SAN
 
 MIS HIGHHESS THE 
 
 NAWAB NAZIM OF BENGAL 
 
 BEHAR AND ORISSA.
 
 INDIAN RECORDS, 
 
 WITH 
 
 A COMMEKCIAL VIEW 
 
 RELATIONS 
 
 THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT 
 
 NAWABS NAZIM OF BENGAL, BEHAR 
 AND ORISSA. 
 
 1 Render unto Caesar the things which are Caesar's." 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 G. BUBB, 167, NEW BOND STREET. 
 1870.
 
 TO 
 
 4 
 
 HIS HIG-HICTESS S"X"CJI3 I/CXTITSOOIR, 
 
 NAWAB NAZIlf OF BENGAL, BEHAR AND OEISSA. 
 
 THIS WOKK IS KESPECTFULLY DEDICATED 
 BY HIS OBEDIENT SERVANT, 
 
 THE AUTHOR.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 
 Original Treaty of Alliance with Meer Jaffier, Juno 1757. 6 
 
 Second Treaty and Agreement between Nawab Meer 
 Jaffier and the East India Company, 10th July, 1763. 9 
 
 Demands made by Nawab Meer Jaffier for the establish- 
 ment of his rights in perpetuity, 10th July, 1763. . 12 
 
 Nawab Meer Jaffier's note of hand for the expenses of the 
 Army, 16th September, 1764 13 
 
 Additional Treaty and Agreement with Nawab Nudjm- 
 ul-dowlah, 25th February, 1765. .... 15 
 
 Firmauns of the Emperor of Delhi conferring the office 
 of the Dewanny upon the East India Company, 12th 
 August, 1765 19 
 
 Supplementary Agreement with Nawab Nudjm-ul-dowlah 
 accepting a fixed sum for " the expenses of the Niza- 
 mut," 30th September, 1765 22 
 
 Additional Treaty and Agreement with Nawab Syef-uf- 
 dowlah, 19th May, 1766 23 
 
 Additional Treaty and Agreement with Nawab Mobaruk- 
 ul-dowlah, 21st March, 1770 25 
 
 Order from Court of Directors to reduce the stipend of 
 Nawab Mobaruk-ul-dowlah during his minority to six- 
 teen lakhs, 26th April, 1771 31
 
 VI CONTENTS. 
 
 -Page 
 
 Order from Court of Directors to provide for the support 
 and dignity of Nawab Mobaruk-ul-dowlah by augmen- 
 tation of his stipend, 21st July, 1786. 
 
 Letter from the Governor-General Lord Cornwallis to 
 Nawab Mobarnk-ul-dowlah, making proposals for re- 
 duction of his liabilities and the support of his dignity, 
 22nd September, 1790. 34 
 
 Letter from the Governor- General Lord Cornwallis to the 
 Paymaster of Nizamut stipends, conveying instructions 
 relative to Nizamut Family Fund and future distribu- 
 tion of Nizamut stipends, 30th September, 1790. . 38 
 
 Letter from Marquis Wellesley to Nawab Bubber Jung, 
 " the Pillar of State and Defender of the Realm." . 46 
 
 Proposals for absorbing Munnee Begum's stipend after 
 her death for general purposes, 9th November, 1802. 48 
 
 Letter from Lord Miuto to Nawab Zynudeen Ali Khan, 
 on his accession to the throne, 26th May, 1810. . . 49 
 
 Proposals of Mr. Edmonstone for the establishment of an 
 office of Agent to the Governor-General at the Court 
 of the Nawab, 23rd July, 1816. 52 
 
 Deputation of Mr. Monckton to Moorshedabad. . . 55 
 
 Mr. Monckton's Report of his conference with the Nawab 
 19th October, 1816 ........ 56 
 
 Instructions to Mr. Monckton on the subject of the 
 Agency Fund 60 
 
 Instructions to Accountant- General to invest the money 
 for Agency Fund 60 
 
 Letter from Mr. Monckton to Sub-Treasurer, Fort 
 William, respecting transmission of money for Agency 
 Fund, 19th December, 1816 61 
 
 Letter from Mr. Monckton to Accountant- General, Fort 
 William, regarding investment of money for the 
 Agency Fund, 19th December, 1816 .... 61 
 
 Letter from Mr. Monckton to Acting Chief Secretary to 
 the Government, Fort William, explaining matters con- 
 nected with Agency Fund, 26th December, 1816 . . 63
 
 CONTENTS. Vll 
 
 Page 
 
 Instructions from the Governor- General in Council to Mr. 
 Monckton regarding reinvestment of money for Agency 
 Fund 66 
 
 Instructions from Governor-General in Council to the 
 Government Agent regarding reinvestment of Agency 
 Fund in Government Securities ..... 67 
 
 Letter to Mr. Monckton appointing him to the Office of 
 Agent Governor-General, 22nd February, 1817 . . 67 
 
 Instructions regarding the distribution of the interest of 
 the Agency Fund for the office of the Agent Governor- 
 General, 10th May, 1817 68 
 
 Instructions to Mr. Monckton regarding his office and 
 establishment, 10th May, 1817 69 
 
 Details of Agency Fund from 181 7 to 1860 ... 70 
 
 Letters from Marquis Hastings to Nawab Ahmad Ali 
 Wallah Jah, 10th August, 1821 75 
 
 Proposals of Mr. Monckton to appropiate accumulation 
 from the Nizamut Fund, 31st December, 1822. . . 77 
 
 Letter from the Governor-General to the Nawab regard- 
 ing the several appropriations from the Nizamut Sti- 
 pend for different objects, such as Deposit Fund, &c. . 79 
 
 Instructions from the Governor-General in Council to the 
 Accountant- General and Government Agent respecting 
 the investment of money forming Munnee Begum's 
 Fund 80 
 
 Letter from H. T. Prinsep, Esq., Persian Secretary to 
 Government, to the Agent Governor General, Moor- 
 shedabad, regarding the formation of the Munnee 
 Begum's and the Nizamut Deposit Fund, 28th Jan., 
 1823 81 
 
 Letter from the Governor-General, Lord Amherst, to 
 Nawab Humayoon Jah after his succession to the 
 throne, 14th January, 1825 89 
 
 Letter from the Governor-General, Lord William Ben- 
 tinck, to Nawab Humayoon Jah, 24th January, 1835. . 90 
 
 Letters from the Governor- General, Lord Auckland, to
 
 via CONTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 
 Nawab Humayoon Jah, dated 7th March, 1836, llth 
 September, 1837, and 20th October, 1837. ... 91 
 
 Letter from C. E. Trevelyan, Esq., Deputy Secretary to 
 the Government, to H. Paulin, Esq., Attorney to the 
 Honourable Company, regarding the Independence of 
 the Nawabs of Bengal, and the inability of any Court 
 of Justice to exercise jurisdiction over them. . . 93 
 
 Letter from the Honourable C. T. Metcalfe, Acting 
 Govern or- General, to Nawab Humayoon Jah, respect- 
 ing the Agreement of 1834. ...... 95 
 
 Agreement entered into in 1834 for the future regulation 
 of the Nizamut Affairs. ...... 96 
 
 Correspondence which led to the execution of the Agree- 
 ment of 1834. 97 
 
 Proposal of Sir Charles Trevelyan for absorbing all 
 stipends that might lapse on the decease of the 
 Nawab' s relatives. 100 
 
 Instructions issued to the Agent Governor- General on 
 the subject of Lapsed Stipends of the Nawab's rela- 
 tives, 1st March, 1836 ,101 
 
 Proposal of the Deputy-Governor of Bengal to absorb all 
 the stipends of servants and dependents on the death 
 of the holders, 18th July, 1838 106 
 
 Order of Court of Directors on the subject of Lapsed 
 Stipends, and their opinion that the Nizamut Deposit 
 Fund is not public money, but a part of the " Assign- 
 ment by Treaty of the Family." .. . . .107 
 
 Proclamation and General Order on the accession of the 
 present Nawab Syud Munsoor Ullee. .... 109 
 
 Official Letter addressed to the present Nawab Syud 
 Munsoor Ullee on his accession 110 
 
 Statement of the extraordinary transactions of Mr. 
 Torrens, Agent Governor- General, with Correspon- 
 dence relating thereto. 112 
 
 Letter from Lord Dalhousie to the present Nawab Syud 
 Munsoor Ullee, informing His Highness of his own
 
 CONTENTS. IX 
 
 Page 
 appointment to the office of Governor-General, 12th 
 
 January, 1848 125 
 
 Correspondence and Law Reports relating to the Murder 
 Case, upon which Lord Dalhousie based an attack 
 upon the rights and privileges of the present Nawab. . 129 
 
 Letter from Lord Canning to the present Nawab, on his 
 assuming the office of Governor-General, llth March, 
 1836 194 
 
 Proclamation of Her Majesty the Queen in 1858. . . 196 
 
 Correspondence setting forth the valuable services ren- 
 dered by the Nawab to the Indian Government on the 
 occasions of the Santhal Rebellion in 1854, and the 
 great Indian Mutiny of 1857. 199 
 
 Narrative of Nizamut Affairs, compiled in 1858-9 by 
 Colonel Colin Mackenzie, Agent Governor-General, 
 setting forth in a most truthful manner the relations 
 between the Nawabs of Bengal and the British Govern- 
 ment 211 
 
 Letter from Colonel Colin Mackenzie to the Secretary to 
 the Government of Bengal regarding the claims of the 
 present Nawab Syud Munsoor Ullee, 25th May, 1859. . 231 
 
 Correspondence relating to an affront supposed to have 
 been offered to the Agent Governor-General, which 
 brought about an estrangement between the Nawab 
 and that officer 239 
 
 Correspondence relating to the dismissal of the Dewan 
 by the Nawab, and the action taken in the matter by 
 the Agent Governor-General and the Government of 
 India 241 
 
 Correspondence regarding the loss sustained by the 
 Nawab through the unwarranted stoppage of his 
 Stipend by the Agent Governor- General, and the 
 singular procedure of the Government in the matter. . 265 
 
 Extract from letter to the Secretary to the Government 
 of Bengal, conveying the opinions of the Governor- 
 General in Council regarding the claims of the Nawab
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 
 as set forth in his Memorial of 1857 to Her Majesty's 
 Secretary of State for India in Council, dated 14th 
 January, 1862, forwarded to the Nawab for his in- 
 formation. ......... 269 
 
 Extract from a Despatch, dated 17th June, 1864, from 
 Her Majestj 's Secretary of State for India in Council 
 to His Excellency the Governor-General in Council, 
 conveying the Sentiments of Her Majesty's Govern- 
 ment on the claims of the Nawab of Bengal as ad- 
 vanced in his Memorial of 1857 279 
 
 Memorial addressed by His Highness Syud Munsoor 
 Ullee, the present Nawab of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, 
 to His Grace the Duke of Argyll, K.T., on the 28th 
 July, 1869. 289
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 ON whomsoever may devolve the unthankful task of 
 compiling records of any episode in the Government of 
 India, or whatever may be the prejudice with which he 
 commences by exhibiting the severe necessity for un- 
 restricted rule over a people incapable of constitutional 
 institutions, his narrative, whatever its historical preten- 
 sions may be, will invariably degenerate into a story 
 beginning with intrigue, continuing in spoliation, and 
 terminating in confiscation. Such, for the most part, is 
 the history of all Indian Princes in connection with 
 the British Government of India, nor is the present 
 work an exception to a rule so general. 
 
 The first centenary of the last Treaty with the Nawab 
 of Bengal was completed on the 21st March last. 
 A hundred years in the history of Europe, where the 
 progress is gradual, can hardly be realized ; but a 
 century in the history of British India unfolds a pano- 
 rama commencing with the establishment of a few fac- 
 tories in comparatively insignificant parts of the coast,
 
 Xll PEEFACE. 
 
 and terminating in the efforts to consolidate and im- 
 prove one of the largest and most powerful empires in 
 the world. 
 
 To Englishmen, the value of this vast Imperial posses- 
 sion is of paramount importance, for with this Depen- 
 dency we have acquired a position amongst the Nations 
 of the Universe, which, from our insular and isolated 
 position, it would in vain have taxed Anglo-Saxon ener- 
 gies to have gained. India affords a ready market for 
 our manufactures, an almost inexhaustible store-house 
 for the supply of raw material wherewith is provided 
 employment to British labour, supported and encouraged 
 by British enterprise and British capital ; it also fur- 
 nishes an ample field for the development and profitable 
 use of the talents and energies of our young men, which 
 would otherwise only help to overstock our market of 
 intellect at home. Yet with all these advantages, and 
 despite this universally acknowledged importance, how 
 small is the interest displayed by Englishmen in matters 
 relating to the welfare and prosperity of this vast Depen- 
 dency. A debate on Indian Affairs in the House of 
 Commons is invariably marked with the characteristic 
 feature of " empty benches," and not unfrequently 
 with what is worse, a " Count Out." 
 
 To right-thinking men the injustice of this apathy 
 has been not only bitterly felt, but has led to remon- 
 strance, yet we doubt not from our daily growing closer 
 connection by telegraphs and railways, India and Indian 
 questions Avill not only form subjects of general notice 
 but of absorbing interest. The apathy of which we 
 have complained has doubtless led in many instances to
 
 PREFACE. Xlll 
 
 the Government of India adopting a course of policy 
 which, to Englishmen, lovers of Truth, Justice, and 
 Freedom, is abhorrent, and would in our individual 
 capacities be shunned equally with a deadly plague. 
 
 But that which Englishmen, as individuals, would 
 blush to hear themselves charged with, much less be 
 guilty of committing, they in their collective and corporate 
 capacity, sometimes unhesitatingly accomplish ; and Eng- 
 lish talent and genius are, we regret to say, too often 
 prostituted in support of the cause of wrong and injus- 
 tice. 
 
 It has been assumed by a few eminent statesmen and 
 writers, that the secret of British success in India is en- 
 tirely dependent upon the extinction of Sovereign rights 
 and sway amongst the Native Princes of that land ; that, 
 in fact, for the English rule in India to be secured upon 
 a firm and sound basis, the policy of the Indian Govern- 
 ment must be " Annexation." Without discussing the 
 soundness, or otherwise, of this doubtful policy, it has 
 at no time been maintained that we should not only 
 deprive the Princes of India of their possessions, but 
 also rob them of their moveables and moneys ; this 
 doctrine we are happy to say, whatever may have 
 been the private practice of our Indian Administrators, 
 has never been expounded with authority. 
 
 The Great Mutiny of 1850 7 was an outbreak entirely 
 due, not to a general discontent of the people at the 
 disturbance of their landed tenures, or an insubordina- 
 tion of the military occasioned by interference with their 
 religious prejudices, for these were but instruments, not 
 causes of rebellion, but to the now well-known determi-
 
 XIV PREFACE. 
 
 nation of certain powerful natives no longer to endure 
 the insidious treachery of Indian Government policy, and 
 their fixed resolution to put a stop to, and to revenge 
 the continuous course of accumulated, although almost 
 insensible, injuries and encroachments perseveringly 
 carried on against them by the East India Company's 
 officers. The severe lesson then administered by such a 
 remonstrance in arms, would, doubtless, have induced 
 the Company to conduct their Government of India upon 
 more just principles, had not a knowledge of the cause 
 and effects led to a wise resolution of Her Majesty to take 
 from the corrupt hands of a Commercial Body the sceptre of 
 empire over two hundred millions of human beings, and no 
 longer to expose the British rule to the odium of a nar- 
 row-minded and mercenary policy. The hopes of India 
 rose with the generous Proclamation of Her Majesty in 
 1858. and the native Princes of India were gladly folded 
 under the wings of their encompassing Angel " British 
 Empire." 
 
 Since that time, year after year has seen documents 
 set forth on official authority, gratulatory of the material 
 improvements effected in the managment of Indian affairs. 
 But the moral policy of the Council in India has remained 
 the same. There has been no cessation of the trenching 
 towards confiscation as regards the Indian Native Princes 
 that was left behind in the official desks of the Company 
 what was commenced in 1760, counselled in 1816, connived 
 at in 1834, determined upon in 1854, and directed in 1862, 
 was approved in 1864, and would have been effected in 
 1869 but for the bold determination of the intended 
 victim, no less a personage than His Highness the Nawab
 
 PREFACE. XV 
 
 of Bengal, Behar and Oiissa the oldest ally and greatest 
 friend in India of the English power to appear in person 
 before Her Majesty, the Parliament, the People, and the 
 Law of England, and to appeal for redress in the present 
 for himself, and protection in the future for his family. 
 
 Thus the knowledge has been forced upon the English 
 public hitherto careless of Indian circumstances that 
 although the leading idea of the governing power in 
 India was outwardly changed in person as in expression, 
 the bureaucratic idea remained identical. So that it has 
 happened that things have been done in the name of Her 
 Majesty as Empress of India which are intolerable in any 
 country subject to British laws, and governed according 
 to British principles of justice. 
 
 That such things were possible under the sway of the 
 East India Company there is no unwillingness to confess, 
 but that it may be possible to suffer injustice from 
 British Indian Imperial Government such as His High- 
 ness the Nawab of Bengal comes to complain of at 
 the foot of the throne of England, some might feel 
 inclined to doubt. To such, a painful spectacle must 
 have been presented on the 1st March last iu the Judicial 
 Committee of the Privy Council, when their Lordships 
 gave judgment on the Appeal " Her Majesty's Secretary 
 of State for India versus Mussamat Khanzadee," a short 
 quotation from which is annexed : 
 
 " The Government was much in the wrong in taking 
 " possession as they did, and that this Appeal never 
 " ought to have been brought. Their Lordships will 
 " therefore humbly advise Her Majesty that it be dis- 
 " missed. The dismissal should be with costs."
 
 XVI PREFACE. 
 
 The Government alluded to is that of India as con- 
 trolled by Her Majesty's Secretary of State and the 
 Indian Council, which Council is thus described by Sir 
 William Deuison : 
 
 Council of India: "The gentlemen composing this 
 " Council can only give the Secretary of State the record 
 " of their past experience ; they dream of the India of the 
 " present day as that of their youth ; they can give no 
 " information which cannot be obtained in a much more 
 " perfect and correct form from the local authorities in 
 " India ; their advice is disregarded by the Secretary of 
 " State when it does not harmonise with his own views, 
 " and is merely made use of by him to shelter himself 
 " from the responsibility which ought to devolve upon 
 " him of thinking out and deciding questions submitted 
 " to him from India ; questions, I may say, which would 
 " be, in most instances, better dealt with by a fresh mind 
 " than by a body constituted like that of the Indian 
 " Council." 
 
 It is against the unjust and arbitrary decision of this 
 tribunal in 1864 on the subject of his legitimate and 
 hereditaiy rights that the Nawab Nazim of Bengal now 
 appeals to the enlightened British Public. 
 
 " Can it be possible," an English gentleman would ask, 
 " that on the termination of a contest for disputed sove- 
 reignty in which essential services had been rendered by 
 those noblemen to the victor, after receiving from the head 
 
 of a noble family, say the Dukes of D e or A 11, the 
 
 management of his estates and the administration of his 
 territories on condition of supplying a certain sum 
 annually as revenue, the potentate, acting as steward
 
 PREFACE. XVII 
 
 after obtaining through such administration a complete 
 command over the property should turn round upon the 
 family of his original employer and styling him the Duke 
 
 of D e or A 11 a 'titled stipendiary/ should 
 
 declare the settlement (after a lapse of a hundred years) 
 to have been only a personal agreement with his ancestor, 
 and propose to cut away his rank, and lop off his revenue, 
 leaving him only a bare annuity in the residue called a 
 life-interest, but secured only on his (the payer's) caprice 
 or convenience, with the addition of an insulting offer for 
 the apprenticing of his sons to some trade ?" 
 
 Such, nevertheless, is the object, intent, meaning and 
 history of the following passage relating to the Nawab of 
 Bengal, which occurs in a Despatch addressed by Sir C. 
 Wood as Secretary of State for India to the Governor- 
 General in Council in India a passage no doubt purposely 
 concealed and omitted in the copy supplied to the Nawab 
 himself. 
 
 "I am of opinion that the future position of Nawab 
 " Nazim's sons should be fixed and defined with as little 
 ' delay as possible. Her Majesty's Government desire to 
 " have the views of Your Excellency on this subject. 
 " Your Excellency is aware that this Government are fully 
 " sensible of the INCONVENIENCE OF PERPETUATING IN THIS 
 
 " OK ANY OTHER FAMILY A LINE OF TITLED STIPEN- 
 
 " DIARIES without power and responsibility, and without 
 " salutary employment, &c., &c., it would seem to be the 
 " wish of the Nawab Nazim that his sons should be 
 " trained to some useful occupations. I should be glad 
 " if arrangements could be made for enabling them to 
 " become useful members of society. The accumulation in
 
 XVlll PREFACE. 
 
 " the Nizamut Deposit Fund MIGHT afford permanent en- 
 " dowment to a certain extent." 
 
 A similar proposal submitted to the House of Com- 
 mons by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, as Dewan of 
 the United Kingdom, in regard to Her Majesty's Civil 
 List, would not be more absurdly illogical or flagrantly 
 unjust. 
 
 To impose some check by public opinion on the con- 
 tinuous urging of such a policy is the main object of 
 the present compilation of documents in regard to the 
 Case of His Highness the Nawab of Bengal. In defence 
 of his children's rights, he appears in this country as a 
 Petitioner of Eight. It was in his country and through 
 his ancestor's services that the English secured a per- 
 manent footing in India in 1757; it was by his own 
 loyalty that they were enabled to maintain it in 
 1857. That any such power will again fall to the 
 hands of an Indian Native Prince is not probable. 
 Her Majesty's nile as Empress has grounded a far 
 different policy than what led up to the deplorable 
 events of that sad period. But before the effects of 
 such an improved policy can be realized to their full 
 extent, it will be necessary that the old principles that 
 have formed the ground-work of Indian official action 
 should be entirely eradicated. 
 
 Surely, when all is said, " honesty is the best policy." 
 What is called the English Government of Bengal 
 was established upon commercial principles by com- 
 mercial men. The East India Company never received 
 any authority to govern the Provinces of Bengal, Behar, 
 and Orissa ; they were appointed first by the Nawab
 
 PREFACE. XIX 
 
 and afterwards by the Emperor of Delhi Chancellors 
 of the Exchequer under the Nawabs' Government. 
 Whatever authority the English Government of Bengal 
 now possesses, has been nssumed. In all their re- 
 lations with the Nawabs of Bengal descended from Meer 
 Jaffier the East India Company treated the Nawabs as 
 Independent Princes, for it was a well known fact that 
 they had purchased their independence by paying 
 a fixed tribute of twenty-six lacs of rupees a year to 
 the Emperor of Delhi, and were therefore de facto Inde- 
 pendent Princes, and could only be treated as such. No 
 revolution of the people has overthrown their power, 
 nor have they committed any breach of Treaty with the 
 English by which they could legally be said to have 
 sacrificed their honour, or the protection to which they are 
 entitled at the hands of the British Government. What 
 was stipulated in the original Treaties and Agreements 
 with the Nawabs is justly due to them, and should 
 speaking in a commercial sense alone be paid over 
 to them without further chaffering or unjust ques- 
 tion. 
 
 Even in its best form, the present policy of the Go- 
 vernment of India has attained no higher range than 
 that of standing by injustice, and doing no more wrong. 
 This idea was clearly set forth by Sir William Denison 
 while acting temporarily as Governor-General in 1864, 
 nor does he disguise the present condition of things, nor 
 seek to conceal the wrong done. 
 
 " The more I see of the state of things in this country^ 
 " the more earnestly do I wish for alterations and reform ; 
 " yet the growth of abuses has been so natural and so gra-
 
 XX PREFACE. 
 
 "dual, each step having been almost a necessary conse- 
 " quence of the preceding one, that it is difficult to know 
 " where to begin, and having begun, equally difficult to 
 " know where one is to stop. Many matters come before 
 " me which involve a consideration of the treatment dealt 
 " out by us to the great men of the land in former times, 
 " and which impress me with the conviction that we acted 
 " towards them most nefariously ; but were I to attempt to 
 " grant redress to the children of these, where could I stop? 
 " I should have to give over a large slice of the Madras 
 " Presidency to others who, ignorant and full of native 
 " prejudices, would bring back a state of things, which, 
 " if not past, is, at all events, passing away. I have made 
 " up my mind, therefore, not to attempt to redress here- 
 " ditary injustice; but taking what happened before my 
 " time as a fait accompli, to be careful that no complaint 
 " is made against me." 
 
 However plausible and superficially politic such-like 
 sentiments may be, they are neither commouly honest nor 
 just. They resemble the simple idea of the " cateran " set 
 in action on a large scale over an empire of two hundred 
 millions of people, 
 
 " The robber's simple plan 
 Tliat they should take who have the power, 
 And they should keep who can." 
 
 In the present instance of the claim now submitted 
 to the patient investigation of the .reader, the present 
 Nawab Nazim has come to this country to seek at the 
 hands of the British Government and Nation, that justice
 
 PREFACE. XXI 
 
 and redress which have been denied him in India. His 
 claims are based entirely upon Treaties, public official 
 Letters and Proclamations of the Government of India, 
 and that also of Her Majesty. He seeks no favour, but 
 simply desires a public and patient enquiry and investi- 
 gatiou of his just claims, and he does this as a faithful 
 servant and loyal adherent of Her Most Gracious Ma- 
 jesty. If those claims, on public and patient investiga- 
 tion, should prove just and legitimate, it is beyond the 
 question to evade payment by pleading inexpediency. 
 His Highness has at all times shown a desire to meet 
 the Government in a friendly spirit, and to settle his 
 claims amicably without embarrassing them. Had he 
 been met in an equal spirit, there is no doubt that the 
 vexed question of the " Claims of the Nawab of Bengal" 
 would have been settled long ere this. 
 
 London, 2nd May, 1870,
 
 GLOSSARY. 
 
 Aanut Assistance. 
 
 Amils Collectors . 
 
 Asamee Defendants. 
 
 Ashur Khana Department relating to the celebration of the Mo- 
 
 hurran. 
 
 Baboo A Hindoo gentleman. 
 Bahadoor Brave or noble. 
 Bakshi Controller of the Army. 
 Banchoot A term of abuse. 
 Batta burdar A man who attends an Indian Prince to supply him 
 
 with spices, beetle leaf, &c. 
 Batta Discount or difference in exchange. 
 Bazar Market place. 
 Beea Interested. 
 Bester Bedding. 
 
 Begum Princess ; now used as a complimentary title only. 
 Behala Treasury, or paymaster's department. 
 Beyt Switch or cane. 
 Bhaebunds Intimate acquaintances. 
 Bhatjee A Hindoo physician holding a diploma. 
 Bheestee Water carrier. 
 Burkundauzes Military police ; constabulary. 
 Chelah Disciple or follower. 
 Chobdar Mace bearer. 
 
 6
 
 XXIV GLOSSARY. 
 
 Chokedar Policeman. 
 
 Chuckla A district or part of a province. 
 
 Chunam Lime. 
 
 Circar Government. 
 
 Co** Two English miles. 
 
 Cutcha Haw or green. 
 
 Daroga h Superintendent . 
 
 Dewan Collector of Revenue and paymaster. 
 
 Dewanny Office of Collector of revenues. 
 
 Dewanny Sherista Dewan's office department. 
 
 DoJiay Help. 
 
 Domdeen A humbug or deceiver. 
 
 Dustuck Pas sport. 
 
 Emaruth Building department. 
 
 Fakeer or Faquir Mendicant. 
 
 Farashkhana Tent department. 
 
 Firmaun Letters patent or royal charter ; edict. 
 
 Foujdar A magistrate or collector. 
 
 Foujdarry Magistrate's court or collector ate. 
 
 Futwa Decision given by a Mahomedan law officer. 
 
 Garries Carriages or carts. 
 
 Gareewan Coachman or carter 
 
 Gatch Tree. 
 Gentoos Hindoos. 
 
 Ghurries Hours . 
 
 Golam Slave. 
 
 Gomastah Agent. 
 
 Hakeem Mahomedan physician. 
 
 HathA, measure of 18 inches. 
 
 Hookah A native pipe. 
 
 Humlogko dhoopme dooraya You have made us wander about under 
 the hot sun. 
 
 Humko nahuk marta He is beating me unjustly. 
 
 Hurkara Commissioner or messenger. 
 
 Hurwmzadur A term of abuse. 
 
 Huslulhookum A customs pass. 
 
 Huzoor Your Honour : a term of respect applied by an inferior to a 
 superior.
 
 GLOSSARY. XX 
 
 Imteazy S uperior . 
 
 Jaghire A pension in land for services rendered ; a fief or freehold. 
 
 Jayhirdar Fiefholder or freeholder. 
 
 Jemadar Head of a department of servants. 
 
 Jharoo Birch or broom. 
 
 Jugy Jugged. 
 
 Jungle Wild place ; forest. 
 
 Kanat Side wall of a tent. 
 
 Karkhanah Place where work is done ; department. 
 
 Keories Husbandmen. 
 
 Khalsa Shereefa Freehold. 
 
 Khana Department or room. 
 
 Khas KhawasA. chosen servant or personal attendant. 
 
 Khavas Valet or footman. 
 
 Khazanchee Treasurer. 
 
 Kheema Tent. 
 
 Khoonrays Executioners. 
 
 Kistbundy Instahnent. 
 
 Kooberaj A Hindoo physician without a diploma. 
 
 Koob maro Beat very much. 
 
 Korah Whip. 
 
 Kullumdan Khana Privy purse. 
 
 Lakh One hundred thousand. 
 
 Latteals Men who fight with sticks. 
 
 Licka ap Did you write this. 
 
 Lushkar Camp. 
 
 Mahout Elephant driver. 
 
 Majholee A kind of cart. 
 
 Mamoolat A customary allowance. 
 
 Marhrohe or Mohurrir A clerk or writer. 
 
 Maro Beat. 
 
 Meah Eunuch or chamberlain. 
 
 Meeanah A conveyance, like a Sedan chair, for invalids and women. 
 
 Meer The distinctive appellation of a descendant of Mahomed. 
 
 Meer Samana Commissariat department. 
 
 Mehal Serai Seraglio. 
 
 Mehter Scavenger. 
 
 Mofussil Country : opposed to town. 
 
 6 2
 
 XXVI GLOSSARY. 
 
 Mohafez Jchanah Record room. 
 
 Mohurrum Celebration of the Martyrdom of the grandsons of 
 
 Mahomet. 
 Mohwrrir S cr ibe . 
 Molazum Courtier. 
 
 Molazuman Imteazy Officer of the Court of an Indian Prince. 
 Moojrayee Crier of a Court. 
 Mookbarah Tomb or Mausoleum. 
 Moonshiejf An Indian subordinate Judge. 
 Mo ors Mahomedan . 
 Mosakib Aide-de-Camp. 
 Muftee Law officer. 
 Musnud Throne. 
 
 Mutaynat An appointed perquisite. 
 Muttasuddees Accountants . 
 Naib, Naib Soubah Deputy, Nawab' s deputy. 
 Nawab or Nabob Ruler of a Province of the Empire. 
 Nawab Nazim Originally 'Deputy Ruler or Viceroy of the King of 
 
 Delhi, but subsequently an Independent Tributary Prince. 
 Nawab Nazir Chamberlain, an office usually held in the East by 
 
 eunuchs. 
 
 Nautch girl A dancing girl. 
 Nazim A title generally applied to eunuchs or other people holding 
 
 responsible service appointments. 
 
 Nizamut Nawab Nazim, his Court Family and Government. 
 Nizamut Adawlut The highest Indian Appellate Court. 
 Nukeeb A crier, herald. 
 Nutthee A bundle of papers. 
 Nuzzer A homage gift. 
 Omrahs Noblemen . 
 
 Oomedwar A hanger-on waiting for employment. 
 Pal A gipsy tent made of matting. 
 Pandish bearer A servant-in-waiting upon an Indian Prince with 
 
 spices, perfume, &c. 
 
 Peadah A foot soldier of the body-guard employed as a servant. 
 Peons Commissionaire or messenger, 
 Peruneeah One who writes down evidence in a Court 
 Pergunnah A parish or part of a district.
 
 GLOSSARY. XXV11 
 
 Perivannah An order or pass in writing. 
 
 Pheel Khana Elephant department. 
 
 Rajah A title of Hindoo nobility. 
 
 Razdarre Councillor. 
 
 Reiat or Ryot A tenant. 
 
 Robokarunavees Writer of summary decisions. 
 
 Rowana A customs pass. 
 
 Rupee Two shillings ; florin. 
 
 Russee A rope used as a measure about 30 feet. 
 
 Ruth A kind of covered bamboo carriage on four wheels. 
 
 Sahib Gentleman. 
 
 Sepoys Native soldiers. 
 
 Shagerd Pesha Menial servants. 
 
 Shurrah Tenets of Mahomedanism. 
 
 Siccas The old Indian rupees of about one-sixteenth more value than 
 
 the English rupees. 
 
 Sircar A government or head of a department. 
 Sirdar A governor or chieftain. Head man. 
 Soubah Government ; a division of the Empire. 
 Soubahdar Head of the Government of a division of the Empire, 
 Soubahdarry Kingdom, Division of the Empire. 
 Sooruthal The first process of instruction in a Criminal Court. 
 Suddar Nizamut The highest Indian Appellate Court. 
 Suggurgarree A two-wheeled bullock-cart. 
 Sultanut Empire. 
 Sunnud Royal Warrant. 
 Suwarry Retinue. 
 Syce Groom. 
 
 Talka pal Awning, generally made of mats. 
 Talookdars A land holder. 
 Tamasha An amusing entertainment. 
 Tazeer Guilty. 
 
 Teen dujfa ya haluth hooa This occurred three times. 
 Thanna Police station. 
 Ticca Temporary employment. 
 Toshakhana Robe department. 
 Ukroba or Akrobah Relations. 
 
 or Aruzbegy Usher in waiting on an Indian Prince.
 
 XXV111 GLOSSARY. 
 
 Vakeel Agent. 
 
 Verandah Portico. 
 
 Vizier Prime Minister. 
 
 Wogherah Et cetera. 
 
 Zemindar Landholder. 
 
 Zemindary Leasehold Estate subject to ground rent. 
 
 Zillah County or shire. 
 
 Zimmum Bond or surety. 
 
 Zulen Oppression or tyranny. 
 
 Zumistanee Seasonable gifts.
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 THE relations between the Nawab Nazim 
 of Bengal and the British Government may 
 be classified under three heads, viz. : Political, 
 Commercial, and Social. 
 
 The Political relations are consequent on the 
 Treaty of Alliance offensive and defensive 
 entered into with Meer Jaffier by the Repre- 
 sentatives of the British Government in 1757 
 (Page 6), confirmed by the Treaty of 1763 
 (Page 9) and ratified by the subsequent Treaty 
 with Nudjm-ul-Dowlah in 1765 (Page 15). 
 The true spirit, intent and meaning of those 
 Treaties have been clearly evinced by the 
 recognition of the descendants of Meer Jaffier 
 as Soubahdars and Nawabs Nazim of Bengal, 
 Behar and Orissa, up to the present day, and 
 although they have since 1772 been deprived of
 
 XXX INTRODUCTION. 
 
 the power vested in them, as also many of 
 their rights and privileges, no legitimate reason 
 can be adduced in support of such an arbi- 
 trary course of procedure. 
 
 The Commercial Relations are grounded 
 upon the Firmaun of the Emperor of Delhi 
 in 1765 (Page 19), and the Agreement (Page 
 22) with Nawab Nudjm-ul-Dowlah, who made 
 over the Freehold of his own personal estates 
 as well as that of the Imperial Lands to the 
 Company as a Feud, and agreed to accept a 
 round sum of about 570,000 per annum as 
 the Nizamut share of the Revenues to be 
 regularly paid as long as the East India 
 Company's Factories continued in Bengal. 
 This arrangement was subsequently modified 
 by mutual consent, and by a Treaty and 
 Agreement in 1766 (Page 23), and at last 
 definitely fixed by the Treaty and Agreement 
 of 1770 (Page 26), "for ever." Since that 
 time no formal Treaties have been entered into 
 to regulate this allowance, and it does not 
 follow that because the Nawabs Nazim, as 
 powerless Princes, were unable to exact the full 
 amount then agreed upon, and were obliged 
 perforce to accept whatever sum their powerful 
 Allies chose to pay them, that they are in 
 consequence not legitimately entitled to the
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 sum fixed by mutual arrangement in 1770 ! 
 Such a conclusion would be both unjust and, 
 commercially speaking, untenable. 
 
 The Social relations are those by which 
 society is regulated, whereby men of rank 
 are entitled to a certain amount of respect 
 as becomes their position. These relations 
 have been sadly departed from by the 
 officers of the British Government in their 
 dealings with the present Nawab, and right- 
 thinking men may satisfy themselves of the 
 truth of this assertion by a perusal of the 
 Correspondence from Page 238 to Page 268. 
 Notwithstanding the repeated assurances of 
 Governors- General to support the happiness, 
 dignity and high station of the Nawab, even 
 his private rights have been invaded, his in- 
 come has been arbitrarily curtailed, and the 
 management of his own family, the dismissal 
 of his own servants, and even the religious 
 services over his ancestors' tombs have been 
 successively interfered with, each invasion 
 being quoted as a precedent for another. 
 His Highness has thus been subjected to in- 
 dignities which no man, however humble his 
 position, would brook without remonstrance ! 
 Is it, then, to be wondered at that the Nawab
 
 XXX11 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Nazira is now appealing to the British Govern- 
 ment for redress and protection ? 
 
 With regard to the Nawab Nazim's political 
 and commercial privileges it has been plausibly 
 asserted that " under the Treaties (with his 
 ancestors) the Nawab Nazim has no acquired 
 rights," and " that the Family of the Nawab 
 Nazim of Bengal have under the Firmaun of 
 Shah Allum, no claim upon the British 
 Government," but these assertions are un- 
 supported by legal authority, or by the con- 
 ditions under which the Company acquired 
 the Fief of the Provinces of Bengal, Behar 
 and Orissa ; for when the office of the 
 Dewanny was conferred upon the Company, 
 they became Chancellors of the Exchequer 
 only, and were not invested with any governing 
 powers. All such powers were reserved for 
 the Nawabs Nazim with a stipulation in the 
 Firmaun that their expenses and those of their 
 family and court should first be provided for 
 out of the revenues of the provinces. The 
 following extract of a letter from the Court of 
 Directors themselves dated 17th May, 17C6, 
 clearly exhibits the relative duties of the 
 Company and the Nawab : " We conceive the 
 " office of Dewan should be exercised only in 
 *' superintending the collection and disposal of
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 " the Revenues, which office though vested 
 "in the Company should officially be executed 
 " by our Resident at the Durbar under the 
 " control of the Governor and Select Com- 
 " mittee, the ordinary bounds of which control 
 " should extend to nothing beyond the super- 
 " intending the collection of the Revenues, 
 " and receiving the money from the Nawab's 
 " Treasury to that of the Dewannah or Com- 
 
 " pany This we conceive to be the 
 
 " whole office of the Dewanny. The Admin- 
 " istration of Justice, the Appointment of 
 " Offices, Zemindarries, &c., in short what- 
 " ever comes under the denomination of Civil 
 " Administration we understand is to remain 
 " in the hands of the Nawab and his ministers." 
 (vide Page 469 of Long's " Selections of Un- 
 published Records of the Government of 
 India.") 
 
 This letter explains the dualistic form of 
 Government which united the interests of the 
 East India Company and the Nawabs Nazim 
 of Bengal, Behar and Orissa, and no legal 
 authority was ever given to the East India 
 Company which entitled them to control the 
 whole Administration of the Provinces. This 
 usurpation of power took place in 1772 during 
 the minority of the young Na\vab Mobaruck-
 
 XXXIV INTRODUCTION. 
 
 ul-dowlah, while his affairs were conducted in 
 Trust by the Prime Minister Mahomed Eeza 
 Khan who had been appointed to that office 
 by a former Nawab, and even allowing that 
 the Company were obliged to assume the 
 temporary management of the ISTawab's 
 Government during his minority, as Regents 
 they were morally bound to restore to him 
 the management of his affairs when he was old 
 enough to govern. The Judicial Branch of the 
 Administration alone was restored and con- 
 tinued under the control of the Nawabs 
 Nazim until 1838-40, when in consequence of 
 the non-age of the present Nawab, that 
 also was taken up by the Company for 
 their own purposes, thus leaving the 
 Nawab against his own will " without power 
 and responsibility, and without salutary employ- 
 ment" This fact was ungraciously .taken up 
 in 1864 by Her Majesty's Secretary of State 
 for India, and dwelt upon as a reason for 
 depriving the children of the present Nawab 
 Nazim of those rights, dignities and privileges 
 which have been guaranteed to the family by 
 solemn Treaties, and these Princes have been 
 ignominiously styled " Titled Stipendiaries," 
 liable at any moment to have their means of 
 subsistence taken from them, although their
 
 INTRODUCTION. XXXV 
 
 rights were secured " for ever" by the provisions 
 of a mutual agreement based upon the stipu- 
 lations of the Imperial Firmaun, which while 
 it constituted the Company Fiefholders and 
 Chancellors of the Exchequer, especially pro- 
 vided for the support of the Nizamut. 
 
 The Eevenues of the Provinces of Bengal, 
 Behar and Orissa were only made over to the 
 East India Company in Trust on certain con- 
 ditions, and it is the breach of those conditions 
 which is clearly hinted at in the Despatch of 
 17th June, 1864 (Page 279). Such a narrow- 
 minded Policy, however, is opposed to all 
 the rules of morality, and to the magna- 
 nimous principles of the British Govern- 
 ment, and if carried out would throw a slur 
 on the good name of the British Nation, and 
 expose our credit to justifiable attacks from 
 foreigners, which it is the duty of every 
 Englishman to carefully guard against. 
 
 Commercially speaking, such an act of con- 
 fiscation would be analogous to that of a 
 banker or agent, holding the control of certain 
 moneys or lands placed in his custody under a 
 proviso that a portion thereof should be paid 
 for the support or benefit of a ward in 
 Chancery, refusing to meet the claim on a plea 
 of inexpediency or from self-interested motives.
 
 XXXVI INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The British Government would be as much 
 justified in repudiating the claims of all those 
 who now hold the bonds and securities of the 
 East India Company in the form of Company's 
 Papers, &c., as in cancelling the Treaties and 
 engagements made with the Nawabs Nazim of 
 Bengal, Behar and Orissa. Both were given 
 for value received by the East India Company, 
 and as the British Government bound itself by 
 Royal Proclamation to abide by all such en- 
 gagements and to maintain them scrupulously, 
 surely no State Policy should dictate the 
 abrogation of the one without the other, or in 
 other words, make the weak suffer while sup- 
 porting the strong. 
 
 The present Nawab Nazim, as a powerless 
 Prince, relies entirely on the moral support 
 and protection of the British Public against 
 a premeditated act of injustice to himself and 
 his family. He asks for no favour, and the 
 fact of his seeking a public investigation and 
 inquiry into his claims, which have not yet 
 been controverted by the Government, will 
 naturally lead thinking men to the conclusion 
 that he has justice on his side, and that " his 
 weakness is his strength."
 
 A COMMERCIAL VIEW 
 
 OP THE 
 
 BETWEEN THE 
 
 BRITISH GOVERNMENT 
 
 NAWABS NAZIM OF BENGAL, BEHAR AND 
 ORISSA. 
 
 That commerce is one great source from which national 
 importance is derived, is unquestionable, for history points 
 out that the energies of many great nations have been 
 directed to the protection of it, and that with the decline 
 of their commerce, such nations as the Dutch, Spanish, 
 and Portuguese lost their influence, and sunk into ob- 
 scurity, yielding the palm of greatness to other Powers, 
 foremost among which now stands England. The British 
 nation is essentially commercial, and to this fact may in 
 some measure be attributed our position as the leading 
 Power of the world, since our influence has been derived 
 from the enormous resources of our country, accumulated 
 
 B
 
 to a great extent by the importation of the material 
 wealth of other lands over which we hold sway. The 
 greatest and wealthiest of our possessions is India (which 
 has been very appropriately styled " the brightest jewel 
 in our Regal Crown"), it is to a part of India, there- 
 fore, and an Indian question, founded upon our commer- 
 cial relations with that country, that this paper is par- 
 ticularly dedicated. 
 
 The first Europeans we read of who obtained a settle- 
 ment in India for the purposes of trade were the 
 Portuguese, whose example was followed first by the 
 Dutch, and afterwards by the French and English. With- 
 out entering into historical details, connected with the 
 Charter granted by Queen Elizabeth to the English 
 merchants trading to the East Indies, it will be sufficient 
 for our purpose to give an outline of the Government of 
 India, and more particularly of that portion of it to which 
 we wish to draw public attention (the Provinces of Bengal, 
 Behar, and Orissa) from the year 1636, when, through the 
 influence of an English surgeon named Boughton, a 
 few enterprising British merchants obtained a Firmaun 
 (Patent) from the reigning sovereign, Shaw Allum, to 
 trade free of customs throughout all his dominions. 
 India had at that time, after many and great revolutions, 
 become subject to the Emperor of Delhi, commonly 
 known as the Great Mogul, and was divided into several 
 provinces or kingdoms called soubahdarries, the govern- 
 ment of which ras entrusted by the Emperor either to 
 his sons or to viceroys of Royal lineage, called Nawabs, 
 who, as rulers of the Soubahdarries, were styled Soubahs 
 or Soubahdars. These Soubahs paid tribute to the Eoyal
 
 Court at Delhi, but exercised full power in their own 
 Provinces as Independent Princes, so that it became in- 
 cumbent on our traders to obtain their consent as well 
 as that of the Emperor before they could carry on their 
 commercial operations in the several provinces. Thus 
 circumstanced, our merchants were occasionlly interfered 
 with by some of the Nawabs, and having been at last 
 expelled from, the country, they appealed to King James 
 the Second, who sent out some ships with troops to 
 protect the rights and interests of his subjects, and 
 secure the establishment of that commercial body known 
 to us as the Old East India Company, who prosecuted 
 their trade with varied success until the year 1698, 
 when another Company of merchants was formed in 
 England, under the auspices of King William. III., 
 for the purpose of trading with India. This new es- 
 tablishment excited the jealousy and indignation of the 
 old traders, who exerted all their power to overthrow it, 
 but without effect, till 1705, when, after much discus- 
 sion, a union of the two interests was agreed upon, and 
 a Royal Charter was obtained for the United Company 
 of English Merchants trading to the East Indies. This 
 union of the two Companies was the first step towards 
 the establishment of British power in the East, for their 
 combined efforts and joint capital enabled them to en- 
 large their operations by buying land, building factories 
 and forts, hiring troops, and putting themselves in a 
 position to defend themselves in cases of emergency. 
 The commerce of Bengal the richest Province in India, 
 and which at that time, together with Behar and Orissa, 
 was governed by Prince Azim-ul-Shan, grandson of the 
 
 B 2
 
 4 
 
 Emperor Aurungzebe became their chief study, and they 
 accordingly obtained permission from the Nawab for 
 carrying on their operations in that Province, even under 
 heavy restrictions. The trade of the Company, however, 
 increased but slowly until the time (1741-1756) of Nawab 
 Aliverdy Khan (the fifth in succession after Prince Azim- 
 ul-Shan), who, being well disposed towards the English, 
 entered into a Treaty with them, and granted them 
 many concessions which enabled them by right of pur- 
 chase and other means to establish themselves per- 
 manently as traders in the country, in which capacity 
 they might have existed up to the present day, had not 
 circumstances occurred after the death of Nawab Aliverdy 
 Khan, which roused the indignation of the British Go- 
 vernment, and led to those events which opened out a 
 new era in the history of Bengal, and gave birth to the 
 policy by which, under cover of Solemn Treaties and 
 Engagements, the Company eventually secured for them- 
 selves the Supreme Administration of the three Provinces 
 of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, and the way was thus opened 
 for the introduction of the Wise Laws and Noble Institu- 
 tions of our country into a land that for many ages had 
 been the scene of political intrigue, massacre, and blood- 
 shed. But while admiring the great results of that 
 policy as exhibited in the improved condition of the 
 country and also in the advantages gained by it for the 
 British Nation, -we should not lose sight of the faithful 
 representatives of our oldest ally, Meer Jaffier to whose 
 influence and co-operation alone can be attributed the suc- 
 cess which has accompanied it. It is, therefore, to His 
 Highness Syud Munsoor Ullee, the present Nawab of
 
 Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, that we would now draw public 
 attention, and, after giving a brief account of his ancestors 
 their position and relations with the East India Company, 
 their loyalty, and faithful attachment to the British 
 Crown, notwithstanding the arbitrary measures of the 
 Government of India which have resulted in their humi- 
 liation, and which will be fully set forth herein, we will 
 introduce for public consideration His Highness' grievances 
 as set forth ia his Memorial to Her Majesty's Secretary of 
 State for India in Council, wherein he describes the unjust 
 treatment he received at the hands of the local Government 
 of India which led to his leaving his home and his family 
 and visiting our country in the hope of obtaining from 
 Her Most Gracious Majesty and Her wise and just Go- 
 vernment and People that justice and redress for his 
 wrongs for which he and his loyal Predecessors have 
 vainly applied in India ! 
 
 Nawab Aliverdy Khan (who left no male issue) had 
 three years before his death nominated his grandson 
 Mirza Mahomed (better known as Suraj-ul-dowlah) his 
 successor. This Prince, being of a sullen, cruel, and 
 tyrannical disposition, was quite unfit for the position he 
 occupied, and he was in consequence disliked by his own 
 people, and by everybody with whom he held intercourse ; 
 it may, therefore, be readily conceived that he soon made 
 himself obnoxious to the English Company, whom he 
 had determined to drive out of the country. His success 
 against the English and his cruel acts which terminated 
 in the dreadful tragedy of the Black Hole in Calcutta 
 (too well known to need comment here) led the Company 
 to enter into an intrigue with his relatives and their
 
 supporters for the purpose of dethroning the tyrant and 
 placing another member of the Royal House on the 
 musnud. Accordingly, negociations were commenced 
 with Meer Jaffier AH Khan, the son-in-law of Nawab 
 Aliverdy Khan a nobleman of Royal lineage, and great 
 influence, and Commander-in-Chief of the Army, who 
 had always shown himself a zealous friend and supporter 
 of the English, He undertook to make good the losses 
 the Company had sustained if they would lend him their 
 assistance and co-operation as feudatories in obtaining 
 possession of the throne ; this the Company agreed to 
 do, and drew up the famous red and white treaties 
 under the direction of Colonel Clive, who afterwards, 
 through the instrumentality of Meer Jaffier AH Khan, 
 succeeded in defeating Suraj-ul-dowlah at the memorable 
 battle of Plassey, on the 15th June, 1757, and on the 
 accession of Meer Jaffier AH Khan, concluded the Treaty 
 with the new Nawab, of which the following is a acknow- 
 ledged to be a true copy. The original was supposed to 
 have been subsequently destroyed by Colonel Clive for his 
 own protection, when he was accused of having forged 
 Admiral Watson's name on it. 
 
 Translation of ike Public Treaty made with ADMIRAL 
 WATSON, COLONEL CLIVE and the other counsellors, ME. 
 DRAKE and MR. WATTS, as written in Persic, &c., &c., 
 and signed by MEER JAFFIER ALI KHAN with his own 
 Jiand. (Vide Orme's " History of Indostan" Vol. II., 
 Page 161.) 
 
 " I swear by God, and by the Prophet of God, to abide by the 
 terms of this Treaty whilst I have life." 
 
 Article 1. 
 
 WhateTer Articles were agreed to in the time of peace with the 
 Jfabob Surajah Dowlah, I agree to comply with.
 
 Article 2. 
 
 The enemies of the English are my enemies, whether they be Indians 
 or Europeans. 
 
 Article 3. 
 
 All the effects and factories belonging to the French in the province 
 of Bengal, the paradise of nations, and Behar, and Orixa, shall re- 
 main in the possession of the English, nor will I ever allow them any 
 more to settle in the three provinces. 
 
 Article 4. 
 
 In consideration of the losses which the English Company have 
 sustained by the capture and plunder of Calcutta by the Nabob, and 
 the charges occasioned by the maintenance of the forces, 1 will give 
 them one crore of rupees. 
 
 Article 5. 
 
 For the effects plundered from the English inhabitants at Calcutta, 
 I agree to give fifty lacs of rupees. 
 
 Article 6. 
 
 For the effects plundered from the Gbntoos, Moors, and other in- 
 habitants of Calcutta, twenty lacs of rupees shall be given. 
 
 Article 7. 
 
 For the effects plundered from the Armenian inhabitants of Cal- 
 cutta, I will give the sum of seven lacs of rupees. The distribution of 
 the sums allotted to the English, Grentoo, Moor, and other inhabitant, 
 of Calcutta, shall be left to Admiral Watson, Colonel Clive, Roger 
 Drake, William Watts, James Kilpatrick, and Richard Beechers 
 Esquires, to be disposed of by them to whom they think proper. 
 
 Article 8. 
 
 Within the ditch which surrounds the borders of Calcutta, are tracts 
 of land belonging to several Zemindars ; besides these, I will grant 
 to the English Company 600 yards without the ditch. 
 
 Article 9. 
 
 All the land lying south of Calcutta, as far as Culpee, shall be under 
 the Zemindarry of the English Company : and all the officers of these 
 parts shall be under then- jurisdiction. The Revenues to be paid by 
 the Company in the same manner as other Zemindars. 
 
 Article 10. 
 
 Whenever I demand the assistance of the English, I will be at the 
 charge of the maintenance of their troops. 
 
 Article 11' 
 
 I will not erect any new fortifications near the River Ganges below 
 Hoghley.
 
 s 
 
 Article 12. 
 
 As soon as I am established in the three provinces, the aforesaid 
 sums shall be faithfully paid. 
 
 Dated the 15th of the month of Eamagan, in the fourth year of the 
 present reign. 
 
 This Treaty as written by the English, contained the sense of the 
 above Articles, though in different words, and concluded with an ad- 
 ditional clause to the following effect : 
 
 Article 13. 
 
 On condition, Meer Jaffier Cawn Bahadur solemnly ratifies and 
 swears to fulfil the above Articles, we, the underwritten, do, for and 
 in behalf of the Honourable East India Company, declare on the Holy 
 Evangelists, and before God, that we will assist Meer Jaffier Cawn 
 Bahadur with our whole utmost force to obtain the Subahships of the 
 Provinces of Bengal, Behar, and Orixa, and further, that we will 
 assist him to the utmost against all his enemies whatever, whensoever 
 he calls upon us for that purpose, provided that when he becomes the 
 Nabob, he fulfils the above Articles. 
 This Treaty was signed by 
 
 ADMIEAL WATSON, 
 COLONEL CLTVE, 
 ME. DEAKE, 
 ME. WATTS, 
 MAJOE KILFATEICK, 
 ME. BECHEE. 
 
 The donations to the Army, Squadron, and Committee were written 
 in another Treaty. 
 
 We need not dwell upon the flight and miserable death 
 of Suraj-ul-dowlah, suffice it to say that Nawab Meer 
 Jaffier Ali Khan was duly installed as his successor, and 
 was confirmed in the office by a sunnud (patent or pro- 
 clamation) from the Emperor of Delhi, without which he 
 must have been looked upon as a usurper for though 
 long before this time the power of the Great Mogul had 
 been on the decline, and most of the Nawabs had ceased 
 to obey the Royal mandate, yet the form of applying to 
 the Royal Court for sunnuds (patents) confirming any 
 changes that might take place in the direct line of sue-
 
 cession of the Nawabs had not been quite abolished. 
 The right of succession, therefore, of the family of Nawab 
 Meer Jaffier Ali Khan having been confirmed by the 
 Emperor of Delhi, no grounds could thereafter be ad- 
 duced for interfering with them without cruel injustice ; 
 yet, because the Nawab Meer Jaffier was unable to meet 
 the exacting demands of the Company's servants, a 
 conspiracy was formed against him while Olive 
 was away, and he was induced to retire from public 
 life, and make over the Government of the Provinces to 
 his son-in-law, Meer Cossim Ali Khan, whom the ser- 
 vants of the Company used as an instrument for carrying 
 out their ends. But Meer Cossim Ali Khan did not 
 long enjoy his position, for the Directors in England 
 ordered their servants to reinstate the legitimate Nawab, 
 Meer Jaffier Ali Khan, which they accordingly did by 
 an additional Treaty and Agreement, (which is still in 
 the possession of the present Nawab) under which they 
 secured for themselves and the Company many unlooked- 
 for advantages such as gifts of lands, &c. 
 
 Articles of a Treaty and Agreement between the Governor 
 and Council of Fort William, on the part of the English 
 East India Company and the NABOB SUJAH-UL MTJLCK, 
 HOSSATN-O-DOWLAH, MEER MAHOMED JAFFIER KAHN 
 BAHADUR, MAHABUT JUNG, 1763. 
 
 Company's large 
 Seal. 
 
 
 The Seal of the Nabob Meer 
 Mahomed Jaffier Khan, Ba- 
 hadur, Mahabut Jung, &c. 
 
 On the part of the Company. 
 We engage to reinstate the Nabob Moor Mahomed Jaffier Khan
 
 10 
 
 Bahadur in the Soubahdarry of the Provinces of Bengal, Behar, and 
 Orixa, by the deposal of Meer Mahomed Kossim Khan ; and the 
 effects, treasure, and jewels, &c., belonging to Meer Mahomed Kossim 
 Khan, which shall fall into our hands, shall be delivered up to the 
 Nabob aforenamed. 
 
 On the part of the Nabob. 
 
 Article 1. 
 
 The Treaty which I formerly concluded with the Company upon my 
 accession to the Nizamnt, engaging to regard the honour and reputa- 
 tion of the Company, their Governor and Council as my own, grant- 
 ing perwannahs for the Currency of the Company's business, the same 
 Treaty I now confirm and ratify. 
 
 Article 2. 
 
 I do grant and confirm to the Company, for defraying the expenses 
 of Troops, the Chucklas of Burdwan, Midnapore and Chitagong, which 
 were before ceded for the same purpose. 
 
 Article 3. 
 
 I do ratify and confirm to the English the privilege granted them 
 by their Firmaun and several Husbulhookums, of carrying on their 
 trade by means of their own dustuck, free from all duties, taxes, or 
 impositions in all parts of the country, excepting the article of Salt, 
 on which a duty of 2 per cent is to levied on the rowana, or 
 Hooghly market price. 
 
 Article 4. 
 
 I give to the Company half the Saltpetre which is produced in the 
 country of Purnea, which their G-omastahs shall send to Calcutta. 
 The other half shall be collected by my Foujdar, for the use of my 
 offices ; and I will suffer no other person to make purchases of this 
 article in that country. 
 
 Article 5. 
 
 In the Chuckla of Sylhet, for the space of five years, commencing 
 with the Bengal year 1170, my Foujdar and the Company's Gomastah, 
 shall jointly prepare chunam, of which each shall defray half the ex- 
 pense, and half the chunam so made shall be given to the Company, 
 and the other half shall be for my use. 
 
 Article 6. 
 
 I will maintain twelve thousand horse and twelve thousand foot in 
 the three Provinces. If there should be occasion for any more, the 
 number shall be increased by consent of the Governor and Council 
 proportionably to the emergency ; besides these, the Force of the 
 English Company shall always attend me when they are wanted. 
 
 Article 7. 
 Whenever I shall fix my Court, either at Moorshedabad or else-
 
 11 
 
 where, I will advise the Governor and Council ; and what number of 
 English Force I may have occasion for in the management of my 
 affairs, I will demand them, and they shall be allowed me, and an 
 English Gentleman shall reside with me to transact all affairs between 
 me and the Company, and a person shall also reside on my part at 
 Calcutta to negociate with the Governor and Council. 
 
 Article 8. 
 
 The late Perwannahs issued by Kossim Ally Khan, granting to all 
 merchants the exemption of all duties for the space of two years, shall 
 be reversed and called in, and the duties called in as before. 
 
 Article 9. 
 
 I will cause the Rupees coined in Calcutta to pass in every respect 
 equal to the Siccas of Moorshedabad, without any deduction of batta, 
 and whoever shall demand batta, shall be punished. 
 
 Article 10. 
 
 I will give thirty lakhs of Rupees to defray all the expenses and 
 loss occurring to the Company from the war and stoppage of their 
 investment ; and I will reimburse to all private persons the amount of 
 such losses, proved before the Governor and Council, as they may 
 sustain in their trade in the country. If I should not be able to dis- 
 charge this in ready money, I will give assignments of land for the 
 amount. 
 
 Article 11- 
 
 I will confirm and renew the Treaty which I formerly made with the 
 Dutch. 
 
 Article 12. 
 
 If the French come into the country, I will not allow them to erect 
 any fortifications, maintain forces, hold lands, Zemindarees, &c., but 
 they shall pay tribute, and carry on their trade as in former times. 
 
 Article 13. 
 
 Some regulations shall be hereafter settled between us for deciding 
 all disputes which may arise between the English Agents and Gomas- 
 tahs, in the different parts of the country, and my Oflicers. 
 
 In testimony whereof, we, the said Governor and Council, have set 
 our hands and affixed the seal of the Company to one part hereof, and 
 the Nawab aforesaid hath set his hand and seal to another part hereof, 
 which were mutually done and interchanged at Fort William, the 
 10th of July, 1763. 
 
 (Signed) HENRY VANSITTART, 
 JOHN CARNAC. 
 
 WILLIAM BILLERS, 
 
 WARREN HASTINGS, 
 
 EANDOLPH MARRIOTT, 
 
 HUGH WATTS.
 
 12 
 
 Before signing this Treaty, the Nawab Meer Jaffier 
 Ali Khan, fearing the Company's servants might again 
 disregard the solemn pledges they had given him to 
 remain his firm Allies, made several demands upon them 
 which were duly agreed to in the following terms : 
 
 Demands made on the part of the Nabob Meer Mahomed 
 Jaffier Cawn to the Governor and Council at the time of 
 signing the Treaty. 
 
 1st- I formerly acquainted the Company with the particulars of my 
 own affairs, and received from them repeated letters of encouragement 
 and kindness, with presents. I now make this request, that you will 
 write in a proper manner to the Company and also to the King of 
 England, the particulars of our Friendship and Union, and procure 
 for me writings of encouragement, that my mind may be assured from 
 that quarter, that no breach may ever happen between me and the 
 English, and that every Governor, Counsellor, and Chiefs of the 
 English that are here, or may, hereafter come, may be well disposed 
 and attached to me. 
 
 2nd. Since all the English gentlemen assured of my friendly dis- 
 position confirm me in the Nizamut, I request that to whatever I may 
 at any tune write they will give their credit and assent ; nor regard 
 the stories of designing men to my prejudice, that all my affairs may 
 go on with success, and no occasion may arise for jealousy or ill-will 
 between us. 
 
 3rd. Let no protection be given by any of the English gentlemen 
 to any who- may fly for shelter to Calcutta or other of your districts, 
 but let them be delivered up to me on demand. I shall strictly enjoin 
 all my Foujdars and Amils, on all acconuts to afford assistance and 
 countenance to such of the Gomastahs of the Company, as attend to 
 the lawful trade of the Factories. And if any of the said Gomastahs 
 shall act otherwise, let them be checked in such a manner as may be 
 an example to others. 
 
 4th. From the neighbourhood of Calcutta to Hooghly and many of 
 the Pergunnahs bordering upon each other, it happens that on com- 
 plaints being made people go against the Talookdars, Reiats and 
 Tenants of my towns to the prejudice of the business of the Sircar. 
 Wherefore let strict orders be given that no Peons be sent from Cal- 
 cutta, on the complaint of any one upon my Talukdars or Tenants ; 
 but on such occasions let application be made to me, or to the Naib 
 of the Foujdarry of Hooghly that the country may be subject to no 
 loss or devastation. And if any of the Merchants Traders, which 
 belonged to the Bucksbunder and Azimgunge, and have settled in 
 Calcutta should be desirous of returning to Hooghly and carrying on 
 their business there as formerly, let no one molest them. Chander- 
 nagore and the French factory were presented to me by Colonel Clive, 
 and given by me in charge to Omer Beg. Cawn. For this reason,
 
 13 
 
 let strict orders be given that no English gentleman exercise any 
 authority therein, but that it remain as formerly under the jurisdiction 
 of my people. 
 
 5th. Whenever I may demand any forces from the Governor and 
 Council for my assistance, let them be immediately sent to me and no 
 demand made on me for their expenses. 
 
 The demands of the Nabob Shujaa-ool-Mulck Hissam o'Dowlah, 
 Meer Mahomed Jaffier, Cawn Bahad'r Mohabut Jung, written in five 
 articles. We the President and Council of the English Company do 
 agree and set our hands to 
 
 Fort William, 10th July, 1763. 
 
 (Signed) HENRY VANSITTAET. 
 
 THOMAS ADAMS, 
 
 JOHN CAENAC, 
 
 S. BATSON, 
 
 ,, WM. BILLFES. 
 
 JOHN CAETIEE, 
 
 WAREEN HASTINGS, 
 
 EANDH. MAEEIOTT, 
 
 J. L. WATTS. 
 
 But in 1764 the Company's servants again infringed 
 the Nawab's rights by demanding from, him a note of 
 hand for the expenses of their army, which, by the terms 
 of the Treaty, they had no right to ask for. 
 
 NAWAB MEEE JAFFTEE ALLY KHAN'S Note for five 
 Lakhs of Rupees per month for the expenses of the Army, 
 1764. 
 
 Account of money settled for the expenses of the Europeans and 
 Sepoys, the Artillery and raising of the Cavalry, which shall be paid a 
 month sooner or later, according to the particulars undermentioned 
 from the beginning of the month Sophar (31st July, 1764,) of the 5th 
 year of the reign, till the removal of the troubles with the Vizier, 
 viz. 
 
 In the Province of Bengal at Moorshedabad . . 3,00,000 
 
 In the Province of Behar, at Patna .. 2,00,000 
 
 Total Eupees 5.00,000 
 
 Written the 19th of Bablie-ul-Aioul, the &th year of Jaloos, 
 \Qth September, 1764.
 
 14 
 
 N.S. I will include in the aforesaid sum whatever balance may be 
 due from me on account of my former agreement with the Com- 
 pany. 
 
 It is reasonable to suppose that the Company's ser- 
 vants, having by this time acquired everything that they 
 could reasonably expect, by Treaty or otherwise, in return 
 for their services, and also for the purpose of carrying on 
 the legitimate trade of their employers, would have been 
 satisfied in allowing the Nawab Meer Jaffier Ali Khan and 
 his successors to retain possesion of the throne without 
 further interference on their part, except in so far as they 
 had bound themselves by Treaty to protect the rights 
 and interests of the Nizamut ; but (and we blush 
 to say it) the foretaste of power and annexation led them 
 to forget the principles of truth, honor, and justice (the 
 characteristic virtues of Englishmen), and they sacrificed 
 the credit of the British Nation by departing from their 
 integrity, and breaking faith with their firm and confiding 
 Allies for pecuniary considerations ! 
 
 When Nawab Meer Jaffier Ali Khan died, his eldest 
 surviving son, Nawab Nudjm-ul-dowlah, ascended the 
 throne, and the Company's servants taking advantage of 
 the confidence reposed in them by the Nawabs, embraced 
 this occasion for obtaining from the new Soubahdar 
 additional benefit for themselves and the Company, by 
 drawing out another Treaty, in which the Nawab 
 was induced, after ratifying and confirming those made 
 with his father, to make further concessions in favour of 
 the Company, and to place part of the military adminis- 
 tration of the country in their hands, besides entertaining 
 a creature of the Company, Mahomed Keza Khan, as his 
 Vizier or Prime Minister.
 
 15 
 
 Articles of a Treaty and Agreement concluded between 
 the Governor and Council of Fort William, on the part of 
 the ENGLISH EAST INDIA COMPANY, and NABOB NUDJTJM- 
 
 TTL-DOWLA. 
 
 On the part of the Company. 
 
 We, the Governor and Council, do engage to secure to the Nabob 
 Nudjum-ul-Dowla all the Soubahdarry of the Provinces of Bengal, 
 Behar, and Orissa ; and to support him therein with the Company's 
 Forces against all his enemies. We will also, at all times, keep up 
 such force as may lie necessary effectually to assist and support him in 
 the defence of the Provinces ; and as our troops will be more to be 
 depended on than any the Nabob can have, and less expensive to him, 
 he need, therefore, entertain none but such as are requisite for the 
 support of the Civil Officers of his Government, and the business of 
 his collections through the different districts. 
 
 We do further promise, that in consideration the Nabob shall con- 
 tinue to assist in defraying the extraordinary expenses of the war, now 
 carrying on against Shujah-ul-Dowla, with five lacs of .Rupees per 
 month, which was agreed to by his father, whatever sums may be 
 hereafter received of the King, on account of our assistance afforded 
 him in the war, shall be repaid to the Nabob. 
 
 On the part of the Nabob. 
 
 In consideration of the assistance the Governor and Council have 
 agreed to afford in securing to me the succession in the Soubahdarry of 
 Bengal, Behar and Orissa, heretofore held by my Father, the late 
 Nabob Meer Jaffier Ally Khan, and supporting me in it against all my 
 enemies, I do agree and bind myself to the faithful performance of the 
 following Articles : 
 
 Article 1. 
 
 The Treaty which my father formerly concluded with the Company 
 upon his first accession to the Nizamut, engaging to regard the honour 
 and reputation of the Company and of their Governor and Council as 
 his own, and granting perwannahs for the currency of the Company's 
 trade, the same Treaty, as far as is consistent with the Articles here- 
 after agreed, I do hereby ratify and confirm. 
 
 Article 2. 
 
 Considering the weighty charge of Government, and how essential 
 it is for myself, for the welfare of the country, andjfor the Company's 
 business, that I should have a person who has had experience therein 
 to advise and assist me, I do agree to have one fixed with me, with 
 the advice of the Governor and Council, in the station of Naib Soubah, 
 who shall accordingly have immediately under me the chief manage- 
 ment of all affairs. And as Mahomed Reza Khan, the Naib of Dacca 
 lias in every respect my approbation and that of the Governor and 
 Council, I do further agree that this trust shall be conferred on him,
 
 16 
 
 and I will not displace him without the acquiescence of those gentlemen ; 
 and in case any alteration in this appointment should hereafter appear 
 advisable, that Mahomed Reza Khan, provided he has acquitted him- 
 self with fidelity in his administration, shall in such case be reinstated 
 in the Naibship of Dacca, with the same authority as heretofore. 
 
 Article 3. 
 
 The business of the collection of the revenues shall, under the Naib 
 Soubah, be divided into two or more branches, as may appear proper ; 
 and as I have the fullest dependence and confidence on the attach- 
 ment of the English, and their regard to my interest and dignity, 
 and am desirous of giving them every testimony thereof, I do further 
 consent, that the appointment and dismissal of the Muttaseddees of 
 those branches, and the allotment of their several districts shall be 
 with the approbation of the Governor and Council; and considering 
 how much men of my rank and station are obliged to trust to the eyes 
 and recommendations of the servants about them, and how liable to 
 be deceived, it is my further will that the Governor and Council shall 
 be at liberty to object and point out to me when improper people are 
 entrusted, or where my officers and subjects are oppressed, and I will 
 pay a proper regard to such representations, that my affairs may be 
 conducted with honour, my people everywhere be happy, and their 
 grievances be redressed. 
 
 Article 4. 
 
 I do confirm to <he Company, as a fixed resource, for defraying the 
 ordinary expenses of their troops, the Chuklas of Burdwan, Midnapore 
 and Chittagong, in as full a manner as heretofore ceded by my father. 
 The sum of five Lakhs of Sicca rupees per month for their mainten- 
 ance was further agreed to be paid by my father ; I agree to pay the 
 same out of my treasury, while the exigency for keeping up so large an 
 Army continues. When the Company's occasions will admit of dimi- 
 nution of the expenses they are put to on account of those troops, 
 the Q-overnor and Council will then relieve me from such a proportion 
 of this assignment, as the increased expenses incurred by keeping up 
 the whole Force necessary for the defence of the Provinces will admit 
 of; and as I esteem the Company's troops entirely equal thereto and 
 as my own, I will only maintain such as are immediately necessary for 
 the dignity of my person and Government, and the business of my 
 collections throughout the Provinces. 
 
 Article 5. 
 
 I do ratify and confirm to the English the privilege granted to 
 them by their Firmaun and several Husbulhookums of carrying on 
 their trade by means of their own dustuck, free from all duties, taxes, 
 or impositions, in all parts of the country, excepting in the article of 
 Salt, on which a duty of 2 per cent, is to be levied on the rowana or 
 Hooghly market price. 
 
 Article 6. 
 
 I give the Company the liberty of purchasing half the Saltpetre 
 produced in the country of Purnea, which their Gomastahs shall send
 
 to Calcutta ; the other half shall be collected by my Foujdar for the 
 use of my Offices ; and I will suffer no other persons to make pur- 
 chases of this article in that country. 
 
 Article 7. 
 
 lu the Chuckla of Sylhet, for the space of five years, commencing 
 with the Bengal year 1171, my Foujdar and a Gomastah, on the 
 part of the Company, shall jointly provide Chunam, of which each 
 shall defray half the expenses, and half the Chunam so made shall 
 be given to the Company. 
 
 Article 8. 
 
 Although I should occasionally remove to other places in the 
 Provinces, I agree that the books of the Circar shall be always kept, 
 and the business conducted at Moorshedabad, and that it shall, as 
 heretofore, be the seat of my Government; and wherever I am, I 
 consent that an English gentleman shall reside with me to transact 
 all affairs between me and the Company, and that a person of high 
 rank shall also reside on my part at Calcutta to negotiate with the 
 Governor and Council. 
 
 Article 9. 
 
 I will cause Supees coined in Calcutta to pass in every respect 
 equal to the siccas of Moorshedabad, without any deduction of batta ; 
 and whosoever shall demand batta shall be punished ; the annual loss 
 on coinage, by the fall of batta on the issuing of the siccas, is a very 
 heavy grievance to the country ; and, after mature consideration, I 
 will, in concert with the Governor and Council, pursue whatever may 
 appear the best method for remedying it. 
 
 Article 10. 
 
 I will allow no Europeans whatever to be entertained in my service, 
 and if there already be any, they shall be immediately dismissed. 
 
 Article 11. 
 
 The Kistbundee for payment of the restitution to the sufferers in 
 the late troubles as executed by my Father, I will see faithfully 
 paid. No delays shall be made in this business. 
 
 Article 12. 
 
 I confirm and will abide by the Treaty which my Father formerly 
 made with the Dutch. 
 
 Article 13. 
 
 If the French come into the country I will not allow them to erect 
 any fortifications, maintain forces, or hold lands, Zemindarees, &c., 
 but they shall pay tribute, and carry on their trade as in former 
 times. 
 
 Article 14. 
 
 Some regulations shall be hereafter settled between us for deciding 
 
 C
 
 18 
 
 all disputes which may arise between the English Gomastahs and my 
 Officers, in the different parts of the country. 
 
 In testimony whereof we, the said Governor and Council, hare set 
 our hands, and affixed the seal of the Company to one part hereof, 
 and the Nabob before named hath set his hand and seal to another 
 part. 
 
 (A true copy.) 
 
 (Signed W. MAJENDIE, 
 
 Secretary. 
 
 MEMO. This Treaty was executed by the President and Council of 
 Fort William, on the 20th February, 1765, and by the Nabob on 
 the 25th of the same month. 
 
 The success which attended the above measure evidently 
 led the servants of the Company to look forward to still 
 further gain, for after they had acquired the influence 
 consequent on their having been recognized by the con- 
 fiding Nawab as the controllers of his Army, they de- 
 termined to turn their power to a profitable account, and 
 if possible to improve their financial position by obtaining 
 the administration of his revenues also. Accordingly, 
 acting upon the suggestion of Lord Olive, who in one of 
 his despatches to the Home Board had expressed his 
 opinion that " All must belong either to the Company 
 or to the Nawabs," they decided on using the power 
 entrusted to them by the Nawab as the means for 
 carrying out this object ; and as the country was at the 
 time the scene of a civil war, an opportunity was soon 
 afforded them of using the Nawab's troops in conjunction 
 with their own for rendering valuable assistance to the 
 Emperor of Delhi, which Olive did not fail to take advan- 
 tage of. 
 
 The Emperor felt very grateful to the Company for the 
 services they had rendered him in his hour of need, and 
 (at the instance of Colonel Olive, who was much esteemed
 
 19 
 
 for his bravery) was induced to confer upon the English 
 Company by a Royal Firmaun (Edict) " the -gift of 
 the Dewanny (Office of the Collection of the Revenues) 
 of the three Provinces of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, 
 as a free gift and ultumgah for ever and ever," granting 
 them for their own use and profit as a conditional Jaghire 
 " Whatsoever may remain out of the Revenues of the said Pro- 
 vinces, after remitting the sum of twenty -six lacs of Rupees 
 per month to the Royal Circar, and providing for the expenses 
 of the Nizamut," i.e., the Nawabs Nazim, their Court, and 
 their families. 
 
 Firmaun from the KING SHAH AALTTM granting the 
 Dewanny of the Khalsa Shereefa of Bengal, to the Company 
 in 1765. 
 
 At this happy time Our Royal Firmaun, indispensably requiring 
 obedience, is issued, that and in consideration of the Attachment 
 Services of the High and Mighty, the Noblest of Exalted Nobles, 
 the Chief of Illustrious Warriors, Our Faithful Servants and Sincere 
 Well-wishers, worthy of Our Royal favours, the English Company, 
 We have granted them as a free gift and ultumgah agreeably to the 
 Zimmum, from the beginning of the Rubby Tuccacooy-ul of the Bengal 
 year, 1172, the office of the Dewanny of the Khalsa Shereefa of the 
 Province of Bengal (the Paradise of the Earth), with the conditional 
 Jaghire thereof, without association of any other person. It is requisite 
 that our Royal descendants, the Viziers, the Bestowers of dignity, the 
 Omrahs high in rank, the great Officers, the Muttasuddees of the De- 
 wanny, the Managers of the business of Sultanut, the Jaghirdars, and 
 Khoonrays, as well the future as the present, using their constant en- 
 deavours for the establishment of this Our Royal command, leave the 
 said Office in possession of the said Company from generation to 
 generation, for ever and ever, looking upon them to be assured from 
 dismissal or removal, they must on no account whatsoever give them 
 any interruption, and they must regard them as excused and exempted 
 from the payment of all the Customs of the Dewanny and demands of 
 the Sultauut. 
 
 Knowing Our orders on this subject to be most strict and positive, 
 let them not deviate therefrom. 
 
 Written the 24th of Suphar, of the 6th Year of the Jooloose, the 
 the 12th of August, 1765. 
 
 Contents of the Zimmum. 
 
 Agreeably to the Paper which has received Our Sign Manual, we 
 have granted the office of the Dewanny of the Khalsa Shereefa of the 
 
 c 2
 
 20 
 
 Province of Bengal (the Paradise of the Earth), with the conditional 
 Jaghire thereof, as a free gift and ultumgah to the High and Mighty, 
 the Noblest of Exalted Nobles, the Chief of Illustrious Warriors, Our 
 Faithful Servants and Sincere Well-wishers worthy of Our Royal 
 Favours, the English Company, without the association of any other 
 person from the beginning of the Rubby Tuccacooy-ul of the Bengal 
 year 1172. 
 
 Fort William, 30th Sept., 1765. 
 Note. Similar separate Firmauns were given for Behar and Orissa. 
 
 Firmaun from the KING SHAH A ALUM granting the 
 Dewanny of Bengal, Behar and Orissa, to the Company in 
 1765. 
 
 At this happy time Our Royal Firmaun indispensably requiring 
 obedience, is issued, that whereas in consideration of the Attachment 
 and Services of the High and Mighty, the Noblest of Exalted Nobles, 
 the Chief of Illustrious Warriors, Our Faithful Servants and Sincere 
 Well-wishers, worthy of Our Royal favours, the English Company, 
 We have granted them the Dewanny of the Provinces of Bengal, 
 Behar, and Orissa, from the beginning of the Fussel Rubby of the 
 Bengal year, 1172, as a free gift and ultumgah, without association of 
 any other person, and with an exception from the payment of the 
 customs of the Dewanny which used to be paid to the Court, It is 
 requisite that the said Company engage to be security for the Sum of 
 Twenty-Six Lakhs of Rupees a-year for our Royal Revenue, which 
 sum has been appointed from the Nabob Nudjum-ul-Dowlah Behadoor 
 and regularly paid by the same to the Royal Circar : and in this case, 
 as the said Company are obliged to keep up a large Army for the pro- 
 tection of the Provinces of Bengal, $c., we have granted to them 
 whatsoever may remain out of the Revenues of the said Provinces, 
 after remitting the sum of Twenty- Six Lakhs to the Royal Circar, and 
 providing for the expenses of the Nizamut. It is requisite that our 
 Royal descendants, the Viziers, the Bestowers of dignity, the Omrahs 
 high in rank, the great Officers, the Muttasuddees of the Dewanny, 
 the Managers of the business of Sultanut, the Jaghirdars, and Khoon- 
 rays, as well the future as the present, using their constant endeavours 
 for the establishment of this our Royal command, leave the said Office 
 in possession of the said Company from generation to generation, for 
 ever and ever, looking upon them to be assured from dismissal or re- 
 moval, they must on no account whatsoever give them any interruption, 
 and they must regard them as excused and exempted from the payment 
 of all the Customs of the Dewanny and Royal demands. 
 
 Knowing Our Orders on this subject to be most strict and positive, let 
 them not deviate therefrom. 
 
 Written the 24th of Suphar, of the 6th Year of the Jooloose, the 12th 
 of August, 1765. 
 
 Contents of the Zimmum. 
 
 Agreeably to the Paper which has received Our Sign Manual, Our 
 Royal Commands are issued, that in consideration of the Attachment 
 and Services of the High and Mighty, the Noblest of Exalted Nobles 
 the Chief of Illustrious Warriors, our Faithful Servants and Sincere
 
 21 
 
 Well-wishers, worthy of Our Royal favours, the English Company, 
 We have granted them, the Dewanny of the Provinces of Bengal. 
 Behar, and Orissa, from the beginning of the Fussel Bubby of the 
 Bengal Year 1172, as a free gift and ultumgah, without the association 
 of any other person, and with an exemption from the customs of the 
 Dewanny which used to be paid to the Court, on condition of their 
 being security for the sum of Twenty-six Lakhs of Rupees a-year from 
 Our Royal Revenue, which sum has been appointed from the Nabob 
 Nudjum-ul-Doiulah Bahadoor ; and after remitting the Royal Revenue 
 and providing for the expenses of the Nizamut, whatsoever may re- 
 main We have granted to the said Company, 
 
 The Dewanny of the Province of Bengal. 
 
 The Dewanny of the Province of Behar. 
 
 The Dewauny of the Province of Orissa. 
 
 The East India Company having thus obtained all 
 they asked for, (to be made the stewards or collectors of 
 the Nawab's revenues) and having engaged to fulfil the 
 conditions expressed in. the Royal Firmaun by virtue 
 of which alone they held the office were in duty 
 bound to supply the Nawabs with any monies they 
 might require for themselves, their families, and the 
 expenses of their Courts ; but as they did not know 
 whether the Eevenues of the three Provinces of Bengal, 
 Behar, and Orissa would furnish them with the means 
 of carrying out their obligations, and also repay them 
 for their trouble and expenditure in collecting them, 
 they as men of business and the responsible financiers 
 of the State deemed it advisable instead of allowing the 
 Nawab to draw whatever sums he wished from the ex- 
 chequer, to offer him a fixed amount in full of all demands 
 as the Nizamut share of the Revenues of the Provinces. 
 The following additional Agreement was therefore drawn 
 up by which the Nawab consented " to accept Sicca 
 Rupees 53,86,131-9 (.580,693) as an adequate allowance 
 for the expenses of the Nizamut, to be regularly paid 
 (under the blessing of God) as long as the English 
 Company's Factories continue in Bengal."
 
