor was
'* I prompted by a wish to rise to civil honours, or to
" strengthen my interest with the great. These are objects
" of earnest desire to the multitude at large. But I was
" influenced by different motives. In looking out for a
" partner for life, I looked for honour, probity, virtue,
" which the wisest of men have declared to be the most
" ample dower which a parent can bestow upon his child.
288 CHAP. VII.
" Being, then, well acquainted with the excellent disposi-
" tions, the modesty, and the other characteristic virtues of
" a certain young lady of noble family, who had not yet
" completed her eighteenth year, on her I fixed my choice.
" The exemplariness of this lady's manners was acknow-
" ledged by every body who was acquainted with her ; and
" the excellence of her character I esteemed her most
" striking recommendation. Such indeed is her beauty,
" that I cannot but occasionally reflect with seriousness on
" the disparity of our years however, as I knew that from
" her tender youth, she had been educated in such a man-
" ner, that she had a still greater share of good principles
" and of modesty, than of comeliness and grace of person,
" I determined to make her my own. Nor have I repented
" of my resolution. For so much does she daily rise in my
" esteem, that I continually give thanks to God, who, in
" former times has always blessed me with more than, on
ff account of my sins, I could possibly deserve ; and in
" bestowing upon me so excellent a wife, has so bountifully
" provided for my comfort and satisfaction, that there is
" nothing that I can wish for in addition to his present
u mercies.
" Our friend Zucharo was accustomed to say, when he
" wished to commend some exquisitely dressed dish, that
" it was so delicately seasoned that the least alteration in its
" composition would spoil it. So say I of my wife. There
* fc is nothing which I wish to be added to her character, nor
" any thing which I wish to be taken away from it.
CHAP. VII, 280
" I must now tell you the reason why I have been
" so late in writing to yon on this subject. It is a com-
" mon observation, that there are few if any married
" men who do not become weary of their wives in the
" course of a year. The pontiff has allowed me six
" months for my period of probation. The fifth month
" is now expired ; and my wife daily grows upon my
C( esteem, and is daily more agreeable to me, and more
" compliant with my wishes. Forming a conjecture as to
" the future from my experience of the past, I am inspired
" by a confident expectation that I shall never repent of
" having formed this connexion. I trust also that God will
" continue to me his favour. For if he was propitious to
" me when I strayed from the path of moral rectitude, I
" may reasonably hope, that since I have entered upon the
" right way he will shower down his blessings upon me with
" a still more liberal hand. But whatever may happen in the
" course of the changes which take place in this sublunary
" world, I shall never repent of having acted uprightly. I
" wished to communicate this intelligence to you, my dear
" friend, in order that you might rejoice in my joy. I am
" sensible that the gravity of your wisdom might claim a
" more weighty subject of correspondence : but the wisest
" of men occasionally indulge themselves with a little relaxa-
" tion from serious pursuits. This relaxation I trust you
" will experience in the perusal of my present epistle.""*
Guarino Veronese embraced the occasion of Poggio's
* Poygii Epislola Ivii. epitt. sxxvii.
2 p
290 CHAP. VII.
marriage to renew the friendly intercourse with him which
had been unhappily suspended in consequence of their late
dispute. He addressed him on this joyful occasion in a
congratulatory letter, to which Poggio replied with the most
cordial frankness. u In your epistle," said he," " which I
" received by the kindness of Francesco of Ferrara, I
" recognize my friend Guarino, who was formerly inferior
" to no one in the testimonies of his affection towards me.
" I am happy to find, that though your ability in maintain-
" ing the intercourse of friendship may have been suspen-
" ded, it is not lost. I also am the same that I ever was
" your most faithful friend. Be assured that my regard for
" you has not suffered the least diminution. A difference
" of opinion can never justify a breach of friendship. Our
" late contention, in which we engaged for the purpose of
" exercising our abilities in the bestowing of praise and the
" infliction of censure, was highly commendable. The
" great men of antiquity adopted different sides of the
" question in the senate and at the bar, without the least
" infringement of the duties of friendship. It would in-
" deed redound to our disgrace, if the similarity of our
" studies, which is usually the firmest bond of union,
" should dissolve that pleasing connection which has sub-
te sisted for so long a space of time. The learned and
" justly renowned Francesco Barbaro, during his late visit to
" Florence, intimated to me his suspicions, that my friendly
" regard for you was somewhat diminished. I told him
" that his suspicions were entirely groundless ; that my
" esteem for you was so far from being diminished, that it
" was increased I also promised to write to you. This
CHAP. VII. 201
" promise I should certainly have immediately fulfilled, had
" I not been prevented by the press of business occasioned
" by the departure of the pontiff.
" Accept my thanks for your kind congratulation on
" the late change in my condition. I hope I shall find it
" productive of perpetual comfort and pleasure. For since,
" as Flaccus says, the virtue of parents is a great dowry,
" I have had this alone in view, and have overlooked riches
" and other recommendations, which the generality of men
" regard as indispensably requisite to the happiness of the
" married state. Petronius Arbiter asserts, that wisdom
" and beauty are rarely allied but by the favour of heaven,
" I am united to a wife, who, though she has not yet com-
" pleted her eighteenth year, and is distinguished by her
" beauty, is yet more virtuous than she is fair, and.compre-
" hends in her character all the graces which adorn the
" female sex. I trust, therefore, that I have made a pro-
" vision of comfort for my future years, though some of
" my friends say that I am beginning a new art, at the time
" when I ought to be quitting it. But it is never too late
" to do what is right and honest : and as good poets take
" especial pains in polishing the last act of their play, I am
" resolved to dedicate the remainder of my days to purity of
" conduct. 1 '*
At this time, the Florentines and the Venetians, being
at war with the Duke of Milan, had engaged as their ally
* Poffffii Opera, p. 355.
292 CHAP. VII.
Giovan Francesco Gonzaga, Marquis of Mantua ; and
whilst hostilities were carrying on between the above men-
tioned parties, the eldest son of the Marquis, being an
ardent admirer of the character of Niccolo Piccinino, who
held a station of distinction in the Milanese army, had
secretly quitted his father's house, and had entered into the
service of the Duke for the purpose of studying the art of
war under the auspices of that celebrated Condottiere. Gon-
zaga was so much irritated by this conduct of his son, that
he disinherited him, as being, by a species of desertion,
guilty of a capital crime. The young prince, whilst this
judgment hung suspended over his head, having been
ordered by Piccinino to guard with a body of troops the
lines by which the town of Barga was beleaguered by the
Milanese forces, was wounded and taken prisoner in a
battle which he fought with Francesco Sforza, one of the
commanders in the pay of the Florentine republic. The
repentant run-away having, on his recovery, taken service
under Sforza, and thus rejoined the standard of his native
country, applied to his father for forgiveness of his fault.
But he solicited for pardon in vain. Gonzaga, either
indulging the natural severity of his disposition, or fearing
to excite the jealousy of the Venetians, should he pass
over so heinous a crime, turned a deaf ear to the suit of the
youthful warrior, and sternly refused to mitigate the doom
which he had pronounced upon him.
Deeply affected by this incident, Poggio, who was then
with the pontifical court at Bologna, wrote to the Marquis
a long and elaborate letter, in which he pleaded, with a zeal
CHAP. vir. 293
enlightened by the principles of humanity, for an extension
of mercy to the juvenile offender. In this eloquent composi-
tion, after an appropriate introduction, in which he touched
upon the difficulty of the task of regulating human conduct
according to contingent circumstances, and the necessity of
due reflection for the proper discharge of moral duties,
Poggio reminded the Marquis, that, learned and prudent
as he was justly accounted, yet as a sovereign he was liable
to be led astray by his passions, which were likely to be
fostered rather than restrained by the applause of interested
flatterers, whose constant object it is to prevent the voice of
reason from approaching the ears of men invested with
power. This remark he aptly illustrated by a reference to
the history of Augustus Caesar, who, having repented of
the severity with which he had treated his delinquent
daughter Julia, exclaimed in the bitterness of his feelings,
that he should not have conducted himself towards her
with so much harshness, had Marcus Agrippa and Mecsenas
been still living, who alone of his courtiers dared freely
to tell him the truth.
Poggio then proceeds, in the character of an honest
adviser, to represent to the Marquis, that it is the opinion
of the most competent judges of the actions of princes,
that the punishment, which he professes to be determined
to inflict on his son, is more severe than just. The delin-
quency of the prince involved no stain upon his honour.
On the contrary, it was occasioned by an excess of generous
feeling. Why, then, should he be subjected to a penalty
befitting a traitorous conspirator, or a fratricide? The
294 CHAP. VII.
Marquis may perhaps imagine that the example of Brutus
and that of Manlius Torquatus may be pleaded in defence
of his obduracy, but he begs him to remember that those
illustrious Romans did not avenge with the fatal axe their
own wrongs, but those of the republic. Becoming animated
as he proceeds in the discussion of his subject, Poggio,
quitting the apologetic style, pronounces an eulogium on
the young Gonzaga, who, instead of devoting himself like
a Sybarite to the pleasures and the pastimes of a court,
had, in pursuit of glory, encountered the perils and the
fatigues of war. Then, relating another anecdote of the
secorfd of the Roman emperors, who, being consulted by
Titus Arrius, as to the punishment which he should inflict
on his son, who had been guilty of plotting against his life,
had given it as his opinion, that the offender should be
banished, rather than put to death, he maintains that the
same principle which prompted Augustus to award a
mitigated penalty against a young man convicted of so
atrocious a crime as meditated parricide, should induce the
Marquis to treat with lenity the juvenile indiscretion of his
son. Then appealing to the remorse and penitence of the
prince, he urges the offended father to receive the returning
prodigal with kindness ; and, descending from the flights
of eloquence to the plain level of prudential consideration, he
concludes his letter by admonishing the Marquis, that if
he should persevere in his design of disinheriting his eldest
born son, that son had proved by his late conduct that he
was too high spirited to submit to the threatened indig-
nity, and that, however submissive he might be during his
father's life, the death of the Marquis would be the signal
CHAP. VII. 295
of a civil war, which would lay waste the Mantuan territory,
and which would only terminate with the shameful victory
of one of his children over the other, or with the ruin of
both.
When Poggio had finished the composition of this
letter, he in the first instance consigned it to the care of
Vittorino da Feltre, a scholar of high reputation, who then
held the confidential office of preceptor to the sons of
Gonzaga, requesting him to watch for some favourable
moment for presenting it to his patron. This very pre-
caution should seem to intimate, that Poggio felt a latent
consciousness that the liberty which he was taking in
assuming the office of a monitor, might possibly not be
very acceptable to the distinguished personage to whom his
admonition was addressed. And yet, such was the pride
of scholarship in the fifteenth century, that when, at the
end of two months, his letter was returned to him by
Vittorino, with an intimation that Gonzaga declined
receiving it, Poggio addressed a second letter to the
unrelenting father, protesting that he had been influenced,
in requesting his attention to wholesome lessons of advice,
not by any selfish motives, but by his zeal for the welfare
of a sovereign prince, from whom he unequivocally declared
that he thought himself entitled, in consideration of his
good offices, to a return of gratitude rather than of con-
tempt. At the same time he wrote to Vittorino, expostu-
lating with him for the want of zeal, which he had evinced
with regard to the commission with which he had entrusted
him ; and understanding that Carlo Brognolo, an intimate
296 CHAP. vii.
acquaintance of his, resident at the Mantuan court, had
endeavoured to induce the Marquis to excuse the liberty
which he taken in writing to him, he wrote to him also,
thanking him for his friendly intentions ; but at the same
time protesting, that he had only addressed the sovereign
of Mantua by letter in the manner in which, had an opportu-
nity presented itself, he would have addressed him personally,
namely, in a style and tone becoming the citizen of a free
state.