 22 
 
 AGREEMENT between the NABOB NUDJUM-UL-DOWLAH 
 and the COMPANY. 
 
 The King having been graciously pleased to grant to the English 
 Company the Dewanny of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, with the 
 revenues thereof, aa free gift for ever, on certain conditions, whereof 
 one is that there shall be a sufficient allowance made out of the said 
 revenues for supporting the expenses of the Nizamut, he it known to 
 all it may concern, that I do agree to accept of the annual sum of 
 Sicca Rupees 53,86, 181-9, as an adequate allowance for the support 
 of the Nizamut, which is to be regularly paid, as follows, viz., the 
 sum of Rupees 17,78,854-1 for all my household expenses, servants, 
 &c., and the remaining sum of Rupees 36,07,277-8/or the maintenance 
 of such horses, sepoys, peons, burkundauzes, &c., as may be thought 
 necessary for my suwarry and the support of my dignity only, should 
 such an expense hereafter be found necessary to be kept up, but on 
 no account ever to exceed that amount, and having a perfect reliance 
 on Maeen-ul-Dowla, I desire he may have the disbursing of the above 
 sum of Rupees 36,07,277-8/or the purposes above mentioned. This 
 agreement (by the blessing of God) I hope will be inviolably observed, 
 as long as the English Company's factories continue in Bengal. 
 (A true Copy.) 
 
 (Signed) ALEX. CAMPBELL, 
 
 S. S. C. 
 30th September, 1765. 
 
 All the arrangements having thus been concluded by 
 which the Company, under the Nawabs became the 
 custodians and responsible managers of the Revenues of 
 the three Provinces of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, having 
 only to render an account of their issues and receipts 
 to the Nawabs as the titled heads of the Government, 
 there was no just cause why the East India Company should 
 thereafter have departed from the obligations imposed on 
 them by the above Solemn Agreement, unless indeed 
 they had found, and had convinced the Nawab, that the 
 Revenues of the Provinces were entirely inadequate for 
 the fulfilment thereof, which they were not ; yet, on the 
 accession of Nawab Syef-ul-dowlah, they again took 
 advantage of their position of trust by putting a pressure 
 on the Nawab and effecting a gain for themselves. The 
 Nawab, who " Jiaving an entire confidence in tJiem and in
 
 23 
 
 their servants settled in the country, that nothing whatever 
 would be proposed or carried into execution by them derogating 
 from his honour, dignity, interests, and the good of his 
 country," was induced, to agree (t that the protecting of the 
 Provinces of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, and the force suffi- 
 cient for that purpose, should be left entirely to their 
 discretion and good management," and also as the 
 Company would have to provide for the mainten- 
 ance of extra troops to accept the reduced annual 
 allowance of Company's Rupees 41,86,131-9 (418,613) 
 for himself and his successors, evidently in the hope 
 that by making these further concessions, and retir- 
 ing altogether from the Executive Administration of 
 the Provinces, " this Agreement would be inviolably 
 observed as long as the English Company's Factories 
 continue in Bengal," for he no doubt thought that the 
 Company, whom he believed to be upright and honest 
 men, would have nothing further to gain from him 
 or his successors, since, by this Agreement, they had 
 deprived the Nizamut of all real power. The Nawabs thus, 
 in a commercial point of view, gave up their authority in 
 the Executive, and became annuitants in perpetuity. 
 
 Articles of a Treaty and Agreement concluded between 
 the Governor and Council of Fort William, on the part of 
 the ENGLISH EAST INDIA COMPANY and the NABOB 
 
 SYEF-UL-DOWLAH. 
 
 On the part of the Company. 
 
 We the Governor and Council, do engage to secure to the Nabob 
 Syef-ul-Do\vlah, the Soubahdarry. of the Provinces of Bengal, Behar, 
 and Orissa, and to support him therein with the Company's Forces 
 against all his enemies. 
 
 On the part of the Nabob. 
 
 Article 1. 
 The Treaty which my father formerly concluded with the Company
 
 24 
 
 upon his first accession to the Nizamut, engaging to regard the honor 
 and reputation of the Company, and of the Governor and Council 
 as his own, and that entered into with my brother, Nabob Nudjim- 
 ul-Dowlah, the same Treaties, as far as is consistent with the true 
 spirit, intent, and meaning thereof, I do hereby ratify and confirm. 
 
 Article 2. 
 
 The King has been graciously pleased to grant unto the English 
 East India Company the Dewannyship of Bengal, Behar. and Orissa, 
 as a free gift for ever ; and 2, having an entire confidence in them, 
 and in their servants settled in this country that nothing whatever be 
 proposed or carried into execution by them, derogating from my 
 honour, dignity, interest and the good of my country, do therefore, 
 for the better conducting the affairs of the Soubahdarry, and pro- 
 moting my honour and interest, and that of the Company, in the 
 best manner, agree that the protecting the Provinces of Bengal, JBehar, 
 and Orissa, and the force sufficient for that purpose, be entirely left 
 to their discretion and good management, in consideration of their 
 paying the King, Shah Aalum, by monthly payments as by Treaty 
 agreed on, the sum of Rupees 2,16,566-10-9, and to me, Syef-ul- 
 Dowlah, the annual stipend of Rupees 41,86,131-9, viz., the sum of 
 Rupees 17,78,854-1 for my house, servants, and other expenses 
 indispensably necessary ; and the remaining sum of Rupees 24,07,277-8 
 for the support of such sepoys, peons, and burkundauzes as may be 
 thought proper for my suwarry only ; but on no account ever to 
 exceed that amount. 
 
 Article 3. 
 
 The Nawab Minauh Dowla, who was, at the instance of the 
 Governor and Gentlemen of the Council, appointed Naib of the 
 provinces, and invested with the management of affairs, in conjunc- 
 tion with Maha Rajah Doolubram, and Juggat Seat, shall continue in 
 the same post and with the same authority ; and having a perfect con- 
 fidence in him, I, moreover, agree to let him have the disbursing of 
 the above sum of Rupees 24,07,277-8 for the purposes above men- 
 tioned. 
 
 This agreement (by the blessing of God) I hope will be inviolably 
 observed as long as the English Company's factories continue in 
 Bengal. 
 
 Dated this 19th day of May, in the year of our Lord, 1766. 
 (Signed) W. B. SUMNER. 
 
 H. VEEELST. 
 
 EANDOLPH MARRIOTT. 
 
 H. WATTS. 
 
 CLAUD RUSSELL. 
 
 W. ALDERSEY. 
 
 THOMAS KELSALL. 
 
 CHARLES FLOYER.
 
 25 
 
 A pecuniary gain of ,162,080 per annum having 
 by this Agreement also been effected for the Company, 
 and the whole of the Military Administration (as well 
 as the Civil) having been made over to them by the 
 Nawab, it might have been expected that with the 
 resources in their hands, derived from the rapidly 
 increasing Revenues of the Provinces, they would 
 have been content in letting the Nawabs retain and 
 enjoy for ever their rank, dignity, and privileges as then 
 agreed upon, and which they had bound themselves to 
 protect as long as they remained in Bengal ; but though 
 their ambition might have been satisfied, their cupidity was 
 not, for on the accession of Nawab Mobaruck-ul-dowlah a 
 boy of tender age the work of spoliation by the servants 
 of the Company advanced apace and in concert with the 
 young Nawab's stepmother, Munnee Begum (who was 
 familiarly styled " the Mother of the Company/' in con- 
 sideration of her attachment to their solid interests), and 
 Nawab Minauh Dowlah (alias Mahomed Keza Khan), a 
 creature of their own making they drew up another 
 Treaty and Agreement with the young Nawab by which 
 they reduced the Annuity to Eupees 31,81,991-9 
 (=318,199), and thus deprived him and his successors of 
 d100,414 per annum of their just due. 
 
 TREAT? WITH MOBAETJK-ITL-DOWLAH. 
 
 The Company's 
 Seal. 
 
 (Signed) E. BARBER, 
 
 Secretary.
 
 26 
 
 Articles of Treaty and Agreement between the Governor 
 and Council of Fort William on the part of the EAST INDIA 
 COMPANY and NAWAB MOBARUK-UL-DOWLAH, dated 21sf 
 March, 1770. 
 
 On the part of the Company. 
 
 We, the Governor and Council, do engage to secure to the Xawab 
 Mobaruk-ul-Dowlah the Soubahdarry of the Provinces of Bengal, 
 Behar, and Orissa, and to support him therein with the Company's 
 Forces against all his enemies. 
 
 On the part of the Naicab. 
 Article 1. 
 
 The Treaty which my father formerly concluded with the Company 
 upon his first accession' to the Nizamut, engaging to regard the honour 
 and reputation of the Company, and of the Governor and Council as 
 his own, and that entered into with my brothers, the Nawabs Nudjm- 
 ul-Dowlah, and Syef-ul-Dowlah, the same Treaties, as far as is con- 
 sistent with the true spirit^ intent, and, meaning thereof, I do hereby 
 ratify and confirm. 
 
 Article 2. 
 
 The King has been graciously pleased to grant unto the English 
 East India Company, the Dewannyship of Bengal, Behar and Orissa 
 as a free gift for ever ; and I, having an entire confidence in them and 
 in their servants settled in this country, that nothing whatever be pro- 
 posed or carried into execution by them derogating from my honour, 
 interest, and the flood of my country, do therefore, for the better 
 conducting the affairs of the Soubahdarry, and promoting my honour 
 and interest and that of the Company, in the best manner, agree that 
 the protecting the Provinces of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, and the 
 force sufficient for that purpose, be entirely left to their direction and 
 good management, in consideration of their paying the King Shah 
 Aalum, by monthly payments, as by Treaty agreed on, the sum of 
 Rupees two lakhs, sixteen thousand, six hundred and sixty-six, ten 
 annas, and nine pie, (Eupees 2,16,666-10-9) : and to me, Mobaruk-ul- 
 Dowlah, the annual stipend of Rupees thirty-one lakhs, eighty-one 
 thousand, nine hundred and ninety-one, and nine annas, (Rupees 
 31,81,991-9,) viz., the sum of Rupees fifteen lakhs, eighty-one thousand, 
 nine hundred and ninety- one, and nine annas, (Rupees 15,81,991-9), 
 for my house, servants, and other expenses, indispensably necessary ; 
 and the remaining sum of Rupees sixteen lakhs, (Rupees 16,00,000) 
 for the support of such sepoys, peons, and burkundauzes, as may be 
 thought proper for my suwarry only ; but on no account ever to exceed 
 that amount. 
 
 Article 3. 
 
 The Nawab Minauh Dowlah, who was at the instance of the 
 Governor and Gentlemen of the Council, appointed Naib of the Pro- 
 vinces, and invested with the management of affairs, in conjunction
 
 27 
 
 with Maharajah Doolubram, and Juggat Seat, shall continue in the 
 post and with the same authority ; and having a perfect confidence in 
 him, I moreover agree to let him have the disbursing of the above sum 
 of Rupees sixteen lakhs, for the purposes above mentioned. 
 
 This Agreement (by the blessing of God) shall be inviolably ob- 
 served FOR EVER. 
 
 Dated this 21st day of March, in the Year of Our Lord, 1770. 
 
 (Signed) JOHN CARTIER, 
 
 RICHARD BECHER, 
 
 WILLIAM ALDERSEY, 
 
 CLAUD RUSSELL, 
 
 CHARLES FLOYER, 
 
 JOHN REED, 
 
 FRANCIS HARE, 
 
 JOSEPH JEKYELL, 
 
 THOMAS LANE, 
 
 RICHARD BARWELL. 
 
 This last Treaty which reduced the Annuity of the 
 Nizamut to such a sum as could always be paid without 
 encumbering the resources of the State, and also secured for 
 the Company every advantage that they could hope to obtain 
 from their Allies (or co-partners) the Nawabs was con- 
 cluded in the unmistakeable words : " This Agreement, by 
 the blessing of God, shall be inviolably observed "for ever ;" 
 it can, therefore, only be looked upon as a sacred and per- 
 petual bond under which the East India Company engaged 
 to pay the sum of Rupees 2,16,666-10-9 (21,666) per 
 month to the Court at Delhi, and Rupees 31,81,991-9 
 (.318,991) per annum to the Nawab or his heirs-at-law 
 "for ever," in return for the many and great concessions 
 they had made to them. 
 
 It is worthy of notice that the several Engagements 
 made by the Honourable East India Company with the 
 Nawabs Nazim of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa have a
 
 28 
 
 twofold heading, viz., Treaties and Agreements. The 
 word Treaty is evidently used to signify that certain 
 Political Relations existed between the contracting 
 parties, whereas the word Agreement must refer to the 
 Commercial Relations set forth, whereby either the 
 Nawabs Or their successors agreed to give the Company 
 certain lands, sums of money, &c., or, on the other hand, 
 the Company guaranteed to pay the Nawabs or their 
 heirs-at-law for certain periods stated in the body of the 
 respective Agreements (the last of which was binding 
 "for ever") annuities fixed by mutual arrangement. 
 
 Under such circumstances, although the East India 
 Company might think themselves entitled, to exercise 
 the arbitrary power they had assumed, and by infringing 
 upon the Sacred Eights guaranteed by the Treaties 
 find means to deprive the Nawabs Nazini of their 
 Political Status and their rank and dignity, yet this 
 done, they were legally liable for the due fulfilment of 
 their pecuniary obligations under the respective Agree- 
 ments, by virtue of which the social status of the Nawabs 
 was fully secured under the provisions therein named ; 
 and the British Government having by Royal Proclama- 
 tion in 1858 (Paras. 5, 6, and 7, Page 116) taken over 
 all the obligations of the Honourable East India Com- 
 pany, is therefore now responsible not only for the Poli- 
 tical Eights of the Nawabs guaranteed by that August 
 Body, but also for all the debts contracted by the 
 Company, and all the money due to the heir-at-law of 
 Nawab Mobaruck-ul-Dowlah for arrears of the Nizamut 
 Annuity, which were withheld by the Company, besides 
 the payment " for ever " of such sums as are named in
 
 29 
 
 the ever-during Agreement of 1770, which -was legally 
 sealed, signed, and settled by the Eepresentatives of the 
 two Governments. 
 
 In a Political point of view the British Govern- 
 ment would be just as much entitled to interfere with 
 the rank and dignity of the Nobility of this country who 
 derive their titles from their ancestors for services 
 rendered to the Crown, as with the Political Eights of 
 those Indian Princes from whom the Eepresentatives 
 of the Government obtained the authority to administer 
 the affairs of that country, under cover of Solemn 
 Treaties; and if a Political precedent is admitted in the 
 latter case it will surely follow in the former ; but in a 
 Commercial point of view the Government cannot under 
 any circumstances legally exercise its prerogative to in- 
 fringe the terms of the Agreements entered into with the 
 Nawabs by its Eepresentatives, and by which it has 
 guaranteed the payment of certain sums for certain 
 advantages conferred and value received from those 
 Princes in lands or otherwise. If such a commercial 
 precedent as the violation by the Government of an 
 ever-during Agreement could be entertained, there would 
 be an end to all security, for private individuals holding 
 contracts from Corporative Bodies for the supply of 
 goods, lands, or other materials at prices agreed on or 
 for pensioners, annuitants, and others who forfeit certain 
 advantages and rely entirely on the provisions made for 
 them under arrangements with the Government, or other 
 Corporative Bodies. Then again the control which has 
 been arbitrarily exercised by the Government of India 
 over the personal annuity of the Nawabs and their
 
 30 
 
 families since 1770, which it could not claim under the 
 provisions of the Agreement, would not have been tolerated 
 in this country by either the aristocracy or people who 
 derive their support in a similar manner directly or in- 
 directly from the Government ; hence on this ground 
 alone the Nawabs Nazim have had just cause of complaint 
 against the Government of India, for as the Government 
 only reserved the right of controlling that portion of the 
 annuity assigned for State purposes (Pages 22, 24, 27), the 
 Nawabs were legally entitled to redress for the wrongs in- 
 flicted on them by an undue interference in their personal 
 affairs. With regard to the existence and validity of 
 the Treaty of 1 770, the Government of India has itself 
 acknowledged both, as will be shown hereafter although 
 its officers have up to the present time evaded the terms 
 therein contained. 
 
 During the lifetime of Nawab Nudjm-ud-Dowlah } 
 the tribute to the then reigning Emperor of Delhi 
 was paid by the Company and his successors claimed 
 the same until the year 1857, when the Representa- 
 tive of the Great Mogul by supporting the rebellion 
 of the Native troops, broke faith with his Allies the East 
 India Company, and thus forfeited all claim to further 
 consideration at the hand of the British Government, 
 which at that time interposed for the protection of its 
 own subjects in India and after overthrowing the 
 dominion of the Emperor of Delhi, took upon itself the 
 Supreme Administration of the country, cancelled the 
 Charter of the Honorable East India Company, and 
 bound itself to carry out all the obligations contracted 
 by that August Body, while holding the Administration 
 of the Affairs of Native Princes in the East.
 
 31 
 
 But the Nawabs descended from Meer Jaffier Ali 
 Khan never rebelled ; how then did the East India 
 Company fulfil their engagements to those Princes, 
 through whose instrumentality and confidingness they 
 had gained so much, and to whom alone can be traced 
 the rapid development of British power in the East? 
 How was Mobaruck-ul-dowlah dealt with ? And how 
 has the Government of India treated the present Nawab 
 Nazim who rendered it such great assistance during the 
 Indian Mutiny of 1857, and saved not only the country 
 but the lives and property of so many of our countrymen 
 by his influence and good example ? The sequel will 
 shew. 
 
 When the Treaty of 1770 was concluded, the sura agreed 
 upon, 318,199 per annum, was paid to the new Soubah- 
 dar, and the servants of the Company, in their Des- 
 patch to the Court of Directors, took great credit to 
 themselves for having secured a permanent settlement 
 with the Nizamut on such advantageous terms to the 
 Company, and expected to be complimented by their 
 employers for their zeal and success ; but praise was not 
 in store for them, as the following extract of a Despatch 
 dated 20th April, 1771, from the Court of Directors to 
 their Governor-General, Mr. Cartier, will show : 
 
 " In noticing the encomiums you pass upon your own 
 " abilities, we cannot but observe with astonishment, 
 " that an event of so much importance as the death of 
 " Nawab Syef-ul-dowlah, and the establishment of a 
 " successor in so great a degree of non-age, should not 
 " have been attended with those advantages to the Company 
 " which such a circumstance affords to your view. We 
 " mean not to disapprove the preserving the succession of
 
 32 
 
 " the family of Meer Jaffier ; on the contrary, both justice 
 " and policy recommended the measure, but when we 
 " consider the state of minority of the new Soubahdar, 
 " we know not on what ground it could have been 
 " thought necessary to continue to him the stipend 
 " allowed to his adult predecessor ; convinced as we are, 
 " that an allowance of sixteen lacs per annum will be 
 " sufficient for the Nawab's state and rank, while a minor, 
 " we must consider every addition thereto as so much to 
 " be wasted. You are, therefore, during the non-age of 
 11 the Nawab, to reduce his annual stipend to sixteen lacs 
 " of rupees." 
 
 The validity of the Agreement of 1770 is not ques- 
 tioned in the above Despatch, hence it is difficult 
 to understand why the Court of Directors while agree- 
 ing in the justice and policy of supporting the succession 
 of the family of Meer Jaffier, thought fit to order 
 their servants to still further reduce the annuity of 
 the new Soubahdar during his non-age to sixteen lacs, 
 unless, as expressed in the Despatch, they really feared 
 that the relatives and friends of the young Nawab would 
 take advantage of his inexperience, and waste the money 
 during his minority, and they (as his Trustees) might 
 afterwards be held responsible for not having protected 
 his interests. Accepting this view of their position, 
 which is borne out by the instructions they gave to the 
 Govern or- General in 1786 (Page 34) we may naturally sup- 
 pose that when the young Soubadhar attained his majority, 
 all the accumulations during his minority would have 
 been restored to him, and the full amount of the annuity, 
 as by Treaty agreed on and which he had enjoyed for 
 more than a year would then have been paid by the Com- 
 pany to him and his successors ; but this was neither
 
 33 
 
 done during the lifetime of Nawab Mobaruck-ul-dowlah, 
 nor have his successors and heirs-at-law since reaped the 
 advantages secured to them by that Treaty and Agree- 
 ment of 1770, which " by the blessing of God " was to be 
 " inviolably observed for ever." The Nawab Mobaruck-ul- 
 dowlah frequently applied to the Company's servants for 
 the restoration of what he rightly considered was his just 
 due ; but they, having once been discountenanced by the 
 Court of Directors for having made what they themselves 
 considered an excellent bargain, were no doubt indis- 
 posed to again run the risk of being censured by their 
 employers ; and although the Governor-General, Mr. 
 Warren Hastings, had, when on a visit to Moorshedabad, 
 promised the Nawab and his stepmother, Muuuee Begum, 
 to restore the withheld rights, no further notice was taken 
 of the matter by the Government in India. Meanwhile, 
 the Nawab Mobaruck-ul-dowlah had to support a large 
 and rapidly increasing family, and a numerous retinue 
 which he was expected to maintain as became his rank 
 and position ; it is, therefore, not difficult to understand 
 how, with the annuity reduced from ,318,199 to .160,000 
 per annum, the Nizamut, which had to be supported on 
 the same scale of magnificence, very soon became involved 
 in debt, so much so, that in 1786 the Court of Directors, 
 feeling it incumbent on them (under the conditions of the 
 Royal Firmaun, by virtue of which they held office) " to 
 .provide for the expenses of the Nizamut" at once ordered 
 their Governor-General to render the Nawab every assist- 
 ance in extricating him from his pecuniary difficulties, 
 and even authorized " an immediate augmentation of his 
 stipend" (Civil List); which was certainly the most just and
 
 34 
 
 equitable measure that could have been adopted, not- 
 withstanding the Company's affairs had through either 
 misfortune or mismanagement become, for the time being, 
 slightly embarrassed. 
 
 Extract of General Letter, dated 21st July, 1786, from 
 THE HONOURABLE COURT OP DIRECTORS to their Go- 
 vernor-General in India. 
 
 " To provide for the support and Dignity of the Nawab Mobaruok- 
 ul-Dowlah either by efficacious checks which may secure to His High- 
 ness the clear and undiminished receipt of the real stipend allotted io 
 him, or by an economical arrangement of his Household, Dependents, 
 and other expenses, or even by an immediate Augmentation of his 
 stipend, having a due consideration of his real necessities, and at the 
 same time an attention to the embarrassments of the affairs of the 
 Company." 
 
 But the Govern or- General disregarded the suggestion to 
 pay the real stipend or to augment it, which would have 
 been a just and equitable measure, and in 1790, adopted the 
 rather singular alternative for reducing the debts of the 
 Nizamut by a further curtailment of the moiety of the 
 " Allowance by Treaty of the Family," which had before 
 been paid. The following proposals, which were forced upon 
 the Nawab, will exhibit the one-sided manner in which 
 the affairs of the Nizamut have been administered by the 
 Governors-General in India, regardless of bonds and 
 agreements by which they agreed to support the rights, 
 dignity, honor and interests of the Nawabs as their first 
 and chief care. 
 
 Extract of a letter from the Governor-General, LORD 
 
 CORNWALLIS to NAWAB MOBARUCK-UL-DOWLAH, dated 
 
 22nd September, 1790. 
 
 Your Highness will easily recollect the correspondence which pnssed 
 between us, and the conversations that took place while Your Highness
 
 35 
 
 was in Calcutta upon the subject of the arrangement of the affairs of 
 Yi'iir Highness's household and the Nizamut, and no necessity now 
 exists lor a recapiti.laiion of those particulars, hut influenced by a strong 
 desire to form such plans as shall tend to your prosperity, and to im- 
 press you with the sincere intention entertained by the Company in 
 lingland and the Government here to secure to you the undiminished 
 receipt of your stipend, and to recommend such a system for the better 
 management of >our household affairs, as shall not only add to your 
 reputation anil respect by the discharge of the heavy incumbrarices on 
 your Sirkar, but enable you, by an economical and judicious arrangement 
 of the internal disposition of your household, so to distribute the stipend 
 paid by the Company as shall fully answer all the expenses of your 
 Sirkar, provided Your Highness is equally well inclined with my self for 
 a prudent and attentive superintendence over your own affairs. I have 
 taken into mature consideration the plan for these purposes submitted 
 to Government by Mr. Ives, notwithstanding that gentleman's assiduity 
 in the execution of the duty entrusted to him claims my approbation," 
 yet as part only of what he suggested have my concurrence, I have 
 the pleasure now to communicate to Your Highness such particulars 
 as in my judgment will answer the ends so earnestly wished by the 
 Company and myself. 
 
 It is my wish Your Highness should know me to be your friend, and 
 that you should be convinced that I have no object in view but your 
 happiness and comfort, and I tru^ that Your Highness will require no 
 further assurance on this subject than the conduct I have pursued since 
 my arrival. It is the Company's orders and the intention of this 
 Government that you should not only receive the stipend paid by the 
 Company, but that the disposal of it should lodge in your own hands, 
 not doubting but your disposition \ ill point out to you how much your 
 dignity and respect are concerned in the ivise administration of your 
 own affairs, sensible that your judgment will lead you to put a confidence 
 in my endeavours for your welfare, I cannot doubt your ready ac- 
 quiescence to my sentiments, and that you will immediately put in 
 execution the plan I have formed for the management of your affairs. 
 
 It is unnecessary to point out to you that in order for your future 
 comfort and respect, the first measure is the discharge of those incum- 
 brances which you at present labour under, and upon this subject I 
 feel a further inducement to urge the measure to your notice, for I 
 consider the Company's credit at stake even with your own, since by 
 the regulations of the Company's Government in the administration of 
 justice, a due attention is paid to your dignity by not admitting any 
 claims upon Your Highness to be decided in the Court of Justice estab- 
 lished to give every one their right. In this situation these claims rest 
 upon Your Highness's justice, and as a friend, I conceive it a great re- 
 flection upon your credit that they have remained so long unpaid, 
 confident of your wish that thpy should be discharged. I advise that 
 a certain sum be stopped monthlv from the sums paid on account of the 
 stipend to be appropriated for the purpose of paying the just demands 
 made against you. The amount of these demands on all accounts, I 
 understand, is very heavy. As it is my desire that you should in every 
 respect be considered the master of your own affairs, I therefore do not 
 wish that any debts shall he considered just, but when decided as such 
 
 D 2
 
 36 
 
 with your acquiescence, I recommend that Your Highness issue a Pro- 
 clamation in the form that Mr. Harrington will propose to you, 
 accompanied by your support, of a regulation which he will also lay 
 before you for the decision of disputed claims among the creditors. 
 When the whole amount of these demands shall have been ascertained, 
 a next remedy will be formed accordine to particular instructions which 
 I have given to Mr. Harrington, which include proposals to be tendered 
 to the creditors for a just compromise of their demands, and for the 
 payment of the dibt of Jugget Sett, the particulars of which Your High- 
 ness is already well acquainted with. 
 
 I have considered the situation of Your Highness's Family, and 
 accconliiigly on the means for its support as far as can be, from the 
 stipend allotted to the Nizamut. These means, though small, with an 
 economical management and a due consideration of the larire sums 
 allotted to other purposes, I cannot but consider as sufficient, especially 
 as they will increase in proportion to the want of them. The sum t<> 
 be stopped monthly as above described, for these two purposes, is fixed 
 at 18,000 Rupees, and to be divided as more fully expressed in the accom- 
 panying account, part fur the payment of the debts, and part for the ex- 
 penses of Your Highness' Family. 
 
 While attentive to the discharge of tlie heavy incumbrances on your 
 Sirkar, I have not overlooked other circumstances equally conducive to 
 your honour and happiness, to the attainment of which / consider your 
 oum dignity in the eyes of the dependents on the Kizamut materially/ 
 necessary. This cannot be secured but by a strict adherence to justice, 
 and attention to the proper administration of your affairs. From a 
 view of past years. I am certain that the present encumbered situation 
 of your affairs has arisen from the interference of interested and de- 
 signing people, and as Your Highness is arrived at that age when the 
 knowledge of your own affairs can be easily obtained, I am first to 
 advise that you exert your-elf in searching into the various departments 
 of your household and the Nizamut, and firrm such clear and true senti- 
 ments of each establishment as shall lead to a regular payment of 
 them, and that you do not admit the counsels and suggestion-s of self -in- 
 terested people to have any weight in your own determination It is 
 my wish that you should be the uncontrolled manager of surh parts of 
 your stipend as can with justice and due attention to the relative situa- 
 tions of others be left to you, and I therefore have directed that, of 
 the sum of 16,000 Rupees, the annual stipend, the following sums be 
 under your own management without any other interference in the 
 disposal of them than such as, by any particular circumstances, should 
 require the interference of Government, either by means of applicatiaii^ 
 from Your Highness for authority over your own dependents, or by 
 their representation of improper influence in your servants, which may 
 tend to acts of injustice equally contrary to Your Highness's credit to 
 admit, as to the Company's not to remedy. 
 
 These sums are as follows : 
 
 Head officers or Molazuraan Imteazv . . . 10,576 8 
 
 Menial servants or Shagetd Pesha, &c. . . . 15.389 9 
 
 Marhrohe or I'osha Khana ..... 19,452 4 5 
 
 Mier Samanee 7,893 8 12 
 
 Repairs or Emaruth 4,550
 
 37 
 
 Mohan-urn Expenses or Ashnr Khana . . . 150 
 
 Privy purse or Kullumdan Khana .... 12,000 
 
 Women's apartments or Mehal Serai . . . 7,707 
 
 Salary to Your Highness's son 2,000 
 
 Ukrobii or variable Establishment .... 3,327 14 
 
 Imteazi or principal officer of Uehala .... 943 
 
 Per Mensem 82,344 13 18 
 
 Per Annum 9,88,134 6 16 
 
 This sum being deducted from the stipend, will leave the sum of per 
 mensem 50,988 7 8, twc-thirds to he appropriated as follows: 
 Pensions 
 
 Munnee Begum 12,000 
 
 Bubboo Begum 8,000 
 
 Mir Sidoo . . . . . . . . 4,000 
 
 Saleha Begum 1,000 
 
 Begums. &c., Pensioners on Behala .... 1.782 
 
 Ukroba Huzoor or your relations , 5,917 
 The sums to be stopped as before mentioned for the 
 
 payment of the Debt 18,000 
 
 Per Mensem 50,699 
 
 which sums are to be under the management and control of Mr. Harring- 
 ton ; of the stipend there still remains a small sum, which, as appertain- 
 ing to no particular department, Your Highness will dispose of as you 
 may think proper, being 289 7 8 per mensem. 
 
 Your Highness will have observed that, of the 18,000 Rupees to be 
 stopped from the monthly divisions of the stipend, part is to be applied 
 to the Fund for the discharge of the debts, and part for the disburse- 
 ments of Your Highness's Family, as more fully explained in the account 
 accompanying. As theie will be a necessity, during the period in which 
 this sum is to accumulate, for sundry disbursements to be made for the 
 exigencies for your Family, and which are of a nature that the internal 
 disposal cannot be regulated bat by yourself, / have directed that the 
 part of the stoppage, which is intended for this purpose, be also left to 
 Your Highness's disposal, which by the account you find to be 1,000 
 Rupees per mensem for the first year, 2,000 Rupees per mensem for the 
 second year and so on, increasing 1,000 Rupees every year for the first 
 nine years, and decreasing in that proportion from the Fund appropriated 
 to the discharge of the debts. Upon this subject I have to observe to 
 Your Highness that as your annual stipend and the amount of your 
 debts will not admit of a large proportion for the purposes of your 
 Family, the strictest economy will be necessary, and particularly as the 
 Company for various reasons will not have it in their power to consider 
 of any further provision for this object. 
 
 Wishing to relieve Your Highness from the burthen upon your stipend 
 of several pensions which have been added to the list from causes arising 
 with the ancestors of those who at present enjoy them, I recommend 
 that Your Highness shall continue them during the life of the present in- 
 mmbentf, and that at their death you will determine whether they shall 
 be continued, as at present paid to tlie heirs of the deceased, or only in
 
 38 
 
 part. In case of any death, I advise you to communicate such circum- 
 stance to the gentleman who may fill the office of Paymaster of the Nizanmt 
 stipends and inform him whether the pension paid to the deceased is to 
 continue or not. Should Your Highness be pleased to withdraw it alto- 
 gether or in part, whatever is withdrawn I recommend you to add one- 
 half thereof to the Tosha Khana Department, and the other half to the 
 fund for the payment of your debts. 
 
 The pensions here alluded to are as follows : 
 
 Behala (variable establishment) 3,327 14 
 
 liuteazi. or principal officers on the Behala . . 948 
 
 4,275 14 
 
 Your Highness must be sensible that by a saving in this respect an 
 increase may he added to the Fund lor the payment of your debts, and 
 even if the whole so withdrawn be applied to this purpose, the inciim- 
 brances will be sooner removed, and I expect from Your Highness' s con- 
 fidence in my wish for your tvelfare that you will be particularly careful 
 in communicating any demise of the present pensioners as above 
 requested. 
 
 For further particulars, I beg to refer Your Highness to Mr. Harrington, 
 who is furnished with a copy of the plan as proposed by Mr. Ives. in 
 order that be may converse with Your Highness more fully on the parti- 
 culars of the several establishments which have come under my considera- 
 tion, as presented by Mr. Ives. Mr. Harrington has my positive insi ruc- 
 tions to explain any particulars to Your Highness ; to assist >ou in the 
 adjustment of the plan for the discharge of the incumbrances on your 
 sircar, and to at range your household affairs according to the sentiments 
 here laid down on any intimation from Your Highness of a ivant of his 
 assistance. 
 
 I have already experienced Your Highnesses confidence in my regard 
 for you by your ready compliance with such matters as I have had occa- 
 sion to recommend to your notice, and up.m this ground I have no doubt 
 but what Ihave recommended will meet with an equally cheerful and ready 
 acquiescence You must be sensible that by the mode I have from pure 
 motives of friendship urged to your notice, when superintended by your- 
 self with care and economy, and when rigidly adhered to, your reputation 
 and dignity will increase in the eyes of the world, and yourself and depen- 
 dants will live happily and with comfort. Relying, therefore, on your 
 cheerfulness to accede to my advice, I shall conclude with wishing that 
 your own discretion will add to the advice of your best friends, and that 
 henceforward the self -interested suggestions of evil-minded men will have 
 no weight in preventing you from rigidly adhering to the only system by 
 which you can ever secure the happiness and respect which tlie Company 
 and myself sincerely wish you should enjoy. 
 
 NIZAMUT FAMILY FUND. 
 
 To J. E. HAKKINGTON, ESQ., Paymaster ofNizamut Stipends, 
 at Moorsliedabad. 
 
 Sir, 
 Having taken into consideration the plan proposed by Mr. Ivts, iu
 
 39 
 
 consequence of our instructions to him in June 1787, we have thought 
 proper to adopt the following Resolutions concerning the Nizamut of 
 Moorshedabad. 
 
 1st. To provide a Fund for the payment of the debts due by His 
 Highness, the Nawab Mobaruck-ul-Dowlah, out of the stipend allowed 
 to him by the Company. 
 
 2nd. To provide a Fund for the maintenance of a future increasing 
 Family out of the stipend allowed to the Nawab by the Company. 
 
 3rd. To leave the Nawab master over his affairs and his stipend, 
 as shall be hereafter more fully explained. 
 
 4th. To provide a maintenance for his eldest son. 
 
 5th. To regulate the several Departments of the Nizamut under 
 separate heads, according to which the stipend allowed to His High- 
 ness by the Company is to be hereafter appropriated,. 
 
 The following particulars are communicated to you for your guidance, 
 and a copy of Mr. Ives's report and its Appendix is transmitted to you 
 for your immediate information. 
 
 You will endeavour to impress Sis Highness with the sincere desire 
 of the Company to extricate him from difficulties and incumbrances, 
 which are a check upon His Highness and tend to diminish the respect 
 of the Nizamut ; and you will observe to him that in consequence of 
 this wish, they have come to a determination to make themselves in 
 some degree responsible for the discharge of his debts, deducting a 
 certain monthly sum for that purpose. 
 
 The amount of these debts are computed by Mr. Ives at Rupees 
 22,86,666-12-3, as set forth in the Appendix to his report, (No. 15), 
 and consist of arrears to his servants and other dependents on the 
 Nizamut, as well as money borrowed at different times. 
 
 The following measures are to be adopted for the discharge of this 
 sum. You will set apart the sum of 18,000 Mupees per month from 
 the stipend ; you will communicate to the Nawab that the Board, con- 
 sidering him in all matters concerning his own debts as the acting per- 
 son, recommend to him to issue the Proclamation, a draft of which is 
 herewith sent you in English and Persian, to call upon all his creditors 
 of every description to deliver in their demands within the period 
 limited in the Proclamation, and at the expiration of that period, you 
 will, in conjunction with the Nawab, or any of his officers, form a 
 kistbundy, or account of instalments, having first ascertained the 
 amount of the debts, in doing which you are to attend to the 
 instructions given to Mr. Ives on the subject ; and having submitted 
 to the notice of the creditors, the security held out to them, by Govern- 
 ment becoming in a manner responsible for the payment of them, (a 
 security they never have hitherto experienced), and pointing out to 
 them the certainty that they will be paid, propose to them the re- 
 linqmshment of interest upon their demands from the day of such ad- 
 justment, and to offer to them immediate payment, in proportion to 
 their consent to compound for one half, one third &c. of their original 
 debt you will, however, observe that the debt due to Juggat Seat, 
 being Rupees 5,25,000 is first to be provided for, in monthly instalments 
 of Rupees 8,750, the remainder after the appropriation of a part to be 
 alloted to the payment of the other debts, according to their com- 
 promise first and next according to priority of debts. But as tlie state
 
 40 
 
 of the Company's Finances does not at present admit of any deviation 
 from the Regulation of Government relative to the payment of salaries 
 or other allowances exceeding 1000 Rupees per mensem, in certificates, 
 all instalments exceeding that sum will be paid half in cash and half in 
 certificates, and you will transmit to the Accountant- General a copy 
 of the kistbundy for his guidance in issuing the certificates for these 
 purposes. 
 
 So long a period having elapsed since Mr. Ives communicated his 
 plan to the consideration of Government, the debts will probably have 
 increased, at least, if not in the principal, in the amount of interest on 
 it. The stoppages are, therefore, to continue until the whole be dis- 
 charged. But as it appears, by the Nawab's own representations, that 
 the Debt has diminished, the period for the continuation of the stop- 
 page can only be considered an estimated period, and as far as con- 
 cerns the fund for the dischage of the debts, will continue, until they 
 be paid, and that for the Nawab's Family will remain, as hereafter 
 more fully laid down. 
 
 It having been resolved that a fund shall be provided from Hie 
 stipend allowed to the Nizamut for the maintenance of a future in- 
 creasing family, the accompanying Paper, No. 2, transmitted to you, 
 that you may observe that the whole amount set apart from the stipend, 
 viz.. 18,000 rupees, is not for the Debt alone, but intended for both 
 purposes, according to the terms laid down in it, but of the 18,000 
 rupees stopped monthly, 1,000 rupees per month is to be allotted for 
 this Fund for the first year, 2,000 rupees per mensem for the second, 
 and so on. An increase of 1,000 rupees per mensem to the Family 
 Fund, and a decrease of 1,000 rupees per mensem from the discharge 
 of the debts for the first nine years, when the sums, for the two pur- 
 poses, so stopped from the stipend, will be equal. 
 
 As there will be a necessity, during the above stated period of 
 eighteen years, for sundry disbursements to be made from the Family 
 Fund, for the purposes of its institution, you will inform the Nawab that 
 Government have determined that the sum directed to be stopped and 
 appropriated to the purposes of this Fund as above described, remain 
 under the name of an increasing Fund to defray the expenses of an 
 increasing family , that it be, among the other amounts paid to His 
 Highness, left to his own disposal, and that we conceive His Highness 
 can have henceforward no cause to request the attention of the Com- 
 pany to his large family, as a provision for them increases in propor- 
 tion. We enclose you, also, No. 4, those parts of the Articles pro- 
 posed by Mr. Ives, which relate to the better carrying into effect the 
 plan for payment of the debts, and we direct that you shall use every 
 argument in your power to persuade His Highness to adopt the,n. 
 They probably may be objected to by His Highness on the idea of an 
 interference of a Court of Justice in His Highness' affairs ; but the 
 smallest reflection will fully point out to him that this interference is 
 confined to the cases mentioned, and cannot have any tendency to 
 depreciate the respect due to the Nizamut, which can be in no way 
 effected, since the cases referred to are between individuals, and have 
 no connection with the Nizamut itself. 
 
 You will explain to His Highness the tendency of the plan now laid 
 down for tue discharge of his debts, and for establishing a Fuud for a
 
 41 
 
 future increasing family ; and inform him that his wish, that the sum 
 to be alloted for the latter purpose should he a fixed sum instead of an 
 increasing one, would he incompatible with the important objection 
 in view ; since the proportion of the amount to he assigned for this 
 purpose can only he regulated by the casual calls for it, and should be 
 comparative with the urgency for the discharge of his debts, for which 
 purpose the period is already very distant. 
 
 In regard to the reductions proposed by this plan, should His 
 Highness make any objection to them, you will inform him that we 
 have materially considered on the propriety of making reductions 
 from the salaries of pensioners, &c., dependent on the Nizamut 
 Establishment, and also in what proportion such reductions should 
 be made upon the JN'awab and his family, and upon the pensioners, 
 &c., and are of opinion, that so far as they may regard his own 
 receipts, respect for his own credit and dignity ought to be an argu- 
 ment more powerful in favour of the present measure, than any other 
 we could use, and a moment's reflection will point out to him, that 
 his debts paid, these reductions will be discontinued, and he will 
 secure his full amount at the end of the period proposed for these 
 purposes; and witli respect to the proportion of the reduction, which 
 will fall on the pensioners, &c., not only precedent, where relief to 
 the Nawab and his family has been the object in view, justifies it, 
 but every consideration of respect for him, from whose kindness they 
 enjoy subsistence, every sentiment of the claims by which they enjoy 
 it, which in many have arisen from the service and attachment of 
 their ancestors, from ties of consanguinity and from means of private 
 interests, and, above all, that, as many of them have demands on 
 part of the heavy debt due from the Nizamut, the sacrifice of a small 
 sum from a pension, which, let their claims be however just, it is 
 still at the option of His Highness to withdraw', prevent its being 
 considered an injustice, or even a hardship, when it is to furnish a 
 resource for the payment of an amount they are entitled to ; and still 
 less so when the different callings which many of them follow, and 
 the many other means of subsistence which several of them enjoy, 
 come to be considered; all contribute to confirm the propriety of 
 making them. 
 
 We have approved of the sum allotted by Mr. Ives as a salary for 
 His Highness' eldest son, namely, 2,000 rupees per mensem. Should 
 His Highness continue his objection to this point, as he made it to 
 Mr Ives, you will inform him that, as long as the present system of 
 ailection and duty subsists between the father and son, the amount 
 will be entrusted to His Highness' disposal, and this appears only a 
 nominal separation from other sums appropriated for His Excellency's 
 own disbursement, and that only an absolute necessity which Govern- 
 ment will, when occasion may require, determine, will it be separated 
 from him. 
 
 In regard to the salary allowed to His Highness's son-in-law, Mirza 
 Kuleel, viz.. 1000 Es per mensem, we conceive it quite sufficient 
 while he holds the office of Dewan, to which the salary of 2,500 Bs. 
 per mensem is affixed, and in the event of his not holding that office, 
 any addition to his salary of 1000 Rs per mensem must rest with His
 
 42 
 
 We enclose for your guidance (No. 1) an account showing the several 
 monthly suras disbursed in the Nizamut, with the reductions to be 
 made from them, and refer you for particulars to Mr Ives' report and 
 appendix, and to No 3 being the present appropriation of the stipend 
 allowed by the Company to the support of the Nizamut of Moorshe- 
 dabad, in which you will observe that there is the provision of 1800 
 Rupees per mensem for the purposes above explained. 
 
 Having already informed you that we wish that the Nawab Mobaruk- 
 ud-Dowlah should be considered in all matters concerning his own 
 debts as the acting person, and determining also, upon the same 
 principle upon which Government left His Highness the free choice of 
 his own Dewan (when although they insisted on the dismission of 
 Rajah Sunder Sing, they urged nothing further than that the choice 
 of his successor should fall on a man of good character) to contribute 
 towards His Highness' satisfaction in a wish he has expressed to lie the 
 uncontrolled master of the stipend allowed him by the Company, as 
 much as may he consistent with our conviction that the good intention 
 of the Company towards him cannot be frustrated, and in order to 
 assure him that the preservation of his dignity has formed a material 
 part of our consideration in digesting the plan proposed by Mr. Ives, 
 we have resolved that a certain sum of the stipend shall be left to his 
 own management as mentioned in the 3rd resolution before written. 
 
 The whole stipend, viz., 16,00,000 Rupees per annum or 1,33,333-5-6 
 per mensem, may be considered as divided, in the future appropria- 
 tion of it, into two heads. 
 
 The first, being the sum to be actually disbursed for the use of the 
 Nizamut amounting per mensem to Rupees l,15,333-5-6 
 
 The second being the sum stopped for the uses before defined, 
 amounting to 18,000 Rupees per mensem. 
 
 The first of the sums is comprised from articles exhibited in ac- 
 count. 
 
 No 1. Rupees 1,13,043-13-10 
 
 The salary for the eldest son 2000-0-0 
 
 Surplus sum. Rupees 289-7-8jj. 
 
 and contains among other articles the pensions allowed to the Munnee 
 Begum 25,000 Rupees per mensem. This last amount deducted 
 leaves 90,333-5-6| Rupees which is the sum we have determined shall 
 be left to His Highness' management, uncontrolled in the disbursement 
 of its part, except as far as it shall be subject to a correspondence with 
 the Governor-General, on any intimation, or representation, of any 
 deficiency in the due discharge of the allowances and salaries which 
 this sum includes ; but as some of the pensioners may hereafter have 
 cause to 9omplain, and those, perhaps, persons whose claims to the 
 pension rest upon grounds which, while Government think proper to 
 give their opinion that they ought to continue, will fully authorize, 
 indeed call upon Government to see paid with regularity, you will 
 therefore inform His Highness that the pensions (included in part of 
 the Behalah, being the first part of No 3 in the Appendix to Mr. Ives' 
 plan,) amounting to 1782 Rupees, and the pensions to the Naivab's 
 relations, (being No. 1 of the same Appendix,) amounting to 5,917 
 Rupees, making in the whole 7699 Rupees, are to be paid by you, so 
 that the sum to be at His Highness's uncontrolled maiiayeMeiit, but
 
 43 
 
 subject to the correspondence of the Governor- General, will be 
 82,634-4-5-6. 
 
 Upon the second sum you have already received full instructions, 
 and it requires at present no further remark. 
 
 Having thus given you full and explicit instructions in what manner 
 the intentions of Government are to be executed, as far as concerns 
 the future appropriation of the stipend allowed by the Company for 
 the support of the Nizamut, and having enclosed such account and 
 statements as can tend to your more perfect comprehension of these In- 
 structions, we have only to direct that you will urge to His Highness 
 the necessity that, from the state of his affairs, exists for the most 
 frugal management of those sums which Government have left to his 
 own authority, not doubting but he will find the amount fully sufficient 
 for all necessary disbursements, and even for others which the customs 
 of the country, and his own wish to follow them, may induce him to 
 make. You will also remind him that he has a large family to sup- 
 port, and that it is incumbent on him to devise means to render the 
 Fund we have suggested in the above Instructions beneficial to them, 
 by increasing it, when it may be in his power, from the abolition of 
 such pensions as may be at his disposal by the demise of the present 
 incumbents. We have considered that the numerous dependants on 
 the Nizamut who receive pensions from causes which arose with their 
 ancestors, from a heavy weight on the establishment, by being con- 
 ceived as much due to the heirs and descendants of those to whom 
 they were first granted, as to themselves ; and upon mature delibera- 
 tion on the subject, we have determined to divide them into two 
 heads, the first consisting of the relations and descendants of former 
 Soubahs whose pensions cannot consistently with the dictates of affec- 
 tion, or with the just sentiments of the ties of relationship, be changed 
 from tJie present system of hereditary continuance ; but the second is 
 formed of pensions to people who cannot, whatever claims their 
 ancestors may have had, be considered to have any themselves, or at 
 least not of sufficient justice to descend to their heirs. The pensions, 
 therefore, to the relations and descendants of the former Soubahs, and 
 to those of His Highness Mobaruck-ud-Dowiah, amounting to, as ap- 
 pears by Mr. Ives's Report, 
 
 No. 1 to . . . . Ks. 5,917 
 
 3 to . . . . 1,782 
 
 Es. 7,699 
 
 shall be considered hereditary, and descend to their heirs. Those to 
 servants, &c , shall be continued to the present incumbents, and on 
 their demise it shall rest with His Highness to continue them in toto 
 or in part to their heirs. But at the same time, in order to prevent 
 the misappropriation of the sums that His Highness will have the dis- 
 posal of at the demise of the present possessors, you will, on commu- 
 nicating this part of the plan to' His Highness, request he will notify 
 to the Paymaster of the Nizamut Stipends, such deaths as may occur, 
 and whether he wishes the heirs of the deceased to haoe the whole or 
 any part of the pension enjoyed by the deceased ; and, in order further 
 to induce him further to communicate such occurrence, you will point
 
 44 
 
 out to him the benefit intended by Government in leaving to himself 
 the removal or continuance of a burthen on his stipend, and that the 
 wish of Government is that such pensions, or parts of them, as may, 
 by his own determination, be unappropriated on the demise of the pre- 
 sent incumbents, be one-half added to Sis Tosha Khana, and the 
 other to the Funds for the discharge of his debts. These sums, 
 thus subject to his determination, appear by Mr. Ives's Report to 
 be: 
 
 No. 4 to . . . . Rs. 3,327 
 
 3 to . . . . 948 
 
 Per mensem Rs. 4,275 
 
 The accompanying account, No. 5. will more fully elucidate the 
 future distribution of the Stipends, as it states the appropriation of it 
 in such parts as are subject to His Highness' management, including 
 those liable to exchange on the demise of the present incumbents with 
 those declared hereditary, and the amount totally independent of His 
 Highness. 
 
 The enclosed letter from the Governor-General to the Nawab 
 Mobaruck-ud-Dowla, is forwarded to you, that you may deliver it on 
 communicating these Instructions to him, and we trust that His High- 
 ness will not only discern the attention of Government to whatever 
 affects his happiness and dignity, but add his exertions to yours to 
 carry into execution a plan for his relief from heavy incumbrances, for 
 the support of his own dignity and the respect of the Nizamut, and 
 for the maintenance of an increasing family. 
 
 We are, Sir, 
 
 Your most obedient humble servants, 
 (Signed) CORNWALLIS, 
 
 ,, C. STUART, 
 
 ., PETER SPEKE. 
 
 Fort William, 30th September, 1790. 
 
 Though the proposals made by Lord Cornwallis 
 are at variance with social etiquette, under which people 
 of every description are allowed to disburse their own 
 stipends whether for their own benefit or for the members 
 of their family, yet as the object of them is clearly set 
 forth, the good intentions of the Government might have 
 been supported if the premises had been correct, that 
 sixteen lacs was the full amount of the Nizamut Annuity 
 assigned by the Agreement of 1770, or that the Company 
 had any right to interfere with the personal allowance of 
 the Nawab, but as the Nizamut had already been illeijaUy
 
 45 
 
 deprived of the State Allowances, or nearly half its 
 annuity, all the claims alluded to ought in justice to 
 have been paid out of the money withheld by the 
 Company, and no new measures ought to have been 
 framed until all the arrears of the annuity had been 
 paid away to meet the liabilities unavoidably incurred in 
 consequence of the curtailment of it. 
 
 It will be further observable from a perusal of the 
 letter to the Paymaster of the Nizamut Stipends, (which 
 contains the five Resolutions adopted) that besides paying 
 the Nawab's debts, a large reserve fund was set aside 
 for future exigencies, and also for providing incomes for 
 his eldest son and other members of his family, and the 
 Nawab was left entirely his own master over his affairs and 
 Civil List, in accordance with his request under the Agree- 
 ment of 1770. Again from the body of the same letter it 
 may also be noticed that the choice of his Dewan was 
 altogether vested in His Highness without control; that 
 certain stipends paid from his annuity were declared here- 
 ditary ; and that other stipends were to revert to His High- 
 ness in part on the decease of the holders, or altogether when 
 his debts were paid ; but none of the suggestions for in- 
 creasing the comfort and independence of His Highness 
 were acted up to, and the future proceedings of the 
 Government of India were invariably directed to further 
 curtailment of the moiety of the annuity paid to the 
 Nizamut. 
 
 The interests of the Nizamut which the Company had 
 bound themselves by solemn engagements to protect 
 and respect were thus set aside, and this act of injustice 
 gave birth to all the unjust measures that have since
 
 46 
 
 been introduced, by which the Civil List, which should have 
 been paid to all succeeding Nawabs Nazim has been 
 gradually reduced, and consequently their social as well 
 as political status has been lowered notwithstanding 
 their numerous and earnest appeals to the Government of 
 India for justice. 
 
 We now turn to the consideration of the relations 
 between the Government of India and the Nawabs Nazim, 
 who have succeeded to the throne as " Soubahdars of the 
 three Provinces of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa," since the 
 time of Nawab Mobaruck-ul-dowlah, under the last 
 Treaty of 1770, and of whom history does not give us 
 any account, because they had ceded all their power to 
 the East India Company for certain considerations, and 
 though Princes of the Blood Royal, could only thereafter 
 be looked upon as Titled Annuitants, having no voice 
 in the Executive Administration of the country. 
 
 After the death of Nawab Mobaruck-ul-dowlah, his 
 son, Nawab Bubber Jung, was, according to established 
 custom, proclaimed Nazim and Soubahdar of the three 
 Provinces, under the style and title of Nasir-ul-Moolk, 
 Aiz-ul-Dowlah, Syud Bubber Ali Khan Bahadur, Delair 
 Jung, and received from the Governor-General, Marquis 
 Wellesley, the following assurance of faithful attachment, 
 Ac. : 
 
 Extract from Translation of Persian Letter. 
 
 From the MARQUIS OP WELLESLEY to the " Pillar of 
 State and Defender of the Realm," AZOOD DOWLA NASIR- 
 UL-MoLK, my good brother -SruD BUBBER ALI KHAN BEHA- 
 DOOR, surnamed DELAIR JUNG. 
 
 Your Highness may be assured that this friend lias Your welfare at 
 heart, and will be ready at all times and happy to exert his utmost to
 
 47 
 
 promote the peace and comfort of the Nizamut, and to maintain the 
 splendour and uphold the interests of Your Exalted Court, and 
 with this object this friendly communication has been framed. 
 
 (Signed) WELLESLBY. 
 
 Soon after the accession of Nawab Bubber Jung (or 
 Delair Jung), a Special Committee was again appointed 
 to inquire into the pecuniary difficulties of the Nizamut, 
 to relieve which Lord Cornwallis had adopted certain 
 measures before alluded to, and which had in the first 
 instance been brought about by the reduction of the allow- 
 ance stipulated for in the Treaty and Agreement of 1770. 
 This Committee acting in concert with Her Highness 
 Munnee Begum (who was then well advanced in years) 
 suggested, that on the death of that Princess, the 
 Nizamut Annuity should be further reduced by appro- 
 priating her annual allowance of Rupees 1,44,000 
 (14,400) which would otherwise have reverted to the 
 Nawabs Nazim as the heirs-at-law for the payment of 
 the Nizamut Debts, building expenses, &c. The cost of 
 buildings, &c., had up to that time been paid, under 
 the provisions of the Firmaun of the Emperor of 
 Delhi, by the Government. 
 
 In the instructions issued to the Nizamut Committee, 
 appointed under the orders of Government of 24th 
 December, 1801, for the purpose of devising measures to 
 meet the various objects of immediate and future exi- 
 gencies, connected with the appropriation and manage- 
 ment of the Funds of the Nizamut, the Committee, 
 among other measures of reform, was requested to pro- 
 vide a surplus Fund for the repairs of the Palace and 
 Imambarrah, and to meet contingencies ; and the following 
 extract from those instructions will show that the
 
 48 
 
 attention of the Committee was specially directed to fhe 
 source from which such a Fund could be established. 
 
 " The pension of 12,000 Rs. per mensem, at present assigned to the 
 " Munnee Begum, may also be considered as a future additional re- 
 " source when the pension shall lapse into the Funds of the Ni/umut 
 " by the Begum's decease, and may be brought into the calculation 
 " of the Funds to be provided for the more distant exigencies of the 
 " family and of the Nizamut." 
 
 '' His Lordship is led to consider this arrangement to be particularly 
 " expedient by adverting to the necessity of providing for the future 
 '' management of the affairs of the Nizamut, on the decease of the 
 " Begum, which may be expected to occur in the course of a few 
 " years." 
 
 And in the Report of the Nizamut Committee, which 
 was submitted to Government on the 9th November, 
 1802, and recorded in 1806, the Committee observed as 
 follows, in regard to the Fund proposed to be provided 
 for the purposes above set forth. 
 
 '' The succeeding clause of our instructions refers to establishing a 
 ' Fund for the gradual repayment of the sums which will be advanced 
 ' by Government for repairing and rebuilding the Palace, and in 
 ' Paragraph 10th we were advised to expect information on this sub- 
 ' ject from our President. 
 
 " Mr. Pattle has informed us, that up to this time no progress 
 ' whatever has been made in the object in question, nor, has any plan 
 ' or estimate been prepared, but that from information lately received, 
 ' lie expects some Engineer Officer will shortly be appointed to take 
 ' the necessary steps for putting this matter in train of arrange- 
 ment. 
 
 ' The object, therefore, appears remote, and not such as presses 
 " for immediate determination. The Committee arc, besides, well 
 ' satisfied on a summary but general view of their means and of the 
 " calls thereon, that, from the present stipend not the smallest re- 
 " source can remain for this head of expenditure, if others which are 
 " immediately pressing are to be provided for, and a Fund set apart 
 " for the liquidation of the Nawab's debts within a moderate term of 
 " years. He, therefore, respectfully submits, that, considering this 
 " as a distant claim, we should be permitted to meet it with a remote 
 " resource, without suffering it, unnecessarily, to interrupt the course 
 " of present arrangements. It occurs, therefore, that on a general 
 " principle, the Pension at present enjoyed by the Munnee Begum, 
 ' ' Us 12,000 per mensem, is, that which, of all others, appears most 
 " proper to be taken into calculation as an article of resource after her 
 " demise, for the gradual repayment of Government advances for
 
 49 
 
 " building a Palace. The event is stated to be expected to occur in 
 " the course of a few years, and we have been induced, in this place, 
 " to take up and reply to the 8th and 22nd Paragraphs of our instruc- 
 " tions, which appear to involve a question of some delicacy and 
 " reference to an object which does not ofier any immediate available 
 " resource, and is further of a nature, which rejects the assumption 
 " of any definite period for its being brought into action, still, as it 
 " is but too evident that there is a wide disproportion between the 
 " expenses of the Nizamut and its resources, we have every reluctance 
 " to throw this article entirely out of the question, although, for the 
 " sake of clearness and perspicuity, we are disposed to keep it thus 
 " distinct and separate, the general subjects which are incorporated in 
 " the detailed account forming part of this report " 
 
 This economical suggestion, however, did not come 
 into action until after the death of Munnee Begum, in 
 1813, and during the Soubahship of Nawab Zyn-oo-deen 
 (or Ali Jah), who on the death of his father, Nawab 
 Bubber Jung succeeded to the throne under the style and 
 title of Shoojah-ul-Moolk, Mobaruck-ul-dowlah, Ali Jah, 
 Syud Zyn-oo-deen, Ali Khan Bahadur, Feroze Jung, 
 and who on his accession received the following assurance 
 from the Governor-General, Lord Minto, and accepted 
 the same as an additional sacred pledge of perpetual 
 friendship between the East India Company and the 
 successors of Nawab Meer Jaffier Ali Khan : 
 
 From LORD MINTO to NAWAB NAZTM ZYNTTDEEN ALI 
 KHAN, dated 26th May, 1810. 
 
 Mr. Kichard Eoche, in charge of Nizamut affairs, has received in- 
 structions to attend at the Musnud of the ISoobahdaree, in the Court of 
 that friend, on the part of this Government, to invest Your Highness 
 with the Soobahdaree of the three Soobahs aforesaid, and publicly to 
 proclaim the auspicious event to the people ; and in concert with Your 
 Highness to fix a day for the ceremony. 
 
 The stipend fixed on the accession of Your august Father, by the 
 Honourable East India Company, will be continued to Your Highness 
 without any difference ; namely the annual allowance of sixteen Laks 
 of Rupees will be continued to Your Highness in monthly issues as 
 usual ; in the mode already prescribed, or that Tour Highness may 
 consider expedient hereafter to arrange in conjunction toith the Mem- 
 bers of this Government for the distribution of the pensions suitably to
 
 50 
 
 the circumstances of the dependents of the Nizamut, and also for the 
 liquidation of the debts of the Nizamut, the burden of the responsibility 
 whereof has now naturally devolved on Your Highness. 
 
 Above all, be assured that this person will at all times and in all 
 junctures, to the utmost of his power and the best of his ability, proffer 
 his best counsel and exert his most friendly aid in supporting the rank 
 and dignity, and promoting the ease, comfort, happiness, and welfare 
 of that esteemed friend and all his family. 
 
 And that friend may be assured that the friendship and regard this 
 Government showed his honored father will, without any difference, 
 be freely and willingly transferred to Himself, and that all the honours, 
 consideration, and respect due to the exalted station of the family 
 whereof Your Highness is now the HEAD and Source of dignity, will be 
 kept in view and observed towards that friend. 
 
 On other points I would refer You to the Gentleman above mentioned, 
 Mr. Roche, in whose worth and ability I have entire confidence, and 
 favoured by whom You will ever receive renewed proofs of regard and 
 attachment to Yourself and family, and the interest I feel in their wel- 
 fare. I hope that considering this person a real friend and well-wisher, 
 You will ever gratify him with letters of Your health and prosperity. 
 What can I say more? 
 
 (Signed) MINTO. 
 
 But in 1813, after the death of Munnee Begum, the 
 suggestion of the Select Committee of 1802 was put 
 into operation by the Governor-General, and the Nawab 
 began to see the true intent and object of the Govern- 
 ment of India, and the hopelessness of extricating 
 the Nizamut from debt, so long as that Government 
 determined to carry out the Policy which had been 
 instituted ostensibly for the purpose of releasing the 
 family from pecuniary difficulties, but which was 
 really producing the opposite result ; for the Funds set 
 apart for paying Nizamut debts and building expenses were 
 diverted into another channel, and His Highness the Nawab 
 was not only compelled to abandon his right as heir-at-law 
 to the future annual allowance (<14,400) of Munnee Be- 
 gum, which ought to have reverted to him after Her High- 
 ness's death, but was also deprived of other private 
 property of enormous value and monies amounting to up-
 
 51 
 
 wards of ,20,000, which were found in Her Highness's 
 Palace after her decease, and authoritatively taken 
 possession of by the Government officials, notwithstanding 
 the remonstrances of His Highness, and the wishes of 
 the Governor-General, expressed in the instructions 
 furnished to Mr. Monckton, wherein while ascertaining 
 the available assets appertaining to the Nizamut that 
 might be set apart for the purposes of the new appoint- 
 ment he was guarded against depriving His Highness of 
 the private property of the deceased Begum to which 
 he was the legitimate heir. 
 
 In thus curtailing the Nizamut Annuity by coercion, 
 the East India Company exercised might against right, 
 openly violating their Agreement under the Firmaun of the 
 Emperor of Delhi, " to provide for the expenses of the 
 Nizamut," besides departing from the solemn obligations 
 expressed in the Sacred Treaty of 1770. By the first act 
 of curtailment alone they had even during the lifetime of 
 Nawab Mobaruck-ul-dowlah deprived the Nizamut of 
 nearly half a million pounds sterling, (irrespective of the 
 Fund set apart by Lord Cornwallis) which with many 
 other monies pertaining to the family, has never been 
 accounted for to the Nawabs who have patiently 
 borne all the oppression and injustice that has been 
 inflicted upon them, and have returned good for evil, 
 by ever continuing faithful and loyal adherents of the 
 British cause, even in times of temptation^ trouble, and 
 danger. 
 
 The continued pressure put upon the Nawabs by the 
 Government of India, as before stated, began to tell to 
 their prejudice, and in 1816 the Government accounts 
 
 E 2
 
 52 
 
 of the Nizamut got into such inextricable confusion, 
 that Mr. Edmonstone, Foreign Secretary to the Govern- 
 ment, proposed a minute for introducing a new system 
 of management into the Financial Department of the 
 Nizamut, by the establishment of the Nizamut Agency 
 Fund, and by diverting the accumulations of Munnee Be- 
 gum's Stipend from their intended object, which the Nawab 
 was in a manner forced to give his reluctant assent to. 
 
 This Fund was established for the payment of the 
 Salaries of the Governor- General's Agents at Moorsheda- 
 bad and of their Office Establishments. On the proceed- 
 ings of Poll. Corr., 23rd July, 1816, No. 118, will be 
 found a minute with regard to the Senior Judge of the 
 Court of Appeal at Moorshedabad, who, ex-officio, held 
 the situation of Superintendent of Nizamut affairs : 
 
 " The impracticability of discharging the duties of both situations, 
 " more especially under the exigent demand for a change of system and 
 " an augmented degree of superintendence in the Department of the 
 " Nizamut, must be sufficiently apparent. If any practical proof were 
 " required of the evil and inconvenience of the existing system with 
 " respect to the concerns of the Judicial branch, I might refer to the 
 "frequent occasions to which the Senior Judge has founded an applica- 
 " tion to be relieved from a Circuit on the exigencies of his duties in 
 " his capacity of Superintendent of Nizamut affairs. 
 
 "In addition to the degree on which analogous objections might 
 " oppose the transfer of the duties of Superintendent of Nizamut affairs 
 " to the Collector of the district, or to any other Civil Officers actually 
 " attached to the station, would be the relative inferiority of his official 
 " rank and situation. I am indeed fully persuaded, after long and 
 " mature deliberation, that the appointment of a district officer of high 
 " rant in the Company's service to fulfil (perhaps under a different 
 " designation) the duties of a Superintendent of Nizamut affairs is the 
 " only arrangement calculated to provide efficiently for the objects which 
 "the preceding discussion will probably have shown to be objects of 
 "indispensable exigency. 
 
 " Invested with the dignity of a representative character, and enabled 
 " to devote his time and attention exclusively to the duties of his situa- 
 " tion, an officer of that class possessing the requisite qualifications would, 
 " I am confident, accomplish, at no great distance of time, an effectual 
 " reform in the system of the Nizamut. I have no doubt that the 
 " arrangement would be followed by reductions to a very considerable
 
 53 
 
 " amount, arising out of the detection of abuses and impositions, and the 
 " uniform operation of a vigilant control, whilst the practice of abuses 
 " and impositions would be restrained, and the future accumulation of 
 " debt would be prevented, and the adjustment of every point connected 
 " with the affairs of the Nizamut, would be expedited and facilitated 
 
 " As an officer, such as f have described, must, to possess the requisite 
 " efficiency, be held by a servant of high rank and peculiar qualifications, 
 " the salary of it must also be fixed on a high scale. But, however bene- 
 " ficial may be an arrangement of this nature, J should not have ventured 
 " to propose it at the charge of the Company It is the practicability of 
 " providing for the expense of the proposed establishment, without im- 
 " posing any burthen on the finance of the Company, or diverting any of the 
 " appropriated resources of th; Nizamut, that induces me to submit the 
 " plan to the consideration of the Board. I am further urged to bring 
 " it forward at this particular time, because it appears to me that several 
 " of the unadjusted points, enumerated in the memoranda of the Super- 
 " intendent, already reverted to, involve questions between the Govern- 
 "ment and the Nawab of considerable importance in the general 
 " arrangements of the Nizamut, delicate in their nature and difficult of 
 " adjustment, and, consequently, requiring the application of a degree 
 " of tune and attention on the part of the person to whom the negocia- 
 " tion of these points may be confided, which the Superintendent could 
 "not possibly devote to them without injuriously neglecting his capaci- 
 " ties of Senior Judge of the Provincial Court. 
 
 "I have already observed, that the salary of the suggested officer 
 "should be on a high scale, and I am of opinion that it should not be 
 " less than 36,000 Rupees per annum exclusive of a sum for house rent 
 " and establishment. As the Superintendent of the affairs of the Nizamut 
 " has always been exercised by the Chief Civil Authority of the station, 
 " I am of opinion that it should be classed, in point of salary, above the 
 " office of Magistrate ; but there are other forcible reasons for assigning 
 " to it a liberal allowance. 
 
 " The Office of the Superintendent, such as is above described, would 
 " be a species of political appointment in its nature, distinct from any 
 " other, and leading to no higher post in the scale of official gradation, 
 " but the person possessing the requisite rank and qualification would 
 " have just claim to aspire to a situation of greater emolument than 
 " that of a Magistrate of a city or zillah, and wonld not, therefore, be 
 " contented to remain long on a salary not superior to the salary of the 
 " latter officer, especially at a station so expensive as Moorshedabad, and 
 " where he would be obliged to maintain a certain appearance. This 
 " Would occasion a frequent change of the person holding the office of 
 " Superintendent, which would be a great public incoweniencr, because a 
 " very long time would elapse before a person, qualified in other respects, 
 " could become acquainted with the extensive and complicated details of 
 " the Nizamut, on a full knowledge of which, his efficiency would, of 
 " cow.ie, essentially depend, moreover, in a situation like that proposed, 
 " where illicit advantages would be so abundantly held forth to view, 
 " and might be so securely enjoyed, a liberal salary should, on general 
 " principles, be assigned. It is not perhaps among the least of the 
 " defects of the present system, that the duties of Superintendent of 
 " Nizamut affairs is is performed gratuitously.
 
 54 
 
 "If the question to be decided were whether or not consistently with 
 
 " Public Obligations, lapsed stipends could be restored to the resources of 
 
 " the State, or, in other words, whether or not the Company is bound per- 
 
 ' manently to apply the sum of sixteen Iocs of Rupees per annum to the 
 
 1 support and benefit of the Nizamut, some forcible arguments might, I 
 
 ' think, be adduced on both sides. I should feel it to be a question of 
 
 ' considerable delicacy and difficulty, and should advise much caution 
 
 ' and mature deliberation in forming a decision upon it. But the actual 
 
 question is whether, or not, funds, which by the death of parties, for 
 
 whose personal support they were assigned, are set free, shall not be 
 
 applied, not in the augmentation of the Revenue of the Company, but 
 
 in support of an arrangement, the exclusive object of which is the pros. 
 
 perity and even pecuniary benefit of the Nizamut,&n object unattainable 
 
 by any other arrangement. All judgments must, I conceive, concur 
 
 in the same decision of the question. No individual is deprived by 
 
 such an appropriation of a pre-existing right. The party is by death 
 
 withdrawn from the Fund, and not the Fund from the party. 
 
 " Assuming as a covering sum 42,000 per annum, I have reason to 
 
 " believe that assets justly available may be found to that extent The 
 
 " annexed statement, marked D, contains an enumeration and a detailed 
 
 " explanation of assets derived from the stipend of deceased Stipendia- 
 
 " ries, which apparently constitute an accumulation of Funds to the 
 
 " 31st January last, to the amount of upwards of five lakhs of Rupees, 
 
 " and the accumulation, is, of course, greater up to the present time. 
 
 " Making allowance for the gain which would be obtained by pur- 
 " chasing Company's Paper in this market, the sum required completely 
 " to cover monthly payments, amounting to the annual expenditure 
 " above suggested, would, however, be little short of seven lakhs of 
 " Rupees. The reservation, during a further period of time, of the 
 " sources of accumulation, described and explained in the statement last 
 " referred to, would, of course, create the additional capital necessary 
 " to supply the deficiency, but possibly, it may be deemed equally just and 
 " convenient to supply that deficiency by the monthly appropriation of a suj- 
 'ficient portion of the lapsed stipends. This might be subject of further 
 ' consideration. In the meantime, if the plan now proposed be thought 
 ' expedient, measures should, I conceive, be adopted to ascertain, with 
 ' accuracy, the extent of the funds actually disposable. If this infor- 
 ' mation be not attainable in the office of the Accountant-Q-eneral, it 
 ' must, of course, be sought at Moor she dabad. The Board will deter- 
 'mine, whether or not, to suspend the suggested appointment until 
 " this information be obtained. There is another consideration which 
 "may also effect the period of making the appointment. It will, 
 " probably, be deemed proper, out of delicacy and respect towards the 
 " Nawab, and with reference to the peculiar interest which he has in 
 " the arrangement, especially as it involves the alienation of Funds, 
 " which he may consider as appertaining to the Nizamut, that it should 
 " be adopted in concert with him. 
 
 " I do not mean by this, that the adoption of this plan must abso- 
 " lutely depend on his consent to it, but that the arrangement, its motives, 
 " object* and expected benefits, should be communicated to His High- 
 " ness in the first instance, his observations upon it heard and attended 
 " to, and his objections, if possible , removed.
 
 55 
 
 " If any difficulty, or objections, should preclude the prosecution of 
 " this preliminary measure through the agency of the Superintendent 
 " of Nizamut affairs, and the adoption of it should be judged indispen- 
 sable, a gentleman might be sent, in the first instance, on a special 
 " deputation to Moorshedabad on the part of the Governor-General ; 
 " intimation being given to the Nawab, that he is deputed to confer 
 " with His Highness on some points of importance connected with the 
 " interest of the Nizamut. In that case, it might be convenient to invest 
 " him with special powers Jor the adjustment of those points of the Super- 
 " intendent's memoranda which are most urgent, and which must, neces- 
 " sarily, form subjects of negociation and discussion with His Highness, 
 " founding this delegation on the superior importance of the concerns 
 *' to which it relates, and the impracticability of the Senior Judge de- 
 " voting to the discussion and arrangement of them, the requisite por- 
 " tion of time and attention, consistently with other avocations of his 
 " Judicial affairs, supposing the general objects of the foregoing discus - 
 " sion to meet with the concurrence of the Eight Honourable the 
 " Governor-General and my colleagues, the Board will determine 
 " whether, on the whole, it be most expedient to adopt any preliminary 
 " proceeding of the nature above described, or, at once, to establish the 
 " proposed appointment." 
 
 The Governor-General in Council fully concurred in 
 the sentiments and opinions of Mr. Edmonstone, and 
 deputed Mr. Monckton, the Persian Secretary to Govern- 
 ment, to Moorshedabad, upon the special duty of 
 conferring with the Nawab Nazim, as to the plan 
 proposed by Mr. Edmonstone. The following is an 
 extract from the instructions given to Mr. Monckton 
 
 " You will observe that Mr. Edmonstone in his minute has repre- 
 " sented the total inefficiency of the existing as well as former arrange- 
 ' ments, for securing a due appropriation of the funds allotted for the 
 " support of the Nizamut, and has described, generally, the course of 
 " the measures, proper to be pursued, for introducing an improved 
 " system of management into that establishment. 
 
 " The specific objects of your deputation may be classed under three 
 " heads. 1st., the accomplishment, by means of negotiation with His 
 " Highness the Nawab, of the plan of forming a Fund, from the re- 
 " sources of the Nizamut, to defray the personal salary of a Superin- 
 " tendent, and the expense of his establishment ; 2nd, the disposal of 
 " the- Munnee Begum's property ; and 3rd, the adjustment of all de- 
 " pending questions. 
 
 " With respect to the 1st point, namely, the provision of a fund for 
 " the expense of the proposed establishment of an European Superin- 
 " tendent of the Nizamut, I am directed to observe, that Government 
 " would consider itself to be perfectly warranted, under the Nawab's
 
 56 
 
 " engagement, in applying to that purpose a portion of the personal pro- 
 
 " perty of the. late Munnee Begum, but as it is practicable, without 
 
 " having recourse to that measure, to provide the requisite fund for 
 
 " other objects appertaining to the Nizamut, and as it is an object of 
 
 " considerable importance to secure, if possible, the cordial and zealous 
 
 " co-operation of the Nawab in the future reform of the Nizamut, the 
 
 " Governor-General in Council is disposed to avoid the adoption of a 
 
 " measure which would interfere so materially with His Highness's pi-r- 
 
 ' sonal interest, as the appropriation of a considerable portion of the pro- 
 
 ' perty to which His Highness considers himself to be the heir, and there- 
 
 'fore, rather than subject His Highness to that privation, His Excellency 
 
 ' in Council has resolved to supply the fund from available assets apper- 
 
 ' taining to the Nizamut. 
 
 " You will take an early opportunity of ascertaining w ( ith accuracy 
 " the extent of the funds actually disposable, and of devising the best 
 " means of supplying any deficiency." 
 
 The following are extracts from Mr. Mo nekton's Report, 
 furnished from Poll. Corr., 19th October, 1816, No. 58- 
 65. 
 
 " On the 24th ultimo I had the honour of paying His Highness a 
 " visit at Farakbaug, when I opened the subject of my Commission. 
 
 " I said to His Highness, that he was no doubt prepared, by the 
 " Eight Honourable the Governor-General's letter, regarding my depu- 
 " tation, to expect from me communications of considerable importance, 
 " and with His Highness' permission I would explain to him the views 
 " of Government, stating, at the same time, my persuasion that His 
 " Highness would cordially acquiesce in them, not merely from a regard 
 " to his former engagement, but from a conviction that they were 
 "essential to the future prosperity of the Nizamut, and to the support 
 " of His Highness' own dignity and honour. 
 
 " I proceeded to unfold to His Highness the project for the separation 
 " of the office of Superintendent of the affairs of the Nizamut from 
 " the office of Senior Judge of the Provincial Court of Appeal and 
 " Circuit for the Division of Moorshedabad, and for the formation of a 
 "fund from the renuurcfs of the Nizamut to defray the personal salary 
 " of a Superintendent, and the expenses of his establishment, prefacing 
 " that communication by a full exposition of the motives, o/ijects and bene- 
 " fits to be expected from that arrangement, as described in Mr. Edmon- 
 " stone's minute of the 25th March last. 
 
 " His Highness listened to me with the utmost attention. He seemed 
 " fully to admit the existence of the evils and abuses of the present 
 " system of the Nizamut, and did not offer any objections whatever to 
 " the principle of the suggested arrangement, for providing for the dis- 
 " charge of the duties of a Superintendent at the expense of the 
 " Nizamut. His Highness, however, manifested some degree of impa- 
 " tience to learn how funds could be raised to the great extent of seven 
 " lakhs. 
 
 "Anticipating the anxiety which Hi? Highness would feel ou this
 
 57 
 
 " point, I had already taken considerable pains to ascertain what funds 
 " were actually available for the purposes of forming the proposed new 
 " establishment, and although my information was still imperfect I was 
 " enabled to assure His Highness that there are assets appertaining to 
 " the Nizamut nearly, if not entirely, sufficient to form the requisite 
 " fund. With a view, however, to demonstrate to the Nawab the con- 
 " sideration of Government towards His Highness, I observed that 
 " under His Highness' engagement, Government would be warranted in 
 " applying a portion of the Munnee Begum's Treasure to the purpose of 
 "firming the fund, but that as the measure would materially affect His 
 " Highness' personal interest by imposing, in a manner, on His High- 
 " ness the burthen of the expense, Government proposed to provide 
 " the funds, if practicable, from unappropriated assets appertaining to 
 " the Nizamut, and that accordingly my anxious endeavours had been 
 " directed to the accomplishment of that object. 
 
 " His Highness received the communication apparently with great 
 " satisfaction, and expressed his sense of the consideration shown to 
 " him, with regard to the mode in which the funds were to be sup- 
 ' plied, in the event of the proposed office being established. I ex- 
 ' plained to His Highness, however, that in computing the assets 
 ' available for the purpose of forming the fund of seven lakhs, I 
 ' calculated on certain sums being repaid to the Nizamut from the 
 ' Munnee Begum's personal property, observing also, that the repay- 
 ' ment of those sums was entirely distinct from any consideration 
 ' connected with the plan for the new establishment for the Superin- 
 ' tendence of the Nizamut, and that they would be added to the fund 
 ' for defraying the expense of that establishment, as forming a part of 
 ' the actual resources of the Nizamut. 
 
 " His Highness, having heard these observations, did not seem 
 " disposed to pursue the discussion further. He said that he felt too 
 " unwell to admit of his bestowing on the several points, which had 
 " been brought up under discussion that day, the degree of considera- 
 " tion requisite to enable him to form any decision, and desired to be 
 " furnished with a written statement of the several sums which it was 
 " proposed to deduct from the amount of the late Munnee Begum's 
 " Treasure. 
 
 " I expressed concern at His Highness's indisposition, but requested 
 " permission to observe that the points which I had submitted to His 
 " Highness's consideration, had undergone a full discussion, and that 
 " I was not aware of the difficulty which opposed a declaration of His 
 " Highness's sentiments. I said that we had been closeted for three 
 " hours, and that if my conference with His Highness led to no result, 
 " an opinion would go abroad that the views of His Highness were in 
 " opposition to those of Government, an opinion which I would greatly 
 " lament. I assured His Highness that I had hitherto preserved in- 
 " molable secrecy with respect to the views of Government ; that I had 
 " not even disclosed them to any person of my own, and that although 
 " I had called on the Officers of the Nizamut for several statements, 
 " no one comprehended the object of them, and that the anxious wish 
 " of my heart was to negociate the proposed arrangements personally 
 " with His Highness, and without the intervention or even knowledge 
 " of any other person. I therefore expressed an earnest hope that His
 
 58 
 
 " Highness would not think it necessary to consult any other judgment 
 " than his own, but act at once according to his own wisdom and dis- 
 " cernment, in which case, I felt assured, His Highness would not 
 " allow me to leave his house without the gratification of knowing that 
 " he concurred in the proposed arrangements. The Nawab, however, 
 " still urged his indisposition as an excuse for suspending his judg- 
 " ment on all points. 
 
 '' On my reminding His Highness of all his engagements, he desired 
 " that he might not be understood as having decidedly objected to any 
 " part of the arrangement which had been proposed to him ; but 
 " observed that he conceived himself at liberty to represent to the 
 " Right Honourable the Governor- General any inconveniencies or em- 
 " barrassments which might occur to his mind as likely to result from 
 '' them, and following up that observation by asking, whether his 
 " reply to His Lordship's letter ought to be transmitted through me. 
 " I replied that His Highness was certainly at liberty to pursue this 
 " course which he had described, and that I should not fail, to furnish 
 " him with the statement which he required of the sums proposed to 
 " be deducted from the Munnee Begum's Treasure. 
 
 " With respect to the transmission of His Highness' letter to the 
 Governor-General, I merely explained, that I considered myself to 
 be the channel through which His Highness 1 letter should be trans, 
 mitted, according to the regular forms of official intercourse between 
 His Highness and Government, on all points connected with my 
 mission. 
 
 " I advised His Highness, however, before he proceeded to address 
 the Governor- General, to consider well the contents of His Lord- 
 ship's letter, when he would observe, that His Lordship had confi- 
 dently anticipated His Highness 1 cordial acquiescence in the proposi- 
 tions to be communicated by me, not merely with reference to His 
 Highness' engagements, but from a conviction that they were calcu- 
 lated to promote the general prosperity of the Nizamut. I was, 
 therefore, particularly anxious, and said that His Highness should 
 act up to his engagements, and not by any representation or 
 remonstrances against arrangements so equitable and beneficial in 
 themselves, impose upon His Lordship the necessity of reminding 
 His Highness of the circumstance in which the engagements 
 originated, but by fulfilling his promise, avoid such necessity which 
 would only alllict both His Lordship and His Highness with pain. 
 His Highness observed that, according to the tenor of the Governor- 
 General's letter, the points, brought forward by me, were to be 
 matters of negociation and that, therefore, he did not conceive 
 himself absolutely required to comply with the propositions of Go- 
 vernment. 
 
 " I replied, that although His Lordship was fully satisfied of the 
 justice and propriety of the propositions, and confidently anticipated 
 His Highness's acquiescence in them, yet, he certainly wished that 
 the grounds of those propositions should be fully explained to His 
 Highness, and that His Highness's observations upon them should 
 be heard, and any objections which might possibly occur to his mind be 
 removed, as His Lordship would regret being thought by His Highin-ss 
 to take advantage of his engagements, to require from His Highness
 
 59 
 
 " any sacrifice which might appear to be unreasonable, or not de- 
 
 " manded by considerations connected with the future welfare of the 
 
 " Nizamut. I requested His Highness to consider, that, although he 
 
 " should ultimately acquiesce in the views of Government after repre- 
 
 " sentation and remonstrance, yet, his acquiescence under such circum- 
 
 " stances would have no grace; as His Highness's sincere friend, 
 
 " therefore, I advised him to declare at once his acquiescence in the 
 
 " views of Government. Such was my anxiety on the subject, I added, 
 
 " that 1 would take upon myself the responsibility of exonerating His 
 
 " Highness from the burthen of supporting any of the late Munnee 
 
 ' JSegum's dependents out of her property, for which purpose I had 
 
 ' allotted a fund of a lakh of Rupees, if he would only yield a cordial 
 
 1 assent to the other deductions from the property, and also to the 
 
 ' arrangement for the new establishment for the Superintendence of 
 
 ' the affairs of the Nizamut, and, that, in making this offer, I was 
 
 ' not sure that my conduct would be approved. I concluded by saying, 
 
 " that His Highness would not fail to recognise in that, and also in 
 
 " the whole arrangement, my anxious solicitude to combine with the 
 
 " attainments of the views of Government for the benefit of the Niza- 
 
 " mut, the utmost possible consideration for His Highness's personal 
 
 ' ' interests relative to the disposal of the Munnee JBegum's property. 
 
 " His Highness was, however, quite inflexible ; he declared his inability 
 
 " to give me any definite answer, and at length I took my leave with 
 
 " the expression of my disappointment at the suspension of his judgment 
 
 " upon the arrangements which had been proposed to him, and of my 
 
 " hope that, on reflection, His Highness would let me have the gratift- 
 
 " cation of reporting to Government that they have obtained his 
 
 " approbation. 
 
 " The tenor of His Highness's conduct certainly impressed me with 
 " the belief, that he either meditated a decided opposition to the views of 
 " Government, or had determined not to act without the previous com- 
 " munication with his confidential advisers. 
 
 "I afterwards learnt that His Highness held secret consultation 
 " with his father-in-law, the Nawab Shunishere Jung, and with one or 
 " two others on that night and the night following. In this interval I 
 " had prepared the statement which His Highness had requested, and 
 " was on the point of sending it to Farrakbaug, when His Highness 
 " sent me a message, signifying his intention of visiting me on the fol- 
 " lowing morning. If is Highness, however, being unfortunately taken 
 " ill, sent his father-in-law to me with a letter, informing me of his in- 
 " disposition, and containing the gratifying intelligence of his cordial 
 " acquiescence, in the views of Government. 
 
 " Before I close the letter I beg to state that no part of the funds for 
 " the new establishment for the Superintendence of the Nizamut is in 
 "the hands of the Collector, excepting the arrears of the Munnee 
 " Begum's personal salary, amounting to Rupees 2,67,703. That sum 
 " might be immediately invested in the puhlic Securities of Government. 
 " The remainder of the funds shall be paid into the Collector's Treasury 
 " with the least practicable delay." 
 
 The following is an extract from the letters received by 
 Mr. Monckton in reply.
 
 60 
 
 " The successful issue of your proceedings in the execution of such 
 " parts of those instructions, as formed the subject of the despatch now 
 " acknowledged, has afforded much satisfaction to the Governor-General 
 " in Council, who considers your conduct to be marked with the charac- 
 " teristic zeal, address, temper, and ability, which formed the ground of 
 " His Lordship's selection of you for the performance of this delicate 
 " and important service. 
 
 " The tenor of your conference with the Nawab, and the general 
 " course of your proceedings, reported in that despatch, being in entire 
 " conformity with the spirit of your instructions and of the views of 
 " Government. I am directed to proceed at once to convey to you the 
 " sentiments and instructions of His Lordship in Council on those 
 " points on which the special expression of the opinions and sentiments 
 " of the Government are required. 
 
 " The statements of the sums to be deducted from the treasure of the 
 " late Mwmee Begum, and of the assets available for the purpose of de- 
 " fraying the expense of the proposed new establishment, both of which 
 " have been recognized and accepted by the Nawab, are entirely ap- 
 " proved. 
 
 " The sum of 2,67,703 Rupees, being the amount of the arrears of 
 " the late Munnee Begum's stipend, which forms one item of these 
 ' assets, and is actually in the hands of the Collector of Moorshedabad, 
 ' will be invested in the public funds without delay. Instructions, of 
 ' which a copy is enclosed, have accordingly been issued to the Ac- 
 ' countant-General and the Government Agent, and you will be pleased 
 ' to convey the necessary instructions on the subject to the Collector ; 
 ' you will be pleased to make early arrangements for the payment into 
 'the hands of the Collector, of the remaining sums described, for the 
 ' same purpose, reporting the actual payment, that the necessary measures 
 ' may be taken fur investing the whole amount.'" 
 
 Instructions were accordingly issued to the Accountant- 
 General and the Sub-Treasurer, who were at that period 
 the Government Agents. 
 
 " The Governor-General in Council having concerted an arrangement 
 " with His Highness the Nawab of Bengal, for the establishment of a 
 " fund for defraying the expense of a new establishment for the super- 
 " impendence of the affairs of the Nizamut, I am directed to transmit to 
 "you the enclosed statement of assets appertaining to the Nizamut, 
 " which have been ascertained to be available for this purpose 
 
 " The only part of these assets actually in the hands of the Govern- 
 " ment is the first item, namely, the arrears of the stipends of the late 
 " Munnee Begum from the period of her death till the 31st of August, 
 " 1816, amounting to 2,67,703 rupees, which is in the Treasury of the 
 " Collector of Moorshedabad. 
 
 " It is the desire of the Governor- General in Council, that the above 
 " sum should be immediately invested in public Securities towards the 
 " formation of the proposed Fund. Hit Lordship in Council h accurdiu^ly 
 " pleased to empower and direct you, in your character of Government Agent
 
 61 
 
 " to purchase Government Securities to the amount above stated, which 
 " will be placed at your disposal for that purpose. The advantage arising 
 " from the discount on paper will belong to the Nizamut, and it is to be 
 " accounted for In His Highness the Nawab. 
 
 "The remaining sums will be paid into the hands of the Collector at 
 " Moorsheclabad, with the least practicable delay, and are then to be 
 " disposed of in the manner above stated. 
 
 " A copy of this letter will be transmitted to the Accountant-G-eneral, 
 " who will be instructed to take the necessary measures for placing at 
 " your disposal the sumjabove specified, as well as the remaining sums as 
 " soon as they are realized." 
 
 The following letters from Mr. Monckton set forth the 
 Assets from which the Agency Fund was formed, and 
 to which the Nawab was entitled as the heir-at-law : 
 
 To HENRY STONE, ESQ., Sub-Treasurer, Fort William. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 Under charge of Lieutenant George Moore I herewith dispatch to you, 
 for the purpose of being sent to the Mint for coinage, treasure to the 
 amount of 2,28,320 Rupees, of that sura Rs 2,18,820 are destined to 
 form part of a Fund of Seven lacs for defraying the expenses of a new 
 establishment for the superintendence of the affairs of the Nizamut, and 
 the remainder, namely, 9,500 Rupees, are to constitute a Fund for defray- 
 ing the expense of an establishment at the tomb of the late Munnee 
 Begum. 
 
 3. As the treasure is in old Rupees of sorts, I request that you will be 
 pleased to cause Rupees to be assigned with the least practicable delay, and 
 inform me of the amount of any deficiency, when it shall be immediately 
 made good from the stipend of the Nizamut. 
 
 3. You will be pleased to communicate the arrival of the treasure to 
 the Accountant-General. 
 
 4. The treasure is put up in fifteen boxes, fourteen of which contain 
 16,000 Rupees each, and the other Rs. 4,320. 
 
 I have, &c., 
 
 ("Signed) J. MONCKTON. 
 
 Moorshedabad, 19th Dec., 1816. 
 
 To J. W. SHEENJ ESQ., Accountant General, Fort 
 William. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 You are apprized of the arrangement which has been concerted by the 
 Government in Council with His Highness the Nabob of Bengal for the 
 establishment of a Fund for defraying the expenses of a new establish- 
 ment for the superintendence of the affairs of the Nizamut, and you have 
 been furnished with a statement of assets available for that purpose. 
 
 2. You were informed by a letter from Mr. Secretary Adam, dated 19th
 
 62 
 
 October, that of those assets the sura of 4,67,703 Rupees, being the ar- 
 rears of the Stipend of the late Munnee Begum from the period of her 
 death till the 31st August, 1816, was in the hands of Government, I 
 deem it regular to explain to you, however, that although the amount of 
 the arrears of the late Munnee Begum was correctly stated, the precise 
 sum was not in the hands of Government. The amount actually due 
 from the Treasury of the Collector of Moorshedabad at that time was 
 only Rs. 2.63,703, and the balance of Rs. 3,399-6 was in the hands of 
 the late Munnee Begum's Dewan. 
 
 3 I have now the honour to inform you that, including the balance 
 of Rs. 3999,6 above stated, 1 have since paid into the Collector's 
 Treasury the sum of 2,17,476-6 Sicca Rupees, making a total sum of 
 4,81,180 Rupees, and I herewith enclose to you the Collector's receipts 
 for the amount. 
 
 4. The remaining assets destined for the fund of the proposed new 
 establishment have been furnished from the late Munnee Begum's Trea- 
 sures, and is in old Rupees of various denominations. I have, therefore, 
 this day despatched to the General Treasury under an escort of Sepoys, 
 commanded by Lieutenant George Moore, the amount of these assets, 
 namely, Rs. 2,18,820, tor the purpose of being sent to the Mint, and 
 hav a informed the Sub-Treasurer that whatever may be the deficiency of 
 the old Rupees in weight and quality shall be immediately made good 
 from the Munnee Begum's allowance which has accumulated in the Col- 
 lector's Treasury since the 31st of August. 
 
 5. The fund of seven lacs of rupees for the proposed new establish- 
 ment for the superintendence of the affairs of the Nizamut, may, there- 
 fore, be considered to be completed, and it only remains for you to pro- 
 duce at the disposal of the Government Agent the sums paid into the 
 Collector's Treasury, in order that the amount may be invested in Public 
 Securities. 
 
 6. I beg leave to inform you that a further sum of 9,500 Rupees has 
 been taken from the Munnee Begum's Treasure, for the purpose of form- 
 ing a fund to defray the expenses of an establishment at the Begum's 
 tomb, and that as that money is likewise in old coin, and must conse- 
 quently be sent to the Mint, I have taken the opportunity of dispatching 
 it to the general Treasury with the other treasure, making the total 
 amount of the remittance tolls Rs. 2,28,320. 
 
 7. As the sum of 9,500 Rupees is to be invested in Government Secu- 
 rities, you will shortly receive the instructions of the Governor-General 
 in Council to place that sum also at the disposal of the Government 
 Agent. 
 
 8. The deficiency in the Rupees comprising the latter item will be met 
 in the same manner as the deficiency in the Rupees belonging to the 
 other Fund, and I have only further to observe that as the interest of 
 9,500 Rupees will scarcely be sufficient to cover the expenses at the 
 Establishment at the Tomb of the late Munnee Begum, which are ascer- 
 tained to be 574 Rupees annually, any small addition to the capital by 
 the purchase of Company's paper at a discount is desirable. 
 
 I have, &c., 
 
 (Signed) J. MONCKTON. 
 
 Moorshedabad, 19th Dec., 1816.
 
 63 
 
 To JOHN ADAM, ESQ., Acting Chief Secretary to Govern- 
 ment, Fort William. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your despatch of the 
 19th of October, from wnich I was happy to learn that my proceedings 
 as detailed in roy letter of the 20th of September, had received the entire 
 approbation of Government. 
 
 2. My subsequent proceedings have suffered great interruption in con- 
 sequence of Hindoo and Mussulman Festivals, and particularly by the 
 long illness of His Highness the Nabob. 
 
 3. Previously to the Nabob's indisposition, His Highness had attended 
 with me almost daily for three weeks at the late Munnee Begum's apart- 
 ments, for the purpose of inspecting and examining Her late Highness's 
 treasure and jewels, as also her other property, the extent and variety of 
 which was very great. 
 
 4. The jewels may fairly be estimated at not less than six lacs of rupees, 
 the gold and silver utensils amount in weight to Sicca Rupees one lac, 
 two thousand and fifteen, and the property in goods consisting of rich. 
 velvets, Benares, gold and silver stuffs, shawls, muslins, silks, beautifully 
 embroidered purdahs, and a countless variety of other articles cannot be 
 estimated at less than one lac and a half of Rupees. The collection of 
 articles of every description was prodigious, and 1 have great satisfaction 
 in stating that the whole of the property was in the highest state of per- 
 fection, as there was reason to apprehend from the late Superintendent's 
 Report that it was not the case. 
 
 5. The treasure in gold, silver, and copper coin amounted to 150,507-12 
 Rupees, but in taking an account of the money, a box containing 16,053 
 Rupees was pointed out to me as belonging to Zabunnissa Begum, who is 
 grand-daughter of His Highness Nabob Jaffier Ali Khan, and also to her 
 brother, and she is the lady who claimed the enormous sum of nearly 
 two lacs and a half of Rupees out of the Munnee Begum's property. 
 
 6. As Mr. Brooke, on the occasion of his being ordered to ascertain 
 the extent of the late Munnee Begum's Treasures, had informed the 
 Government that no parcel, however insignificant, was left unexamined, 
 and as he had not even mentioned the name of the Nowassy Begum in 
 auy of his reports, I asked why Mr. Brooke had not been told that the 
 box in question belonged to the Nowassy Begum at the time when the 
 inventory of the Munnee Begum's treasure and effects was prepared under 
 his directions. I was assured that the box was pointed out to Mr. 
 Brooke as being the Nowassy Begum's pioperty, but that because the 
 Munnee Begum's seal was found to be affixed to it, he refused to admit 
 that lady's claim, and said that he considered the whole of the property 
 without distinction as having belonged to Her late Highness. 
 
 7. On inquiry, however, it appeared that the Nowassy Begum had 
 always been in the habit of receiving her stipend through the Munnee 
 Begum, and on examining the box, it was found to contain a large collec- 
 tion of the receipts of that lady for a stipend which she enjoys as a Mem- 
 ber of the Rajmehal Family. Moreover, Meah Bahar Ufzoon, the eunuch 
 who had charge of the Tosha Khana, declared that the box in question 
 was the treasure-chest of Nowassy Begum, and that the treasure which 
 it contained was no other than the money of her stipend, and they fur-
 
 64 
 
 ther signified their readiness to confirm their declaration, if necessary, by 
 oath. 
 
 8. With such evidence in favour of the Nowassy Begum's claim, I could 
 not possibly consider the simple fact of Her late Highness's seal being 
 affixed to the box, to furnish a justifiable pretext for rejecting tliat claim. 
 I therefore deemed it my bounden duty to represent to His Highness the 
 Nabob the propriety and necessity of his making over the treasure to the 
 Nowassy Begum. His Highness being entirely -unprepared for this fresh 
 demand, evinced the greatest reluctance to admit the equity of it. But I 
 told His Highness that I felt it incumbent on me to press the point with 
 peculiar earnestness, because it was one which equally concerned His 
 Highness's own honour, and the justice of rny proceedings, and that I 
 had too high an opinion of his principles to suppose for a moment that 
 he could desire to withhold from his cousin what was her indisputable 
 right. His Highness, after some consideration, acknowledged that as 
 the eunuch who had charge of the Tosha Khana was prepared to support 
 the claim of the Nowassy Begum on oath, he could not, with propriety, 
 withhold the treasure from her. 
 
 9. But while I considered it to be an indispensable obligation of my 
 duty to secure to the Nowassy Begum her joint right, I could not help 
 regarding the fresh demand against the property of the Munnee Begum, 
 as affording to the Nawab a ground of discontent, since it was on the faith 
 of my assurance that the treasure of the Munnee Begum amounted to 
 Jifleen lacs that Hi* Highness recognized and accepted the statement of 
 deductions to be made from that treasure Any new circumstance occur- 
 ring to diminish still further the amount of surplus which the Nabob has 
 been taught to expect for his own personal benefit, could not fail to be 
 regarded by His Highness with dissatisfaction. 
 
 10. I therefore anxiously sought to compensate to His Highness in 
 some measure for this disappointment. 
 
 11. It occurred to me that among the proscribed deductions from the 
 Munnee Begum's treasures, there was one item, the amount of which 
 nearly corresponded with that of the money found to belong to the 
 Nowassy Begum, and which appeared to be the least desirable of all the de- 
 ductions, namely, thesumof 1 7,500Rupees, awarded tothe wife of Shemut- 
 ud-Dowla, on account of interest on the amount of stoppages of her 
 stipend. I therefore resolved to charge the resources of the Nizamut 
 with the payment of that sum. 
 
 12. Accordingly, after providing the funds for that purpose, I told the 
 Nawab that 1 was much gratified by his honorable conduct in regard to 
 the treasure which had been ascertained to be the property of his consin 
 the Nowassy Begum, but that as I was sensible of the disappointment 
 occasioned to him by that claim, I was very anxious to provide the means 
 of satisfying it without exposing him to loss by a diminution of the amount 
 of the surplus which his Highness had been led to expect from the 
 Munnee Begum's treasure, and I then explained to him the arrangement 
 which I had made for that purpose. 
 
 13. His Highness seemed extremely gratified, and expressed his sense 
 of obligation to me for my kindness. 
 
 14. By this arrangement I was enabled to combine with the perform- 
 ance of an act of justice to the Nowassy Behum the disposal of the late 
 Munnee Begum's property in a manner to afford entire satisfaction to His
 
 65 
 
 Highness's mind, and I trust that the attainment of this object will be 
 considered by the Right Honorable the Governor in Council to furnish a 
 sufficient apology for uiy taking upon myself to relinquish an item of 
 deduction from the late Munnee Begum's Treasure without His Lord- 
 ship's in Council previous sanction. 
 
 15. The sum of 16,053 rupees being deducted from the property found 
 in the late Munnee Begum's apartments, the treasure which actually be- 
 longed to Her Highness amounted to Rupees 14,85,454-12, out of which 
 has been deducted Rupees 8,58,043-14-8, and a further sum of Rs. 44,650 
 reserved for the purpose of reducing jewels mortgaged on bond, to the 
 amount of Rs. 50.000, leaving a surplus of Rupees 5,82.760-13-4, which 
 has been formally made over to His Highness, together with the whole of 
 the jewels, gold and silver utensils, and other property amounting collec- 
 tively to about 8,50,000 rup-es. Thus, by the death of Her Highness 
 the Munnee Begum, the Nabob has acquired personal property to the ex- 
 tent of nearly fifteen lacs of rupees, besides the possession of lands and 
 houses, and the Chowk adjoining the Palace, which alone yields a revenue 
 of 12,000 rupees per annum. 
 
 16. The late illness of His Highness having rendered him incapable of 
 attending to business, has prevented any arrangement for transferring to 
 His Highness immediately the Chowk and its Dependencies, and as His 
 Highness has now proceeded on an excursion to Monghr for change of 
 air, the execution of any measures 1'or that purpose must he delayed until 
 His Highness's return. 
 
 17. On the 15th ultimo. I sent to the Collector's Treasury the money 
 required to complete the Fund for defraying the expense of the proposed 
 new establishment for the superintendence of the affairs of the Nizamut, 
 and I only deferred the communication to Government of the payment 
 until the Collector should acknowledge the receipt of the money 
 
 18. An unexpected but apparently unavoidable delay, however, has oc- 
 curred in taking an account of the money in the Collector's Office, a con- 
 siderable proportion of the money, having been taken from the Muunee 
 Begum's treasure, was in old coin. This circumstance rendered it neces- 
 sary for the Collector to assort and pay the money before he could make 
 any entry of it in his books, and I was not aware of the length of time 
 which would be required for that purpose. 
 
 19. I had waited nearly a month for the Collector's receipt, when I 
 was informed that it had not been found practicable to do more than 
 assort the old coin, which was of various denominations, and that it still 
 remained to assay it. I was, moreover, informed that the assaying of the 
 Rupees in the Collector's Office would not supersede the necessity of their 
 undergoing a similar process at the Presidency on being sent to the Mint 
 to be recoined. 
 
 20. In order, therefore, to prevent further loss of time, I resolved to 
 dispatch the Rupees of sorts to the General Treasury without delay, con- 
 fining the payment into the Collector's Treasury to the Sicci Rupees of 
 the standard weight. I accordingly withdrew the old coin from the Col- 
 lector's Office, and dispatched it to the Presidency on the 20th instant, 
 under an escort commanded by Lieutenant George Moore. In adopting 
 this measure, I hope my conduct will be approved. 
 
 21. I have the honour to transmit to you, for His Lordship in 
 Council's information, a statement of assets whteh have been placed in 
 
 F
 
 66 
 
 the hands of the Collector, and of those which have been remitted to the 
 Treasury. 
 
 22. I have transmitted to the Accountant-General the Collector's Re- 
 ceipts for 4,81,180 Sic. Rupees, and I have apprized him of my having dis- 
 patched to the Presidency, for the purpose of being recoined, the sum of 
 2,18,820 old Rupees, being the number required to complete the Fund 01 
 7 lacs, stating at the same time that whatever may be the deficiency of 
 the old Rupees in weight and quality, it can be immediately made good 
 from the late Munnee Begum's personal allowance of 12,000 Rupees, 
 which has accumulated in the hands of the Collector since 31st Augus". 
 last. 
 
 23. It will be in the recollection of His Lordship in Council, that 
 araone; the deductions from the Munnee Begum's treasure, is a sum of 
 9,500 Rupees for the purpose of forming a Fund to defray the expense of 
 an establishment at the Tomb of the latfr Munnee Begum. 
 
 24. As that money is in old coin, and the amount is intended to be in- 
 vested in the Public Funds, I have taken the opportunity of sending it to 
 the Presidency with the other Treasure, making the total amount of the 
 remittance 2,28,320 rupees. I have prepared the Accountant-General to 
 expect orders from Government on the subject of placing the further sum 
 of 9,500 Rupees at the disposal of the Government Agents, for the pur- 
 pose of being laid out in the purchase of Company's Paper, and I have 
 informed him that the deficiency in the Rupees, as soon as the extent of 
 it shall be ascertained, will be met in the same manner as the deficiency 
 in the other part of the treasure. 
 
 25. As the monthly and occasional expenses of the establishment 
 maintained at Munnee Begum's tomb are ascertained to amount to 574 
 Rupees annually, which rather exceeds the interest of Rs. 9,500, I have in- 
 timated to the Accountant-General that the amount which may be gained 
 by the Discount on Company's Paper should be added to the capital for 
 the purpose of rendering the Fund mvre adequate to its object. 
 
 26. I am engaged in settling the debts of the Nabob's several uncles, 
 and am endeavouring to adjust them in a manner most favourable to 
 their interest. 
 
 27. I hope also in a few days to submit a detailed Report of the 
 Establishment of the late Munnee Begum, of two casualties which have 
 occurred in them since His Higbness's demise, and of the reductions 
 which have actually been eifected, or which may appear practicable. 
 
 1 have, &c., 
 (Signed) J. MONCKTON. 
 
 Moorshedabad, 26th December, 1816. 
 
 The following extract is from the instructions sent to 
 Mr. Monckton in reply : 
 
 " The Q-overnor- General in Couucil approves of your having despatched 
 " to the Presidency that portion of the money required to form the 
 " Fund for defraying the expense of the proposed new establishment 
 " for the Superintendence of the affairs of the STizamut, which consisted 
 " of Rupees of sorts, and of your communication to the Accountant-
 
 " General on the subject of that remittance, and on the other points 
 " adverted to in the 17th and following paragraphs of your letter. The 
 " necessary orders will be issued for investing in Government securities 
 " such portions of the money intended to form the proposed Fund, as had 
 " not already been so disposed of. 
 
 The following is an extract from the orders issued to 
 the Government Agent subsequently : 
 
 " In continuation of my letter of the 19th October last, I am directed 
 " to transmit to you the enclosed Statements of the Assets, which have 
 " been placed in the hands of the Collector of Moorshedabad, and of 
 " those wliich have been remitted to the Presidency, for the purpose of 
 " forming a Fund for defraying the expense of the proposed establish- 
 " ment of the Superintendence of the affairs of the Nizamut. 
 
 " Mr. Monckton has reported the transmission to the Accountant- 
 " General of the Collector's receipt for the portion of that sum paid 
 " into his Treasury, and his having apprized the Accountant- General 
 " of the remittance of the remainder to the Presidency in Rupees of 
 " sorts. 
 
 " It only remains, therefore, to desire that you will, in your character 
 " of Government Agents, proceed, in the manner pointed out in my 
 " letter of the 19th October, with regard to that part of the money in 
 " question, which may not have been already invested in Public Securi- 
 " ties for the purpose stated, and which will be placed at your disposal 
 "by the Accountant- General." 
 
 Mr. Monckton, iu consideration of the services he had 
 rendered in carrying out the instructions of the Q-overnor- 
 G-eneral, was nominated to the appointment which he had 
 been so instrumental in establishing by the following 
 letter: 
 
 To JOHN MONCKTON, ESQ. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 The principal object of your deputation to Moorshedabad having now 
 been successfully accomplished and the fund for the establishment of the 
 proposed system of control and superintendence over the affairs of the 
 Nizamut having now been formed by the actual receipt into the Treasury 
 of the money intended to be appropriated from the resources of the Niza- 
 mut for that purpose. lam directed to inform you that you are to con- 
 sider your mission at an end, and that His Excellency the Governor- 
 General in Council has been pleased to appoint you to the permanent 
 .situation of Agent to the Governor- General at Moorshedabad. At this 
 capacity, in addition to the more immediate and special duty of superin- 
 
 F 2
 
 68 
 
 tendence over the affairs of the Nizamut, you will consider yourself to be 
 the channel of communication with all natives of rank residing at or 
 visiting the city of Moorshedahad, as well as with the descendants of the 
 Nawab Ihteram-ud-Dowla a collateral branch of the Family of the Nabob 
 of Bengal residing at Rajmehal and not strictly comprehended in the 
 establishment of the Nizamut. 
 
 2. The Governor-General in Council has been pleased to fix the salary 
 of the office of Agent of the Governor- General at Moorshedabad at 40,000 
 sicca rupees per annum, after providing for this charge, a sum of 2,000 
 Rupees per annum of the interest of the Fund in question will remain 
 available for the expenses of the establishment of your office, which with 
 the amount of the present monthly establishment of 213 Rupees, making 
 an aggregate of Rs. 379-4 per mensem, which His Lordship in Council 
 conceives be fully adequate for that purpose. You will accordingly pre- 
 pare and submit for the approval and sanction of the Government the 
 details of an establishment at an expense not exceeding the aggregate 
 amount above stated. 
 
 You will be proposed to return to Moorshedabad, to assume the office 
 to which you are now appointed, as soon as may be convenient. 
 
 I have, &c., 
 (Signed), J. ADAM, 
 
 Acting Chief Secretary to Government. 
 
 Council Chambers, 22nd February, 1817. 
 
 P.S. You will receive from the Persian Secretary a letter from the 
 Governor-General to His Highness the Nabob, announcing the appoint- 
 ment. 
 
 On the proceedings (see Poll-Coir. 10th May, 1817, No. 20-25), is 
 recorded a letter from the Government Agents, of which the following 
 is a copy : 
 
 " We have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letters, 
 " bearing dates the 19th of October and 4th of January last, relative to 
 " the Nizamut establishment, and to state, for the information of Govern- 
 " ment, that in conformity with the instructions conveyed in those 
 "letters, we hare invented the several sums received hy its from the General 
 " Treasury, and have now the pleasure of submitting an account exhibit- 
 " ing the whole of this transaction." 
 
 On receipt of the foregoing letter, and the accounts which accompa- 
 nied it, from the Government Agents, further instructions, dated the 
 1st May, 1817, were issued to the Accountant- General, from which the 
 following is an extract. 
 
 " The Government Agents have been directed to deliver over to you 
 "the Government Securities to the amount of Rupees 7,10,600, which 
 " have been purchased on account of the Ni/amut. 
 
 " You will be pleased to take necessary measures for having those 
 " Securities invested as the property of the Nizamut, the interest in them 
 " being assigned for the payment of certain special charges as follows . 
 
 "For paying the Salary Principal. Interest per an. 
 
 "and of the Office Estab- 
 " lishment of the Agent to ' 
 " the Governor - General at 
 "Moorshedabad, . . . 7,01,000 42,060
 
 69 
 
 " For the charge of an 
 " Establishment at the Tomb 
 " of the Munnee Begum . 9,600 576 
 
 " The Collector of Moorshedabad has been authorized to pay the 
 " Salary and Establishment of the Agent to the Governor- (General at 
 " Moorshedabad, and the charges of the Establishment of the Munnee 
 " Begum's tomb, monthly, at the above rates. 
 
 " You will be pleased to transmit the Government Securities above 
 " mentioned, to the Collector of Moorshedabad, with instructions to 
 " balance in his accounts, the interets due on them half-yearly, against 
 " the monthly payments which he has been authorized to make as speci- 
 " fied in the foregoing paragraph." 
 
 A further charge was made by the Government against 
 the Nizamut, in accordance with the instructions given in 
 the following letter : 
 
 To JOHN MONCKTON, ESQ., Acting Agent to the 
 Governor-General, Moorshedabad. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 I am directed to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 7th inst., 
 and to inform you that the Governor-General in Council has been pleased 
 to sanction the establishment proposed by you for the office of Agent to 
 the Governor-General at Moorshedabad. The payment of the establish- 
 ment will commence from the date on which it may .have been enter- 
 tained. 
 
 2. Although it was originally intended that a portion of the expense 
 of the establishment of the Agent equivalent to the expense of the estab- 
 lishment heretofore maintained for the superintendent of Nizamut affairs 
 should be charged to the Government, the Governor-General in Council, 
 on a reconsideration of the subject, is disposed to think that it will be 
 more consistent with the principle on which the office was constituted to 
 make the whole chargeable on the funds of the Nizamut. 
 
 3. His Lordship in Council, would, however, be reluctant to bring for- 
 ward a fresh derr. and on this account, however inconsiderable the amount, 
 did he not suppose that funds sufficient for the purpose will have already 
 accumulated from the arrears of lapsed stipends yet unappropriated, and 
 which may be considered properly applicable to this object, as one con- 
 necter! with the general benefit of the Nizamut. 
 
 4. The interest calculated from the 1st January to the 21st February 
 accruing on the Government Securities purchased on account of the 
 Nizamut, which have been assigned for the payment of the salary of the 
 Agent, will be available for the same purpose ; as will also the interest 
 calculated from the 1st January to the date on which the office establish- 
 ment now sanctioned may have been entertained, accruing on the Govern- 
 ment Securities assigned for the payment of a portion of that establish- 
 ment. 
 
 5. The Governor-General in Council desires that you will submit a
 
 70 
 
 Statement of the amount of funds which may have accumulated from 
 the source specified in the 3rd paragraph of this letter, which may l>e 
 made available for defraying that portion of the expense of the Agent's 
 Establishment not yet provided for from the funds of the Nizamut. On 
 receiving this report, His Lordship in Council will determine on the ex- 
 pediency of making this exppnse a charge on the Nizamut. 
 
 6. The Collector of Moorshedabad hns been authorised to pay monthly 
 on the joint receipt of His Highness the Nabob and of the Agent, the 
 allowance for an Establishment at the Tomb of the late Munnee Begum. 
 The payment of this Establishment will commence from the 1st of 
 January, the date from which interest is due on the Government Secu- 
 rities assigned for defraying it. 
 
 I have, &c., 
 
 (Signed) J. ADAM, 
 
 Acting Chief Secretary to Government. 
 
 Fort William, 10th May, 1817. 
 
 On the proceedings of the Poll-Cor. 5th July, 1817, No. 41-45 is 
 recorded a letter from Mr. Monckton, forwarding a letter to the 
 address of the Governor-General, from His Highness the Nawab 
 Nazim, in submitting which, Mr. Monckton observed thus : 
 
 " The only point in His Highness's letter which appears to require 
 " particular notice is, the solicitude which His Highness has expressed 
 " to receive from the Governor- General an assurance, that the Com- 
 *' pany's Papers which have been purchased with the Funds of the 
 " Nizamut, for the declared purpose of defraying the expense of the 
 ' newly constituted Office, shall be considered as appertaining to the 
 " Nizamut, and not liable, under any change of circumstances, to be 
 " diverted to purposes foreign to the interest of the house of Jaffier 
 " Alee Khan. Such an assurance would not, perhaps, be inconsistent 
 " with the principle on which the Fund has been formed, while, it 
 " would be particularly gratifying to His Highness." 
 
 The Governor-General replied to the letter from His Highness the 
 Nawab Nazim, and forwarded it through Mr. Monckton ; it ran 
 thus : 
 
 " It was matter of satisfaction to me to be able to form the Fund 
 " for the payment of the new establishment by appropriating to that 
 " purpose the accumulations of different branches of the Nizamut not 
 ' expressly destined to other purposes and which could not have been 
 ' applied to any object so truly beneficial. The money forming the 
 ' fund thus obtained amounting to seven lacs of Rupees is considered 
 ' and recognized as the inalienable property of Your Highness's 
 ' Family, over and above the Sixteen lacs of Rupees per annum 
 ' assigned for its support " 
 
 The Agency Fund must clearly have been a distinct and separate 
 Fund, when the Hon. W. L. Melville, Agent Governor-General, ad- 
 dressed Government on 28th May. 1836, in the following words : 
 
 " There is at present a peculiar pressure of business in the English 
 " Department of this office 
 
 " 1. The accounts of the Munnee Begum's Deposit Fund. 
 
 " 2. The Pension Fund. 
 
 " 3. The Pension Deposit Fund.
 
 71 
 
 " Temporary aid is therefore required. I beg I may be empowered 
 " to entertain an ' additional writer at 100 Rupees per mensem, to be 
 " charged to the Agency Fund. 1 " 
 
 In a letter dated 1st March, 1836, Sir W. Macnaughten alludes to 
 the several funds which the Hon. W. L. Melville, in an official com- 
 munication dated 5th July, 1837, proposed to amalgamate ; but as 
 the proposition required grave consideration, the Accountant- General 
 was referred to, who reported to Government on the 16th December, 
 1837, that by a Government Order of the 1st March, 1836, the Funds 
 had been amalgamated 1 which, in his opinion, " rendered unnecessary 
 " any exhibition of the Agency charges in the accounts of this Govern- 
 " ment !" This was apparently an opinion derived from Para. II. of 
 Sir W. Macnaughten's letter where he states : " The different sums 
 " composing the Fund formerly set aside for the payment of the ex- 
 " penses of the Agency for the superintendence of the Nizamut 
 ' affairs have lately been brought together in the hands of the 
 Government Agents, and you will hereafter draw upon them 
 ' monthly, for the expenses of the Agency including your own salary. 
 ' The Government Agents will be instructed to furnish an annual 
 ' account of this Fund directed to this office, instead of the circuitous 
 ' plan hitherto followed of sending it through the Agent of Moor- 
 " shedabad." 
 
 In a letter from the Civil Auditor to the Agent Governor- 
 General dated 4th July, 1837, with reference to the charges for 
 Agent's salary, office establishment, and rent, he states : 
 
 " These charges are defrayable out of the interest of the Nizamut 
 " Fund, called the Agency Deposit Fund, reserved in the Treasury of 
 " Government under Order of Government of the 22nd February, 
 " 1817, and ivhich is declared to be quite distinct from that denomi- 
 " nated the Nizamut Deposit Fund, which is available for general 
 " purposes connected with the welfare of the Nizamut Family." 
 
 As this Fund was thus declared distinct, it only remains to consider 
 its condition at different periods. 
 
 In Para 5 of General Raper's letter to the Government of Bengal, 
 dated 17th April, 1843, after entering generally upon the subject of 
 the Fund, he states 
 
 " The different sums set aside for the payment of this Agency were, 
 " under Government Order of the 1st March, 1836, finally brought 
 " together in the hands of the Government Agents, and on reference 
 " to their account current made up to the 30th April, 1842, a copy of 
 " which was transmitted to me in Mr. (Officiating Secretary) Bushby's 
 " letter of the 10th August last, I observe that the state of the 
 " Nizamut Fund is adequate to the payment, not only of the entire 
 " charge of the Agency, but an annual accumulating balance of about 
 " Rupees 24.000 is created in favour of the Fund by a surplus of 
 " Interest over Expenditure, as shown in the accompanying state- 
 " ment of the Government Securities composing the Nizamut Agency 
 " Fund." 
 
 Again, Mr. H. Torrens, Agent Governor- General, when addressing 
 the Government of Bengal on the 1st of February, 1848, on the sub- 
 ject of the Agency Fund, states : 
 
 " It appeared that there were Sic. Rupees 12,29,645, yielding a sur- 
 " plusage annually of Interest over Expenditure."
 
 72 
 
 And by the Agent Governor-General's letter of 27th January, 1853, 
 it further appeared that on the 30th April, 1852, the returns showed an 
 accumulation of Kupees 16,47,044-10-5. 
 
 When Sir George MacGregor applied to the Accountant-General on 
 the 12th February, 1857, after the Agency was abolished, for informa- 
 tion as to the future custody of the Government Securities and 
 cash pertaining to the Agency Fund, he received a reply from the 
 Secretary and Treasurer of the Bank of Bengal, enclosing a Power 
 of Attorney, afterwards executed by the Secretary of the Govern- 
 ment of Bengal and the Agent Governor-General, authorizini/ linn 
 (the Secretary and Treasurer) to realise the Interest on the Govern- 
 ment Securities, amounting to Rupees 18,39,100, made over to him 
 by the Government Agent on account of the Agency (Nizamut) 
 Fund. And a letter from the Government of Bengal, No. 2,675, 
 dated 30th May, 1857, ordered the consolidation of all such securities 
 and directed that " the interest on these papers may be invested 
 " from time to time, as it accrues, in the open Government Loan 
 " of the day .-" thus the numbers and amounts of the Papers were 
 altered. 
 
 In the Sub-Treasurer's letter to the Government of Bengal, No. 680, 
 dated 19th November, 1860, the following return is given of the 
 Agency Fund : 
 
 Assets in Cash on this date, 19th November, 1860, Company's Kupees, 
 
 33,969-1-2 
 
 In Government Promissory Notes. 
 
 1 Note of 1824-25 Sa. Es. 1,000 
 
 2 1828-29 13,300 
 
 3 1832-33 7,35,000 
 
 Sa. Es. 7,49,300 Cos. Es. 7,99,253-5-4 
 
 1 Note of 1835-36 Cos. Es. 1,58,500 
 1 1842-43 7,88,100 
 
 1 1854-55 1,00,900 
 
 2 1856-57 92,990 
 
 3 1859-60 64,800 
 
 12,05,200-0-0 
 
 Total ., 20,38,422-6-6 
 
 At the beginning of 1862, this Fund must have amounted to over 
 twenty-one lacs of Eupees, and at the end of 1868 to over twenty-four 
 lacs, yielding an interest of at least 10,000 Eupees per mensem, which 
 is far beyond the requirements of the Agency, for the support of which 
 this Fund was established. 
 
 By this new arrangement, as before observed, the funds 
 set apart for relieving the Nawab from pecuniary difficulties
 
 73 
 
 were diverted for the support of an official with a large 
 salary, Sicca Rupees 40,000 (,4312-10) per annum, 
 (Page 68), whose duty it would be to wait upon the 
 Nawab, and watch over the interests of the Nizamut, 
 thus relieving the Governor-General from a duty and 
 responsibility which was by courtesy incumbent on him ; 
 this official was, therefore, designated the Agent Governor- 
 General. 
 
 The Fund from which the Agent Governor-General 
 was paid was styled the Agency Fund, and amounted 
 in 1817, at the time of its formation, to over seven lacs of 
 Eupees (,70,000) (See Para. 5 of Letter, Page 62), besides 
 other monies, of which no proper account was rendered, 
 and this Fund invested in Government Securities, con- 
 tinues to exist up to the present day. At the beginning 
 of 1860 the Sub-Treasurer to the Government of Bengal 
 rendered an account (Page 72) which shows that the 
 Agency Fund had then increased to Us. 20,38,422,6-6 
 (203,842), the interest on which at 5 per cent, must 
 have then yielded ,10,192 per annum, a sum amounting 
 to more than four times the present salary of the Agent ; 
 besides its accumulations since 1860 ought to be consider- 
 able, and, together with other surplus money, should, in 
 honor and justice, be accounted for to the Nawab, accord- 
 ing to the terms on which the Fund was originally formed 
 (see Page 70), when His Highness's great-uncle protested 
 against it, until he received the following assurance from 
 the Governor-General : " The money forming this Fund thus 
 obtained, amounting to seven lacs of Rupees, is considered 
 and recognized as the inalienable property of Your High- 
 ness's family, over and above the sixteen lacs of Rupees per
 
 74 
 
 annum assigned for its support." Mr. Monckton also 
 assured that Prince (Page 70) " that the Company's 
 Papers, which were purchased with the Funds of the 
 Nizamut, for the declared purpose of defraying the 
 expense of the newly constituted office, would be con- 
 sidered as appertaining to the Nizamut, and not liable 
 under any change of circumstances to be diverted to 
 purposes foreign to the interests of the House of Jaffier 
 All Khan," so it is reasonable to suppose that all surplus 
 should be applied for the benefit of the Nawab and his 
 family. 
 
 But as money misapplied seldom produces good results, 
 so it is to these Officials that we might trace the many 
 annoyances and difficulties that have been thrown in 
 the way of the Nawabs Nazim since 1817, and brought 
 about the estrangement that now exists between the 
 present Nawab and the Government of India, which, 
 feeling itself bound to follow the representations of its 
 own officers, whether right or wrong, has been led to 
 act on several occasions in the most arbitrary manner, 
 and with cruel injustice towards the descendants and 
 successors of our oldest and most faithful ally in Eastern 
 India. It is to the clearing up of these and other 
 differences that we wish to draw public inquiry, and as 
 we desire only to do justice, we can but lay the several 
 questions open for discussion, so that right-thinking men 
 may have an opportunity of deciding whether the acts of 
 the Government of India have conduced to impress the 
 Princes of that country with the idea that we are a just 
 and honorable Nation, and always support the cause of 
 rigid against might, as expressed in Her Most Gracious
 
 75 
 
 Majesty's Proclamation of 1858 to the Princes, Chiefs, 
 and People of India, which we will introduce as our 
 subject is continued. 
 
 When Nawab Zyn-oo-deen (or Ali Jah) died with- 
 out legitimate male issue, his brother, Nawab Wallah 
 Jah, succeeded to the hereditary rights, honours, dignity, 
 and privileges of the Nizamut or Soubahdarry, under the 
 style and title of Boorhan ul-Moolk, Ehtisham-ood-Dow- 
 lah, Wallah Jah, Syud Ahmud Ali Khan Bahadur, Ma- 
 habut Jung, and received the following assurance of 
 good faith and friendship from the Marquis of Hastings : 
 
 From the MARQUIS OF HASTINGS to NAWAB SYUD AHMAD 
 An KHAN BAHADOOR, Nawab Nazim of Bengal, Behar, 
 and Orissa, dated 10th August, 1821. 
 
 On the receipt of the mournful intelligence of the demise of the late 
 NAWAB ZYNOODEEN ALI KHAN BAHADOOE, the elder brother of that 
 friend, no time was lost in transmitting a letter of condolence express- 
 ing the grief and regret of this person, on the sad and important occasion. 
 This person in council has now resolved to seat that friend, the dear 
 brother of the deceased Nawab of Pious memory, on the Musnud of 
 the Soobahadaree of the Soobahs of BENGAL, BEHAE, and OEISSA. In- 
 structions have been accordingly issued to Mr. Francis Russell to repair 
 to the Court where that friend presides, and on the part of this Govern- 
 ment to invest Your Highness with the Soubahdaree of the three Soobahs 
 aforesaid, and in concert with that friend, to fix a day for the ceremony, 
 and to determine the style and title, and to report to this person. 
 
 The fixed allowances and other mutually established points, will 
 continue and endure as approved and sanctioned by the Home authorities 
 in the life-time of the late Nawab ; namely, sixteen Lacs of Rupees 
 annually, according to mode and arrangement settled, and that friend, 
 in unison with the members of this Government, may consider pro- 
 per for the distribution of the pensions, and each Sirkar may deem 
 right with advertance to the position and circumstances of the connec- 
 tions and dependents of the Nizamut, will be as usual remitted in 
 monthly issues to that friend. And be assured, that the Government 
 will to the utmost of its power afford its friendly counsel and aid in 
 promoting the honour and dignity, ease, comfort, happiness and welfare 
 of that good friend, personally, and of all members of this family. 
 
 And that friend may be assured that the friendship and goodwill 
 evinced by the Government for the late Nawab, without difference, be 
 joyfully and cheerfully continued to Himself. And that the honours and
 
 76 
 
 distinctions due to the exalted rank of Your Highness' family, whose 
 credit, consequence, dignity, and splendour are now combined in that 
 friend, will be always paid and faithfully observed. 
 
 (Signed) HASTINGS. 
 
 It was during the Soubahship of this Prince that the 
 most iniquitous measures were introduced by the officers 
 of the Government of India for depriving the Nawabs of 
 much pecuniary support to which they were by right 
 entitled. It was proposed that certain funds should 
 be established out of the Nizamut Stipend, and be 
 placed under the immediate control of the Government, 
 which could apply them as it wished, or if it thought 
 proper, absorb them altogether, and thus bring down 
 the social position of the Nawabs Nazim by accomplishing 
 the ruin of the family. 
 
 The following correspondence will give an idea of the 
 coercive measures adopted for carrying out the views of 
 the Government whereby two new Funds (Hunnee Begum's 
 and Deposit Fund) were formed, which were afterwards 
 iii 1836 amalgamated, and have since that time swallowed 
 up all the available resources of the Nawabs Naziin, of 
 which the Government has taken the absolute control in 
 direct opposition to the terms upon which the Trusts 
 were formed. The object of these Funds (apart from 
 any desire on the part of the Company to reduce the 
 social status of the Nawabs) was to make up the 
 deficiency caused by the misappropriation of the sums 
 before set apart, for meeting the extraordinary lia- 
 bilities of the Nizarnut incurred by the reduction of 
 the Annuity, and also for the expenses of new build- 
 ings, &c v when (the same) Mr. Monckton suggested 
 that those sums should be absorbed as an Agency Fund
 
 to meet the establishment of the office of Agent Governor- 
 General, which post lie himself was the first to enjoy. 
 Such is the way in which officials in India have misled 
 the Government and done injustice to both Princes and 
 People, and to this source may in a great measure be 
 attributed the several insurrections that have taken 
 place in that country. 
 
 Mr. Monckton, who was deputed to Moorshedabad for 
 the special purpose of reporting on the affairs of the 
 Nizamut, in his report submitted a suggestion for the 
 appropriation of accumulations from the Nizaumt Fund 
 as follows : 
 
 " The unappropriated portion of the Nizamut Fund assets will 
 ' accumulate at the rate of Sicca Rupees 15,114 per mensem, or 
 ' 1,81)368 Rs per annum. It appears to me extremely desirable, that 
 ' advantage should be taken of the present condition of the Nizamut, 
 ' to employ these large accumulating resources, as far as practicable, 
 ' in the construction of a suitable palace for the Nazim, in the erec- 
 tion of proper offices and store rooms, the rebuilding of the public 
 ' gateways, in the completion of the Emambarrah. in the construction 
 ' of pucka drains within the precincts of the Killah, in the removal 
 ' of the decayed buildings, and in the application of the materials for 
 ' the purpose of strengthening the bank in front of the Palace yard 
 ' and other places appertaining to the Killah. The works, of course, 
 ' must be undertaken in succession as the Funds become available for 
 ' prosecuting them, with regularity, to a completion." 
 
 The orders of Government on Mr. Monckton's proposi- 
 tion are contained in the following extract from a letter 
 addressed to the Acting Agent : 
 
 " After providing for all the objects above described, and after re- 
 ' serving 120,000 Rupees for re-building the late Munnee Begum's 
 ' apartments, and the construction of a house for the Nawab's brother 
 ' the unappropriated assets, it was expected, wonld amount to 50,000 
 ' Rupees at the end of December, and continue to accumulate at the 
 ' rate of 15,114 Rupees per mensem, or 181,368 Rupees per annum. 
 
 " The objects for which these Funds are intended to provide, are 
 ' stated, generally, in the concluding paragraph of Mr. Monckton's 
 ' letter of the 30th December.
 
 78 
 
 " The Vice President in Council, however, adverting to the small 
 " amount of the funds which are, at present available for the prosecu- 
 " tion of those objects, deems it advisable to suspend the adoption of 
 " measures for commencing any other works, than those already au- 
 " thorized, until, by a further reservation of the sources of accumula- 
 " lation, they shall have increased to the extent necessary for prose- 
 " cuting them regularly and without interruption." 
 
 On the Proceedings noted above, is a letter from the 
 Agent at Moorshedabad, dated 31st December, 1822, pro- 
 posing the grant of an allowance to the favourite wife of 
 the Nazim and to other relations from lapsed stipends of 
 Munnee Begum, and showing the flourishing state of the 
 Nizamut Finances. 
 
 " The Nizamut accounts for 1226, 27, and 28 having been laid before 
 " Government, the Nizamut's cash transactions with Nawab Shum- 
 " shere Jung being adjusted as to the principal sums, the bonds, &c., 
 " having been delivered up, and a general account given, though a 
 " detailed one is required, and is now in progress, and Ameeroonnissa 
 " Begum put in possession of the Deories, my attention was directed 
 to the internal arrangement of the Nizamut, together with the pro- 
 bable claim on the Deposit Fund, and I have now the honour to 
 ' submit the result of my inquiries relative to the situation of His 
 ' Highness' family, as also such measures as appear, most likely, to 
 ' prompt the continuance of the present flourishing state of the 
 ' finances. 
 
 " With regard to the Funds from whence these several pensions are 
 to be derived, I beg to suggest, that, there which will be an excess 
 ' on the present expenditure (for those to the wife and son of the 
 ' present Nazim are but reversion) being paid from the stipend of the 
 ' Munnee Begum, by which means they will not touch upon such 
 ' parts of the Deposit Fund which His Lordship in Council may please 
 ' to appropriate to the building of the new Palace, &c. &c., and still a 
 ' large annual accumulation to the Fund will be effected, leaving an 
 " annual saving of Rupees 1,02,600 applicable to such purposes as 
 " Government may deem most expedient" 
 
 The following extract is taken from the letter addressed 
 by the Governor-General to the Nawab Nazim, proposing 
 to His Highness the investment in Government Securities 
 of these and other accumulations in the Collector's 
 Treasury for the benefit of the family :
 
 " Yon must be aware, that this Government has been constantly 
 ' anxious to promote the welfare and splendour of your family, witli 
 ' due advertence to the claims of its numerous connexions and depen- 
 dents, and that several measures have, at different times, been 
 instituted to effect this salutary object. Thus, in 1802, a Committee 
 ' was appointed of several gentlemen lor the purpose of examining the 
 ' various heads of expenditure and introducing economical reforms in 
 " the Nizamut. The arrangements suggested by that Committee were 
 " carried into execution with the approbation as well of His Highness 
 " the Nawab Babur Jung, then Nazim, as the British Government. 
 " They comprehended a revision and fresh settlement of each Serishtah 
 " of the Establishment and of the allowances to be drawn by all the 
 " dependents. The settlement introduced on that occasion has con- 
 " tinned to this day. Again, after the death of the Munnee Begum, 
 " Mr. J. Monckton was deputed to Moorshedabad to settle some 
 " important matters, and he continued there some time. At his sug- 
 " gestion, the lapsed stipends of the Munnee Begum, with some items 
 " of the same kind, were set apart to accumulate, so as to form a Fund 
 " applicable to the building of a suitable Palace for the Nazi.n, and to 
 "furnish marriage portions for the females of the family besides other 
 " assistance to the different members of the Nizamut. This arrange- 
 " ment continued till the lamented death of your late brother, Syud 
 " Zynoodeen, in the year 1821. 
 
 " It appears that a portion of the savings and lapsed stipends, which 
 " have been appropriated for the exigencies of the Nizamut Tuhbeels, 
 " accumulate in the Nizamut after the entire monthly allowances are 
 " drawn from the Collector's Treasury, but the stipends of the late 
 " Munnee Begum, amounting to 12,000 Rupees per mensem, remain 
 " in deposit with the Collector, and has been accumulating there for 
 " some years. 
 
 " The accounts transmitted by the late Agent show, that the entire 
 " amount of the appropriations of this description was, in 1226, two 
 " lakhs and eighty thousand ; in 1820, about two lakhs and eighty ; and 
 ' that in 1228, amounted to no less than three lakhs of Rupees per 
 '' annum, and, had the whole been properly kept inviolate, that sum 
 " should have been forthcoming for the year. 
 
 " With regard, however, to the future accumulation on 
 " account of the Deposit Fund, I propose that they should be 
 " kept wholly in the Collector's Treasury, and invested in 
 '' Securities of the British Government as the funds may 
 " accrue, and the present amount, which approaches to near 
 " three laJchs of Rupees per annum, seems unnecessarily 
 " large, on which account, should you agree to allow the ac- 
 " cumulation to proceed in the Collector's Treasury, I pro- 
 " pose to limit the amount to two laJchs, leaving you the 
 " remainder to meet the expense of the daughters of His late 
 " Highness and others which have been recently recommended 
 " by you, and all other cJutrges heretofore allowed from the
 
 80 
 
 " Fund, but with full liberty to appropriate any excess to 
 " purposes connected with the splendour and credit of your 
 " exalted station." 
 
 The following is a copy of the instructions issued to 
 the Accountant-General : 
 
 " I am directed by the Honorable the Governor- General in Council 
 ' to transmit the enclosed extract from instructions this day addressed 
 ' to the Governor-General's Agent at Moorshedabad, from which yon 
 ' will perceive that it IA the intention of Government to invest inime- 
 ' diately in Company's Paper the sum oj six lakhs of Rupees of the 
 ' amount accumulated in the Treasury of the Collector of Moorsheda- 
 ' bad on account of the stipend of the late Munnte Begum. 
 
 " You will be pleased to issue the requisite instructions on the 
 " subject to the Collector, and desire that he will hereafter keep the 
 " account of the deposit and of all further accumulations of the i>ame 
 " stipend, entirely distinct from other deposits made occasionally in his 
 " Treasury on account of Members of the Nizamut under temporary 
 " arrangements of various kinds. 
 
 '' Eventually, the Fund above alluded to will be increased, when 
 '' due intimation will, of course, be furnished to yourself and to the 
 " Collector. 
 
 " Instructions will be sent to the Government Agents at Calcutta to 
 " receive the amount to be transmitted from Moorshedabad, and to 
 " invest it in Government Securities." 
 
 The following is a copy of the instructions to the 
 Government Agent above alluded to : 
 
 " Government having determined t o invest in Public Securities the 
 " sum of six lakhs of Rupees, now lying in deposit in the Treasury of 
 " the Collector of Moorshedabad on account of the Nizamut, I am 
 " directed to instruct you to receive the sum when remitted to Calcutta 
 "by that Officer, and to purchase such Securities as you may deem 
 " most advantageous. The propriety of making the purchases with 
 " as little delay as possible need not be pointed out to you. 
 
 " The interest that may accumulate is to be re-invested as received, 
 " and the Paper is to be at the disposal of Government, as it may be 
 " required for purposes connected with the Nizamut. The order for 
 " this purpose will be communicated from this department." 
 
 No further orders appear on record on the subject of 
 this Fund. The accumulations from the lapsed stipends 
 of Munnee Begum from the year 1823, when the six lakhs
 
 81 
 
 were ordered to be invested in Government Securities, 
 were as proposed by Mr. Monckton, held in reserve for 
 making the new Palace, the Imambarrah, and ether 
 buildings of the Nizamut. These buildings have now 
 been completed, and the cost of their construction is said 
 to have exceeded sixteen lacs of Rupees ! 
 
 On the subject of future investment of the accumula- 
 tions from the lapsed stipends of the late Munnee Begum, 
 and the re-investment of the interest accruing upon all 
 sums so invested in Government Securities for the 
 Nizamut, the intentions of Government appear sufficiently 
 clear from the extracts given above, particularly the one 
 from the letter to the Accountant-General. 
 
 The following is an extract from the instructions issued 
 to the Agent in reply, date 28th February, 1823, regarding 
 the formation of both Funds : 
 
 From H. T. PRJNSEP, ESQ., Persian Secretary to 
 Government, to the AGENT GOVERNOR-GENERAL, Moor- 
 shedabad. 
 
 Fort William, 28th February, 1823. 
 
 22. It remains to notice the proposition contained in the 5th Para- 
 graph of Mr. Rickett's letter of the 19th Dec., viz., that certain 
 charges incurred by His late Highness amounting in the aggregate to 
 80,138 should similarly be defrayed from the Deposit Fund. 
 
 23. Upon examining the items it appears to the Governor -General 
 in Council that they are all of a personal nature that must have been 
 actually defrayed before the accession of His present Highness. None 
 of them remain as debts now due by the Nizamut, and as none of 
 them are entered in the Nizamut accounts the reason is apparent, viz., 
 that His late Highness conceived them to be of that description of 
 charges to be paid by himself, personally, either from his allowance 
 under the head of privy purse, or from the wealth that had come to 
 him by inheritance. 
 
 24. It seems to the Governor- General in Council that Government 
 might with equal propriety be called upon to replace every item ex- 
 pended by His late Highness from his privy purse allowance, and to 
 make over the accumulation of that allowance untouched as a sacred 
 inheritance of the Nizamut, as to sanction the particular charges 
 
 G
 
 82 
 
 claimed in this instance. Had debt been incurred to meet them, and 
 had the Nizamut been made over to His present Highness with an 
 empty Treasury, in consequence, or otherwise embarrassed by the 
 extravagance of his predecessor, this claim to relief from the Fund 
 provided for such exigencies might have been deserving of considera- 
 tion ; but in the present instance His Highness succeeded to an accu- 
 mulated treasure, from which his predecessor might have appropriated 
 as many lacs as the statement shows him to have done tens of thou- 
 sands ; and Government would neither have felt itself interested in the 
 expenditure, nor called upon to replace the amount. You will be 
 pleased to take an opportunity of explaining to His Highness the light 
 in which these charges have been regarded by Government. 
 
 25. You will have gathered from the above observations and orders 
 that the Governor-General in Council is not disposed to grant the lac 
 of Eupees solicited for the Nizamut in the sixth Paragraph of Mr. 
 Rickett's letter above alluded to for the purpose of enabling His High- 
 ness to renew his establishments. The plan of reserving this Fund 
 tvas adopted with a view to place in the hands of Government a means 
 of relieving any exigencies in which the family might be involved, as 
 well as of portioning the daughters, and providing buildings or other 
 operations of the kind, involving a present sacrifice of capital. 
 
 26. If the Nizamut were destitute of other resources, the claim to 
 assistance for an outlay of the k ; nd now suggested might be admiss- 
 able ; but while it enjoys the ad antage of inheriting the wealth of its 
 dependents and thus becomes enriched from means in which other 
 branches of the family are debarred from participating, it seems just 
 that the aid of the Fund shall rather be extended to assist those who 
 have otherwise nothing besides their monthly stipend to look to. 
 This principle it will be right to explain to Sift Highness in order that 
 he may not consider the refusal as an ungracious act dictated by a 
 desire to avoid contributing to the restoration of the splendour of the 
 Court of Moorshedabad than which nothing can be further from the 
 intention of Government. 
 
 27. It may at the same time be hinted that the wealth inherited by 
 His Highness from his brother could not possibly be better bestowed 
 than in restoring the equipages and other establishments of the Niza- 
 mut to creditable state. Considering the amount already known by 
 Government to have come into His Highness' hands, it is, in the 
 judgment of the Governor-General in Council, quite impossible that 
 the whole should have been expended, and could he suppose this to be 
 the case, the circumstance would lead to his witholding from His 
 Highness that confidence in his discretion and prudence which alone 
 would justify an advance of the kind solicited in the present instance. 
 
 28. It is to be remembered, moreover, that His Highness has very 
 recently come into possession of the wealth of the late Valiida Begum 
 and though the Debt due to the Nizamut by the Seits may not, 
 perhaps, have been actually recovered, there can, it is presumed, be 
 110 doubt of its ultimate realization. 
 
 29. The above instructions leave the accumulations of the Munnee 
 Beffum's stipend in the Treasury of the Collector entirely untouched, 
 the whole will consequently be open to be appropriated in the manner 
 Government may deem most equitable and proper for the benefit of 
 the Nizamut.
 
 83 
 
 30. At the close of 1225 this fund is stated to have amounted to 
 Es. 3,17,573, but in this sundry deposits are included on account of 
 the pension of Khulee Coollah and the like, wliicli cannot be considered 
 as part of the Fund. The accumulatiou of the Munnee Begum's 
 stipend alone after that date seems to hare been Es. 3,14,500, add to 
 that amount the accumulation during the three years 1226, 27 28, 
 and there is a fund of Es. 7,46,503 actually forthcoming in the 
 Collector's Treasury. It remains to determine the mode of appro- 
 priating this sum. 
 
 31. You are, of course, aware that Government are in a manner 
 pledged to provide a suitable Palace for His Highness, and that a large 
 portion of the above sum will be required for this purpose. As the 
 advances of the building will, however, require to be made gradually, 
 and the same fund will go on accumulating as heretofore, it cannot be 
 necessary to reserve the large floating balance suggested in the 8th 
 Paragraph of Mr. Eicketts' letter; but of the seven lacs and a half , 
 six lacs may safely be invested in Public Securities for the benefit of 
 the Nizamut, the Governor-General in Council accordingly desires 
 that that amount may be forthwith remitted to the Government Agents 
 at the Presidency for the purpose of being invested to the best advan- 
 tage. The requisite instructions will be sent to the Collector and other 
 officers of the Territorial Department, and the paper will be held in 
 deposit in the same manner as that provided for the payment of the 
 expense of the establishment of your office. 
 
 32. It remains now to point out to you that the views of Govern- 
 ment for the future regulation of the control to be exercised by you 
 over the expenses of the Nizamut, and the footing on which it is pro- 
 posed to place His Highness in this respect. 
 
 33. Nothing can be more vexatious and unsatisfactory than the pre- 
 sent system under which His Highness is compelled to furnish Annual 
 Accounts for Government to audit. The system owed its origin to the 
 embarrassed state of the Nizamut, and to the desire of Government to 
 lend the uieight of its authority to enforce certain economical reforms 
 deemed at the time necessary for its relief. Now, however, that the 
 same motive does not exist for interference, it seems to the Governor- 
 General in Council that it would be very desirable to withdraw from 
 any minute supervision, and to confine the Agent's duty' to that of 
 ascertaining that every Member of the Family receives his due. It 
 might, perhaps, be sufficient for this purpose that the Agent should 
 be ready to receive and inquire into all complaints, under a declaration 
 to His Highness, that in case the payment of any one's stipend should 
 be delayed, or of any legitimate demand being witheld, the Govern- 
 ment would separate the allowance, or a fair equivalent for it, if not 
 a money allowance, and pay it from the Public Treasury direct. It 
 seems, however, desirable that your office should possess the means of 
 settling the dues of all the Members of the Nizamut in case of dispute, 
 and therefore a registrar of the present distribution of the several 
 heads of charge should be formed as expeditiously as possible, with a 
 due regard to correctness. The preparation of this record is stated to 
 be already in progress, and in case of any difficulty in procuring the 
 information required to form it from the officers of the Nazim, the 
 Governor-General in Council is aware of no objection to your calling 
 on the parties in each instance to state their respective rights. 
 
 G 2
 
 84 
 
 34. Upon the formation of the register in question, the Governor- 
 General in Council is of opinion that the requisition of 'Annual Accounts, 
 in detail, may be wholly discontinued, and an arrangement being made 
 for the adjustment and witliolding of the amount appropriated to the 
 
 Deposit Fnnd, that the remainder may safely be delivered to His 
 Highness to be disbursed according to his pleasure under the responsi- 
 bility above described. It will then suffice to require His Highness to 
 deliver in a statement of the gross expenditure arranged under the 
 general heads according to the register, as an assurance that the ap- 
 propriation has been made according to it, or is reserved for the pur- 
 pose, but without exhibiting any detail. This will be of use to pre- 
 vent the matter from falling wholly out of view, and will further enable 
 Government to remove the requisition of more exact accounts, should 
 circumstances render it expedient to do so. 
 
 35. It is by no means the desire of Government to increase indefinitely 
 the appropriations for the benefit of, the Deposit Fund. Their net 
 amounts seems at present to exceed two lacs of Rupees after allowing 
 
 for all the augmentations and appropriations sanctioned. This is one 
 eighth of the entire Nizamut Stipend, and the Governor-General in 
 Council would not wish to make it larger. At the same time he con- 
 ceives it will be unadvisable ever to reduce the Fund below one lac and 
 a half, or at any rate to trench on the amount of the Munnee Begum's 
 Stipend Rs. 1,44,000 which has for so long a time been set apart for 
 the purpose. 
 
 36. Mr. Ricketts, in his letter dated the 31st December, proposes to 
 make the following permanent allowances out of the existing Fund. 
 
 Per mensem. Per annum. 
 
 To His Highness' son ... Ks. 1500 Rs. 18,000 
 
 To his mother, the Begum . . . 2300 27,600 
 To His late Highness' three daughters, 
 
 twenty-five of each . . . . 750 9,000 
 
 To seven concubines of His late Highness . 700 8,400 
 
 Es. 5,250 Rs. 63,000 
 
 27,600 
 
 Rs. 35,400 
 
 37. Of these the only one deserving special notice is that proposed 
 for the Begum of His present Highness. It is quite unusual to make any 
 public provision for the wife of the reigning Nasim, and though this was 
 done in the case of the Doolhin Begum as a special indulgence to His 
 late Highness, the Governor- General thinks, nevertheless, that the point 
 cannot be conceded in the present instance without establishing a very 
 inconvenient precedent, His Highness will be free to make any appro- 
 priation in the Begum's favour that he may desire, and it will be 
 better that she should feel indebted to His Highness' bounty, and sub- 
 ject to his pleasure in regard to her provision, rather than that it 
 should be guaranteed to her independently of his will. 
 
 38. Deducting this stipend, therefore, the proposed annual appro-
 
 85 
 
 priations will stand at Es. 35,400, which the Governor- General iu 
 Council has no hesitation in sanctioning. 
 
 39. It remains to ascertain the actual amount that will remain dis- 
 posable. In this, however, there is a difficulty from the want of any 
 distinct report on the subject of the late Valida Begum and her es- 
 tablishments. Putting wholly out of this question any advantage to 
 the fund that may eventually arise from the promotion of Ameeroonissa 
 Begum to that dignity, it would seem from the accounts of 1228 that 
 there exists a fund of Es. 2,57,713, which by the addition of the 
 stipend enjoyed by His Highness as presumptive heir, becomes 
 Es. 2,75,713. This again being charged with the payment of the 
 Manned Begum's establishment (Es. 25074) and with succeeding 
 authorised augmentation (9830) is reduced to Es. 2,40,809 from which 
 amount the stipends above authorized being deducted, the available 
 Fund will stand at Es. 2,05,409. 
 
 40. In consideration of the British Government withdrawing from 
 the interference now exercised in auditing the accounts of His High- 
 ness, the Governor- General in Council thinks it u)ill be necessary and 
 not too much to expect that His Highness should consent to allow the 
 above entire sum of Es. 2,05,409, or say two lacs of Rupees to accu- 
 mulate in the Collector's Treasury. 
 
 41. The British Government will in that case undertake the pay- 
 ment in future from that fund of all charges for new buildings or 
 other expenses legitimately claimable from it and further will relin- 
 quish all desire to increase the fund, pledging itself on the lapse of 
 any future stipend, to consider the suggestions of His Highness as to 
 its allotment, and except under special circumstances which may 
 demand a different appropriation to assign the whole for the benefit of 
 the family and its dependents. 
 
 42. You will be pleased to take an early opportunity of ascertaining 
 the sentiments of His Highness on the subject of the above proposition. 
 Should the plan be adopted, His Highness will no longer have any 
 interest in witholding information of the decease of any stipendiary 
 from the fear that the occasion will be taken to effect a saving in tlie 
 distribution of his allowances, his patronage and influence amongst the 
 members of the Nizamut will be strengthened by the knowledge that 
 his recommendations in behalf of individuals will be sure of due atten- 
 tion. On the other hand, a security will be given to the fund which 
 it did not possess while the accumulation of a large proportion of it 
 was allowed to be made in the Nizamut Treasury, and the confinement 
 of the control of the Agent to the investigation of complaints for the 
 non-payment of atithorized stipends or other advantages, will remove 
 the chief motive of difference between that officer and the Nazim. The 
 arrangement will thus promote a better understanding between them, 
 besides saving an infinity of trouble to all parties. 
 
 43. You will be pleased to submit your own sentiments on the 
 above propositions along with those of His Highness. 
 
 44. It only remains to notice a few suggestions of inferior import- 
 ance. In the eleventh paragraph of Mr. Eicketts' letter, dated 31st 
 December, it is proposed to pay to the Bhow Begum from the Deposit 
 Fund 10,000 rupees in part of the accumulated arrears of an allow- 
 ance (if 300 rupees for Meer Samaiieo's expenses, which it is said was 
 never paid.
 
 86 
 
 45. On this point, the Governor-General in Council remarks that 
 the Bhow Begum, if she did not receive the advantage provided for 
 her either in the money allowance or in some other shape, was at 
 liberty to have applied to the Governor-General's agent, who would, 
 of course, have taken measnres in the lifetime of His late Highness 
 to enforce the provision made in her favour. If she has neglected to 
 do so for so many years, that circumstance will give her no claim on 
 the Deposit Fund ; but, on the other hand, if she can show that the 
 allowance has been actually accumulating in the Nizamut Treasury, 
 Government will be prepared to enforce its restoration. 
 
 46. With respect to the suggestion contained in the 12th and 
 following paragrahs of Mr. Bickett's letter above alluded to the 
 Governor-General in Council is of opinion that it will be the 
 most advantageous plan in every respect to maintain the existing 
 arrangements under which Mir Ghalib Ah' Khan is vested with the 
 charge of the Treasuries of the Nizamut and Raie Gunga Dhar controls 
 the offices of Accountant as Naib Dewan. In confirmation of these 
 appointments, you will be pleased to confer Khilluts on both the above 
 individuals, and charge the same in your Contingent Bill. 
 
 47. The Governor-General in Council does not think that the pro- 
 position of Mir Ghalib Ali to the permanent situation of Dewan should 
 be encouraged ; on the contrary, in conferring the Killuts above 
 sanctioned, it may be advisable to be careful that both are of precisely 
 the same degree. 
 
 48. With respect to the matter stated in the 15th paragraph of Mr. 
 Rickett's letter, the Governor-General in Council conceives it by no 
 means improbable that the opposition and jealousies excited by the 
 elevation of Ameeroonissa Begum may be fomented under hand by the 
 party heretofore so decidedly opposed to her. He trusts they will dis- 
 appear when parties are convinced of the inefficiency of such intrigues 
 to affect the determination of Government. It will, of course, be your 
 duty to avoid encouraging the existing disunion by too readily listening 
 to the disparaging communications regarding each other, which will be 
 eagerly obtruded on your attention. 
 
 49. The Eeport promised by Mr. Ricketts on the arrangement of 
 the Decrees consequent on the promotion of Ameeroonissa, will, of 
 course, be anxiously expected. 
 
 50. It is the intention of the Governor-General to address a letter 
 direct to His Highness on the subject of the arrangements proposed 
 above This will be prepared and forwarded to you for delivery in the 
 course of a few days. In the meantime, you will have the opportunity 
 of making yourself fully master of the intentions of Government, and 
 it has hence not been thought necessary to delay the dispatch of this 
 letter until the preparation of the Documents, &c. It will, of course, 
 be proper to delay any direct communication with His Highness on the 
 subject until its arrival. 
 
 I have, &c., 
 
 (Signed) H. T. PEINSEP, 
 Persian Secretary to Government. 
 Fort William, 28th January, 1823.
 
 From the above letter (Para. 28, 29, and 30), it will be 
 observed that after the establishment of the Agency 
 Fund in 1817 (Page 60), the allowance of Her Highness 
 Munnee Begum (14,400 per annum) had been allowed 
 to accumulate in the Collector's Treasury without a 
 fraction of the Nizamut debts having been paid there- 
 from, as originally intended the amount immediately 
 available was found to be Eupees 7,46,503 (=74,650), 
 and of this amount <14,650 was set apart for building 
 a new palace for His Highness, and the remainder, 
 <60,000, was invested in Government securities, bearing 
 interest for the benefit of the Nizamut. This fund was 
 called Munnee Begum's Fund, and ought to have been 
 accounted for with interest to His Highness the Nawab 
 or his heirs-at-law, as well as all lapsed stipends which by 
 the terms of Paras. 26, 30 and 41 of the above letter 
 belonged to His Highness, but were never paid to 
 him. 
 
 It may be noticed from Paras. 33 and 34 that after 
 all the trouble and expense attendant on the appoint- 
 ment of the officer known as Agent Governor- General, 
 for the purpose of adjusting the Nizamut accounts, 
 those accounts appeared to be in still greater confusion 
 than before, and accordingly, instead of economizing by 
 abolishing the office of Agent, it was proposed by the 
 Governor- General that a new plan of retrenchment should 
 be adopted by which, instead of paying Munnee Begum's 
 allowance of <14,400 into the Collector's Treasury at Moor- 
 shedabad, and allowing it to accumulate there for the 
 benefit of the family ; that amount should be retained by 
 the Government, and absorbed as a sinking fund and in
 
 88 
 
 addition (Paras. 36, 37, 38, 39, and 40) it may be 
 observed that further sums which before had been entirely 
 at His Highness's disposal, were also set apart by the 
 Government for the purpose of bringing up the amount 
 to two lacs of Rupees (^820,000) per annum, which the 
 Governor General suggested should be allowed by the 
 Nawab to accumulate in the Collector's Treasury " in 
 consideration of the British Government withdrawing from 
 the interference exercised in auditing the accounts of His 
 Highness" (Para. 41) the British Government undertook 
 " the payment in future from that fund of all charges for 
 new buildings or other expenses legitimately claimable from 
 it" and further agreed " to relinquish all desire to increase 
 the fund, pledging itself on the lapse of any future stipend 
 to consider the suggestions of His Highness as to its allot- 
 ment, and except under special circumstances, which might 
 demand a different appropriation, to assign the whole for 
 the benefit of the family and its dependents ;" how far this 
 pledge has been acted up to, will appear hereafter. 
 
 This Fund, which like the others, was established by 
 coercion (see Correspondence, Pages 56, 79, 82), was 
 considered as " the Sacred Inheritance of the Nizamut 
 Family," and styled the- Deposit Fund. Its accumulations 
 of =20,000 per annum from the time of its formation in 
 1823 must have rapidly amounted to a vast sum, for 
 which the British Government as Trustees were res- 
 ponsible, and perhaps it was this fact that led the 
 Governor-General, Lord Dalhousie, in 1854, to arbitrarily 
 declare that " no more of the Capital of the Deposit Fund 
 should be invested, but that thenceforward it should be con- 
 sidered a mere book debt bearing no interest,'" with a view
 
 89 
 
 of reducing the liability of the Indian Government, which, 
 having taken upon itself the entire control of the Fund, 
 was responsible to the Nawab for all accumulations by 
 interest or otherwise, " over and above the two lacs of 
 rupees (=20,000) per annum," set apart for its purposes : 
 for it was distinctly stated by the Governor-General, 
 when the fund was formed, that His Highness would be 
 at "full liberty to appropriate any excess (over and above 
 " two lacs of rupees per annum) to piirposes connected 
 "with the splendor and credit of His Exalted Station." 
 (Page 80.) 
 
 No further pecuniary advantage was taken of the 
 Nizamut by the Company during the lifetime of Nawab 
 Wallah Jah, but after his death the work of spoliation 
 was again proceeded with, and all the sacred pledges 
 given to him were set aside without regard to the result 
 the ultimate ruin of the Nawabs Nazim and their families. 
 
 On the death of Nawab Wallah Jah, his son, Nawab 
 Humayoon Jah (the father of the present Nawab) 
 ascended the musnud, as the Nazim and Soubahdar of 
 the three Provinces, under the style and title of Shoojah- 
 ul-Moolk, Ihtisham-ood-Dowlah, Humayoon Jah, Syud 
 Mobaruck Ali Khan Bahadur, Feroze Jung, and received 
 the following assurances of devoted attachment and 
 friendship from the several Governors-General who 
 conducted the Government of the Provinces during his 
 reign of thirteen years : 
 
 From LORD AMHEEST to NAWAB SYUD MOBABUCK 
 ALI KHAN BEHADOOB FEBOZE JUNO, NAWAB NAZIM 
 of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, dated 14th January, 1825. 
 
 " Truly, ou the receiving of the joyful intelligence of the happy 
 " installation of Your Highness on the Chahar-balish (throne) of
 
 90 
 
 " ancestral authority, the budding of joy of this friend so bloomed 
 " with delight, that to describe one of its thousand blossoms or to 
 " dress a single rose from the bough in just array, is beyond the 
 " flowers of rhetoric. 
 
 " May HE who is high and holy consecrate and prosper this aus- 
 " picious event, so happily commenced, and completed to the credit 
 ** and honour of Your Highness, and the dependents of Your exalted 
 " family, and long preserve You in health and felicity. 
 
 " Your Highness may be assured that the regular fixed allowances, 
 " and other mutually settled points will remain, and continue as ap- 
 " proved and sanctioned by the Home Authorities in the time of the 
 *' late NAWAB SYUD AHHUD ALI KHAN BEHADOOE, that good friend's 
 " noble father : namely, Sixteen Laks of Rupees per annum, in 
 " reference to the regulation and arrangement which have been fixed, 
 " and Your Highnesf may in future consider proper to concert t>-//h 
 " the Members of this Government for the distribution of the pensions 
 " according to the judgment of both Sircars, suitable to the condition 
 " of the dependents of the Nizamut, will be issued as usual in monthly 
 " portions, to that friend. 
 
 " And every mark of friendship and regard shewn by this Govern- 
 " ment to the late Nawab will, without difference, be cheerfully and 
 "joyfully continued to Your Highness, and the respect due to the 
 " rank, and the honours, and distinctions appropriate to the high and 
 <l eminent family of Your Highness, whereof the elevation, splendour, 
 <c conduct, and direction now centre in Your Highness, will be always 
 "' Jcept in view and observed. 
 
 " (Signed) AMHERST." 
 
 To His Highness NAWAB SHUJA-TJL-MULK, EHTESHAM- 
 TJD-DOWLAH HUMAYOON JAH, SYYTJD MOBARUCK ALEE 
 BAHADUR FEROZE JUNG. 
 
 My honored and valued Friend, 
 
 Being desirous of returning to England, I some time since expressed 
 my request to be relieved from the charge of the Supreme Government 
 of the British possessions in India, and it is my intention to embark 
 for Europe about the middle of next month. 
 
 I have not yet heard whether any individual has been appointed to 
 succeed me from England, but should no one arrive in that capacity 
 before my departure, Sir Charles Metcalfe, who has received a provi- 
 sional appointment to that effect, will succeed me in the office of 
 Governor-General, and will exercise, until further orders, the im- 
 portant functions of the high office. 
 
 In like manner, the Honorable Mr. Blunt will in that case exercise 
 the powers of Governor of the Agra Presidency. 
 
 It is a source of great satisfaction for me to reflect that during my 
 residence in India, the intimate connection which happily subsists 
 between Your Highness and the Honorable Company has been 
 strengthened and confirmed, and of no less gratification to know that in 
 my successor Your Highness will experience the same disposition to 
 cultivate and improve the existing harmony arid good understanding
 
 91 
 
 between the two Governments, and an inviolate adherence to the 
 engagements by which Your Highness and the Honorable Company are 
 imlissolubly connected. 
 
 Your Highness may be assured that no distance of time, nor local 
 situation will impair the sentiments of personal respect and esteem 
 which I entertain towards you, or diminish my solicitude for the con- 
 tinuance of Your Highness's prosperity , happiness and welfare. 
 
 In conclusion, I beg to express the high consideration I entertain 
 for Your Highness, and to subscribe myself 
 
 Your Highness's sincere Friend, 
 
 (Signed) G. W. BENTINCK. 
 
 Fort William, 24th February, 1835. 
 
 To His Highness NAWAB SHUJA-UL-MULK EHTESHAM- 
 UD-DOWLAH, HUMAYOON JAH, SYYUD MoBARUCK ALEE 
 KHANN BAHADOOR FEROZE JDNG. 
 
 My honoured and valued Friend, 
 
 Your Highness has no doubt been apprized through the ordinary 
 sources of intelligence, of my nomination to the charge of the Honour- 
 able Company's possessions in India. 
 
 I have now the honour to inform Your Highness that I arrived at 
 Fort William on the 4th of March, and that I have taken charge of 
 the office of Governor-General of India. 
 
 Your Highness may be assured that I am cordially disposed to 
 maintain the relations of Harmony and Friendship subsisting between 
 the two States, to establish the utmost degree of individual friendship 
 with Your Highness, and to seek the confidence of all the States and 
 Chiefs of Hindostan and the Deccan, by a scrupulous adherence to 
 subsisting engagements and to the obligations of Public Faith and 
 Honour. 
 
 In conclusion, I beg to express the high consideration I entertain 
 for Your Highness, and to subscribe myself 
 
 Your Highness's sincere Friend, 
 
 (Signed) AUCKLAND. 
 
 Fort William, 7th March, 1836. 
 
 To His Highness NAWAB SHUJA-UL-MULK EHTESHAM- 
 UD-DOWLAH, HUMAYOON JAH, SYYUD MOBARUCK ALEE 
 KHAN BEHADUR FEROZE JUNG, Gr.C.H. 
 
 My honoured and valued Friend, 
 
 I have learned by Dispatches received overland from England the 
 mournful intelligence of the death of His Most Gracious Majesty King 
 William the Fourth, whom, after a happy and prosperous reign of 
 seven years, it pleased the Almighty to call to his Mercy on the 20th 
 of June, in the year of Our Lord, One thousand Eight hundred and 
 Thirty-seven. 
 
 The late Sovereign, by his many excellent qualities, had greatly
 
 92 
 
 endeared himself to his subjects, who deeply and unanimously lament 
 liis loss. 
 
 By the demise of His late Majesty, the Imperial Crown of the 
 United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland has solely and right- 
 fully come to the High and Mighty Princess Alexandrina Victoria, 
 niece of the late Sovereign, who has been duly proclaimed by the 
 Grace of God, Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and 
 Ireland and Defender of the Faith. May Her reign be prosperous. 
 