There is reason to believe that the displeasure felt by
the Mantuan prince against the officioiis scribe was not
deeply rooted or of long duration ; for it appears that Gon-
zaga, having come to Ferrara when the council was assem-
bled in that city in the year 1438, took occasion, in the
presence of a numerous audience, to speak of Poggio in
terms of respect arid praise, for which honour the latter ten-
dered to his Highness, by letter, his grateful thanks.*
The Jiterary reputation of Poggio now began to be
very extensively diffused, and his writings became an object
of frequent inquiry among the learned. Several eminent
scholars had been so much gratified by the perusal of some
of his letters, which had accidentally fallen into their hands,
that they earnestly requested him to publish a collection of
them. This request could not but be highly gratifying to
* The correspondence above referred to, which was first brought into public
notice by the Cavaliere Tonelli, ( Ton. Tr. vol. i. p. 276 283 > is to be found
in the Riccardi and the Hafod manuscripts.
CHAP. VII. 297
his feelings, and he readily took the requisite steps to com-
ply with it. He accordingly desired Niccolo Niccoli, with
whom, as being his most intimate friend, he had maintained
a constant correspondence, to select from his papers such of
his letters as were likely to reflect lustre on his character ;
and he was engaged in arranging and correcting the materials
for a small volume, at the time when the pontifical court
was transferred from Florence to Bologna. On resuming
his task in the latter city, he found that Niccolo had neglected
to transmit to him various letters which he had addressed
to him from France and Germany, and which he thought
would be peculiarly interesting to the public, as they con-
tained an account of his successful exertions in search of the
lost writers of antiquity. Niccolo was not so active as Pog-
gio could have wished in procuring for him these necessary
documents. The letters in question were in all probability
dispersed in the hands of various persons, and of course he
would experience some delay and difficulty in collecting
them. In fact they were never recovered by Poggio, who
completed from the materials which he had in his^own pos-
session a volume* of his epistles, which he submitted to the
inspection of the public, dedicating it to the Canonico
Francesco Marescalco of Ferrara.-f' A copy of this volume
is preserved amongst the manuscripts of the Riccardi
library in Florence.^:
* Ton. Tr. vol i. p. 284, Note.
\-Mehi Vita Ambrosii Traversarii, p. xxxiii.
Though no literary works of Francesco Marescalco have descended to
posterity, and though from the designation of " Frauciscum quondam Ferrarien-
2 Q
298 CHAP. VII.
The transmission of his letters was one of his last acts
of friendship which Poggio requested from Niccolo Niccoli.
Soon after the publication of his epistles, he received the
melancholy intelligence of the death of this his earliest and
steadiest friend. He was acutely sensible of the serious loss
which he had sustained by this event, which took place on
the 23rd of January, 1437 ; and in the ardour of his affec-
tion, he waited with patience for the publication of some
" sem," by which he is mentioned in a letter from Poggio to Niccolo Niccoli, it
should seem that he was not much known, even to his contemporaries, the cir-
cumstance of Poggio's inscribing to him a volume of his compositions affords
reasonable grounds for a supposition that he was a man of learning, and of a
respectable character. This supposition is confirmed by the respectful manner in
which Poggio, in the following letter, thanks him for the offer of his friendship,
and the assurance of his esteem.
" I have long maintained a most pleasant intercourse with my friend Scipio,
" of Ferrara, a man, whose learning and liberal manners lay an irresistible
" claim to my esteem and love. We often spend our leisure time in conversing
" together on various subjects, and particularly on the characters of learned
" and eloquent men. Of this number he assures me that you are one. He
" informs me, that you are not only devoted to literature, winch circumstance
" is of itself a great recommendation, but, what is of the greatest weight,
" that your manners are most amiable, and that you are endowed with the
" most attractive virtues. He moreover says, that you are very much attached
" to me. This is a piece of intelligence which, I must confess, affords me the
" sincercst pleasure ; for there is nothing, my dear Francesco, which I
" have more at heart, than to gain the esteem and good will of my fellow
*' mortals. You are sensible that he who is favoured with the affection of his
" acquaintance, especially of those who are dignified by their virtues, is truly
" rich, and possesses a source of sincere enjoyment. I therefore most heartily
" embrace your proffered friendship, from which I trust I shall derive both
" pleasure and honour. Be assured of this, that I shall do my utmost endea-
" vour to confirm, by my conduct, those friendly sentiments which you have
" voluntarily conceived on my behalf. Farewell."
Poggii Opera, p. 307.
CHAP. VII. 209
tribute of respect to the memory of the deceased, which he
thought might justly be demanded from the multitude of
learned men, on whom the numerous favours which they had
received from the hands of Niccolo imposed an imperious
obligation to celebrate his virtues.* In this expectation he
was disappointed. The scholars of Florence were, perhaps,
of opinion, that panegyrics on the living were more pro-
ductive of profit than encomiums on the dead. Offended
by their tardiness, Poggio resolved, notwithstanding the
urgency and variety of his occupations, to rescue the name
of his friend from oblivion. He accordingly composed and
published a funeral eulogium on Niccolo Niccoli ; being
determined, as he said in a letter to Feltrino Boiardo, to
merit, at least, the praise which is due to the faithful dis-
charge of the offices of friendship.-f*
In his funeral oration on Niccolo, Poggio, adopting the
character of the orator appointed to address the public on
the occasion of his obsequies, introduced the eulogy of his
deceased friend by the following exordium.
" If, citizens of Florence ! it had been consistent with
" the dignity of the Latin muses personally to address you
" on the present occasion, they would not have delegated
" this office to another they would themselves, in the
" most copious and ornamented language, have celebrated
" the virtues of their most excellent and praise-worthy child.
" Pogffii Epislolo! Ivii. p. 273.
t Ibid.
300 CHAP. VII.
" But since those whose transcendent majesty prevents them
" from exhibiting themselves to the eyes of the public, com-
" mission their representatives to appear on their behalf
" though I know that there are many in this assembly,
" whose learning, whose genius, and whose oratorical abili-
" ties are far superior to mine, I have ventured to claim
11 your attention not with a view of precluding the more
*' enlightened efforts of others ; but in hopes that, whilst I
" thus discharge the imperious duties of friendship, ray
" humble exertions may lead the way to more splendid
" specimens of eloquence. And should ray powers fall far
" short of the merits of the deceased should I be unable
" to pay a tribute of respect in any degree adequate to the
108.
+ Facii Opera, p. 98.
CHAP. X.
the Neapolitan scholars, who regarded Poggio with a consi-
derable degree of animosity, gratified their malevolence, by
vilifying his work to the king, who seems to have lent too
ready an ear to their censures. Poggio highly resented
this conduct of Alfonso, whom he stigmatized in a letter to
Bartolomeo Facio, one of the learned men who enjoyed
that monarch's favour and protection,* as a prince who, in
* Bartolomeo Facio was a native of Spezia, a sea-port in the Genoese terri-
tory. The most curious inquirers into the history of literature have not yet
been ahle to ascertain the precise period of his birth. From many passages how-
ever which occur in his works it appears, that he was indebted for instruction
in the Latin and Greek languages to Guarino Veronese, whom he frequently
mentions in terms of affectionate esteem. Facio was one of the numerous
assemblage of scholars that rendered illustrious the court of Alfonso, king of
Naples, by whom he was treated with distinguished honour. During his
residence at Naples, the jealousy of rivalship betrayed him into a violent quarrel
with Lorenzo Valla, against whom he composed four invectives. The following
list of his other works is extracted from his life, prefixed by Mehus to an edition
of his treatise De Viris illustribus, published at Florence, an. 1745.
1. De bello Veneto Clodiano ad Joannem Jacobum Spinulam Liber.
f, a i/i I. 1568.
2. Aliud paroi temporis bellum Venetum was printed together with the
former.
3. De humane vita felicitate ad Alphonsum Arragmum et Sicilite
regem. Hanovia, typis Vechelianis, 1611. Post epilomen Felini Sandei de
Regibus Sicilies, SfC.
4. De excellentia et preeslantia hominis. This work, which is erroneously
ascribed to Pius II., was printed together with the preceding treatise, I/aiwrite,
1611.
5. De rebus gestis ab Alphonso primo Neapolitanorum rege Commenta-
riorum, Libri x. Lugduni, 1560^ apud hasredes Sebasliani Gryphii, in \to.
Ibidem, 1562 $ 1566. The seven first books of this work were also published,
Mantua, anno 1563, a Francisco Philopono. It has also been reprinted in
various collections of Italian history.
412 CHAP. X.
consequence of his own ignorance, gave implicit credit to
the opinions of others, and declared, that he would avail
himself of the earliest opportunity to retract every thing
which he had said in his commendation.* It should appear,
that these remonstrances of Poggio produced an effect little
to be expected to arise from the threats of an author
against a sovereign prince. In process of time, Alfonso,
being convinced that the strictures of his critics were in-
spired by personal hostility rather than by justice, remune-
rated him for his version, by a donation which exceeded his
first and most sanguine hopes.-f
The indignant manner in which Poggio commented
on the cool reception which his version of the Cyropaedia
had experienced at the court of Naples evinced, that the
influence of age had not abated his spirit. Indeed the
unrestrained license of his speech about this time betrayed
him into a contest with one of his fellow-labourers in the
field of literature, in which he appears to have manifested
not only the petulance, but also the prowess of youth. The
antagonist whom he encountered on this occasion was George
0. Arriani de rebus gestis Alexandria Libri viii. Latine redditi. Basilea,
1539. info, a Roberto Winter. Pisauri, 1508. Lugduni, 1552.
7- EpistolcB. Several of Facio's epistles are subjoined by Mehus to his
edition of the treatise De Viris illus. It is justly observed by Tiraboschi, that
Facio's style is much more elegant than that of any of his contemporaries.
Mehi vita Bartolomei Facti. Tiraboschi Sioria detta Letter. Hal. torn. vi.
p. \i. p. 80.
" Facli Opera, p. 99, 100, 101.
+ Ton. Tr. vol. ii. p. 110.
CHAP. X. 413
of Trebisond, a native of the isle of Candia, who adopted
the designation of Trapezuntius, or of Trebisond, in
reference to the residence of his ancestors. He was induced
to quit the place of his nativity by the invitation of Fran-
cesco Barbaro, who on his arrival in Italy procured him the
honour of being enrolled amongst the citizens of Venice.*
Having made a competent progress in the knowledge of the
Latin tongue, he went to Padua, and afterwards to Vicenza,
in which latter city he was employed in the capacity of
public tutor.-f* His residence in Vicenza was however not of
long duration. Finding himself harrassed by the intrigues
of Guarino Veronese, who regarded him with sentiments of
determined hostility, he gave up his professorship, and
repaired to Rome, in which city he arrived in the year
1430.J His Venetian friends having recommended him to
the protection of Eugenius IV., that pontiff conferred upon
him the office of apostolic secretary. He continued to hold
this office under Nicolas V., who employed him in trans-
lating the works of various Greek authors. When, however,
Nicolas had assembled at his court the most accomplished
scholars of the time, who were able to detect the errors of
literary pretenders by the touchstone of enlightened cri-
ticism, the reputation of George of Trebisond began rapidly
to decline. This circumstance probably had an unhappy
* Apostolo Zeno Dissert. Voss. torn. ii. p. 2.
f Ibid, p. 4.
Hodius de Gratis lllut. p. 104.