 Considering Your Highness as a sincere friend of the British Govern- 
 ment, I have deemed it necessary to communicate the above circum- 
 stance for Your information. 
 
 In conclusion, I beg to express the high consideration I entertain 
 for Your Highness, and to subscribe myself 
 
 Your Higlmess's sincere friend, 
 
 (Signed) AUCKLAND. 
 
 Fort William, llth September, 1837. 
 
 To His Highness NAWAB SHUJA-UL-MULK EHTESHAM- 
 
 UD-DOWLAH, HUMAYOON JAH, SYUD MOBARUCK ALEE 
 
 KHAN BAHADUR FEEOZE JUNG, G.C.H. 
 
 My honoured and valued Friend, 
 
 I am much concerned at being obliged to inform Your Highness, 
 that I am unable to realize the pleasure I had anticipated of visiting 
 you on my way up the country. 
 
 There is so little water in the River at this season of the year, that 
 it has been found impracticable for my boats to proceed up the 
 Bhagurathi, and I have, therefore, been compelled to go via the 
 Soonderbunds. This is a great disappointment to me, but I trust that 
 I may be more fortunate on my return, and that I shall then have 
 leisure to converse with you fully on all matters connected with Your 
 interests. 
 
 My Friend, I have received your letter on the subject of your recent 
 misunderstanding with my Agent. To dwell upon such unpleasant 
 topics can be attended with no benefit. I had dismissed the matter 
 from my mind, and I trust that Your Highness will forget all that has 
 happened. My Agent, I feel assured, from his recent communica- 
 tions, entertains for you the same friendly sentiments as before, and my 
 regard for Your Sigkness is undiminished. 
 
 In conclusion, I beg to express the high consideration I entertain 
 for Your Highness, and to subscribe myself 
 
 Your Highncss's sincere friend, 
 
 (Signed) AUCKLAND. 
 
 Fort William, 20th October, 1837. 
 
 From the first of the above letters, and the expressions 
 used in the second and third of the " existing harmony 
 and good understanding between the two Govern incuts,"
 
 93 
 
 and " the relations of Harmony and Friendship sub- 
 sisting between the two States," it is evident that the 
 Navvab was recognized as a Sovereign and Independent 
 Prince, and again the further assurance contained in the 
 second letter " the inviolate adherence to the engagements 
 by which Your Highness and the Honourable Company are 
 indissohibly connected " together with the reasons adduced 
 by the servants of the Company themselves in the sub- 
 joined letter, must lead all disinterested men to the 
 conclusion that the Nawab had the Right to claim 
 from the Company a full return of all that he and his 
 ancestors had been deprived of by their servants, though 
 he had not the Power to enforce his claims. 
 
 To H. PAULIN, ESQ., Attorney to the Honorable Company. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 "I am directed to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of 
 "the 17th inst , forwarding copy of the Advocate-General's 
 "opinion regarding the question of the liability of the Nawab 
 " Nazim to the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court." 
 
 "2. In reply, I am desired to transmit for the information of 
 "the Advocate-General, copy of a communication, which has 
 " been received on the same subject from the Governor-General's 
 " Agent at Moorshedabad. and to state as follows :" 
 
 "3. His Honour in Council is decidedly of opinion that the 
 ' Supreme Court has no right to exercise jurisdiction over the 
 " Naivab Nazi/m of Bengal, and should the attempt to move the 
 " Court to adopt this course of proceeding be persisted in- 
 " it is requested that the Advocate General will adopt every neces, 
 " sary legal means for resisting it." 
 
 "4. It will be observed from the Treaty, 1 770, of which a copy 
 " is annexed, that His Highness the Nawab has been recognized 
 " by the British Government as an Independent Prince, and that 
 " the National Faith is pledged, for nothing being proposed or 
 "carried into execution derogating from his Honour." 
 
 " In order to prevent his being liable to any indignity from 
 " subjecting his person, or property, to the process of the Zillah 
 " Courts, Regulation 19 of 1825 was passed, prescribing certain 
 " rules under which alone he could sue, or be sued, in those Courts. 
 ' With regard to the Supreme Court, the case is very different.
 
 94 
 
 ' As the Government has no power to regulate the proceedings 
 ' of this Court towards persons acknowledged to come within 
 1 its jurisdiction, if the liability of the Nazimwere to be admitted, 
 ' there is no degree of indignity which might not be inflicted upon 
 ' him by its ordinary processes, in contravention of the pledged 
 ' National Faith, and of the respect which is obviously due to the 
 ' Representative of our oldest Ally on this side of India." 
 
 " 5. Without intending to limit the discretion of the Advo- 
 ' cate-General, as to the grounds of objection which should be taken 
 'up, His Honour in Council would wish every possible exertion 
 ' to be made to establish the Right of the Nawab Nazim to be 
 'exempted from the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court. Any 
 ' further information which can be procured from the Govern- 
 ' ment Records, here or at Moorshedabad. shall be furnished to 
 ' you on your requisition and the Vakeel of His Highness the 
 ' Nazim, stationed at the Presidency, will likewise be directed 
 'to place himself in communication with you. 
 
 " 6. The case of Raja Hurreenauth Rae, referred to by the 
 'Advocate-General, does not appear to His Honour in Council 
 ' to bear any analogy to the present. Raja Hurreenauth Rae 
 ' was a subject of this Government, from whose gift he derived his 
 ' title, while the Nawab Nazim is a Prince, ivliose Independence 
 ' has been recognized by a Treaty with one of his Predecessors, 
 
 "I have, &c., 
 (Signed) " C. E. TREVELYAX, 
 
 " Deputy-Secretary to the Government. 
 
 " Council Chambers, 20th February, 1834." 
 
 It now, therefore, rests with the British Government and 
 Nation to redress the wrongs inflicted by the officers of the 
 Government of India, and to support the cause of 
 justice against oppression by restoring to the descendants 
 of our faithful Allies whatever privileges they may on 
 inquiry be lawfully entitled to. 
 
 Nawab Humayoon Jab. was, in consequence of his 
 devoted attachment to the British cause, honored by 
 His Majesty, King William the Fourth with the dis- 
 tinguished insignia of the Order of the Grand Cross of 
 Hanover, and being of an independent disposition, "was 
 for a time treated with much more consideration by the
 
 95 
 
 Government of India than his Predecessors. In 
 1834 a special Agreement was drawn up with him, 
 which i-estored to him the absolute right of controlling his 
 servants and exchequer without the interference of the 
 Government, and further guaranteed to him that in 
 future the Nizamut allowances should not be reduced 
 but that all stipends which lapsed by the death of 
 relatives or dependents should revert to the reigning 
 Nawab's Treasury. 
 
 To His HIGHNESS NAWAB SHDJAA-OOL-MOOLK, EHTE- 
 SHAM-OOD-DOWLAH, HuMAYOON JAH, SYUD MoBARUCK 
 AI-LEE KHAN BEHADOOR, FEROZE JTJNG. 
 
 MY HONOURED AND VALUED FRIEND, I have had the pleasure of 
 receiving your Highness's letter, dated the 17th February last, an- 
 nouncing your acquiesence in the agreement concluded between your- 
 self and Captain Thoresby, for the better regulation of tha future ex- 
 penditure of the Nizam ut. 
 
 As the Articles of this Agreement appear to me to be conducive to 
 Your Highness's welfare, I also acquiesce in it, and the Governor- 
 GenesraVs Agent has been directed to consider it as the rule under 
 which Nizamut affairs are hereafter to be administered. 
 
 Bj the 4th and 5th Articles, Your Highness ts now vested with the 
 entire management of the Nizamut Establishment, and the savings 
 which you may be able to effect by prudent economy and careful at- 
 tention to business, will remain to be disposed of by yourself, as you 
 may consider most for your own advantage ; but Your Highness must 
 clearly understand that this discretion has been vested in you, on the 
 condition expressed in the Agreement, " that no just dues or debts re- 
 main unsatisfied.''' The principle of the new arrangement, therefore, 
 so far as these two important Articles are concerned, consists in Your 
 Highness being solely responsible for the management of the fund set 
 apart for the Nizamut Establishment ; and should any debt be here- 
 after contracted which that fund is unable to bear, the Agreement will 
 become annulled, and the British Government will be at liberty to 
 adopt whatever measures may be considered expedient and proper at 
 tin- time without reference to it. 
 
 It is hoped, however, that such a contingency may never occur. 
 Your Highness will now be in possession of ample funds to meet every 
 necessary expense, and as any balance which may remain at the end 
 of the year will be at the disposal of Your Highness, you will also 
 have a manifest interest in the observance of a strict economy. 
 
 In conclusion, I beg to express the high consideration which I enter- 
 tain for Your Highness, and to suscribe myself, 
 
 Your Highness's sincere Friend, 
 (Signed) C. T. METCALFE.
 
 96 
 
 Copy of Agreement proposed in 1834. 
 
 The form in which the Nizamufc accounts are rendered through the 
 Agent to the Government being unsatisfactory and productive of no 
 good, and the present Nizamut system causing considerable incon- 
 venience, a new arrangement, agreeably to the terms of the following 
 paragraphs, has been devised with the full concurrence of the Nawab 
 Nazim, Humayoon Jah, by the advice of the Agent to the Governor- 
 General, and is approved and sanctioned by His Excellency the Eight 
 Honourable the Governor-General in Council, to have effect from the 
 commencement of the Bengal year 1241, after the settlement of all 
 former accounts, when a brief abstract of the Nizamut expenditure, 
 according to a form approved by the Nazim and Agent, will be fur- 
 nished, generally, for the information of Government in lieu of detailed 
 accoints. 
 
 I. AH customary perquisites Comprehended under the names, 
 Mamoolat, Zumistanee, &c., granted to the Uqrooba besides their res- 
 pective pensions, shall be commuted to cash payments from the begin- 
 ning of the above year, after the decease of the receivers of the 
 compensation allowances, if there are no heirs entitled to succeed to 
 it, the reversion shall be to the Nizamut Treasury. 
 
 II. The stipendiary account shall be kept distinct from all others, 
 and the monies on account of pensions shall be deposited in a separate 
 chest appropriated to that purpose. The Khazanchee or Darogah 
 appointed to the charge of it, and to make the disbursements and keep 
 the accounts, shall be answerable to the Agent, as well as to the 
 Nawab Nazim, for the correctness of his issues and the existence of the 
 balance. 
 
 III. It is earnestly recommended to his Highness to introduce a 
 more simple and effective mode of keeping the Nizamut accounts, and 
 to make such arrangements as may ensure the final settlement of the 
 current expenses of the preceding month in the course of the follow- 
 ing month, including the salaries and wages of every description of 
 servants, so that there may be no debts incurred, and no dissatisfac- 
 tion occasioned inconsequence; such regularity will tend to the security 
 of His Highness's interests, as well as ease and comfort. 
 
 IV. Such reductions and modifications of the different establish- 
 ments in the Nizamut as shall be thought desirable and proper by the 
 Nawab Nazim, either at the present time, or hereafter, shall be exe- 
 cuted by him, and with regard to the salaries of his servants and the 
 entertaining and discharging them, he is at liberty to act as he pleases 
 without any interference. 
 
 V. Pensions, which have been or may hereafter be assigned to 
 servants and dependents, shall revert to the Nizamut Treasury as 
 casualties occur, and shall, with other savings effected by retrench- 
 ments, be at the entire disposal of His Highness, provided that no just 
 dues or debts remain unsatisfied. 
 
 VI. The intent of the foregoing arrangements is, that by the intro- 
 duction of method and order into the affairs of the Nizamut, which 
 shall provide for the full efficiency of all departments and prevent the
 
 recurrence of pecuniary embarrassments and debts, His Highness the 
 Nawab Nazim may enjoy an increase of ease and Happiness. 
 (Signed) C. THOBESBT, 
 
 Acting Agent Governor-General. 
 The loth February, 1834. 
 
 It will here be necessary to explain the circumstances 
 which led to the drawing up of the above Agreement ; 
 and to do this, we must draw attention to the corres- 
 pondence that took place before the arrangement was 
 made. 
 
 The following extract was taken from a note by the 
 late Mr. Stirling, dated in 1830, and placed upon record 
 in 1833, containing his remarks on the Nizamut accounts 
 for the years 1233 to 1236 B.S., or A.D., 1226-29. 
 
 '' There ought indeed to be large sums forthcoming in the Nizamut 
 ' Treasury, on account of certain lapsed stipends which are supposed 
 ' to accumulate there, as part of the Deposit Fund, but Mr. Dale 
 ' explains that the greater part of that money has been long ago 
 ' irrecoverably disposed of by the present Nawab's father, and that 
 the Treasury is in fact empty. It is hopeless, therefore, to look to that 
 ' source for any material relief. The above consideration leads me to 
 ' submit one or two observations on the expediency of simplifying our 
 ' dealings with the Nizamut, and the mode of keeping the accounts, by 
 ' relinquislung all demands on account of lapsed Pensions, supposed to 
 ' accumulate in the Nizamut Treasury, and making over the whole of 
 ' the Nizamut Stipend to the Nawab, subject to the payment of the 
 ' established allowances, with exception to the sum of Rs. 1,44,000, 
 ' which remains in the Collector's hands, to form the annual increase- 
 ' ment of the Deposit Fund, and Rs. 60,000 paid to Nawab Mustapha 
 ' Khan, / imagine that that amount is adequate for the legitimate 
 ' purposes of the Fund, viz., the construction of buildings and the 
 ' occasional relief and benefit of the different members of the family, 
 ' including His Highness himself, and I do not see that we have any 
 ' right to keep back from the Nazim' s receipt a larger portion of the 
 ' sixteen lacs, which is assigned by Treaty, for the support of the 
 ' establishment, than suffices for the above objects. According to the 
 ' present system, the accounts sent up to Government are involved in 
 ' the utmost intricacy and confusion, and exhibits no view at all of the 
 ' real state of affairs. They are prepared on the supposition, that the 
 ' Nizamut expenditure is regulated according to scale fixed by the 
 ' Committee of 1802, and tha' the portion of the stipend in excess 
 ' thereof, and not otherwise formally appropriated, is forthcoming in 
 ' the Nizamut Treasury : but in practice the Regulations of the Com- 
 ' mittee have been widely and constantly departed from. As might 
 
 H
 
 98 
 
 have been expected, there is a continued tending to increase of 
 outlay, and year after year a large excess appears which it has been 
 seen for three years under our own arrangement averaged nearly 
 Rs. 50,000 per mensem. The Court of Directors seem to think that 
 an addition of Us. 56,000 per annum might be made to the Deposit 
 Fund by the appropriation of lapsed stipends, and no doubt the 
 Nizamut Treasury is answerable for a part of that amount ; but as it 
 is always in point of fact disbursed to cover the excess of current 
 expenditure, it seems useless to retain such a nominal demand. 
 : Indeed, if the thing is looked closely into, it shall be found that 
 much of these nominal lapses have been reassigned under the 
 authority of Government to different pensioners, and is therefore not 
 really available for the increase of the Deposit Fund. 
 " Mr. Dale is distinctly of opinion, that, it would not be advisable 
 to increase the Deposit Fund by requiring the Nazim to repay into 
 the Collector's Treasury any part of the stipend which now passes 
 into his hand. What, then, is the use of keeping up a nominal 
 demand under this head in account ? He has given me a statement* 
 by which it appears, that, the Nawab receives from the Collector's 
 Treasury Rs. 1,16,333 per mensem, and the actual current expen- 
 diture of the Nizamut is Rs. 1,14,616, The benefit conferred on 
 the Nawab, therefore, by the adoption of the principle which I 
 
 * Annual Stipend 16,00,000 000 
 
 Retained in the Collector's Office on ac- 
 count of Munnee Begum . . . 1,44,000 000 
 Paid to Nawab Mustapha Khan 5,000 per 
 mensem 60,000 000 
 
 13,96,000 000 
 Or Monthly ....... 1,16,333 563 
 
 Present Monthly expenses for 1236 B. S. 
 
 Sheristah Nizamut. .... 
 
 Bahala . . . . ^ . . 
 
 Moolazaman ...... 
 
 Decree 
 
 Nawab Bubboo Begum . . . 
 Kulluindan Khanah ..... 
 Ashoor Khanah ..... 
 
 Imarut 
 
 Moossiffadenay ...... 
 
 Sheristah Agentee ..... 
 
 Balance 
 
 35,692 
 31,407 
 
 
 1,867 
 12,000 
 1,500 
 1,500 
 152 
 16,022 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 13 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1,14,616 
 
 2 
 
 17 
 
 2 
 
 1,717 
 
 2 
 
 9 
 
 1 
 
 1,16,333 563
 
 99 
 
 " advocate, would average at about Rs. 1,717 per mensem, or Rs. 
 " 20,600 per annum. His Highness spends the money as it is, or, at 
 " least his accounts exhibit extra charges to that amount ; but, at 
 " present the excess might be debited to what is called the Privy 
 " Purse, or Kullumdan Khanah, and occasionally orders have been 
 " issued to that effect. 
 
 " Mr. Dale, at the same time, suggests, that, there are certain 
 " stipends, such as those drawn by the Ameeroon Nissa, Nujeebun 
 " Nissa, and Bhow Begums, which would very properly lapse, if re- 
 " quired, to the Deposit Fund on the demise of the present incum- 
 " bents, and this may be a point for consideration hereafter, with 
 " reference to the state of the Fund and the demands upon it at the 
 " time of each lapse." 
 
 The following extract from a note recorded by the late Mr. (after- 
 wards Sir William) MacNaghten is in continuation of Mr. Stirling's 
 note : 
 
 " I beg leave to bring to the notice of Government, accompanying 
 " draft of a note by the late Mr. Stirling, and a draft of a letter 
 " founded thereon, relative to the Moorshedabad Nizamut affairs. 
 " which I found in the office shortly after taking charge, but which do 
 " not appear to have been acted upon. 
 
 " No accounts have been furnished since the period referred to in 
 ' these documents, and if the Governor-General in Council is aware of 
 " no objections, I would propose to require the Accountant-General 
 " and the Acting Agent immediately to report the existing state of 
 " the three Funds, viz., the Nizamut Fund, the Deposit Fund, and the 
 " Agency Establishment Fund. 
 
 '' There is a part of Mr. Stirling's proposition I think might be 
 " modified, or rather of which I do not exactly see the use. Alluding 
 " to the confusion of accounts which prevails, he suggested that the 
 " Nazim should be exempted from the necessity of furnishing any 
 " account of Lapsed Pensions, except in the instance of one or two 
 " individuals who are at present living and in the enjoyment of large 
 " stipends. It might certainly be as well to dispense with an account, 
 " particularly, of the various disbursements, which do not, and are 
 " not, required to correspond with the rates laid down in 1802 ; but 
 " there seems no great probability of inconvenience resulting from 
 " the practice of requiring a report to be made on the death of 
 " each Pensioner, whose pension it may be proposed to assign to 
 " another." 
 
 The following extract, is taken from the instructions issued to the 
 Agent on the occasion : 
 
 '' In regard to the sums which ought to be forthcoming in the 
 " Nizamut Treasury, on account of certain lapsed stipends, supposed 
 " to accumulate there as part of the General Deposit Fund, it appears 
 " from the late Acting Agent's statement that the greater part of that 
 " money has been long ago irrecoverably disposed of by the present 
 " Nawab's father, and that the Treasury is in fact empty 
 
 " Referring to this fact, and anxious, if possible, to simplify our 
 " dealings with the Nizamut and the mode of keeping accounts, the 
 " Governor- General in Council is of opinion, that, it is expedient to 
 " relinquish all demands on account of Lapsed Pensions supposed to 
 
 H 2
 
 100 
 
 " have accumulated in the Nizamut, but which have mostly, hy the 
 ' authority of the Nawab, been re-assigned to different Pensions, and 
 ' are, therefore, not available for the increase of the Deposit Fund. 
 
 " According to the present system, the accounts sent up are involved 
 ' in the utmost intricacy and confusion, and exhibit no view at all of 
 ' the real state of affairs. They are prepared on the supposition that 
 ' the Nizamut expenditure is regulated according to a scale fixed, by 
 ' the Committee in 1803, and that the portion of the stipend in ex- 
 ' cess thereof, and not otherwise formerly appropriated, is forthcoming 
 ' in the Nizamut Treasury, but in practice the Kegulations of the 
 " Committee have been widely and constantly departed from. 
 
 " At the same time, however, the Governor- General in Council 
 " would have it understood, that the Lapsed Stipends which it is 
 " proposed to make over to His Highness are those which have uo- 
 " minally lapsed and nominally accumulated. In regard to other 
 " stipends which may lapse in future, they shall be regularly re- 
 " ported as heretofore." 
 
 The above correspondence resulted in the determination 
 of the Gover nor- General to come to some definite under- 
 standing with the Nawab, who, naturally solicitous about 
 the welfare of the Nizam utj had frequently applied to 
 him for the restoration of the lapsed stipends and also the 
 control of his own affairs, which the Government had 
 before deprived him of, but at last conceded to him by 
 the Agreement of 1834. 
 
 But the Agreement of 1834, like all others, was 
 doomed to be set aside by the Government of India, for 
 in 1836, Mr. (now Sir Charles) Trevelyan recorded the 
 following minute on Nizamut affairs, which was eagerly 
 taken up and acted upon in spite of the remonstrances 
 of the Nawab, who in a private letter to the Agent 
 Governor-General remarked, " This is a strange arrange- 
 ment, and an odd way of fulfilling promises." 
 
 " I now proceed to notice the accounts which have been furnished 
 " of the three Deposit Funds, namely, the Deposit Fund in the 
 " Collector's Treasury, the Deposit Fund which has hitherto been kept 
 " in the Nawab'e Treasury, and the Deposit Fund for the payment of 
 " the Agency for the Superintendence of the Nizamut kept by the 
 " Government Agent at Calcutta.
 
 101 
 
 " The Deposit Fund lately kept in the Nawab Nazim's Treasury, 
 ' generally called ike Nizamut Deposit Fund, consists of the savings 
 ' realised by lapses in Fund of about seven lacs of Rupees a year ap- 
 ' propriated for the payment of the Nawab's relations. By the order 
 ' of llth July, 1833, all demand was relinquished on account of the 
 ' savings from this Fund up to that date. The Nawab has informed 
 Colonel Cobbe, that, about Us. 90,000 have accumulated since that 
 
 " The large sum of about seven lacs of Rupees a year, which forms 
 
 Nizamut family. Although the Nawab was the immediate Agent 
 in the business, his proceedings were strictly controlled by the Agent, 
 and he was expected to account for the balance which remained alter 
 
 " The monthly addition to Munnee Begum's Deposit Fund is 12,000 
 
 '* It is believed that of the above aggregate sum of Rs. 7,03,365 a 
 " year, appropriated to the payment of the collateral branches of the 
 " JS'izamut Family, Rs 62,640 have already lapsed. TJie annual sum 
 " will form the foundation of another Deposit Fund, which will receive 
 " continual accessions from the decease of the different stipendiaries. 
 " This Deposit Fund hitherto had only a nominal existence in the 
 " Nazim's Treasury, but it will hereafter have a real one in the 
 " Collector's. 
 
 " Supposing these calculations to be correct, Us. 9,36,660 a year 
 " will hereafter be retained in the Collector's Treasury, of which Rs. 
 " 2,06,640 will form the increasement of the Deposit Fund, and the 
 " remaining Rs. 7,30,020 will be disbursed to different members of 
 " the Nizamut Family. The sum reserved for the Deposit Fund wilt, 
 " as before stated, increase every year." 
 
 The following is an extract from the instructions issued to the Agent 
 in consideration of the suggestion contained in Sir Charles Trevelyan's 
 note. 
 
 Dated 1st March, 1836. 
 
 " The Deposit Fund lately kept in the Nawab Nazim's Treasury 
 " (generally called the Nizamut Deposit FundJ consists of the savings 
 " realized by lapses in a Fund of about seven lacs of Rupees a year 
 " appropriated for the payment of the Nawab's relations. By the 
 " orders of the llth July, 1833, all demand was relinquished on 
 " account of the savings from this Fund up to that date. The Nawab 
 "is stated by Colonel Cobbe to have informed him that about Rs. 
 " 90,000 has accumulated since that period, and that the present 
 '' monthly addition is as high as Rs. 5,220. 
 
 " You will therefore call upon the Nawab to pay in the Collector's. 
 *' Treasury the Rs. 90,000 above mentioned, which will be carried to 
 " the credit of the Pension Deposit Fund, the name which may here-
 
 102 
 
 after be most conveniently given to this Fund, as t his sum of about 
 ' seven lacs of Rupees a year, which forms the basis of the Fund, will 
 ' hereafter be retained in the Collector's Treasury, and the Pension 
 ' due out of it to the Junior Members of the Nizamut Family will be 
 1 disbursed direct from thence. The savings will, of course, accumulate 
 
 in the same place. It is requested that you will make a special re- 
 ' port on the Pension Fund and the Pension Deposit Fund as soon 
 ' as sufficient time has elapsed subsequent to the adoption of the 
 ' arrangement by which these Funds have been transferred to the 
 ' Collector's Treasury, to enable you to ascertain the exact amount of 
 ' each." 
 
 With reference to the foregoing instructions, the Agent at Moor- 
 shedabad reported as follows : 
 
 " Agreeably to the 5th paragraph of your letter I beg to inclose a 
 ' statement of the Munnee Begum Deposit Fund, prepared in the 
 ' Collector's Office, and, exhibiting a balance in favour of the Fund, 
 ' Rs. 4,43,681, on the 30th of April last. To this is to be added R*. 
 ' 90,000, which will be paid in a few days on account of the Lapsed 
 ' Stipends Deposit Fund, and which would have been realized ere 
 ' now, had not His Highness, from circumstances already before 
 ' Government, abstained from drawing his allowances, a total of 
 
 assets amounting to Rs. 5,33,681. This appears at credit, and de- 
 ' ducting the sum of Rs 3,31,442, as above specified, (Nizamut Debts) 
 
 a balance of Rs. 2,02,239 in favour of the Deposit Fund will remain. 
 The sum now carried to credit in this office, on account of Lapsed 
 ' Stipends in the new Deposit Fund, is Rupees 6,567 per mensem, 
 ' and something more of accumulation may, perhaps, be received from 
 " His Highness after we have received the Rs. 90,000. The detailed 
 " accounts, however, I have not yet received from His Highness." 
 
 A careful perusal of the documents relating to the 
 formation of the several Funds (pages 38, 60, 79, 82 and 
 85) will at once bring to the reader's notice, by comparison, 
 the discrepancies that exist in the minute of Mr. (Secretary) 
 Trevelyan above quoted. The Nizamut Deposit Fund 
 which is vaguely alluded to as consisting of " the savings 
 by lapses in a Fund of about seven lacs of rupees a year 
 appropriated for the payment of the Nawab's relations, 
 Ac.," was as the Governor-General expressly stated (page 
 85) to consist of two lacs of rupees (,20,000) annually, 
 and no more ; of which Muniiee Begum's stipend of 
 Eupees 1,44,000 (=14,400) was to form a part, and the 
 balance Rs. 56,000 (5,600) was to be made up by
 
 103 
 
 the Nawab depositing that sum annually in the 
 Collector's Treasury, and further in consideration of the 
 Nawab agreeing to the establishment of this Fund, the 
 British Government undertook the cost of all buildings 
 and other expenses (such as marriage portions, debts, &c.,) 
 legitimately claimable from it, and relinquished all desire 
 to increase the Fund, " pledging itself on the lapse of any 
 future stipend, to consider the suggestions of His Highness as 
 to its allotment." But the British Faith, pledged by the 
 Governor-General, was violated by the adoption of Mr. 
 Trevelyan's suggestion that the sum of Es. 62,640 (6,264) 
 per annum, which had already lapsed, would "form the 
 foundation of another Deposit Fund, which will receive con- 
 tinual accessions from the decease of the different stipendiaries," 
 (Page 101) because the Governor-General had limited 
 the amount to be contributed by the Nawab to make up 
 the two lacs to Es. 56,000 (<5,600), which was a part of 
 the Es. 62,640 (6,264) alluded to by the writer. Again, 
 in the last Para, the sum said to be set apart Es. 2,06,640 
 (20,664) to form the increasement of the Deposit Fund 
 is inaccurate, for the Governor-General had limited the 
 amount to Es. 2,00,000 (20,000), as before stated. Of 
 the sum of Es. 7,30,020 (73,002) reserved for the 
 " different members of the Nizamut Family," barely one 
 half has been disbursed to them by the Government ! 
 The Nawab naturally asks, Where has the balance gone ? 
 From the instructions issued to the Agent Governor- 
 General for carrying out of this new coercive measure, the 
 result may easily be conceived, for the whole of the 
 Es. 7,30,020 (73,002) reserved for pensions to different 
 members of the Family will when they are all dead remain 
 to the credit of the Government, as also any other
 
 104 
 
 pensions future Nawabs might wish to set apart for their 
 relatives, so that eventually the Nizamut Civil List, which 
 by the Treaty of 1770 was fixed at .318,000 per annum, 
 will be reduced to a mere pittance ! 
 
 Thus, by absorbing the lapsed stipends into the Nizamut 
 Deposit Fund, instead of restoring them to the Nizamut 
 Treasury, the Government has gradually reduced the Civil 
 List of the Nawab Nazim ; and the ultimate result of the 
 measure will assuredly be the entire ruin of the Nizamut 
 which the British Government had pledged itself to 
 support for ever. A further proof of the injustice of the 
 above arrangement may be found in the fact that before 
 the Nawab attained his majority, when the Government 
 itself, through the Agent Governor-General, managed 
 his affairs for him, " the sum considered applicable to the 
 " Nazim's own household was quite insufficient to maintain 
 " it on the scale fixed by the Committee of 1802," and 
 which was the standard appointed by the Government 
 for the guidance of the Agent ; if, therefore, the Agent 
 Governor- General himself was unable out of the annual 
 allowance to meet all the requirements of the Nizamut, how 
 then was it possible for the Nawab himself, with a reduced 
 Civil List, to avoid getting entangled in pecuniary dif- 
 ficulties ? 
 
 But another singular act soon followed the formation 
 of the " Lapsed Stipend Fund." In the year 1837, the 
 Honourable W. L. Melville, who held the appointment 
 of Agent Governor-General, found that the system of 
 keeping five separate accounts of the Nizamut Family, 
 Agency, Munnee Begum's, Deposit and Lapsed Stipend 
 Funds, entailed a large amount of extra trouble and 
 expense in the office of the Collectorate at Moorshedabad,
 
 105 
 
 and proposed (in an official communication, dated 6th 
 July, 1837) that the Funds should be amalgamated 
 as one common 'Fund since they all belonged to the same 
 family and were similarly invested in Government 
 Securities. This proposition required grave consideration, 
 so the matter was referred to the Accouutant-General, 
 to be disposed of as he thought best, and he, on the 
 16th December, 1836, reported to the Government that 
 " the Funds had been amalgamated," under the common 
 name of the " Nizamut Deposit Fund." 
 
 The surplus of interest on the Government Securities 
 forming this Fund, over and above the two lacs of rupees 
 annually set apart by the Government for the objects of 
 the Fund (Page 85), after even deducting the amount re- 
 quired for the expenses of the Agency, ought, according 
 to the Governor- General's promise (Page 79), to have 
 been made over to the Nawab " for purposes connected with 
 the splendour and credit of His Exalted Station," as also 
 (by the Agreement of 1834, Page 96 and the Order of 
 Lord Cornwallis, Page 38) all pensions that might lapse 
 by the decease of relatives and dependents ; but instead 
 of this being done, every fraction has been absorbed into 
 the Nizamut Deposit Fund, and retained by the Govern- 
 ment ; and even the allowances that should have been 
 made to the Nawab and his relatives out of that Fund 
 in accordance with the terms of the Trust, were frequently 
 denied to them, and many sums out of the Fund were 
 " diverted to purposes foreign to the interests of the House 
 " of Meer Jaffier Ali Khan." But the work of spoliation 
 did not stop here, for even the pensions of men-servants 
 and others were absorbed under the following instruc- 
 tions.
 
 106 
 
 PROPOSAL THAT LAPSED STIPENDS SHOULD REVERT TO 
 DEPOSIT FUND. 
 
 To Colonel J. CAULPIELD, C B., Agent Governor- 
 General, 18th July, 1838. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 I am directed by the Honourable the Deputy-Governor of Bengal to 
 acknowledge the receipt of your letters, dated the 12th and 18th in- 
 stant, reporting the death of Wazaree Begum, alias Fatimah Begum, 
 on the 14th December, 1836, and of her sister on the 3rd of the same 
 month, who enjoyed a pension of 35 rupees, which His Highness the 
 Nawab Nazim recommends being continued to Syuds Bahir and Ahmed 
 Ali, sons of Shahibzadi Begum. In reply, / am desired to state that 
 the principle which His Honour the Deputy Governor desires to see 
 observed in cases of this description, is the following : 
 
 Pensions enjoyed by men-servants being as ordinary life-pensions, 
 should be resumed wholly on the death of incumbents, and annexed 
 to the Deposit Fund, except in very especial cases. Stipends enjoyed 
 by relations of the Nawab Nazim should, as heretofore, be ordinarily 
 continued to their heirs, and when divided amongst several heirs, one 
 or more of whom may die without descendants, the portions of such 
 should also lapse to the Deposit Fund, unless there are dependants of 
 the deceased, the support of whom would be a duty incumbent upon 
 the surviving heir, in which case so much of the lapsed portions as 
 may be necessary to cover their additional expenses may be continued 
 to their survivors who undertake this obligation. 
 
 The Deputy-Governor is of opinion that through the Deposit Fund, 
 and by occasional grants in the manner usual, more good will result to 
 the members of the Nizamut than if the whole amount set apart for 
 that family were frittered away in petty allowances to impoverished 
 dependents. It is on this account His Honour inclines ordinarily to 
 favour the Deposit Fund, and not from any unwillingness to listen to 
 His Highness' a recommendations in favour of individuals. 
 
 I have, &c., 
 (Signed) H. T. PEINSEP, 
 
 Secretary to Government. 
 
 Thus step by step the officers of the Government of 
 India carried out their Policy with the ultimate view 
 of shaking off the responsibility of the Nizamut, which 
 no doubt they looked upon as an incubus, forgetting 
 that it was to the family of Meer Jaffier alone that they 
 owed their own position and all that they had acquired. 
 Such was the gratitude and consideration shown to the 
 descendants of our faithful Ally by the servants of the 
 East India Company! But the Court of Directors
 
 107 
 
 did not altogether forget the duty they owed to the 
 Nizamut under the conditions of the Firuaaun by virtue 
 of which alone they held office as the Collectors of the 
 Revenues of the Provinces for although they tacitly 
 sanctioned the work of spoliation which was being 
 carried out by their servants in India after the present 
 Nawab (of whom we will now speak) ascended the throne, 
 by coinciding with the views expressed by the Deputy- 
 Governor of Bengal in respect of Lapsed Stipends of 
 dependents reverting to the Ni/ainut Deposit Fund ; yet 
 they boldly declared that " the Deposit Fund was not 
 public money, but a part of the assignment by Treaty of the 
 family." 
 
 Extract from Despatch No. 17, dated 24th April, 1840, from 
 
 the Honourable, the Court of Directors to the Governor- General 
 
 of India. 
 
 " The principles which have been laid dmvn by the Deputy- Governor 
 "for the disposal of stipends on the death of Stipendiaries have our 
 ' concurrence. We think with him that the stipends of mere 
 ' dependents should never, without strong special reasons, be con- 
 ' tinued to their descendants, and that when the members of the 
 ' Family itself die without direct heirs, their stipends should lapse to 
 ' the Deposit Fund rather than pass to the nearest relations, unless 
 ' they have left dependents whose support would naturally devolve 
 ' upon some other Members of the Family, to whom, in that case, an 
 ' increase may be granted adequate to the burthen so imposed upon 
 ' them. It is very correctly stated by the Deputy-Governor, in Mr. 
 ' Prinsep's letter to Colonel Caulfield, dated the 18th July, 1838, that 
 ' through the Deposit Fund and by occasional grants in the manner 
 ' usual, more good will result to the Members of the Nizamut, than 
 ' if the whole amount set apart for that family were frittered away in 
 ' petty allowances to impoverished dependents. 
 
 " It appears, however, to us that these views require a more liberal 
 application of the Deposit Fund to the relief of individuals, whose 
 ' distress are not produced by misconduct, than are at present prac- 
 ' tised. For example, when an inundation laid a great part of the 
 ' City of Moorshedabad and of the surrounding country under water, 
 ' and the Agent reported that among the sufferers were many of the 
 ' Nizamut Family, who would require assistance to enable them to 
 ' repair the damage their houses have sustained by the inundation, 
 ' the Deputy -Governor returned for answer, that he did not think the 
 ' public money could advantageously be employed in relieving the 
 ' distress occasioned by the inundation. The Deposit Fund, however,
 
 108 
 
 is not public money, but a part of the assignment by Treaty of the 
 family, which part is allowed to accumulate for its general benefit. 
 The accumulation already proceeds at a more rapid rate than the 
 demands on it, and will proceed still more rapidly now that the 
 Fund is to derive the benefit of all lapses which may talcs place. 
 We think, therefore, that not only grants in favour of the depen- 
 dents on the Nizamut should be freely made from the Fund in cases 
 of general calamity like that just alluded to, but that a revision of 
 the general allowances of the family should occasoinally take place 
 with a view of increasing the provision for those of its members, 
 whose stipends, from sub-division or other cause, are not adequate 
 to their rank or to the claims on them, or whose conduct entitles 
 them to a mark of approbation from G-overnment. 
 " Thus administered, the Fund might be made in some measure an 
 instrument of moral discipline, which appears to be much required, 
 and for which no other obvious expedient presents itself." 
 
 Since the Court of Directors particularly impressed upon 
 their officers in India that "the Nizamut Deposit Fund is not 
 Public money, but a part of the Assignment by Treaty of the 
 Family," a clear argument is thus established, viz. : There 
 must be an existing Treaty ; the Treaty of 1770 is the 
 last and only one that can be said to exist, and therefore 
 the assignment of the Family therein specified must be a 
 legitimate demand as there is an acknowledged claim under 
 a Treaty. Thus .apart from all other documentary evi- 
 dence, the right of the Nawab Nazim and his successors 
 to the assignment set forth in the Treaty of 1770 is clearly 
 established by the Court of Directors themselves ; we 
 will, therefore, leave this question for a time, and 
 proceed to introduce to our readers the measures intro- 
 duced by the Government of India for controlling the 
 Nizamut together with other coincidences that have trans- 
 pired during the lifetime of the present Nawab Nazim. 
 
 Nawab Humayoon Jah died on the 3rd October, 1838, 
 and his son, the present Nawab Nazim Syud Munsoor 
 Ullee, succeeded to " the hereditary honours and dignities
 
 109 
 
 of the Nizamut and Soubahdarry of Bengal, Behar, and 
 Orissa," and was publicly acknowledged as such by the 
 following Proclamation : 
 
 Extract from page 925 of the Calcutta Gazette of Wednesday, 
 19th December, 1838, No. 101. Fort William, 
 
 POLITICAL DEPARTMENT,, 19th December, 1838. 
 
 PBOCLAMAT1ON. 
 
 By order of the Governor of India, the Deputy-Governor of Bengal 
 notifies to the Public and to the Allies of the British Government, and 
 to all friendly Powers, that the Nawab Shoojah-ool-Moolk, Ihtisham- 
 ood-Dowlah, Humayoon Jah, Syud Mobamck Ullee Khan Bahadoor, 
 Feeroz Jung, having departed this life at Moorsheclabad, on the 3rd 
 October, 1838, his son the Nawab Syud Munsoor Ullee Khan, has 
 succeeded to the hereditary honours and dignities of the Nizamut 
 and Soobahdarry of Bengal, Behar and Orissa, and His Highness is 
 hereby declared, under the authority of the Government of India, to 
 be the Nazim and Soobahdar of Bengal, Behar and Orissa, and to have 
 assumed and to exercise the authority, dignities, and privileges thereof, 
 under the style and title of Mootizum-ool-Moolk, Mohsen-ood-Dow- 
 lah, Fureedoon Jah, Syud Munsoor Ullee Khan Bahadoor, Nusrut 
 Jung. 
 
 Published and proclaimed by His Honour the Deputy-Governor of 
 Bengal. 
 
 H. T. PBINSEP, 
 Secretary to the Government of Bengal. 
 
 General Order by the Honourable the Deputy -Governor of 
 Bengal, under date the 19th December, 1838. 
 
 The Honourable the Deputy-Governor of Bengal has been pleased 
 to direct, that a salute of 19 guns be fired from the ramparts of Fort 
 William at 12 o'clock this day, in honour of the accession of His 
 Highness Syud Munsoor Ullee Khan to the Musnud of the Provinces 
 of Bengal, Behar and Orissa, and that the above Proclamation be read 
 at the head of all the Troops in Garrison at sunset, this evening under 
 a salute of three volley of Musketry. 
 
 H. T. PEINSEP, 
 Secretary to the Government of Bengal. 
 
 Calcutta Gazette : Wednesday, Dec. 19th, 1838. 
 
 Soon after his accession to the throne, His Highness 
 received the following comforting assurance from the
 
 110 
 
 Acting Governor-General on behalf of the Government 
 of India : 
 
 To His Highness the NAWAB MOOTIZUM-OOL-MOOLK, 
 
 MOHSEN-OOD-DOWLAH, FlJREEDOON JAH, SYUD MuNSOOR 
 
 ALEE KHAN BAHADOOR, NUSRUT JUNG. 
 
 My Honoured and valued Friend, 
 
 I have been highly gratified by the receipt of your letter, announc- 
 ing the intelligence of your having ascended the Musnud of your 
 ancestors on the day of the Eedool Fitr. 
 
 I sincerely congratulate Your Highness and your connections on this 
 most happy event, and pray the Almighty may long preserve Your 
 Highness in the enjoyment of this exalted Dignity, 
 
 Your Highness may rest assured that the same degree of considera- 
 tion and attention as were shown to the late Nawab by the British 
 Government, will be equally experienced by your Highness, and the 
 Dignity and honour of the illustrious House which you now represent 
 will ever be an object of care and solicitude to this Government. 
 
 I hope Your Highness will gratify me with letters conveying the in- 
 telligence of Your Health and Welfare. 
 
 In conclusion, I beg to express the high consideration I entertain 
 for Your Highness, and to subscribe myself 
 
 Your Highness' sincere Friend, 
 
 W. MOEISSON. 
 
 When the present Nawab Nazim ascended the throne 
 of ancestral dignity he was only nine years of age, and 
 his affairs were therefore managed for him by the 
 Government through the Agents Governor-General. 
 Having no family to provide for then, his expenses were 
 but small, and consequently much of the personal allow- 
 ance of seven lacs allotted to him during his minority 
 accumulated in the hands of the Agent Governor-General 
 who, on the part of the Government as a Trustee, invested 
 a portion of the savings in Government Securities while 
 another portion was withheld by the Government itself. 
 Of these savings, the part withheld by the Government 
 has not yet been paid to the Nawab because he claims 
 interest thereon (to which business men will surely
 
 Ill 
 
 consider he is justly entitled), but, unfortunately for the 
 Nawab, the Government has the money and the power 
 in its hands, and will not accept his release for the 
 principal unless he foregoes all claim to the interest ! 
 Such is the manner in which justice is being administered 
 in India by the Government at the present moment ! 
 
 As to the other portion of the savings of His High- 
 ness's stipend during his minority which was invested 
 in Government Securities by the Agent Governor- 
 General as the legally constituted Representative of 
 the Government for and on behalf of His Highness, we 
 blush for the credit of Englishmen to bring the subject 
 to public notice ; but as the Government of India has not 
 yet made amends to the Nawab for the acts of its Agent, 
 and the Nawab has been constrained to appeal for public 
 redress, we must, in justice to His Highness, set the whole 
 matter before our readers and leave them to judge of 
 the enormity of the wrong done to the Nawab by 
 the Government of India, first, in the person of its 
 Agent, and again in respect of the reply given by Lord 
 Canning to this portion of His Highuess's Memorial in 
 Para. 10 of the Letter from the Officiating Secretary to 
 the Government of India, which will be quoted hereafter. 
 
 The Agents Governor-General have always been 
 appointed by the Government to watch over the interests 
 of the Nawab, and the Government must therefore be 
 responsible to the Nawab for their acts, whether 
 profitable or otherwise. When advantage to the 
 Government was secured by the Agents Governor- 
 General (Mr. Monckton and others), their acts were 
 invariably supported ; but in the instance of Mr. Torrens,
 
 112 
 
 where the Nawab had a just claim against the Govern- 
 ment for .250,000, he was told, " it does not appear to the 
 Governor-General in Council that any good object can be 
 gained by further inquiry." " The matter may, therefore, be 
 allowed to drop." Such is the consoling information the 
 Nawab received as compensation for the heavy loss he 
 suffered during Mr. Torrens' incumbency as Agent 
 Governor-General ; the character of which and the parties 
 concerned, we will leave our readers to ascertain for 
 themselves from the following correspondence. 
 
 SUMMARY of the extraordinary Transactions of MR. 
 HENRY TORRENS, the Officiating Agent to the Governor- 
 General at MOORSHKDABAD, in wasting a large Sum of 
 Money belonging to HTS HIGHNESS the NAWAB NAZIM of 
 BENGAL, BEHAR, and ORISSA. 
 
 His Highness the Nawab Nazim of Bengal, &c., was waited on by 
 Mr. H. Torrens, the then Officiating Agent to the Goveruor-G-eneral 
 at Moorshedabad, who induced him, under pain of the Governor- 
 G-eneral's displeasure, to sign a document authorising the 1 sale of the 
 Government Securities belonging to His Highness. These Securities 
 were the savings accumulated during His Highness's minority, and 
 amounted to Rs. 19,81,300. This sum was afterwards increased, by 
 the result of reinvestments, to Rs. 27,40,700, the amount mentioned 
 in paragraph 29 of His Highness's letter to Her Majesty's Secretary of 
 State for India in Council under date 8th April, 1860. The excuse 
 brought forward by Mr. Torrens for requiring the Nawab Nazim to 
 place so large an accumulation of funds at his disposal, was, that the 
 Government were desirous of seeing the money judiciously laid out in 
 the purchase of landed estates for the benefit of His Highness. On 
 thus obtaining the Nawab Nazim's sanction for their sale, Mr. Torrens 
 appointed the firm of Messrs. Mackenzie, Lyall, and Co., Auctioneers 
 of Calcutta, Financial Agents to His Highness, and instructed them 
 to dispose of the securities ; which this firm accordingly did, under 
 the Agent's supervision and instructions. Previously, however, to 
 obtaining a power to sell the papers, Mr. Torrens had attempted to do 
 so on his own responsibility, tinder date 13th February, 1848, he 
 addressed the following letter to the Government Agent, Treasury, 
 without any previous communication whatever with the Nawab 
 Nazim :
 
 113 
 
 To THE GOVERNMENT AGENT, Treasury. 
 
 Calcutta, Feb. 13th, 1848. 
 
 SIB, Please deliver to Messrs. Mackenzie, Lyall, and Co., the 
 G-overnment Securities belonging to His Highness the Nawab Nazim, 
 Bengal, standing in the name of the Governor-General's Agent at 
 Moorshedabad. 
 
 I have the honour, &c., 
 
 (Signed) H. TOBBENS, 
 Officiating Governor-General's Agent. 
 
 This letter was not acted on, as it was deemed necessary that the 
 Agent should obtain the signature of His Highness to enable the 
 Government Agent, at the Treasury, to endorse them to him as 
 Officiating Agent to the Governor-General at Moorshedabad, and 
 hold them subject to his instructions. The following is His Highness's 
 letter to the Government Agent : 
 
 To the GOVERNMENT AGENT for the time being. 
 
 " SIB, With reference to my Power of Attorney in your favour, 
 dated the 18th instant, I request you will be good enough to endorse 
 to H. Torrens, Esquire, Officiating Agent to the Governor- General at 
 Moorshedabad, for the time being, or order, the Government Securities 
 remaining in your possession belonging to me, holding them subject to 
 his instructions. 
 
 " I have the honour to be, &c., 
 " (Signed) STUD MUNSOOB ULLEB. 
 " Calcutta, 22nd Feb., 1848." 
 
 On the very day that Mr. Torrens obtained the signature of His 
 Highness to this letter he wrote the subjoined to the G-overnment 
 Agent, and delivered it to Messrs. Mackenzie, Lyall, and Co., for 
 presentation : 
 
 To the GOVERNMENT AGENT for the time being. 
 
 " Calcutta, 22nd Feb., 1848. 
 
 " SIB, Be pleased to hand over to Messrs. Mackenzie, Lyall, and 
 Co.. the G-overnment Securities remaining in your custody belonging 
 to His Highness the Nawab Nazim of Bengal, endorsed to me as 
 directed. 
 
 " I have the honour, &c., 
 " (Signed) H. TOBBENS, 
 " Officiating Governor-General's Agent at Moorshedabad." 
 
 At this tune His Highness was only eighteen years old, and had 
 but recently attained that age. The natural respect with which he had 
 been taught to regard the Agent to the Governor-General, together 
 
 I
 
 114 
 
 with his youth and inexperience, precluded him from suspecting the 
 motives of the Agent, more especially as he was made to believe that 
 by conceding to Mr. Torrens' request, he would be meeting the wishes 
 of the Government which that gentleman represented, and even sup- 
 posing His Highness to have entertained a doubt of Mr. Torrens' good 
 faith in entrusting so large a sum of money to a comparatively un- 
 known firm, there was no one with whom he could advise on so delicate 
 a subject, or with whom he could consult in matters affecting so high 
 and trusted an official as the Agent to the Governor-General. 
 
 As soon as the funds of His Highness were placed in Messrs. Mac- 
 kenzie, Lyall, and Go's, hands, Mr. Torrens not only permitted others 
 to draw on them, but proceeded to pass orders on them, not as a private 
 individual, but invariably in his public capacity as Agent to the 
 Governor-General at His Highness's Court. One of his first acts was 
 to enter into Articles of Agreement with a Mr. Robinson, in March, 
 1848, for the building of a Steam Boat at a cost of Rupees 65,000, to 
 be paid for out of the funds in the hands of the so-called Financial 
 Agents to His Highness. It certainly seems to have been a stretch of 
 authority on the part of Mr. Torrens, to have entered into any such 
 agreement, or to have given directions for the disbursement of monies, 
 which could only be considered as the private funds of the Nawab 
 Nazim. Some light is, however, thrown on this subject by a passage 
 which occurs in a letter which will be found in extenso elsewhere. Mr. 
 Torrens in this passage observes 
 
 " The Steamer, as you will learn, is abandoned. From the first I 
 thought it a shadowy scheme, a HENLEY humbug, but it locked up 
 Funds." 
 
 The steamer, however, was not abandoned until large sums had 
 been advanced, and His Highness had also, subsequently, to sustain a 
 lawsuit on this account. 
 
 Mr. Torrens, besides personally disregarding the interests of His 
 Highness, failed altogether to exercise a proper supervision over the 
 monies of which he had obtained the disposal. 
 
 There was, at the tune when the Government Securities were trans- 
 ferred to the custody of Messrs. Mackenzie, Lyall, and Co., a man 
 named Lewis Tiery, who was employed in the Palace of His Highness 
 as a Mechanic and Writer. This man's position did not entitle him 
 to receive orders personally from the Nawab Nazim, nor to represent 
 His Highness in any way whatever. He was, in fact, employed under 
 the Dewan in the capacity mentioned, yet on and after the 21st June, 
 1848, we find him opening a correspondence with Messrs. Mackenzie, 
 Lyall, and Co. His first letter is as follows : 
 
 " To Messrs. MACKENZIE. LYALL, and Co. 
 
 " Berhampore, 21st June, 1848. 
 
 " DEAB GENTLEMEN, T am directed by His Highness the Nawab 
 Nazim of Bengal to request you will be good enough to arrange to put 
 aside Co.'s Rupees 25,200, and place the same to His Highness's
 
 115 
 
 account, to meet the several orders His Highness intends drawing in 
 favour of Mr. F. C. Lewis. 
 
 ; ' Yours faithfully, 
 " (Signed) L. TIEBY." 
 
 On receipt of this letter, Messrs. Mackenzie, Lyall, and Co., who 
 had hitherto only received instructions from the Agent direct, very 
 properly sent a copy of it to that officer for verification and explanation. 
 For reply, Mr. Torrens returned the copy, with the following memo, 
 written across it : 
 
 " His Highness the Nawab Nazim's order to this effect was given to 
 my knowledge. 
 
 " (Signed) H. TORBENS, 
 " Officiating Agent Governor-General. 
 " Berhampore, 
 "June, 26th, 1848." 
 
 About a fortnight later L. Tiery again wrote to Messrs. Mackenzie, 
 Lyall, and Co. as follows : 
 
 " Messrs. MACKENZIE, LYALL, and Co., 
 
 " Exchange. 
 
 " DEAB GENTLEMEN, I beg to advise, by the order of His Highness 
 the Nawab Nazim of Bengal, that, I have drawn on you, payable at 
 sight, in favour of Saduck Ally Khan, the Aruzbagee, Co.'s Rupees 
 10,000, being the amount available on account of His Highness. 
 
 " Yours faithfully, 
 
 " (Signed) L. TIEBY. 
 " Berhampore, 
 " 14th July, 1848." 
 
 On the same day he also sent the following letter to the same 
 Finn : 
 
 " Messrs. MACKENZIE, LYALL, and Co., 
 
 " Exchange. 
 
 " DEAB GENTLEMEN, I beg to enclose an order in favour of Meer 
 Saduck Aly Khan the Aruzbagee, endorsed over to you, and request you 
 will be good enough to credit the same in that gentleman's accovint till 
 further instructions. 
 
 " Yours faithfully, 
 
 " (Signed) L. TIEBY. 
 " Berhampore, 
 " 14th July, 1848." 
 
 Messrs. Mackenzie, Lyall, and Co. sent a copy of these two letters to 
 Mr. Ton-ens, who returned them with a memorandum, of which the 
 subjoined is a copy : 
 
 i 2
 
 116 
 
 11 1 have been informed by Mr. Tiery that this order has been given, 
 and that personally to him by the Nazim, and / believe the statement 
 to be true. 
 
 " (Signed) H. TOEBENS, 
 
 " Officiating Governor-General's Agent.. 
 " July 21st, 1848." 
 
 In the first of these Memoranda, the Agent speaks of the order to 
 Mr. Tiery as being given to his knowledge ; hi the second he expresses 
 his belief in the truth of Mr. Tiery's statement. The result was that 
 Messrs. Mackenzie, Lyall, and Co., not only attended to the orders con- 
 veyed in the above letters, but from that time accepted L. Tiery as a 
 confidential Agent of His Highness a position he never occupied. In 
 this transaction it is difficult to tell which to reprehend the most the 
 carelessness and negligence of the Agent, or the easy faith of the 
 Financial Agents he had selected for His Highness. On receiving a 
 copy of Lewis Tiery's first letter, the Agent's plain duty was to have 
 satisfied himself, by some communication with His Highness, as to the 
 position the writer held in His Highness's Establishment. This he 
 neglected to do, even when a second opportunity was offered him. Nay, 
 hi this last instance, he hi a manner pledged his faith for that of L. 
 Tiery. The facts are that, Tiery was never authorized to act on the 
 part of His Highness, and that, as far as His Highness's orders are con- 
 cerned, the letters of that individual are barefaced forgeries. More- 
 over, Messrs. Mackenzie, Lyall, and Co., finding him supported by the 
 Agent, afterwards invariably acted on his letters without reference and 
 without question. The consequences need not be detailed. 
 
 Meer Saduck Ally Khan, the Aruzbagee, mentioned in the letters of 
 Lewis Tiery quoted above, was a person high hi the confidence of the 
 Agent, but a man originally of no standing or position, and one who 
 could neither read nor write. That he enjoyed the fullest confidence of 
 the Agent is shown from the fact that when the Nawab Nazim proceeded 
 to Calcutta early in 1848 to pay a visit to the Governor-General, Lord 
 Dalhousie, Mr. Torrens selected Meer Saduck Ally Khan to accompany 
 His Highness, and at the same time he ordered Messrs. Mackenzie, 
 Lyall, and Co., to pay to Meer Saduck Ally Khan large sums of money 
 of which the Meer was entrusted with the expenditure. The favouritism 
 here shown by Mr. Torrens will be obvious when it is known that in 
 selecting the Aruzbagee an officer answering to the Chief Usher to 
 accompany His Highness he forbade the two highest Officers of His 
 Highness's Court, viz., the Dewan Rajah Seetanath Bose Bahadoor, 
 and the Nawab Nazir Darab Ally Khan Bahadoor to leave Moorsheda- 
 bad. Again, the importance of Meer Saduck Ally seems to have 
 sprung up about the time the papers were made over to Messrs. Mac- 
 kenzie, Lyall, and Co., as within a fortnight from that time Mr. Tyrrens 
 had ordered them to make over to the Meer, more than two and a half 
 lakh of Eupees (25,000). Saduck Ally Khan died shortly after His 
 Highness's visit to Calcutta, but in the meantime upwards ot six 
 lakhs (60,000) had been made over to him by Messrs. Mackenzie, 
 Lyall, and Co., either by the order of Mr. Torrens direct, or in com- 
 pliance with the orders of Lewis Tiery : and when he died he was 
 found to be worth teveral lakhs ! His importance in the transactions
 
 117 
 
 with Messrs. Mackenzie, Lyall, and Co. , will, however, be rendered still 
 more obvious by a perusal of Mr. Torreus' own letter quoted elsewhere. 
 
 Before referring to these documents, it may, perhaps, be advisable to 
 mention the circumstances connected with the purchase of the Midna- 
 pore Estate. It may also be well to state here, that although the osten- 
 sible reason brought forward by Mr. Torrens to induce His Highness to 
 consent to his having the control of the savings of His Highness's 
 minority was the desirability of so large a sum being expended in the 
 purchase of landed Estates, yet of the whole sum of Rupees 19,81,300, 
 (198,130) only five lakhs and a halj (55,000) were expended in 
 buying the Estate in Midnapore and nineteen grants in the Soonder- 
 buns. The last was anything but a profitable investment, seeing 
 that the grants had mostly to be cleared of jungle, &c., before they 
 could be expected to attract settlers, and even then their only crop for 
 several years would have been an inferior sort of rice. To return, 
 however, to the Midnapore Estate, Mr. Torrens of his own authority 
 had appointed a manager of the landed estate of His Highness in 
 the person of a Mr. Alexander McArthur. This person was to receive 
 in return for his services Rupees 1,300 (130) per mensem, salary, 
 together with a commission of 10 per cent., and he was further 
 to have an office found him next to the Exchange, the business 
 establishment of Messrs. Mackenzie, Lyall, and Co., and was to have all 
 his travelling and other expenses paid. The Midnapore Estate was 
 about this time put up for sale by the Authorities for arrears of Revenue 
 a sale which transferred the Estate free of all encumbrance* which 
 existed after the permanent settlement of 1793. This Estate was bought 
 in his own name by Mr. McArthur, on account of His Highness, for 
 Rupees 86,000 (8,600) at the Collector's auction. By a private 
 arrangement, however, entered into between Mr. McArthur and a 
 person named John Campton Abbott, who was, or pretended to be, the 
 owner of the Estate, the difference between the price of the Estate 
 at the Collector's sale, and Rupees 3,00,000 (30,000), or Rupees 
 2,14,000 (21,400), was paid to Mr. Abbott in satisfaction of his pre- 
 sumed claim, and out of this sum Mr. McArthur received, as his 
 share, under the name of commission, no less than Rupees 30,000 
 (3,000) ; that Mr. Torrens was aware of this, may be gathered from the 
 deposition of Mr. McArthur, and from Mr. Torrens' own letters. Mr. 
 McArthur, in his reply to His Highness's suit, says, " And this de- 
 ponent further saith that at the time of the said sale of the said Estate 
 for arrears of Revmue, the said Estate was the property of Mr. John 
 Campton Abbott, and that by an agreement in writing, made between 
 the said John Campton Abbott and this deponent, so authorized and 
 acting as aforesaid under such instruction as aforesaid, and with the 
 full knowledge ana consent of the said Governor-General's sigent, and as 
 this deponent believes, of the said complainant himself, previous to the 
 said sale, it was agreed that the price of the said Estate should be three 
 kkhs (30,000)." 
 
 Mr. Torrens, in his letter of llth May, 1848, wrote as follows : " The 
 Midnapore Zemindaries, in the district of that name, was, after much 
 de iberation, taken of its owner, Mr. Abbott, for three Inhhs of Rupees 
 (30,000) , under the stipulations duly set forth in a deed of settlement 
 between Mr. McArthur and himself. It was finally purchased by Mr. 
 McArthur, at the Midnapore Collector's sale, on 29th April, in hi 
 name for the Niizim." llr. McArthur states that he believed himself
 
 118 
 
 to be acting with the Consent and knowledge "of the said complainant 
 himself," a statement for which he had no foundation whatever, as IK- 
 was appointed by Mr. Torrens, and conducted liis business entiivU 
 with that gentleman. At that time the account of His Highness' s 
 funds, in the hands of Messrs. Mackenzie, Lyajl, and Co., stood in 
 their books in the name of " H. Torrens, Officiating Agent to the 
 Governor-General, Moorshedabad," and on the 29th April, 1848, that 
 account was debited with the sum of three Ink/is " cash (30,000) 
 paid for the Midnapore Estate;" as might be expected from the 
 extract given above from Mr Torrens' letter, that item was passed in 
 the account as correct. There can be no difficulty in determining 
 the character of the part played by Mr. McArthur in the purchase 
 of this Midnapore Estate, and it is scarcely to be doubted that if 
 he were not directly aided by the Agent, that officer showed an utter 
 disregard of all business etiquette, which it is difficult to account for 
 on any other supposition. Mr. McArthur in his deposition stated 
 that he believed the Estate to be worth rather more than 40,000 
 Rupees (4,000) per annum after paying the Government revenue. 
 If this were the case, or if the Estate were even worth three Ink/is 
 (30,000), it may be asked, whether in so rich a district as Midnapore, 
 it is likely that the surrounding Zemindars would have allowed so 
 valuable an estate to be sold to a stranger for 8,600, little more 
 than two years purchase, or one -third of what they knew to be its real 
 value. The facts and circumstances adduced above are sufficiently im- 
 portant in themselves to cast grave doubts on the motives and conduct 
 of Mr. Torrens in disposing of the large sums over which he had 
 obtained command, but there is documentary evidence which will, as 
 it were, convict Mr. Torrens out of his own mouth, and whiiih will bring 
 the blame to him, of all that His Highness has ever urged against him. 
 That this evidence only transpired after Mr. Torrens' death, frees His 
 Highness from all imputations of bringing a charge against a man who 
 has gone to his long account ; and it should rather be regarded as a 
 misfortune, that His Highness should be unable to place certain ques- 
 tions in their proper light, without, at the same time, being compelled 
 to bring grave charges against the character of a deceased Agent. 
 Luckily, Mr. Torrens has written letters which, in themselves, are a 
 sufficient accusation against himself These letters, which have been 
 alluded to above, are now given in full. On the 19th July, 1848, 
 Messrs. Mackenzie, Lyall, and Co., rendered then* accounts to Mr. Tor- 
 rens as Agent to the Governor- General entrusted with the management 
 of His Highness's funds. The accounts, as they stood, appear not to 
 have been satisfactory to the Agent, as about a month after their 
 receipt, he penned the following letter to Mr. Donald McCullum, a 
 member of the firm of Mackenzie Lyall, and Company : 
 
 " Berhampore, August 23rd. 
 
 "My DEAR SIR, Yours of the 9th July came to hand with the 
 account. Mr. Tiery, the Accountant here, suggests it as expedient not 
 to put the paper in yet, although I have looked over the items and found 
 them unexceptionable. The fact is, that the account as it stands would 
 not be understood by the Meer and the Eunuchs, and would purpostly 
 be misundertood by the Rajah. I must, I fear, induct you into the 
 muck of uut intrigues; the R.'s shares in which, and object, i.- tx'.-t
 
 119 
 
 shown by his depreciation of our Government Securities, to get the 
 pipers indorsed, to him of an Estate in Ceylon (nice investment) 
 belonging to a high personage mortgaged to us. He is at the bottom 
 of a great deal of mischief, and has been unceasing in his efforts to dis- 
 credit me at head-quarters, as I side with no one, and am well with all, 
 which does not suit his books, as the Agent should be, he thinks, in 
 his hands, as old Raper was through his own creatures, against whom 
 he carried on a farce of bitter emnity for three years, while these 
 rascals pillaged the Nizamut and underhand gave half to the honest 
 Rajah. He is at the bottom of a sea of villany, besides being now in 
 that stage of a Bengali's life when he is morally trading on his capital, 
 '. e., making money by roguery on a previous good character. 
 
 " The entry ' paid to Meer Saduck Alii Ly order ofH. Torrens,' a plain 
 ami simple matter as we understand it, is enough in the hands of a rogue 
 to bring me into the Supreme Court on a charge of collusion with that 
 person to enrich ourselves with the Nasim's Money. It is not as H. Tor- 
 Tens, but as the Governor-General's Agent, in whose name the paper stood, 
 that I interfered in the matter, and the sums transferred to the Meer 
 were by the Nazim's order communicated through the Governor- 
 General's Agent. It was only as such (professionally) that / inter- 
 ported to protect the i/oung -man's intercuts, and this was a bit of moral 
 courage, that I do not think many of my Service would have ventured 
 on. Will you prepense this matter please, and let me hear from you ? 
 You understand that I am indulging the vindictiveness of a Bengali 
 disappointed of the use of nineteen lakhs of Rupees, which he has 
 for years been looking forward for, and that I must walk very warily, 
 for the fellow is a type of his race for cunning. Could you enter ' to 
 Meer S. A. by order of the Nazirn as per accounts rendeted.' I have 
 nothing to do in the matter, and the mention of my name is really cal- 
 culatetl to do me injury in the way in which it stands. Whereas the 
 monies paid to the Meer as His Highness's managing man, were all as 
 per account rendered to the Rajah, or to Mr. Tiery, the Accountant, 
 or for goods with your knowledge, and extricate me, please, from the 
 difficulty I stand in. Or if you cannot alter your books, I must address 
 Government. The imputation of mixing myself up with the missing 
 money for the Nazim would be just Maclean's case at Madras over 
 again, and the imputation only would suffice to lone me this appointment. 
 
 " Let me have a note of the costs of remittance to Carter, as it is 
 made not on my own, but a public account, and I must get reimbursed. 
 
 " Part/on me, but I have mtssed noting- the important point of the head- 
 ing. Why not ' His Highness the Naioab Nazim in account, SfC., Sfc. ?' 
 He it a man, a major in years, and my trust charge of his affairs 
 ceases 
 
 " The stramer. as you will learn, is abandoned. From the first I 
 thought it a shadowy scheme a HENLEY humbug but it locked up 
 fund'i. 
 
 " Between ourselves, the Government, I fancy, expect the Nazim not 
 to press them for two lakhs of Rupees granted for building purposes, 
 and he mutt build what is to be done? 
 
 " I hope all's well with you at home ; my babes are well, but wife 
 poorly. 
 
 " Yours very truly, 
 
 " H. TOBBKNS."
 
 120 
 
 Fire days later, Mr. Ton-ens wrote again to Mr. McCallum as 
 under : 
 
 " Berhampore, August 28th. 
 
 " MY DEAB SIB, I should not, perhaps, have qiioted Mr. Tiery, 
 whose suggestion simply was that I should not put these accounts in 
 the hands of the Rajah, till the balance was a little square, knowing as 
 he does the sort of things that are said in the Nizamut as to the 
 expending of money. 
 
 " / am glad you can alter the heading and entries. 
 " I need not say, that in all financial transactions for and on account 
 of the Nizamut, I have the most implicit confidence in your skill and 
 judgment, having so long had experience of the mode in which your 
 firm does business. 
 
 " Yours, &c., 
 
 "H. TOEBENS." 
 
 The more important passages in the above letters were underlined 
 for obvious reasons. In the interval which elapsed between them, Mr. 
 Torrens would seem to have received an intimation from Mr. McCullum, 
 that he would comply with the Agent's wishes. In reading the first 
 of these letters one is struck with the manner in which Mr. Torrens, 
 whilst pleading his own cause, does so in a way to frighten the firm 
 into his views. He fears the effect of certain items in the accounts in 
 the hands of " a rogue." But he had previously indicated who that 
 rogue was likely to be, and given him such a character as to make him 
 an object of fear in the eyes of Messrs. Mackenzie, Lyall and Co. Mr. 
 Torrens further remarks, that if the firm cannot alter their books, he 
 " must address the Government," and that " the imputation would be 
 sufficient to lose him his appointment.'''' And, of course, in either case, 
 the firm would lose their post of financial agents. Ah 1 these reasons, 
 combined, induced them at once to alter not only the heading of their 
 accounts, but the entries in these accounts. The effect of these altera- 
 tions would be, of course, to remove the responsibility from the Agent 
 to His Highness the Nawab Nazim. Mr. Torrens was aware that the 
 entries relating to Meer Saduck Ally Khan were sufficient to bring him 
 into the Supreme Court, and hence, in order to persuade Messrs. 
 Mackenzie, Lyall and Co., to consent to alter their books, he asserted 
 what was not true, that " the sums ..transferred to the Meer were by 
 the Nazim's order " He also mentions the Meer as " His Highness's 
 managing man." The fact being, as before stated, that His Highness's 
 managing man was the Deu-an Nizamut, Rajah Seetanath Bose Baha- 
 door, and that the Meer occupied a post answering only to that of Chief 
 Usher. 
 
 These letters, besides throwing some light on Mr. Torrens' relations 
 with Meer Saduck Ally Khan, reveal also the position of Mr. Tiery, 
 who is called the Accountant, and who appears as the confidential 
 adviser of Mr. Torrens, in pointing out to him the necessity of with- 
 holding the accounts from "the hands of the Rajah till ike balance was 
 a little square." It may possibly excite some surprise that the accounts 
 should be .rendered to the Rajah, considering that Meer Saduck Ally 
 Khan was the managing man of His Highness.
 
 121 
 
 The subject of the contract for the purchase of a steamer has been 
 already touched upon ; but it may be useful to place the sentences, " it 
 locked up funds," and he "must build." as seeming to show that Mr. 
 Torrens had an object in dissipating His Highness' s funds. 
 
 Mr. Torrens speaks of " the misting money fur the Nairn." What 
 this >nisxin<r money was Mr. Torrens never informed His Highness, nor 
 has His Highness ever had in his possession letters or accounts which 
 could directly enlighten him on this point. 
 
 The only evidence -which appears to bear on this subject is the follow- 
 ing letter, addressed to Messrs. Mackenzie, Lyall, and Co., by the 
 Agent to the Governor-General at Moorshedabad : 
 
 " Allipore, April 20th, 1848. 
 " Messrs. MACKENZIE, LYALL, AND Co. 
 
 " DEAR SIRS, From the amount of funds belonging to His High- 
 ness, the Nawab Nazim of Bengal, now in your hands for investment, 
 have the goodness to assign, by His Highness's desire, the sum of two 
 lakhs (rupees 2,00,000) to the credit of Meer Saduck Ally Khan, to 
 enable him to discharge obligations now incurred, or to be incurred, 
 under instructions by them for the Nazim. 
 
 " You will be good enough to adjust payments to Meer Saduck Ally 
 Khan in such a way as may best serve the interests of His Highness, 
 while at the same time satisfying the Meer, and, at your leisure, inform 
 me of your arrangements for His Highness's information. 
 " I am, yours faithfully, 
 
 " H. TOERENS, 
 
 " Offg. G. G.'s Agent for G. Q. the 
 " N. N. of Bengal." 
 
 Under the date of this letter the following entry appeared in the 
 original accounts of Messrs. Mackenzie, Lyall and Co. : 
 
 " 20th April, 1848. To cash paid, third instalment assigned to Meer 
 Saduck Ally Khan, Aruzbagee, as directed by H. Torrens, Esq., in his 
 letter of this day, rupees 2,00,000." There is nothing whatever on 
 record to show what became of the large amount thus paid away by 
 order of Mr. Torrens. It is important, however, to observe that 
 although Mr. Torrens only received authority to dispose of the savings 
 of His Highness's minority on the 22nd of February, 1848, yet this sum 
 of rupees 2,00,000 paid to Meer Saduck Ally Khan on the 20th of 
 April, 1848, was not the/ hird' 1 instalment," but the t hint "amount," fora 
 purpose which now here appears. It only remains to remark that a 
 knowledge of these transactions, revealed in these letters, only came 
 out in the trial of the suit which His Highness instituted in 1854 
 against Messrs. Mackenzie. Lyall, and Co. 
 
 All that has been mentioned above as reflecting on the conduct of 
 Mr. Torrens has been taken from the records of that trial ; nothing 
 has been advanced which cannot be supported by documentary evi- 
 dence, if not by the papers filed in the suit. The force of the facts 
 now brought forward compelled the late Governor-General to ac-
 
 122 
 
 knowledge that the facts of the case, as judged by the evidence of hia 
 own letters, was most condemnatory of the conduct of Mr. Torrens. 
 No allusion has been made in this narrative to Mr. Torrens' inter- 
 ference in creating new posts in the Nizamut Service, and in inducting 
 men of his own into situations without His Highness's permission ; 
 nor to the case of jewels, which he suggested should be presented to 
 Lady Dalhousie. His letters show that he acted independently of His 
 Highness, whom he never condescended to consult, and that he in- 
 variably acted, as he phrases it, " professionally " as Agent to the 
 Governor-General at Jtfoorshedabad. 
 
 Can it be doubted that in obtaining the unchallenged use of so large 
 a sum as nearly twenty lacs of Rupees (200,000), he was actuated by a 
 desire to enrich himself at the expense of His Highness, and that in 
 furtherance of this object, he acted in collusion with Meer Saduck Ally 
 Khan and Lewis Tiery ? The result was, that funds which, rightly ap- 
 plied, might have materially ministered to the honour and dignity of His 
 Highness the Nawab Nazim, and which might have secured him 
 from pecuniary difficulties and embarrassments during his life, and 
 which being at his own sole disposal, might have enabled him to 
 provide for his family in a manner suitable to their rank and ex- 
 pectations, without seriously encroaching on other funds of the 
 Nizamut in the hands of the Government ; these funds so vast, and 
 so capable of benefiting His Highness, of securing the increased ease 
 and happiness of his family, were squandered without His Highness's 
 knowledge, and in defiance of all principles of honesty, and official 
 propriety, by the man, who, on all occasions, was presumed to be His 
 Highness's best friend, and who, invariably, asserted that all he 
 did was as the trusted representative of the BRITISH GOVERN- 
 MENT. 
 
 (Copy.) 
 No. 46 of 1853. 
 
 From the AGENT GOVERNOR-GENERAL AT MOORSHEDABAD 
 
 to CECIL BEADON, ESQ., SECRETARY to the GOVERNMENT 
 
 of BENGAL. 
 
 Fort William, 
 Dated Berhampore, 12th April, 1853. 
 
 SIR, I have the honour to transmit for the information of the 
 Most Noble the Governor of Bengal copies of the documents noted 
 in the margin, and beg to offer the following observations : 
 
 2. My predecessor, Mr. Money, in his despatch to Government re- 
 garding the accounts of the minority of His Highness the Nawab 
 Nazim, states, " on the 1st of September, 1847, there were in the 
 possession of the Government Agent, Government securities apper- 
 taining to the Nawab Nazim to the amount of Company's Rupees 
 19,81,300, and in cash Rupees 31,334-10-1, and that in the months 
 of February and March, 1849, the whole of those securities were 
 under the instructions from the late Agent, Mr. Torrens, delivered to 
 Messrs. Mackenzie, Lvall. and Co., leaving in Hie hand* of the Govern-
 
 123 
 
 incnt Agent on the 30th of April, 1852, a balance only of Rupees 
 415-8-2. 
 
 "The accounts submitted to His Highness by Mackenzie, Lyall, 
 and Co., show a most profuse expenditure of the large fortune that 
 had been laid by so carefully during his minority. Seventeen lacs 
 were expended in less than two months, and the entire capital was 
 dissipated in less than two years, leaving the Nawab Nazim a debtor in 
 their books. 
 
 " His Highness is anxious that the accounts should be carefully 
 sifted, and if any sums have been improperly expended, or paid 
 away without due authority, measures may be taken for their re- 
 covery." 
 
 3. Mr. Money, at the Nawab Nazim' s request, called upon Messrs. 
 Mackenzie, Lyall, and Co., in liis letter dated the 14th September, 
 1862, for authenticated copies of all the vouchers in their possession 
 by which they had paid away monies on His Highness's account, 
 specifying the names of the persons who drew on them for the dif- 
 ferent sums charged in then- account current, and the names of the 
 parties to whom the money was actually paid. 
 
 4. Messrs. Mackenzie, Lyall, and Co., in reply, refer Mr. Money 
 to the detailed account* rendered by them to the Nizamut alleging 
 that they contain the information called for, and offering to prepare 
 the voluminous vouchers for the inspection in their office of any 
 party duly authorised to examine them. 
 
 5. By desire of the Nawab Nazim, Mr. Money wrote to Messrs. 
 Mackenzie, Lyall, and Co., informing them that His Highness had 
 given full authority to Mr. R. D. Turn ull, a gentleman residing in 
 Calcutta, of high character, and an excellent accountant, to examine 
 all His Highness's accounts, and requesting them to furnish Mr. 
 Turnbull with all the vouchers connected with the accounts sub- 
 mitted, by them to His Highness, through the late Agent, Mr. 
 Torrens. 
 
 6. In reply Messrs. Mackenzie, Lyall, and Co., inform Mr. Turnbull 
 in a letter dated the 10th November, 1852, that they are quite pre- 
 dared to submit for his inspection, in their office, all the vouchers 
 for the accounts rendered by them to His Highness on the under- 
 standing that in so far as they are concerned no attempt is contem- 
 plated of re-opening these accounts which they allege were so long 
 ago furnished by them, and which were subsequently deliberately 
 audited, settled, and passed by His Highness, and further that some 
 valid reason must be assigned for the re-examination of accounts 
 which have been deliberately closed, before they can consent to the 
 re-opening of them. 
 
 7. Mr. Turnbull then requested Messrs. Mackenzie, Lyall, and 
 Co. to let him know who had examined the vouchers relating to the 
 accounts which His Highness the Nawab Nazim had handed over 
 to him for examination, and which vouchers they object to produce 
 unless it is distinctly understood that no attempt is to be made to 
 re-open their " settled accounts ;" Mr. Turnbull further requested 
 them to furnish him with a copy of the letter in which His Highness's 
 satisfaction of the correctness of the accounts is expressed. 
 
 8. Messrs. Mackenzie, Lyall, and Co., in reply, refer Mr. Turn- 
 bull to their former communication to him dated the 10th instant.
 
 124 
 
 9. It will be observed that Messrs. Mackenzie, Ljall, and Co., 
 will not produce the vouchers for Mr. Turnbull's inspection except 
 under the distinct understanding that no attempt should be made 
 to re-open their "settled accounts;" a proviso to which His High- 
 ness would not give his consent, having no recollection whatever 
 that he had ever seen or approved the accounts, or in any way given 
 his sanction to their being settled and passed. I then placed myself, 
 at His Highness's request, in communication with Messrs. Allan 
 and Thomas, Attorneys-at- Law, and directed them to write to Messrs. 
 Mackenzie, Lyall. and Co requesting them to furnish either Mr. 
 Turnbull or myself with such proofs as might be at hand in verifica- 
 tion of the accounts submitted by them to the Sawab, embracing 
 transactions from February, 1848, to 30th of April, 1849, during which 
 time they had acted as His Highness's Agents. 
 
 10. I, at the same time, told Messrs. Allan and Thomas to intimate 
 to Messrs. Mackenzie, Lyall, and Co., that in seeking for information 
 about the accounts, His Highness had no desire or intention to assail 
 the accounts with any view to cause them trouble, loss, or injury, on 
 the contrary, that His Highness will, as far as he possibly can do so, 
 facilitate the means of proof which they may have to offer, and will 
 approve and allow all such items as in justice and fairness belong to 
 His Highness's accounts. 
 
 11. Messrs. Mackenzie, Lyall, and Co., in their note date 17th Jan., 
 1853, in reply stated, that the death of their book-keeper, who com- 
 piled the accounts in question, the indisposition of Mr. McCallum (one 
 of the partners), from which he was just recovering, the years that 
 have passed away since the transactions alluded to were closed, will 
 occasion a search among records long since put aside, and necessarily 
 cause a considerable delay in laying their hands on the voluminous 
 papers appertaining to these operations. 
 
 12. That they will, however, have the task set about forthwith, and 
 when the documents are in train, Messrs. Allan and Co. will be again 
 communicated with, but much time will be required for the purpose, 
 as the present is their busy season, and it would be most inconvenient 
 to have their current business interrupted. 
 
 13. In consequence of the circumstances disclosed in evidence at 
 the recent trial for perjury against Mr. Tiery, and particularly advert- 
 ing to the evidence of Mr. D. McCallum, one of the members of the 
 firm of Mackenzie, Lyall, and Co. (a witness for the defence), it 
 appeared to His Highness the Nawab Nazim to be necessary for the 
 protection of His Highness's interests, that suits should be immediately 
 commenced against Mackenzie, Lyall, and Co., and Mr. Tiery, for an 
 account and reimbursement of the various sums received, and applied 
 by them. 
 
 14. The evidence at the trial shows that the greatest irregularity, 
 and even fraud, had in many instances been practised on the Nawab 
 in the application of the enormous sums alleged to have been disbursed 
 on his account, and Mr. McCallum's own evidence establishes that 
 what he did was under Mr. Tiery's authority, and without the sanction 
 or approval of His Highness, therefore it became evident that the 
 sooner the extent and Liability incurred by these parties can be ascer- 
 tained, the sooner will the amount improperly applied, and disbursed, 
 be recovered.
 
 125 
 
 15. His Highness seeing that no time should be lost in adopting 
 legal steps against both Messrs. Mackenzie, Lyall, and Co., and Mr. 
 Tiery, signed two detainers, empowering Messrs. Allan and Thomas, 
 attorneys-at-law, to prosecute in the Supreme Court the above suits. 
 
 16. Before the trial of Mr. Tiery, a General Retainer, on behalf of 
 His Highness, had been given to Mr. Biteliie, as senior counsel, and 
 Mr. Cowie, as junior counsel, and since the trial Mr. Peterson has been 
 added, as it was through his means that such important information 
 was obtained on the trial as to the merits of the Nawab's claims. 
 
 17. His Highness hopes shortly to leam that bills have been filed 
 on his behalf against Messrs. Mackenzie, Lyall, and Co and Mr 
 Tiery. 
 
 18. Meanwhile, it is desirable that the fact of the intended suits 
 should b'c kept secret until the suits have been actually instituted. 
 
 19. His Highness would be glad to learn that these proceedings 
 had met with the approval of the Most Noble the Governor of 
 
 I have, &c., 
 (Signed) G-. H MACGREGOR. 
 
 Agent Governor-General. 
 Office of A. G. G., Moorshedabad, 
 12th April, 1853. 
 
 The action instituted by the Nawab against the mer- 
 cantile firm in Calcutta, the agents of Mr. Torrens, for the 
 recovery in part or altogether of the sums they held 
 for him having been afterwards stopped at the instigation 
 of the Government, the Nawab was hopelessly debarred 
 from obtaining his rights either in his political or his 
 social position, and has ever since waited patiently to 
 appeal to British Justice for the recovery of this and 
 others of his lawful dues, which should long since have 
 been accorded to him in full by the Government of India. 
 
 In 1848, the Governor- General, the Earl of Dalhousie, 
 on his arrival in India, addressed His Highness in the 
 following terms : 
 
 From the EABL OF DALHOUSIE, K.T., to NAWAB STUD 
 MCTNSOOR ALI KHAN BEHADOOR, NUSKUT JUNO (the 
 present NAWAB NAZIM of Bengal, Bekar, and Orissa), 
 dated I2th January, 1848. 
 
 " Nawab Sahib, of high worth and exalted station, my good brother, 
 may peace be with you.
 
 126 
 
 " After expressing wishes words cannot describe for a joyful meeting 
 what I have now the pleasure officially to announce, You will have 
 heard through the ordinary channel, my appointment of Governor- 
 General of India ; I arrived at Calcutta and assumed the duties of 
 my office on the 12th January, 1848. 
 
 " Your Highness may be assured that this friend is desirous, and 
 bent heart and soul to do all he can to knit the ties of attachment 
 and friendship, and to connect the bonds of harmony and concord 
 between the Honourable East India Company and Your Highness, 
 and that personal sentiments of the highest regard and esteem 
 should confirm the Relations between us, while zealously striving to 
 promote the interest, establish the authority and maintain the best 
 understanding between all the states and Sirdars of Hind, and the 
 Deccan, and this High and Paramount power by strict observance 
 of word and bond, and enduring fulfilment of Compact and Treaty 
 in terms of existing conditions, stipulations and articles arranged 
 and concerted. 
 " You have my hearty good will, and wish You well, 
 
 " (Signed) DALHOUSIE." 
 
 The name of Lord Dalhousie is well known to readers of 
 Indian history as connected with the policy of annexation 
 and spoliation which carried out in India during his 
 administration, notwithstanding the remonstrances of the 
 Home Government and of the Native Princes who 
 suffered by it. The Policy of unscrupulously setting aside 
 all sense of Public faith and honour, and openly violating 
 treaties and engagements of the most solemn kind under 
 the most slender pretexts, and without mature considera- 
 tion, cannot possibly be justified. There can be but little 
 doubt that the annexation of Oude and other arbitrary 
 acts committed by Lord Dalhousie caused His Lordship 
 to be looked upon as the despoiler of Indian Princes, 
 and set on foot that feeling of disaffection amongst the 
 allies and tributaries of the British Government in India, 
 which eventually led to the dreadful crisis in 1857 know 
 as the Indian Mutiny or Sepoy Eebellion. The present 
 Nawab Nazim did not escape the general spoliation, for 
 he was also treated with gross injustice by the Noble
 
 127 
 
 Lord, yet he quietly bore up against the indignities 
 offered him, and in 1857 was found one of the few faithful 
 allies of the British in India, as will hereafter be shown. 
 
 From 1848, the year in which Lord Dalhousie entered 
 upon his duties as the head of the Administration in 
 India, till 1854, he had in vain sought for some pre- 
 text whereupon to assault the hereditary rank, privileges, 
 and dignity of the Nawab Naziin and Soubahdar of 
 Bengal, Behar, and Orissa ; but in 1854 an accident 
 suggested to the Noble Lord a favourable opportunity 
 for breaking the pledges given by the British Govern- 
 ment to support this Prince and his family for ever, and 
 to observe an inviolate adherence to the obligations of 
 Public Faith and Honour. His Lordship at once took 
 advantage of this accident for inflicting upon His High- 
 ness summary injustice, by depriving him and his 
 family at once of their rights and privileges, and the 
 immunities and protection which they before possessed 
 of carrying on all legal proceedings through their 
 Attorney or the Agent Governor-General. The "Regula- 
 tions of 1805, 1806, and 1823 were repealed, and Act 
 XXVII of 1854 was arbitrarily framed. His Lordship 
 having ignored the rights and claims of His High- 
 ness which were secured by Treaty reduced his 
 salute from nineteen to thirteen guns, and prevented 
 his going on future shooting excursions except under 
 Police Surveillance, withholding at the same time 
 the sums of money set apart for his expenses on those 
 occasions. With regard to the several Trusts or Funds 
 that had been established out of the Nawab's money 
 and styled by the Court of Directors " the Sacred In-
 
 128 
 
 heritance of the Nizamut Family," His Lordship declared 
 they were all public money, and proposed that they 
 should be converted into "a Book Debt bearing no In- 
 terest," although the money was or ought to have been 
 invested in Government Securities, bearing interest, 
 " which was to be accounted for to the Nawab " (Pages 61 
 and 70). But what was the accident which led to all this 
 injustice ? The following correspondence will show. His 
 Lordship seemed determined to carry out certain ends, 
 and with this object held the Nawab responsible for a 
 criminal act committed in his camp while on a shooting 
 excursion, of which he neither knew anything at the 
 time nor heard of for a long time afterwards, and of 
 which His Highness's servants even, who were accused 
 of complicity, were declared innocent after a threefold 
 trial. Several English gentlemen (Mr. Garrett, Judge of 
 Bhurboom, and the Honourable Ashly Eden, Secretary 
 to the Government of Bengal, and others) were present 
 with His Highness in the Camp. Yet neither they nor 
 His Highness heard a word about the affair till some 
 months afterwards, when suspicion was awakened that 
 something wrong had been done by somebody. This 
 led to an inquiry into the affair by His Highness, and 
 afterwards to the public trials, first by Native and then 
 by English Judges. The principal actor in the tragedy, 
 a stranger in the Camp, was never caught, he having 
 made his escape before the Camp returned. 
 
 To gentlemen of the legal profession this case will 
 furnish much interest, and exhibit the arbitrary power 
 exerted by the Governor-General of India, not only against 
 a Native Prince, but also against the patient investiga-
 
 129 
 
 tious of Courts of Justice presided over by English 
 Judges ! 
 
 MUBDEfi, CASE. 
 
 From the Secretary to the Government of Bengal, to the 
 Governor-General's Agent, MOOKSHEDABAD. 
 
 Dated Fort William, 15th Nov., 1853. 
 Sir, 
 
 I am directed by the Most Noble the Governor of Bengal to forward 
 for your information, and for the purpose hereinafter mentioned, copy 
 of a letter from Mr. E. T. Trevor, who was entrusted with the prose- 
 cution of Aman Ali Khan and others, on a charge of wilful murder, 
 together with two printed copies of the judgments of the Sessions and 
 Nizamut Courts on the case. 
 
 2. Whatever view may be taken of the judicial decision of the loiver 
 tribunal as regards Aman Ali Khan, and the other criminals, who 
 have been acquitted on all the counts of the charge, the fact is estab- 
 lished by the conviction of five of the prisoners, that a gross and 
 horrible act of cruelty extending over several days, commencing with 
 the torture of two suspected persons, and ending with their death, was 
 committed in the camp of the Nawab Nazim by persons either in his 
 ssrvice, or under his authority, and within fifty yards of His Highness's 
 own tent ; Aman Ali Khan the chief eunuch, by his own admission, 
 was cognizant of the outrage, he heard in his tent the cries of the 
 victims, though his tent was pitched on the opposite side of the Nawab 
 Nazim's tent to that near which the torture was inflicted, and it is in 
 evidence that the same cries were heard by others in the camp. 
 Though this atrocious crime was committed in the district of Malda, 
 during the first five days of April, no information of its occurrence was 
 given to the police of that district, or to any other public officer. On 
 the contrary, it was given out, apparently on authority, that the men 
 died of cholera, and it was not until the 1st of May, after the return of 
 the camp to Moorshedabad, that a report of the real circumstances 
 reached the magistrate of the district, and led to the inquiry which 
 terminated hi the trial. 
 
 3. The Governor of Bengal cannot consent to permit this matter to 
 rest at the point to which the judicial decision of the Sudder Court has 
 left it. It is quite necessary, in his Lordship's opinion, that the 
 Nawab Nazim, in whose camp, and under whose very eyes this 
 monstrous outrage upon humanity has been peipetrated, should be 
 required to give an explanation of his conduct in the matter ; that 
 measures should be taken to mark the sense entertained by the Govern- 
 ment of such proceedings, and that safeguards should be provided 
 against repetition of them in future. 
 
 4. The history of the case, as it affects the Nawab Nazim and the 
 eunuchs, his servants, is as follows :
 
 130 
 
 5. His Highness, during his late shooting excursion in the district of 
 Malda, pitched his camp, on the 30th March at the village of Ranpoor. 
 the murdered men, Hingoo, a Fakeer, and Muddee, the son of a G-olan 
 in the service of the Nazim, accompanied the camp. The persons 
 named in the margin formed part of His Highness suite, and of these, 
 Syud Iman Ali was Urzbegy of the Palace, and Aman Ali Khan, the 
 chief and confidential eunuch, having the general control over all His 
 Highness's arrangements during the excursion. 
 
 6. The principal tents in the camp belonged to the Nawab Nazim, 
 to Aman Ali Khan, and to the other eunuchs. His Highnesss occu- 
 pied the centre tent, one side of which was the tent of Aman Ali 
 Khan, and on the other the tent of the other eunuchs. They are 
 generally pitched at a short distance, about fifty yards, from each 
 other. 
 
 7. On the morning of the 31st March, while His Highness, with the 
 greater part of his suite, was out shooting, a box containing property, 
 belonging to one Meah Ar^oomun, was found missing, flingoo and 
 Muddee were seized on suspicion of having stolen the box, and 
 throughout that day, both before, and after His Highness's return from 
 shooting, were beaten and tortured for the purpose of inducing them 
 to confess, and point out the property. The torture was inflicted in 
 the verandah of the eunuch's tent, and in a pal pitched within two 
 yards of it. It was inflicted by servants of the Nawab Nazim, under 
 the direction of the Urzbegy, and in the presence of all the eunuchs, 
 except, perhaps, Aman All Khan himself, and Aman Ali Khan was, 
 on his own admission, cognizant of what was going on, and sent 
 messages to stop it. The beating and torture appear to have been 
 continued under the same circumstances during the 1st and 2nd April. 
 On the 3rd of April, the camp moved to Allal, and the tortured men 
 being unable to walk, were carried with the camp. There they ivere 
 attended, by the native doctor to the camp, who applied ointment and 
 poultices to the wounds On the 5th, the camp moved to Gujoli, and 
 there the tortured men were seen by George Shapcott, the coachman, 
 and others in the camp, in the same pal as before, with their bodies 
 raw and swollen, and the native doctor ineffectually applying remedies. 
 Hingoo died on that day, and Muddee the day after, both from the 
 effect of then* wounds. Certain persons in the service of the Nawab 
 Nazim were summoned by a Hurkara to wash the bodies previous to 
 burial, and these persons saw the state of the bodies, and knew that 
 death had been caused by beating. The bodies were then buried at a 
 short distance from the tents, and it was given out that the men had 
 died of cholera. During the whole of this time, from the 31st March 
 to the 6th April. Aman Ali Khan, and the other eunuchs dined with 
 the Nawab. 
 
 8. Although the evidence adduced on the trial was not sufficient to 
 satisfy the Court of Nizamut, Adawluth, that Aman Ali Khan and 
 other eunuchs were guilty of the legal crime of being accessory, or 
 privy, to the culpable homicide of which the other prisoners were most 
 deservedly convicted, and though the judicial sentence of acquittal 
 passed by the Court is final, and respects the liability of these men to 
 criminal punishment, yet the effect of that sentence is by no means to 
 relic re the eunuchs of the least degree of responsibility for their conduct
 
 131 
 
 to their master, the Nawab Nazim, and still less to relieve His High- 
 ness from the least degree of responsibility for his own acts, and those 
 of his servants to the Government under which he lives, and upon which 
 he depends. 
 
 9. His Lordship has read the judgment of the Zillah and Sudder 
 Court*, and the arguments of the Council on both sides with great 
 attention, and he rises from the perusal of them satisfied beyond all 
 reasonable doubt, not only that Aman Ali Khan and the other eunuchs 
 were cognizant of the torture of the murdered men, of their death in 
 consequence of the torture, and of the falseness of the rumour which 
 ascribed their death to cholera, but that the former failed to use the 
 influence he had to prevent the crime, and that the latter took an active 
 part in its perpetration. 
 
 10. In the absence of any explanation on the part of the Nawab 
 Nazim, it must also be inferred from the circumstances stated on the 
 trial, that His Highness, whose tent was pitched about fifty yards from 
 the place where the men were tortured, and who dined daily with the 
 eunuchs, was himself cognizant of the torture, of the death that ensued 
 from the torture, and of the falseness of the rumour which ascribed the 
 death of these men to cholera. And, if this be so, His Highness has 
 failed in his duty to the Government in not causing information of the 
 crime to be given to the proper authorities, and has rendered himself 
 liable to a very serious responsibility. 
 
 11. Under the circumstances above detailed, I am directed by the 
 Government to request that you will call upon the Nawab Nazim to 
 state fully and exactly, in writing, what was his knowledge of the 
 events connected with the torture and death of Hingoo and Muddee, 
 both during and after their occurrence, and to explain why he failed to 
 exert his authority to prevent the perpetration of so outrageous a 
 crime, almost in his very presence ; why he has continued, and still con- 
 tinues, to show favour and countenance to those who were concerned in, 
 and cognizant of it ; and why, after the death of the murdered men, 
 he did not either inform you of what had occurred, or cause information 
 thereof to be given to the Officers of Justice. 
 
 12. You will request a formal interview with His Highness for the 
 purpose of delivering to him in person a copy of this letter, and you 
 will take the occasion of impressing upon His Highness the extreme 
 gravity of the position in which he has placed himself. 
 
 13. His Lordship expects an early reply to this communication. 
 
 I have, &c., 
 
 (Signed) CECIL BEADON, ESQ., 
 Secretary to the Government of Bengal. 
 
 Fort William, the 21st Oct., 1853. 
 
 From E. TREVOR. ESQ., to CECIL BEADON, ESQ. Secre- 
 tary to the Government of Bengal. 
 
 SIB, 
 
 I have the honour to submit the follnw'mg re>narTc< upon the judgment 
 of the Sudiler Nitamut, in the case of Government t>. Aman Ali Khan, 
 
 K 2
 
 132 
 
 and others. I am induced to do so, as / consider that the parties 
 released, were all committed to the Sessions on a charge which has been 
 fully proved against every one of them (I allude to the charge of privity), 
 by the evidence relied 011 by the Judges, by evidence, allowed in its full 
 force as it stands, and by the facts of the case as allowed by all. 
 
 2. The evidence against Ainan Ah Khan is somewhat different from 
 that against the other released dependents, and his case I would con- 
 sider separately. I propose, in the first place, to offer a few remarks 
 upon the reasons assigned by the Judges for the rejection of all the 
 evidence adduced for the prosecution, which speaks of the active perpe- 
 tration of any of the released persons in the torture of the deceased. 
 In the next place, I would consider how (irrespective of this rejected 
 evidence) the charge of privity is fully proved against all the inmates of 
 the eunuchs' tent ; and lastly, how the same charge is fully proved 
 against Aman Ali Khan. 
 
 3. First I would draw attention to the reasons assigned by the Judges for 
 the rejection of four of the witnesses for the prosecution in these remarks 
 and, indeed, in all the remarks which, I may consider it my duty to 
 make on this case. I trust it will not appear that they are offered in the 
 spirit of a disappointed advocate, but of one, who entrusted with the 
 conduct of the case, only after the committal of the accused to the Sessions 
 (and, therefore, in no way responsible for the evidence offered in support 
 of the charges) , has really some good resources to assign for his belief, 
 that some of the guilty parties have escaped the punishment due to the 
 crime proved against them. 
 
 4. Four witnesses have been rejected in loto, Hossainee, Denoo, 
 Hurgun, and Rabaruali. The first-named, was the servant of the person 
 whose box was said to have been stolen, and in whose charge it then 
 was, so that, as stated by the Court, he is the party upon whom su.tpicion 
 would naturally fall ; but it is to be observed, that it does not appear, 
 that suspicion did at any time attach itself to this man up to the very 
 day of his giving evidence, he continued in the service of his former 
 master, and it is to be observed, in the next place, that the torture of 
 the deceased took place at the end of March and beginning of April, 
 and this man's evidence was taken not until the beginning of May, and 
 then, no inquiry into any theft was being instituted, so that / do not .tee 
 why he should then be anxious to briny the charge of ill-treating the 
 deceased home to the defendants. I am not certain that I fully under- 
 stand the remarks of the Court relative to this man, but after giving 
 them all the consideration in my power, I refer to the authentical 
 manner in which the argument is put, that the evidence of an approver 
 is to be considered as entitled to more credit than that of an ordinary 
 witness, as the former is under a special obligation to disclose the whole 
 truth. I always thought that every witness was under the obligation 
 of an oath to do so, and should think that an ordinary witness under 
 the obligation of an oath, was more likely to tell the truth than an 
 approver a party to the crime, under the special obligation to tell the 
 truth, on the pain of being placed again in the felon's dock with 
 regard to the improbabilities in thin man'* evidence. I can only say, that 
 1 am credulous enough to believe them all ; and with regard to the grots 
 contradiction*, the Court do not say, whether the man contradicted 
 himself or other witnesses. Even the learned counsel, for some of the
 
 133 
 
 defendants, Mr. Clarke, does not accuse him of the former, and the 
 points on which he contradicts the other witnesses, as given by Mr. 
 Clarke, to which tent the parties accused of the theft were first taken 
 on the return of His Highness from hunting on the day ol the theft, the 
 position in which they were bound, the medicine applied to the wounds, 
 and the manner in which they were conveyed from one halting place 
 to another. In my humble opinion, cnn'ranictionii upon these immediate 
 point x, ntther make fur the truth nf'the material jmints d>pnxed to, particu- 
 larly when it is borne in mind, that his evidence before the Judge was 
 much more detailed than that before the Magistrate, and that his evi- 
 dence upon nearly all the above points was elicited by questions from 
 the Court or the counsel for the prisoner. For instance, when this 
 man said, the men were bound hand and foot, he was called on by the 
 Court to show the position they were in, which he did. However, this 
 person was not a mere " casual observer " as the other three rejected 
 witnesses were, and if his evidence is contradicted by them on minor 
 points, it is entitled to be believed in preference. It no where is 
 asserted, to the best of my knowledge, that the evidence of this man is 
 contradicted by evidence considered trustworthy by the Court. 
 
 5. The other three witnesses are rejected, because their evidence is 
 contradicted by other evidence better entitled to credit. This is con- 
 clusive. But I must be allowed to observe, that in their remarks upon 
 the evidence of these men, the Judges have thrown doubts on a point, 
 which was not denied by the accused themselves, viz., the presence of 
 these men in the camp. It would appear that the Judges have over- 
 looked a petition presented to the Magistrate by the defendants, in 
 which they allege that two of the five witnesses I withdrew, were not 
 present in the camp at all, and ask permission to prove they were not 
 there. Now surely had the three witnesses, rejected by the Court, 
 not been there, a similar petition would have been given them before 
 the Magistrate, and as surely, evidence would have been offered by the 
 learned counsel for Aman Ali Khan to show that the very witnesses 
 who deposed to his client " having instigated and participated in the 
 outrage," were not in the camp at all. 
 
 6. Another point calling for remark is, that these witnesses being 
 " casual observers," were not likely to be able to depose to particulars 
 after such a lapse of time, but with all deference I would submit that 
 the death of the parties, whom these persons depose to having seen 
 beaten, very shortly after the ill-treatment, being, as allowed by the 
 Judges themselves, " a matter of notoriety ;" and these three witnesses 
 having, according to their own uncontradicted statement, accompanied 
 the camp for more than two months from first to last, it is very probable, 
 nay, I may say certain, that the subject would be frequently discussed, 
 and those things which would not have been remembered, perhaps, by 
 a mere passer-by, became fixed in their memory ; should not the same 
 objection apply to some of the evidence relied on by the Court, especially 
 to that of Hadjee Monnah ? 
 
 7. Allowing, however, that the evidence of these four witnesses is 
 unworthy of any or the least credit, and putting it aside altogether, I 
 do maintain, as I said before, that there is evidence sufficient to bring 
 the charge of privity home to all the parties who have been released. 
 I would consider first tlte case made out against the defendants, 
 vjcceptinii Aiti'in AH Khun,
 
 134 
 
 8. The charge which I maintain to be fully proved against these 
 persons is thus defined by the Court of Sudder Nizamut, in a Circular, 
 No. 8, dated 7th June, 1857. '' The act which constitutes ' privity ' in 
 this country, corresponds with the misprision of felony in English law, 
 viz., the concealment of a felony which a man knows, but never assented 
 to, or the observing silently the commission of a felony without using 
 any endeavours to apprehend the offender ; it is, therefore, strictly an 
 offence of a negative kind consisting in the concealment of something 
 that ought to be revealed ;" and again, a little lower down. " The 
 one (viz , privity) is in its kind negative, and requires nothing but 
 silent, passive acquiescence in the commission of a felony to constitute 
 it." 
 
 9. Now, I submit that to prove a crime of this " negative " nature, 
 circumstantial evidence is the species of evidence most to be relied on ; 
 by circumstantial evidence, I mean direct evidence of certain minor 
 facts, which, if unexplained by any other evidence, proves that it is 
 impossible, but that the parties should have known of the felony. 
 Now the facts of this nature in the present case, as either allowed by 
 ah 1 , or fully proved by evidence considered trustworthy by the Court, 
 are these : In the camp of His Highness, there were three tents, and 
 three only ; these were pitched in a line, in the centre was the tent 
 of the Nawab, on the one side that of Aman Ali Khan, on the other 
 that of the defendants who have been released, and of two of the 
 defendants who have been punished, close outside this tent (" two or 
 four cubits distant," one witness, Mahomed Ameen, calls it), was 
 pitched a pale, in that pale for some days, the deceased were, in it 
 they received medical treatment for their wounds, and in it they died. 
 Their bodies, frightfully lacerated, and "raw all the way down," as 
 the witness, George Shapcott, deposes. Now, with all this array of 
 facts against all the inmates of the tent, and in the absence of any 
 attempt to explain them, the Court have declared them not guilty of 
 privity, or, in other words, it is not proved that these men " con- 
 cealed anything that ought to be revealed." 
 
 10. But there is evidence against them. The eunuch, Mahomed 
 Ameen, whose testimony has been considered trustworthy by the 
 Sudder Court, went to the tent of the Meahs on two occasions, when 
 the deceased were being ill-treated on the first day, and the day 
 after. This witness had been out shooting with the Nawab on the 
 morning of the day of the alleged theft, and had returned with the 
 retinue, so that the Meahs were in the eamp at this time, and in the 
 absence of any attempt to prove that they were not in their own 
 tent, it is a fair presumption, that they were there. This witness 
 went there and saw Burra Sahib and Mogul Jan beating the de- 
 ceased, one of whom was bound, and both were in the tent of the 
 Meahs. He does not say he saw any of these latter ; but as I said 
 in my written reply, this man was a most unwilling witness for the 
 prosecution, and had evidently a wish to screen his fellow-eunuchs. 
 He went the next day to the Meahs' tent a second tune ; this tune he 
 did not go inside, but he saw the deceased in the verandah of the 
 tent ; the hands of one of them tied to the tent-pegs. Some of the 
 Meahs at this time were inside, and some were outside the tent, but 
 this man could not remember any of their names ; he could only
 
 136 
 
 remember that he saw the Urzbegy Syud Eman Ali and his servant. 
 Now surely, it can hardly be said, that all this beating and binding 
 could take place inside the tent, in the verandah of the tent, and the 
 inmates thereof know nothing about it. But so it has been held by 
 the Sudder Court. Neither the evidence from the acknowledged facts 
 of the case, nor that borne by Mahomed Ameen has been considered 
 sufficient to make out even a primd facie case against these men, for 
 it must be remembered that (with the exception of Afreen) they have 
 only called evidence to character. I repeat, that with all due refer- 
 ence to the Judges of the Sudder Court, every inmate of the Jtfeaks' 
 tent has been proved to be guilty of privity. I say, that to suppose 
 they knew nothing of the torture and subsequent death of the de- 
 ceased, is to suppose something more extraordinary than any incon- 
 sistency apparent in the evidence of the four rejected witnesses. That 
 they concealed whatever they knew from the proper authorities is 
 evident from the whole case. 
 
 11. But although I believe these men all to have been guilty of 
 concealing the felony, I think that the ends of justice would have been 
 
 fully answered by a slight fine, for I consider them to have been 
 completely under the orders of the chief eunuch, Aman Ah Khan. 
 I make this observation on the supposition that privity alone is 
 proved. The Court haying rejected the evidence that proved an 
 active participation. 
 
 12. I come now to consider how Aman Ah Khan is affected by the 
 evidence as to the charge of privity, The Court have recorded the 
 following "as regards the charge of privity to the crime, we would 
 remark that there is no direct evidence to the fact of the prisoner, 
 A man Ali Khan, (37) taking any part, or being directly or indirectly 
 concerned, either in the burying of the bodies, or in giving currency 
 to the report of the thieves having died of cholera. The mere possi- 
 bility that the rumour of the death of these men reached the ears of 
 the prisoner (37) , is not in itself sufficient to bring home to him the 
 charge of concealing, or procuring the concealment, of the felony ; to 
 establish such a charge, there need be some proof that, though not 
 consenting^ he was personally cognisant of the crime, and, though able, 
 refrained from preventing it, or neglected to use any endeavour for the 
 apprehension of the offenders, Now, I am quite prepared to allow, 
 that there is no evidence direct or indirect to show that Aman Ali 
 Khan took any part in the burial of the deceased, or in spreading 
 the report of their death from cholera. But surely, the charge of 
 privity may be brought home to him by evidence in other points than 
 these. I maintain there is abundance of proof to show that he was 
 personally cognisant of the ill-treatment of the deceased in fact, 
 he confesses it he allows that on two occasions, he sent persons to 
 forbid it ; as to his neglecting to use any endeavonrs for the appre- 
 hension of the offenders, it is patent on the record that he never did 
 so. It must be borne in mind that this man produced no evidence 
 to explain anything, lie merely produced evidence to character, which 
 evidence has had no share in producing his acquittal, as it is not 
 alluded to in the judgment. It follows, then, that in the opinion of 
 the Court, there is not sufficient evidence direct, indirect, or presump- 
 tive to warrant this man having been put upon his trial. What that 
 evidence is, I will now endeavour to show.
 
 136 
 
 13. First, I would call attention to the facts as either allowed or 
 deposed to. This man was the Dewan of the Nawab, he was conse- 
 quently the second in rank in the camp ; he had a tent of his own. on 
 the other side of the Nawab's tent, from that of the Meahs' tent ; 
 they were all pitched in the immediate vicinity of one another, This 
 man had the general superintendence of all matters during this hunt- 
 ing excursion, to him it would appear all matters were referred. At 
 Nowguriah, for instance, when the defendant, Fureed Khan, was 
 about to carry off a driver of one of the game-carte. Shapcott in- 
 terfered, saying, ''You shall do nothing until the Khan Sahib comes." 
 This being an appellation of Aman Ali. Again, when the deceased 
 are being ill-treated on two occasions, the matter is reported to Aman 
 Ali Khan, and he sends orders to the parties to desist. This man 
 every day, from the date of the seizure of the deceased to the day of 
 their death accompanies Sis Highness out shooting, his companions 
 on these occasions being some of the inmates of the eunuchs' tent, 
 added to this, " the notoriety " of the events, for as the Judges say 
 in another part of their judgment, "The notoriety of the events, which 
 form the grounds of this case must have made them known to 
 many who were present with the Nawab's camp." Yet with all this, 
 it is not allowable to presume that Aman Ali Khan knew of the 
 death of the deceased in consequence of the treatment they had re- 
 ceived. I submit, that in the absence of all evidence to explain the 
 above circumstances consistently with his own innocence, there arises 
 a strong natural presumption of Aman Ali's guilt. I maintain that 
 to suppose this person ignorant of the cause of death of the deceased, 
 is to make a supposition inconsistent with the admitted circumstances 
 of the case, / say, that we have direct evidence to show that Aman 
 Ali Khan is guilty of privity. By which I mean, that we have direct 
 evidence of some facts which render it impossible to believe that this 
 man never knew that a felony had been committed. 
 
 14. Did the evidence go no further than this ? I should, with all 
 deference, think it " sufficient to convince the minds of all reasonable 
 men beyond all reasonable doubt," but the evidence goes much further. 
 In my opinion, there are two facts which bring the guilt of privity 
 home to the accused, without the least doubt. These fa.t.3 are : 1st. 
 that he knew of the beating on the first and second day, proved by his 
 own admission and by the evidence relied on by the Court. 2nd. That 
 he gave orders to the camel-drivers to go to the Surra Sahib for orders, 
 and his orders were to take one of the deceased to Nowguriah. To 
 take them in order. 
 
 15. It appears, as given in the judgment, that the deceased were 
 beaten for several days in succession, between the 31st March, the date 
 of the alleged charge, and the 5th of April, the date of the death of 
 Hingoo. The ill-treatment did not apparently continue for more than 
 three or four days, as it would appear from the evidence of Bhughabun 
 Ghose, the apprentice, that the deceased were under medical treifment, 
 while the encampment was at Allal, in fact, thiy were not heat en after 
 they left Purnnpore. Now the time the encampment wa-i at Puranpare 
 was four days ; and we have the admission of Aman Ali Zhan, that he 
 knew of the beating on the first anil second days. Now siiiip-ise there 
 had been evidence to implicate one of the defendants, as /tar/icivating in
 
 137 
 
 the ill-treatment, only on these two occasions, would he have been released 
 by the Court, anil acquitted of all share in the homicide ? Would not 
 the Court have said, in a case of this nature, where the ill-treatment 
 extended over four days, it is impossible to say at what particular time 
 the*e poor urelches met with the injuries that wire actually fatal to life ? 
 It is proved that y>>u ill-treat<d them two dny.t out ol the four, and 
 therefore you are as guilty ax an accessory in the culpable homicide of 
 the parties. Apply this to Aman Ali ; he knew that the parties were 
 beaten two days out of the four, (but how far the ill-treatment had pro- 
 ceeded it is impossible to say, for within a week from the la.tt occasion 
 the parlies died), having been in the interior within a few paces of the 
 tent occupied by this man's daily companions, and yet the Judges say, 
 " // is an unlnir construction of the acts of Lilian +4H to presume that hr 
 wet* necessarily aware that death wis the consequence of such ill-treatment." 
 I submit, that it is n -most fair presumption to suppose, that, av the ill- 
 treatment was twice reported to this person, subsequent occurrences 
 were reported too, and that in the absence of the least attempt to ex- 
 plain anything whatever, " Enough has been proved to warrant a reason- 
 itnle anil just conclu-ion against him." 
 
 16. I am not sure that I understand the meaning of the expression, 
 " an unfair construction of the acts of Aman Ali," &c. As far as I 
 understand the matter, I put no construction upon his acts, in any way 
 different from that put upon tliem by the Court. What I do is to dram 
 inferences from those acts, to show that he must have known of the 
 death of the deceased, having confessedly, on two occasions, heard of 
 their ill-treatment. 
 
 17. I proceed now to consider the evidence affecting Aman Ali Khan 
 given by the two witnesses of the defendant, Fureed Khan. I main- 
 tained as mentioned by the Court, and do maintain, that this evidence 
 implicated Aman Ali Khan most seriously, and I infer from the strenuous 
 efforts made by Mr. Longueville Clarke, the learned Counsel for Aman 
 Ah', to throw discredit upon it, that that was his opinion also, yet the 
 Court says, " that taken as it stands, it does not go far enough to show 
 that the prisoner (37) tvas aware for what purpose the camels were re- 
 quired. ' The Court are not quite correct in saying that from the third 
 witness nothing was elicited. The witnesses were four in number, from 
 the first nothing was elicited inc ilpating Aman Ali, from the second and 
 third evidence inculpatory was elicited, and the evidence of the remain- 
 ing one was not taken at the desire of the defendant calling him. It 
 appears from the evidence of these and other witnesses, that it had 
 been at one time the Nawab's intention to go to a place called Now- 
 guriah from Purranpore, and to that place Shapcott, with others, had 
 gone in advance. His Highness afterwards changed his mind, and de- 
 termined not to go to Nowguriah, but to Allal instead ; it therefore be- 
 came necessary to recall the advance camp to Purranpore ; for this 
 purpose, partly, at about eleven o'clock at night, two camels were ordi-red 
 to be got ready. The drivers went to slntan Dili's tent to ascertain 
 whether the o/der they received was correct or not. They received 
 fur answer, from himself, that they were to go to the Burra Sahib and 
 do ichat he told them. They went, and were ordered to take i letter 
 to the Mooshieff Jeehun Lai at Nowguriah, and to take a man who was 
 put in charge of Furreed Khan, one of the camel drivers. Now it is
 
 138 
 
 admitted that the person called the Surra Sahib is not one of the Nawib'* 
 retinue at all, why, then, should he be the person to give any direction 
 about the change in the Nawab's plans ? But he wa-, by ah accounts, 
 the most active instrument in the torture of the two deceast d, he was the 
 first to arrest Muildte. On every occasion (>f ill-tretilmrnt he wax piestnt ; 
 he saw them die, and ordered their burial. When, then, we find persons 
 referred to this man, by name, for directions, when we find one of the 
 deceased immediately given into their charge, is it not a fair presump- 
 tion, in the absence of any explanation, that the person referring these 
 parties to such a man knew what would be the consequence of their 
 going to the Burra Sahib for orders ? As for the assent of Aman Ali 
 Khan to what took place at Nowguriah, the Judges quite misunder- 
 stood me if they thought that I inferred such assent from what was de- 
 posed to by the witnesses whose evidence I am now considering. Assent 
 would have made him an accessory Privity, as defined by the Court, 
 is " the concealing a felony which a man knows, but never assented to." 
 To bring the charge of privity home to Aman Ali Khan, it is not neces- 
 sary that he should be responsible in any way for the ill-usage at Now- 
 guriah ; what I maintain is, that there is every presumption that he 
 knew why the camels were sent to Nowguriah. There would be no 
 weak presumption that he knew it from the very situation that he held in 
 the camp of the Naivab ; to this is added the testimony of the two wit- 
 nesses, that he onlered them to gu to the Burra Sahib jor orders, a man 
 not connected with the Nawab'g household, but the most active in the 
 torture of the deceased, these facts, I submit, induce a strong suspicion 
 of guilt, and where " the accused might, if he were innocent, explain 
 those circumstances consistently with his own innocence, and yet does 
 not offer such explanation, a strong natural presumption arises that he 
 is guilty, and in general when a party has the means of rebutting and 
 explaining the evidence adduced against him, if it tends to the truth, 
 the omission to do so furnishes a forcible inference against him." 
 
 18. Surely the facts deposed to by these witnesses do bear me out in 
 the opinion that Aman Ali Khan is seriously implicated thereby. No 
 explanation whatever is offered. None could be offered, I presume, for 
 the efforts of the learned Counsel were mainly directed to throw dis- 
 credit on the testimony, and in that he has been successful ; but, taken 
 as it stands, the Judges say, it is not sufficient to bring the charge of 
 privity, even home to Aman Ali Khan. I hey' cannot draw any con- 
 clusion from it condemnatory of the accused, for he had no motive for 
 ill-using the thieves, and it is in evidence, that he endeavoured to pre- 
 vent their ill-usage. 
 
 19. With respect to motives I think that considering the position 
 held by the accused, he may be thought to have been interested in the 
 discovery of the theft said to have taken place in the camp, where he 
 managed everything, and in the immediate vicinity of his own tent, 
 and he certainly knew on two occasions, by his own admission, that 
 the persons accused were ill-treated to make them point out the pro- 
 perty. So that even allowing that he had no personal motive for 
 ill-treating them, it is admitted, that he knew they were ill-treated, 
 and as for his endeavours to prevent their ill-treatment, is it to be 
 believed, that the notoriously powerful Aman Ali Khan, the favorite 
 eunuch and Dewan of the Nawab, could not have put a stop to the
 
 139 
 
 ill-usage, had he been really in earnest ? Even had he not been able 
 to do so, there were the police in the very village, whom he might 
 have called to his aid. I do maintain that to allow this man knew of 
 the ill-usage on two occasions, and knew no more, that he told the 
 camel-drivers to go to the Burra Sahib for orders, and did not know 
 what those orders were to be, is to suppose something far more impro- 
 bable than anything deposed to by the rejected witnesses. 
 
 20. I would again call attention to the definition of privity, as given 
 above in Para. 8, to prove a crime of this negative nature, the crime 
 of concealing something known Evidence tending to prove such 
 knowledge is, of course, necessary, and if there is no evidence to provu 
 that the person charged confessed his knowledge of the felony, the 
 evidence from facts tending to proee that he must have known it, is of 
 peculiar value. Such evidence, I maintain, we have in this case. 
 The acknowledged facts of this case, independent of direct testimony, 
 do, in my opinion, bring home to Aman Ali Khan, and the other 
 eunuchs, the guilt of privity. For it must be borne in mind that no 
 explanation whatever is offered of anything. Surely in the absence of 
 any explanation or contradiction, enough has been proved to warrant 
 a just and reasonable conclusion against the accused. Surely the 
 evidence is of such a nature as to exclude to a moral certainty, every 
 hypothesis, but that of their guilt of the offence imputed to them. 
 
 21. I have now. in conclusion, to express a hope, that / have said 
 nothing in these remarks at all showing a want of respect towards the 
 Judges who have released the accused. Should there be anything at 
 all approaching to disrespect, I can only say, it is unintentional, it is 
 the judgment I attack, not the Judges 
 
 22. I trust I may be allowed to express my opinion that the 
 Magistrate, Mr. Cams, in the preparation of this case generally has 
 evinced great care, and he was of essential service to me in the con- 
 duct of it. from his intimate acquaintance with all the circumstances as 
 deposed. 
 
 I have, &c., 
 
 E. J. TBEVOB, 
 (True copy) 
 Under-Secretary to the Government of Bengal. 
 
 PROCEEDINGS before the Sessions-Judge, MR. D. J. 
 MONEY, containing the Speeches of LONGUEVILLE CLARKE, 
 ESQ., Barrister-at-Law, and W. A. MONTRIOU, ESQ., Bar- 
 rister-at-Law, Counsels for the Defence, and the Reply of E. 
 J. TREVOR, ESQ., C.S,, Prosecutor on behalf of the Govern- 
 ment ; together with the Report submitted by the Sessions- 
 Judge, and the Judgment of the Nizamut Adawlut. 
 
 September 7th, 1853. 
 Mr. Longuevllle Clarke addressed the Court to the following 
 
 rtl'rct :
 
 140 
 
 " I have the honour of appearing before the Court on behalf of five 
 of the thirteen prisoners now under trial. 
 
 " The names of my clients are Aman Ali Khan, Jowaher Ali Khan, 
 Mussurut Ali Khan, Meah Belial, and Meah Ekbal, and they are 
 arraigned on six counts ; but against the first only there is a seventh 
 count. 
 
 " The first and second counts charge them all with being principals 
 and accessories to the murder of Hingoo and Muddee. The third 
 charges them with being privy to the crime, but what legal offence 
 this count is intended to describe, my experience is too limited to 
 enable me to determine, for the language is defective, and the object 
 is vague. The fourth count accuses them of torturing and beating, 
 which only amounts to aggravated assault, as it does not allege that 
 death was the result. The fifth count alleges that they were acces- 
 sories to the crime charged in the fourth. To the sixth count, the 
 observations I have made on the third are equally applicable, and the 
 seventh, which charges Aman Ali Khan alone with issmug orders for 
 the beating and torturing is as regards him. a mere repetition of the 
 fifth count. 
 
 " Having analyzed the charges, I cannot enter on the merits of the 
 cause without gratifying myself by expressing to the Court my deep 
 feeling of obligation for the manner in which this trial has been con- 
 ducted, a conduct which has been alike beneficial to my clients, and to 
 me of the most important assistance, and while the tone which has 
 prevailed, and the aid which has been rendered have equally supported 
 the dignity of . Court, and evinced its humanity, I shall have to com- 
 ment on the course which Mr. Trevor has adopted in regard to some 
 of the witnesses, of which I will now merely say that it was alike 
 honourable to the prosecution as it was considerate towards the pri- 
 soners, while both he and Sumbhoonauth Pundit have in the kindest 
 manner rendered me valuable service by their interpretations, and 
 allowing me the inspection of the documents. 
 
 " I am anxious to call the attention of the Court in the first in- 
 stance, to the leading points of the case on which the prosecution must 
 rest. 
 
 " Every concomitant by which atrocious murders are characterized, 
 is not only wanting, but has actually been reversed in the story tohich 
 the Court must believe before a verdict of guilty can be pronounced. 
 Suddenness, solitude, and secrecy are the distinguishing marks of the 
 worst murder: but this murder, according to the evidence, lias been 
 the most prolonged, the most public, and the easiest of detection 
 and conviction that the annals of perjury can show has ever been 
 attempted to be proved 
 
 " About eight days was the time that this flogging, burning, and 
 torturing was said to have occupied. It began at Purranpore, it 
 was repeated at Nowguriah, then again at Purranpore, from which 
 the victims were carried to Alall, and the scene closes at Gajotee. 
 
 ' There was no secrecy, for the passers-by and all the cainp coidd 
 see, and the camp contained about four thousand persons. 
 
 "But as if all this was not sufficiently monstrous, one witness 
 swears that the wretched men were brought into His Highness's 
 tent, whose permission was solicited to blow them away from a
 
 141 
 
 gun ; others swear that during the whole time they were kept tied 
 within twelve cubits of the Nawab's tent, and that he must have 
 he.ird their nightly screams. All this is represented to have been 
 done by the orders of my client, A man Ali Khan, yet it is not con- 
 tended that he could have had any motive for such unheard of 
 cruelty. The stolen property did not belong to him. nor does it 
 appear that the accused had in any way given him offence. He is 
 the favourite of the Nawab, the Head of the Palace, that is known, 
 and that I admit ; for it constitutes the first step in my defence, it 
 is the key which unlocks the mysteries of this case. Was there 
 ever a favourite yet, was there ever a successful courtier, who had 
 not in the Palace a hundred implacable enemies, who considered his 
 honours to be a robbery of their rights ? 
 
 " I say that this is the case here, and it is palpable to common sense 
 The details of the story are too monstrous for belief. 
 
 " Aman Ali Khan had neither object nor motive, he had not any- 
 thing to gain but all to lose ; the abhorrence of a humane master the 
 vengeance of a vigilant G-overnment, the detective qualities of a talented 
 European neighbourhood can it be believed that devoid of motive, 
 without loss to annoy, or insult to provoke, he would have braved this 
 array and dared the gallows ? 
 
 " If then I prove that Aman Ali Khan is not guilty, from the 
 absence of all motive, the certainty of detention, and the dread result 
 which must have followed, it is a much more easy task to prove why 
 the charge has been made which so reeks with conspiracy and per- 
 jury. I ask a question of the Court, is it not true that Mr. Carnac, the 
 magistrate, has been taxed, overwhelmed, and oppressed with having 
 sixty-eight witnesses vomited on him, as I allege, by the plotters in 
 the palace ? It is true, the Calendar proves that. Is it not true, that 
 of these sixty-eight witnesses, only about twenty have been called by 
 the Government prosecutors, and the rest abandoned? It is true, 
 the record of the Court proves that. It is not true that of the twenty 
 examined, jive of them were declared by Mr. Trevor to be unworthy 
 of belief, and on-e of tfi-e five was committed by the Judge for per- 
 jury 1 The records of the Court will again prove that that is 
 true. 
 
 "Whence then has all this scene of perjured iniquity arisen? Not 
 from Aman Ali Khan, whose innocence is his best defence, but from 
 the plotters in the palace, whose success depended on the ruin which 
 they hoped by conspiracy and perjury to effect 
 
 '' I now proceed to remark on the evidence in detail, and will com- 
 mence by observing that I shall not detain the Court with any com- 
 ments on the statements of the five witnesses who were rejected by 
 the prosecutor, namely, Shaik Methoo, Khyrattee, Subzeeferosh Joo- 
 muck Doctor, and Jeebun Pattan. What they said cannot affect my 
 clients, but must damage the general credit of the case which they 
 have attempted to support 
 
 " The first witness put into the box was Dhunnoo Shaik, and the 
 account he gives of himself, independent of discrepancies, must taint 
 the whole of his evidence. He admits that twelve years ago he was, 
 in consequence of the Darogah's report, discharged from the Police of 
 which he had been a burkundaz : since that time he has been a
 
 142 
 
 wanderer, and without any employment, subsisting by begging and 
 being an itinerant vendor of smoke, that he had delayed giving in- 
 iormation at other thaunahs, but hearing, as he says, that the Darogah 
 was inquiring for him, he voluntarily earne forward in the hope of 
 earning a good name, and becoming an oomedwar. Having clothed 
 himself with these qualifications, he would have the Court believe that 
 he went to the door of the Nawab's tent, stood within a cubit and a 
 half of His Highness's person, heard him deliver his directions, yet 
 none of the body-guard or numerous attendants drove him from the 
 place or even ordered him to retire. In his statements. Dhunnoo 
 Shaik alleges that the Nawab returned on the day of the alleged theft 
 at one o'clock, and that the arrest of the suspected parties took place 
 about an hour before, yet it is proved by witnesses far more creditable 
 that it was the custom of His Highness to remain out until four, five, 
 and six o'clock, that on this day he returned about five, and that the 
 arrest of the suspected parties was about nine in the morning. Now 
 these mistakes are too palpable to admit of any other solution than 
 that the witness could not have been in the camp at the time to which 
 he deposes. 
 
 " This witness stated before the magistrate, that Atnan Ali Khan 
 had said to His Highness, if you will give the order, I will have the 
 thieves blown from a gun; but in this Court he never mentioned 
 that such a request had been preferred to the Nawab ; on the con- 
 trary, he represents it as a direct threat to the thieves from Aman 
 Ali Khan, and when asked to reconcile this discrepancy, he attri- 
 butes it to a blunder of the magistrate's writer. But I will not de- 
 tain the Court with further comment on such evidence. 
 
 " The second witness, Hingoo Khan, was a beggar in a pitiable 
 state of frightful leprosy, and he admitted that the Darogah had sent 
 for him at the instigation of the discarded burkundaz and aspiring 
 oomedwar. The offspring was worthy of the accoucheur, and if pos- 
 sible surpassed him in improbabilities and discrepancies He alleges 
 that as early as twelve o'clock in the day, he saw Aman Ali Khan 
 cutting a bamboo and beating the thieves at the tent of the Meahs, 
 yet before the magistrate he swore that he did not see anyone beat, 
 but heard the Khan give orders to beat, whereon he was frightened 
 and ran away. It will also be observed that this witness does not 
 depose to either of my clients, Mussurut Ali Khan or Meah Belial, 
 beating, or ordering, or taking any part in the alleged transaction. It 
 has been distinctly proved by George Shapcott, who has been nine 
 years in His Highness' s service, that it would have been inconsistent 
 with the rank of Aman Ali to have gone to the tent of the Meahs ; 
 and is it then possible to believe that he would still further have 
 degraded himself by personally chastising a thief? I pass over such 
 evidence. 
 
 " The next witness comes forward under circumstances of grave sus- 
 picion. The stolen property had been under his care, and stealing or 
 negligence might be imputed to him. He was personally interested in 
 warding off imputation, or detecting the thief, and it must, therefore, 
 all throughout have been his anxious object to achieve them ; accord- 
 ingly we find him immediately accusing Burra Shaib and Mogul Jhan 
 of having practised a joke on him, which they deny. He never
 
 143 
 
 suspected Muddee or Hingoo, nor mentioned their names, yet within 
 a quarter of an hour, Burra Shaib producess Muddee as the thief, but 
 on what ground, or for what reason, no explanation has been given. 
 As far as the Court knows, Burra Shaib may have pounced upon the 
 first man he met with for good reasons of his own, and lost no time in 
 administering punishment, as if the guilt of his victim were beyond a 
 doubt. The Court will not forget that Burra Shaib is in the service of 
 some Heffiim, and fled on inquiry being instituted. It will also be 
 found that Hossainee in no one respect whatsoever inculpates his 
 master TJrjoomund. If this be false, it taints all his evidence ; but if 
 it be true, as I believe it strictly is, then can it be credited that Aman 
 Ali, who had sustained no loss, should cause a cruel murder to be 
 committed while the man who was plundered was forbearing and for- 
 giving. 
 
 " This witness will be found to contradict the two former witnesses, 
 Dhunnoo Shaik and Hing'in Khan, for he states that on the return of 
 the hunting party, His Highness retired to his tent, Aman Ali to his 
 own, and the Meahs to theirs, from which the Meahs proceeded to 
 Aman Ah Khan's tent to inform him of the theft, and it was then he 
 gave the orders to beat. How can this be reconciled with the evidence 
 which represents the thieves having been taken by Aman Ali to the 
 tent of the Nawab, and Aman Ali having gone to the Meah's tent, and 
 with his own hand inflicted punishment ? Of the three stories two 
 must be false, or is it not more probable that all three are untrue ? 
 Yet these men are the three first witnesses for the prosecution, and is 
 it on such evidence that men are to be hanged ? 
 
 " Here let me solemnly declare, that in regard to my five clients, 
 as I view the case on the one hand, and weigh the evidence on the 
 other, the eternal and^undeyiating principles of mercy and of justice 
 demand from the Court an entire acquittal, or capital punishment. 
 Mercy will always free those against whom perjury may have conjured 
 up suspicion, but justice will adminster the worst of punishment to 
 the miscreants who murder by torture. 
 
 " The language is as true as it is bold, but such is my confidence in 
 my case, that I should have ill discharged my duties had I employed 
 expressions less decisive. 
 
 " Again, the statements by this witness of the position of the thieves, 
 with arms and legs stretched out, laid on their backs, their feet held 
 up, and beaten on the soles of the feet, and above all. the brandy 
 which the doctor gave them to drink, and also applied to their bodies 
 and mixed with their poultices are inconsistent with, or are contra- 
 dicted by the evidence of all the other witnesses, and I may here 
 shorten the matter by concluding these remarks with calling the atten- 
 tion of the Court to the statement of the various vehicles which this 
 witness and also each of the other witnesses, describe to have been 
 the means of conveyance by which the accused were transported from 
 one spot to another. No two of them agree. 
 
 " And now passing over Methoo and Khyrattee, who were rejected 
 by the prosecutor, it is my province to introduce and point the consi- 
 deration of the Court to the merits of Shaik Ruheem Ali, the cook. 
 He had never been employed in the Nawab's service, nor ever joined
 
 144 
 
 the camp before, but he swears in the commencement of his evidence 
 that he made jugy soup for His Highness. This is modified afterwards 
 to pounding the ingredients, and tinally dwindles down to watching 
 the boiling of the pot. When His Highness eschews j ugy soup, the 
 favourite courtier takes to curry, and more unaccountably, he takes to 
 the ticca cook to make it. Now, if I could believe this story, and if 
 it were proved that the Khan had disapproved of ticca cook's curry, 
 then I could be tempted to believe that the ticca cook, being an injured 
 individual, and having more prudence than courage, sought reparation 
 for the insult by the safer course of the law and the rope, than by 
 cookery or the hazardous experiment of a sop in the pan. 
 
 " I implore the pardon of the Court for the lightness of these obser- 
 vations, but I am uncontrollably overcome by the immeasurable 
 absurdity of our ticca cook's history of himself, the exploits he per- 
 formed, and the evidence which he has dished up, and which he 
 believes the Court will swallow. But let me point out a few of his 
 inconsistencies. Look to his answer to the Court about the orders of 
 the 9th of May and the 14th of June ; look to what he says that the 
 theft was discovered at half-past six o'clock a.m. precisely, whereas 
 fehaik Hossainee, who lost the property, did not discover the robbery 
 till nine This cook told the magistrate that Aman Ali and the Means 
 lived in the same tent ; he describes what Affreen and Meer Ekbal did, 
 yet he could not see from the Karkhannah what was going on, and he 
 swore in contradiction to every witness that His Highness and Aman 
 Ah rode on the same elephant. I ask the Court is this man to be 
 believed ? Was he ever in the camp at all, or has he been recruited as 
 the leper was by Dhunnoo Shaik, that Alpha of the prosecution and 
 the Darogah's domdeen ? 
 
 " The seventh witness sworn was Shaik Aman Ali. I pass him over 
 as he was merely called for as a matter of form. 
 
 "The eighth witness only, Jingoo, speaks of one of my clients, 
 Mussurut Ali, and all the offence he proves against him is, that from 
 the distance of an arrow's flight, he saw Mussurut following a crowd. 
 It were idle to detain the Court with commenting on evidence which 
 does not support any of the charges preferred. 
 
 " The ninth witness, George Shapcott, gave in my humble judgment, 
 evidence alike unquestionable as to probability of fact and honesty of 
 motive. I will not comment on his statements, I leave them to the 
 j udgment of the Court ; but if they obtain the credit I think they 
 deserve, they must disprove the leading points of the case for prose- 
 cution, and secure the acquittal of my clients. I would particularly 
 point to the character he has given of Aman Ali Khan, and which I 
 will incontrovertibly confirm by other evidence 
 
 " The tenth witness, Dhoolob Hurkaru, saw blows given, but cannot 
 name who gave them I have not denied, nor will I deny, the savage 
 treatment which these unfortunate victims suffered from Burra Shaib, 
 and the camel-driver, and others. My case is, that my clients were 
 neither act nor part in these cruelties, and I pass over the evidence 
 of this witness as not impugning them in the least. 
 
 " The eleventh witness, Gousee Chobdar, speaks only to one of my 
 clients beating, that is Meah Belial. I ask the Court to turn to his 
 evidence, it amounts to an improbable story. He says that in the
 
 145 
 
 m.miing lie saw the thieves taken towards the Mangoe Tope. He 
 rei-ognised teu persons with the thieves, all of whom he names, and 
 adds there were many others ; of these lie singles out seven as inflict- 
 ing blows, and one of them Ekbal, he particularizes as not beating. 
 This is absurd on the face of it, as a man after a lapse of five months 
 could not possibly pick out seven men from a large crowd who were 
 beating, and one who was not. Such evidence is palpably the offspring 
 nat of fact, but of fancy, and the Hall of Justice is not the nest in 
 which fancy can be permitted to breed. 
 
 " The twelfth witness who was sworn, Shaik Shoobuter, is one of 
 rejected of the prosecution. 
 
 " The thirteenth witness, Shaik Jaylee, the Gharreewan, in no way 
 affects my clients, and the fourteenth witness, Hajee Newmash, comes 
 under the same class. 
 
 "Ameer Alie was the fifteenth witness who was called before the 
 Court, and if this person, who was produced for the prosecution, is be- 
 lieved, there is an end of the story of Dhunnoo Shaik and Hingun 
 Klian, as to Amun Ali having gone to the tent of the Meahs, for he 
 says, ' I did not see A man Ali go to the tent of the Meahs ; but they 
 used to go to him, and whenever he gave any orders he used to send 
 for them..' This fully corroborates George Shapcott's statement regard- 
 ing the position and rank of Aman Ali in the camp. Again Ameer 
 Ali contradicts all the witnesses who allege that Meah Belial was one 
 of the party who took the thieves to the river, and who joined in beat- 
 ing them. He states that there were five persons who did it, and he 
 named them all, and pointed them out, and Meah Belial was not 
 among them ; but Shaik Hossainee the appr. ver was, and in this he is 
 confirmed by the ele\enth witness, Gousee Chobdar. This fact is not 
 more important than probable. It not only throws a doubt on all 
 Ilossanie's evidence, but is also a positive contradiction ; and can any- 
 thing be more probable than that the man to whom blame, if not sus- 
 picion, attached, as the stolen property had been in his charge, should 
 join in the beating which was inflicted to compel its restoration. 
 
 " The sixteenth witness, Mahomed Ameer, confirmed Ameer Alie re- 
 garding Aman Ali Khan not having gone to the tent of the Meahs, 
 and distinctly states that had he gone there, or beaten the thieves, or 
 taken them to His Highncss's tent, or asked permission to blow them 
 from a gun, he must have seen and heard of it. 
 
 " I would particularly point the attention of the Court to a most 
 important st itemcnt made by this witness, that on the day of the 
 robbery he had been out with the hunt, and on their return they were 
 informed of what had taken place, and that the thieves had been cap- 
 tured. His Highness and Aman Ali Khan each retired to then* own 
 tents, and the witness proceeded to where the thieves were kept. He 
 returned to Aman Ali, and stated that the men had been beaten, who 
 immediately despatched a servant with orders to prevent it. The next 
 morning it was reported that the thieves had been again beaten, and 
 Aman Ali despatched another servant with similar orders. This man 
 gave his evidence in a fair and distinct manner ; there was no discre- 
 pancy in his evidence before the magistrate and the Court. His posi 
 lion in the household is respectable, for he draws a salary of one 
 hundred a month, an.l being produced by the prosecution I have a
 
 146 
 
 right to demand that lie should be credited. I doubt that my friend 
 Sumboonauth Pundit can find zeal enough to solicit the Court to dis- 
 believe this most respectable of his witnesses, and fix its faith on the 
 evidence of the Oomedwar, the leper and approver. 
 
 " The seventeenth witness, Joomuck Doctor, is another of the dis- 
 carded of the prosecution, and the eighteenth and nineteenth, Shaik 
 Khagattee and Shaik Shakwee, do not affect my clients, but merely 
 prove that one of the unfortunate victims was washed and buried. 
 
 " The twentieth witness is the fifth and last of the discarded ones ; 
 and the twenty-first, Bhugobun Grhose, the apprentice of the Doctor, 
 does not name one of my clients, and with him the case closes. 
 
 " I shall content myself with merely calling a few witnesses to the 
 character of my clients, for, as I can conscientiously affirm, that in 
 my humble judgment I cannot find anything in the case against my 
 clients which is not either too monstrous for even credulity to credit, 
 or else has been contradicted by evidence for the prosecution. It lias 
 been often and truly said, that the besetting difficulty attendant on 
 every case which is tried in an Indian Court, is the mass of falsehood 
 with which the truth is invariably involved, which leads to convic- 
 tions, by depriving prisoners of the benefit of doubts that in England 
 would prove their palladium. But this can never be the case when 
 the doubts are only reasonable but unanswerable, and can any one 
 affirm that the revenge or intrigues which have undeniably polluted 
 this trial with the five perjured and discarded witnesses, have not only 
 also corrupted others whose evidence although received, is of a 
 character that is similar. I will conclude in the language of the 
 Nizamut Adawlut, in a case of murder and affray, decided by Sir 
 Robert Barlow and Mr. Raikes on the 15th of last month, iu which 
 they said : 
 
 " ' In these depositions the Sessions Judge has placed implicit faith, 
 and taken together as they stand in the record they would afford, if 
 trustworthy, a mass of evidence quite sufficient for the conviction of 
 the prisoners. But it is impossible to allow oral evidence of this 
 description to pass into proof in this country, without testing its fidelity 
 in some way, and judged by the proofs to which we have subjected 
 it, much of this testimony becomes valueless in our estimation.' " 
 
 Mr. Montriou appeared in defence of Meah Urjoomund, Hajee 
 Tamas, Meah Affreen, Meah Emaum AH (Urzbegy) Mirza Mahomed 
 Hosain alias Mogul Jann (Naib Meer Moonshee) read in the Court of 
 the Sessions Judge of Moorshedabad, 7th September, 1853. 
 
 The learned gentleman spoke as follows : 
 
 " The charges against these prisoners embrace several alternatives. 
 They are first charged with actually killing two persons named Hingoo 
 and Muddee, under circumstances which constitute either murder, or 
 culpable homicide. They are next charged as being implicated in the 
 same crime which others have actually committed, so as to bring them 
 within one of the descriptions. 
 
 " The prisoners are next charged with inhuman treatment or torture 
 and beating of the same persons, without reference to their death, and 
 the alternatives of Aanut and Razdareere added, in case their concern 
 in the torture or beating be proved to come more properly under one 
 of those descriptions.
 
 147 
 
 " The last Count it is unnecessary for me to notice. 
 
 " In the first place, I beg to note an important rule or precaution 
 which, the peculiar form of the record, or nutthee, in the Courts of 
 the East India Company, makes necessary, on the same account it is 
 perhaps difficult for this Court strictly to observe. It is this: The 
 only evidence which can be taken at all into consideration against the 
 prisoners, is that which has been orally given in the face of this Court. 
 What has been deposed to before the magistrate, or as it is called in 
 the Foujdarree, has been used and must still be used, to rebut and 
 contradict, or in any way to discredit what the same witness has said 
 here ; but no claim in the Foujdarree deposition can legally, or justly 
 be treated as in evidence here against these prisoners. They must 
 be convicted, if convicted at all, upon statements sworn to upon 
 this trial and in this place. Nothing in those depositions be- 
 comes evidence for the prosecution unless it be in the same words 
 repeated by the witness upon his examination here. All else must be 
 entirely dismissed from the mind of the Court. 
 
 " The following is a short narrative or outline of the state of facts 
 which the Government of this country, through their able and specially 
 delegated representatives here present have endeavoured (as far as it 
 can collect their intentions from the evidence offered), to exhibit, by 
 proof to the judgment of this Court in this case. 
 
 " Towards the close of the month of March last, His Highness the 
 titular Nawab Nazim of Bengal attended by a numerous establishment 
 and suite, computed to be upwards of 2000 persons, was on a sport- 
 ing excursion in the Maldah district. It would appear that all His 
 Highness' househol J, all the officers and Mohurrirs of the numerous 
 departments necessary, or usual for the state or the wants of His 
 Highness accompanied him. In a word, the whole of the Court, 
 household and officers of the Nawab Nazim were transferred into the 
 Lushkar or camp to which we have now to direct our attention, and 
 of course a numerous tribe of Omedwars, fakeers, mendicants, and 
 vagabonds of every class followed in the train, and mingled among the 
 crowd of this courtly, but motley assemblage. Immediately attendant 
 upon His Highness, and filling the principal offices, were the Meahs 
 of whom the chief in dignity was Aman Ali Khan, who appears to 
 have been the G-eneral Naib, or Lieutenant of His Highness. Under 
 him, in various gradations were the others, including the Darogah. or 
 superintendent of the Elephants, and of the kitchen department, also 
 the Urzbegy (who is not a Mean) . The main business of the expedi- 
 tion being sport, it was the custom of His Higliness to quit the camp 
 in the early morning of each day, accompanied by his more favoured 
 associates and attendants, and to return to his camp in the afternoon 
 or evening usually about four or five o'clock. There were three prin- 
 cipal tents, or Kheemas : viz., one for His Highness personally, one 
 for Aman Ali Khan, and one for the other Meahs, with whom also 
 dwelt the Urzbegy, Meer Emam Ali, and Mirza Mahomed Hosain, 
 known as Mogul Jaun, and described to be Naib Meer Moonshee. 
 One morning, somewhere about eight or nine o'clock, and while His 
 Highness and his usual suite were out sporting on their elephants away 
 from the camp a small box containing money and other valuables was 
 missed from the Meah's tent ; the box being in the special custody of 
 
 L 2
 
 148 
 
 one Hosainee, a slave or domestic Khavas of the prisoner Meah Ur" 
 joomund. Muddee the lad, the son of one Etwarree, Khavas of th e 
 Nizamut, was seized upon some ground of suspicion, aud> accused of 
 the theft ; fear or remorse, or both, combined, hiduced Muddee to 
 assert that he could and would produce the missing property. He 
 named an accomplice Hingoo Fakeer, who was thereupon also ar- 
 rested. 
 
 " Information given by Muddee to discover or trace the stolen pro- 
 perty proved to be mere pretext, and this experiment was repeated 
 several times. Nothing whatever was discovered or found. In the 
 meanwhile, those who were in charge of the supposed thieves, as a 
 means of extorting the truth, and exasperated at the repeated decep- 
 tions practised upon them, and the trouble given to them by their 
 captives, punished the latter severely, and subjected them to cruel 
 visage, which at the end of six or seven days caused the death of both 
 Muddee and Hingoo. They were secretly buried in the jungle. The 
 local police would appear to have connived at the crime, for it re- 
 mained (notwithstanding its notoriety in the camp of His Highness) 
 uninvestigated and unnoticed by authority of any kind until the return 
 of His Highness from his sporting expedition at the close of April, 
 when, the rumours coming to the ears of the Shanuggur Darogah, 
 steps were taken to bring the criminals to justice, which have finally 
 led to, and ended in this trial. The persons who are said to have com- 
 mitted such barbarity against the helpless slave boy and mendicant, 
 and who are now upon then* trial, are the whole of the principal 
 officers, the entire body of courtiers and dignitaries (so to speak) of 
 the household of His Highness the Nawab Nazim ; to whom are 
 added, not as the mere servants' agents, but as companions and helpers 
 of the other defendants in their alleged cruelty, a Mahout and a camel- 
 driver, making in the whole thirteen accused. 
 
 ' Such seems to be an outline of the case supposed or intended to be 
 made by the evidence which has been heard. I say intended, because 
 I do not believe that the Government Prosecutors themselves can sup- 
 pose they have supported the more serious class of charges I mean 
 those which assume that a criminal homicide has been committed 
 with even pri ma facia proof. And here I take leave to advert to what 
 I believe to be a fundamental maxim and a guide in every Court of 
 Criminal justice where a British judge presides ; I may say in every 
 country of civilized and educated men. Every man is presumed, and 
 believed (judicially) to be innocent of a crime imputed to him until 
 he is proved to be guilty ; and by proof here is meant complete proof 
 evidence which leaves no rational doubt. In merely Civil complaints, 
 a case of suspicion is enough, if it be not met by answer and by 
 counter-evidence, to warrant condemnation ; but not so with charges 
 of crime. Who ever heard of a British tribunal being satisfied with 
 primd facice proof against an alleged murderer ? How infinitely 
 various are the cases which may be supposed, where to prove innocence 
 of crime would be impossible ; but where to impute or prove ground 
 of suspicion is an easy task ! But I am well assured that the maxim I 
 have noticed will not be doubted here. If the evidence of guilt has 
 not been satisfactory, and led to an undoubted conclusion in the minds 
 of the Court, I know that my clients will be, as they ought to be, fully
 
 149 
 
 acquitted. It docs not, however, require the aid of this universal and 
 well-established rule to clear the ground of the most serious crimes (as 
 respects consequences) charged in this calendar, of which, as I have 
 observed, a primd facia case or basis of proof has not been offered. 
 To establish homicide, the first essential and indispensable ingredient 
 of proof is the cause of death. What pretence of proof has there 
 been of the cause of death ? Were it even possible that the Court 
 could form any definite idea, from the whole body of the evidence, of 
 the nature of the injuries inflicted or said to be inflicted, still they have 
 110 data whatever from which they can connect those injuries with the 
 death, as cause and effect. It would, indeed, be an awful responsibility 
 were they called upon to do so. It is for the prosecutor, by his proofs, 
 to connect them directly and irresistibly ; and not to leave the matter 
 to guess or conjecture, or possible inference. We have no sooruthal, 
 no testimony whatever, medical or otherwise, of the state of the bodies 
 of either when they died (for the miserable equivocations of the 
 bheestees, Kangally and Shikhadee, throw no intelligent light on this 
 subject), no intelligible testimony of the commencement, progress, or 
 termination of any mortal disease, nor even of any injuries or ill-treat- 
 ment from any particular person or persons which must have produced 
 a mortal disease. However, it is enough for my present purpose that 
 the cause of death is left in doubt. This fact alone precludes the pos-^ 
 sibility of a conviction upon the first class of counts ; and I infer from, 
 the fairness and honourable candour with which the prosecution upon 
 this trial has been conducted throughout, that had such a course been 
 allowed by the practice and procedure of this Court, those counts 
 would have been altogether abandoned upon the close of the case. As 
 it is I think it unnecessary, and that it would be trifling with the 
 Court to say more in refutation of them than I have said. 
 
 " There remains the charge of torturing and beating the slave-boy, 
 Muddee, and the fukeer, Hingoo, and of being act and part in our con^ 
 iiiving at that torturing and beating. Against this charge or series of 
 charges it is my duty to defend five of the prisoners : 1, Meah Urjoo- 
 inund ; 2, Hajee Tamas ; 3, Meah Afreen ; 4, Meer Emam Ali Urz- 
 beggy ; and 5, Mirza Mahomed Hosain, called also Mogul Jaun. As 
 regards the first and second, I think the evidence already in proof suf- 
 ficient for their exculpation. For the others I shall produce some 
 testimony of collateral facts, which will assist the Court in coming to 
 a conclusion in their individual cases respectively. The constant and 
 uniform duties of the Urzbeggy upon the person of His Highness the 
 Nawab Nazim during this hunting expedition, extending as that at- 
 tendance did regularly to a late period of each night, rendered his 
 commission of the offences charged against him so nearly an impossi- 
 bility as to be, I submit, a sufficient refutation of whatever part of the 
 charge might otherwise be considered proved. This attendance can, I 
 believe, be satisfactorily proved, although the best evidence of the fact 
 is obviously not procurable ; it is either above our reach, or at the bar 
 of this Court. The Meah Afreen, it is already in evidence (but from 
 one witness only), although attached to the Nizam ut household, "is not 
 connected with the personal establishment of His Highness the Nawab 
 Nazim, and formed no part of His Highness's suite in this hunting ex- 
 cursion. He was accidentally present with the lushkar at Hyatpoor
 
 150 
 
 and Purranpoor, but no further ; having gone with a message and con- 
 dolences of the Begum upon an occasion of an accidental hurt which 
 occurred to His Highness. This will be proved, and will assist in re- 
 futation of the attempt to implicate Mcah Afreen. The Moghul 
 Mirza Mahomed Hosain, against whom so much has been positively 
 and recklessly sworn, is a person of great respectability, whose father 
 and grandfather held office under the ancestors of His Highness. His 
 duties are of a literary and confidential character, and upon this 
 journey it was his particular business to be in attendance upon the 
 Khan Sahib, Aman Ali. The nature and times of that attendance \\ ill 
 be shown, as in the case of the Urzbeggy, to be wholly inconsistent 
 with the reckless and unmeaning conduct which the witnesses have 
 charged him with. 
 
 "Witnesses to general character will be called, especially to that of 
 Meah tlrjoomund, whose known benevolence of heart and conduct is 
 such and so universally attested as to place him beyond the reach of 
 calumny ; except, indeed, from persons of the station and ignorance 
 of those who are the pillars of this unfortunate though memorable 
 prosecution. He has ever been as much admired by the gentry 
 and the wealthy who have been broughc in contact with him, as he 
 has been a friend to the poor and to the unfortunate. It is a remark- 
 able feature in the mass of contradictory testimony which has been 
 heard upon this trial, that although the witnesses have thought it 
 necessary (for an obvious but short-sighted reason) to attempt in some 
 way to implicate this prisoner in the facts which they came here to 
 detail, they felt the influence of his general character sufficiently to 
 qualify their falsehoods in various ways ; and the same witness variously, 
 at different times, in favour of Meah Urjoomund, and in favour of 
 him alone. The most bitter of them has thus reluctantly defeated his 
 own object : for, I believe, that even taking each witness separately 
 untested by the damning experiment of comparison with his fellows 
 no criminal mind can fairly be imputed to Meah Urjoomund, and all 
 Courts have adopted the axiom of the Roman Law, Nullus reits nisi 
 mens sit rea. A criminal act cannot proceed from a harmless mind or 
 intention. 
 
 " Before proceeding to review the evidence in detail, it will be useful 
 to consider the kind of proof by which a charge of this nature might 
 be expected to be supported, so as to give it at least the semblance 
 of truth ; which consideration will involve other probabilities and sup- 
 positions that will be found to bear most materially upon the case. 
 The English Law says, (and I neither know, nor can I suppose, that 
 either the Mahomedan Shurrah or the precedents of the Company's 
 Nizamut Adawlut say otherwise), that every fact put in issue in a 
 Court of Justice must be proved by the best evidence, of which, ac- 
 cording to its nature and character, it is capable. The fact or chain of 
 facts in issue here is, whether the highest officials and intimate asso- 
 ciates of His Highness the Nawab Nazim, have, or have not, been 
 guilty of murderous and wanton cruelty, not as a general charge, but 
 in a particular specified instance ; not for any purpose of ambition, 
 revenge for personal dishonour or disgrace, from no motive of policy, 
 but in wanton and palpably useless torture to extort a confession of the 
 theft of the private property of the only one of them who is not
 
 151 
 
 shown (I am sure it will be admitted), or pretended to have taken an 
 active part, by will or act, in the alleged torture. Again, the torture 
 was not in secret, nor under any precautions whatever (as far as has 
 appeared) against detection and punishment. It was in open day, in 
 presence of some 2000, many hundreds of whom were strangers to all 
 parties concerned ; and a still larger number, by station, habits, fears 
 and hopes, much more likely to sympathize with the sufferers than to 
 screen the evil-doers. On the other hand, this barefaced cruelty would 
 appear to have been unusual and isolated. Not only is this the first 
 criminal charge brought against the associates and officers of the 
 Nizamut, since that name became a title merely, and ceased to ad- 
 minister justice (because they have ceased to have subjects) ; and placed 
 as they are in the trying and difficult, nay, invidious position, of 
 possessing the pageantry, the state, the outward homage of sovereign 
 princes, but with the rights and the responsibility of the meanest 
 subject, with no prerogative, no real privilege it is matter of surprise 
 that, in such a position, the household, the Court of the Nizamut, 
 should not have become amenable to the visitations of British Justice. 
 Yet so it is. The crime now chargrd against them by the Government 
 of this country is an isolated instance one little to be expected, and 
 said to be perpetrated by the acts and sanction of a class of men of 
 proverbially gentle and peaceable habits, and demeanor, of whom the 
 chief (so called) criminals have already received, out of the mouths of 
 witnesses for the prosecution, unhesitatingly, a character for integrity 
 and humanity. Nor can it be collected or conjectured from the evi- 
 dence, that any of these, during the long interval between the com- 
 mission of the alleged crime and the first official notice of it, viz., the 
 information of the Darogah of this city, on the 30th April, acted in 
 any way as a gxiilty man, especially as one possessed of means and 
 powers would act : however, fortunately for the cause of truth, the 
 testimony offered contains intrinsic proof that no apprehension could 
 have existed in the minds of any of the prisoners who had the power 
 to influence, to corrupt, or to place out of reach the witnesses of the 
 crime. No one witness has pretended that any sucli attempt has been 
 made either with regard to himself or any other person. A vague re- 
 mark not amounting to evidence was, I believe, made by one of the 
 witnesses, imputing receipt of a bribe to the local police of the Maldah 
 District, and I do not doubt that any of the others who came here 
 prepared to testify to the presence of the police at the scene of the 
 crime (which was certainly the easiest mode of disposing of an obvious 
 difficulty in the credibility of their general story) would have thought 
 it fitting to guess at a like conclusion. This circumstance, therefore, 
 cannot be taken to form an exception to the proposition which I have 
 inferred and stated, and in its favour we have the presence of and 
 remarkable deposition of the approver, the servant of Meah Urjoo- 
 mund. We have, too, the khas servants of His Highness over whose 
 affairs and household be it remembered the accused Aman AH Khan 
 had undisputed sway, he being, to use the significant language of the 
 herald, Hajee Nunha. From these considerations, from these facts, 
 are we not justified in making, are we not bound and compelled to 
 make, the following deduction ? Before men of the character and posi- 
 tion of the principal defendants, including all for whom I appear,
 
 152 
 
 can be fairly ', or consistently with sound policy and good government, 
 placed upon their trial for offences such as those here charged against 
 them, respectable, consistent and probable testimony must be ad- 
 duced (because there exists no obstacle to its production, and it must 
 undoubtedly exist) worthy of belief from its own intrinsic weight, ir- 
 respective of the chances or possibility of refutation, and further cor- 
 roborated by the probable certainty, that, if the testimony be false 
 or exaggerated, undoubted means exist of exculpation, without let or 
 hindrance. 
 
 "That this deduction, this axiom I may say, is the more imperative to 
 guide our judgment in this case, because we are wholly dependent 
 upon that most frail, most dangerous of instruments in this country, 
 that will-o'-the-wisp to the administrators of justice oral evidence. 
 We are wholly without circumstantial evidence of any kind. For even 
 the geography of localities, for every fact, for every link of every fact 
 which is to be the part of the chain, I do not say of condemnation, 
 but of suspicion against the prisoners, we must look to and depend 
 upon fleeting words, and still more fleeting memory ; to them alone, 
 without any other aid, any circumstances or indicia, which cannot lie 
 whatever. We are told the men are dead ; we are told of rumours 
 why they died ; we are told, in many and various and strange descrip- 
 tions, of their treatment and conduct some few days preceding the 
 alleged date of their alleged decease ; we are told of the supposed 
 reasons and motives of that treatment ; but who in this Court knows 
 (putting aside admissions of the prisoners, of which none are in evi- 
 dence here) that such men ever even existed ? Assaults and personal 
 injuries to the living are proved in Courts of Justice by those who suf- 
 fered them ; homicide and death are proved by the production and 
 judicial inspection of the body. I do not say that this normal rule can 
 never be with safety departed from ; far less do I intend to base the 
 defence of my clients upon any denial of the existence or the death of 
 either Muddee or Hingoo. It is wholly unnecessary, and therefore in- 
 expedient, that I should do so. A great English criminal judge and 
 lawyer, Sir Matthew Hale, is well known to have made and adhered to 
 the rule, never to permit a conviction of murder where the body, as 
 the best proof of the corpus delicti, was not forthcoming. This rule 
 has since, in especial cases, been departed from by the English Courts, 
 as well as by the Company's Nizamut Adawlut. My object in now 
 alluding to this defect in the present evidence is, to illustrate the great 
 difficulty that the Court must necessarily have in satisfying their con- 
 science even upon the broader, notorious, and easily tested facts of the 
 case, without other guide than oral evidence. But how much greater 
 and more serious is the difficulty when the facts to be proved are de- 
 pendent upon not merely honest and minute and careful observation 
 - and attention, upon not merely honest and unbiased, but sure and in- 
 telligent recollection ! 
 
 "Let us, then, make some inquiry into the intelligence, the respect- 
 ability, the consistency, and title to this great confidence (which they 
 must be entitled to in order, not only to attach even suspicion of guilt 
 to my clients, but to divest this remarkable prosecution of a character 
 of rashness and impolicy unexampled even in the history of Sritish 
 India) of the persons from whose mouths the oral evidence proceeds.
 
 153 
 
 And first, who are the witnesses relied on (we need not now refer to 
 those precious morceaux, those examples, remarkable not for their 
 rarity, but for their perfection as examples of audacious and seemingly 
 unconscious mendacity, whom the Public Prosecutor has not less 
 judiciously than honourably rejected from his proofs) in support of this 
 prosecution ? They are fifteen in the whole, viz. : 
 
 " Two Fakeers, or beggars, one of them a leper. 
 
 " One approver, the Kliawas, or slave, from whose custody the yet 
 missing property (which Muddee and Hingoo were accused of steal- 
 ing) was lost. 
 
 " One Teeka scullion. 
 
 " Five menial attendants of His Highness the Nawab Nazim, viz., a 
 batta burdar, a peon, a tailor, a chokedar. and a nukub, or herald. 
 
 " Then, one Christian, and certainly reapectable witness, His High- 
 ness's coachman. 
 
 " A Teeka grave-cart driver, employed under the coachman. 
 
 " Two of the camp bhistees. 
 
 " An ignorant helper to a person said to be employed as the koberaj 
 of the camp ; and lastly, 
 
 " A Meah, who is the deputy and mosahib of Aman AH Khan. He 
 completely exculpates the latter, and shows no disposition to affect 
 any of the Meah's by his evidence ; but he is evidently called because 
 he is not unwilling to make a scapegoat of the Moghul prisoner. 
 
 " Now, it is not an unimportant fact, that these fifteen are selected 
 from an enormous mass of lengthy depositions in the Foujdarry, com- 
 prising more than one hundred witnesses, of whom sixty-eight are in 
 the calendar. They are the cream of the collection a collection made, 
 of course, by the efforts, or under the auspices, of that Darogah who 
 distinguished himself by his report of the '' Bazar Rumours," on the 
 30th April rumours which, as he then said, accused no one, and had 
 no definite form, but which, between that date and the commitment 
 for trial, some six weeks hence, have ripened into the definite and in- 
 telligent testimony of these fifteen witnesses. And what have these 
 witnesses told us ? Have we heard from them one consistent tale, or 
 one tale with unimportant narrations ? Do they all, or any fair pro- 
 portion of them who profess to have witnessed the same evil deeds 
 above all, do they inculpate the same persons as the doers of those 
 deeds, or do they vary in this respect in a manner impossible for 
 honesty to vary. Is there mixed up with possible truth impossible 
 falsehoods, or inconsistent statements as to matters for which the 
 witness was unprepared ? Has or has not each witness his evident 
 bias, even on comparatively unimportant parts of his story, showing 
 the danger of confiding in his meditated account of what actually 
 affects the questions at issue ? To the presiding Judge, and to the 
 Muftee, I might with propriety and confidence put these suggestive 
 questions, without actual reference to the details of that evidence 
 which they have both so carefully noted, and have, doubtless, already 
 most attentively weighed ; but I proceed to note and compare a few 
 of these details. 
 
 " Dhunnoo Shaik, the beggar, who carries the hookah, and who leads 
 the race of the elect fifteen, saw, at noon of the first day, the two 
 victims tied by their feet to separate tent-pegs, on their backs, with
 
 154 
 
 their hands bound behind. At this time, the Means, Afreen, Belial, 
 Ekball, Hajee Tamas, and the Moghul (whom he confounds with 
 Meer Emam Ali, the Urzbeggy), the Mahoot, and the mysterious 
 Burra Sahib (whom all implicate., perhaps because he is absent), were 
 present, and in some way encouraging the Zulen. He next sees the 
 young Khawas taken to the river by Sepoys After the return from 
 the river, His Highness returned, viz., about 1 p.m. The suspected 
 thieves are summoned before, and are taken to His Highness by Aman 
 Ali Khan personally. His Highness interrogates them. The Khan 
 Aman Ali threatened then- lives before His Highness, ivho ordered 
 their release : which order is countermanded by the Khan. Witness, 
 on the second day, saw Muddee tied on his back as before, but Hingoo 
 was sitting, torn and bleeding. The day after, the boy was seen to 
 have been burnt all over his body. They were taken in two majholee 
 games to Allal. Witness helped to dig the grave of the boy. Who 
 were present at the burial, besides the two Bhestees and this witness ? 
 Burra Sahib and Shere Ali Fakeer. This witness saw all the Meahs 
 engaged in beating. 
 
 " Hingun Khan, the leper, saw the two men tied to the tent-pegs, 
 not of the Meah's tent, but of Aman Ali Khan, three or four 
 ghuries before the Khan returned with His Highness from Shikar. 
 The Meahs aud a great crowd were there. The only beating which 
 this man professes to have witnessed was inflicted by the Khan per- 
 sonally, at his own tent, and he evidently implies that the victims had 
 not been beaten at all until then. 
 