414 CHAP. X.
effect upon his temper, and by rendering him apt to take
offence, prepared the way for his quarrel with Poggio. This
quarrel he certainly took up on very slight grounds ; namely,
an opinion expressed by Poggio in a letter to a friend, that
he had without just reason charged Guarino Veronese with
attacking him in an anonymous epistle. This remark drew
from the Trapezuntian an angry written remonstrance, to
which Poggio replied with exemplary forbearance. Here
the matter might have rested, had not a dispute arisen
between the two secretaries about a sum of money which
fell to them in common. The discussions to which this
affair gave rise were carried on by Poggio with a praise-
worthy frankness and generosity of spirit ; whilst his an-
tagonist, in the bitterness of his feeling, tried to overwhelm
him by an accusation of practising against his life, which he
embodied in a letter to their common master. By this pro-
ceeding George found the mind of the pontiff so much
alienated from him, that he thought it expedient to quit the
Roman court. He accordingly retired to Naples, where he
was honourably received by king Alfonso. But in the year
1453, the good offices of Filelfo restored him to the favour
of Nicolas V., who reinstated him in his ancient situation in
the Roman chancery.*
George of Trebisond was not the only member of the
* Valla, in his Anlirlolus, tells a ridiculous story of a pugilistic contest which
on occasion of this quarrel took place between Poggio and George of Trebisond
in Pompey's theatre. This story was related as a fact in the first edition of
this work ; but, on further reflection, I agree in opinion with my Italian trans-
lator, that it is a fiction. See Tonelli, vol. \L p. 114.
CHAP. X.
court of Nicolas V. whom Poggio regarded with sentiments
of enmity. Tommaso da Rieti, a man of infamous charac-
ter, who by his interposition had been refused admittance
into the Roman chancery, and whom, under the designation
of Eques Reatinus, he had stigmatized in the letter to
Lionello d'Este, which is quoted in the ninth chapter of
this work, having provoked him to hostility, he composed an
invective against him, a copy of which is still extant in the
Laurentian Library.* ,
In the year 1450, the celebration of the Jubilee
attracted to Rome a prodigious concourse of people. As
the plague was at this time raging in various parts of Italy,
the multitude of devotees who were assembled to assist at
the splendid solemnities of this festive season rendered the
pontifical capital a focus of infection.-f- As soon therefore
as Nicolas had finished the customary religious exercises,
he fled from the impending danger to Fabriano, a town
situated in the Marca d'Ancona. Poggio availed himself
of this opportunity to visit his native place, where he dedi-
cated his leisure to the prosecution of his studies, and to
the enjoyment of social intercourse with his surviving Tus-
can friends.
Band'mi Calalogus Biblioth. Laur. torn. iii. p. 438.
f- Muratori Annali, torn. ix. p. 438. Muratori informs us, that the joy
occasioned by the celebration of this jubilee experienced only one interruption,
which was occasioned by the following accident. As an innumerable multitude
of people were returning on the nineteenth of December from receiving the pon-
tifical benediction, they were on a sudden so much alarmed by the braying of
an ass, that they trampled upon each other in such precipitate disorder, that
upwards of two hundred perished in the throng.
416 CHAP. X.
It was during this season of relaxation from the duties
of his office, that he published what may be called the first
edition of his Liber Facetiarum, or Collection of Jocose
Tales. * In the preface to this curious miscellany he
intimates, that he had engaged in a work of such levity,
with a view of exercising himself in Latin composition.^
The recording of these witticisms revived in his recollection
the occurrence of days of pleasure which were past, never
to return. From the postscript to the Liber Facetiarum
we learn, that during the pontificate of Martin V. the
officers of the Roman chancery were accustomed to assemble
in a kind of common hall. In this apartment, which from
the nature of the conversation of its frequenters, who were
much more studious of wit than of truth, acquired the name
of Bugiale ;\ they discussed the news of the day, and
amused themselves by the communication of entertaining
anecdotes. On these occasions they indulged themselves
in the utmost latitude of satiric remark, dealing out their
sarcasms with such impartiality, that they did not spare
even the pontiff himself. The leading orators of the
Bugiale were Razello of Bologna, Antonio Lusco, Cincio,
* It is properly remarked by the Cavaliere Tonelli, vol. ii. p. 115, that the
whole of the Facetiae were not published at this time, and that they came out at
uncertain intervals as Poggio increased his stock of entertaining anecdotes.
t Pogffii Opera, p. 420.
J Bugiale is derived from the Italian word Bugia, a falsehood, and is inter-
preted by Poggio " mendaciorum officina ;" i. e. the manufactory of lies.
Antonio Lusco was celebrated for his knowledge of the civil law, which
procured him the honour of being selected as a proper person to assist Francesco
Barbaro in revising the municipal regulations of the city of Vicenza. In the
CHAP. X. 417
and Poggio ; and the pointed jests and humorous stories
which occurred in the course of the unrestrained conversa-
tions, in which these mirthful scribes bore a principal part,
furnished the greater portion of the materials for the Liber
Facetiarum. *
This work is highly interesting on account of the
anecdotes which it contains of several eminent men, who
course of his journey to that place he overtook a Venetian, in whose company
he rode to Siena, where they took up their lodgings for the night. The inn was
crowded with travellers, who, on the ensuing morning, were busily employed in
getting their horses out of the stable in order to pursue their journey. In the
midst of the bustle, Lusco observed his Venetian friend booted and spurred,
but sitting with great tranquillity at the door of the inn. Surprised at seeing
him thus inactive, he told him, that if he wished to become his fellow traveller
for that day's journey, he must make haste, as be was just going to mount ; on
which the Venetian said, " I should be happy to accompany you, but I do not
" recollect which is my horse, and I am waiting till the other guests are gone,
" in order that I may take the beast which is left." This anecdote Lusco
communicated to his fellow secretaries ; and Poggio did not fail to insert it in
his Facetiae. The horsemanship of the Venetians appears to have been a fruit-
ful subject of mirth to the frequenters of the Bugiale. The following story
proves what utter ignorance of equestrian affairs the wits of the pontifical chan-
cery imputed to that amphibious race of men. " As a Venetian," says Poggio,
" was travelling to Trivigi on a hired horse, attended by a running footman, the
" servant received a kick from the beast, and in the first emotion of pain took
up a stone and threw it at the aggressor ; but missing his aim, he hit his
" master on the loins. The master looking back, and seeing his attendant
" limping after him at some distance, asked him why he did not quicken his
" pace. The servant excused himself by saying, that the horse had kicked him :
" on which his master replied, I see he is a. vicious beast, for he has just now
" given me a severe kick on the back." Agostini Isloria degli Scrit. Viniz.
torn. ii. p. 53 Poggii Opera, p. 444, 46 1.
* Poggii Opera, p. 491.
3 H
418 CHAP. X.
flourished during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.
In the course of its perusal, we find that many an humor-
ous tale, which the modern jester narrates as the account of
circumstances that occurred under his own observation,
were of the number of those which caused the walls of
the Bugiale to re-echo with laughter. Like all collections
of the kind, the Liber Facetiarum contains, amongst a
number of pieces of merit, some stories, in which we look
in vain for the pungency of wit. When, however, we are
inclined to condemn Poggio as guilty of the crime of
chronicling a dull joke, we should remember, that bons
mots frequently borrow their interest from aptness of intro-
duction, and an humorous mode of delivery ; and that
though the spirit of a witticism, which enlivened the con-
versation of a Lusco or a Cincio, may evaporate when it is
committed to paper, yet at the time when it was recorded
by Poggio, it sported in his recollection with all the hilarity
of its concomitant circumstances. But too many of the
Facetice are liable to a more serious objection than that of
dulness. It is a striking proof of the licentiousness of the
times, that an apostolic secretary, who enjoyed the friendship
and esteem of the pontiff, should have published a number
of stories which outrage the laws of decency, and put
modesty to the blush ; and that the dignitaries of the Roman
hierarchy should have tolerated a book, various passages of
which tend not merely to expose the ignorance and hypo-
crisy of individuals of the clerical profession, but to throw
ridicule on the most sacred ceremonies of the Catholic
church. Recanati indeed endeavours to defend the fame of
Poggio, by suggesting the idea, that many of the most
CHAP. X. 419
licentious stories were added to his collection by posterior
writers ; and he supports this opinion by asserting, that he
has seen two manuscript copies of the Facetice, in which
many of the obnoxious passages in question are not to be
found.* The validity of this defence is, however, rendered
extremely questionable by the consideration of a fact, of
which Recanati was probably ignorant, namely, that Lo-
renzo Valla, in the fourth book of his Antidotus in
Poggium, which was published about the year 1452, not
only impeaches the Facetiae of blasphemy and indecency ;
but recites, by way of holding that work up to reprobation,
the most scandalous stories which are now to be found in
the whole collection.-f-
It has been ascertained by Monsieur le Grand, that a
few of the stories which occur in the Facetice are to be
found in the Fabliaux, or tales which were circulated in
various parts of Europe by the ProvenQal bards of the
twelfth and thirteenth centuries, whose sportive effusions of
fancy furnished a rich fund of materials for the poets and
novelists of Italy and of England.^
* Recanati Vita Poffgii, p. xxiii.
+ Vallce Antidotus in Poggium, p. 227, *2-ft, et seq.
J Fabilaux ou Contes du xii. et du xiii. Siecle, Fables el Romans du xiii.
traduits ou extraits d'apris plusieurs manuscrils du terns ; a vec des notes histo-
riques et critiques, et les imitations qui ont etc faites de ces conies dcpuis leur
origine jusqu' a nos jours. Nouvelle Edition, augmentie d*unc dissertation
sur les Troubadours. Par M. le Graml. En cin/i lorn, in ll!/o. o Paris, 1781.
For the following enumeration of the Facelia of Poggio, which appear to
correspond with some of the Fabliaur, I am indebted to the friendly diligence
430 CHAP. X.
The Liber Facet iarum, soon after its publication,
acquired a considerable degree of popularity, and was
of the late Rev. John Grcswell, for many years master of the college school at
Manchester.
The first occurs in torn. i. p. 299 of the Fabliaux, entitled La Culottedes
Cordeliers, and is, with some variations in the commencement, the Braccce
Divi Francisci of Poggio, p. 236 of the small edition of 1798. In vol. iii. p.
107, Le Testament de FAne, is in Poggio's Facet, p. 45, Canis Testamentum.
Same vol. p. 197, Du Villain et de sa femme, is in Poggio, p. 69, the Mulier
Demersa, whose body is to be sought for as floating against the current, vol. iii.
p. 201. Du pre tondu, alias De la femme contrariante, is the Pertinacia
Muliebris in the Facetiae, p. 68. Again, vol. iii. p. 292, Le Meunler dFAleus,
is in Poggio the story entitled Quinque Ova, p. 278 of the Facetiae. Vol. ir.
p. 192, Le Villain de Ba'illeul, alias La femme qui fit croire a son Mari
qu'il etoit mart, is mentioned as imitated by Poggio, but resembles his Mortuus
loquens, p. 275, only at the close. In Poggio, the young man persuaded that
he was dead, hearing himself abused during the procession of his corpse to burial,
erecto capite, si vivus essem, sicut sum mortuus, inquit, dicerem, furcifer, te
per gulam mentiri. In le Villain de Bailleul, the husband persuaded by his
wife that he is dead, Le Cure" lui-meme entre pour chanter ses oremus apres quoi
il emmene la veuve dan la chambre. Pendant tout co terns le Villain convaincu
qu'il e"tait mort, restait toujours sous le drap, sans remuer non plus qu'un cada-
vre. Mais entendant un certain bruit dans la chambre, et soulevant son linceul
pour regarder : coquin de Pretre s'ecrie-t-il, tu dois bien remercier Dieu de ce
que je suis mort, car sans cela, mordie, tu perirais ici sous le baton. Vol. iii.
p. 287, De la Bourgeoise d" Orleans, alias De la dame qui fit battre son Mari,
is said to be imitated in Poggio's Fraus Muliebris, p. 20, but with much
variation. Vol. iv. p. 304, De TAnneau (Par Haisiau). All the
account of this is as follows : Quoique le grave President Fauchet ait donne"
1'extrait de ce Fabliau, je n'en parlerais point si je n'avais a remarquer sur
celuici, comme sur le pre'ce'dent qu'il a e'te' imite". Ou le trouve dans Vergier
sous le titre de TAnneau de Merlin. This is the Annulus which Poggio
(Facet, p. HI) gives Philephus.