 " Hossainee Shaik, the approver, gives his version of the loss of his 
 master's box. He, of course, disclaims the slightest interference in, 
 or encouragement of, the maltreatment of the suspected men. This 
 slave represents the Naib Meer Monshi and Burra Sahib, men who 
 were the companions and equals of his master, as being so terrified 
 with his (witness's) insinuations and accusations, when he awoke and 
 discovered his loss, that they forthwith set about hunting the camp 
 for a thief, whom (as he now professes to believe) they falsely accused. 
 He represents himself as paralysed with fear, and either wholly un- 
 willing or unable (from his state of utter prostration) to take any steps 
 to render any assistance whatever. Yet this trusty menial acknow- 
 ledges, that during his eight or nine years' service with the Meah 
 Urjoomund, he has not known or heard of his master being guilty of 
 a single act of violence ; and although he received not a single reproof 
 from his master at Purranpore, his state of head-kawas continued to 
 Allal, which he gives as a reason for not having seen the suspected 
 men, or knowing anything about them at that place. He alone re- 
 mained inactive ; he, who knew and felt how much his own izzut at 
 least was concerned in recovery of the property (to say nothing of 
 his duty or gratitude to his master), he alone was tender-hearted 
 and silent ! According to this man's account, Muddee (after 
 Hingoo being brought) was taken, before the return of the Meahs 
 and His Highness on the first day, to the river to the Modee's 
 shop. After His Highness's return they were taken to a garden 
 or plantation, on which occasion the Mehter is first introduced. 
 He denies that they were taken to the tent of His Highness or of Aman 
 Ali Khan. He describes them as having been bastinadoed whilst: tied
 
 155 
 
 with their feet up and head downwards. In his evidence here he dis- 
 tinctly implicates his master as approving of the heating. On the 
 journey to Allal, according to his account, one thief was taken in a 
 palkee, the other in a cart 
 
 Perhaps the most remarkable feature in this wretch's evidence is the 
 mean attempt to implicate his master, who he distinctly exculpated 
 before the Magistrate ; but he was probably not aware, when he made 
 his Foujdarry deposition, of his master having told the Magistrate, as 
 the truth was, that this very man, his own servant, informed him, 
 upon his arrival in camp, of the loss of the box, and of the capture of 
 the suspected men (one of them, Hingoo, by Hossainee himself) ; 
 whereupon the Meah Urjoomund, upon hearing the ineffectual at- 
 tempts to trace his property, ordered the release of the prisoners 
 This man's testimony bears upon its face, to my mind the conscious- 
 ness of guilt , and that his only hope of escape is by corroborating the 
 case, made, or supposed to be made, against all the prisoners. 
 
 " Ruheem Ali, the teeka cook, or scullion, is a travelled man, who 
 has studied divers arts in divers climes ; and it would appear that we 
 are indebted to his former master, Mr. Porter (whom this witness 
 asserts to be in his debt for all he earned, besides money advanced 
 during his two mouths' service), for the haphazard testimony of this 
 extra cook's-niate or scullion. According to this man's account, Aman 
 Ali Khan was with Urjoomund when they jointly inquired, "What 
 Tamasha is this?" And then (i.e. immediately on alighting from their 
 elephants) the former gave the order to beat. The suspected men 
 were then (i.e. after the return of His Highness) taken to the river, 
 and from the river to the Bazar, where they were beaten in the 
 presence of a crowd, and ordered to he dragged by their feet His 
 account proceeds, that on the second day the men were taken to a 
 kudam-tree. It is this man who describes an occurrence, contradicted 
 by all the others nigh, that Aman Ali Khan, before going to Shikar 
 in the morning, stayed back, suffering the Nawab Nazim to proceed 
 alone, whilst he went to the tent of the Meahs to give orders for 
 beating the captives ; who thereupon were beaten by Joomun, by 
 Peeroo Mahout, and by the Mehter. (By the way, where is this 
 Mehter, who has been several times referred to, althoiigh at different 
 tunes by different persons ?) He describes a search and diving process 
 in a small boat, not spoken to, that I am aware, by any other witness. 
 This was on the third day, at Puranpore. It was just after this des- 
 cription that the witness added, " Teen duffa ya haluth hooa ;" which 
 would appear to have been the index, in his own mind, of the several 
 searchings and bringings back to which he had to depose, and accord- 
 ingly had deposed. 
 
 " The pert and over-zealous manner of this man in the witness-box 
 must be in the recollection of all who were present : how he overlooked 
 the Sheristadar when writing his words ; and how, on one occassion, 
 when he had delivered himself of what he considered a telling fact or 
 opinion, in his anxiety to proceed he asked of the writer, ' Lieka ap ?' 
 The manifest and important discrepancies between his Foujdarry depo- 
 sition and his evidence being pointed out to him, he unhesitatingly 
 disavowed them, and ascribed them to the writr. I request of the 
 Court, whilst considering their judgment, not to omit making this
 
 156 
 
 comparison, -which will alone remove all doubt (should any remain 
 in their minds) of the utter worthlessness of this teeka vagabond's 
 testimony. He was on the look-out for a teeka job, and he has found 
 one doubtless as well suited to his antecedents as to his taste. 
 
 " We next have Hingoo Khan, His Highness's pandish-bearer, who 
 must often have attended the Meahs, or at least in their presence, as 
 the constant guests and companions of His Highness. Little could 
 they, or indeed any of His Highness's household now at the bar of this 
 Court, have expected to see this familiar attendant arrayed against 
 them. But so far has the ingenuity of those enemies who have con- 
 tinued and originated this baseless prosecution (who will, I fervently 
 trust, as I believe they will, ere long, be discovered, and meet with at 
 least a portion of their deserts) triumphed. The old familiar faces, 
 not indeed of persons of station or respectability (I use this word 
 rather in its conventional Bengalee than European meaning and sense), 
 but the menials who have obeyed their slightest nod, are brought here. 
 There is something unusual and remarkable in this. One inference 
 from it I have already drawn ; another is scarcely less obvious. These 
 men must have been taught, and lately taught too, that the sun of 
 these nobles of the Shahnuggur has set ; that they have nothing to 
 fear from their frowns or to hope from their good-will. But little 
 acquaintance ivith the Asiatic mind is needed to trace and deduce how 
 it is that these men are found, at the bidding of the British Sircar 
 (through that strong arm of its pmoer, not always righteously used, 
 the Mofussul Police, the herd ofnazirs, darogahs wogherah), bearing 
 testimony, unthought of and unsuspected, against persons whom their 
 young prince and master certainly does not, because he cannot 
 with truth, accuse; but whom he, as certainly, may not assume to 
 protect, although I do not and cannot doubt that he sympathises ivith 
 them in the strait in which they are noio, I venture to say, most 
 unjustly reduced. This man, Hingoo Khan, relates the visit to the 
 indigo factory between the hours of nine and ten in the morning of 
 the second day, when he particularizes the Moonshee Moghul Jan, 
 Burra Sahib, and Joomuii, as the conductors of the elephant upon 
 which Muddee was bound, and the Meahe, Mussurut AH and Afreen, 
 as following at the distance of an arrow's flight, a fanciful measure- 
 ment, but not difficult of comprehension as a watching distance. A 
 remarkable statement by this man, both in the Foujdarry and here, 
 and quite inconsistent with all other testimony to the same circum- 
 stance, is, that Muddee was brought back from Nowghurrea on an 
 elephant, not on a camel. In the Foujdarry he added that Moghul 
 Jan and Burra Sahib were seated on the same elephant a still more 
 serious discrepancy. The two depositions otherwise materially differ ; 
 and after his former deposition was read to him, this witness, nothing 
 loth to abide by the fuller statement, declared, " What I said before 
 the magistrate was true." But he nevertheless admitted, that what 
 he said respecting the cause of death was from rumour only. 
 
 " Next is the evidence of George Shapcott, a witness, to my mind, 
 undoubtedly credible, as far as integrity and absence of corrupt motive 
 is concerned. Indeed, I by no means object to this man's testimony 
 being used as a lever, a touchstone, to raise and to test the mass of in- 
 congruous statements with which the prosecutor's talc is incumbered.
 
 157 
 
 How much doubt, exaggeration, and falsehood will thus be dissipated, 
 although Shapcott's experience travels but a part of the weary journey 
 of the alleged seven days' cruelty ! From him, then, we learn that a 
 bond fide search for stolen property was made at Nowghurrea ; that 
 the lad Muddee was taken there ; that upon his apparently false in- 
 formation the witness Jungloo was seized, and would have shared the 
 fate of M uddee but for the interference of Shapcott ; that this inter- 
 ference was nothing more than the use of Aman Ali Khan's name, 
 which effectually stayed the meditated injustice of punishing before 
 proof or sufficient inquiry. "We hear of no retort from the camel-driver 
 that the Khan had ordered the boy to be beaten ; we learn also from 
 this witness and it is an important fact as bearing upon the testimony 
 of others that the boy Muddee retracted his accusation of Jungloo at 
 Nowghurrea and transferred all ground of suspicion to two lezes or 
 Nautch-girls, at Purranpore ; we learn that no person of authority 
 (and Moghul Jan and Burra Sahib would have been such) were 
 present with the boy there ; that the camel-driver ivas the only one of 
 the prisoners ivhom he saw leaf : and considering the station, ignor- 
 ance, and habits of this camel-driver, he surely cannot be very harshly 
 judged for administering some correction to a boy who had admitted 
 himself a thief of valuable property, and was palpably trifling with 
 and imposing upon the servants' great and useful labour in an apparent 
 spirit of wantonness (for I know not what rational motive to ascribe) . 
 Which of us would expect his jemadar or syces to act with leniency or 
 philosophical forbearance in a similar position ? The jemadar accused 
 by Shapcotfc is, for some unexplained reason, not here. Shapcott 
 proves that all this happened on the morning of the 28th March, viz , 
 the seizure and release of Jungloo (for he distinctly says the boy's ac- 
 cusation of the latter was after, or at least during the beating), and as 
 I understand him, the arrival at Nowgurrea of the camel which 
 brought the boy ; we are assured from his evidence that the boy did 
 not return to Purranpore on an elephant, as insisted on by the pandish- 
 boarer. From a subsequent part of his evidence we find that the 
 kooberaj Joomuck and the Meliter were for some time administering 
 remedies to the captured men ; that no one of the prisoners at this bar 
 (excepting the camel-driver in the manner mentioned) took any part 
 or concerned themselves in the matter, so far as this witness knows 
 (and is it possible lie should not have known, if a tithe or a modicum 
 of the stream of .testimony from others were not false, and wilfully 
 false?), that both men were buried under a cotton tree in the Maidan, 
 within view of the stables, early in the afternoon of two consecutive 
 days. Although the evidence of this witness not only does not im- 
 plicate, but, upon the whole, is clearly exculpatory of my clients from 
 any share in, or conduct, or sanction, of any ill-treatment whatever ; 
 for the circumstance that the accused men, with the Khawas Etwaree, 
 were living in a pal or mat-shed three or four yards off (such is his 
 evidence) from the Meah's tent, can surely warrant no conclusion 
 against the innocence of the Meahs, that they were necessarily act and 
 part in any injuries sustained by or inflicted on those men. I must 
 yet comment on that part of Shapcott's testimony which shows the 
 condition of the bodies of Hingoo and Muddee when he saw. them 
 under the pal. He describes the skin being off different parts of their
 
 158 
 
 bodies, also swelling ; no injuries to the face or head ; no wales or 
 cutting up of the flesh ; no ulcerous openings : no pouring out of blood 
 or matter from wounds. Now, what must be the deduction from this 
 evidence in a judicial mind ? 
 
 " I submit they are : 
 
 " 1. That injuries of a more serious and less superficial character 
 than those seen and described by the witness could not then have ex- 
 isted. 
 
 " 3. That much of the appearances described may have been the re- 
 sult of unskilful medical or surgical treatment. 
 
 " And how much are these positive and necessary inferences, corrobo- 
 rated by comparison with the deliberate testimony of some of the 
 others ? The teeka cook's mate, says, ' Only the eyes were visible, 
 all the rest was one bruise.' By some their hands are described to 
 have been frightfully lacerated, and they were burnt with hot gools. 
 Are then the accounts of the cruel beating and torturing, and their 
 effects, supported and contradicted by Shapcott's description ? He 
 shows no disposition to keep back or to hesitate in describing, or to 
 soften down his recollection of the state in which he saw them. He 
 speaks of it as any humane man would, upon whom what he saw made 
 a strong impression, and who would therefore be likely to give a 
 somewhat coloured and unintentionally biased view of the object seen. 
 He in effect disproves the circumstantial description of wounds and 
 ill-treatment, variously and in contradictory terms certainly, but gen- 
 erally spoken to by the low native witnesses. 
 
 " The hurkara or peon, Doodall, returned with Muddee on the camel 
 from Nowghurrea to Purranpore. He speaks to a carrying to the 
 river side on (I think) the second day. He describes the two to have 
 been tied by the tent, with their hands tied together, but the feet at 
 liberty ; he saw them slapped and kicked, not beaten with sticks, 
 by the Urzbeggy, by the Moonshee, Burra Sahib, Joomun and the 
 Mahooth. 
 
 " This man's evidence needs no comment : it would seem to be an 
 indifferently selected portion of the camp rumours ; and he does as 
 little for the cause which he is called to support as he well can : in- 
 deed, his silence as to much which is said to have been notorious and 
 manifest to all would be unaccountable, upon the hypothesis that 
 either the gravamen of the charge itself, or of the varying circumstan- 
 tial statements in its support, is or are mainly true as stated. 
 
 " That the Chobdar Ghassoo has belied himself, and come forward 
 also with his portion of the camp rumours, or that Ameer Ali, the 
 Nukub, is a pretended witness of what might or might not have hap- 
 pened, is an obvious and an insuperable inference from a simple list, 
 for which neither of them were prepared. Ghassoo relates a plausible 
 story of his accidental presence under the kudum-tree, near the tent 
 of the Aman Ali Khan. He was sick, he bathed there, and was 
 openly and continuously there daring the day. 
 
 " The Nukub had his bester also under the same tree, but he knows 
 nothing of the chobdar : indeed he positively denies that he was there 
 during the intervals when he came home for his meals and rest, and 
 when not parading the camp or the bazar. At all events, they each 
 speak to the taking to the river-side circumstantially. This fixes the
 
 159 
 
 time of the presence of each under the tree ? Can there be any doubt 
 that if several native servants had then' besters at that tree, and were 
 simultaneously looking on at such a scene as they describe, each would 
 have been able to speak to the presence of the other, especially as there 
 was something especial in the presence of the chobdar, also in his con- 
 dition and occupation ? The fact I believe to be, that the Nuzub 
 hazarded the answer that he was under the tree, little thinking why 
 he was asked. I may almost say, Utrum honim mavis accipe. In 
 truth it is impossible (without looking to other discrepancies or objec- 
 tions to their evidence) that either of these men can be judicially re- 
 lied on. It would iiuLed be a hazardous responsibility to have to 
 guess -or to calculate which is to be rejected, which is the real Simon 
 Pure. 
 
 " The only remarkable feature in the evidence of the carter Junglee 
 Shaikh is, that it materially contradicts the trustworthy George Shap- 
 cott as to the occurrences at Nowghurrea ; a fact which must be in the 
 recollection of the Court. This testimony, therefore, needs no com- 
 ment from me. The same objection applies, but not so strongly, to 
 the deposition of Hajee Nunha. This man implicates a new asamee, 
 the Mooshieff Jehun Lall. He recollects the remonstrances of the 
 wounded Meah Hajee Tamas. At Gujol, he deposes that Muddee 
 complained to his father that his body was burning that Muddee was 
 attended by the Koberaj and a Brahmin, who gave him, not plaster, or 
 ointment, or poultice, but internal medicine something to drink, and 
 pills. 
 
 " This man says that on the road to Allal, Hingoo travelled in a 
 meeana, Muddee on a ruth. He describes the marks on Muddee's 
 body at Gujol to be those which we had seen at Purranpore, viz., 
 marks of korah and caning. Statements as of fact made by this wit- 
 ness in the Foujdarry he now acknowledges to be hearsay. 
 
 " The evidence of Meah Ameen shows, inter alia, that there was 
 nothing remarkable in Etwarree's having a pal pitched in the neigh- 
 bourhood of the Meah's tent. He distinctly contradicts those who 
 implicate Amau AH Khan, or the other Meahs, or the Urzbeggy, and 
 he speaks as others do to the prevalence of cholera in the Lushkar. I 
 think it quite unnecessary to remark upon the evidence of the bheestees 
 and of the Khoberaj's servant, Bugghobun Ghose ; feeling satisfied 
 that no impartial mind can build condemnatory conclusions against 
 my clients upon anything that those three have said,- collectively or 
 individually. 
 
 " Such, then, is a cursory review of the proofs, or of ichat are sitb- 
 situtedfor proofs, in this most serious and most extraordinary case ! 
 In the name of justice and of common sense, what definite or intel- 
 ligible tale of guilt do they reveal, or can there be extracted from 
 them ? Are these miserable equivocators, these paupers and menials, 
 the select from the 2000 of the camp, from the mass of the Foujdarry 
 deponents, the " best evidence " procurable in support of charges of 
 this nature ? If the public prosecutor thinks that they are, I call 
 upon him to show how and why they are. It is a scandal and a shame, 
 it is a grievous wrong to the aimiable young prince whose servants and 
 companions these are, that my clients should be called upon to undergo 
 the disgraceful ordeal of a public trial should have suffered months
 
 160 
 
 of anxious incarceration should (for their necessary self-protection) 
 have been put to great charges upon such paltry, contradictory, incon- 
 clusive, such impossible testimony as this. To suppose that they can 
 be convicted upon it would be monstrous. Not one of them (Meah 
 Urjoomund, Hajee Tamas, the Urzbeggy, Meah Afreen, or Moghul 
 Jan Moonshee) denies that the two men were, or rather might have 
 been, for all they know, beaten (but by no means to the extent pre- 
 tended) : not one of them saw or sanctioned that beating not one of 
 them had any cause or assignable motive for doing so ; neither of 
 them made inquiry about the deaths of these men, or had reason to 
 do so. Such information as they subsequently obtained was from the 
 rumours of the camp or from the mouth of the accomplished, t~he re- 
 jected Doctor Joomuck. And here T would digress to observe, that the 
 discrepancies and contradictions which have proved fatal in the eye of 
 the public prosecutor to the credit of five of his selected witnesses, by 
 no means betray an anxiety to defeat the prosecution. Those men 
 have not served or answered the purpose as expected ; they have 
 proved their own worthlessness, that they have deliberately sworn 
 falsely, either here or in the Foujdarry, or in both places ; but their 
 evidence here as conclusively proves that they are hostile, in thought 
 and intention, to the prisoners at the bar. The inference is irresistible, 
 that they are members of a conspiracy ; they have only been less skilful 
 or less fortunate than some of their companions. What more need I 
 say upon the general complexion of the case ? I have endeavoured to 
 insist upon and to argue the general rules which should be brought to 
 bear upon its consideration ; and I have curiously adverted to some, 
 but only some, of the palpable defects and disci epancies (the public 
 prosecutor will in vain strive to show them to be honest discrepancies) 
 in the details of the evidence. One remarkable head of discrepancy, 
 showing the gross carelessness as well as untruthfulness of the witnesses, 
 one which must have made a deep impression upon the minds of the 
 Court, I do not think I have specially noticed ; I allude to the descrip- 
 tion of the manner in which the men, Hingoo and Muddee, were con- 
 veyed from Purranpore to Allal 
 
 ' I have also yet to observe upon one very prominent and remark- 
 able fact, or rather an omission which involves many facts, in what I 
 may call the forensic history of this prosecution. Etwarree, the father 
 of the deceased boy, Muddee, who attended his dying moments, who 
 nursed him during his mortal sickness, who procured medicine for his 
 child, and was found weeping at the entrance of the pal ; this man 
 has not been examined, nor has his absence been in any manner ac- 
 counted for. We have heard from the witness that, with one exception 
 (mentioned, I think, by the slave Hossainee), no complaint or remon- 
 strance was made by Etwarree at any time not a icord is breathed of 
 his attributing Muddee' s mortal sickness to maltreatment of any kind, 
 although he was the khas khawas of His Highness. We hear of no 
 coaxing, no threats, no presents, which, if they existed or occurred, 
 must or might have been proved here. The court, surely, are not to 
 be asked, on such a trial as this, to have intuitive knowledge of facts ; 
 and nothing but the existence of some collateral independent facts not 
 before the Court, and which have no reference to or connexion with 
 anything in proof, can render this man's absence, and still more his
 
 161 
 
 proved silence and unmurmuring submission to the calamity which 
 befel his child, other than unanswerable and incurable defects in the 
 affirmative proof by which alone the case for the prosecution must 
 stand or fall. 
 
 " Guesses and conjectures cannot, legally or justly, by any juridical 
 principle at all, be admitted or stand in the place of any part of that 
 affirmative proof. Of course it may be said (as a prosecutor in such 
 a dilemma always must say), ' Oh, if Etwarree considers or knows 
 that his son was not ill-treated, why do you not call him in your 
 defence ?' The principles upon which I have already insisted are a 
 sufficient, answer to any such query I am not here on behalf of either 
 of my clients to prove innocence, but to show that you have not 
 proved guilt. You have not produced that sort of evidence, either in 
 character or in detail, which can lead the mind of a Judge to a safe 
 conclusion. You may have given enough to suspect something 
 aiiamst somebody, but not to condemn any particular person or per- 
 sons certainly not against those whom I defend of any defined 
 misconduct. In no Court of Criminal Justice where an English 
 Judge presides, is the Judge obliged to arrive at any conclusion. The 
 panel may be guilty or innocent. The Judge has merely to do with 
 the proofs of ascertained and defined guilt. Moreover, in this case 
 each of the principal defendants is deprived of what would be the most 
 likely and the most credible evidence of his not being amenable to the 
 charge preferred. His bhaebunds, his companions, those with whom 
 he lives, who know his way and habits ; because they are all by his 
 side, suspected criminals like himself : loith how much more reason 
 and intelligible ground of suspicion might several of the witnesses have 
 been substituted in their pluce ! The Fakeer, who virtuously declined 
 the invitation to beat, which the other 300 Fakeers accepted ; the 
 tender-hearted slave, who made no effort to recover the treasure so un- 
 accountably spirited away whilst he was sleeping at a time, by-the- 
 bye, when, if at any time, he should have been awake, viz., imme- 
 diately after his night's rest. 
 
 " Where, under such circumstances, would be the wisdom or the 
 discretion of attempting, by testimony, to disprove what is not 
 proved ? 
 
 ' As to Ktwarree, I know nothing and wish to know nothing of 
 him. I am told he was examined in the Mofussil ; if so, his deposi- 
 tion will be with the nutthee ; and I do not object, nor do I suppose 
 the learned defender of other persons will object, to that deposition 
 b -ing looked at. Had its contents fitted the case for the prosecution, 
 doubtless the deponent would have been, like the others, committed 
 to the care of the Police Nazir, one of whose duties throughont the 
 Mofussil of India I understand to be, to act as the whipper-in and 
 custodian of witnesses ! 
 
 " I would add a few words with reference to the Naib-Meer- 
 Moonshee, the Moghul prisoner. This man's case is peculiarly hard. 
 Neither from ca*te, kindred, or occupation, has he the sympathy of 
 those classed with him. It must have been observed by all who 
 listened to the evidence that each of the witnesses had a disposition to 
 screen or to tread lightly upon the reputation of some one each, I 
 mean, of those attached to the Nizamut ; and doubtless had the Meer
 
 162 
 
 Moonshee himself, Mirza Mahomed Hosain, been on my friend the 
 public prosecutor's list, he would have some reluctance, with whatever 
 impressions, recollections, or disposition otherwise he might have 
 come here, to represent his deputy not merely as a thief taker, but as 
 the servant, tool, and executioner of thief-takers. 
 
 " As it is, he has been recklessly named ; and he, together with the 
 absent Burra Sahib, of whom I know and can say nothing) have been, 
 as it were by common consent, brought in on different occasions as 
 scapegoats, or, at least, as useful adjuncts to make the case complete. 
 As regards the Meahs themselves, I can be at no loss, when I see the 
 favours and distinctions heaped upon them by their princely master 
 and benefactor, to understand, why and how they have been so 
 wickedly implicated in a transaction, which if it occurred, and what- 
 ever its character, was the work either of their drudgeg and menials, 
 or of the thousand vagabonds, fakeers (doubtless always ready for 
 excitement or tomasha of any kind), with which the camp was infested. 
 I am not bound to define, because it is not, as I humbly but earnestly 
 submit, within the province, much less the duty, of this Court if 
 they are not perfectly and conclusively satisfied that the guilt of any 
 or either of my clients has been legally proved to define in their own 
 minds any conclusions or "probabilities whatever. The certain know- 
 ledge of truth is not given to man. The rules by which the Courts of 
 enlightened nations endeavour, if not to arrive at truth, at least never 
 to come to a mischievous as well as untruth fid conclusion, are defined. 
 Forensic judgment is a science, and it is indispensable that it should be 
 so. But were I asked what moral and extra-judicial conclusion my 
 mind arrived at from this evidence, I should say Those two men 
 have been maltreated by some persons icho believed themselves justi- 
 fied, in consequence of the suspicions attached to them, and of their 
 conduct under these suspicions : the subject formed the common topic 
 and rumour among the fakeers, menials, and followers of the Lushkar, 
 and the accounts given here amount to evidence of those rumours 
 merely, and not of any facts at all. No one witness (excepting always 
 the Christian coachman, whom I accuse only of involuntary exaggera- 
 tion) has been an eye-witness of what he pretends ; but some may 
 have seen enough to sketch or picture a tale upon sufficient encourage- 
 ment, the outline being filled up and the picture coloured by the guess 
 of his fellows during the safer, and perhaps, yet more, during the 
 dangerous proximity to his co-witness enforced by the system of the 
 Mofussil police. I consider that the treatment, tbe wounds, the con- 
 duct, have been all palpably and grossly misdescribed not merely 
 exaggerated. As to the deaths, there is at least a strong moral proba- 
 bility that the rumour of the death by cholera may be correct as to 
 one, if not of both : if it be otherwise, I should say no man can draw 
 any conscientious conclusions whatever from the evidence. All is 
 vague. It is lamentable that it should be so ; but how much more 
 lamentable would it be that, in order to arrive at any affirmative 
 judgment, we should venture to condemn even the meanest of our 
 brother-men upon conjecture ?" 
 
 The following is the reply put in by Mr. Trevor and Shumbo 
 Nauth Pundit, conducting the prosecution on the part of Govern- 
 ment :
 
 163 
 
 "Sept. 7th, 1853. 
 
 " Before proceeding to ofier the remarks we may consider it our duty 
 to make upon the case in general, we would wish to express publicly 
 the satisfaction we hare received from the testimony borne by both the 
 learned counsels for the defence to the manner in which the prosecu- 
 tion has been conducted by us. It has been our endeavour to conduct 
 the case with the spirit of fairness towards the accused, and it is a 
 pleasure to us to learn that in this attempt we have not been unsuc- 
 cessful. We also beg to be allowed to add our testimony to that of 
 the learned counsel for the defence, to the great consideration that has 
 been evinced throiigh the course of this trial by the Court towards the 
 accused. Mr. Clarke, the learned counsel for five of the accused, 
 Aman Ali Khan, Musserut Ali Khan, Jowahir Ali Khan, Meah Ekbal, 
 and Meah Belal, lias contented himself with calling witnesses to 
 character. We have, therefore, only to beg the Court to bear in mind 
 that where the point at issue is, whether the accused have committed 
 a particular act, evidence of their general good character is obviously 
 entitled to little weight unless some reasonable doubt exist as to their 
 guilt. There are one or two facts given in Mr. Clarke's defence which 
 do not exactly correspond with the evidence as taken down by us. 
 For the clearing up of these discrepancies we shall have to ask you to 
 refer to your notes after we have finished this reply. The other 
 learned counsel, Mr. Montriou, defends five of the accused, Meah 
 Urjoomund, Hajee Tamas, Meah Afreen, the Urzbeggy Imam Ali, 
 and Mirza Mahomed Hoseain, alias Moghul Jan. For the two first- 
 named the evidence given in defence is evidence to character. The 
 defence for Meah Afreen is, that he was not the servant of the Nawab 
 at all, but of the Nawab Begum, and sent by that lady to His High- 
 ness with a letter of condolence after the occurrence of some injury to 
 His Highness's person. The defence of Meer Imam Ali, the Przbeggy, 
 is, that his duties were of such a nature as to keep him so late of a 
 night with the Nawab as to render his participation in the perpetration 
 of a crime charged nearly an impossibilty. The defence for Mirza 
 Mahomed Hossain is, that his particular business was to be in attend- 
 ance upon the Khan Sahib, Aman Ali ; that the nature and times of 
 that attendance were such as to be wholly inconsistent with the con- 
 duct attributed to him by the witness for the prosecution. The 
 defendant, Fureed Khan, denies the charge of having beaten one of 
 the deceased, and calls witness to prove his defence. The defendant, 
 Joomun Shaik, sets up an alibi as his defence, but calls no witness to 
 prove it. The defendant, Peer Khan, who confessed before the magis- 
 trate, denies before this Court, but calls no witnesses. 
 
 " Before proceeding to notice how far the several defendants have 
 substantiated their respective defences, we have a few remarks to offer 
 upon the case generally. The first thing is, that the matter was 
 first reported by the Shahnvggur Daroga as a rumour : we submit 
 that it was natural it should be so. The crime was not committed 
 in the Moorshednbad district at all. On the return of His Highness 
 from the hunting expedition the rumour naturally began to be rife 
 in the city, and it was strictly the Daroga's duty, as laid down in 
 Section iv., Clause i., Regulation xx. of 1817, to make the report he 
 did. Another point requiring notice is the retinue that accompanied 
 
 M 2
 
 164 
 
 His Highness upon this occasion. The learned counsel for the de- 
 fendant Urjoomund, aud others, would seem to suppose that the 
 whole Court of the Nawab accompanied him in this expedition ; but 
 this nowhere appears in the record, nor is it natural that it should 
 be the fact It is more natural to suppose that on these occasions 
 His Highness would lay aside some of his usual state ; indeed, one 
 witness, Mahomed Amrru, distinctly deposes to a not unimportant 
 fact, viz., that all the Meahs, except Aman Ali, dined with His High- 
 ness every day, Aman Ali doing so occasionally. 
 
 " The next point to be noticed is the evidence adduced for the 
 prosecution. The witnesses we have considered our duty to produce 
 have, some of them, been subjected to a cross-examination as, wo 
 will venture to assert, has seldom been heard in our native courts of 
 justice. They have been questioned not only on points bearing on 
 the case, but on matters quite irrelevant They have been in the box, 
 some of them a whole day, one man a day and a half; and, after all, 
 what contradictions have been elicited from them ? Very few, we 
 maintain, on any material point ; and all the contradictions are of 
 such a nature as to prove rather the truth of the main story, than that 
 these men have hanged together to bring punishment and disgrace on 
 the heads of the accused We appeal to the demeanour of the prin- 
 cipal witnesses in the box as a proof that what they deposed to was, 
 in the main, true. 
 
 " The counsel for the defence, Mr. Montriou, admits the cool de- 
 meanour of one, and attributes it to pertness and over-zeal. We 
 assert that it is ridiculous to suppose that these fakeers and menials 
 should have stood the cross-examination they did, and in the manner 
 they did, had their evidence been fouuded on a lie. The leper, the 
 itinerant vendor of smoke, the ' ticca,' scullion (also called the ' beea ' 
 vagabond), the tailor, to have in a great measure, if not entirely, 
 baffled the efforts of two Supreme Court Barristers, is a proof to our 
 mind, not of the want of talent in the counsel, but of the support the 
 witnesses had in the knowledge that they were in the main speaking 
 the truth. They differ as to the tune of the several occurrences ; it is 
 only natural that they should Months have elapsed since the 
 occurrence took place, and had they all agreed as to time we should 
 have heard that such ' unanimity was wonderful.' They differ as to 
 the mode in which the two deceased persons were conveyed from one 
 place to another. Of what consequence is a discrepancy on such a 
 point as this? We are told of conspiracy. Where are the con- 
 spirators ? Would not any one conspiring have brought forward 
 witnesses of a superior walk of life to those adduced for the prosecu- 
 tion ? Would His Highness have continued in his service up to the 
 present time (as he has several of the witnesses) parties conspiring to 
 bring ruin and disgrace upon a man high in his favour and service ? 
 The poverty and low state of the witnesses for the prosecution have 
 been much insisted on by the learned counsel for the defence. We 
 glory in them they are our strength. It is stated by the learned 
 counsel for Urjoomund, and others, that in all cases the best evidence 
 is to be given. To this axiom we assent ; but venture to think, that 
 in his application of it the learned counsel is in error. The axiom 
 refers to the evidence best in quality, not best in strength. We assert
 
 165 
 
 that in quality no evidence can be better than that produced for the 
 prosecution, being as it is the evidence of those who profess to have 
 seen with their own eyes the facts they depose to. 
 
 " The next point calling for notice is the non-appearance of the 
 father of the deceased, Muddee. This is a thing of frequent occur- 
 rence in this country so frequent, that, as long ago as 1822, a 
 regulation was necessary to authorise the punishment of parties when, 
 in cases of murder, the heir of the slain refuses to prosecute. We 
 are confident that to this fact no weight will be attached by the 
 Court, especially when the accused are, as one of them in the present 
 case is, men of wealth and influence. The next point to be noticed is 
 the evidence of the English coachman in the service of His Highness, 
 George Shapcott. Both the learned counsel for the defence mention 
 in terms of commendation the manner in which this evidence was 
 given, and we are also ready to agree with those gentlemen. This 
 witness implicated only one of the defendants as actually beating ; but 
 his evidence is very strong as to the state of the bodies of the de- 
 ceased shortly before death at Gujol the only place he saw them 
 after he had seen one of them at Newgurriah ; as at Purranpore he 
 was encamped on the other side of an indigo factory, away from the 
 rest of the lushkur, and at Allal on the other side of the river. His 
 description is borne out as to one of the deceased, Hinaoo, by the two 
 Bhistees, who brought water to wash the body, and whose evidence, 
 with due deference to the learned counsel, Mr. Montriou, we consider 
 in every way trustworthy. This evidence has, we presume, put an 
 end to the defence set before the magistrate, that the deceased died 
 of cholera, and we moreover beg to remark, that not one single 
 witness deposes to the prevalence of cholera in the camp, as stated 
 by Mr. Montriou. The number of persons in the camp were, as 
 far as appears, about 2,000, and during the two months the hunting 
 party lasted, not a single witness deposes to the deaths amounting 
 to one dozen! a very different state of things from what would have 
 been had cholera been prevalent. The inferences to be drawn 
 from the evidence as to the state of the bodies a short time before 
 and immediately after the death, as deposed to by George Shapcott, 
 the two Bhistees, and the apprentice who attended them, that is, 
 from some cause or other, the bodies were in a dreadful state of lacer- 
 ation ; and connecting their appearance with the beating and torture 
 as deposed to by the other witnesses, we have, in the absence of any 
 attempt to prove how their bodies became in such a state, a right to 
 connect the two as cause and effect. Besides the English coachman, 
 there is another witness, whom we suppose the learned counsel for the 
 defence will allow to be respectable we refer to Mahomed Amrru, the 
 Emmuck, the Darogah of the tents, the sharer of Aman Ali's tent. 
 The Court will doubtless bear in mind the very unwilling manner in 
 which this man gave his testimony the explanation he offered relative 
 to the pal being pitched so near .the Meah's tent ; and how he admitted 
 that all the Meahs dined every day with His Highness ; but it has 
 been attempted to be proved that it would be derogatory to the 
 dignity and high position of Aman Ali Khan even to go to their tent. 
 The servant degraded by entering the tent of those his master de- 
 lighteth to honour ! ! !
 
 166 
 
 " We now proceed to remark on the defence set up by the defendants, 
 who have called evidence besides that to character. For the defence 
 of Meah Afreen two witnesses are called. We grant that this de- 
 fendant is not a servant of the Nizamut, but it is proved that he was 
 at Purranpore the day the camp arrived, and the following night, by 
 both his witnesses ; and one of them, Hossain Bur, would have the 
 Court believe that this man, who accompanied His Highness of a day 
 out hunting, was at night fain to sleep under a tree with the servants. 
 The parties who were charitable enough to have a pal put up for a 
 dying Fakeer and the son of a Khawas within a few paces of the 
 Meah' s tent, had not hospitality sufficient to offer the shelter of a tent 
 at night to Meah Afreen, the companion all day in hunting of His 
 Highness. Further comment on such evidence as this is quite unneces- 
 sary. For the defence of the Urzbeggy Emam Ali, one witness alone 
 appears, and all that lie says is that the defendant used to go to His 
 Highness when called for, but that there was no exact time for attend- 
 ing. This falls far short of the defence set up and requires no com- 
 ment from us. For the defendant Mirza Mahomed Hossain, alias 
 Moghul Jan, two witnesses are called. It would appear that this man 
 is a sort of Perunneah, or Robokarnuvees ; the office he bears being 
 that of Naib Meer Moonshee, certainly nothing of a confidential nature, 
 although it may be called in one sense literary. The defendant Fureed 
 Khan calls witnesses to prove that he never beat at Nowgurriah the 
 the deceased Muddee- His witnesses were four in number ; three 
 were examined. Of these two were camel-drivers, and one was a 
 mate Mahouth. These men came prepared to swear through thick 
 and thin, that they accompanied Fureed Khan on the occasion in 
 question to Nowgurriah, that they were with him all the time he was 
 there, and that he did not on that occasion beat anybjdy. The first 
 witness was duly cross-examined, and nothing was elicited inculpating 
 any of the defendants. Mukhoo, was the mate Mahouth, and went 
 on foot to Nowgurriah while the others rode on camels. He had been 
 cross-examined by Mr. Trevor, and he had sat down, when the Court 
 asked him by whose orders the camels were sent to Nowgurriah He 
 then mentioned Aman Ali's name, and was soon after cross-examine:! 
 at great length by Mr. Clarke, the learned council for Aman Ah, but 
 nothing was elicited from him at all contradictory He said that 
 he remained with the camels at the tent of the Meahs, while the 
 three camel-drivers went to the Khan's tent. He was asked 
 if he heard the Khan give the order, he said " No," but that 
 he had heard from the three camel-drivers who had gone to the 
 Khan's tent, that he had given the orders for them to go to the 
 Burra Sahib and do what he told them. His account was perfectly 
 natural. There was a crowd at the place where he was, but that he 
 could swear he h ard from the camel-drivers that they had received 
 orders from Aman Ah' Khan. Of course he could. These three men 
 men alone, as far as he knew, went to the Khan's tent for orders. The 
 next witness was Bakeer Ali, one of the three camel-drivers who went 
 to Nowgurriah with Fureed Khan, and who were stated by the witness 
 last referred to to have gone to the tent of Aman Ali. It was elicited 
 by a question from the Mohic, that the two camels were taken, by 
 Aman All's order, to Nowgurriah ; that he told the drivers to go to the
 
 167 
 
 B iii-rah Sahib for orders ; that they went ; that the Burra Sahib gave 
 them a chit to one Jeehunal at Nowgurriah, and told them to take 
 Muddee (one of the deceased) there. That they did so. He also 
 swore distinctly that Fureed Khan did not hit any one at Nowgurriah. 
 Now we allow that what these men, said about Fureed Khan is totally 
 false but that does not taint all their evidence. We affirm that there 
 is hardly ever a case in which influential parties are concerned, in 
 which the principle of rejecting part and adopting part of a witness's 
 evidence is not called into play. In affray cases especially, we may re- 
 mark, there is always an attempt to inculpate either the Zemindars 
 themselves, on whose behalf the affray took place, as being actually 
 present ; or, if they are not named, their principal servants are. In 
 numberless instances the evidence of the same witness is considered as 
 worthy of belief, quoad the latteals, and rejected quoad the Zemindars 
 or their servants. It is a satisfaction to us to be able to state that the 
 principle we contend for is recognised in England. The rule is thus 
 laid down in ' Taylor on Evidence,' pages 949-950 : ' Where a party 
 being surprised by a statement of one of his witnesses calls other per- 
 sons to contradict in a particular fact, the Judge is not on that account 
 authorised in rejecting the entire testimony of the contradicted witness. 
 The discrepancy may, indeed, form a fair topic for counsel as to the 
 degree of credit to which the witness is entitled, but the whole evidence 
 must go to the jury, who may be perfectly justified in believing one 
 part of it and rejecting the other.' If this is applicable to England, 
 where the sanction of an oath is much regarded, how much more ap- 
 plicable is it to India, where unfortunately, an oath is no guarantee for 
 truth ! That principle we apply here. We would reject the evidence 
 of these men as to Fureed Khan's innocence, contradicted as it is by 
 that of George Shapcott, and adopt it as to Aman Ali. The Court 
 will doubtless remember the manner in which the facts inculpating 
 Aman Ah were elicited from these witnesses, the manner in which they 
 gave their evidence, and the vain attempts of the learned counsel to 
 make them contradict themselves. We have no doubt that the evidence 
 of these two men will have due weight with the Court. 
 
 " Before finally dismissing this defendant Fureed Khan, we beg to 
 direct the attention of the Court to his defence. In two points he 
 corroborates the evidence of the prosecution He says that on the day 
 of the theft His Highness returned from hunting at one o'clock, and 
 he also states that Muddee started from Nowgurriah on a camel. That 
 on the road they met Moghul Jan and Buara Sahib, who took him on 
 an elephant. The fact deposed to by one of the witnesses for the pro- 
 secution, that he did return on an elephant, has been much insisted on 
 as a serious discrepancy by Mr. Montriou. 
 
 " It only remains for us to notice a point relative to one of the charges 
 which has been animadverted upon by the learned counsel for the de- 
 fendant Aman Ali Khan we allude to the third account, which 
 charges the defendants with ' privity ;' the meaning of this term is 
 thus explained in C.O., No. 8 of vol. iv. (page xxiii. of the Addenda of 
 Beaufort's Guide, 132a) : ' The act which- constitutes what is called 
 " privity " in this country corresponds with " misprision of felony " in 
 English Law, viz , the concealment of a felony which a man knows 
 but never assented to, or the observing silently the commission of a
 
 168 
 
 felony without using any endeavours to apprehend the offender. It i.s, 
 therefore, strictly an offence of a negative kind, consisting in the con- 
 cealment of something that ought to be revealed.' 
 
 " Accessoryship, on the other hand, is an offence of a positive kind 
 and of a higher degree of criminality, implying an active preparation, 
 either by procuring, counselling, commanding, or abetting another to 
 commit a felony, or with a knowledge that a felony has been committed 
 by another, by receiving, relieving, comforting, or assisting the felon. 
 The distinction between the two offences is marked the one is a mis- 
 demeanour in English Law, the other is a felony ; the one is in its 
 kind negative, requiring nothing but silent, passive acquiescence ; in 
 the commission of a felony, either by counsel and command before the 
 act, or by relief and assistance given to the felon after the fact. It ap- 
 pears then, that to have made this charge intelligible to the learned 
 counsel for the defence we must have used the term ' misprision of 
 felony,' which would not have been allowed by the Court to remain in 
 the calendar. We now conclude this reply, leving the result with all 
 confidence in the hands of the Court, feeling sure that every justice 
 will be done in the matter. 
 
 "(Signed) E. TREVOR, 
 
 ( ) SHUMBONAUTH PUNDIT, 
 " Conducting the prosecution on the part of Government' 
 
 " 7th September, 1853." 
 
 The following is the report by Mr. Money, the Sessions Judge of 
 Moorshedabad, to the Sudder Nizamut Adawlut, at Calcutta : 
 
 To the REGISTRAR of the SUDDER NIZAMUT ADAWLUT. 
 
 " Fort William. 
 
 " SIB, I have the honour to submit, for the purpose of being laid 
 before the Court of Nizamut Adawlut, the proceedings on the trial 
 noted below, held at the station of Moorshedabad on the 22ud, 23rd, 
 24th, 25th, 26th, 27th, 29th, 30th, and 31st August, and 5th and 7th 
 September, 1853. 
 
 " 2. The prisoner pleaded Not Guilty. 
 
 " Court of the Sessions Judge for the City of Moorshedabad. 
 
 " Trial, No. 1, of the Sessions Judge for the month of September, 
 1853-. 
 
 " Case, No. 7, of the Magistrate of Moorshedabad for the month of 
 July, 1853. 
 
 GOVERNMENT PROSECUTOR 
 
 versus 
 "37. Aman Ali Khan (father's name not known), aged 33 years ;
 
 169 
 
 date of apprehension, 6th June, 1853, or 25th Jeyt, 1260 ; date of 
 commitment, 30th July, 1853, or 16th Srahein, 1260. Acquitted. 
 
 " 38 Musserut Ali Khan, son of Abdoola, aged 35 years ; date of 
 apprehension, 6th June, 1853, or 25th Jeyt, 1260 ; date of commit- 
 ment, 30th July, 1853, or 16th Srahem, 1260. Acquitted. 
 
 " 39. Syud Emam Ali, son of Syud Buher Ali, aged 52 years ; date 
 of apprehension, 6th June, 1853, or 25th Jeyt, 1260 ; date of commit- 
 ment, 30th July, 1853, or 16th Srahem, 1260, Fourteen years' labour 
 in irons. 
 
 "40. Joahir Ali Khan (father's name not known), aged 60 years ; 
 date of apprehension, 6th June, 1853, or 25th Jeyt, 1260 ; date of com- 
 mitment, 30th July, 1853 or 16th Srahem, 1260. Acquitted. 
 
 "41. Meah Urjoomund, son of Abdoola, aged 30 years ; date of 
 apprehension, 6th June, 1853, or 25th Jeyt, 1260 ; date of commit- 
 ment, 30th July, 1853, or 16th Srahem, 1260. Acquitted 
 
 '42. Meah Afreen (father's name not known), aged 30 years; 
 date of apprehension, 6th June, 1853, or 25th Jeyt, 1260 ; date of 
 commitment, 30th July, 1853, or 16th Sahrem, 1260. Acquitted. 
 
 "43. Meah Belal (father's name not known), aged 27 years; date 
 of apprehension, 6th June, 1853, or 25th Jeyt, 1260 ; date of commit- 
 ment, 30th July, 1853, or 16th Srahem, 1260. Acquitted. 
 
 " 44. Meah Ekbal (father's name not known), aged 25 years ; date 
 of apprehension, 6th June, 1853, or 25th Jeyt, 1260 ; date of commit- 
 ment, 30th July, 1853, or 16th Srahem, 1260. Acquitted. 
 
 " 45. Hajee Tamash, son of Abdoola, aged 50 years ; date of ap- 
 prehension, 6th June, 1853, or 25th Jeyt, 1 260 ; date of commitment, 
 30th July, 1853, or 16th Srahem, 1260. Acquitted. 
 
 "46. Mahomed Fureed, son of Bahoo, aged 26 years; date of 
 apprehension, 6th June, 1853, or 25th Jeyt, 1260 ; date of commit- 
 ment, 30th July, 1853, or 16th Srahem, 1260. Fourteen years' 
 labour in irons. 
 
 " 47, Mirza Mahomed Hossain, alias Moghul Jan, son of Mirza Ali 
 Khan, aged 30 years ; date of apprehension, 15th June, 1853, or 2nd 
 Assar, 1260 ; date of commitment, 30th July, 1853, or 16th Srahem, 
 1260. Acquitted. 
 
 " 48. Joomun Shaik, son of Akaloo Shaik, aged 40 years ; date of 
 apprehension, 17th June, 1853, or 4th Assar, 1260 ; date of com- 
 mitment, 30th July, 1853, or 16th Srahem, 1260. Fourteen years" 
 labour in irons. 
 
 " 49. Peer Khan, son of Shanduth Khan, aged 50 years ; date of 
 apprehension, 21st June, 1853, or 8th Assar, 1260 ; date of commit- 
 ment, 30th July, 1853, or 16th Srahem, 1260. Fourteen years' 
 labour in irons. 
 
 Charge. 
 
 " The prisoners charged, on the first count, with the wilful murder 
 of Hingoo and Muddee. 
 
 " On the second count, with being accessories before and after the 
 fact. 
 
 " On the third count, with privity to the said crime.
 
 170 
 
 " On the fourth count, with torturing and beating the said Hingoo 
 and Muddee, deceased. 
 
 " On the fifth count, with aiding and abetting in the said torture and 
 beating. 
 
 " On the sixth count, with privity to the said torture and beat- 
 ing. 
 
 ' On the seventh count the prisoner, No. 37, is charged with having 
 issued orders for the said torture and beating 
 
 " Date of the deceased being seized, 31st March, 1853, correspond- 
 ing 19th Cheyt, 1259. 
 
 " Dates of their deaths. 5th and 6th April, 1853, corresponding with 
 24th and 25th Cheyt, 1259, respectively. The prisoners have been in 
 jail from 7th July, 1853. 
 
 " 3. The history of this painful case is briefly told. The time occu- 
 pied does not extend over more than five or six days. His Highness 
 the Nawab Nazim of Moorshedabad, during a shooting excursion in 
 the district of Maldah, pitched his camp on the 30th March last at 
 a village called Purranpore. On the 3rd April the camp proceeded 
 to A Hal, and from thence on the 5th April to Ghijol, both villages in 
 the same district. 
 
 "4. Two men Hingoo, a fakeer, and Muddee, whose father is a 
 gholam in the service of the Nizamut accompanied the camp. 
 
 "5. The prisoners, 37, Aman Ali Khan ; 38, Musserut Ali Khan ; 
 39, Syud Imam Ali ; 40, Joahir Ali Khan ; 41, Meah Urjoomund ; 
 43, Meah Belal ; 44, Meah Ekbal ; 45, Hajee Tamash ; and 47, 
 Mirza Mahomed Hossain, alias Moghul Jan, formed a part of His 
 Highness's suite : 42, Meah Afreen, had joined the camp, having 
 been sent on a special errand by the Nawab Begum Sahib : 46, 
 Mahomed Fureed was a camel-driver ; and 49, Peer Khan, amahouth 
 in His Highness's service : and 48, Joomun Shaik, was the servant of 
 37, who was the Urzbeggy of His Highness ; the prisoner 38 hold- 
 ing also a high office in the Ni/amut ; and the prisoner 37 was the 
 chief and confidential eunuch, having the general control over all His 
 Highness's arrangements during this excursion. 
 
 " 6. The principal tents in the camp belonged to His Highness, Aman 
 Ali Khan, and the eunuchs. His Highness occupied the centre tent, 
 on one side of which was the tent of Aman Ali Khan, and on the 
 other the tent of the eunuchs. They were generally pitched at a short 
 distance from each other. 
 
 " 7. On the morning of the 31st March, while His Highness, with 
 the greater part of his suite, was out shooting at Purranpore, a tin 
 box containing property to the value of above rupees 700, belonging 
 to the prisoner 41, was missing. Hingoo and Muddee were seized on 
 suspicion of having stolen the box, and throughout the day, before 
 and after His Highness's return, it would appear were tortured and 
 beaten for the purpose of inducing them to confess and point out the 
 property. 
 
 '' 8. The same night Muddee was conveyed on a camel to a place 
 called Nowgurriah, about eight or nine miles from Purranpore, that 
 he might point out a ghareewan to whom, he said, he had given 
 the property He was then- unmercifully beaten, when lie <lecl;ired lie
 
 171 
 
 had not given the property to the ghareewan, but to two Nautch girls at 
 Purranpore ; upon which he was again placed upon the camel and 
 brought back, part of the way on camel, and part on an elephant, to 
 the camp at Purranpore. 
 
 ''9. On the 3rd April the two men were taken, with the camp, to 
 Allal ; and again, on the 5th, from Allal to Grujol, where the same 
 day Hingoo died, and Muddee the day after. 
 
 " 10. It was given out in the camp that these men had died of 
 cholera, and it was not until the 1st May following that the Daroga 
 of Shahuugger, in the city of Moorsheclabad, reported to the magis- 
 trate that he had heard that a murder had been committed in the 
 camp, but that no one came forward to prosecute. 
 
 ' 11. The order which he received from the magistate led to inquiry, 
 and inquiry led to disclosures which formed grounds for the trial before 
 the magistrate, terminating in the commitment of the prisoners to 
 the Sessions Court on the charge of murder, and other lesser counts. 
 
 " 12. Having given a brief outline of the case, I will revert to 
 the evidence upon record. 
 
 " 13. The witness who enters more fully into detail regarding the 
 tortures to which Hingoo and Muddee were subjected is Hossaiuee 
 Shaik, witness 5 on the calendar. He was the personal servant of the 
 prisoner 41, and was permitted to turn Queen's evidence. His state- 
 ment before the Sessions Court is to the following effect : I am a 
 servant of Meah Urjoomund (prisoner 41). I had a tin box under 
 my charge belonging to my master. One morning I was asleep. 
 Burra Sahib (absent) and Moghul Jan (prisoner 47) were sitting 
 inside my mastei-'s tent. About eight or nine a.m. I awoke and missed 
 the box, and asked them about it. They said they did not know 
 where it was. I told them I was sure they had hidden it. They 
 denied this, and said, as I had given them a bad name I should be 
 punished when the thieves were caught. Burra Sahib and prisoner 47 
 went out and brought in Muddee. 1 did not go with them. Muddee 
 was questioned about the theft, but would not confess. He was then 
 taken and tied inside the tent ; and because he would not give up the 
 property, Burrah Sahib and prisoner 47 beat him with a corah. They 
 continued beating him till he promised, if they left off, he would show 
 where the property was. He then said it was with Hingoo, and he 
 would show them where Hingoo was. They loosened him and took 
 him to the indigo factory, where the fakeers lived. Not finding 
 Hingoo there, they brought Muddee back to the tent, and again beat 
 him till he told them Hingoo was under a tree near the kitchen tent. 
 They went out, and I saw them bring Hingoo to their tent. They 
 said they had found him sleeping under the tree near the kitchen. 
 Muddee told him to confess about the property, as they were taking 
 away his life. Hingoo denied having taken the property. They then 
 tied Hingoo and began to beat both Muddee entreated them not to 
 beat him more, and said he would, show them where the property was 
 placed. They took Hingoo and Muddee to the river-side, and, not 
 finding the property, brought them back, beating them, and began 
 again to beat them in the tent. Muddee then said he would show 
 them the property at Purranpore, near which Hingoo had concealed it 
 under some grass. Not finding it there, they again brought them
 
 172 
 
 back, beating them. Muddee said lie would show it near the indigo 
 factory They took them there while I remained in the tent. They 
 again brought them back, beating them. Muddee then said he would 
 show it under the sand near the river amongst some thorn-bushes. 
 They took them there, and were searching wh en His Highness returned 
 from hunting. I saw them searching. The river was about one or 
 one-half russee from the tent. His Highness went into his tent, and 
 Aman Ali Khan (prisoner 37) into his, and the Meahs into theirs. 
 My master (prisoner 41) saw me crying, and asked me what was the 
 matter He called out ' Hossainee ' three tunes. I mentioned about 
 theft, and upon his asking where the thieves were, I pointed out where 
 Burra Sahib and prisoner 47 were bringing them. The Meahs said to 
 the thieves, ' Why do you suffer yourselves to be beaten ? Give up 
 the property.' They would not confess The Meahs then went to 
 the tent of prisoner 37, and I went with them. Prisoner 37 ordered 
 them to be beaten till they produced the property. He called out, 
 ' Beat them ! Never mind if they die. One is a Chelah in His High- 
 ness's service, and the other a Fakeer ; if they die, we can say they 
 died of cholera.' The Meahs then went to their tent, and Meah Emam 
 Ali (prisoner 32), Meah Ekbal (prisoner 44), Meah Belal (prisoner 
 43), Meah Afreen (prisoner 42), and Mussuruth Ali Khan (prisoner 
 38), began together to beat them. By the order of prisoner 37, Peer 
 Khan (prisoner 49) brought a cutcha beyt with thorns in it, and they 
 tied the thieves inside the Meah's tent and beat them. Muddee then 
 said the property was in a garden. They took them to the garden and 
 there searched, but found nothing, and took them back to the tent 
 and beat them. They tied their hands and feet and beat them with 
 the beyt and the corah. The prisoner 39 again took them to the 
 garden, and afterwards Joomun Shaik (prisoner 48) servant of prisoner 
 39, and prisoner 49, kicked them, and prisoner 39 took them with the 
 Mehter, and told them they should be beaten with his jharoo if they 
 did not give up the property. Not finding it in the garden, they 
 brought them back and tied them to the tent-pins of the Meah's tent, 
 and began to beat them. Burra Sahib and prisoner 47 made sharp 
 wedges and drove them through their fingers, their hands being tied. 
 The feet and hands were tied to separate tent-pins. (The witness showed 
 in Court the way in which they were fastened.) They loosened them 
 after a while, when they cried out for water. The prisoner 37 said 
 they should have urine for water. About 2 p.m. they tied them again 
 and took them inside the tent, The Meahs told them, if they would 
 point out where the tin box was they would give them water and 
 heal their wounds. Hingoo declared that he knew nothing about 
 the property. Muddee said he had given it to Hingoo. They again 
 tied them up to the two tent-poles, with their heads downwards and 
 their feet uppermost, and beat them with the kutcha thorned beyt. 
 They all beat them. The witness pointed out the prisoners 47, 44, 43, 
 42, 39, 38, 49, and 48. Prisoner 41 was there threatening, but not 
 beating. Hajee Tamas (prisoner 45) was there, but did not beat. 
 I did not see Mahomed Fureed (prisoner 46). I saw Meer Ali Khan 
 (prisoner 40) there, but he did not beat. They were beaten all along 
 in the same tent. The prisoner 41 and the Meahs lived in the same 
 tent. On the fourth day the camp left Purranpore and proceeded to
 
 173 
 
 Allal. They took the thieves with the camp, one in a meana and 
 the other in a Suggur-garre. They beat them again there. Muddee 
 said that Hingoo had informed him that the property would be 
 found under a certain tree at Purranpore. Burra Sahib and 
 prisoner 48 went there on an elephant Muddee was conveyed 
 in a meanah. God knows what they did there. They went early 
 and returned late in the evening. Burra Sahib ami prisoner 48 
 said they had been worn out by searching for the property, and 
 could find nothing. Then Burra Sahib, in the tent, trod with his 
 feet upon Hingoo's chest. Hingoo begged him to cut his throat, 
 but not to tread upon him. Burra Sahib, with prisoners 39 and 47, 
 said, that until he showed the property they would beat him to 
 death. They then brought Joomuck Doctor, and prisoner 39 told 
 him to give them some brandy to drink, and to use some as an 
 application. I saw a little mixed with a poultice and a little drunk 
 by them. They were then inside a pal on one side of the Meahs' 
 tent, near the bottle kliana. After staying four days at Allal the 
 camp proceeded to Gujol. About noon of the day which they 
 reached Gujol, Hingoo died, The prisoner and the rest threatened 
 Muddee with the same fate unless he disclosed where the property 
 was, telling him that he was a Chelah of the Huzoor, and the other 
 only a Fakeer ; that they would not take him back again, but cut 
 his throat and bury him there. During the night lie was very weak, 
 and died in the morning. They buried Hingoo about 3 p.m., near 
 a bamboo jungle. They buried Muddee about 8 or 9 am., near 
 a gallows. Muddee's father was a Gholam (slave) in His Highness's 
 service, and Muddee a Chelah. Burra Sahib and prisoner 47 said 
 Muddee had once come to the Meahs' tent, and therefore suspected 
 that he had stolen the property. Hingoo's left hand was broken and 
 the skin of both feet torn off. The thieves died from the violence of 
 the beating. Hingoo was about forty or fifty years old, and Muddee 
 about twenty years old. No property was ever found. My master 
 still retains me in his service. I saw prisoner 37 come one evening 
 to the Meahs' tent and threaten the prisoners, but he did not order 
 them to be beaten. 
 
 " 14. The most rigid cross-examination by the counsel for the de- 
 fence did not shake this witness's evidence. 
 
 " 15. How far it is corroborated by the testimony of other witnesses, 
 will appear from a brief abstract of what they deposed to from their 
 own knowledge. 
 
 " 16. Shaik Dhunnoo, witness No. 1 on the calendar, stated that 
 one afternoon, about 9th Cheyt, he saw Muddee and Hingoo tied 
 up at the end of the Meahs, with their hands bound behind them 
 and their feet fastened with separate cords to the tent-ropes in front 
 of the tent. That on Muddee's declaring the property was near the 
 river (which he did because he was thirsty and wanted to drink) 
 both the men were taken there and brought back, as nothing was 
 found. That information was sent to His Highness, who was out 
 shooting, and who returned about 1 p.m. and sent for them, and 
 questioned them regarding the theft. That prisoner 37 threatened 
 to have them shot if they did not give up the property, and that when 
 His Highness ordered them to be released, he ordered them to be
 
 174 
 
 tied up. The next morning the witness saw Muddee's hands and 
 feet torn by tent-pins, and bleeding, and he was burnt all over his 
 left arm and shoulders, and from the knees to the feet. He saw 
 marks of beating on Hingoo when they were leaving Purranpore 
 for Allal. They tried to place the thieves in Suggur-Grarrees, but 
 could not manage it, they cried out so mueh, and were obliged to put 
 them in Majhola-Garrees. After staying two days at Allal the cam]) 
 proceeded to Grujol, where he heard Hingoo was dead. Muddee died 
 the same night Next morning saw Jeeboo Shohada burying some 
 one. and helped to dig ; saw the corpse of Muddee. Burra Sahib 
 (not present) was there ; he brought the burial clothes to be put upon 
 the body. Shere AH, Fakeer, and two bhistees, were there ; witness 
 took off the clothes that were on Muddee, put the other clothes on, 
 and they buried him. He saw Hingoo's grave. Muddee was buried 
 one russee distant from the encampment, and Hingoo one half russee 
 off, in a bamboo jungle. When he saw Muddee and Hingoo tied up 
 at the Meahs' tent, he saw there the prisoners 42, 43. 45, 44, 47, 39, 
 41, 40, 37, and 49, as well as Burra Sahib : all the Meahs beat them, 
 and the prisoner 47 gave orders. The witness did not know the names 
 of the prisoners 43 and 44, but recognised them from having seen them 
 before, and pointed them out. 
 
 " 17. Hingun Khan Cooria, Fakeer. witness 2 on the calendar, saw 
 two thieves tied near the tent of prisoner 37 for stealing the property 
 of the Daroga of Bhilt Ebuna, and the prisoner 37 pare a bamboo and 
 beat them both : their feet were tied to the tent-pins and their hands 
 behind them. This was a little after (12) noon. One was Hingoo ; 
 did not know the other. Hingoo was much older Two days after, 
 at Allal Grhaut, he saw both of them tied up near the cooking-tent, 
 and marks of burning on one of Hingoo's hands. On the fourth day 
 the camp reached Gujol, where he heard both were dead. When the 
 prisoner 37 beat the thieves, His Highness was in his own tent, 
 and all the Meahs in theirs. It was about one hour after their return 
 from shooting. 
 
 " 18. Ruhum Ali Shaik, witness 9 on the calendar, states that 
 one morning in the month of Cheyt, at Purranpore, a theft occurred in 
 the tent of the prisoner 41, and soon after there was a noise, and he 
 went with others and saw two thieves tied up in front of the Meahs' 
 tent Presently a crowd collected, and the people of the tent began 
 to call out ' Maro banchootko,' and to beat. He returned to his 
 own duties. About 2 P.M. His Highness returned from shooting. 
 There was a great uproar, and people running about. The prisoners 
 37 and 41, returning at the time, asked what the tamasha was : the 
 people at the tent told them that a box had been stolen ; 37 called out 
 ' Banchootko khoob maro,' Make them confess where the property is. 
 The thieves begged them not to beat them, and said they had con- 
 cealed the property in the sand, and would point it out. They took 
 them to the sand and searched, but did not find it. They then called 
 out ' Banchoot, humlogko dhoopme dooraya,' and beat them with a 
 cane and a thorny branch of a babool tree, and the corah and the 
 mehter beat them with a jharoo, and they took them near the bazaar, 
 to the sand by the river. They then beat them excessively, and when 
 they fell from weakness they ordered them to be tied by the feet and
 
 175 
 
 dragged ; after which they took them back to the tent and witness 
 went to his work. During the night he heard cries of ' Dohay Com- 
 pany ! Dohay Nawab Sahib !' The next day His Highness went out 
 shooting. They brought the thieves out of the tent ; they begged not 
 to be beaten, and said the property was under a kudum gatch towards 
 the west, and they would show it. They took them there to a ditch, 
 and witness went with them. The witness saw them beaten there and 
 again brought back. The next morning, when His Highness was going 
 out shooting, the prisoner 37 ordered the thieves to be well beaten. 
 Witness saw the thieves to be brought out and beaten severely. They 
 entreated them not to beat them, and told them there was a sunken 
 boat in the river where the property was, and they would show it. 
 They went to the boat, and as the thieves were searching for the pro- 
 perty they called out ' Look ! they are not searching, they are drinking 
 water ;' upon which they were taken to the dry ground and beaten with 
 the corah, beyt, andjharoo, all the way back to the tent, where they 
 were tied up again inside. The witness saw the prisoners 42, 43, 44, 
 47, 48 and 49, beat the thieves when they were taken to the kuddum 
 gatch. The prisoner 37 went with them. The witness saw the thieves 
 taken in separate doolies from Purranpore to Allal, and from Allal to 
 GKijol. They belonged to the Nizamut as well as the bearers. The 
 witness describes the bodies of the men as being quite raw and coloured 
 from the beating and the fingers without any skin on The eyes only 
 escaped. The prisoner 41 as well as 37 gave orders for the beating. 
 The witness was also cross-examined at great length 
 
 " 19. Hingoo Khan, buttah burdah in the service of His High- 
 ness, witness 7 on the calendar, saw Muddee and Hingoo bound one 
 evening at Purranpore, between 7 and 8 p.m. Prisoner 49 tied their 
 hands behind them very tight, and on their calling out, prisoner 41 
 told them to tie them looser. A camel-driver took Muddee away on a 
 camel to Nowgurriah, and brought him back to Purranpore the next 
 morning on an elephant. Saw the prisoners 47, 48, and Burra Sahib 
 with the prisoners 38 and 42, following behind, take Hingoo and 
 Muddee to the factory, where he believes they were beaten. Heard 
 cries one night, either from Hingoo or Muddee, of ' Dohay Darogah 
 Sahib ! Dohay Darogah Sahib !' From Purranpore to Allal, Muddee 
 was sitting in a garee belonging to the Nizamut ; his body was 
 covered, but he saw his foot, which was exposed : it was swollen. 
 The prisoners 47, 49, and Burra Sahib were on the elephant with 
 Muclxlee, when he returned from Nowgurriah. States his belief that 
 the thieves died from the beating. The treatment of the thieves was 
 spoken of in the camp, bazaar, roads, and everywhere. Saw clothes 
 in the hands of Burra Sahib for the bodies of the men. 
 
 " 20. George Shapcott, coachman to His Highness's service, witness 
 20 on the calendar, was eye-witness to the treatment of Muddee by 
 the prisoner 46 at Nowgurriah. He states that Muddee was brought 
 there on a camel by the prisoner 46, a camel-driver, to enable him to 
 point out the ghareewan to whom he said he had given the property. 
 He pointed out Junghee gareewan, who was about to be tied up, when 
 the witness interfered in his behalf, and he was released. But Muddee, 
 in his presence, for 15 minutes, was unmercifully beaten by the 
 prisoner 46. He did not see Muddee again till he saw him and Hin-
 
 176 
 
 goo at Q-ujol Hath. They were in the same pal, and attended by 
 Joomuck Doctor, who, with the aid of the Meliter was applying turpen- 
 tine and sweet-oil to their legs, and getting ready poultices Hingoo then 
 was dying, pnd Muddee was calling out to the people outside to bring 
 water for him. The Burra Sahib was there all the time. The next 
 morning he went again towards the pal, and saw Muddee in a dying 
 state. From his own tent he saw them both buried. The witness 
 describes the appearance of Hingoo's body when he saw him in the 
 pal, that he was raw from the knee to the foot raw in parts from the 
 neck to below the waist ; the skin was off, and the body very much 
 swollen. He describes Muddee also as being in the same state, ' raw 
 all the way down,' when he saw him dying. When he last saw Mud- 
 dee and Hingoo there were no appearances of cholera. 
 
 "21. Doolal Hurkara, witness 12 on the calendar hi the service of 
 His Highness, was an eye-witness to the prisoners 39, 47, 48, 40, and 
 Burra Sahib, taking the two thieves with their hands bound to the 
 river and back, and beating them both going and returning. 
 
 "22. Ghasoo Chobdar, witness 11 on the calendar, in His High- 
 ness's service, hrard the noise of beating in the Meahs' tent the day 
 the two thieves were apprehended, and cries of ' Meah Sahib 
 hy!' I will show them all. Saw the Burra Sahib and the 
 prisoners 46, 47, 48, 49, with 39, 42, 43, taking the two thieves 
 to the mango grove, and beating them, and bringing them back the 
 same way, not having found the property, to the tent. Does not know 
 what occurred in the tent. Saw them again at noon taken to the 
 river-side, and brought back the same way. He did not see 42, 43, 
 beat, and is not positive as to 39, though he saw a? beyt or some in- 
 strument in his hand, and believes he was beating. He went with the 
 advanced tents_ to Allal, and about 3 P.M. saw the thieves brought in 
 a Nizamut Suggur Garre near the tents. Their feet were bound with 
 bandages Prisoner 37 gave all the orders, and had all the arrange- 
 ments about the garres, tents, &c. When he witnessed the beating, 
 he saw the thieves taken to the Meah's tent. The thieves always re- 
 mained here. 
 
 " 23. Junghoo Shaik, the Gharrewan, witness 16 on the calendar, 
 confirms the evidence of George Shapcott regarding his interference in 
 the witness's behalf, when Muddee was beaten at Nowgurriah. The 
 prisoner only struck Muddee twice in the presence of the witness ; 
 but, from his statement it would appear that M uddee had been be.iten 
 elsewhere. He saw marks upon his arms. He saw prisoner 46 tie 
 Muddee, and put him on a camel before him, and take him to Purran- 
 pore This witness states that prisoner 46 took the two thieves to 
 Allal in two Nizamut meanahs. 
 
 " 24. Hajee Nunha, witness 19 on the calendar, tailor in His 
 Highness's service, confirms G. Shapcott's testimony regarding the 
 beating of Muddee at Nowgurriah, when he could not point out the 
 Gharrewan to whom he said he had given the property. The Moon- 
 shief, who was comparing the Gharrewan's name with the list in his 
 hand, called out to Muddee, 'You have told a lie, you rascal !' ' Maro 
 Hurumzadko !' Prisoner 46 began to beat him, and he kept calling 
 out, ' Dohay Jonab Alie!' ' Dohay Sahibka!' ' Humko nahuk 
 marta!' The prisoner, seeing the beating, ran away. The next morn-
 
 177 
 
 ing lie saw prisoner 46 take Mucldee with lu's urins and legs, bouu.l 
 oil a camel, to the factory at Rogonauthpore. One day, at Purran- 
 pore, went to the- tent of the prisoner 49, where all the Aleahs lived 
 There was only Burra Sahib there ; Muddee had told him that he had 
 given the property to the fakeers. Burra Sahib sent for them all, and 
 by his directions they beat Muddee. Saw on his body blows of ranch us 
 and corahs. On the fifth day proceeded to Allal; remained there two 
 days ; and on the 4th reached Gujol. The next morning went to the 
 Meah s tent ; saw Mu Idee sitting there, and his father Etwarree ; and 
 heard Muddee say to his father, ' .My body is burning ; give me some 
 medicine to cool it.' He also called out. ' Meah Sahib ! give me 
 some medicine to cool my body ! Khan Sahib ! give me some medi- 
 cine to cool my body !' The Doctor came, and the Bhatjee, and gave 
 the father some medicine for his son, saying it would cool him. About 
 4 P.M. heard that Muddee was dead. The witness saw Hingoo with 
 Muddee in a talka-pal, near the tent of prisoner 39. Saw Hingoo on 
 the road going to Gujol in a meanah. Muddee was 011 a ruth at t!:e 
 time. Both belonged to the Nizamut. Points out prisoner 48 as 
 present in the Meahs' tent, when the fakeers beat Muddee. Saw on 
 the bodies of Hingoo and Muddee marks of the corah and beyt. 
 
 " 25. Ameer Alie, witness 21 on the calendar, employed as a 
 Moojrayee in His Highness's service ; one day at notm at Purranpore 
 >aw prisoners 47, 48, 49, and Burra Sahib, beat Hiiigoo and Muddee 
 some with a stick and some with their hands. They took them in this 
 way to the river, and then brought them back, and took them to the 
 Meah's tent. What occurred there he does not know. 
 
 " 26. Mohammed Ameen, witness 22 on the calendar, a eunuch in 
 the service of His Highness, states that one day at Purranpore he 
 went shooting with His Highness, and returned with him. A man 
 came and gave information that the box of prisoner 41 was lost. On 
 this His Highness went to his tent, and prisoner 37 to his. Witnesss 
 heard the thieves were caught, and went to see them in the Meahs' 
 tent. He saw Hingoo tied, and another, whose name he does not 
 know, but his father's name is Etwarree, sitting near him. Burra 
 Sahib and prisoner 47 were beating them with a stick or beyt cannot 
 say which, and threatening them ; Hingoo was saying, ' You are 
 beating me unjustly, let me go ' Witness went and told prisoner 37. 
 He sent Amanut Hurkaru to Urzbeggy (prisoner 39), to inquire who 
 was beating them, and to let them go. Witness saw nothing more 
 that day. He remained in the tent of prisoner 37. The next morning 
 early some one came Ramjebun or some one and said they were 
 still beating the thieves and had not let them go. Prisoner 37 sent 
 Ramjan Assarburdar, and desired him to go and see if the thieves 
 were still there, and if so, to let them go. This witness, in reply to a 
 question by the Court, stated that when he went to the Meah's tent 
 to see the thieves, he saw there prisoners 39 and 48, and that some of 
 the Meahs were inside and some outside the tent. He coidd only 
 remember the prisoners 39 and 48. He did not go inside the tent. 
 lie saw the thieves in the verandah of the Meahs' tent. Hingoo's 
 1'iinds were tied to one of the tent-pins. He did not mention to pri- 
 soner 37 that prisoner 39 was in the tent when he saw the beating. 
 Prisoner 39 knew that he was there. Bamjan went to the Meahs' ter.t, 
 
 N
 
 178 
 
 but witness does not know what information lie gave on his return 
 to prisoner 37. He does not know if the thieves were released accord- 
 ing to his orders. They died seven or eight days after at Gujol. Wit- 
 ness gets 116 rupees per mensem from His Highness for different 
 offices. On being questioned by the Counsel for the prosecutor he 
 stated, that the camp went from Purranpore to Allal and from Allal 
 to Gujol. There were three tents in the camp, one belonging to His 
 Highness, one to prisoner 37, and one to the Meahs. Witness lived in 
 the tent of prisoner 37- In the Meahs' tent there were the prisoners 
 39, 41, 38, 47, 40, 44, 45, 43, 42, and Burra Sahib, and servants. 
 His Highness's tent is always pitched in the centre, that of the pri- 
 soner 37 on one side, and that of the Meahs' on the other. There 
 was a kanat between His Highness's and the Meahs' tent ; the distance 
 between the two tents about 100 haths ; the distance between His 
 Highness's and the tent of prisoner 37 about 80 or 90 haths. The 
 two men died in the pal near the Meahs' tent Witness saw the pal. 
 It was two or four haths from the Meahs' tent. The pals were in 
 charge of the darogah of the Farashkhanah. Witness is the darogah 
 of the Farashkhanah. No one came to him for the pal for the two 
 thieves. Etwarree used to live in that pal, and the two men were 
 brought there, and died there. Etwaree Khawas and other Khawasses 
 occupied the pal.* Generally the pal these men occupied was placed 
 two or more haths from the Meahs' tent, more or less, according to 
 the nature of the ground. The pal was standing near where he first 
 saw the men beaten. On being cross-examined by Mr. Montriou, the 
 witness stated that prisoner 39 used always to dine with His Highness, 
 and prisoner 47 occasionally. Excepting prisoner 45 and prisoner 47, 
 whose hand was broken, all the Meahs dined every evening with His 
 Highness. 
 
 " 27. Kangalu Sheikh Bhistee, in the service of His Highness, 
 witness No 27 on the calendar at Purranpore, one day saw one of the 
 thieves does not know his name brought there on a camel. Went 
 from Purranpore to Allal, and from Allal to Gujol, where the thief 
 died. The hurkaru told him to bring some water, and come along 
 with him. Went and washed the body of the thief before it was 
 buried. Describes the injuries upon it. The skin was off all over, 
 from the back and different parts The wounds appeared to have been 
 caused by beating. It was about 3pm He was buried in a bamboo 
 jungle, near a tank. He was buried immediately after the washing. 
 The grave was dug before witness came there. He was called by the 
 hurkaru about 3 p.m. 
 
 " 28. Shaik Shekardee, witness 28 on the calendar, went with His 
 Highness's camp from Purranpore to Allal, and from Allal to Gujol. 
 After Hingoo's death, a hurkaru called witness, and he went with 
 water to where the body was, near a grave. Saw marks of beating all 
 over the body, arms, legs, &c , long marks. Did not notice whether 
 there were injuries about the feet. Did not observe whether there 
 were marks of burning. Washed the body and came away. The 
 grave was ready when he arrived there. Did not know Hingoo. Does 
 not know the Hurkara's name. He was a servant of the Nizamut. 
 Witness is also. Knew the Hurkara was a Nizamut servant by his 
 stick and chauprass. Did not know him before. Points out the grave
 
 179 
 
 as being two or three russees distant from the tents. On being ques- 
 tioned by Mr. Montriou he stated that Kangali went with him, and 
 they both washed the body. 
 
 " 29. Bhozwan Grhose, witness 29 on the calendar, applied ointment 
 upon the arms and feet of the two thieves at Allal. Prisoner 48 told 
 him it was ordered by prisoner 41 and prisoner 39. They were 
 under a tent pal near the tent of the prisoner 41. There were long 
 scars upon the feet, hands, and arms The back was swollen, but 
 he did not ses marks. Saw marks of beating, and suspects there 
 were marks of burning. Marks of beating, are long ; and of burn- 
 ing, round Saw round marks upon the shoulders. The wounds 
 did not heal from the applications. The man died. The applica- 
 tions, or poultices, were made of atta (meal), milk, and ghee. Grave 
 them for five days at Allal. The thieves were in a tent put near the 
 Means' tent. Prisoner 48 first called him. Prisoner 41 gave him 
 orders to put the poultices on. Used to apply them every morning 
 at 6 a.m. Witness arrived at Griijol after the camp at nine that 
 night. Heard next morning the thieves were dead. On a question 
 being put by Mr. Montriou, the witness stated that he thinks the 
 men must have died from beating. Heard they had been beaten, 
 because a box had been stolen ; but judges they died from beating 
 from the wounds he saw. The wounds, when he last saw the men, 
 were better, but the men died 
 
 " 30. Khasinath Eoy and Ahaloolla, two witnesess, proved the con- 
 fession of prisoner 49, taken before the magistrate." 
 This closed for the prosecution. 
 
 " 31. Mr Clarke put in a written defence for his client's prisoners 
 No. 37, 38, 40, 43, and 44, and Mr. Montriou the same for his clients, 
 prisoners No. 39, 41, 42, 45, and 47. Prisoners No. 46, 48, 49, de- 
 fended themselves. 
 
 " 32. Out of thirty-eight witnesses for the defence named by the 
 prisoners in the Magistrate's Court, Mr Montriou only called four, 
 and the prisoner 46 called three. Fresh witnesses to character only 
 were called by both the counsel in behalf of their respective claims; 
 and their testimony, though not exculpatory with reference to the facts 
 proved in evidence was very favourable to them. 
 
 " 33. The following are the witnesses called on behalf of the pri- 
 soners Nos. 42 and 16 : 
 
 ' 34. KahoolaTi, witness 92 of the calendar, a mallee in the Nawab 
 Begum's service, went with prisoner No 42 to the camp on an 
 errand from the Begum at Purranpore. Lived under any tree they 
 could find. Left the camp at Purranpore Were at Purranpore a 
 night and a day. Arrived the same day His Highness arrived 
 there. 
 
 " 35. Hossain Bur, witness No. 91 on the calendar, in the Nawab 
 Begum's service, went with prisoner No. 42 and Hawo and Kahoolan to 
 His Highness's camp. They left it at Purranpore. Prisoner 42 used 
 to remain, sometimes with witness sometimes with His Highness. 
 Eemained with him under a tree at Hyathpore. Prisoner 42 lived 
 two days in His Highness's tent. 
 
 " 36. Mehengoo Shaik, witness 98 on the calendar, camel-driver in 
 the service of His Highness, was with the prisoner No. 46 in the 
 
 N 2
 
 180. 
 
 journey ; was with him when he went from Purranpore to Nowgur- 
 riali, and when he returned ; did not beat any one before him, or 
 quarrel with any one. 
 
 " Cross-examined by Mr. Trevor. Went from Nowgurriah to Pur- 
 ranpore with prisoner 46 on a camel. There were four persons. Ba- 
 kur and himself went on one camel, and prisoner No 46 with some- 
 body else does not know who on another camel. Does not know 
 whether lie was in the service or not. Went to bring Ashab by tlie 
 order of prisoner 37. The prisoner 46 made the man who was with 
 him over to Jeehun Lai ; never asked the prisoner 46 who the man 
 was or anything about him. Nowgurriah is five coss from Purranpore. 
 The man returned with them. Never asked about him. 
 
 " By the Court. The prisoner 37 sent the camels for the 
 Ashab. 
 
 " Mookoo Shootisban, witness 99 on the calendar, examined by the 
 prisoner 46. The prisoner 46 went with the camp. Was with him 
 when he went from Purranpore to Nowgurriah, and when he returned, 
 made no disturbance on the way. Afterwards went to Raj Mehal. 
 For five years never saw him quarrel with anybody. Cross-examined 
 by Mr. Trevor. Witness went on foot to Nowgurriah. There were 
 two camels, and four persons on them, on one prisoner 46, and the 
 man who had been caught does not know his name ; and on the 
 other Mehengoo and Bakur. The man who had been caught was 
 given over to Jeehun Lai Bahoo. 
 
 " By the Court. A box had been stolen, and he was, therefore, 
 taken at night to Nowgurriah to point out the property. He was 
 taken by order of the prisoner 37. On his return he was taken to the 
 Means' tent. The witness states he saw nobody beat the man at Now- 
 gurriah, and saw no marks of beating. 
 
 Cross-examined by Mr. Clarke. They were all close to the tent 
 with the camels ; heard prisoner 37 give orders to take Muddee and 
 the order for the camels. Witness stood by the the Meahs' tent, and 
 the prisoner 46 and the other driver went to the tent of prisoner. 
 
 " 37. Did not hear the order. They all told him prisoner 37 had 
 given the order. Does not remember who first told him, or who 
 secondly, or who thirdly told him. A hurkara came first and con- 
 veyed the orders. They did not believe him, and went to make sure. 
 Left Purranpore at eleven at night, and about 3am. reached Now- 
 gurriah. It was morning when they returned. 
 
 " 38. Bakir AH, witness 100 in the calender, examined by prisoner 
 46. Is a Nizamut camel-driver ! was with prisoner 46 in the camp ; 
 went with him from Purranpore to Nowgurriah. Did not see him op- 
 press any one in the way. Went from Purranpore to Raj Mehal, and 
 then to Maldah. Considers prisoner a good man. 
 
 " Mr. Montriou declined to put any question to the witness, on the 
 ground that nothing said by any of the witnesses for prisoner 46 could 
 affect his own clients. 
 
 "Examined by the Court. Prisoner 46 and a man he does not 
 know went upon one camel. He (witness) and Mehengoo went 
 upon another. Left Purranpore at ten or eleven at night. Went 
 with a letter. The letter was from Burra Sahib to Jeehun Lai. Next 
 morning they returned about 8 or 9 A.M. to Purranpore. On the way,
 
 181 
 
 one quarter coss from Purranpore, they met Burra Sahib oil an 
 elephant, and gave up the man to him. 
 
 "Examined by the Mohir. The camels left Purranpore by the 
 orders of prisoner 37. They went first to his tent, and he gave the 
 order to take the letter and the camels to Nowgurriah. He said 
 ' Whatever Burra Sahib orders, let that be done.' On their return 
 they had no communication with prisoner 37. Jeehul Lai gave no 
 reply, but only ordered the men to be taken back. Burra Sahib gave 
 the letter and the man for them to take to Jeehuu Lai. 
 
 " Cross-examined by Mr. Clarke. Three of them went to the tent 
 of the prisoner 37. The two camels were left near the Meahs' tent. 
 Witness, Mehengoo, and prisoner 46, went and stood at the door of 
 the tent Prisoner 37 was in the tent ; his bed was near the door. 
 ])id not see anybody else there ; the servants may have been. It was 
 night. They were all three together. Does not know who spoke 
 first. The hurkara called them. They asked what orders he had to 
 give. Prisoner 37 said that Burra Sahib would give the letters Can- 
 not say if prisoner 37 was lying or sitting : only heard him speak, and 
 knew lie was there. The other two were Xizauiut camel-drivers Can 
 s \vear they went for orders. Cannot remember who spoke first. The 
 hurkara ordered them to take the two cameld to the tent of the pri- 
 soner 37. They took the two camels and left them at the Meahs' 
 tent, and went for orders to the tent of the prisoner 37. They were 
 servants, there was no Jeniadar, and they went for orders. They 
 went to the tent of the prisoner 37, because all orders were given by 
 him ; they did not, therefore, go to the Meahs' tent. Yes, swears to. 
 all that he has stated. Does not remember what they said to prisoner 
 37- Remembers his orders. It was ' Go to the Burra Sahib, and do- 
 what he directs.' Prisoner 37 did not say anything about Muddee. 
 Burra Sahib only pointed out the man. Did not speak about Muddee. 
 Told them' to take this man and the letter to Nowgurriah. This 
 witness adds that he never saw Muddee beaten, and did not see- 
 Greorge Shapcott at Nowgurriah, nor any marks on Muddee. 
 
 " 39. The prisoner 46 declined to call any more witnesses. 
 
 " 49. Having given an abstract of the principal parts of the evidence- 
 upon the record, it will be necessary to examine some of the objections 
 raised by the Counsel for the defence, to the credibility of the testi- 
 mony adduced in behalf of the prosecution. 
 
 " 41. The Counsel for the prisoner 37 and others considers the evi- 
 dence of Dhunnoo as disentitled to credit, because he has stated that 
 on the day on which he witnessed the beating at Purranpore, His 
 Highness with the Meahs returned from shooting about 1 p.m., and 
 that the thieves had been arrested an hour before ; whereas more 
 credible witnesses state that it was His Higlmess's custom to stay out 
 till 4, 5, and 6 p.m. ; and that on that particular day he returned at 
 5 p.m., and the arrest took place about 9 a.m. 
 
 "42. It is unfortunate for the argument of the learned Counsel that 
 the prisoner 37, his client, when examined by Mr. Lock, the officiating 
 magistrate, on the 16th of May, 1353, admitted that he returned from 
 shooting on that day about 1 p.m. or 2 p.m. That it was the same day 
 on which Dhunnoo witnessed the beating is clear, because the prisoner 
 37 also admitted in that examination that on the return I'rom shooting at
 
 182 
 
 that time he heard that a small box belonging to the prisoner 41,duf)gih 
 of the Phul Khana, was missing, and that two men were arrested on su>- 
 picion. That the prisoners 37 and 47, with their servants, prisoner 48 
 and witness No. 5 and others, beat them, and that he sent three or four 
 times to prevent the beating ; and he distinguishes that day from the day 
 following by stating further that the next day they were also beaten by 
 the prisoners 39 and 48, the prisoner 47, Burra Sahib, witness No. 5. 
 and others being present in the tent, and that he again prevented the 
 beating; and when asked what persons were acquainted with these cir- 
 cumstances, he mentions the names of Meah Ameen and prisoners 38 
 and 41, 44, 42, 45, and 47, as being present. 
 
 " 43. The return of the shooting-party in the middle of the day Is 
 also admitted by the prisoner 39 in his examination before the Magutrate 
 on the same date, the 16th May, 1853, and by the prisoner 46 in his de- 
 fence, and the prisoner 49 in his confession. 
 
 "44. The Counsel for the prisoner 41 and others, in his written de- 
 fence states that the admissions of the prisoners before the Magistrate 
 are not admissible as evidence in the Sessions Court. 
 
 "45. The Magistrate took the examinations of the prisoners, and put 
 the same into writing, and they formed part of the judicial inquiry. 
 Such examinations, when reduced into writing, and attested by the pri- 
 soners and signed by the Magistrate, and placed upon the record, are 
 admissible as evidence ; that is, such weight will be given to them as the 
 Court may consider them entitled to with reference to other parts of ihe 
 examination, the circumstances of the case, and the evidence generally. 
 This has been the practice of the Court, and the Court is not aware that 
 such practice is opposed to the principles of English Law or inconsistent 
 with the requirements of justice. 
 
 " 46. A written examination taken in conformity with the regulations, 
 which are the Magistrate's guide, is the best possible evidence of the 
 prisoner having made a declaration of all that is contained in that exa- 
 mination. If the objection should be, that a part of it has been elicited 
 by the questions put by the Magistrate, the objection would not hold 
 good so long as the Magistrate does not put the questions in such a way 
 as to extract a confession, but for the purpose of elucidating or explain- 
 ing what the prisoner may be willing to state with reference to the 
 charge. It only would hold good whe:e the prisoner by such questions 
 might be entrapped into making statements that would be used against 
 him on his trial, which, but for those questions, he would not have made. 
 It surely was incumbent on the learned Counsel to prove, in behalf of 
 his clients, that theie was some omission or irregularity in the taking of 
 the examination in order to prevent its being used against them, in- 
 stead of simply asserting that such evidence was inadmissible. 
 
 "47. The witness Dhunnoo, No. 1, does not state that the thieves 
 were arrested an hour before the return of the party from shooting, but 
 that it was one hour before their return that he first saw them bound 
 and beaten. He did not (he states in the beginning of his deposition) 
 hear of the theft till twelve at noon. 
 
 " 48. The discrepancy which the Counsel for the prisoner No. 37 has 
 pointed out between what the witness stated at the Sessions Court and 
 before the Magistrate regarding the threat used by prisoner 37 to the two 
 thieves is capable of being explained. It would seem from his answer,
 
 183 
 
 when questioned, that his statements before the Magistrate were true, 
 only that the words ' If you do not give the property ' were omitted, 
 meaning that the prisoner 37 asked for the order and gave it. 
 
 "49. The evidence of Ilingun Khan, butta burdar. The points 
 which the Counsel for the prisoner 41 has laid stress on as rendering his 
 evidence totally inadmissible, because he considers it inconsistent with 
 all other testimony to the same circumstances, viz , tnat part of his 
 evidence in the Sessions Court, in which he states that Muddee was 
 brought back from Nowgurriah on an elephant, and not on a camel, and 
 that part of his evidence before the Magistrate, in which he sta'es that 
 Burra Sah.b and prisoner 47 were seated on the same elephant, aie 
 points which, being incidentally cjnfirmed by the defence of the prisoner 
 40, and other evidence on the record, would dispose the Court to give 
 that evidence greater credit. 
 
 "50. With reference to the evidence of Hingun Khan, butta burdar, 
 the points which the Counsel for the prisoner 41 has laid strtss on as 
 rendering his evidence totally inadmissible, because he considers- it in- 
 consistent with all other testimony to the same circumstance, viz., that 
 part of his evidence in the Sessions Court in which he states that Muddee 
 was brought back from Nowgurriah on an elephant, and not on a camel, 
 and that part of his evidence before the Magistrate in which he states 
 that Burra Sahib and prisoner were seated on the same elephant, are 
 points which, being incidentally confirmed by the defence of the prisoner 
 46 and other evidence on the record, would dispose the Court to give 
 that evidence greater credit. 
 
 " 51. With regard to the objections urged by the Counsel for the 
 prisoner 37 to the statement of Hossainee Sheikh, No. 5, there is no 
 doubt that he was personally interested ; but the personal interest he 
 must have felt in the proceedings and the result of the trial caii form no 
 legal ground for the rejection of any part of his testimony that can be 
 borne out bv other evidence. He was put upon his defence at first by 
 the Magistrate ; and after his examination was taken he was made 
 Queen's evidence. He distinctly states Burra Sahib and prisoner 47 ar- 
 rested Muddte because he had once come to the Meahs' tent, and they 
 suspected him of the theft. He states that his master, prisoner 41, was 
 present ; and though he did not beat he threatened. This is not an en- 
 tire exculpation of his master. There is no contradiction of his evidence 
 by Dbunnoo to render it unworthy of credit, s/ll he has stated relative 
 to the beating, and what he stated regarding the brandy, may appear in- 
 consistent with the evidence of other witnesses, because they have not 
 stated the name ; but their not having stated what he states is no proof 
 that he may not have seen what he related. There is a difference in the 
 statements of the svitnesses regarding the conveyances in which Muddee 
 and Hingoo were taken from one place to another ; but it may be ac- 
 counted for by the presrinption that they saw them at different times, 
 since it is shown that they were carried first from Purranpore to Allal, 
 and then one of them froin Allal to Purranpore and back again, and then 
 both of them from Allal to Gujol, and also by the length of time that 
 has elapsed since these occurrences. Hossainee Sheikh deposes that 
 they were taken sometimes in one conveyance and sometimes in another. 
 
 " 52. Iluhm Khan, witness No. 9, has spoken of the theft as happen- 
 ing at 6 a.m. This was upon cross-examination by Mr. Clarke. He
 
 184 
 
 appears to liave associated it with the fr.ct that His Highness and his 
 party had gone shooting whrn he heard of th(- theft; and it is possible, 
 from this association in his mind, that he had miscalculated the time. 
 The other discrepancies are not sufficient to affect the credibility of his 
 general testimony. 
 
 "53. Both the learned Counsel for the defence consider George 
 Shapcott's evidence as entitled to the fullest credit. His evidence, 
 convicts only the prisoner 47 (camel-driver), who maltreated Muddee 
 at Nowguniah. 
 
 "54. The same meed of praise for truthfulness of testimony is 
 liberally given by both the Counsel to Mahomed Ameen, witness 22. 
 His evidence convicts the prisoner 47 and Burra Sahib of beating 
 Muddee and Hingoo at the Means' tent,, and prisoners 39 and 48 of 
 being present. He states that some of the Meahs were inside the tent 
 and some out. These two witnesses have, the Court has no doubt, 
 spoken the truth in as far as they have deposed : but their silence 
 regarding transactions to which other witnesses have sworn is no proof 
 that these transactions did not take place. 
 
 " 55. The prisoner 49 confessed before the Magistrate, and it has 
 been proved by the attesting witnesses that the confession was voluntary, 
 and that no undue influence was exercised over the prisoner. 
 
 " 56. The confession is to the following effect : ' I did not murder 
 Hingoo and Muddee. Last Falgoon I rode on an elephant, and went 
 with His Highness on his expedition. I am in his service. On arriving 
 at Purranpoor I heard one day that a theft had taken place in the tent of 
 prisoner 41, and that the thieves were arrested and were being beaten. 
 On hearing this I went to the tent to see the thieves, and saw Burra 
 Sahib, prisoner 47, Hossainee, witness 5, and Joomun beating Hingoo 
 and Muddee in the tent of the prisoner No 41. Some were beating 
 with a rattan and some with a corah, and the two thieves were crying 
 and calling out for His Highness's and the Company's help, " Dohaee 
 Nawab Sahib," " Dohaee Company !" Seeing this I 'returned to my 
 elephant. On that day His Highness came back from his hunting ex- 
 cursion at noon, and in the absence of the Peadahs I went and placed a 
 ladder against the elephant, by which His Highness descended and went 
 to his tent. Prisoner No. 37 and the other Meahs, whose names I do 
 not know, but I can point them out if I saw them, asked where the 
 thieves were, and Hossainee K'lavas said they were in the tent. Then 
 all the Meahs, including prisoner 37, went to the tent and began to 
 beat the two thieves, and they tried to run away in consequence of 
 the torture; but prisoner 47 and Burra Sahib, abusing me, called out 
 to me to go and catch them, and I caught them. They ordered me 
 afterwards to tie them, but I refused, as 1 have children (hal butcha), 
 on which they threatened to beat me if I did not tie them up. I was 
 therefore obliged from fear to tie both Hingoo's hands with a tent rope, 
 and then ran away. What happened afterwards 1 do not know. I went 
 with the advance tents, and do not know if they were subsequently 
 beaten. On reaching Gujol I heard the two thieves were dead. I saw 
 the corpse of Muddee when he was buried, but not that of Hingoo 
 There were wounds upon Muddee's body. In some places the skin was 
 torn off, and in some there were bruises. Some said they died of beat- 
 ing, some of cholera the doctor knows. I only saw them on the day 
 they were beaten and the day they died.'
 
 185 
 
 " 57. This confession, of course, is only evidence against the prisoner 
 himself, and not against the other prisoners. The whole of this confes- 
 sion must be considered, although all the parts of it may not be entitled 
 to equal credit. The same rule applies to this confession as to the ad- 
 mission in the examination of the prisoner 37, to which the Court has 
 adverted. The whole must be considered, and if there is any part in 
 favour of the prisoner, which is not disproved by the evidence for the 
 prosecution, and is not improbable in itself, it should be weighed and 
 judged of by all the circumstances of the case The reason of such a 
 course, both as a maxim in law and as a practice in Court, is oiivious, 
 because it is most probable that what a prisoner admits may be true, as 
 he could have no motive to criminate himself, but it is still left to the 
 Court to weigh the whole with all the circumstances of the case as they 
 appear in evidence. 
 
 " 58. The law officer, after a very prolonged and patient trial, dnring 
 which the prisoners at the bar have had the benefits, most of them, of 
 the services of able Counsel from Calcutta to conduct their defence, has 
 given his Futwah, which convicts by Tazeer, prisoners 38, 39, 42, 43, 
 44, 47, 48, 49, and 46, of aggravated, culpable homicide as principals; 
 prisoners 40, 41, and 45 of privity (41 being besides the owner of the 
 property, and on violent presumption the instigator of the above crimes), 
 and Aman Ali Khan, No. 37, of instigating and giving orders, and beat- 
 ing on violent presumption, and of privity to the above crimes on full 
 proof. 
 
 " 59. I have maturely weighed the whole of the evidence for and 
 against the prisoner, taking into consideration such discrepancies as in 
 my mind affected the credibility of any part of the evidence, and adopt, 
 ing only as the grounds for my judgment such parts as I considered 
 trustworthy, and on which safe reliance could be placed. 
 
 " 60. 1 will briefly touch upon one or two points as they have pre- 
 sented themselves successively to my consideration. 
 
 " 1st. Whether the two men, Hingoo and Muddee, actually died 
 about the time they are said to have died in His Highness's camp ? 
 
 " On this point there can be no doubt upon the evidence. 
 
 "61. 2nd. Whether they died a natural death or by accident, or 
 whether it was the result of an unlawful act, deliberately committed by 
 others ? 
 
 " 62. It was given out that these men died of the cholera, but there 
 is not the shadow of a proof to support the rumour. On the contrary, 
 there is sufficient evidence to show that they had previous to their death 
 been repeatedly, and, as one of the witnesses expressed himself, unmerci- 
 fully, beaten. It was a continuous beating, a protracted, cruel torture, 
 at different times and in different places, making it difficult after so long 
 a lapse of time for the witnesses to the cruel acts to depose with minute 
 exactness to all the circumstances attending each separate transaction. 
 I lay aside all general presumptions in a case of so serious a nature. 
 From the evidence, however, a violent presumption arises, that when the 
 beating had told upon these poor wretches, when their skins had been 
 taken off them, as one witness said, and their flesh was, as another 
 described it, raw , like raw beef, and sores covered their bodies, that 
 then, and not till then, the cruel torturing ceased, and native doctors 
 were sent for to give their aid in the last extremity. A veil has been
 
 186 
 
 thrown over the last scenes of the painful tragedy, but enough of evi- 
 dence has been produced, amounting to legal presumption, to unite cause 
 and effect, and, in the absence of any proof whatever to the contrary, to 
 show thai the men died from the maltreatment they received, and that 
 their bodies were buried not far from His Ilighness's camp at Gujol. 
 The learned Counsel for the prisoner 41 has referred tit the rule of that 
 great and merciful judge, Sir M. Hale, against the conviction of murder, 
 where the body, as the best proof of the vor/>us delicti, is not forth- 
 coming. This is of imperative force in cases where the evidence is cir- 
 cumstantial, and there is the slightest doubt of the death of the party. 
 In this case the evidence is principally that of eye-wittnsses, and the 
 death of the parties has never b"en denied by the prisone s. 
 
 " 63. The next point to consider is, whether these unlawful acts, 
 this continuous find cruel maltreatment, terminating so fatally, constitute 
 the crime of murder, or culpable homicide, or any other crime of less 
 degree. 
 
 " 64. The English Law has laid down generally a clear distinction 
 between the crime of murder and that of manslaughter. Any unlawful 
 act which deprives another of life, in the commission of which there is 
 no malice expressed or implied, is manslaughter. But what is this 
 malice, and in what manner is it to be ascertained ? Blackstone, with 
 his usual clearness and penetration, attempts to define it. He states, 
 that the malice necessary to constitute the crime of murder is not con- 
 fined to an intention to take away the life of another, but that an intent 
 to do an unlawful act, which may probably end in depriving another of 
 life, is included in it ; that the malice prepense essential to murder is not 
 so pioperly malevolent to the individual as evil design generally arising 
 from a bad heart, which may be expressed or implied 
 
 " 65. So that if a man, not having in his heart a positive purpose to 
 take life, should entertain a purpose to do another some very grievous 
 bodily injury, and carry out that purpose, and in the prosecution of it 
 death ensue, although the death may ensue beside the original intention, 
 the act would be murder. 
 
 ''66. There might therefore be, in the painful case before the Court, 
 some grounds on the general principles of the law, which would rule 
 such cases for considering the crime one of murder; but after giving 
 this point the deepest attention, I am constrained, with reference to all 
 the facts of the case as elicited by the evidence, to regard it as culpable 
 homicide under very aggravated circumstances. I am borne out in this 
 view by the Kasi Mahomed, v z , Byjonauth and others, decided by the 
 Court of Nizamut Adawlut on the 29th March, 1825. A ca.-.e of exces- 
 sive cruel and savage torture, for the purpose of compelling a confession 
 of theft and production of property, vvh ch ended in the death of the 
 person abused. The Law Officer of the Circuit Court acquitted the pri- 
 soners, while the Judge convicted them of wilful murder. The Judges 
 of the Court of Nizamut Adawlut, C. Smith, El. Shakespeare, and W. 
 B. Martin, convicted the prisoners of culpable homicide with aggravating 
 circumstances. 
 
 " 67. Mr. Clark? observes that every concomitant by which murders 
 are characterised has been reversed in this case ; that suddenness, soli- 
 tude, and secrecy are the distinguishing marks of the worst murders : 
 but this was the most prolonged, the most public, and the easiest of de- 

 
 187 
 
 tection ; and Mr. Montriou takes the same view, and from the openness 
 of the acts doubts the possibility of their commission, 
 
 " 68. The publicity of the acts; that is, of such acts as were con.- 
 mitteil outside of the Means' tent, is no ground for discrediting the 
 joint testimony of so many Witnesses, though to some extent it may be 
 ground for believing that t ,ose who committed them did not in the 
 commission of them intend to take lite, but to go to the extremest 
 length short of taking it. I he publicity may be attributed to die pre- 
 sumption under which the prisoners appear to have acted, that as mem- 
 bers of His Highness's household they had uithin his camp the power to 
 apprehend and punish for theft, and to the gratification which some of 
 them, peculiarly circumstanced as they aie, might naturally feel in 
 openly displaying that power, and to the hupe that in the event anything 
 untoward happening the aegis of the Xizatnut might be extended over 
 them to shelter them. 
 
 " 69. The motive of the crime is clear. It was the discovery of the 
 stolen property, an t the men were maltreated to the death on the sus- 
 picion that they were the thieves, and with the view of making them 
 confess. The exact time when each separate act was committed is not 
 so important in a case like this, where the crime has continuance; ior 
 is it so necessary, where so many were concerned at different times, to 
 specify distinctly the exact share which each took in each different tran- 
 saction, or to particularize distinctly the exact instrument vvhi b was 
 used by each in the beating It is not necessary to prove by whom the 
 fatal blow was given ; all who were present aiding and abetting the acts 
 would be principals; all who were present and assisting at the beating 
 would be guilty of the death of the parties, though they themselves did 
 not beat providing death ensued from the heating. 
 
 " 70. I disagree with the Futwa in the conviction of the prisoners on 
 the different counts. I would convict the prisoners Nos. 39, 46, 47, 48, 
 and 49, as principals in the culpable ho-uicide of Muddee and Hingoo, 
 attended with very aggravated circumstances, and with reference to the 
 precedent of Byjnauth and others already alluded to ; I would recom- 
 mend them to be sentenced to 14 years' imprisonment, with hard labour 
 in irons, in banishment ; and the prisoners Nos. 40, 42, 43, 44, as 
 aiding and abetting in the aforesaid crime, to 10 years' imprisonment, 
 with labour in irons; and the prisoners 41, 45, on the same count, but 
 as less culpable, and with reference to their previous good and inoffen- 
 sive character, to 6 years' imprisonment, with labour without irons ; 
 and prisoner No. 38, against whom only one witness, Hossainee, de- 
 poses as to beating, another, Jinghoo Khan, deposing only to his follow- 
 ing the party who took the deceased to the Factory, as privy to the 
 crime, to 3 years' imprisonment with labour, commutable to a fine of 
 100 rupees. 
 
 " 71. With regard to prisoner No. 37, I must say I am not satisfied 
 with that part of it which would implicate him as the instigntor, which 
 he would be if it was satisfactorily proved that he gave orders for the 
 two men to be beaten. It is true that a number of presumptions may 
 by their accumulation become important, and it has been held a good 
 maxim in weighing evidence. ' Possuitt diversa genera ita conjungi ut 
 qua singula nnn noctrent, ea universa tanquam grandr reum opprimant.' 
 There is a presumption that the witnesses spoke the truth in what they
 
 188 
 
 stated regarding the orders the prisoner 37 gave, when Muddee at night 
 was taken on a camel by the prisoner No. 46, with a letter from the 
 Burra Sahih, to Nowgurriah. His directions may have extended to the 
 conveying; of Muddee under surveillance to Nowgurriah, for the purpose 
 of discovering the property which he .was accused of having stolen : this 
 does not amount to legal presumption. The statements of the witnesses 
 regarding their having heard him give the orders for heating, from the 
 manner in which their evidences are given, are not sufficient for con- 
 viction. The Council for No. 37 has called the attention of the Court 
 to the number of enemies who are likely to have plotted against his 
 client. The accumulative presumption, arising from the whole of the 
 evidence, affords full legal proof of his heing an accessory after the fact, 
 both in harhouring the principals and in concealing the crime, and I 
 would recommend him to be sentenced to one year's imprisonment, with 
 labour. 
 
 (Signed) J. D. MONEY. 
 
 Sessions Judge. 
 The 22nd September, 1853. Moorshedabad. 
 
 JUDGMENT or THE SUDDER NIZAMUT. 
 Present MR. MILLS and MR. EATKES. 
 
 " This case is referred for the orders of the Court on two grounds ; 
 firstly, because the Sessions Judge disagrees with the futwa of the law 
 officer in regard to the degree of criminality of some of the prisoners : 
 and secondly, because he is of opinion that the principal prisoners are 
 deserving of a higher punishment than it is within his competence to 
 award. 
 
 " It would appear that the Nawab Nazim of Bengal, attended by a 
 large retinue, went towards the end of March last on a shooting expedi- 
 tion in the Maldah district, and that on the morning of the 31st March, 
 while he was out sporting, a box containing money and some valuables 
 was missed from the tent of the Meahs, which at the time was occupied 
 by the prisoners, No. 38, 39, 40, 41, 43, 44, 45, and 47. The box be- 
 longed to the prisoner No. 41, and was in charge of the approver 
 Hossainee. It would further appear that a lad, by name Muddee, was 
 arrested on some vague suspicion ; that he was severely beaten, as a 
 means to induce him to deliver up the stolen property ; that he incul- 
 pated Hingoo, who was subjected to similar ill-usage ; that this ill- 
 treatment was continued for several days in succession ; and that it 
 caused the death of Muddee on the 5th, and that of Hingoo on the 6th 
 of April. The above is a brief outline of the facts of the case, which are 
 established by general evidence, and are admitted by the Counsel who 
 represented the prisoners 37, 38, and 40 before the Court. The Sessions 
 Judge has convicted the prisoners 39, 46, 47, 48, and 49, as principals ; 
 No. 40, 41, 42, 43, 44 and 45, as aiders and abettors; 33 as privy to the 
 crime; and 37 as accessory after the fact. 
 
 " As the crime was for some time concealed from the authorities, no
 
 189 
 
 inquest was held, and no medical evidence is forthcoming as to the state 
 of the bodies after death; but the evidence of Mr. Shapcott, the two 
 bheestees who washed the bodies, and the apprentice who applied 
 remedies before death, as to their condition a short time before and 
 immediately after death, fully justifies the Court in the belief, or violent 
 presumption, that the deaths of the deceased were iu consequence of the 
 cruel maltreatment they had received. The question for the determina- 
 tion of the Court, therefore, is, whether the accused parties before the 
 Court took any, and what part, in this ill-treatment, or are in any way 
 connected with the crimes charged against them. 
 
 i " Mr. Clarke and Mr. Waller, for the prisoners, having strongly 
 pointed the consideration of the Court to the worthlessness of the evi- 
 dence in general, urging that the charge against their clients originated 
 in a foul conspiracy, got up by plotters in the palace to criminate and 
 ruin the prisoner No. 37, who is the favourite of the Nawab Nazim, an 1 
 the head man of his household. 
 
 " The notoriety of the events which form the grounds of this case 
 must have made them known to so many who were present with the 
 Nawab's camp, that we are not surprised to find that a large number of 
 witnesses was, in the first instance, brought forward to tender evi- 
 dence against any accused party ; but of these the Government Pro- 
 secutor selected twenty ; and in consequence of contradictions and 
 discrepancies in the depositions of five of these witnesses before the 
 Sessions Court, he rejected their testimony as unworthy of credit. 
 The testimony of the remaining witnesses on which the leading 
 points of the case must rest, and on which the Sessions Judge has 
 based his verdict against the prisoners, has, under the above circxim- 
 stances, been narrowly scrutinized as regards its truth, and carefully 
 weighed with reference to its respectability, its general consistency, 
 and the probabilities suggested to our minds in considering all the 
 circumstances of the case. Before coming into Court we had atten- 
 tively considered the evidence, the written defence put in by Counsel 
 at the Sessions Court, and the remarks of the Sessions Judge in re- 
 futation of the objections raised therein to the credibility of the testi- 
 mony of each witness, and had come to the conclusion that the state- 
 ments of Hossainee Sheikh, the approver, Dhunoo Khan, Raheem Ali, 
 and Hingun, were open to grave suspicion. This suspicion the argu- 
 ments of the Counsel for the prosecution have failed to diminish. 
 
 " The Counsel for the defence have strongly animadverted upon the 
 testimony of the above-named witnesses in particular. They have 
 directed attention to their want of respectability, the circumstance 
 under which they came forward to give their evidence, the general 
 improbabilities and contradictions involved in the statements, and the 
 difficulty of believing that they were ever allowed to be spectators of 
 the events they describe. 
 
 " The Court will first remark on the evidence of the approver, 
 Hossainee. This man was first arrested as implicated in the state- 
 ment of his master, Urjoomund, prisoner No. 44. His defence was 
 taken down by the magistrate, and as that defence exculpated himself 
 from all participation in the crime, and directly inculpated the other 
 prisoners, the magistrates at once released him and made him a wit- 
 ness in the case, proceeding at the same time to record his testimony
 
 190 
 
 on the part of the prosecution. lie is thus called an approver, and 
 his statement is relied upon as carrying with it all the Aveight attached 
 to evidence ,of this character when properly supported. This man 
 had special charge of the missing property, and is the person, there- 
 fore, on whom blame, if not suspicion, would naturally fall. He was 
 interested in the discovery of the thief, or in removing the suspicions 
 of his master from himself; and nothing can be more probable than 
 that he both knew and participated in the ill-treatment of the de- 
 ceased. In fact two credible witnesses deposed that he was aiding 
 and abetting those who inflicted the torture on the thieves ; yet he 
 refrains from disclosing any such participation, and in no way im- 
 plicates himself. To have rendered his evidence effective, the magis- 
 trate should have, in conformity with the provisions of Regulation 
 X. of 1824, tendered to him a conditional pardon ; this was not done : 
 he was, therefore, placed under no special obligation to disclose the 
 whole truth, as in the case of an admitted approver : and taking his 
 evidence as that of an ordinary witness, it appears to us to have been 
 dictated by a wish to exculpate himself at the expense of his fellow- 
 criminals, and to teem with improbabilities and .gross contradictions, 
 which compel the Court to set it aside altogether. 
 
 "As respects the witnesses Dhunoo, Hingun Khan, and Sheikh 
 Kaheem All, we observe that the first is a discarded Burkundaz of 
 Police, who was the first person who came forward and volunteered 
 evidence, as he himself states, in the hope of earning a good name, 
 and procuring employment ; the second is a lame mendicant, who 
 was indicated by Dhunoo as able to give information in this case ; 
 and the third describes himself as a cook, temporarily employed in the 
 Nawab's service during this hunting expedition. 
 
 " It is impossible to ascertain whether these persons were present at 
 the Nawab's camp as represented ; the way in which they account for 
 then* presence there does not impress the Court with any reliance on 
 that point, and the occurrences which they relate as taking place daily, 
 from the commencement to the close of this affair, must have taken 
 hold on their memories in an unusual manner, to enable them, after 
 so long an interval, to depose to particulars of which they then con- 
 ceived themselves to be mere casual observers. The Court observe 
 that. Hingun Khan made such palpable contradiction before the 
 sessions that the Judge has recorded his opinion that the discrepancies 
 are irreconcileable, and the evidence is not entitled to much credit. 
 We also remark that these witnesses are the only persons who depose to 
 the prisoner No. 37 having instigated and participated in the outrage : 
 one deposing that he threatened to blow the thieves from a gun, and 
 countermanded the Nawab's order for their release ; while another 
 alleges that No. 37 trimmed a bamboo, and chastised a thief with it ; 
 statements apparently so exaggerated could hardly be relied upon 
 unless made by persons of undoubted veracity, and, in the present 
 instance, totally fail to convince us of their truth, being in direct 
 opposition to the testimony of far more credible persons. Moreover, 
 we observe that the Sessions Judge himself discredited snch part of 
 the evidence of these witnesses affecting the above prisoners as insti- 
 gating the assault. Under these circumstances, we cannot but regard 
 the general character of the evidence of these witnesses a.t doubtful
 
 191 
 
 and suspicious, and we feel therefore constrained to discard it in 
 loto. 
 
 " The remaining witnesses seem to the Court to have given a con- 
 nected and probable account of what took place within their own, 
 observation and knowledge. 
 
 "They are all servants of the Nawab, and their occupation accounts 
 for their presence on the spot. Mr. Shapcott's evidence is in no way 
 impeached, and that of Ameer Ali and Mahomed Ameen has been 
 scarcely called in question : and the Court, after duly considering the 
 exceptions taken to the remaining witnesses by Mr. Montriou in his 
 elaborate review of their depositions, are of opinion that the contra- 
 dictious elicited on cross-examination are on points so immaterial as in 
 no way to shake the confidence of the Court in their general credibility 
 and trustworthiness. Applying, therefore, this proof to the case of 
 the prisoners, we find there is nothing in it to bring home to the 
 prisoners Nos. 37, 38, 40, 41, 44, and 45, any of the charges on 
 which they stand committed ; and only one witnass speaks to the pre- 
 sence of No. 42, and another to that of No. 43, on the occasion oi the 
 thieves being taken to the river-side, but they even do not implicate 
 them as taking any part in maltreating or encouraging the maltreat- 
 ment of the prisoners. 
 
 It lias been argued by Ramapersaud Raj, that the presumption 
 naturally arising from all the facts of the case is sufficiently strong to 
 convict the prisoner No. 37 of accessoryship after the fact to the 
 murder, and of privity to the same. The Sessions Judge has found 
 the prisoner guilty of the first charge, inasmuch as he harboured the 
 criminals and concealed the crime. On this point we have to observe, 
 that to justify a conviction on this charge there must be some act 
 proved to have been done to assist the felons personally. The evidence 
 discloses no proof of any overt act, nor of any other act on the part 
 of the prisoner, from which such an inference can fairly be deduced. 
 As regards the charge of privity to the crime, we would remark that 
 there is no direct evidence to the fact of the prisoner No. 37 taking 
 any part, or being directly or indirectly concerned, either in the 
 burying of the bodies or in giving currency to the report of the thieves 
 having died of cholera. The mere possibility that the rumour of the 
 death of these men by torture had reached the ears of prisoner No. 
 37, is not in itself sufficient to bring home to him the charge of con- 
 cealing or procuring the concealment of the felony ; to establish such 
 a charge there must be some proof that, though not consenting, he 
 was personally cognizant of the crime, and, though able, refrained 
 from preventing it, or neglected to use any endeavours for the appre- 
 hension of the offenders. An admission was made in the Foujdarry 
 by prisoner No. 37, which is corroborated by the most respectable 
 witness examined, to the fact that the prisoner, when he heard the 
 thieves were subjected to ill-treatment, sent persons to forbid it on two 
 different occasions, and to release them Thus there is evidence of an 
 attempt to prevent the offence, and though death subsequently ensued 
 some days afterwards, it would be, I thinK, an unfair construction of 
 his acts to presume that he was necessarily aware that death was the 
 consequence of such ill-treatment. 
 
 " Much stress has been laid by Mr. Trevor, both in his written
 
 192 
 
 defence and in his arguments before the Court, on the evidence of the 
 three witnesses cited by Furreed Khan, No. 46, as inculpating the 
 prisoner No. 37. On their cross-examination they stated that the 
 camels, on one of which the deceased Muddee was conveyed, bound to 
 Nowgurriah, were sent by the orders of the prisoner No. 37, and that 
 he was therefore assenting to the ill-treatment inflicted on the de- 
 ceased. These witnesses have palpably perjured themselves as regards 
 Fureed Khan never having beaten Muddee, as their evidence is 
 directly contradicted by that of George Shapcott ; and Mr. Trevor 
 would wish us to reject that part of the testimony and adopt it as to 
 Aman 'Ali. Evidence so tainted must be received with extreme 
 caution : but taken as it stands, we are of opinion that it does not 
 even go far enough to show that the prisoner No. 37 was aware for 
 what purpose the camels were required. One witness states that he 
 heard from the three camel-drivers that they had received orders from 
 Aman Ali Khan to take Muddee to Nowgurriah, and another swears 
 that the two camels were taken by Aman Ali's orders to Nowgurriah, 
 and that he desired the drivers to go to the Burra Sahib for instruc- 
 tions. From the third witness nothing inculpatory of the prisoner 
 was elicited. Considering that the prisoner had no motive for ill- 
 iising the thieves, that it is in evidence he endeavoured to prevent 
 their ill-usage, we cannot, from this evidence, draw any conclusions 
 condemnatory of this prisoner. 
 
 "By the evidence of the witnesses relied on by the Court, it is 
 satisfactorily established that the prisoner, No. 39, who lived in the 
 Means' tent, took a part in the ill-treatment of the deceased. The 
 witness No. 11 deposed to his taking, with others, the thieves to the 
 river-side, and to his beating them going and returning. No. 12 con- 
 firms the fact, with this qualification, that he did not see the prisoner 
 himself beat them, and No. 22 speaks to the prisoner being in the tent 
 and present when the thieves were being chastised by others ; and to 
 the prisoner No. 37 sending orders to this prisoner to stop the mal- 
 treatment. 
 
 The prisoners, Nos. 46, 47, 48, and 49, together with Burra Sahib, 
 who has evaded justice, are identified by the witnesses generally as 
 taking the most prominent part in the gross maltreatment, ending in 
 death, of the deceased persons ; and Mr. Shapcott' s evidence espe- 
 cially identified No. 46, the camel-driver, as on one occasion beating 
 the deceased Muddee in the most unmerciful manner for the space of 
 15 minutes. There is also the clear and well-attested confession of the 
 prisoner No. 49 before the magistrate. We, therefore, in concurrence 
 with the Sessions Judge and Law Officer, convict the prisoners Nos. 
 39, 46, 47, 48, and 49, as principals in the culpable homicide of 
 Muddee and Hingoo. The case is attended with circumstances of 
 such aggravation and deliberate cruelty, deducible from the evidence 
 generally, as to render the crime scarcely distinguishable from wilful 
 murder ; but adopting the principle generally inculcated by the pre- 
 cedents of this Court, that unless the intention of the criminal to take 
 life is fairly inferable from the nature and circumstances of the case, a 
 conviction of wilful murder cannot pass, we convict them of the minor 
 offence of culpable homicide, and sentence them, as proposed by the 
 Sessions Judge, to fourteen years' imprisonment with labour in
 
 " The Court have noticed in its place the irregular manner in which 
 the magistrate has admitted Hossainee to be an approver. The Court 
 further notice, with censure, the unfairness and impropriety of the 
 magistrate's proceedings as regards the prisoner Urjoomund, in first 
 taking his defence, then converting him into a witness and examining 
 him on oath, and then, because he considered that he had not spoken 
 ihe whole truth, re-arraigning him on the original charge and commit- 
 ting him for trial." 
 
 In whatever light we view the course taken by Lord 
 Dalhousie against the Nawab Nazim in connection with 
 the above unfortunate affair, we cannot but consider it 
 most unjustifiable ; for even admitting that His Lordship 
 had a right to differ in opinion from the Judges of the 
 Court of Nizamut Adawlut as to the culpability of the 
 ssrvants of the Nawab, there was certainly not the least 
 ground for implicating the Nawab himself, or holding him 
 responsible for the acts of his servants. Besides, there 
 were present in the camp with His Highness several 
 European gentlemen of high standing in the Company's 
 civil service, and it is surprising to think that none of 
 those gentlemen (one of whom was a Judge) were called 
 to account by His Lordship for the same reasons adduced 
 against the Nawab. Again, if His Lordship was dis- 
 satisfied with the judgment of the highest Court of 
 Justice in the land, he might have ordered another trial 
 to be proceeded with, before jumping to a hasty con- 
 clusion as to the guilt of the Nawab's servants (who had 
 been thrice tried arid acquitted), and then, without any 
 just cause punishing their master for their supposed act 
 on a mere assumption that he must have been cognizant 
 of whatever occurred in his camp, even while he was 
 away from it. We feel assured that every right thinking 
 Englishman will with us disagree with His Lordship's 
 opinion and ill-judged conclusions. 
 
 o
 
 194 
 
 The action taken by Lord Dalhousie is fully set out in 
 His Highness' Memorial to the Secretary of State for 
 India, and also in the Narrative of the Nizam ut Affairs 
 by the Agent Governor-General, to which we would 
 refer our readers for further information, leaving it to 
 them and an enlightened public to distinguish the 
 right, and to exercise the power in their hands, by doing 
 justice to the Prince who has suffered so much from 
 the effects of such arbitrary measures ! 
 
 Lord Dalhousie' s term of office ceased soon after this, 
 but the result of his arbitrary acts and the annexation 
 policy, by which solemn treaties and engagements with 
 Indian Princes were set aside, soon after broke out in the 
 terrible Mutiny of 1857, when Lord Canning held the 
 reins of Government in India. 
 
 In 1856, Lord Canning, who was afterwards the first 
 Viceroy of Her Most Gracious Majesty, gave His High- 
 ness the following assurance of " consideration, respect, 
 and friendly interest &c. ;" of the British Government : 
 
 From LORD CANNING TO NAWAB SYUD MTJNSOOR ALT, 
 KHAN, BEHADOOR. (the present NAWAB NAZIM of Bengal, 
 Behar, and Orissa,} dated \\th March, 1856. 
 
 " Nawab Sahib, of bigh wortb and exalted station, my good brother, 
 " I wish you peace. 
 
 " After expressing devoted desire beyond description for a happy 
 " interview, I woidd announce what You will have gleaned from 
 " the newspapers of the 29th February last, that this friend has been 
 ' appointed to succeed the Most Noble the Marquis of Dalhousie K.T. 
 " as Govern or- General of India. 
 
 " Permit me to add, this friend entered Calcutta, the seat of 
 " Government, and assumed the duties of this high office on the 26th 
 " February, 1856, corresponding to the 22nd Jumadee-ul-Sanee, 
 " 1272, H. 
 
 " Your Highness may be assured the consideration, respect, and 
 "friendly interest in the prosperous administration of your affairs, 
 " &ndjust regard to the honours and dignities due to your hereditary 
 " rank and the prescriptive privileges of your high station, guaranteed 
 " by the stipulations of subsisting Treaties and long established Bela-
 
 195 
 
 " tions, observed and cherished by former Governors-General, will on 
 " the part, also, of this sincere friend, be fervently fostered aud punc- 
 " tually fulfilled. 
 
 " Assiired of this friend's interest in your welfare, I hope you will 
 " not fail to favour him with letters that may cheer him with the 
 " welcome intelligence of your health and prosperity. 
 
 " Further, may days of joy accord with your desire. 
 
 " (Signed) CANNING. 
 
 If, therefore, as acknowledged by Lord Dalhousie 
 himself aud again by Lord Canning, the first direct 
 Representative of the British Crown in India, the 
 Treaties concluded with the Nawab's ancestors are existing 
 and subsisting, we may well inquire why has not the 
 British Government insisted upon the Government of 
 India fulfilling all the conditions therein named by 
 restoring to His Highness and his family those rights 
 and privileges of which they have been unjustly deprived 
 by the officers of that Government ? It was with the 
 object of correcting the abuses practised by the officers of 
 the East India Company that the Imperial Government 
 took over the Administration of Indian Affairs, and it is 
 matter of surprise that abuses still exist in India as 
 evidenced in the case of the Nawab of Bengal and other 
 Native Princes with whom solemn contracts were made 
 by the East India Company. Her Most Gracious 
 Majesty, after having assumed the Supreme Adminis- 
 tration and Government of India, issued the following 
 Proclamation to the Princes, the Chiefs, and the People 
 of India, as an assurance that " all Treaties and En- 
 gagements made with them by or under the Authority of 
 the Honourable East India Company," were by Her 
 accepted, and " would be scrupulously maintained," hence 
 the British Government is responsible for the faithful 
 fulfilment of the same by the Government of India. 
 
 o 2
 
 196 
 
 ALLAHABAD, Monday, 1st November, 1858. 
 
 THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL 
 7ms received the Commands of HER MAJESTY the QUEEN, 
 to make known the following gracious PROCLAMATION of 
 HER MAJESTY to the PRINCES, the CHIEFS, and the 
 PEOPLE OF INDIA. 
 
 PROCLAMATION OF THE QUEEN IN COUNCIL, TO THE 
 PRINCES, CHIEFS, AND PEOPLE OF INDIA, VICTORIA, BY 
 THE GRACE OF GOD, OF THE UNJTEU KINGDOM OF GREAT 
 BRITAIN AND IRELAND, AND OF THE COLONIES AND DE- 
 PENDENCIES THEREOF IN EUROPE, AsiA, AFRICA, AMERICA, 
 
 AND AUSTRALASIA. 
 
 QUEEN, DEFENDER OF THE FAITH. 
 
 Whereas, for divers weighty reasons, We have resolved, by and with 
 the advice, and consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and 
 Commons, in Parliament assembled, to take upon Ourselves, the 
 Government of the Territories in India heretofore administered in. 
 trust for Us by the HONOUBABLE EAST INDIA COMPANY . 
 
 Now, therefore, We do by these presents notify and declare that, by 
 the advice and consent aforesaid, We have taken upon Ourselves the 
 said Government, and We hereby call upon all Our subjects within 
 the said Territories to be faithful and to bear true allegiance to Us, 
 Our heirs and successors, and to submit themselves to the authority of 
 those whom, We may hereafter, from time to time, see fit to appoint to 
 administer the Government of Our said Territories, in Our name and 
 on Our behalf. 
 
 And We, reposing especial trust and confidence in the loyalty, 
 ability and judgment of Our right trusty and well beloved Cousin and 
 Councillor, CHABLES JOHN VISCOUNT CANNING, do hereby constitute 
 and appoint him, the said VISCOUNT CANNING, to be Our first Viceroy 
 and Governor- General in, and over Our said Territories, and to ad- 
 minister the Government thereof in Our name, and generally to act in 
 Our name and on Our behalf, subject to such Orders and Kegulations 
 as he shall, from time to time, receive from Us through one of Our 
 principal Secretaries of State. 
 
 And We do hereby confirm in their several Offices, Civil and 
 Military, all persons now employed in the Service of the HONOUBABLE 
 EAST INDIA COMPANY subject to Our future pleasure, and to such 
 Laws and Regulations as may hereafter be enacted. 
 
 We hereby announce to the Native Princes of India that all treaties 
 and engagements made toith them by or under the authority oj the 
 HONOUEABLE EAST INDIA COMPANY are by US accepted, and iviJI be 
 scrupulously maintained ; and We look for the like observance on iltcir 
 part. 

 
 197 
 
 We desire no extension of Our present territorial possessions ; and 
 while We will permit no agression upon Our Dominions, or Our 
 Rights to be attempted with impunity, tve shall sanction no encroach- 
 ment on those of others. We shall respect the Sights, Dignity and 
 Honour of Native Princes as Our own ; and We desire that they, as 
 well as Our own subjects, should enjoy that prosperity, and that social 
 advancement which can be secured by internal peace and good govern- 
 ment. 
 
 We hold Ourselves bound to the Natives of Our Indian Territories 
 by the same obligations of duty which bind Us to all Our other 
 snbjects ; and those obligations, by the Slessing of ALMIGHTY GOD 
 We shall faithfully and conscientiously fulfil. 
 
 Firmly relying Ourselves on the truth of Christianity, and acknow- 
 ledging with gratitude the solace of Religion, We disclaim alike the 
 Right and the desire to impose Our convictions on any of Our subjects. 
 We declare it to be Our Royal will and pleasure that none be in any- 
 wise favoured, none molested or disquieted, by reason of their religious 
 faith or observances ; but that all shall alike enjoy the equal and 
 impartial protection of the Law : and We do strictly charge and enjoin 
 all those who may be in authority under Us, that they abstain from all 
 interference ioith the religious belief or worship of any of Our subjects, 
 on pain of Our highest displeasure. 
 
 And it is Our further will that, so far as may be, Our subjects, of 
 whatever Race or Creed, be freely and impartially admitted to Offices 
 in Our Service, the duties of which they may be qualified, by their 
 education, ability, and integrity, duly to discharge 
 
 We know, and respect, the feelings of attachment with which the 
 Natives of India regard the lands inherited by them from their 
 Ancestors ; and we desire to protect them in all rights connected there- 
 with, subject to the equitable demands of the State : and We will that 
 generally, in framing and administering the Law, due regard be paid 
 to the ancient Rights, Usages, and Customs of INDIA. 
 
 We deeply lament the evils and. misery which have been brought 
 upon INDIA by the acts of ambitious men, who have deceived their 
 countrymen by false reports, and led them into open rebellion. Our 
 power has been shown by the suppression of that rebellion in the 
 field ; We desire to show Our mercy, by pardoning the offences of 
 those who have been thus misled, but who desire to return to the 
 path of duty. 
 
 Already in one Province, with a view to stop the further effusion of 
 blood, and to hasten the pacification of our Indian Dominions, Our 
 Viceroy and Governor-General has held out the expectation of pardon, 
 on certain terms, to the great majority of those who, in the late un- 
 happy disturbances, have been guilty of offences against Our Govern- 
 ment, and has declared the punishment which will be inflicted on 
 those whose crimes place them beyond the reach of forgiveness. We 
 approve and confirm the said act of Our Viceroy and Governor- General, 
 and do further announce and proclaim as follow : 
 
 Our Clemency will be extended to all offenders, save and except 
 all those who have been, or shall be, convicted of having directly taken 
 part in the murder of British Subjects. With regard to such the 
 demands of Justice forbid the exercise of mercy.
 
 198 
 
 To those who have willingly given asylum to murderers, knowing 
 them to be such, or who may have acted as leaders or instigators in 
 revolt, their lives alone can be guaranteed ; but in apportioning the 
 penalty due to such persons, full consideration will be given to the 
 circumstances under which they have been induced to throw off their 
 allegiance, and large indulgence will be shown to those whose crimes 
 may appear to have originated in too credulous acceptance of the false 
 reports circulated by designing men. 
 
 To all others in Arms against the Government, we hereby promise 
 unconditional Pardon, Amnesty, and Oblivion of all offence against 
 Ourselves, Our Crown and Dignity, on their return to their homes 
 and peaceful pursuits 
 
 It is Our Royal Pleasure that these terms of Grace and Amnesty 
 should be extended to all those who comply with these conditions be- 
 fore the First Day of January next 
 
 When, by the Blessing of Providence, internal Tranquillity shall be 
 restored, it is Our earnest Desire to stinmlate the peaceful industry of 
 INDIA, to promote Works of Public Utility, and Improvement, and to 
 administer its Government for the benefit of all Our Subjects resident 
 therein. In their Prosperity will be Our Strength ; in their Content- 
 ment, Our Security ; and in their Gratitude Our best Reward. And 
 may the GOD of all Power grant to Us, and to those in authority 
 under Us, Strength to carry out these Our wishes for the good of Our 
 People. 
 
 The British Government, under the Proclamation of 
 1858, took over the whole of the obligations contracted 
 by the Honourable East India Company, whether by 
 Treaty or otherwise, and undertook to scrupulously 
 maintain the same. Hence the Nawab Nazim of Bengal 
 is justly entitled to claim from Her Majesty and the 
 Government compensation for all the losses, pecuniary or 
 otherwise, sustained by himself and his family, having 
 on his part always adhered to the obligations set forth 
 in the several Treaties and Agreements. 
 
 But the present Nawab Nazim has greater claims 
 upon the- British Government than a mere acknow- 
 ledgment of Treaty Rights or redress for the wrongs 
 inflicted upon him and his Predecessors by the Govern- 
 ment of India, for he has (as expressed at two of our
 
 199 
 
 public banquets in the City of London by Lord Cairns 
 and also by Lord Lawrence, once Governor-General 
 of India,) "earned the gratitude and sympathy of the 
 British nation by his loyal attachment and faithful 
 adherence to the British Crown in seasons of danger 
 and trial," and by the services he rendered to the State 
 by his assistance and example " during the great Santhal 
 Rebellion of 1855, and of the more serious crisis which 
 followed, the Mutiny of the Native Troops of the Bengal 
 Army in 1857." 
 
 The following letters exhibit a few out of the many 
 services rendered by His Highness when all his country- 
 men around him were rising up in arms and throwing 
 off their allegiance to the British Government. 
 
 From The Secretary to the Government of Bengal to LIEU- 
 TENANT- COLONEL MACGREGOR, C.B., Agent to the Governor- 
 General at Moorshedabad. 
 
 Fort William, 14th July, 1855. 
 Sir, 
 
 The Lieutenant-Governor has received your demi-official communi- 
 cation announcing that the Nawab Nazim has placed at the disposal of 
 the Authorities, to aid in suppressing the disturbances that have arisen 
 in the Northern part of the Moorshedabad District, the Sepoys and 
 Troopers of His Highness' guard, together with a number of elephants, 
 and I am instructed to request that you will convey to the Nawab 
 Nazim the cordial acknowledgments of Government for his prompt 
 co-operation, and assure him that the desire which he has thus mani- 
 fested to assist by the resources at his disposal the efforts of the 
 Authorities to maintain the peace of the district, and to quell the un- 
 fortunate outbreak which has occurred, is warmly and highly appre- 
 ciated. 
 
 I have, &c, 
 
 (Signed) W. GBEY, 
 
 Secretary to the Government of Bengal. 
 
 (True Copy) 
 (Signed) G. H. MACGEEGOE, 
 
 Agent to the Governor-General.
 
 200 
 
 From the Secretary to the Government of Bengal to the 
 Agent to the Governor- General at Moorshedabad. 
 
 Fort William, 28th September, 1855. 
 
 Sir, 
 I am directed to acknowledge the receipt of your letter No. 83, 
 
 dated the instant, bringing to the notice of Government the 
 
 amount of assistance rendered by the Nawab Nazim to the Authorities, 
 from the commencement of the Santhal outbreak up to the present 
 time. 
 
 2. In my letter No. 1612, dated the 14th July, I communicated to 
 you the high sense entertained by the Lieutenant- Governor of the 
 prompt and useful co-operation of the Nawab Nazim in the measures 
 then taken for the suppression of the Santhal insurrection, and the 
 Lieutenant-Governor now directs me to state in reply to your present 
 letter, " that he agrees with you that the course pursued by the Nawab 
 " Nazim on this occasion as detailed in your letter, clearly shows His 
 " Highness' anxiety to promote the service of Government by every 
 " means in his power." 
 
 I have, &c., 
 
 (Signed) W. GKET, 
 
 Secretary to the Government of Bengal. 
 
 (True Copy) 
 
 (Signed) G. H. MACGKEGOB, 
 
 Agent Governor-General. 
 
 From the Secretary to the Government of Bengal to the 
 Agent Governor-General, Moorshedabad. 
 
 Fort William, the 4th August, 1857. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 With reference to your letter, No. 63, of the 25th June last, I am 
 directed by the Lieutenant-Governor to forward herewith a copy of a 
 letter, No. 81, of the 3rd instant, from the Secretary to the Govern- 
 ment of India in the Military Department, and to request that you 
 will lose no time in communicating to the Nawab Nazim of Moor- 
 shedabad, the acknowledgments of the Right Honourable the Go- 
 vernor-General in Council for the services rendered by His Highness 
 on the occasion alluded to therein. 
 
 I have, &c. 
 (Signed) A. E. YOUNG, 
 
 Secretary to the Government of Bengal 1 
 
 To the Secretary to the Government of Bengal. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 I am directed to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, No. 743, of 
 the 30th ultimo, submitting for the information of the Government
 
 201 
 
 of India a copy of a letter from Lieutenant-Colonel Macgregor, C.B., 
 bringing to notice the assistance rendered by the Nawab Nazim to the 
 European Detachments, and in reply to request that you will move 
 the Honourable the Lieutenant- Governor of Bengal to convey to His 
 Highness the acknowledgments of the Right Honourable the Governor- 
 General of India in Council for his great assistance on the occasion 
 in question, as also for the readiness with ichich he was prepared to 
 co-operate in preventing a disturbance which was anticipated (though 
 without good reason) at Berhampore, on the 21st instant. 
 
 I have, &c., 
 
 (Signed) E. J. H. BIBCH COLL, 
 
 Secretary to the Government of India in the 
 
 Military Department. 
 (True Copy) 
 (Signed) G. H. MACGBEGOB, 
 
 Agent Governor-General. 
 
 From the Secretary to the Government of Bengal to the 
 Agent to the Governor- General at Moorshedabad. 
 
 Fort William, the 20th Oct., 1857. 
 Sir, 
 
 I am directed to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, No. 95, of 
 the 9th instant, forwarding copy of a communication witli translation 
 addressed to you by His Highness the Nawab Nazim, in which he 
 offers to place at the disposal of Government twenty-five of his 
 elephants, and tenders his services in any other way in which they 
 may be required. 
 
 2. The Lieutenant- Governor has perused with much gratification 
 the Nawab Nazim's address, and desires me to request that you will 
 be so good as to convey to His Highness the expression of His Honour's 
 COEDIAL THANKS for the BEADINESS with which His Highness has come 
 
 forward to carry out the wishes of Government ON THIS AS ON EVEEY 
 PREVIOUS OCCASION. The Licutenant-Governor is fully persuaded of 
 the sincersity of His Highness' proffer of services, and of the LOYAL 
 SPIRIT by ivhich he is actuated. 
 
 3. The Elephants should be forwarded to Eaneegunge as soon as 
 may be convenient to His Highness. 
 
 I have, &c., 
 
 (Signed) A. R. YOUNG, 
 
 Secretary to the Government of Bengal. 
 
 (True Copy) 
 (Signed) G H. MACGREGOB, 
 
 Agent Governor-General. 
 
 From the Secretary to the Government of Bengal, to the 
 Agent Governor-General at Moorshedabad. 
 
 Fort William, 2nd November, 1857. 
 Sir, 
 I am directed to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, No. 104,
 
 202 
 
 dated the 22nd ultimo, reporting that at your request, His Highness 
 the Nawab Nazim had furnished Captain Chapman while proceeding 
 from Berhampore to Soory with a Guard of the Nizamut troops for 
 the protection on the journey of certain horses selected by that officer 
 at Moorshedabad for the use of the Bengal Yeomanry Cavalry, and 
 soliciting sanction to the payment of Ks. 100, one hundred, as a pre- 
 sent to the Guard for having well performed their duty. 
 
 2. In reply, I am desired to state that the Lieutenant- Governor 
 authorizes the expenditure above proposed, and at the same time to 
 request that you will convey His Honour's acknowledgments to the 
 Nawab Nazim for the assistance rendered by him to Captain Chapman 
 on the occasion. 
 
 I have, &c , 
 
 (Signed) A. R. YOUNG, 
 
 Secretary to the Government of Bengal. 
 
 From the Junior- Secretary to the Government of Bengal, to 
 A. PIGOU, ESQ., in charge of the Office of Agent to the 
 Governor- General at Moorshedabad. 
 
 Fort William, the 30th December, 1857. 
 Sir, 
 
 I am directed to acknowledge the receipt of your communication, 
 No. 126, dated the 19th inst., bringing to notice the good conduct of a 
 detachment of the- Nawab Nazim's Troops while escorting Government 
 horses to Raneegunge, and to convey to you the Lieutenant-Governor's 
 sanction to the payment of a reward of 150 Rupees to the Native 
 Officer and men of the detachment as recommended by you. 
 
 2. You mention also in the same letter, His Highness's co-operation 
 in conveying a party of seamen to Berhampore. 
 
 3. The Lieutenant- Governor has had frequent occasion to acknow- 
 ledge .the prompt and willing assistance rendered by the Nawab Nazim 
 to the Officers of Government during the present disturbances, and 
 desires once more to convey through you his acknowledgments for the 
 service rendered on these two occasions. 
 
 I have, &c., 
 
 (Signed) C. T. BUCKLAND, 
 Junior Secretary to the Government of Bengal. 
 Moorshedabad Agency, dated the 8th Jan., 1858. 
 
 True Copy, 
 
 (Signed) A. PIGOU, 
 
 In charge of the Office of Agent to the 
 
 Governor-General. 
 
 Berhampore, July 27th, 1859. 
 Your Highness, 
 
 As I am about to leave Berhampore, permit me to thank you for the 
 attention and kindness I have received from Your Highness. 
 
 You are aware of the circumstance that occasioned my coming, and 
 the promptitude with which you sent elephants, oxen, &c., to meet
 
 203 
 
 the detachment under my command toas most gratifying, and had it 
 not been for the sudden rise of the river, would have greatly aided, our 
 rapidly reaching Berhampore. 
 
 On my arrival in Calcutta 1 shall take special care to mention to 
 Lord Canning, Your Highness 1 zeal on this occasion. 
 
 ****** 
 
 Believe me to remain your Highness' most obedient and faithful 
 servant. 
 
 (Signed) KENNETH D. MACKENZIE, 
 
 Lieut. -Colonel, 92nd Highlanders. 
 
 To His Highness, the NAWAB NAZIM of Bengal, Behar, and 
 Orissa. 
 
 From E. H. LUSHINGTON ESQ., Officiating Secretary to 
 the Government of Bengal to the Officiating Agent to the Go- 
 vernor- General, Moorshedabad. 
 
 Fort William, 8th November, 1859. 
 Sir, 
 
 I am directed to forward for your information and for communication 
 to His Highness the Nawab Nazim the accompanying copy of a letter 
 from the Secretary to the Government of India in the Foreign De- 
 partment No. 6195, dated the 7th ultimo, announcing the honours 
 which His Excellency the Governor-General in Council, has been 
 pleased to confer on the Nawab Nazim and on his Dewan Roy 
 Prosunno Narain Deb Bahadoor, and expressing the high sense which 
 the Government entertains of the faithful services rendered by His 
 Highness during the late disturbances 
 
 2. As directed in the 6th Paragraph of Mr. Beadon's letter, the 
 Lieutenant- Governor desires me to observe that the Nawab Nazim in 
 applying for the repeal of Act XXVII of 1854, appears te have mis- 
 understood the operation of that Act, and that the annexed Extract 
 paragraphs 36 to 53 from a minute recorded by the late Lieutenant 
 Governor on the 18th September, 1858, will, it is hoped, satisfy His 
 Highness that the repeal of the Act in question, would not produce 
 all the effects which he supposes, and would besides have other con- 
 sequences which are not desirable. 
 
 I am further directed to transmit herewith a Khurretah addressed by 
 His Excellency to the Nawab Nazim, and to request that you will be 
 so good as to deliver the same to His Highness. A copy of the Khurre- 
 tah is forwarded for record in your office. 
 
 The Sunnud conferring the title of Rajah Bahadoor on the Dewan 
 of His Highness will be forwarded as soon as received, 
 
 ' I have, &c , 
 
 (Signed) E. H. LTTSHINGTON, 
 
 Officiating Secretary to the Government of Bengal.
 
 204 
 
 From C. BEADON ESQ., Secretary to the Government of 
 India, Foreign Department, to the Secretary to the Government 
 of Bengal. 
 
 7th October, 1859. 
 Sir, 
 
 I am directed by the Governor-General in Council, to acknowledge 
 the receipt of your predecessor's letter, No. 3716, enclosing a minute 
 by the late Lieuteuant-Governor, relative to the conduct of the Nawab 
 Nazim of Bengal during the rebellion, and to the reward which should 
 be conferred on His Highness. 
 
 2. His Excellency in Council agrees generally in the views expressed 
 in that minute, both as to the faithful services of the Nawab Nazim 
 and the manner in which the high sense which the Government enter- 
 tains of those services, can best be shown. 
 
 3. Already, when the Nawab Nazim was recently in Calcutta, the 
 Governor-General in Council so far practically assented to the recom- 
 mendations of the Government of Bengal, as to give His Highness a 
 salute of nineteen guns on his departure from the Presidency, and His 
 Excellency in Council has now much pleasure in formally declaring 
 that His Highness is entitled to a salute of that number of guns, on all 
 future occasions. 
 
 4. The Governor-General in Council is also pleased to cancel so 
 much of the orders of the Government of India, dated the 6th 
 December, 1854, as requires that when the Nawab Nazim may leave 
 Moorshedabad, his camp shall be accompanied by a responsible officer 
 of police on the part of the Government, and direct that the prac- 
 tice under which, previous to 1854, the expense of His Highness' 
 hunting excursions was defrayed from the Nizamut Fund shall be 
 revived. 
 
 5. These concessions, together with others which have lately been 
 made to the Nawab in consideration of his loyal conduct, will satisfy 
 His Highness of the high estimation in which his services are held, and 
 of the sincere effective desire of the Governor- General in Council to 
 mark his appreciation of them. 
 
 6. His Excellency in Council cannot consent to make any alteration 
 in the Law as it stands ; but he desires, that with the permission of 
 the Lieutenant-Governor, it may carefully be explained to the Nawab 
 as set forth in Mr. Halliday's minute, that the repeal of Act XXVII of 
 1854, would not produce all the effects His Highness supposes, and 
 would have other undesirable consequences. 
 
 7. With reference to Mr. Secretary Edmonstone's letter, No. 2149, 
 dated the 14th July, 1858, I am directed to state, that the Governor- 
 General in Council has now been pleased to confer on Roy Prosuuno 
 Narain Deb, the Nawab Nazim's Dewan, the title of Rajah Baha- 
 door. The usual Sunnud will follow. 
 
 (True Copy) 
 
 (Signed) THOMAS JONES, 
 
 Register Bengal Secretariat. 
 (True Copy) 
 
 (Signed) C. MACKENZIE, 
 
 Officiating Agent Governor- General.
 
 205 
 
 SERVICES OF H.H. THE NAWAB NAZIM. 
 
 Extracts from a Minute by the LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR OP 
 BENGAL. 
 
 The Right Honourable the Governor-General has directed me to 
 report " in full detail the services rendered by the Nawab Nazim, or 
 under his direction, and the particular occasions on which His High- 
 ness assisted the local officers in their endeavours to enforce their 
 authority and maintain tranquillity in Berhampore and its vicinity." 
 
 2. Tucse services have been rendered on two occasions ; first, on 
 the occasion of the Santhall rebellion in 1855 ; and secondly, on the 
 occasion of the mutiny of 1857. 
 
 3. The following are the detailed circumstances belonging to the 
 first of these occasions 
 
 4 On the 10th July, 1855, when disturbances broke out in the 
 northern part of the Moorshedabad district, the Nawab Nazim lent to 
 the magistrate of that district some of his light and fast boats to 
 convey that officer and his establishment to the scene of the disturb- 
 ance (expressing at the same time a desire to place all his resources at 
 the disposal of the local authorities). 
 
 5. Twenty of his troopers were sent to accompany the magistrate, 
 and thirty of his elephants to convey the camp equipage and ammu- 
 nition of the right wing of the 7th Native Infantry, which had been 
 ordered to proceed by forced marches to the disturbed district. 
 
 6. The Magistrate having reported to the Agent on the llth July 
 that the rebels were in great force, His Highness at once sent one 
 hundred of his Sepoys to the former officer. 
 
 7. His Highness likewise supplied 124 stand of arms to the Euro- 
 pean soldiers of the recruit depot at Berhampore. 
 
 8. The citizens of Moorshedabad having been alarmed by false 
 rumours to the effect that the rebels were advancing in large numbers 
 to plunder the city, His Highness sent liis officers to give them confi- 
 dence ; sent fifty Sepoys to assist the police, and ordered the rest of 
 his troops (350 men) to hold themselves in readiness to aid the 
 authorities, if necessary. 
 
 9. On Mr. Bidwell assuming charge of his duties as Special Com- 
 missioner, he asked for more elephants, whereupon His Highness lent 
 not only the remainder of his own animals, but also some of those of 
 his relatives, in all fifty-seven in number. 
 
 10. The troopers above alluded to subsequently accompanied the 
 right wing of the 7th N.I. in their several operations. 
 
 11. The hundred Sepoys first marched to Mohutpore, thence to 
 Ponkour, Kudunisar and Paliehat, and had altogether served for a 
 month and twenty-two days, when they were withdrawn by Mr. 
 Bidwell. 
 
 12. Of the elephants some appear to have been retained for short 
 periods, but twenty-seven remained with the troops at different places 
 till about the end of January, 1856, and were returned after the 
 Santhal field force was broken up. 
 
 13. The acknowledgments of the Government for the above services 
 were conveyed to the Nawab Nazim through the Agent, Colonel
 
 206 
 
 Macgregor, first on the 14th July, and then again on the 28th Sept., 
 1855, and in the meantime the Magistrate of Moorshedabad also 
 thanked His Highness in a letter dated 9th August, 1855. 
 
 14. The details of the second occasion are as follows : 
 
 15. When a detachment of Her Majesty's 64th Regiment, under 
 the command of Captain Francis, was sent to Berhampore in June, 
 1857, His Highness assisted Government by lending forty-five elephants 
 and all his camels, for the conveyance of the Detachment from AUatollee 
 Ghaut to Berhampore. 
 
 16. A Detachment of Her Majesty's 35th Regiment, under the 
 command of Capain Tisdall, was also 'sent up to Berhampore during 
 the same month. His Highness sent down thirteen pairs of his carriage 
 horses to enable this party to reach its destination. 
 
 17. On the 21st June, when His Highness was under the impression 
 that the two native regiments at Berhampore had mutinied, and when 
 there was a general excitement at Moorshedabad caused by the same 
 impression, he at once made all his preparations for resisting the 
 supposed mutineers in case they went to Moors! icdabad, and also took 
 measure to prevent any rising in the city, co-operating with the 
 Magistrate with promptitude and zeal for that purpose. 
 
 18. While reporting the above services, the Agent, Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Macgregor, C'B., stated : " It is with great pleasure that I 
 have observed that His Highness has always been most anxious to 
 render every assistance in his power to the British Government on any 
 emergency.'''' 
 
 19. For the assistance rendered by His Highness in the above 
 instances, the thanks of the Governor-General in Council were con- 
 veyed in letters from the Secretary to the Government of India. 
 
 20. On the occasion of the Magistrate of Moorshedabad undertaking 
 the task of disarming that city in the early part of August, 1857, 
 after the troops at Berhampore had been disarmed, the Agent to the 
 Governor- General requested the Nawab Nazhn to disarm his disciplined 
 troops, who were men of the same kind as those of the regiments that 
 had mutinied. His Highness most readily and cheerfully gave the 
 order for disarming : and it was promptly and effectually carried out 
 by the Nizamut Dewan, who sent the arms to Berhampore through 
 the Agent. The Government of Bengal gave credit for this to both 
 the Agent and the Nawab. The measure produced so excellent an 
 effect, that the Magistrate accomplished his difficult task without 
 resistance and without the aid of European troops. 
 
 21. In September, 1857, Colonel Macgregor had occasion, under 
 orders from Major-General Sir James Outram, K.C.B., to despatch 
 20,000 rounds of service musket cartridges, with a due proportion of 
 percussion caps, to Darjeeling via Kishengunge. The Colonel did not 
 deem it advisable to entrust the ammunition to any guard from either 
 of the regiments at Berhampore, and he accordingly asked the Nawab 
 Nazim for a guard, when His Highness furnished a party of his own 
 followers, consisting of sixteen confidential men, who safely escorted 
 the stores and delivered them to the Deputy Magistrate at Kishengunge. 
 The men were rewarded by the Government with presents to the 
 amount of seventy rupees. Two Nizamut beauleahs appear to have 
 been used on this occasion.
 
 207 
 
 22. In September, 1857, the civil authorities were directed to pro- 
 cure elephants from the zemindars and others in their several districts 
 for use in the military operations which were then about to be under- 
 taken. Colonel Macgregor having communicated with the Nawab 
 Nazim on the subject, His Highness placed twenty-five of his elephants 
 at the disposal of Government, intimating at the same time that 
 he could not consent to take compensation should any of the animals 
 die in the public service as offered by Government, and that besides 
 elephants, he would be happy to oifer any other aid that it was in his 
 power to give, if required. 
 
 23. The Lieutenant-Governor' s thanks were conveyed to His High- 
 ness on this occasion. 
 
 24. Two of the Nawab's relatives lent two elephants each. 
 
 25. In October, 1857, Captain Chapman of the Bengal Yeomanry 
 Cavalry, who had selected seventy horses at Berhampore for his corps 
 out of those belonging to the dismounted men of the llth Irregular 
 Cavalry, required a guard from the Nizamut troops to protect the 
 cattle on their way to Soorie, the Nawab Nazim readily complied with 
 Colonel Macgregor's request for the guard, by ordering a party of one 
 havilclar, one naik, and twenty-four men. The guard behaved well, 
 and performed their duty in a satisfactory manner, but suffered some 
 pecuniary loss by an accident in crossing the Bhagurutty ; they were, 
 therefore allowed a present of one hundred rupees. The acknowledg- 
 ments of the Lieutenant- Governor were also conveyed to the Nawab 
 Nazim for furnishing the guard 
 
 26. Again in December, 1857, another detachment of the Nawab's 
 troops, consisting of the adjutant (Mr. Ryan), one subadar, and forty 
 Sepoys, was allowed, to escort a large number of the Government 
 horses of the llth Irregulars, selected by Captain Pester of the 63rd 
 N. I., to Raneegunge. These guards also satisfactorily performed 
 their duty, and were rewarded with a sum of one hundred and fifty 
 rupees. 
 
 27. During the same month His Highness also assisted the progress 
 to Berhampore of the party of twenty sailors, under Captain Smart, 
 sent to that station, by lending his elephants and servants to bring 
 them up. 
 
 28. For the assistance rendered on the last two occasions, the 
 Lieutenant-Governor's acknowledgments were again conveyed to the 
 Nawab Nazim through Mr. A. Pigou. 
 
 29. The Nawab Nazim readily lent his house at AUipore for the 
 accommodation of refugees from the North-western Provinces, and it 
 was largely taken advantage of. 
 
 (Signed) J. F. HALLIDAY. 
 
 Extract from a Letter from the GOVERNOR- GENERAL OF 
 INDIA to His HIGHNESS THE NAWAB NAZIM OP BENGAL. 
 
 My Friend, 
 
 In consequence of your numerous and valuable services rendered to 
 the British Government during the Santhal rebellion in 1855, and at
 
 208 
 
 the more serious crisis which followed, the mutiny of the Bengal army 
 army in 1857, services which are well known to all, and for which 
 Your Highness has from time to time received the thanks of the 
 Government, as well as recognitions of a more public and permanent 
 kind, I consulted the honourable the Lieutenant- Govern or of Bengal 
 as to what special mark of the favour of the Government it would be 
 expedient to confer on Your Highness, so that it might be manifest to 
 all men that Your Highness' loyal services and faithful attii<-li,iit ,il lit 
 the British Government are duly appreciated, and that the Govern mi- n I 
 is not unmindful of the good offices rendered by Your Highness in a 
 season of trouble. 
 
 The Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal has laid before me in a minute 
 a complete record of all that Your Highness and Your Highness's 
 servants did on these two occasions ; and this minute, recorded in the 
 archives of the Government, will serve as & perpetual remembrance 
 of Your Highness's active and zealous support, and of the firm friend- 
 ship which exists between Your Highness and the British Government. 
 
 My friend, I have read this record of Your Highness 1 s friendly acts 
 with the most lively satisfaction ; and, entirely agreeing in the views 
 expressed by the Lieutenant-Governor, I have directed that Your 
 Highness shall henceforth always receive a salute of nineteen guns, 
 and that certain rules which are now in force as regards Your High- 
 ness's recreations shall be wholly removed. 
 
 By these and other tokens of favour which Your Highness has 
 received in consideration of your loyal services, Your Highness will be 
 satisfied of the high estimation in which those services are held, and of 
 my sincere desire to mark my appreciation of them. 
 
 I have only to add, in conclusion, that, on the recommendation of 
 the Agent and of the Lieutenant-Governor, I have had the pleasure of 
 conferring upon Your Highness's Dewan, Kaie Prosunno Narian Deb 
 Bahadoor, in recognition of the ability and zeal with which, under 
 Your Highness's direction, he co-operated with the British authorities 
 to restore and maintain tranquillity on both the occasions above 
 referred to. 
 
 I have. &c., 
 
 (Signed) CANNING. 
 
 From A. T. MACLEAN. ESQ., Officiating Magistrate of 
 Moorshedabad to the Agent to the Governor-General, Moor- 
 shedabad. 
 
 Berhampore, llth September, 1862. 
 Sir, 
 
 I have the honour to request the favour of procuring the infor- 
 mation required in the annexed descriptive and valuation roll of 
 elephants lent to Government by His Highness the Nawab Nazim 
 during the Mutiny, if there be any which have not been returned to 
 him or paid for. 
 
 I have, &c. 
 (Signed) A. T. MACLEAN, 
 
 Officiating Magistrate.
 
 209 
 
 Memo. No. 87. 
 
 Forwarded to His Highness the Nawab Nazim for the neceesary in- 
 formation required by the Collector. 
 
 (Signed) W. A. A. THOMSON, Major. 
 Agent Governor-General. 
 Berhampore, 15th September, 1862. 
 
 From His Highness the NAWAB NAZIM of Bengal, Behar and 
 Orissa, to MAJOR W. A. A. THOMSON, Agent to the Gover- 
 nor-General at Moorshedabad. 
 
 My Friend, 
 
 With reference to your Memo., No. 87, of the 15th September last, 
 which is subjoined to the letter, No. 746 from the Officiating Magis- 
 trate of Moorshedabad to your address, as also to your letter, No. 99, 
 of the 5th instant, in which you require me to fill up a Form showing 
 the names, height and prices of the elephants, which I had placed at 
 the disposal of Government during the Mutiny, and which, whilst 
 employed in this service have died, I beg to state, I consider it the 
 duty of every loyal subject to assist the Government to maintain good 
 order and the public peace, and as in my case, in rendering aid to the 
 State in the Santhal war, and again during the Mutiny, I was only 
 fulfilling the conditions of the Treaties entered into by my ancestors, I 
 must decline to receive any pecuniary return for such services I hare 
 rendered to the British Government towards the protection and pre- 
 servation of the dominions of Her Majesty in India. 
 
 I remain, &c. 
 (Signed) STUD MTTNSOOB ULLKE. 
 
 The Palace, Moorshedabad, the 7th November, 1862. 
 
 For the services rendered by him His Highness has re- 
 ceived no consideration but the thanks of the Government 
 of India, while the descendants of rebels and of those 
 who opposed the establishment of British Power in the 
 East have been liberally dealt with, and even one of His 
 Highness's servants (a creature of the Government of 
 India) was honored by having the distinguished title of 
 Eajah conferred upon him. 
 
 But apart from all political considerations under which 
 the British Government has bound itself to India, there 
 must in a commercial point of view be something 
 
 p
 
 210 
 
 radically wrong in the system under which India has 
 been governed, when sacred bonds and agreements have 
 been unscrupulously set aside, and Native Princes, who 
 have abided by their engagements, and magnanimously 
 refused to accept pecuniary compensation for losses 
 which they have unavoidably sustained in their duty to 
 the Government, have been neglected, and all their 
 petitions to the Government of India for redress have 
 been either entirely disregarded or the claims set forth 
 therein ignored without a fair and equitable inquiry. 
 Surely all men should have justice done to them whether 
 they are princes, or merchants, Asiatics, or Europeans ; and 
 as it is for justice only that His Highness the Nawab 
 Nazim now appeals to the British nation, atl distinctions 
 of nationality or caste prejudice should be put aside, 
 and after full inquiry all demands that are legitimately 
 claimable from the Indian Government ought to be paid 
 to the Nawab and his successors for ever. The British 
 Government should, we think, be ever ready to listen to 
 such appeals for justice, lest, by turning a deaf ear to en- 
 treaty and the just claims of Native Princes in India, a 
 spirit of disaffection may again arise, and bring about a re- 
 ourrence of those fearful events which in 1857 exposed 
 the lives of so many of our couptrymen, and nearly des- 
 troyed the British Empire in the East. 
 
 But since His Highness the Nawab Nazirn of Bengal 
 has proved by his acts his loyal adherence to the British 
 Crown, he therefore deserves especial justice at the hands 
 of the British Government, and it is to the consideration 
 of his claims, as drawn up in 1858 by an officer of the 
 Indian Government, the Agent Governor-General, and
 
 211 
 
 afterwards reported upon by him for the information of 
 the Government, that we would now direct attention. 
 
 When Colonel Mackenzie took charge of the Agency at Moorshe- 
 dabacl, he found, among other papers, a Memorial which the Nawab 
 Na/.im had sent to G-overnment regarding his claims and rights : and 
 as it was supported by a mass of treaties, agreements, and letters 
 from Government, it naturally excited interest. The Agent, therefore, 
 entered fully into the spirit of the Memorial, and, having examined 
 all the papers attached thereto, and found them correct, he felt it to 
 be his duty, as Agent Governor- General, to represent the matter to 
 the Government, in justice to the Nawab Nazim. He accordingly 
 printed the whole subject ; but before giving it publicity he sent a 
 rough copy to Mr. Edmonstone (then Foreign Secretary to Govern- 
 ment), requesting him to lay it before the Governor- General, in order 
 to have the whole matter thoroughly sifted. This was done by Mr. 
 Edmonstone, who afterwards wrote to the Agent, and stated, 
 
 " The narrative is extremely useful, and should awaken the attention 
 of Government to the position of the Nawab and the state of rela- 
 tions with him. The whole subject has been more than once under 
 the consideration of the Governor-General, and has also been dis- 
 cussed with me as often ; but no final decision has been recorded, 
 although I believe the Governor- General has made up his mind on 
 the matter. I am not, of course, at liberty to inform you of the 
 opinion the Governor- General appears to me to have formed, but I 
 may say confidentially that it is not unfavourable. I wish you well 
 in your endeavours to right His Highness, and have little doubt that 
 you will succeed in some measure." 
 
 Narrative of NIZAMUT Affairs, Compiled by COLON t 
 COLIN MACKENZIE, Acting Agent to the Governor -General 
 at Moorshedabad in 1858-9, referred to by MR. EDMONSTGNE, 
 Foreign Secretary to the Government of India in the above 
 quotation. 
 
 1. When after the tragedy of the Black Hole in Calcutta, it was 
 found impossible to place any reliance on the Nazim of Bengal, 
 Serajud Dowlah, Clive entered into a treaty with Jaffier Ali Khan, the 
 Bakshi of the Army, in consequence of which the latter drew off a 
 considerable portion of Serajud Dowlah's troops during the battle of 
 Plassy, and the Company's Government in return acknowledged him 
 us Subah of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa. (The Great Mogul confirmed 
 Mcer Jaffier as the legitimate Nawab.) 
 
 2. It was always the practice of Native Princes to have a Dewan, 
 or Minister who managed all their affairs. In 1765 the Emperor 
 Shah Allum conferred the Dewani, i e., the Civil Government of these 
 Provinces on the East India Company on certain conditions, one of 
 which was " that there shall be a sufficient allowance out of the said 
 revenues for supporting the expense of the Nizamut ;" and the Nawab 
 
 F 2
 
 212 
 
 Nazim Dowlah (son of Jaffier A1H agreed to accept the sum of 
 seventeen and half lacs of Sicca Enpees for his own expense, and a 
 further sum of thirty-six lacs for the maintenance of such Troops, 
 Burkundauzes, &c., as may be thought necessary. The East India 
 Company thus became His Highness' s Agents or Managers. 
 
 3. The Nawab Syefu Dowlah, brother of Nazim-ul-Dowlah, on his 
 accession in 1766, concluded a treaty with the Governor and Council, 
 ratifying former engagements. The 2nd Article says, " I, having an 
 entire confidence in them, i.e. (the English East India Company), 
 
 ' that nothing whatever be proposed or carried into execution by them 
 ' derogating from my honour, dignity, interest, and the good of my 
 ' country, agree that the protecting of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, 
 ' be entirely left to their good management in consideration of their 
 ' paying to me the sum of seventeen lacs," &c. The remaining sum 
 for the Nawab' s Sawarie was diminished to twenty-four lacs. 
 
 4. In 1770 a minor son of Jaffier Ali, named Mobaruk-ul-Dowlah, 
 succeeded his brethren, whose mother, Mani Begum, was considered 
 the head of the house and managed all the affairs of her young 
 stepson. She was styled the " Mother of the East India Company." 
 A treaty was made with the young Nawab to the same effect 
 before, but diminishing his personal stipend to fifteen and half lacs, 
 and sixteen lacs for his Sawari. 
 
 5. The next year, however, the Court of Directors sarcastically 
 reproached their Governor (Mr. Cartier) with not having taken 
 advantage of the nonage of the new Subadar to reduce his stipend to 
 sixteen lacs " while a minor" and this was done in defiance of the 
 above treaty, and although on His Highness coming of age he 
 repeatedly applied for the fulfilment of the treaty of 1770, he never 
 obtained any addition to his reduced stipend, although the Court had 
 expressly stated this reduction should take place during his nonage. 
 The late Nazim Humayun Jah, in a letter to Lord William Bentinck, 
 described this transaction in the following dignified manner : " In 
 1770 the Government of India had entered into a treaty with the 
 minor Nazim Mobaruck-ul-Dowlah, and about two years after, Mr. 
 Cartier, their Governor, had the unpleasant task of informing the 
 Nazim that the Court of Directors were of opinion that a sum some- 
 thing under sixteen lacs was quite sufficient for the Nawab Nazim 
 during his nonage, his income was curtailed accordingly. I forbear 
 offering any observation on this transaction. Your Lordship's own 
 mind will suggest what must have been felt, and what might have 
 been xaid. The Mani Begum remonstrated as strongly as she could, 
 and Mr. Hastings (then Governor-General) promised that on the 
 Nazim's coming of age, his situation should be taken into considera- 
 tion ;" but the promise made by him, and virtually contained in the 
 order of the Court of Directors, which referred to the youth of the 
 Nazim, as the sole ground of reduction, has been unredeemed. In 
 1786, 21st July, the Court desired that relief might be afforded to the 
 Nawab either by better management of his stipend, or even by an 
 immediate augmentation of it. 
 