In addition to the above, Le Medecin de Bral, alias le Villain devenu
Medecin, torn. ii. p. 366, from which Moliere has borrowed his Medecin malgrf
lui , is in sonic parts imitated in the Poggiana, where an account is given of an
CHAP. X. 421
eagerly read, not only in the native country of its author,
but also in France, in Spain, in Germany, and in Britain.*
expeditious method of clearing the sick list of an hospital on his estate, by an
Italian cardinal. Deguise* en Me'deeiu il leur declara qu 1 on ne pouvait les
gucrir qu 1 avec un onguent de graisse humaine, mais des qu'il eut propose de
tircr au sort a qui gerait inia dans la chaudicre, tons viderent 1'hupital. Vol. iii.
p. 95. Les deux Parasites, (une assez mauvaisc plaisanterie) in the Facetiat
of Frischlinus is attributed to Poggio, and is in his Facetiae, p. 67, Danthis
Faceta Responsio. When Dante was dining with Canis Scaliger, the courtiers
had privately placed all the bones before him. Versi omnes in golum Dantem,
mirabantur cur ante ipsum solummodo ossa conspicerentur, turn ille, Minime
inquit mirum, si Canes ossa sua commederunt ; ego autem non sum Canis.
Le Grand does not notice this as contained in the Facetiae of Poggio ; but the
resemblance is as great as between most of those that he notices.
Poggii Opera, p. 219.
The popularity of the Facetia is evinced by the number of editions through
which that work has passed ; seven different impressions of it are thus enume-
rated by Do Bute, who erroneously gives to Poggio the prcenomen of Franciscus.
1. Francisci Poggii Florentine Facetiarum Liber ; editio velustissima
et originalis absque loci et anni indications, sed cvjus in f route apparel Epis-
tola praefatoria Bernardi cujusdam in senium deducti ad militcm Ilaymun-
dum Dominum Castri Ambrosii dicata, in 4to.
De Bure conjectures, that this edition was printed at Rome by George Laver
or Ulric Han, in 1470.
2. Ejusdem Edito veins el secunda originalis absque loci et anni indica-
tione ulla, sed typis Vindelini Spirensis, aut saltern Nicolai Jenson Galtici
excusa Venetiis circa, an. 1471, infol.
3. Ejusdem, Ferrariee, 14?l, 4lo.
4. Ejusdem, Noribergi per Fredericum Creusner, 147-5, infol.
5. Ejusdem, Mediolani per Christophorum Valdarfer, 14/7. 4to.
6. Ejusdem, Mediolani per Leonardum Pachel, et Uldrericum Scinzin-
zeller, 1481, in 4/0.
7. Ejusdem, Facetiae cum LaureiUii ValUe facetiis moralibus et Fran-
cisci Petrarchae de Salibus viror. illus. ac facetiis libra, Paris, absque anni
et typography nomine sed circa, annum 1477, aut saltern 1478, excusa, 4/o.
422 CHAP. X.
This is by no means a surprising circumstance. Wit and
humour possess almost irresistible charms. The idle and
the dissipated are pleased with a sally of hilarity, which
gives a stimulus to their fancy ; and they who are habitu-
ated to study, or who are fatigued by the more weighty
concerns of life, are happy to enjoy an opportunity of
occasional relaxation. As a vehicle of sentiment, a book
may be considered as the representative of its author ; and
in a world of anxiety and trouble, he who is endued with
the happy talent of causing the wrinkle of care to give place
to the pleasing convulsion of mirth, will find few circles of
society in which he is not a welcome guest.
In the Facetiae Poggio aimed a most mischievous
tlirust at his old antagonist, Filelfo, by making him the hero
of a tale, the ridiculous oddity of which disturbs the steady
countenance of gravity itself, and causes the strictest
severity for a moment to smile at the indelicacy which it
8. Poggii Facetia, 1498, in 4to. sine loci aut typographi nomine. This
edition is not mentioned by De Bure, who closes his list with noticing the
following translations.
Les Faceties de Pogge translates de Latin en Francois. Paris, Bonfons,
1549, 4 to.
Les Comptes facetieux et joyeuses recreations du Page Florentin, trad,
du Latin en Franfois. Paris, Cousturier, 1605, in 16mo.
A neat and correct Latin edition of the Facetiae in two small pocket volumes
was published by a French emigrant in the year 1798. Of this edition the
following is the title.
Poggii Floreniini Facetiarum Libellus Unicus notulis Imitatores indi-
cantibus et nonnullis sive Lalinis, sive Gallicis Imitationibus illustralus,
simul ad fidem optimarum edilionum emendalus. Mileti, 1798.
CHAP. x.
condemns.* The war between these redoubted champions
was carried on till the year 1453, when they were reconciled
by the interposition of their common friend, Pietro Tom-
masi.-f-
During Poggio's temporary residence at Terranuova,
he was one day visited by Benedetto Aretino, a civilian
of distinguished reputation ; by Niccolo di Foligni, a
physician of considerable eminence ;+ and by Carlo Aretino,
the chancellor of the Florentine republic. These guests
Poggio hospitably entertained in his villa; and from the
conversation which occurred after their repast, he col-
lected materials for a work which he dedicated, in the
year 1451, under the title of Historia disceptativa con-
vivialis, to the cardinal Prospero Colonna. This work
consists of three parts, the subject of the first of which is
not a little whimsical, namely Whether the master of a
feast ought to thank his guests for the honour of their
company, or whether the guests should express their gra-
titude to their host for his hospitality. The discussion of
this singular question does not afford any thing very inter-
esting. The second part contains the detail of a dispute
which took place between Niccolo di Foligni and Bene-
detto Aretino, on the comparative dignity of their re-
spective professions. Niccolo, pleading on behalf of the
Visio Francisci PhUelphi apud Poggii Opera, p. 456.
f Tonelli, vol. ii. p. 122, 123.
An eulogium of Cosmo de' Medici, written by Niccolo of Folipni, is prc-
erved in the Laurentian library. Afehi Vila Amb. Trav. torn. i. p. Ixxiii.
424 CHAP. X.
healing art, observes, that if antiquity can confer honour,
the practice of medicine existed in times so remote, that
its first professors are enrolled amongst the number of the
Gods. He also maintains, that the medical profession must
needs be more honourable than the profession of law,
since the doctrines of medicine are built upon the princi-
ples of science, whilst the maxims of law depend upon
caprice ; and that of course physicians are obliged to
qualify themselves for the discharge of their duty by
diligent researches into the fixed and established course of
nature ; whilst those who are esteemed learned in the law
confine their researches to their professional books. With
regard to the civil law in particular, he reminds Benedetto,
that there are few states which are regulated by its dictates ;
whereas the inhabitants of almost all the nations in the
world pay homage to the professors of the healing art, by
having recourse to their assistance. Niccolo having finished
his arguments, Benedetto undertakes the defence of legal
studies, and asserts the high antiquity of laws, which he
maintains must have existed before the practice of medicine,
since medicine could not have been reduced to a science
before the assemblage of men in civil communities, which
are held together by the bonds of law. He also maintains
the dignity of laws, as being the conclusions of reason,
and the support of society. Niccolo, in reply, denies that
the civil law is the result of the conclusions of reason, and
vilifies it as a crude collection of regulations, adopted to
suit the exigencies of the moment, without any reference
to natural law, which civilians do not study as a mass of
opinions and not a collection of truths. Impeaching the
t JIAP. x. 425
general character of the professors of law, he accuses them
of an inordinate thirst for gain, which leads them to nourish
strife, to prolong discord by the tediousness of legal
proceedings, and to pride themselves on their success in
patronizing a bad cause. Benedetto, roused by these
pointed reflections, observes, that it ill becomes a physician
to treat with severity the characters of the professors of
law ; " for," says he, " what is more notorious than the
" folly of many of your brethren, who kill more than
" they cure, and build their art upon experiments made
" at the risk of their wretched patients ? The errors of
" lawyers are of trivial consequence, in comparison with
" those of physicians. Our unskilfulness empties the
" purses of our clients, but your mistakes endanger the
" lives of those who employ you. We cause somebody
*' to be the gainer, whilst you both rob a man of his life,
" and defraud his surviving relations of the amount of your
" fees. Whilst we may possibly occasion the loss of a legacy,
"or an inheritance, you disturb the peace of nations by
" slaying kings and princes. And let me ask, what dignity
*' is there in your profession ? You are called in to visit a
" patient you examine his natural discharges, M'rinkle
" your brows, and assume a countenance of uncommon
" gravity, in order to persuade the bye-standers, that he
"is in a very critical situation. Then you feel his pulse,
" in order to ascertain the powers of nature. After this
" you hold a consultation, and write your prescription, in
" the composition of which you are not guided by any
" fixed rules, as is plain from the different receipts which
*' are in the same case recommended by different practi-
3 i
436 CHAP. X.
" tioners. If your potion happen by chance to be followed
" by good symptoms, you extol the cure as a marvellous effect
" of art ; but if it does any mischief, all the blame is laid
" on the poor patient. I will relate to you a curious
" circumstance which happened to one Angelo, a bishop
" of Arezzo. This ecclesiastic being afflicted by a very
" dangerous disorder, was told by his physicians, that if
" he would not take the potions which they prescribed, he
" would run the risk of losing his life. He for some time
" positively refused to take their nauseous draughts, but
tc was at length persuaded by his friends to conform to the
tf instructions of his doctors. The physicians then sent him
" a number of phials, all of which he emptied into a certain
" utensil, which was deposited under his bed. In the morn-
" ing the physicians paid him another visit, and finding him
" almost free from his fever, intimated to him, that they
" hoped he was convinced of his folly in having so long
ff refused to follow their prescriptions. To this remark he
" replied the effect of your medicines is indeed mar-
(f vellous, for by merely putting them under my bed I
" have recovered my health. If I had swallowed them, no
" doubt I should have become immortal. 1 "* After the nar-
ration of this anecdote, Benedetto proceeds to enlarge upon
the utility of laws, which he maintains to have been the
foundation of the dignity of states and empires. This posi-
tion is denied by Niccolo, who asserts, that the dominions
of monarchs and republics have constantly been extended
* The reader of Joe Miller will remember that this story has, in its descent
to modern times, received divers improvements.
CHAP. X. 427
Jby power, which is so incompatible witli law, that the power-
ful and mighty universally despise all legal obligations, which
are binding only on the poor and humble.
In the third part of the Historia disceptativa convi-
vialis Poggio discusses the question, whether the Latin
language was universally spoken by the Romans, or whether
the learned made use of a language different from that of
the vulgar. Poggio maintains, in opposition to the opinion
of his deceased friend, Leonardo Aretino,* and others, that
the language used by the well-educated Romans was the
vernacular language of their country, and that it differed
from that of the lower classes in no other respect, than as
the language of the well-educated in every country is more
elegant and polished than that of the inferior orders of the
community. In defence of his opinion, he quotes a con-
siderable number of curious passages from the Roman
historians and rhetoricians, which clearly prove his point,
and evince his profound acquaintance with Latin literature.
.f? -.-ntt-
The discussion of the comparative dignity of the pro-
fessions of medicine and civil law naturally led to satirical
remarks on the part of the respective interlocutors, on the
abuse of those two branches of science ; and the perusal of
this dialogue will serve to shew that its author was fully
competent to expose the pompous ignorances of empirics,
and to display the detriment which arises to society from
* See a long and elaborate letter of Leonardo's on this subject in the collec-
tion of epistles published by Menus, Lib. vi. ep. x.
428 CHAP. X.
those most mischievous of knaves, the unprincipled prac-
titioners of the law. It must also be allowed, that the enu-
meration which Benedetto Aretino and Niccolo di Foglini
set forth of the merits of their respective professions,
forcibly inculcates the benefits which accrue to mankind
from the study of medicine and of jurisprudence, and the
true principles upon which those studies ought to be con-
ducted.* The following letter, which Poggio addressed to
his friend Benedetto, in the year 1436, demonstrates, that
the result of his serious meditations had convinced him that
*%. legal practice was not only compatible with moral rectitude,
but was most likely to be productive of gain when regulated
by the dictates of integrity.
,
" I have been highly gratified, my dear Benedetto, by
" your kind letter ; and I cannot but admire the versatility
^ ^ff r^f. *
fl of your genius, who have united to the most profound
"knowledge of the civil law, an s elegance and grace of
'* expression, which entitles you, in my opinion, to as high
" a rank in the school of rhetoric, as you hold among the
" professors of the science of jurisprudence. It is indeed a
" proof of an extraordinary capacity, and of a wonderful
" proficiency in letters, to have successfully cultivated two
" departments of knowledge, the cultivation of each of
* It appears from the introduction to the second part of the Hisloria dis-
cept. conviv. ( Poggii Opera, p. 37 ) that Poggio wrote two treatises, the
one in commendation of the art of medicine, and the other in praise of the
science of law. A MS. copy of the treatise in laudemlegum is preserved in
the Laurentian library. Bandini Cataloyus, torn. ii. p. 408.
CHAP. X.
" which is attended with no small degree of difficulty.
" The acquisition of the knowledge of the civil law is a
" work of immense labour, on account of the discordance
" of sentiments which occurs amongst those who have
" treated upon this subject, but still more on account of the
" almost endless volumes written by commentators, which
" distract the minds of their readers by the difference of
" opinions which they contain, and weary them by the
" prolixity of their style. Far from imbibing the neatness
" and elegance of the old lawyers, these commentators, by
" their perplexity and minute distinctions, shut up the
" road to truth. The difficulty of attaining the graces of
" eloquence is evinced by the fact, that in all ages truly
" eloquent writers are very few in number. When therefore
" I see you endowed with both these accomplishments, I
" congratulate you on your having bestowed your labour on
" pursuits which will confer upon you both honour and
" emolument. For your knowledge of the law will bestow
" upon you riches, which are the necessary support of
" human life ; and the study of polite letters will be highly
" ornamental to you, and will tend to improve and display
" to the best advantage your legal talents.
" I would wish you to avoid the common error of
" too many legal practitioners, who, for the sake of
" money, wrest the law to the purposes of injustice.
** It has, indeed, always happened, that the bad have been
" more in number than the good, and the old proverb
" justly says, that excellence is of rare occurrence. Almost
" all law students, when they enter upon their profession, are
430
CHAP. X.
a stimulated by a love of gain ; and by making gain the
" object of their unremitted pursuit, they acquire a habit
" of appreciating the merits of a cause, not according to
" the rules of equity, but according to the probability of
" profit. When there is no prospect of emolument, justice
" is disregarded, and the richer client is considered as having
" the better cause. As many tradesmen imagine, that they
" can make no profit without telling falsehoods in commen-
" dation of their commodities, so the generality of men
" learned in the law think they shall never prosper in the
" world if they scruple to subvert justice by perjury, and
" equity by sophisms. Acting on these principles, they do
" not endeavour to investigate the true nature of a cause,
" but at all hazards try to promote the views of the party
" who engages their services by a fee. But I am persuaded
" that you, who are by your excellent disposition instigated
" no less by a love of virtue than by a passion for literature,
" will act upon different principles, and will esteem nothing
" lawful which is dishonourable. I would not, however, tie
" you down by the strictness of that philosophy which,
" making happiness to consist in virtue alone, inculcates a
" contempt for worldly emoluments ; for those who enter
tf upon civil life will find the want of many comforts. In-
" deed there have been more lovers than despisers of riches
" amongst philosophers themselves ; and the advice of those
" who exhort us quietly to submit to poverty is rather to
" be praised than followed ; for it is truly melancholy to
" depend upon the assistance of others. But you have no
" reason to fear that by being honest you will become poor.
" On the contrary, by acting up to the principles of in-
CHAP. X. 431
" tegrity, you will surpass others in wealth as well as in
" dignity. It will in the end be found much more profitable
" to have the reputation of honesty and justice, than that
" of skilfulness and craft. Virtue is valued even by the
" vicious, and extorts commendation from those who are
" unwilling to obey her precepts. It is impossible, in the
" nature of things, that he who has established a reputa-
" tion for uprightness should not excel others in honour, in
" authority, and in emoluments. I would wish you, there-
" fore, in the first place, to persevere in the practice of
" virtue, then to apply yourself with all diligence to the
" study of the law, and lastly, to add to these accomplish-
" ments the graces of polite learning. If you adopt this
" plan, you will not be doomed to struggle against the in-
" conveniences of an humble station, but you will rise
" through the intermediate degrees of dignity to the highest
" stations of honour." *
* Poffgii Epistolae Ivii. episl. xlvii.
CHAP. XL
DEATH of Carlo Aretino Poggio is chosen chancellor
of the Florentine republic, and one of the Priori dcgli
arti War between the Florentines and the king of
Naples Peace of Lodi Death of Nicolas V. Quar-
rel between Poggio and Lorenzo Valla Poggio 's dia-
logue de Miseria humance conditionis Murder of
Angelotto, cardinal of St. Mark Poggio' s translation
of Lucian's Ass His history of Florence His
death His character Brief account of his children.
3 K
CHAP. XL
v/N the twenty-fourth of April, 1453, a vacancy, was
occasioned in the chancellorship of the Tuscan republic,
by the death of Carlo Aretino.* In this conjuncture the
long established literary reputation of Poggio, and the
predominant interest of the house of Medici, concurred,
without any canvassing or intriguing on his part, in direct-
ing to him the choice of his fellow-citizens, and he was
elected to the office which had been in succession so ably
filled by two of his most intimate friends. The prospect
of the distinguished honours which awaited him in his
native province did not, however, so entirely occupy his
mind, as to render him insensible of the sacrifice which
he made in quitting the Roman chancery, in which he had
held situations of confidence and dignity for the space of
fifty-one years. His heart was depressed with sorrow when
he bade farewell to the pontiff, from whose kindness he
had uniformly experienced the most friendly indulgence.
Amongst the associates of his literary and official labours,
there were moreover some chosen companions of his hours
of relaxation, whose pleasing converse he could not forego
* Tiraboschi Storia della Letter. Hal. torn. vi. part 2d, p. 329.
CHAP. xi.
without yielding to the emotions of grief. But in Florence
also he had been from his early years accustomed to enjoy
the pleasures of friendship ; and the sentiments of patriot-
ism concurred with the voice of ambition in prompting
him to obey the call of his country. In addition to these
motives, he was prompted to accept this lucrative employ-
ment by a sense of the duty which he owed to his family,
for whose welfare, as he himself says, he deemed himself
bound to sacrifice his own ease and liberty. He therefore
quitted the city of Rome in the month of June, 1453 ;
and having removed his family to the Tuscan capital, where
he was received with a welcome which he compares to that
experienced by Cicero on his return from exile, he applied
himself with his wonted diligence to the duties of his new
office.*
He had not long resided in Florence before he
received an additional testimony of the esteem of his fellow-
citizens, in being elected into the number of the Priori
degli arti* or presidents of the trading companies, the
establishment of which was happily calculated to secure the
preservation of good order, and to defend from infringe-
ment the political privileges of the pcople.-f-
On his arrival in Florence, Poggio found his country-
* See Ton. Tr. torn ii. p. 138.
t Recanati Vita Poggii, p. xvii xix. The trading companies of Florence
seem to have hecn constituted in tlie same manner as those into which the citizens
of Londou are at this day subdivided.
CHAP. XI.
137
men involved in the embarrassments and distresses incident
to a state of war. Soon after Francesco Sforza had made
himself master of the city of Milan, he had been attacked
by the united forces of the Venetians and the king of
Naples. The Florentines being invited to join in the
alliance against him, had, at the instance of Cosmo
de 1 Medici, not only refused to take any share in the
confederacy, but had sent a body of troops to his assistance.
Irritated by this conduct, the Venetians and the Neapo-
litan king expelled from their respective dominions all the
Tuscans who happened to reside there for the purposes of
commerce. This insult was the forerunner of hostilities,
which were commenced in the year 1451 by the king of
Naples, who sent his son Fcrdinando, at the head of an
army of twelve thousand men, to invade the Tuscan terri-
tories. The Neapolitan forces made themselves masters
of a few unimportant towns, but they were prevented by
the vigilance of their adversaries from gaining any signal
or permanent advantage. The war was for some time
carried on in a languid manner, till the Florentines and
the duke of Milan having procured the assistance of
Charles VII., king of France, the Venetians, after sus-
taining great reverses of fortune, were inclined to an
accommodation ; and without the concurrence of the king
of Naples, they entered into a negotiation with their
enemies, which was happily terminated at Lodi on the
ninth of April, 1454, by the signature of a treaty of peace.
Alfonso was greatly irritated by the defection of his allies,
and for some time obstinately persisted in refusing to
listen to pacific overtures. But on the twenty-sixth of
438 CHAP. xi.
January, 1455, he was persuaded to accede to the treaty of
Lodi by the earnest solicitation of Nicolas V.*
The intelligence of this happy event diffused a beam
of cheerfulness over the latter days of that benevolent
pontiff, who had for a long space of time struggled with
a complication of painful disorders. In the midst of his
sufferings, however, he did not remit his endeavours to
promote the welfare of Christendom. He was busily
employed in making preparations to send succour to the
Greeks, who were sinking beneath the power of the Turks,
when he terminated his career of glory on the 24th of
March, 1455.f
Nicolas V. was one of the brightest ornaments of the
pontifical throne. In the exercise of authority over the
ecclesiastical dominions he exhibited a happy union of the
virtues of gentleness and firmness. Purely disinterested
in his views, he did not lavish upon his relatives the wealth
which the prudent administration of his finances poured
into his coffers ; but appropriated the revenues of the
* Muratori Annal'i, lorn. ix. p. 456.
f- Muratori Annali, torn. ix. p. 456. It may be mentioned as a striking
instance of the liberty which was granted by personages of the most exalted
eminence to scholars of celebrity in the fifteenth century, that Poggio at various
times addressed letters to his patron, cardinal Beaufort, to prince John Corrinus,
Waiwode of Hungary, to the duke of Viseo, brother to Edward, king of Portu-
gal, and also to Alfonso, king of Naples, exhorting them to active exertions
against the Turks, who at this time threatened to overrun some of the finest
countries of Europe. These letters still exist in the Riccardi MS. Ton. Tr.
torn. ii. p. 140.
CHAP. xi. 439
church to the promotion of its dignity. The gorgeous
solemnity which graced his performance of religious rites
evinced his attention to decorum and the grandeur of his taste.
In the superb edifices which were erected under his auspices,
the admiring spectator beheld the revival of ancient magnifi-
cence. As the founder of the Vatican library he claims the
homage of the lovers of classic literature. His court was
the resort of the learned, who found in him a discriminating
patron, and a generous benefactor. It was the subject of
general regret, that the brief term of his pontificate pre-
vented the maturing of the mighty plans which he had
conceived for the encouragement of the liberal arts. When
his lifeless remains were consigned to the grave, the friends
of peace lamented the premature fate of a pontiff, who had
assiduously laboured to secure the tranquillity of Italy ; and
they who were sensible of the charms of enlightened piety
regretted the loss of a true father of the faithful, who
had dedicated his splendid talents to the promotion of the
temporal as well as the spiritual welfare of the Christian
community.
Had Poggio by his intercourse with Nicolas V. im-
bibed a portion of the meekness of spirit which influenced
the conduct of that amiable patron of literature, he would
have provided for his present comfort and for his future
fame. But he unfortunately indulged, to the latest period of
his life, that bitterness of resentment, and that intem-
perance of language, which disgraced his strictures on
Francesco Filelfo. When he quitted the Roman chancery
he did not depart in peace with all his colleagues. At the
440 CHAP. XI.
time of his removal to Florence he was engaged in the
violence of literary hostility against the celebrated Lorenzo
Valla. In Lorenzo he had to contend with a champion of
no inferior fame a champion whose dexterity in contro-
versy had been increased by frequent exercise. This zealous
disputant was the son of a doctor of civil law, and was
born at Rome towards the end of the fourteenth century.*
He was educated in his native city, and when he had at-
tained the age of twenty-four years he offered himself as a
candidate for the office of apostolic secretary, which, as he
himself asserts, he was prevented from obtaining by the
intrigues of Poggio.^ Quitting Rome in consequence of
his disappointment, he repaired to Piacenza for the pur-
pose of receiving an inheritance which had devolved to him
on the recent death of his grandfather and his uncle.^
From Piacenza he removed to Pa via, in the university of
which city he for some time read lectures on rhetoric.
The history of the transactions in which he was engaged
* Tiraboschi Sloria delta letter. Hal. torn. vi. p. ii. p. 303. If credit may
be given to Valla's own assertion, his introduction into the world was announced
in a supernatural manner. He boasts in bis Antidotus, p. 191, that his mother
being ignorant that she was pregnant, was apprized of that circumstance by the
interposition of an oracle, which informed her that she would be brought to
bed of a son, and gave particular directions with respect to her offspring's name.
It might have been reasonably conjectured that this oracle was some experienced
matron ; but by the subsequent part of Valla's narration, it seems that the
important admonition in question proceeded from one of the saints.
f Valla Antidotus in Poffffium, p. 200.
^ Ibid, p. 201.
Valla; Antidotus in Poffffium, p. 201.
CHAP. XI. 441
immediately after his removal from Pavia is involved in
considerable obscurity. But it is clearly ascertained, that
about the year 1435 he was honoured by the patronage of
Alfonso, king of Naples, whom he appears to have accom-
panied in his warlike expeditions. Soon after the trans-
lation of the pontifical court from Florence to Rome in the
year 1443, Valla returned to his native city. His residence
in Rome was not, however, of long continuance. About
the time of the dissolution of the council of Florence, he
had written a treatise to prove the erroncousncss of the
commonly received opinion, that the city of Rome had
been presented to the sovereign pontiffs by the emperor
Constantine.* The officious malice of some fiery zealots
having apprized Eugenius IV. of the nature and object of
this treatise, the wrath of that pontiff was kindled against
its author, who, being obliged to fly from the rage of reli-
gious bigotry, took refuge in Naples, where he was kindly
received by his royal protector.
During his residence in Naples, Valla delivered public
lectures on eloquence, which were attended by crowded
audiences. But the imprudence of his zeal in the correc-
tion of vulgar errors in matters of theological belief again
involved him in dangers and difficulties. He appears to
have possessed that superiority of intellect above his con-
temporaries, which, when united to a warm temper and a
propensity to disputation, never fails to draw down upon
* This treatise is printed in the first volume of the Fasciculus Her. expel,
etfugiend.
3 L
442 CHAP. XI.
the inquisitive the hatred of fanaticism. In the pride of
superior knowledge, he provoked the indignation of the
bishop of Majorca, by asserting that the pretended letter of
Christ to Abgarus was a forgery.* In aggravation of this
heresy, he had moreover derided the assertion of a preach-
ing friar, who had inculcated upon his audience the com-
monly received notion, that the formulary of faith, generally
known by the name of the apostles 1 creed, was the joint
composition of those first heralds of salvation.-}- The free-
dom with which he descanted upon these delicate topics of
dispute exposed him to the utmost peril. His enemies
publicly arraigned him before a spiritual tribunal, where he
underwent a strict examination ; and it is very probable,
that had not Alfonso interposed the royal authority on his
behalf, not even a recantation of his imputed errors would
have saved him from the severe punishment which the atro-
city of religious bigotry has allotted to those who deviate
from the narrow line of orthodox faith.J
Theology was not the only subject of investigation
which involved Valla in altercation and strife. Literary
jealousy kindled the flame of hostility between him and
Beccatelli, whom he attacked in a violent invective.
With Bartolomeo Facio also he maintained a controversy,
# VallcB Antidotus, p. 210.
f Ibid, p. 211.
See the account given of this transaction by Valla in his Antidotm, p. 218.
Poggio, towards the conclusion of his third invective, asserts, that A 'alia was on
this occasion subjected to the discipline of the scourge, and narrates the manner
and form of his punishment with great minuteness.
CHAP. xi. 443
in the course of which he manifested the utmost bitterness
of spirit.*
When Nicolas V. had ascended the papal throne,
Valla received from that liberally-minded pontiff an invi-
tation to fix his residence in Rome. He accordingly
repaired to the pontifical court, where he was honourably
received, arid employed in translating the Greek authors
into the Latin tongue.j- Soon after his arrival in Rome,
the following circumstance gave rise to the irreconcilable
enmity which took place between him and Poggio. A
Catalonian nobleman, a pupil of Valla, happened to be
possessed of a copy of Poggio's epistles. This book having
fallen into Poggio^s hands, he observed on its margin
several annotations, pointing out alleged barbarisms in his
style. Fired with indignation at this attack upon his
Latinity, and precipitately concluding that the author of
these criticisms could be no other than Valla himself, whose
Libri Elegantiarum Linguae Latinos had gained him the
reputation of an acute grammarian, he had immediate
recourse to his accustomed mode of revenge, and assailed
the supposed delinquent in a fierce invective. In this work
* Valla's invective against Beccatelli and Facio is divided into four books,
and occupies fifty-two pages of the edition of his works, published by Asccnsius
in folio, an. 1528.
f Valla triumphantly boasts, (Antidofus, p. 167 ) that Nicolas V. presented
to him with his own hand five hundred gold crowns as a remuneration for his
Latin version of Thucydides. This version was printed by Henry Stephens, in bis
edition of that author, in the preface to which he complains of Valla's inaccuracy
and inelegance of style. That this complaint is just, abundant proof may be
found in Stephens'* marginal corrections of Valla's translation.
HI CHAP. XI.
he accused Valla of the most offensive arrogance, which, as
he asserted, was manifested in his animadversions on the
style of the best classic authors. Poggio then proceeded to
examine and to defend the passages which had been noted
with reprobation in the young Catalonian's copy of his
epistles. Collecting courage as he proceeded, he arraigned
at the bar of critical justice several forms of expression
which occur in Valla's Elegantice. Alluding to Valla's
transactions in the court of Naples, he impeached him of
heresy both in religion and philosophy, and concluded his
strictures by the sketch of a ridiculous triumphal procession,
which, as he asserted, would well befit the vanity and folly
of his antagonist.*
In the course of a little time after the publication of
this invective, Valla addressed to Nicolas V. an answer to
it, under the title of Antidotus in Poggium. In the intro-
duction to this defence of himself, he asserted, that Poggio
had been stimulated to attack him by envy of the favour-
able reception which his Elegantix had received from the
public. Adverting to the advanced age of his opponent,
he addressed to him a long and grave admonition on the
acerbity of his language- After a sufficient quantity of
additional preliminary observations, Valla proceeded to
rebut the charge which Poggio had brought against him.
He asserted, that the critic who had given such offence
to the irritable secretary was the above-mentioned Catalo-
nian nobleman, who, taking umbrage at an expression
* Poggii Opera, p. 188205.
CHAP. XI. 445
derogatory to the taste of his countrymen, which occurred
in one of Peggie's epistles, had avenged himself by making
some cursory strictures on his style.* By shewing that the
criticisms in question by no means agreed with the principles
inculcated in his Elegantice, and by other internal evidence,
Valla proved almost to demonstration, that he himself had
no part in the animadversions which had excited so much
animosity. Having thus repelled the imputation of a
wanton and insidious aggression, he proceeded to shew,
that he had not abstained from criticising the works of
Poggio on account of their freedom from faults, by enter-
ing upon a most minute and rigid examination of their
phraseology ; an examination in which he gave ample proof
how acute is the eye of enmity, and how peculiarly well
qualified a rival is to discover the errors of his competitor.
Had Valla in his Antidotus restrained himself within
the limits of self-defence, he would have gained the praise
due to the exercise of the virtue of forbearance : had he pro-
ceeded no farther in offensive operations than to impugn the
style of his opponent, he would have been justified in the
opinion of mankind in general, as exercising the right of
retaliation. But by attacking the moral character of
* The passage which thus irritated the feeling of the Cataloniaii nobleman
occurs in Poggio's epistle to Andrcolo Ciiugtiuiuno, in which he remarks, upon
the assertion of Francesco di Pistoia, that some Catalans had stolen a marble
statue which he had in charge to deliver to Poggio : " in quo ut conjicio mani-
" feste mcntitus fuit. Non cnirn maruioris bculpti Cathalani cupidi Bunt, scd
u auri ct gcrvorum quibus ad reinigium uUntur."
Pogyii Opera, p. 329.
446 CHAP. xi.
Poggio,* he imprudently roused in the fiery bosom of his
adversary the fierceness of implacable resentment, and
provoked him to open wide the flood-gates of abuse. In a
second invective Poggio maintained, that if it were true
that the Catalonian youth wrote the remarks which were the
subject of his complaint, he wrote them under the direction
of Valla. Indignantly repelling the charge of envy, he
remarked, that so notorious a fool as Valla, the object of
contempt to all the learned men of Italy, could not possibly
excite that passion. After noticing the imprudence of his
antagonist in provoking an inquiry into his own moral cha-
racter, he proceeded circumstantially to relate divers anec-
dotes, which tended to fix upon Valla the complicated guilt
of forgery ,-f- theft, ebriety, and every species of lewdness.
* This attack on Peggie's moral character occurs in the proemium to the
Antidotus, and is couched in the following atrocious terms. " Ostendam itaquc
" cum quasi alterum Regulum, malum quidem virum, non quod libidinosus ac
" prope libidinis professor, non quod adulter atque adeo alienarum uxorum
" pracreptor, noil quod vinolentus semper ac potius temulentus, non quod fal-
" sarius et quidem convictus, non quod avarus, sacrilegus, pcrjurus, corruptor,
" spurcus, aliaque quae extra nostrum causam sunt, scd quatenus ad causam
" nostrum facit, quod manifestarius calumniator." Antidotus, p. 8.
f- He asserted, that during Valla's residence at Pavia, he forged a receipt
in order to evade the payment of a sum of money which he had borrowed,
and that by way of punishment for this offence, he was exposed to public view
with a mitre of paper upon his head. Poggio, in his relation of this anecdote,
made use of the following ironical expression. " Falsum chirographum cum
" scripsisses, accusatus, convictus, damnatus, ante tempus legitimum absque
" ulla dispensatione episcopus factus es." This witticism of Poggio's betrayed
Monsieur L'Enfant into a very ridiculous error. " On trouve ici," says he, in
gravely commenting on this passage, " une particularity assez curieuse dc la
" vie de Laurent Valla. C'cst qu'ayant e'te" ordonne" Eveque a Pavie avant
" 1'age et sans dispense, il quitta de lui meine la mitre, et la deposa, en attend-
CHAP. xi. 447
*
Recurring to the charge of heresy, he referred to various
passages in Valla's writings, which contained sentiments
contradictory to the orthodox faith. In fine, he arraigned
the supposed infidel before an imaginary tribunal, which
he represented as without mercy condemning him to the
infernal regions.
In reply to this second attack, Valla renewed and
maintained his protestation, that he had not been the
aggressor in the present contest. In contradiction to
Poggio's assertion, that he was an object of dislike to the
scholars of Italy, he quoted several complimentary epistles
which he had on various occasions received from men
distinguished by their learning. He also exposed the
disingenuousness of his adversary, who had branded him
with the imputation of heresy, on the ground of certain
sentiments, which did indeed occur in his works, but
which he had advanced, not in his own character, but in
that of an Epicurean philosopher, whom he had introduced
as an interlocutor in a dialogue. As to the scandalous
stories which Poggio had related to the disparagement
of his good name, he solemnly asserted, that the greater
part of them had not the least foundation in truth, and
that the remainder were gross and wilful misrepresentations
" ant dans le palais episcopal, ou ellc e"toit encore. Je rapportcrai ses paroles
" en Latin qui sont fort embrouilldes." Pogyiana, torn, i. p. 212. On this
statement of L' Enfant, Rccanati, in his Osservazioni, p. Ill, makes the
following dry remark. " Non credo pero, che 1'autore della Poggiana, quando
" pure fosse Cattolico, vorrehbe csscre fatto Vescovo in qucsta foggia, come
" Poggio dice che il Valla lo sia stato."
448 CHAP. XI.
of facts ;* and in the true spirit of retaliation, lie narrated
concerning Poggio a number of anecdotes equally scan-
dalous, and in all probability equally false, as those of
the circulation of which he himself complained. On the
publication of this second part of the Antidotus, Poggio,
returning to the charge, annoyed his foe in a third invec-
tive, in which, pursuing the idea of Valla^s having been
condemned to the infernal regions, he accounted for his
appearance on earth, by informing his readers, that on the
culprit's arrival in hell, a council of demons was summoned
to decide upon his case ; and that in consideration of the
essential wickedness of his character, they had permitted
him, after solemnly swearing allegiance to Satan, to return
to earth for the purpose of gratifying his malevolent dis-
positions, by effecting the perdition of others. -f-
Before Valla had seen this narration of his transactions
in the kingdom of darkness, he was provoked, by the ac-
count which he had received of its tenor, to prosecute his
criticisms on Peggie's phraseology. These criticisms stimu-
* To enter into the particulars of Peggie's charges and Valla's defence
would be a most disgusting task. The following circumstance is, however, too
curious to be passed over without notice. Poggio reprobating the incontinence
of his adversary, accused him of debauching his sister's maid-servant. In reply
to this accusation, Valla did not deny the fact ; but with wonderful ingenuity
thus converted it into a proof of his principled chastity. " Itaque cum non-
" nulli meorum propinquorum me virginem, Bive frigidioris naturte, et ob id
" non idoncum conjugio arbitrarentur, quorum unus erat vir sororis, quodam-
" mode experiri cupiebant. Volui itaque eis ostendere, id quod facercm, non
" vitium csse corporis, sod animi virtutcm." Antidolus, p. 222.
t Poggii Opera, p. 234242.
CHAP. XI. Ill)
latcd Poggio to renew hostilities in a fourth and a fifth
invective. The former of these compositions has not yet
been committed to the press. The latter abounds in those
flowers of eloquence, of which specimens perhaps more than
sufficiently ample have been already presented to the reader.
The heat of altercation between Poggio and Valla
was inflamed by the interference of Niccolo Perotti, a
pupil of the latter, who attacked Poggio with great viru-
lence. Poggio was not tardy in replying to this new
antagonist. If we may judge of the nature of his invective
against Perotti, by a short extract from it, which occurs in
Bandings catalogue of the manuscripts of the Laurentian
library, it was not at all inferior in acrimony to his other
compositions of a similar nature.* A friendly and sensible
letter of adinonitiqn, which Francesco Filelfo addressed to
the belligerent parties, exhorting them to consult for their
own dignity, by ceasing to persecute each other with
obloquy, is a memorable instance how much easier it is to
give wholesome advice than to set a good example.^
* liandini Catalogue.
f- Filel/i Opera, p. 75. Ou the death of the duke of Milan, Filelfo had
experienced considerable inconvenience, in consequence of the war between
Francesco Sforza and the Milanese. In the course of this contest he wavered
between the two parties ; but the success of Sforza at length attached him to the
interests of that enterprising chieftain. Soon after the elevation of Nicolas V. to
the pontificate, Filelfo was invited by Alfonso, king of Naples, to present to him
in person a copy of his satires. On his way to Naples he passed through Home,
where he paid his respects to the pontiff, who endeavoured, but in vain, to retain
him in his service by the promise of a liberal stipend. On his arrival at the
Neapolitan capital, he was received with great kindness by Alfonso, at whose
3 M
450 CHAP. XI.
The foregoing traits of the history of literature prove,
that we must receive with some grains of allowance the
doctrine of the amiable Ovid, when he asserts that,
" Ingenuas didicisse fideliter artes
" Emollit mores nee sinit esse feros."
It is indeed a most lamentable truth, that few quarrels
are more violent or implacable than those which are excited
by the jealousy of literary rivalship, and that the bitterest
vituperative language on record occurs in the controversial
writings of distinguished scholars. Several causes concur
command he was crowned with laurel in the midst of the camp. From Naples
he returned to Milan, where he received the afflicting intelligence, that at the
sack of Constantinople by the Turks, Manfredina Doria, his mother-in-law,
and two of her daughters had been carried away captives. It is an astonishing
instance of the power of song, that he procured their redemption by an ode
addressed to Mahomet II. la the year 1454, he was reconciled to Cosmo do'
Medici, by whose son Pietro he was treated with distinguished regard. During
the life of Francesco Sforza, Filelfo was enabled, by the munificence of that
prince, to live in a state of splendor which was very congenial to his dispositions ;
but on the death of that generous patron he received from his successor, Galeazzo
Maria, little more than empty promises. In consequence of the pressure of
distress, he undertook at the age of seventy-two to read lectures on Aristotle.
After sustaining a variety of afflictions in consequence of the distracted state into
which Milan was thrown by the death of Galeazzo, he received from Lorenzo do'
Medici an invitation to read lectures on the Greek language at Florence. This
invitation he gladly accepted, and at the advanced age of eighty-three he repaired
to the Tuscan capital, for the purpose of resuming the task of public instruction.
The fatigues of his journey however overpowered the strength of his constitution,
and soon after his arrival in Florence be closed a life of assiduous study, and
of almost ceaseless turbulence.
For an elaborate history of Filelfo, see Memoires de FAcademie des In-
scriptions, torn. x.
CHAP. XI. 451
in producing this unhappy effect. It is of the very essence
of extraordinary talents to advance to extremes. In men
whose ardent minds glow with the temperature of genius,
whether the flame be kindled by the scintillation of love or
of enmity, it burns with impetuous fiuy. The existence of
many scholars, and the happiness of the great majority of
the cultivators of literature, depend upon the estimation in
which they arc held by the public. Any assertion or insinu-
ation, therefore, derogatory to their talents or acquirements,
they consider as a dangerous infringement upon their dearest
interests, which the strong principle of self-preservation
urges them to resent. The objects upon which we employ
a considerable portion of our time and labour acquire in our
estimation an undue degree of importance. Hence it
happens, that too many scholars, imagining that all valu-
able knowledge centers in some single subject of study to
which they have exclusively devoted their attention, indulge
the spirit of pride, and arrogantly claim from the public a
degree of deference, which is by no means due to the most
successful cultivator of any single department of science or
of literature. And in the literary, as well as in the com-
mercial world, undue demands are resentfully resisted ; and
amongst scholars, as amongst men of the world, pride pro-
duces discord. Learned men are also too frequently sur-
rounded by officious friends, whose ignorant enthusiasm of
attachment betrays them into a kind of idolatry, which is
productive of the most mischievous consequences to its
object. They who are accustomed to meet with a blind and
ready acquiescence in their opinions, in the obsequious
circle of their partizans, become impatient of contradiction,
152
and give way to the impulse of anger, when any one pre-
sumes to put their dogmas to the test of unreserved examin-
ation. The flame of resentment is fanned by the foolish
partiality by which it was originally kindled ; and the
noblest energies of some mighty mind are perverted to the
maintenance of strife, and the infliction of pain. The
operation of these causes produces many striking proofs,
that learning and wisdom are by no means identical, and
that the interpreter of the sublimest morals may become the
miserable victim of the meanest passions which rankle in
the human breast.
In the inaugural oration which Poggio addressed to
Nicolas V. he intimated, that it was his earnest desire to
dedicate his declining years to literary pursuits. This was
not a mere profession. Availing himself of the considerate
kindness of the heads of the Florentine republic, who, in
consideration of the respect due to his advanced age and to
his literary acquirements, excused him from any other task
than a general superintendence of the business of his office,
he continued to prosecute his studies with his accustomed
ardour.* The first fruits of his lucubrations after his final
settlement in the Tuscan capital appeared in a dialogue,
De Miser id humanee conditionis, or, on the wretched-
ness incident to humanity, which he dedicated to Sigis-
mundo Malatesta, Lord of Rimini, and commander in
chief of the Florentine forces. In this dialogue. Poggio
proposed to relate the substance of a conversation which
* Ton. Tr. torn. ii. p. 181.
CHAP. xi. 453
took place between the accomplished Matteo Palmerio,*
Cosmo de' Medici, and himself, in consequence of the
serious reflections which occurred to some of Cosmo's
guests, on the intelligence of the capture of Constantinople
by the Turks. Almost every species of distress which
awaits the sons of men passes in review in the course of
this work. Here the dark side of human life is industri-
ously displayed, and the serious lessons of humility and
self-discipline are inculcated in a feeling and forcible manner.
But even in this grave disquisition, Poggio could not
refrain from exercising his wonted severity upon the ascetics
and coenobites, who had so often smarted under the mer-
ciless lashes of his satire.-f-
This dialogue contains a record of the miserable end
of Angelotto, cardinal of St. Mark. This avaricious eccle-
siastic was murdered by one of his own domestics, who was
tempted to perpetrate this execrable deed by the hope of
plundering his master's hoarded treasures. When the
assassin imagined that he had accomplished his purpose, he
left the chamber, where the cardinal lay weltering in his
* Matteo Palmerio was a Florentine citizen, descended from an illustrious
family. Passing through the different gradations of civic honours, he was at
length called to fill the highest offices of the state. He was an elegant scholar,
and composed many works, amongst which the most distinguished was an Italian
poem in terza rims, entitled Cilia di vita. This poem, in which are recounted
the adventures of a human soul, which the author supposes to have been liberated
from the prison of the body, was condemned by the inquisition as heretical.
Zetio Diss, Voss. torn. i. p. 100 et seq.
t Poggii Opera, p. SB 131.
454 CHAP. XT.
blood, and called aloud for assistance. The relations and
servants of Angelotto immediately crowded into the apart-
ment accompanied by the murderer, who, affecting to be
overwhelmed with grief, took his station at the window.
He was, however, not a little startled on observing, that
in his trepidation he had not completely effected his wicked
intentions. The cardinal still breathed, and, though
unable to speak, he pointed to the assassin. The villain
endeavoured to divert the attention of the bye-standers
from the true meaning of this sign, by exclaiming, " See !
" he intimates that the murderer came into the house
" through this window." This ingenious interpretation of
his dying master's gestures did not, however, avert from
him the punishment due to his crime. He was arrested
and tried, and after having made a full confession of his
guilt, he expiated his offence by the forfeit of his life.*
Soon after the publication of his dialogue De Miser-id
humance conditionis, Poggio transmitted to Cosmo dc'
Medici a version of Lucian's Ass, on which he had bestowed
a few of his days of leisure. By the circulation of this
version he wished to establish a point of literary history,
which seems to have been till then unknown, namely, that
Apuleius was indebted to Lucian for the stamina of his
Asimts Aureus. It is a sufficient proof of the merit of
Poggio's translation of Lucian's romance, that Bourdaloue
lias adopted it in his edition of the works of that entertain-
ing author.
, torn. ii. p. 162.
c HAP. XI.
I-W
The last literary production which exercised the talents
of Poggio was the History of Florence, a work for the com-
position of which he was peculiarly well qualified, not only
by his skill in the Latin language, but also on account of
the means of information which were afforded to him by the
office which he held in the administration of the civil affairs
of the Florentine republic. This history, which is divided
into eight books, comprehends a most important and in-
teresting portion of the annals of Tuscan independence,
embracing the events in which the Florentines bore a share,
from the period of the first war which they waged with
Giovanni Visconti, in the year 1350, to the peace of
Naples, which took place in 1455. It has been justly
observed, that in his Historia Florentine,, Poggio aims at
higher praise than that of a mere chronicler of facts, and
that he enlivens his narrative by the graces of oratory. In
imitation of the ancient historians, he frequently explains
the causes and the secret springs of actions, by the medium
of deliberative speeches, which he imputes to the principal
actors in the scenes which he describes. His statement of
facts is clear and precise ; in the delineation of character,
which is an important and difficult part of the duty of the
historian, he evinces penetration of judgment and skill in
discrimination. Though the extent of territory to the
history of which his narration is confined be circumscribed
by very narrow limits, his work is by no means destitute
of the interest which arises from the description of pro-
tracted sieges, bold achievements, and bloody encounters.
He has been accused of suffering his partiality to his native
country to betray him into occasional palliations of the
456 CHAP. xi.
injustice of his fellow-citizens, and into false imputations
against their enemies- This accusation has been briefly
couched in the following epigram, written by the celebrated
Sannazaro.
" Dum patriam laudat, damnat dum Poggius hostem,
" Nee malus est civis, nee bonus historicus."
It may, however, be remarked, that supposing this accu-
sation to be supported by unequivocal evidence, the advocate
of Poggio might plead in his excuse the general frailty of
human nature, which renders it almost impossible for a man
to divest himself of an overweening affection for the land of
his nativity. But it must be observed, that the impeach-
ment in question is founded upon a very few passages in the
History of Florence, and that it comes from a suspicious
quarter from the citizens of those states, the political con-
duct of which Poggio marks with disapprobation.
Poggio's History of Florence was translated into
Italian by his son, Jacopo. This version, being committed
to the press, for a long space of time superseded the
original, which was confined to the precincts of the Medi-
cean library till the year 1715, at which period Giovanni
Battista Recanati, a noble Venetian, published it in a
splendid form, and enriched it with judicious notes, and
with a life of Poggio, the accuracy of which causes the
student of literary history to lament its brevity.*
* Poggio's History of Florence, as edited by Recanati, has been republished in
the magnificent historical collections of Gnevius and Muratori.
CHAP. XI. 457
The consideration of the great extent of the History of
Florence places in a striking point of view the industry and
courage of its author, who, in defiance of the infirmities of
old age, possessed the energy of mind to meditate, and the
diligence to execute, a work of such magnitude. Before,
however, it had received the last polish, the earthly labours
of Poggio were terminated by his death. This event oc-
curred on the 30th of October, 1459. On the second of
November ensuing his remains were interred Avith solemn
magnificence in the church of Santa Croce, in Florence.
The respect which the administrators of the Tuscan
government entertained for the virtues of Poggio, induced
them readily to comply with the pious wishes of his sons,*
By his wife, Poggio had five sons ; Pietro Paulo, Giovanni Battist*,
Jacopo, Giovanni Francesco, and Filippo. Pietro Paulo was born in the year
U38. He entered into the fraternity of the Dominicans, and was promoted to
the honourable office of Prior of Santa Maria ad Minervam, in Rome, which
office he held till the time of his death, which happened September 6th. 1464.
Giovanni Battista, who was born in the year 1439, took the degree of doctor
of civil and canon law, and attained the several dignities of Canonico of Flo-
rence, and of Arezzo, Rector of the Lateran church, Acolyte of the pontiff,
and assistant clerk of the chamber. He composed in the Latin language th
lives of Niccolo Piccinino, and Dominico Capranica, cardinal of Finniano.
He died anno 1570. *
Jacopo, born anno 1441, wai the only one of Poggio'ssons who did not en,
ter into the ecclesiastical profession. He was a scholar of distinguished accom-
plishments. His Italian translation of his father's History of Florence, and of
his Latin version of the Cyropaedia, have already been noticed. He also trans-
lated into Italian the lives of four of the Roman emperors. Nor did he confine
his literary exertions to translations. He composed a commentary on Petrarca'i
Triumph of Fame, which he dedicated to Lorenzo de' Medici ; a treatise on the
3x
4t>8 CHAl'. XI.
who requested permission to deposit his portrait, painted by
Antonio Pollaiuolo, in a public hall denominated the Pro-
consolo. His fellow-citizens also testified their grateful
sense of the honour which his great accomplishments had
reflected on his country, by erecting a statue to his memory,
on the front of the church of Santa Maria del Fiore.*
It was with justice that the Florentines held the name
of Poggio in respectful remembrance. Inspired by a zealous
love of his country, he had constantly prided himself upon
origin of the War between the English and the French ; and the life of Filippo
Scolario, vulgarly called Pipo Spano. Entering into the service of cardinal
Riario, he was involved in the guilt of the Pazzi conspiracy, and was of the
number of the criminals who were suspended from the windows of the town hall
of Florence, in the year 1478.
Giovanni Francesco, who was born anno 1447, after holding the offices of
Canonico of Florence, and Rector of the Lateran church, went to Rome, where
be became chamberlain of the pontiff, and abbreviater of the apostolic epistles.
He was highly esteemed by Leo X., who appointed him his secretary, in the en-
joyment of which office he died at Rome, July 25th, 1 522, and was buried in
the church of St. Gregory, where there still exists a monument erected to hi
memory.
Filippo was born anno 1450. When he had attained the twentieth year of
his age he was created Canonico of Florence. But quitting the ecclesiastical
life, he married a lady of an illustrious family, by whom he had three daughters.
Besides these five sons, Poggio had a daughter, named Lucretia, who married
into the family of the Buondelmonti. Ton. Tr. torn. ii. p. 169.
* The fate of this statue was somewhat remarkable. In consequence of
certain alterations made in the facade of the church of Santa Maria, in the year
1560, by Francesco, Grand duke of Tuscany, it was removed to another part of
that edifice, where it uow composes one of the group of the twelve apostles.
Recanatl Vita Poggii, p. xxxiv.
CHAP. XI. 4.59
the honour of being a citizen of a free state, and he
neglected no opportunity which presented itself of increasing
and displaying the glory of the Tuscan republic. And this
end he most effectually promoted by the splendour of his
own accomplishments. He so faithfully improved the
advantages which he enjoyed in the course of his education
in the Florentine university, that amongst the multitudes
of learned men who adorned his age, he occupied a station
of the highest eminence. His admission into the Roman
chancery, and his continuance in offices of confidence under
eight successive pontiffs, afford an ample proof not only of
his ability in business, but also of his fidelity and integrity.
Honoured by the favour of the great, he did not sacrifice
his independence at the shrine of power, but uniformly
maintained the ingenuous sentiments of freedom. The
whole tenor of his writings evinces, that he united to the
accomplishments of literature an intimate knowledge of the
world ; and many passages might be quoted from his works
to prove that the eye of his mind surveyed a wider intel-
lectual horizon than fell to the general lot of the age in
which he lived. He was warm and enthusiastic in his
friendly attachments, and duteously eager to diffuse the
renown of those whom he loved. But acute sensations are
not productive of signal virtues alone ; they too frequently
betray mankind into capital errors. Though Poggio was
by no means implacable in his anger, yet he was as energetic
in the expression of his resentment, as he was enthusiastic
in the language in which he testified his esteem for those to
whom he was bound by the ties of friendship. The licen-
tiousness in which he occasionally indulged in the early part
460 CHAP. XI.
of his life, and the indecent levity which occurs in some of
his writings, arc rather the vices of the times than of the
man. We accordingly find that those circumstances did not
deprive him of the countenance of the highest ecclesiastical
dignitaries they did not cause him to forfeit the favour of
the pious Eugenius, or of the virtuous and accomplished
Nicolas V. His failings, indeed, were fully counterbalanced
by several moral qualities of superior excellence by his
gratitude for benefits received ; by his sincerity in friend-
ship ; by his compassion for the unfortunate ; and by his
readiness, to the extent of his ability, to succour the dis-
tressed. To which it may be added, that he seems to have
recommended himself to most of those with whom he main-
tained a personal intercourse, by the urbanity of his
manners, and by the sportiveness of his wit.
As a scholar Poggio is entitled to distinguished praise.
By a course of assiduous study, commenced at an early
period of his life and continued to its close, be became
intimately conversant with the works of the Roman classic
authors ; and though he was somewhat advanced in age
when he began to direct his attention to Grecian literature,
by dint of methodic industry he made a considerable pro-
ficiency in a knowledge of the writings of the Greek
philosophers and historians. From those enlightened pre-
ceptors he imbibed those principles, whicluin his graver
treatises he applied with fidelity and skill to the investigation
of moral truth. To them, also, he was in no small degree
indebted for that noble spirit of independence, and for that
frankness of sentiment, which gave so much animation to
CHAP. XI. 401
bis writings. The pictures of life and manners which he
exhibits in his works are sketched by the decisive hand of a
master, and are vividly coloured. His extensive erudition
supplied him with that abundance of apt illustration with
which his compositions are enriched. His Latin style is
singularly unequal. In the letters which he wrote in haste,
and which he addressed to his familiar friends, there occur
frequent specimens of a phraseology in which his native
idiom is thinly covered, as it were, with a transparent Roman
robe. But in his more elaborate compositions he manifested
the discernment of true taste, in selecting as his exemplar
the style of Cicero. His spirited endeavours to imitate this
exquisite model were far from being unsuccessful. His dic-
tion is flowing, and his periods are all well balanced; but,
by the occasional admission of barbarous words and un- ,'
authorized phraseology, as well as his evident want of an ,
intimate acquaintance with the philosophy of grammar, he
reminds his reader that at the time when he wrote, the Iron
age of literature was but lately terminated. His most strik-
ing fault is diffuseness a difFuseness which seems to arise,
not so much from the copiousness of his thoughts, as from
the difficulty which he experienced in clearly expressing his
ideas. It must, however, be observed, that he did not, like
many modern authors who are celebrated for their Latinity,
slavishly confine himself to the compilation of centos from
the works of the ancients. In the prosecution of his literary
labours he drew from his own stores ; and those frequent
allusions to the customs and transactions of his own times,
which render his writings so interesting, must, at a period
when the Latin language was just rescued from the grossest
462 CHAP. XI.
barbarism, have rendered their composition peculiarly difficult.
When compared with the works of his immediate predeces-
sors, the writings of Poggio are truly astonishing. Rising
to a degree of elegance, to be sought for in vain in tlie rug-
ged Latinity of Petrarca and Coluccio Salutati, he prepared
the way for the correctness of Politiano, and of the other
eminent scholars, whose gratitude has reflected such splendid
lustre on the character of Lorenzo de' Medici.
THE END.
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