 6. In consequence, Lord Cornwallis (3rd September, 1790) proposed 
 various economical arrangements with a view of liquidating His High- 
 est's debts, and proposed that the Nazim should lay by two lacs per
 
 213 
 
 annum for this purpose, and to provide for his increasing family. 
 But at that time the Nawab's establishment cost about twelve lacs, 
 nearly four lacs more being devoted to the pensions of Mani Begum 
 and other relations and dependants, that His Highness was never able 
 to lay by any tiling. The Governor- General declared the stipends of 
 the relations of the Nawab hereditary after having " inquired of the 
 Nawab Nazim the names of those he wishes to dismiss from the 
 Establishment;" but the pensions of dependants were to be "at the 
 option of the Prince to withdraw, and on their demise it shall rest with 
 the Nawab to continue them in toto, or in part to their heirs, and of 
 such pensions as by his own determination shall be resumed one-half 
 to the payment of his debts." The Governor-General lays down the 
 principle that the disposal of stipends should not " in any wise be at 
 the pleasure of Government further than to prevent partiality." He 
 adds, " I propose that there shall be no other check over the Nawab 
 in the disposal of the sums left to him (which included the stipends of 
 his relations and dependants) than shall prevent the misconduct of 
 his servants, and this I think sufficient by the interference of the 
 Governor-General in case of complaint." This was the first tune the 
 Government interfered with the disposal of His Highness's income of 
 sixteen lacs. 
 
 7. In 1802 a Committee appointed by Lord Wellesley to act in 
 concert with His Highness the Nawab and Mani Begum, to revise the 
 whole system of the Nizamut, had recommended that on Her High- 
 ness Mani Begum's decease, her stipend of 1,44,000 sicca rupees 
 per annum should be appropriated for the payment of the Nawab 
 Nazim's debts, and for building expenses, marriage portions, and 
 other purposes for which the Government had hitherto made ad- 
 vances. 
 
 In 1813 the Mani Begum died, and in 1816 Mr. Edmonstone drew 
 up a Memorandum, showing the want of due superintendence over 
 Nizamut affairs, the impossibility of the Judge affording this superin- 
 tendence, and recommending the appointment of an officer of high 
 rank and peculiar qualifications " for this purpose." " The salary of 
 this officer should be high, not less than 36,000 rupees per annum, 
 exclusive of a sum for house-rent and Establishment. It should be in 
 point of salary above the office of Magistrate of a City or Zillah, 
 especially at a station so expensive as Moorshedabad, where he would 
 be obliged to maintain a certain appearance, and this, in order to 
 avoid frequent changes in the agent, which would be a great public 
 inconvenience. In a situation where illicit advantages would be so 
 abundantly held forth, and might be so securely enjoyed, a liberal 
 salary should on general principles be assigned." Mr. Edmonstone 
 recommended this arrangement, on the ground that it would impose 
 no financial burden on the Company, and would accomplish an 
 effectual reform in the Nizamut. The amount of stipends which has 
 lapsed was upwards of five lacs, chiefly arising from the arrears of 
 Mani Begum's stipend since her death. To this it was proposed to 
 add two lacs, said to be due by the Nazim to the Government, and 
 to be paid out of Mani Begum's personal property. Mr. Edmoustone 
 remarks that " the question is not whether the Company is bound 
 permanently to apply the sum of sixteen lacs to the support of the
 
 214 
 
 Nizamut, on which point forcible arguments might be advanced on 
 both sides " (although the treaty with Mobaruck-ul-Dowlah and his 
 predecessors would appear to settle this point in favour of His Higli- 
 ness's successors for ever), "but the actual question was, whether 
 lapsed stipends should be applied to an arrangement, the exclusive 
 object of which is the prosperity and the pecuniary benefit of the 
 Nizamut. The mode of such application has always been determined 
 by Government." 1'his minute was approved by the Governor- 
 General in Council. Mr. Monckton was deputed to ask His High- 
 ness's consent, which was given, and the proposed sum of seven lacs 
 was invested. It was stipulated that '' the advantage arising from 
 the discount on paper will belong to the Nizamut, and is to le 
 accounted for to His Highness the Nawab" (Governor-General in 
 Council) . 
 
 The Nawab requested " an assurance from the Governor-General 
 that these funds should be considered as appertaining to the Nizamut, 
 and not liable under any change of circumstances to be diverted to 
 purposes foreign to the interest of the house of Jaffier Ali Khan." 
 The Governor-General assured His Highness that this fund is, and 
 will be considered as the inalienable property of His Highnesses 
 family over and above the sixteen lacs of rupees assigned for its 
 support. Eegarding the right of the Nawab Nazim to 16,00,000 per 
 annum, and also to the money thus invested, there can be therefore no 
 question. 
 
 In 1823, the Governor-General pledged himself in a letter to the 
 Nawab Nazim to a scrupulous adherence to subsisting engagements, 
 and to the obligations of public faith and honour. This assurance was 
 repeated verbatim by Lord Auckland. 
 
 8. In 1823, the arrears of Maiii Begum's stipend from 1816 to 
 1823 amounted to seven and a half lacs in the Collector's Treasury. 
 The Governor-General in Council desired that " six lacs may be 
 invested to the best advantage, and the paper held in deposit in the 
 same manner as that provided for the payment of the Agency." 
 This sum formed Mani Begum's Deposit Fund. It was invested 
 " for the benefit of the Nizamut, and is clearly on the same terms as 
 the Agent's Deposit Fund, the inalienable property of His Highness' s 
 family." It was intended principally, " in the first instance, to build a 
 palace for His Highness, to which the Government considered itself 
 pledged." 
 
 9. At this time, those who had received the largest stipends, such 
 as Mani Begum and Bubbee Begum, being deceased, the annual 
 amount of lapsed stipends amounted to nearly three lakhs of rupees. 
 Other allowances had been granted by the Nazim and sanctioned by 
 the Supreme Government : but after deducting these there remained 
 upwards of two lakhs per annum, and the Governor- General in 
 Council proposed to the Nazim that " on condition of Government 
 withdrawing from all interference in auditing his accounts, His High- 
 ness should consent to allow this sum of two lakhs per annum to 
 accumulate in the Collector's Treasury instead of beiug spent in his 
 own." "The Governor-General pledged himself that the British 
 Government will, in that case, undertake the payment in future from 
 that fund of all charges for new buildings or other expenses legiti-
 
 215 
 
 mately claimable from it." Some " of these are previously specified ; a 
 lakh, was granted for renewing any part of His Highness's establish- 
 ment, which may be defective," portioning the daughters of the 
 family was named, and the object of the fund is stated to be " to place 
 in the hands of Government a means for relieving any exigencies in 
 which the family might be involved." The Deposit Fund formed from 
 lapsed stipends was styled " a Sacred Inheritance of the Nizamut." 
 
 The Government proved they did not wish to increase the Deposit 
 Fund above two lakhs, by ordering that the one lakh remaining of the 
 accumulated stipends, should be made over " to His Highness to meet 
 " the stipends of the daughters of His late Highness," &c , witli full 
 liberty to appropriate any "excess to purposes connected with the 
 ' splendour and credit of his exalted station.*' " It is by no means 
 ' the desire of Government to increase indefinitely the appropriations 
 ' for the benefit of the Deposit Fund to two lakhs of rupees, i.e., one- 
 ' eighth of the entire Nizamut stipends, and the Governor-General in 
 ' Council would not wish to make it larger, at the same time it would 
 not be advisable to reduce the Fund below one lakh and a half, or to 
 ' trench on the amount of Mani Begum's stipend, which has for so 
 ' long a time been set apart for the purpose." It is evident that 
 Hani Begum's stipend was part of the annual two lakhs. " The 
 ' British Government will relinquish all desire to increase the fund, 
 ' pledging itxelf on the lapse of any future stipend to consider the sug- 
 ' gestions of His Highness as to its allotment, and, except under 
 ' special circumstances, to assign the whole for the benefit of the family 
 ' and its dependents." 
 
 His Highness's patronage and influence amongst the members of 
 the Nizamut will be strengthened by the knowledge that his recom- 
 mendations on behalf of individuals will be sure of due attention. The 
 interest was to be re-invested. The Court of Directors sanctioned the 
 arrangements made. They pronounce the Deposit Fund " the property 
 " of the Nizamut generally" and add, " the knowledge that you do 
 " not contemplate any further increase of the Deposit Fund, and your 
 " resolutions for applying it will probably obviate any recurrence of 
 that distrust which appears to have existed in the minds of successive 
 Nazims on the subject of your intentions with respect to that fund " 
 
 Thus from the arrears of Mani Begum's stipend three distinct funds 
 have been formed the first styled Agency Deposit Fund, set apart in 
 1816 for the payment of the Governor-General's Agent and his estab- 
 lishment ; the second called Mani Begum's or the Nizamut Deposit 
 the Lapsed Stipend or Nizamut Pension Fund, which was to consist 
 of the arrears of Mani Begum's stipend and others, which might lapse 
 up to the extent of two lakhs per annum, and no more, was intended for 
 " the benefit of the Nizamut generally, including the Nizamut per- 
 sonally." 
 
 10. But the accumulation of lapsed stipends, which ought to have 
 taken place in the Nawab's Treasury to complete the annual sum of 
 two lakhs, was by no means regular. Mr. Sterling, in a note placed on. 
 record in 1833, recommends " that all demands on this account should 
 be relinquished, and that the whole of the Nizamut stipends should be 
 made over to the Nawab, with the exception of one pension of 0,000 
 rupees, and Mani Begum's stipend, thus limiting the accumulations of
 
 216 
 
 the fund to Mani Begum's stipend of Sa. Rs. 1,44,000 a year. He 
 adds " I imagine the latter amount Sa. Rs. 1,44,000 is adequate to the 
 1 legitimate purposes of the fund, viz., buildings and the occasional 
 ' relief and benefit of the different members of the family, including 
 ' His Highness himself, and I do not see that we have any right to keep 
 ' back from the Nazim a larger portion of the sixteen lakhs assigned 
 ' by Treaty than suffices for the above objects." That the sum pro- 
 posed was, as Mr. Sterling considered it, ample, is proved by the 
 difficulty that has since been felt in disposing of the Deposit Fund. 
 
 11. At this period the Nazim's income was insufficient. His 
 establishment cost nearly fourteen lakhs annually. Even during the 
 long minority of Humayun Jah, when the Governor- General, as repre- 
 sented by his Agent, was guardian and managed everything, " the sum 
 considered applicable to the Nazim's own household was quite in- 
 sufficient to maintain it on the scale fixed by the Committee (in 1802) 
 and considered proper by the Government" (N. N. to G. G. 1st 
 December 1834). The accounts were so confused that no one could 
 understand them ; and in spite of the pledge that " the Government 
 would withdraw from all interference in auditing His Highness' s 
 accounts," and although the Governor-General considered that it 
 might perhaps be sufficient to secure the due payment of stipends, 
 that the agent should be ready to receive complaints," yet the inter- 
 ference had been so constant and so minute that it had deprived the 
 Nazim of all power over his own affairs. His Highness had consented 
 to the formation of the Deposit Fund, but so far from " the remainder 
 of the sixteen lakhs being delivered to him to be disbursed according to 
 his pleasure" in the time of Humayun Jah, the Nawab Nazim had no 
 control over his own servants ! He could not dismiss a man on three 
 rupees a month, or even dispose of a few loose discoloured pearls and 
 precious stones, without the sanction of Government. Captain 
 Thoresby says, " according to the complicated undefinable forms now 
 in force, the exertion of an efficient control on the part of the Nazim 
 would be next to impossible." 
 
 During the minority of Nawab Nazim Humayun Jah, although the 
 expenditure was under the Agent Governor-General's special manage- 
 ment, a very large debt had been incurred. No accurate accounts had 
 been kept, and no effectual supervision exercised. On the ground that 
 this debt was incurred under the guardianship of the Agent to the 
 Governor-General, it was paid out of the surplus of the Deposit Fund 
 (Court of Directors, No. 40, 10th February, 1836). This proves that 
 no amount of interference (for at this time accounts of every item were 
 required from His Highness) was found effectual to introduce order. 
 
 12. Captain Thoresby, therefore, proposed that the Agent to the 
 Governor- General should pay all the stipends, and that His Highness 
 should receive the remainder of the sixteen lakhs for his personal 
 expenditure, without the obligation of giving any account thereof. A 
 new arrangement was, therefore, entered into between the Nawab 
 Nazim and the Governor- General in Council to the following effect : 
 1st. Customary perquisites under the name of Mamulats Zamostami, 
 &c., given by His Highness should be commuted to cash payments, 
 fcnd on the decease of the recipients, " If there are no heirs entitled to 
 succeed to it, the reversion shall be to the Nizamt't Treasury, i.e., to 
 fchf Nawab Nazim.
 
 217 
 
 5. Also that pensions which have been, or may hereafter be, assigned 
 to servants and dependants shall revert to the Nizamut Treasury as 
 casualties occur, and be at the entire disposal of His Highness : 
 stipends were to be kept separate from the sum devoted to His High- 
 iiess's personal expenses, and the Treasurer was to be answerable to the 
 Agent as well a* to the Nawab Nazim for the correctness of his issues 
 and the existence of the balance." The Nawab Nazim was to have 
 full liberty to modify his establishment at his pleasure, and " with 
 regard to entertaining or discharging his servants he is at liberty to 
 act as he pleases, without any interference whatever." His Highness 
 formally consented (]?th February, 1834), and it was settled and ex- 
 plained that " although His Highness was thus relieved from all 
 responsibility connected with the stipends, every facility should be 
 given for his making himself acquainted with the minutest details, and 
 his wishes regarding grants from the Deposit Fuud would be signified 
 to the Agent, and attended to as heretofore." Sir Charles Metcalfe, in 
 giving his formal consent to this agreement, informs the Nawab Nazim 
 that " Agent Governor- General has been directed to consider it a* the 
 rule under which Nizamut affairs are hereafter to be administered." 
 
 13. His Highness, actuated by fear that his income might be inde- 
 finitely encroached upon, and in the deepest distress and anxiety ' re- 
 garding the position and income which would be left to his son," 
 addressed Lord William Bentinck, then Governor- General, in a private 
 letter, requesting " that the income set apart for his own use should 
 be secured to him and to the Nazims for ever, the younger sons of the 
 family falling back into the rank of Akrobas, and being provided for as 
 usual out of the Deposit Fund." 
 
 The Agent writes, " I think he apprehends that if he reduces his 
 expenses a smaller income than he now receives will, after a year or 
 two, be considered sufficient for him." To this Lord William Bentinck, 
 replied by proposing to " confirm to the Nazim and his successors the 
 sum now actually received, provided the remainder of the Nizamut 
 Fund shall ever hereafter be at the absolute disposal of the British 
 Government, subject only to the condition of providing for existing 
 collateral branches of the Nizamut Family, and completing the 
 Palace." The Nazim naturally objected to these hard and novel terms, 
 and never answered the Governor-General's letter. The reason of this 
 silence was inquired, but although His Highness expressed his wish 
 that Captain Thoresby's plan for paying his relations, through the 
 Agent's Office should be carried out, he could not be persuaded to en- 
 tertain the Governor- General's proposition, and when pressed for an 
 answer expressly declined it. In a private letter to the Agent, His 
 Highness remarked " this is a strange arrangement and an odd way of 
 fulfilling promises, 24th November, 1835. 
 
 The Mamulats, or perquisites given by His Highness to his relations, 
 were worth about 1,20,000, and these being paid together with the 
 stipends by the Agent, only about five and a half lakhs were left at 
 His Highness's disposal, On discovering how small the Nazim's 
 income would be, Sir Charles Metcalf reiterated Lord William 
 Bentinck's proposal for fixing the Na/im's income, offering in case of 
 his consenting, to pay the mamulats out of the Deposit Fund. But 
 His Highness's mind was made up not to enter into ant/ agreement of
 
 218 
 
 the nature proposed. His Highness not only rejected this proposition 
 in words, but his payment of the mamulats himself undeniably proves 
 that he did so, and yet this rejected proposal has several times been 
 ignorantly spoken of as a valid agreement. Had he wished to do so, 
 His Higiiness had no right to enter into such an agreement, for the 
 Agency Deposit Fund had been declared " the inalienable property of 
 His Highness's family," Mani Begum's Deposit Fund was held in 
 deposit in the same manner for the benefit of the Nizamut, the lapsed 
 stipend Fund was pronounced by the Governor-General in Council a, 
 " sacred inheritance of the Nizamut." and the Court of Directors 
 acknowledged the whole Deposit Fund as ' the property of the 
 Nuamut generally, and not public money." The Nawab Nazim had 
 therefore no power to make over this fund to Government, as it was of 
 the nature of an entailed estate, in which he himself had only a life 
 interest. Captain Thoresby's agreement is, therefore, the last entered 
 into. 
 
 14. The Agreement of 1834 was scarcely concluded when both it 
 and that of 1828 were violated. Government directed that 62,640 
 rupees lapsed stipends, should be added to Mani Begum's stipend to 
 make up the two lakhs a-year payable to the Deposit Fund by the 
 agreement of 1823, but in opposition to the repeated pledges then 
 given that " no more " than two lakhs should be the foundation of 
 another Deposit Fund, which will receive continual accessions from 
 the decease of the different stipendiaries. It has just been agreed that 
 all pensions of dependents were to revert to His Highness and be at 
 his sole disposal. The pensions of relations had been hereditary since 
 1796, and when lapsed were to be assigned for the benefit of the 
 family and according to His Highness's suggestions, 1823. 
 
 The British Government in 1823 relinquished all desire to increase 
 the fund. This was an express and formal agreement with His High- 
 ness, who honourably fulfilled his part of it, but Sir Charles Metcalfe 
 in 1836, without any agreement with the Nazim, affirms that "the 
 Deposit Fund will increase every year by the savings arising from all 
 lapsed stipends accumulating in the Collector's Treasury." 
 
 15. His Highness in the new plan for paying stipends through the 
 Agent being carried out, expressed a very strong wish that he should 
 continue to give receipts for the whole amount of the stipend of six- 
 teen lakhs. He seems to apprehend that the right of the family to 
 the whole amount may be rendered less secure by his granting receipts 
 for a part only. This was approved, and His Highness continues to 
 grant receipts for the whole sum to the present day. 
 
 16. In 1837, the interest on the Deposit Fund being (upwards of 
 three lakhs, one lakh of which was clearly due to His Highness) much 
 larger than was required for ordinary purposes, the permanent charge 
 being only 72,000 rupees, the Agent to Governor- General desired 
 " that part should be employed in municipal improvements, roads, 
 tanks, &c., which would tend to the comfort, convenience and credit 
 of the Nizamut." There was also a surplus of above three lakhs in 
 the collector's hands which was applied towards the palace, Immain- 
 barah, and minority. Lord Auckland sanctioned the union of the 
 three Deposit Funds under the title of Nizamut Deposit Fund, but de- 
 clined to make an} 7 rules for " appropriating the surplus income as it
 
 219 
 
 may be lapsed ; that, without any formal appropriation of the surplus, 
 His Highness the Nawab Nazim will be induced to accede to any rea- 
 sonable propositions for its disposal : such as building or repair of 
 houses belonging to the Nizamut family, marriage portions, or muni- 
 cipal improvements;" thus clearly recognizing "the Nazim's right 
 over the Deposit Fund." It is spoken of by the Agent as " not the 
 property of Government," this being then an acknowledged fact. The 
 Court of Directors, in 1840, required a more liberal application of the 
 Deposit Fund to the relief of individuals than at present practised : for 
 example in relieving the distress caused by inundation. ' The Deposit 
 Fund is not (as stated by the Deputy-Governor) public money, but a 
 part of the assignment by treaty of the family, ol which part is allowed 
 to accumidate for its general benefit." Not only should grants in 
 favour of the dependents be more more freely made, but a revision of 
 the general allowances of the family should take place, with a view of 
 increasing the provision of those whose stipends are inadequate to their 
 rank or to the claims on them, or whose conduct entitles them to a 
 mark of approbation from Government. Thus administered, the- 
 Fund might be made an instrument of moral discipline, for which 
 no other obvious expedient presents itself. The Court thus distinctly 
 reproves the Deputy -Governor. 
 
 For at least four years after the conclusion of the new arrangement 
 in 1834, 1838, and 1839, the amount deducted from the Nawab Nazim 
 (upwards of 8 lakhs) was fully spent on stipends, fresh ones having 
 been granted, as was cnstomary, to the family of Humayun Jah on 
 that prince's decease. But during the minority of His present High- 
 ness stipends began to lapse, and were absorbed for the first time into 
 the Deposit Fund, contrary to all previous agreements. 
 
 After his majority His Highness remonstrated vehemently against 
 the infringement of his rights, especially on the death of grand aunt, 
 Bahu Begum, when he claimed her stipend of Rs 2,000, and her 
 mamulat of Rs. 1,900, as property reverting to himself, both as Nawab 
 Nazim and as her sole heir. 
 
 His Highness entered fully into the question of his rights in 1837; 
 and considering that His Highness, after the regular necessary dis- 
 bursements of his establislrment have been defrayed, has only Co.'s 
 Rs. 1,400 a month at his disposal for all usual expenses, religious 
 festivals, clothes, &c., it is not to be wondered at that, as the Agent 
 to Governor-Generol naively complains, he should always revert to 
 the subject of the lapsed stipends, ' neither should it be forgotten that 
 the government of the country was confided to the British, on the 
 faith that the Nizamut of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa should be suitably 
 maintained. 
 
 17. But under Lord Dalhousie's administration matters were en- 
 tirely reversed. He was the first who affirmed that the Deposit Fund 
 was at the entire disposal of Government, and that the Nawab Nazim 
 had no claim to or any control over. it. " In consequence lapsed 
 stipends began to be spoken of as reverting to Government." 
 
 In 1854 the Agent of the Governor-General brought to His Lord- 
 ship's notice that the sum of nearly 24 lakhs was lying undrawn 
 in the Collector's Treasury, and requested to know if this should 
 not be invested so as to give His Highness'? family the benefit of the 
 interest.
 
 220 
 
 In former days investments were ordered to be made to the best ad- 
 vantage. Even the unused interest on the Deposit Fund was to be 
 re-invested ; even " the discount on these transactions belonged to 
 the Nizamut and was to be accounted for to His Highness." The 
 Agent was directed to '' invest all minority savings for the benefit of the 
 minor." Lord Dalhousie considered the Deposit Fund unnecessarily 
 large ; and, instead of fulfilling the obvious obligation of restoring all 
 but two lakhs per annum to the Nazim, he ordered that no more of the 
 capital should be invested, but that it should henceforward be con- 
 sidered as a mere book-debt bearing no interest. 
 
 Since then grants from the Deposit Fund have been refused for the 
 very objects for which it was instituted, ex. gra. for saving the burial- 
 grounds of His Highness's family and other buildings belonging to the 
 Nizamut from destruction by the annual encroachments of the river. 
 This is one flagrant case. 'Ihere are others. 
 
 One fertile source of these infractions of solemn agreements appears 
 to have been the frequent change of Agents which took place just at 
 the tune of the last arrangements. There were no less than six 
 changes in the Agent Q-overnor- Generals from July 1833 to April 1836. 
 A new Agent appears often to have misunderstood or been ignorant of 
 the rights of the Nawab, and others unwittingly to have misled the 
 Supreme Government into breaches of faith such as the above. 
 
 That this was involuntary, and arising from ignorance, is manifest 
 by Mr. Melville at one time recommending the resumption of mamulats, 
 and yet expressing himself as follows : " One principal duty of the 
 Agent under the instructions in force has always appeared to me to 
 be to protect this Prince from the perpetual tendency of subordinate 
 authorities to encroach upon such rights and privileges as it has been 
 deemed just and expedient to reserve to this family." 
 
 But a breach of faith can never become a precedent or rule. These 
 must be sought in deliberate stipulations and promises, and it is 
 surely enough for a just Government that on the accession of His 
 present Highness, he was proclaimed under authority of the Govern- 
 ment of India to be Nazim and Soubadar of Bengal, Behar, and 
 Orissa, and to have assumed and to exercise the authorities, dignities, 
 and privileges thereof, 12th December, 1838, and that the late Go- 
 vernor-General solemnly promised, on his arrival, to promote the in- 
 terests and establish the authority of all the Native Princes by strict 
 observance of and enduring fulfilment of, compact and treaty in terms 
 of existing conditions, stipulations, and articles, arranged and con- 
 certed. 
 
 On the 31st March, 1853, His Highness the Nawab Nazim Ferodun 
 Jah, was out on a shooting excursion with a suite of about 2,000 per- 
 sons During his absence, one Hossaini missed a box belonging to his 
 master (one of His Highness's eunuchs, named Miah Arjum), and 
 Maddi, a lad, was seized on suspicion, and being beaten, pointed out 
 a beggar, named Hingoo, as his accomplice. Both the prisoners re- 
 peatedly gave false information as to where the missing property was, 
 and each time the discovery of their deceit was followed by unmerciful 
 beating. They were beaten several times in or near the tents of the 
 eunuchs (which was about 50 yards from that of His Highness with 
 an outer konath or wall of canvas between), a native doctor was called
 
 221 
 
 on to attend them, who gave them poultices, &c,, but ou the 5th and 
 fith April, they died, in the little tent of Etwari, the father of Maddi, 
 which was three or four yards beyond the tent of the meahs or 
 eunuchs. 
 
 On the 5th May, a petition was presented to the Sherishtah Dewani, 
 or Dewan's Office of the Nizamut, purporting to be from the mother 
 of Maddi, accusing Aman Ali Khan, His Highness's chief eunuch, 
 then acting Dewan, and several others, of the murder of her son. The 
 Nazim issued immediate orders for an enquiry. All the witnesses 
 stated that the lad had died of cholera, in spite of the administration 
 of laudanum and calcined gold, which the doctor Zummaik candidly 
 confesses did not do him much good. The doctor stated that ten or 
 twelve other persons had died of cholera in the camp, and many more 
 in the villages. The brother and mother of Maddi deposed that she 
 had presented no petition to the Agent or any one else, and her seal 
 was not on the one produced. Etwari, the father of the lad, declared 
 that he had seen him die of cholera. His Highness naturally believed 
 this, especially as Aman Ali Khan had been with him from childhood, 
 and His Higliness reposed " entire confidence in him." 
 
 The accused persons were tried at Moorshedabad in September, 1853 . 
 On a careful perusal of the proceedings, the following conclusions can 
 scarcely be avoided. 
 
 1st. That although Maddi and Hingoo were most cruelly beaten, 
 and it is in the highest degree probable that they died from the beating, 
 there is no positive proof that they did so. 
 
 2nd. There was apparently no concealment in the matter ; they 
 were beaten openly. 
 
 3rd. The only persons who accuse Aman AH of having been con- 
 cerned in beating these unfortunate men, are Hossaini, the approver, 
 who had lost the box and (who had undoubtedly beaten them himself,) 
 a leper, a temporary cook, and a discharged Burkundauz, who lived 
 chiefly by begging, and an elephant-driver who had tied up the 
 accused. These men all gave contradictory evidence. The Judges of 
 the Sudder Nizamut felt constrained " to discard the evidence of the 
 first four witnesses in toto." The leper affirmed that he saw Aman 
 Ali Khan, the first of His Highness's officers in rank and authority, 
 cutting a bamboo with his own, hands and then beating the prisoners 
 with it ; a statement bearing the strongest marks of improbability on 
 the very face of it ; his evidence was pronounced by the Sessions 
 Judge not entitled to much credit, as the discrepancies in it are irre- 
 concileable. The discharged Burkundauz declared that Maddi and 
 Hingoo were brought before His Highness who ordered their release, 
 but that Aman Ali countermanded it, and threatened to blow them 
 away from a gun ! His evidence to use the words of the Court. '' teem- 
 ed with improbabilities and gross contradictions." Three witnesses (in 
 a much more respectable station in life) denied that Aman Ali Khan 
 had beaten the two accused men; and testify that on hearing they 
 had been beaten, he had at two different times sent orders that they 
 should be released. George Shapcott (His Highness's coachman, 
 whose evidence was universally acknowledged as trustworthy) testified 
 that when Maddi at Naugeriah accused a third person named Janghi, 
 the latter was seized, and would have been beaten by the camel-driver,
 
 222 
 
 who had most cruelly beaten Maddi, when Shapcott interfered and 
 by the use of Aman All Khan's name effectually stayed the meditated 
 injustice. 
 
 4th Aman Ali had no motive for taking up the matter with any 
 violence. The box was not Ids, and was apparently of little value. 
 At the same time he had, as the favourite of the Nazim, innumerable 
 enemies asking his downfall. 
 
 The Mahonfmedan Law Officer found Aman Ali Khan guilty of 
 " instigating the beating on violent presumption," and of privity to 
 the crime on full proof. 
 
 There was clearly no proof that Aman Ali Khan had ordered the 
 men to be beaten, and the Sessions Judge gave his opinion as fol- 
 lows : " After carefully weighing the whole of the evidence against 
 him, I am not satisfied with that part which would implicate him as 
 the instigator ; which he would be, if it were satisfactorily proved 
 that he gave orders for the two men to be beaten," and pronounced 
 that he was only proved to have been an accessory after the fact. 
 
 The Sudder Nizamut considered that it was proved that the prisoner 
 had forbidden the ill-treatment of the victims, and that there was 
 no proof of his being accessory " after the fact and acquitted him. 
 They also found the convicted prisoners guilty of culpable homicide," 
 not of murder, for by their calling on a doctor to attend the victims 
 and dress their wounds, it appears that in spite of their inhumanity 
 that they had no intention of causing death. It was not to be won- 
 dered at that His Highness should be satisfied with the verdict of the 
 Court and should have believed Aman Ali Khan innocent, and treated 
 him accordingly. The Nazim had in the meantime appointed Rai 
 Prosonno Narain Deb Bahadoor to the office of Dewan, which Aman 
 Ali Khan had exercised without being formally invested with it. Lord 
 Dalhousie, in defiance of the solemn verdict of the highest Court of 
 Justice in India, decided that Aman Ali Khan was ffuiity, and that 
 the act of Hia Highness in agreeing with the Sudder Nizamut by 
 believing him innocent, was a proof of his own complicity in the 
 murder. His Lordship might quite as reasonably have come to the 
 same conclusion regarding the Judges themselves. He called for an 
 explanation from the Nazim, and the expressions he used in so doing 
 sufficiently show that he had made up his mind not only as to the guilt 
 of the acquitted eunuchs, but as to that of the Nawab Nazim himself. 
 It was quite necessary in His Lordship's opinion " that the Nawab 
 Nazim under whose very eyes this monstrous outrage of humanity lias 
 been perpetrated, should be required to give an explanation of his 
 conduct in the matter, that measures should be taken to mark the 
 sense entertained by Government of such proceedings, and that safe- 
 guards should be provided against repetition of them in future." 
 
 Again, the Nawab Nazim was required to state " why he failed to 
 exert his authority to prevent the perpetration of so outrageous a 
 crime, almost in his very presence" thus taking for granted that 
 His Highness had been cognizant of it. These words demonstrate 
 that His Lordship had come to a foregone conclusion, and that any 
 explanation would be wholly ineffectual. 
 
 The Governor- General pronounced not only that Aman Ali Khan 
 " had failed to use the influence he had to prevent the crime "
 
 223 
 
 (though the Sudder Adawlut had pronounced him ignorant of it) 
 but that " from His Highness's tent being only 50 yards from where 
 the men were tortured " and from his having the eunuchs daily to 
 " dine with him," he must have been himself cognizant of the torture, 
 of the death that ensued from the torture, and of the falseness of the 
 rumour which ascribed the death of these men to cholera ! 
 
 The first reason for this string of accusations was that the Nazim's 
 tent had been pitched about 50 yards from the place where the 
 unfortunate victims had been kept. His Highness's known gentle- 
 ness and humanity of character, which are such that he cannot prevail 
 upon himself to kill the camel at the Bakri Eed, but merely touches 
 it with a lance and then, withdraws while it is slaughtered, his 
 European education and ideas, the facts that lie was absent from his 
 tent during the greater part of each day, and that much, if not most 
 of the cruelty took place at a distance from Camp, availed him nothing. 
 It was forgotten how unlikely a few cries were to attract attention 
 amid the bustle of a large Camp. Even had they been heard, which, 
 considering how completely .the double walls of a large double-poled 
 tent deaden sound, especially at such a distance, and that there was 
 moreover an outer high wall of canvas between the two tents, and that 
 His Highness was scarcely ever in his tent save at dinner, when he 
 was serenaded all the tune by his band, retiring to rest immediately 
 afterwards, was not very probable. His Highness in talking the 
 matter over freely with an old friend, related that he had on one 
 occasion (he did not say whether in or out of his tent) heard some 
 cries, and inquired the reason, to which Aman Ali Khan replied that 
 it was a case of cholera, and, added the Prince, " of course I believed 
 him." 
 
 The second reason was that the eunuchs had " dined daily with 
 His Highness." Would any one, especially any Prince, like to be 
 made responsible for all the acts of those who dined daily with him ? 
 Is it then probable that these men, had they committed or been 
 aware of this atrocity, would have chosen then* humane master as their 
 confidant instead of carefully concealing the matter from him ? It is 
 to be remarked that the only evidence which proves that Aman Ali 
 Khan knew of the accused persons being twice beaten, proves that on 
 each occasion he gave orders forbidding their ill-treatment. It is 
 nowhere proved that he knew the extent of the cruelty, or that it had 
 resulted in death. 
 
 Mr. Trevor, the Prosecutor for Government, whose letter to the 
 Secretary to Government against the decision of the Sudder Adawlut, 
 appears to have been in some degree the basis of the Governor- 
 General's opinion, considers that the acquitted Eunuchs were guilty of 
 nothing more than privity (i.e. knowledge without consent of any 
 crime), and that the ends of justice would have been fully answered by 
 a slight fine. 
 
 The truth seems to have been that Aman Ah' Khan knew of at least 
 two beatings which he sent to put a stop to ; that these beatings were 
 continued and inflicted chiefly at a distance from Camp, as at Noug- 
 huria, beyond what Aman Ali Khan and the other eunuchs knew of. 
 That the perpetrators themselves did not intend to kill their victims ; 
 that when they found they had gone too far, they called in the native
 
 224 
 
 doctor to endeavour to cure the unfortunate men, and that probably 
 their death, and certainly the cause of it, was concealed from their 
 superiors, and most especially that His Highness, as he affirms (and 
 his character gives him every right to be implicitly believed) was in 
 total ignorance of the whole matter. 
 
 The Governor-General's agent, writes on this occasion, " His High- 
 ness has invariably declared that he was never made cognizant of the 
 fact that death ensued in consequence of the maltreatment which the 
 unfortunate creatures, Maddi and Hingoo, received." Major Mac- 
 gregor quoted testimony of General Baper, who perhaps knew the 
 character of the young Nawab better than any one, and who observed 
 that " as a boy he had never shewn the smallest propensity to cruelty 
 or mischief" and adds, " former agents, and every one who knows the 
 Nazim, speak of him as kind, generous, and humane." 
 
 Major Macgregor's opinion was that the Nawab Nazim " must have 
 heard a false account of the affair," but it seems unnecessary to suppose 
 that he had heard any other than the account which was received by 
 the Sudder Xizamut Court, and he could not be blamed for coming to 
 the same conclusion. On receiving the Governor-General's letter, the 
 Nazim immediately discharged five of the accused eunuchs, suspended 
 Aman Ali Khan from his various employments, and desired him to 
 give in his accounts as soon as possible. 
 
 In his answer to the Governor- General, His Highness expressed his 
 grief at being held responsible for the conduct of his servants, and 
 simply states the undeniable facts that during his shooting expedition, 
 it was his habit to start early in the morning, take his breakfast on his 
 elephant, return overcome by fatigue, and soon retire to rest, and that 
 consequently he knew very little of what went on in Camp, to which 
 Mr. Garrett, the Judge of Beerbhoom, the Honourable Mr. Eden, 
 now at Baraset, and other gentlemen who had accompanied him, 
 could bear witness. He solemnly declared that it never came to his 
 knowledge that a murder had been committed, and mentioned that he 
 had caused inquiries to be made immediately the matter was brought 
 to his notice, when it appeared that Hingoo and Maddi had died of 
 cholera. In reply to Lord Dalhousie's inquiry " why he continued to 
 show favour and countenance to those who (in His Lordship's opinion) 
 were concerned in the murder," the Nazim naturally replied that 
 " when they were acquitted by the Sudder Court, after being so 
 strictly tried, / really thought them to be not guilty." His Highness 
 seems at first to have understood that the Governor-General had 
 ordered the dismissal of the eunuchs, though nothing is said of this 
 in Lord Dalhousie's letter, but hearing nothing of the matter during an 
 interval of four months, and having information that the affair had 
 been referred to the Court of Directors, he thought they never would 
 sanction such an injustice as punishing men for a crime of which they 
 had been acquitted, nor such an interference with his own domestic 
 arrangements, and therefore instead of depriving himself wholly of 
 old and favourite attendants, he allowed them to continue among 
 his retinue, although not exercising their functions, until the matter 
 should be finally decided. This turned out a most unfortunate step. 
 The Agent reported that they were still in His Highness's service, 
 and that Aman Ali Khan had resumed his duties as chief eunuch.
 
 225 
 
 At length in March, Lord Dalhousie pronounced the Nawab Nazim's 
 explanation, which bears truth on the very face of it, to be most 
 unsatisfactory (though one does not see what else an innocent man 
 could have said) and the case aggravated by the favour His 
 Highness continues to show Aman AH Khan and the other eunuchs. 
 The Nazim was peremptorily required " to dismiss them altogether 
 from his service," and to "hold no further communication with any 
 of them." The Agent was required to " report within one 
 week " whether this " requisition had been complied with or 
 not." His Highness was refused permission to go to Dinagepore 
 for change of air, although Dr. Kean said he wanted exercise, and the 
 excursion would do him a vast deal of good, " and His Lordship 
 refused to sanction under any circumstances" the usual disbursement 
 from the Deposit Fund for His Highness's travelling expenses. 
 
 The question is not whether the eunuchs were innocent or guilty, 
 but whether having been declared innocent by the highest Court of 
 Justice in India, any one had a right to pronounce them guilty and to 
 punish them as such, and even to go the length of punishing a 
 defenceless Prince, because he coincided in opinion with British 
 Judges! His Highness had an undoubted right to be of the same 
 opinion as the Sudder Nizarnut, but this Lord Dalhousie would by no 
 means permit, and being in the only position in the world in which a 
 British Sovereign or subject can punish those who have been legally 
 acquitted, he decided that the eunuchs were guilty, and punished His 
 Highness for believing them innocent, not only by depriving him of 
 ah* and exercise, and of his right to have his travelling expenses paid 
 from the Deposit Fund, but by recommending to the Court of 
 Directors to diminish His Highness's stipend, to take away the salute 
 of nineteen guns due to his rank as the acknowledged equal and 
 brother of the Governor-General, or at least to diminish it to thirteen, 
 " so that the Nawab should no longer receive in public as he now 
 does, higher honours than the Members of the Supreme Government 
 of India !" He even declined to comply with an Indent for Military 
 Stores required for the Nazim's use, and brought in a Bill depriving 
 His Highness, his family and relations, including the ladies, of all 
 immunities and rights which had been secured to them by Treaties, by 
 pledges from successive Governors-General, and by no less than four 
 Acts of Council. The Treaties with the first four Nazims of Bengal 
 have been already given, Lord Dalhousie repealed all those Regulations 
 and even condescended to use the plea that these " privileges were a 
 serious impediment to the course of justice." 
 
 How this could be the case as they extended only to Civil and 
 Revenue cases, and did not extend to criminal cases, was not explained, 
 nor how the Acts of 1805 and 1806, which regulated the form of 
 address to be used to the Nazim and his family, could possibly affect 
 the course of justice ! 
 
 In vain His Highness and the chief ladies in his family remonstrated. 
 His Highness remarked it too plainly appeared "that His Lordship's 
 mind is still intent on my degradation ; the new Act completes the 
 humiliation and distresses of this friend by his depression and 
 degradation with his family and friends, irrespective of the obligations 
 and provisions of ancient Treaties." Not only the injustice, but the
 
 226 
 
 excessive severity of this treatment, is remarkable, when we recollect 
 that the Prosecutor for Government considered that the ends of 
 justice would have been fully answered by a slight fine, inflicted on 
 those whom he considered guilty only of privity, to the crime ; but 
 whom Lord Dalhousie appears to have considered as guilty of murder, 
 thus going far beyond even the Prosecutor. 
 
 The persons accused were to be fined, the Prince in whose service 
 they were was to be degraded in the eyes of all his countrymen, de- 
 prived of his most valued privileges. 
 
 The Court of Directors sanctioned all Lord Dalhousie's proposed 
 measures except that instead of abolishing the salute " it appeared 
 sufficient that the number of guns be reduced from nineteen to thir- 
 teen," and that they declined interfering with His Highness's income 
 during his lifetime, thus causing the most serious alarm as to what they 
 might be pleased to do afterwards. 
 
 Summary. 
 
 The breaches of faith of which His Highness complains are, 1st 
 depriving him of his just due of sixteen lacs per annum: By unduly 
 increasing the Deposit Fund beyond the limit, of two lacs yearly, 
 contrary to solemn and reiterated stipulations and promises. This was 
 done by resuming stipends, Mamulats, Mutynats, &c., which ought to 
 have reverted to His Highness. 
 
 This was done by Sir C. Metcalfe in 1836. 
 
 2nd. Misappropriation of stipends. 
 
 3rd. Depriving him of all control over the Deposit Fund, and making 
 it a book-debt without interest. 
 
 This was done in 1854. 
 
 4th. Depriving him and his family of their rights and privileges 
 regarding suits in our Courts. 
 
 5th. Depriving him of the salute due to his rank as the acknow- 
 ledged equal and brother of the Grovernor-General. 
 
 Summary. 
 
 The Nawab Nazim's right to sixteen lacs per annum is as clear as 
 human pledges can make it. 
 
 It rests upon the treaties with Jaffier Ali Khan and his first three 
 successors, upon the pledges of successive G-overnors-Q-eneral, and the 
 confirmation of the Court of Directors. 
 
 For instance, Lord Minto, on the accession of Nawab Nazim Zayen- 
 ood-deen AH Khan, assures him that " the stipend fixed on the acces- 
 cession of your august father, by the Honourable East India Company 
 will be continued to Your Highness without any difference" viz., at the 
 annual allowance of sixteen lakhs in monthly issues as usual. The 
 same pledge is reiterated by Marquis of Hastings in 1821, by Lord 
 Amherst in 1825. 
 
 Lord Amherst says, " Four Highness may be assured that the 
 annual fixed allowance and the other mutually settled points will re- 
 main and continue as approved and sanctioned by the Home authori- 
 ties, namely, sixteen lakhs of rupees per annum"
 
 227 
 
 So late as 1840, the Court of Directors speaks of the sixteen lakhs 
 as the assignment by treaty, of the family. His Highness' right to the 
 income of sixteen lakhs rests upon the same basis as our right to 
 Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, of which territories it is the stipulated 
 price. 
 
 The Nawab Nazim still gives receipts for the whole sum. This in- 
 come has been withdrawn from His Highness by unduly increasing 
 the Deposit Fund, chiefly by resuming lapsed stipends, Mamulats, or 
 perquisites granted by his predecessors to the Deposit Fund, instead 
 of to His Highness' own treasury, as repeatedly stipulated, and by 
 re* Killing Mutayanats or hereditary stipends left to dependants on 
 condition of service, all of which are illegal and contrary to treaties and 
 agreement. 
 
 I. Increasing the Deposit Fund beyond the stipulated limit of two 
 lacs per annum was an open violation of the agreement of 1823, which 
 had been sanctioned by the Court of Directors. This was Sir Charles 
 Metcalfe's doing. 
 
 Mr. Stirling pronounced that two lacs were more than necessary, 
 and that we have no right to withhold from the Nazim any more than 
 is positively required. The Honourable W. L. Melville, Agent to the 
 Governor-General, saw no reason for augmenting the capital of this 
 Fund, and there has always been considerable difficulty in disposing 
 of the surplus, while at the same time His Highness has a very in- 
 sufficient share of his own income for his personal and family expenses. 
 The amount at first deducted from His Highness in 1836 was upwards 
 of eight lacs yearly, out of which 56,000 of lapsed stipend, and no 
 more, ought to have been set apart to make up with Mani Begum's 
 stipend two lacs per annum. At first this sum was fully spent on 
 stipends, but since then a very large surplus has annually remained. 
 This has not been invested at all, and consequently in April, 1858, 
 there remained a balance of about 23,80,000 undrawn from the 
 Collector's Treasury. Of this, about twelve Jacs is the result of the 
 annual appropriation to complete the sum of two lacs per annum. 
 The remainder, that is nearly twelve lacs, clearly belongs to His High- 
 ness the Nazim. 
 
 That so large an accumulation is quite unnecessary, is shown by 
 the fact of its being undrawn. There is a further balance of upwards 
 of fifteen and a half lacs from Mani Begum's stipends, which, as the 
 Nawab Nazim justly observed, ought to revert to him, if not available 
 for his relations. Stipends to the relations and dependants as well as 
 the Mamulats, or perquisites, were originally fixed by the Nazim. 
 On many occasions stipends were refused from the Deposit Fund 
 and granted out of His Highness's privy purse. All stipends passed 
 through the Nawab Nazim's hands up to 1833, 1834, and the new 
 arrangement that they were to be paid by the Agent was only to 
 ensure regularity, and not to place them at the disposal of Government. 
 Subsequently all these stipends were taken into the hands of Govern- 
 ment, and when they lapse are not returned to the Nizamut 
 
 It is evident that no more ought to be set apart for relations, &c., 
 than is actually required, as the whole fourteen lacs belong to the 
 A:i/itn, and of course when there remains no one to claim a stipend, 
 it naturally ought to revert to the Prince by whom it has been 
 
 Q 2
 
 228 
 
 granted. This was the case in Lord Cornwallis's time, half of such 
 pensions as by His Highness's own determination were resumed 
 were to go to his privy purse, half to the payment of his debt. Lord 
 Cornwallis declared the stipends of the Nawab Nazim's relations 
 hereditary, and those of dependants at the option of the Prince, and 
 the whole were declared not in any wise at the pleasure of Govern- 
 ment further than to prevent partiality. Lord Amhersfc speaks of 
 the distribution of pensions according to the judgment of both Sirkars. 
 By the last agreement made with the Nawab Nazim which was declared 
 to be the rule under which Nizamut affairs are henceforward to be admi- 
 nistered, " all Mamulats and perquisites to relations " on the decease 
 of the recipient without heirs, and all pensions to dependants are to 
 revert to the Nizamut Treasury and be at the entire disposal of His 
 Highness ; yet when in 1849, the young Nawab Nazim addressed the 
 Agent on the subject of the lapsed stipend of his grand-aunt, the 
 Babbee Begum, to whose personal allowance of 2,000 a month and 
 1,900 on account of Mamulat, he considered himself entitled, as she 
 had left no heir but himself, the Agent pointed out that the Mamulat 
 was resumable to the credit of the Deposit Fund by orders of Govern- 
 ment, 6th December, 1836, quite overlooking the fact that this order 
 was issued without the consent of the Nazim and in open violation of 
 the agreement made with him in 1834. 
 
 This agreement is the Rule now in force, but it has of late years 
 been completely set at defiance. Even Mutayanats, or stipends left by 
 Mani Begum, Babbee Begum, and others to old retainers, which are 
 considered hereditary (the descendants continuing in the service of the 
 Government, and against His Highness's wishes and remonstrances, 
 and in spite of the express provision in the order of 18th July, 1838, 
 for resuming stipends to the Deposit Fund unless when they are de- 
 pendants of the deceased, the support of whom would be a duty in- 
 cumbent on relations. Thus depriving the retainers in question of 
 bread, and His Highness of their services. What is worse than that, 
 many of these stipends have been resumed in the lifetime of the reci- 
 pients. For instance on the decease of the Mariumnissa Begum, all 
 the Mutayanats of the servants who were in attendance on her ceased. 
 Even the Dhye, who had nursed her, lost her pension of ten rupees. 
 The same was the case on the death of the Dunn Begum, and will 
 occur on the recent occasion of the decease of His Highness's grand- 
 mother, unless the Right Honourable the Governor-General should 
 be pleased to revert to the old mode of dealing. The second grievance 
 of which His Highness complains is the misappropriation of stipends. 
 
 1. By resuming them arbitrarily without considering His High- 
 ness's wishes or suggestions, on the claims of heirs and dependents. 
 
 The Nawab Nazim's rights to the disposal of stipends was never 
 doubted, and consequently exercised until 1852. Of this the proofs are 
 innumerable. In 1795, pensions are to be assigned as His Highness 
 the Nawab Nazim recommends. The following year the Governor- 
 General in Council approves of the appropriation of the hereditary 
 allowances therein recommended by the Nawab Nazim. In 1823 the 
 Government pledged itself, on the lapse of any future stipends, to. 
 consider the suggestions of His Highness as to its allotment, and, ex- 
 cept under special circumstances, to assign the whole for the benefit of
 
 229 
 
 the family, and accordingly requests the opinion of His Highness the 
 Nawab Nazim on the propriety of continuing to the family of a 
 pensioner " the allowance, or any part of it." Stipends were resumed 
 on His Highness's recommendation, distributed as he proposed. Com- 
 pensation to the Begum's was to be discussed with Nawab Nazim 15th 
 May, 1834. 
 
 The Agent to Governor-General, in concurrence with Nawab Nazim, 
 recommends 300 rupees per annum additional to Badurulnissa Begum, 
 31st December, 1836. 
 
 After the completion of the new arrangement for paying stipends 
 from the Agent's office, Government instructed the Agent that " with 
 regard to the distribution of allowances, it will be proper to consult the 
 Nawab Nazim as to the individuals who are to receive it ; and the 
 wishes of His Highness, except where decidedly objectionable, should 
 be attended to as heretofore (^th June, 1836). Stipends to relations 
 were declared hereditary in 1795. Government pledged itself 'in 1823, 
 on the lapse of any future stipend, to assign the whole for the benefit of 
 the family." Even in 1838, the very order for resuming to the 
 Deposit Fund the stipends of those who die without heirs acknowledged 
 them as hereditary, when heirs exist , and an exception is made to 
 their resumption when there are dependents of the deceased. But of 
 late years all the stipends of any value have been diminished on the 
 death of the holder. His Highness has been gradually obliged (in ' 
 order to avoid the utter rejection of his recommendation) to name only 
 a portion of the stipend to be assigned to the family and heirs. The 
 Nazim has himself been obliged to support the dependents of his 
 grand-aunt, the Balm Begum, for years, only a very small portion of 
 the expense being allowed him from the Deposit Fund. 
 
 3. Depriving the Nawab Nazim of all control over the Deposit 
 Fund, a ;d making it a book-debt without interest. This was the act 
 of Lord Dalhousie. 
 
 The Deposit Fund was recognised as the inalienable property of His 
 Highness's family over and above the sixteen lakhs assigned for its 
 support as " the sacred inheritance of the Nizamut," " the property of 
 Nizamut generally, not the property of Government, and solemnly de- 
 clared by the Court of Directors to be not public money, but a part of 
 the assignment by treaty of the family ." 
 
 " The Governor-General in Council, with a view to uphold the due 
 efficiency and dignity of the Nawab Nazun's station, deems it proper to 
 declare as a rule for future observance that all applications for aid 
 from the Deposit Fund should be addressed to His Highness, and by 
 him forwarded, if he thinks proper, to the Agent, for the eventual 
 orders of Government." The Governor- General in Council required 
 that " every facility should be given for His Highness making him- 
 self acquainted icith the minutest details; and his wishes regarding 
 grants from the Deposit Fund were to be signified to the Agent and 
 attended to as heretofore ;" and speaks of the Agency Treasurer as 
 accountable to the Agent of the Governor-General as well as to the 
 Nawab Nazim for the disbursement of stipends. Not long ago His 
 Highness's consent was requested, even before applying a portion of 
 the Deposit Fund to supplying medical aid to the Nizamut School.. 
 This was given in a private note to Humayan Jah.
 
 230 
 
 Lord Auckland fully acknowledged the Nawab Nazim's right over 
 the Deposit Fund ; yet, in defiance of these acknowledged rights, Lord 
 Dalhousie asserted " that the Deposit Fund is at the entire disposal of 
 Government, and that the Nawab Nazim has no claim to nor any 
 control whatever over it." The Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal 
 adopted the same opinion : " I am directed to observe that, under the 
 condition of the Deposit Fund, it is a resource over which the Nawab 
 Nazim has no sort of control ; and he should not therefore be allowed 
 to recommend that disbursements may be made from it ! !" 
 
 The contrast between the solemn stipulations entered into with the 
 Nawab Nazim and the above assertions is too obvious to render any 
 comment necessary. Refusing to invest the enormous sum belonghig 
 to the Nizamut, and making it merely a debt-book, has caused many 
 to look upon it as Government property, and grants made from it as 
 made from the public funds, and is in strong opposition to the prin- 
 ciples laid down. So late as 1838 ''the Government is, in respect to 
 the Deposit Fund, the Trustee responsible for its application in the 
 manner which will make it most beneficial to the family. 
 
 4. So late as 1834, the Vice-President in Council speaks of the 
 Nawab Nazim as a Prince whose independence has been recognised by 
 a Treaty with one of his predecessors, and adds, " Government con- 
 siders it unjust and unlawful that a Prince who is not subject to the 
 jurisdiction of the Supreme Court should be made to plead before 
 it." 
 
 The inconvenience, insult, and injustice, which are the unavoidable 
 results of the abrogation of a privilege inseparably connected with His 
 Highness's rank have been fully pointed out elsewhere. 
 
 5. Even when morning guns were discontinued at the neighbouring 
 station of Berhampore, " it was never contemplated by Government to 
 withhold the usual salute to. His Highness the Nawab Nazim," for 
 which express purpose two 6-pounders were permanently attached to 
 the stations. 
 
 The Marquis of Hastings, among other Governors-General, solemnly 
 promised that " the honours and distinctions due to the exalted rank 
 of His Highness's family will always be paid and faithfully ob- 
 served." 
 
 Lord Amherst pledged himself "to maintain the honours of His 
 Highness, and that " the respect due to the rank and the honours and 
 distinctions appropriate to the high and eminent family of Your High - 
 ness, will be always kept in view and observed." 
 
 Sir H. Hardinge, on taking the reins of Government, writes, " Be 
 assured the same honours and distinctions paid to support your rank 
 and authority will be observed and continued." 
 
 His Highness feels the degradation the more keenly as the honour 
 of a salute of 19 guns, which he and his predecessors had so long en- 
 joyed, was recently accorded to Maharajah Jung Bahadoor, who is 
 only a great chief in Nepal, and not a hereditary Prince. So keenly 
 does His Highness feel the disgrace to which Lord Dalhousie thus sub- 
 jected him, that he has never left the precincts of his residence since, 
 although his prolonged abstinence from exercise and change of air has 
 had a very prejudicial effect on his health. He has, therefore, never 
 submitted to receive the diminished salute.
 
 231 
 
 Oil the above Narrative of Nizamut Affairs being 
 placed before Lord Canning, Major Colin Mackenzie, 
 Agent Governor-General, was called upon by the 
 Lieutenant- Governor of Bengal to report officially on 
 Nizamut Affairs, he was, however, prevented from noticing 
 the Murder case. Subjoined is the Agent's official 
 opinion on the subject of the Nawab Nazim's grievances 
 and claims : 
 
 From MAJOR COLIN MACKENZIE, Acting Agent Governor- 
 General at Moorshedabad, to A. R. YOUNG, ESQ., Secretary 
 to the Government of Bengal. 
 
 Dated Fort William, the 23rd May, 1859. 
 
 SIE, I have the honour to acknowledge your letter, No. 119, dated 
 the 2nd April, 1859, calling for my opinion on Nizamut affairs, to- 
 gether with the enclosures as per margin. 
 
 2. The force of the first two documents is considerably neutralised 
 by their rejection in the third and last ; but, as His Honour the 
 Lieutenant-Governor has invited me " to make my remarks upon 
 them, which they may seem to require," I have the honour to for- 
 ward, for the consideration of Government, a narrative of the prin- 
 cipal facts connected with Nizamut affairs, which I have for months 
 past been engaged in compiling from a mass of ill-arranged records, in 
 anticipation of a desire on the part of my superiors to have fuller 
 information as to the facts of the case than has hitherto been afforded 
 them. 
 
 3. I beg to premise that in offering this detail, I earnestly dis- 
 claim all intention of thrusting my opinion on the attention of Go- 
 vernment, or of presumptuously dictating the course which ought to 
 be pursued. If, in my endeavours to put the merits of the case 
 clearly before the eyes of the deciding authorities, I have used little 
 circumlocution, I trust that my plainness of speech may be viewed in 
 a favourable light, and that it will be seen that my sole motives are 
 concern for the honour and consequently for the real interests of my 
 country, and of the Government which I have the honour to serve, 
 and the necessity of putting aside all selfish considerations in the 
 performance of so sacred a duty. 
 
 4. The papers before me, and referred to in the 1st paragraph of 
 this letter, consist of a Note, signed by the Secretary to the Govern- 
 ment of Bengal, and a Minute based upon it by Lord Dalhousie, 
 dated 9th November, 1853. The Governor-General speaks of the 
 note as " having given him, for the first time, a full view of the 
 arrangements of the Nizamut." It was therefore the more. to be 
 regretted that the note itself was incomplete, and made no allusion to
 
 232 
 
 several most important documents and facts which must have 
 materially altered the conclusions arrived at. This incompleteness 
 could scarcely have been avoided, unless the drawing up of the 
 memorandum had been confided to the Agent Governor-General at 
 Moorshedabad, or to some one who could command the leisure to 
 peruse the mass of documents relating to Nizamut affairs, which are 
 dispersed in the Offices of the Agent, of the Nizamut, and of the 
 Bengal Government, and which, I may safely say, require the labour 
 of months to become fully acquainted with. 
 
 5. After giving an outline of the three Treaties between the East 
 India Company and the three sons and successors of the Nawab Jatlier 
 Ali Khan, the writer of the Note came to the conclusions : 
 
 1st. That " no Treaties or agreements had been made with any of 
 the five Nawabs, who have since ascended the Musnud." 
 
 2nd. That " none of the above engagements were otherwise than 
 personal," and that therefore " there never was any guarantee, ex- 
 pressed or implied, to continue the payment of Lacs 16,00,000 to the 
 Nawab and his family for ever," which the late Governor- General 
 states that " it is beyond question that the Nawab has no right or 
 title whatever to any allowance by ' treaty or compact,' " or " by 
 virtue of any agreement," but that he and his predecessors have 
 received the stipend of 16 lacs, " of the free grace and favor of the 
 British Government, in the same manner as the King of Delhi." 
 
 He supports his opinion by the remark that the amount of the 
 allowance was changed for the worse from 56 to 43, and subsequently 
 to 31 lacs ; but although on a cursory glance these conclusions may 
 appear well founded, they were apparently formed in the uncon- 
 sciousness of the grand fundamental treaty of all, i.e., the tenure on 
 which the British hold the vast provinces of Bengal, Behar, and 
 Orissa. 
 
 6. This is the basis of all our relations with the Nazim. It is the 
 Firmaun of SHAH ALUM granting to the East India Company the 
 Dewani or Civil Government of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, "as a 
 free gift and altumgau," with the conditional Jagheer " of whatsoever 
 may remain out of the revenues thereof" after the payment of 26 
 lacs per annum (by the Nawab) to the royal revenue, "and after 
 providing for the expenses of the Nizamut" securing them from dis- 
 missal, and granting the said office to the Company, '"from generation 
 to generation, for ever and ever." 
 
 7. Upon this Firman, two supplementary agreements were based, 
 carrying out its provisions one between the Nawab Nudjim ul Dowlah 
 and the company, and the other between SHAH ALUM and the 
 Company. The former runs thus : The King having been graciously 
 pleased to grant to the English Company the Dewani of Bengal, 
 Behar, and Orissa, with the revenues thereof, as a free gift for ever, 
 on certain conditions, whereof one is that there shall be a sufficient 
 allowance out of the said revenues for supporting the expenses of the 
 Nizamut. Be it known that I do agree to accept of the annual sum of 
 Sa. Us. 53 lacs odd as an adequate allowance." " Thin agreement by 
 the blessing of God I hope will be inviolably observed as long as the 
 English Company's factories continue in Bengal." 
 
 In the second agreement (between the SHAH and the Company.)
 
 233 
 
 the latter, in consideration of His Majesty having been graciously 
 pleased to grant them the Dewani of Bengal, &c., do engage to he security 
 for the regular payment of the sum of 26 lacs per annum, which the 
 Nawab had agreed to pay to the King. This engagement having 
 lapsed, owing to the downfall of the sovereignty of Delhi, does by 
 no means affect the separate agreement between the Nazim and the 
 Company, the former having fulfilled all his engagements, and the 
 Company having enjoyed all the benefits contemplated therein. 
 
 8. From this it appears evident 
 
 1st. That Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, were granted to the Company 
 as a conditional Jagheer ; the full force of which term may be gathered 
 from the fact that the Jagheer granted to Lord Clive is expressly styled 
 an " unconditional Jagheer," and the grant to the Company of the 
 Northern Circars in the same year is stated to be by way of inam, or 
 free gift. 
 
 2nd. That which was granted was not the whole revenue of these 
 provinces, but " whatsoever may remain after remitting the annual 
 tribute (which the Nazim or Viceroy was bound to pay to the Imperial 
 Court) and providing for the expenses of the Nizamut." Thus the 
 "expenses of the Nizamut" were the first charge upon the revenues 
 of Bengal, and the Company were entitled only to " what remained." 
 Had the treaty been purely personal and applicable only to the reign- 
 ing Nazim, the expression used would have been the expenses of the 
 Nawab Nazim Nudjim o Dowlah, but the phrase, " expenses of the 
 Nizamut is a generic one, and has always been employed to include 
 those who should inherit or appertain to the Nizamut ; the Nizamut 
 exists, though Nudjim o Dowlah has been long dead. 
 
 3rd. The grant being made "for ever and ever," the conditions of 
 it are evidently perpetual also. 
 
 4th. The stipulation was a sufficient or adequate allowance for the 
 expenses of the Nizajnut, and the amount was settled by mutual agree- 
 ment. To annul, modify, or in anywise change a treaty so carefully 
 worded, and on which such great interests depend, as the annexation 
 of three provinces, which might be styled kingdoms, must obviously 
 require the consent of both the contracting parties. The contracting 
 parties were equal they are so in theory still. The Nazim is now 
 weak ; but what made him so ? This very treaty ! Shall we therefore 
 break it ? Who is to decide what is suitable or adequate ? Evidently 
 not only the paramount power, but both. 
 
 9. Accordingly this has been the invariable practice, with one 
 marked exception. The Nawab Syfoo ul Dowlah ratified and con- 
 firmed the treaties entered into with his Father and Brother " as far as 
 is consistent with the true spirit, intent, and meaning thereof," which 
 is, if I mistake not, the custom whenever a supplementary article or 
 modification is added to a treaty or agreement between contracting 
 parties in Europe, and by no means implies that the treaty would not 
 have been binding on the successors of the prince who made it without 
 such confirmation. A further article was added, to the effect that 
 "having entire confidence in them (i.e. the English), that nothing 
 whatever be proposed or carried into execution by the Company de- 
 rogating from his dignity, interest, and the good of his country," he 
 made over the military defence of the country to the Company, and
 
 234 
 
 in consequence, while receiving the same sum as his predecessors, viz., 
 Us. 17,78,000 for his household expenses, he agreed to diminish the 
 portion for his Sowarr to 24 lacs instead of 36, as he no longer had to 
 maintain the same number of horse and foot. This latter sum had 
 never been considered fixed, the expression used in the agreement 
 with Nudjim o Dowlah being, should " such an expense hereafter be 
 found necessary to be kept up" The change, therefore, cannot be 
 said to be " for the worse," neither does it prove anything but that 
 it was lawful to modify the former treaty by the consent of both 
 parties. 
 
 10. The terms of both agreements denote their permanency, "so 
 long as the English factories continue in Bengal." The treaty in 
 1770 with the minor Nawab Mubaruck o Dowlah was still more 
 solemnly confirmed. Owing probably to the infancy of the Nazim, 
 his stipend was reduced stUl further, but this agreement which the 
 Governor-General in Council affirmed shall, by the blessing of God, 
 be " inviolably observed for ever" was about two years after broken 
 by the Court of Directors, and the allowance of the Nazim reduced to 
 sixteen lacs. To use Lord Dalhousie's words, it was set aside by 
 their sole authority, without any acquiescence, signified or asked, from 
 the Nawab. But this transaction which His Lordship, apparently not 
 being aware of the solemn fundamental treaty of SHAH ALUM, 
 was thus led to adduce as a proof of right, was one of those in- 
 stances of wrong which causes our early Indian history to be adduced 
 as rather a chart of shoals than as an armoury of precedents. I think 
 His Honour will agree with me that in order to act in accordance with 
 the higher political morality of the present day, and especially with 
 the pledge for the observance of treaties and engagements so recently 
 given by Her Majesty, we must refer to the compacts made by our 
 predecessors rather than to their mode of observing them. 
 
 11. The result of long and careful researches into voluminous ill- 
 arranged records has been the establishment of the following facts ; 
 that although the engagements with the five subsequent Nazims were 
 not in the shape of formal treaties, yet there have been several 
 solemn agreements and compacts, especially 1790, 1823, and 1834, 
 and each successive Governor-General on assuming the reins of 
 Government, as also on the accession of a new Nazim, has confirmed 
 the existing treaties and engagements, and reiterated the assurance of 
 "a scrupulous adherence to subsisting engagements, and to the 
 obligations of public faith and honour." 
 
 The late Governor-General solemnly promised on his arrival " to 
 promote the interests and establish the authority of all Native Princes, 
 by strict observance, enduring fulfilment of compact and treaty in 
 terms of existing conditions, stipulations, and articles arranged and 
 concerted." 
 
 In fact, with slight variations of expressions, every successive 
 Governor-General has publicly assured each succeesive Nawab Nazim, 
 that " the honour and dignities due to your hereditary rank, and the 
 prescriptive privileges of your high station, guaranteed by the stipu- 
 lations of subsisting treaties and long-established relations, observed 
 and cherished by former Governors-General, will on the part also of 
 this sincere friend, be fervently fostered and punctually fulfilled."
 
 235 
 
 12. The 16 lacs to which the Nazim's stipend was reduced in 1772, 
 have been repeatedly recognized as belonging to him by treaty. 
 
 The agreement promises " not to derogate from the honour, dignity, 
 or interest of the Nawab Nazim," certainly include not diminishing 
 his income, since both his dignity and interest would suffer by the 
 curtailment of it. 
 
 Lord Cornwallis, after " inquiring of the Nazim the names of those 
 whose pensions he wished to discontinue," declared the stipends of 
 the relations of the Nazim hereditary. If the stipends were to be 
 hereditary, the funds from which they were paid must be hereditary 
 also. 
 
 Express pledges made. 
 
 Lord Minto, on the accession of Nawab Nazim AH Jah, " assures 
 him that the stipend fixed on the accession of your august father, by 
 the Honourable East India Company, will be continued to Your 
 Highness without any difference, viz., at the annual allowance of 16 
 lacs, in monthly issues as usual." The same pledge is reiterated by 
 the Marquis of Hastings in 1821, and by Lord Amherst in 1825. 
 
 Lord Amherst says, " Your Highness may be assured that the 
 regular fixed allowance and the other mutually settled points will 
 remain and continue as approved and sanctioned by the home au- 
 thorities, namely, 16 lacs of rupees per annum." 
 
 Lord Moira gave a formal assurance that the Agency Deposit Fund 
 would ever be considered " as the inalienable property of His High- 
 ness's family, over and above the 16 lacs of rupees assigned for its 
 support." 
 
 In 1836 the Government instructed the accountant of the Revenue 
 Department " that the stipend of the Nawab Nazim and the Nizamut 
 Pensioners having formed matter of express engagement in a 
 treaty, $c." 
 
 In 1840 the Court of Directors corrected the Deputy-Governor who 
 had styled the Deposit Fund "public money," and affirmed that " the 
 Deposit Fund is not public money, but a part of the assignment by 
 treaty of the family." See narrative, passim. 
 
 Even had there been no treaties the 16 lacs are sufficiently secured 
 by " long established relations ;" and Government has repeatedly 
 pledged itself to " the strict observance and enduring fulfilment of ex- 
 isting conditions, stipulations, and articles arranged and concerted." 
 
 No change in the amount of the allowance has been made since 
 1772, and no change of any importance has ever been made even 
 in the allotment of it, without a formal agreement with the reigning 
 Nazim. 
 
 13. The principal agreements, omitting several which proved abor- 
 tive, have been three in number. 
 
 By the first, seven lacs, chiefly arising from Mani Begum's Stipend, 
 were invested for the payment of the Agent of the Governor- General 
 and his establishment. His Highness gave his consent, on receiving 
 from the Governor- General " an assurance that this Fund is and will 
 be considered the inalienable property of His Highness's family, over 
 and above the 16 lacs assigned for its support " 
 
 In 1823 the Governor- General proposed that two lacs of rupees per 
 ann\un should be invested for the benefit of the Nizamut, and be con-
 
 236 
 
 sidered as " a sacred inheritance of the family." His Highness con- 
 sented, on the British Government " relinquishing all desire to increase 
 the Fund" beyond one-eighth of the entire Nizamut Stipend. 
 
 The third and latest agreement which has been entered into between 
 the " two Sirkars" is that of Captain Thoresby, in 1834, which stipu- 
 lates that " all perquisites, mamulats," fee., as well as present or 
 future pensions, should revert to and be at the entire disposal of " Sis 
 Highness." 
 
 That the stipends of relations and dependants should be distributed 
 by the Agent, although the entire sixteen lacs are still paid to His 
 Highness's receipt, the treasurer being answerable henceforward to the 
 Agent, as well as to the Nawab Nazim ; that His Highness should 
 have full control over his own household and his own expenditure 
 without the obligation of giving any account of either. 
 
 This was acknowledged by Government as " the rule under which 
 Nizamut affairs are to be henceforth administered." 
 
 14. I. To sum up the subject as a mere matter of account, it seems 
 clear that an adequate allowance "for the Nizamut" is secured by 
 treaty as the first charge on the revenues of Bengal, Behar, and 
 Orissa. 
 
 II. That the right of His Highness to at least sixteen lacs per 
 annum rests, not only on ancient usage, " long-established relations," 
 and prescriptive rights since 1772, but on many formal stipulations 
 and agreements. 
 
 III. That two lacs per annum, and no more, are by contract to be 
 deducted from His Highness's stipend ; the accumulations and balance 
 of interest to be " invested in the securities of the British Govern- 
 ment, who is the trustee responsible for the disposing of this money 
 for the benefit of the family, especially for buildings, travelling ex- 
 penses, and dowries. This is admitted in Lord Dalhousie's order, 
 for he styles it '' a debt" although he would not allow it to bear 
 interest. 
 
 IV. That the remaining 14 lacs, with all lapses and accumulations 
 therefrom from 1836, only deducting such pensions as he and his 
 ancestors have allotted to their relations and dependants, belong to the 
 Nazim for the tune being, whosoever that may be. and should be made 
 over to him. It appears that if a portion of the money properly 
 belonging to the Nazim has been withheld from His Highness, and 
 made use of by Government, he has a claim not only to the principal, 
 but also to the usual rate of interest. 
 
 15. The foregoing remarks and the subjoined narrative will, I 
 venture to hope, enable Government to discern and weigh the merits 
 of this important case, and to arrive at a conclusion befitting the 
 magnitude of the interests debated, and the enduring influence of the 
 principles involved. I will not dwell on the imprsssion likely to be 
 produced by this and similar decisions upon the native mind, and it 
 may be on that of the public at home. 
 
 16. I cannot conclude without remarking that it is impossible to 
 disconnect the interests of the Nawab Nazim from the proceedings 
 adopted in connexion with the famous Murder case in the year 1853 4. 
 But I am not authorised to enter upon this subject, although if called 
 upon to do so I believe I could throw some additional light on it.
 
 237 
 
 17. I beg permission to add, lastly, that my position is one of 
 peculiar difficulty and delicacy. As Governor-General's Agent, my 
 first duty is to Government, and I heartily desire to avoid even the 
 appearance of opposition to their acts or policy. Of course I mean 
 the Government which I have at present the honour to serve, as no 
 man would be considered blameable for openly disapproving by-gone 
 measures, such as the abolition of flogging in the native army, or the 
 invasion of Afghanistan. At the same time I believe that His Excel- 
 lency the Yiceroy placed me in my present appointment with a view to 
 my carrying out the very object for which the office was instituted, 
 viz., the protection of the interests of the Nawab Nazim as inseparably 
 connected with the honour of the British name. Indeed the Governor- 
 General in Council in 1816, fully coincided with Mr. Edmonstone in 
 declaring that the exclusive object " of the Governor-General's agency 
 at Moorshedabad," is the prosperity and pecuniary benefit of the 
 Nizamut; and it is on this ground alone that the Nazim consented to 
 the formation of the Agency Deposit Fund out of his own revenues 
 for the payment of the Government Agent and his establishment. 
 
 It is, therefore, with perfect confidence that I ask the indulgence of 
 His Honour the Lieutenant-Governor, for having entered so fully 
 into the subject, as also for any imperfection in the manner of 
 doing so. 
 
 I have the honour to be, 
 
 Sir, 
 Your most obedient servant, 
 
 (Signed) COLIN MACKENZIE, 
 Acting Agent to the Governor-General 
 
 at Moorshedabad. 
 Fort William, 
 23rd May, 1859. 
 
 The above statements having been drawn up by an 
 independent officer of the Government, who had free 
 access to all documents pertaining to the Nizamut and 
 Collectorate, must necessarily bear the impress of truth 
 and contain indisputable data for arriving at a correct 
 conclusion as to the justice of His Highness' s claims, 
 which have been advanced by the Nawab himself in 
 three Memorials ; the first to the Court of Directors in 
 March, 1857; the second to the Right Honourable Sir 
 Charles Wood, Bart., Her Majesty's Secretary of State 
 for India in Council, in April, 1860, supported by further 
 appeals in December, 1862, and February, 1863 ; and the
 
 238 
 
 third and last to His Grace the Duke of Argyll, K.T., 
 Her Majesty's Secretary of State for India in Council, in 
 July, 1869, to which His Highness awaits a reply. A 
 copy of the last Memorial will be found at the end of this 
 narrative. 
 
 In the last Memorial now before Her Majesty's 
 Secretary of State for India in Council, allusion is 
 made to two social questions, to which with some cor- 
 respondence relating thereto it will be necessary here 
 to refer in order that all His Highness' grievances may 
 be fully explained, and the arbitrary action taken by the 
 Government of India against the Nawab in connection 
 therewith fully exhibited. 
 
 The first matter was an affront supposed to have been 
 offered (quite unwittingly !) by the Nawab to the Agent 
 Governor- General (Page 327), and which the Nawab 
 afterwards apologized for. 
 
 On the 14th of May, 1861, Colonel Mackenzie, Agent 
 Governor-General, with some friends, drove at an early 
 hour in the morning from Berhampore (where he resided) 
 to the Nazim's Palace at Moorshedabad having ex- 
 pressed his intention of so doing to His Highness, verbally 
 through the Dewan, Eajah Prosunno Narian Deb. His 
 Highness sent a message back by his chief eunuch, 
 Darab AH Khan, to say that he would try and meet the 
 Agent, if possible, after breakfast ; but, as he was not 
 very well, he could not say positively whether he would 
 be able to go. His Highness, feeling worse as the day 
 advanced, was obliged to forego the pleasure of meeting 
 the Agent, and sent a message to this effect. This ap- 
 parently offended the Agent, who construed it into an
 
 239 
 
 insult offered to the Representative of the Viceroy, and 
 reported the matter to the Government. Two days after- 
 wards the Agent called upon His Highness for an expla- 
 nation, which was given, and accepted as an ample 
 apology by him ; but he required His Highness to pay 
 him a return visit as a mark of respect, which His 
 Highness did not think absolutely necessary in his official 
 position, as the Agent had not paid him an official visit. 
 
 Extract from a Letter dated 8th June, 1861. 
 
 From LIEUTENANT-COLONEL C. MACKENZIE, Officiating 
 Agent Governor- General, to His HIGHNESS THE NAWAB 
 NAZIM, &c. 
 
 Para. 1. I have received Your Highness's letters of 22nd May and 
 4th June, and I understand their contents. I cannot but accept the 
 apology contained in the first letter, and regret the severity of Your 
 Highness's sufferings as you describe them. But the fact remains, 
 that I never received a proper message by a proper messenger announc- 
 ing the impossibility of Your Highness's meeting me in the Palace, 
 and I therefore trust Your Highness will issue such orders to your 
 Officers as will prevent a repetition of the appearance of disrespect to 
 the Representative of His Excellency the Viceroy. 
 
 Extract from para. 6 of letter No. 18, dated the 14<th 
 January, 1861, from the GOVERNMENT OF INDIA to the 
 
 LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR OF BENGAL. 
 
 With regard to the affront offered by the Nawab Nazim to the 
 Agent on his occasion of visiting the palace in May last, the Governor- 
 General in Council agrees with the Lieutenant- Governor in thinking, 
 that it has by no means been atoned for by the very unsatisfactory 
 explanation which has been accepted by Lieutenant-Colonel Mac- 
 kenzie as an apology to himself. For that affront, offered to the 
 Government in the person of its Agent, His Excellency in Council 
 will not be satisfied with imperfect excuses. Nothing short of a full 
 admission of error, and an unreserved expression of regret, can be 
 received by the Government as a sufficient apology, and the Nawab 
 should be told that until such an apology has been forwarded by him, 
 and accepted by the Lieutenant-Governor, neither will the request 
 which His Highness has made for permission to visit the Governor- 
 General be considered, nor will the letters, which he addressed to His 
 Excellency on the 16th and 25th October be answered. The Agent
 
 240 
 
 also will be withdrawn for the present, and all Official communications 
 between the Government and the Nawab will be made through the 
 Collector of Moorshedabad until an Agent regularly appointed, can, 
 with propriety, resume his functions. 
 
 From His HIGHNESS THE NAWAB NAZIM OP BENGAL, 
 &c., to THE HONOURABLE JOHN PETER GRANT, Lieu- 
 tenant-Governor of Bengal. 
 
 His Highness the Nawab Nazim of Bengal is informed by the letter 
 from the Officiating Secretary to the Government of India, to the 
 Secretary to the Government of Bengal, dated Fort William the 14th 
 January, 1862, No. 28, of which an extract was enclosed to the 
 address of His Highness, and forwarded to the Palace of His High- 
 ness, on the evening of the 20th, that His Honour the Lieutenant- 
 Governor of Bengal considers an affront to have been offered to 
 Government, in the person of its Agent, on the 14th day of May last, 
 by His Highness. His Highness also learns (from the same source) 
 that His Excellency the Governor- General in Council agrees with His 
 Honour the Lieutenant-Governor in that view, and His Excellency in 
 Council has declared that His Excellency will not be satisfied with 
 imperfect excuses ; that nothing short of a full admission of error, and 
 an unreserved expression of regret, can be received by the Government 
 as a sufficient apology. His Excellency, therefore, directs that His 
 Highness the Nawab Nazim do apologise in a way that shall be 
 satisfactory to His Honour the Lieutenant-Governor for the affront 
 offered (as His Excellency has decided) by His Highness to the 
 Representative of the British Government. 
 
 His Highness the Nawab Nazim feels, that it will ill become His 
 Highness to dispute, or to seem to cavil, with the decision of His 
 Excellency in Council. Sis Highness feels perfectly acquitted in his 
 conscience of any thought of offence to the British Government, or to 
 any Representative of the British Government. His Highness hereby 
 tenders his complete and unqualified apology for what has been held 
 by the best authority to have been an affront on the part of His High- 
 ness. His Highness feels that a serious error must have been com- 
 mitted by him, and His Highness asks of His Honour the Lieutenant- 
 Governor, that this His Highness's unqualified apology and unreserved 
 expression of regret be accepted. 
 
 (Signed) SYTJD MTJNSOOR ULLEE. 
 
 Palace, Moorshedabad, 
 The 27th January, 1862. 
 
 This unfortunate affair led to an estrangement 
 between the Nawab and the Agent Governor- General, 
 who up to that time had supported the Nawab's 
 claims ; and further, it brought about the second social 
 matter referred to by the Nawab in His Memorial (Page 
 329). His Highness' Dewan, who is a clever Hindoo,
 
 241 
 
 took advantage of the existing circumstances for exercising 
 a degree of authority which he had not before done, and at 
 last his acts became so intolerable that His Highness 
 was forced to dismiss him from his service, which as his 
 paid servant he certainly had a right to do. The Agent, 
 however, thought otherwise and took the Dewan's part 
 against his master. Some angry correspondence resulted, 
 and at last the question was referred by the Agent to the 
 Governor-General, who, while supporting his Agent, 
 tacitly showed his disapproval of the action he had taken, 
 by removing him from his office with its large emolu- 
 ments, and placing him in a much inferior appointment. 
 This naturally irritated the Agent, who, unfortunately 
 for the Nawab, ever afterwards showed himself inimical 
 to his interests. 
 
 I. 
 
 On the 8th June, 1861, the Agent Governor-General addressed the 
 Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal on behalf of the Dewan Rajah Pro- 
 sonno Narain Deb Bahadoor, against His Highness the Nawab Nazim, 
 and alluded to " the Nazim's suicidal estrangement from him," &c, 
 The Agent also wrote the following : 
 
 II. 
 
 From LIEUTENANT-COLONEL C. IVjACKENziB, Officiating 
 Agent Governor. General, To His HIGHNESS THE NAWAB 
 NAZIM, &c., After Compliments, 
 
 2. Your Highness has frequently assured me that you prefer plain 
 speaking, and that when you do wrong you would be much obliged 
 by my telling you so without circumlocution. I have done so in my 
 last letter, and it appears from the tone of your reply that it has 
 made you angry. I can make every allowance for a feeling of irrita- 
 tion, but I think Your Highness is bound to remember three things, 
 riz., 1st, that in warning you against' any particular line of conduct, 
 I have only your interest at heart, the nature of which I understand 
 brt'.or than yourself; and 2nd, that during the last three years yo,u 
 have, through my explanations to Government, in a great measure, 
 n^ lined the position which you had lost, and acquired advantages of
 
 242 
 
 no ordinary value and importance, on which you had set your heart, 
 and 3rd, that so far as I can see, you should not now have been in a 
 worse position than that in which I found you, but for the untiring 
 industry, sagacity, and fidelity of Rajah Prosonno Narain Deb 
 Bahadoor, your Dewan, bearing in mind as I do, the numberless 
 times that you have acknowledged to me that the Rajah is almost 
 the only man near you whose opinion you respect, and in whom you 
 can place confidence, I could not believe that your present estrange- 
 ment from him emanated from yourself, and I, therefore, in common 
 with all around you, attributed it to the evil influence of Huqueem 
 Abool Hosain. You say that you sent away this man with honour. 
 Your Highness may have done this secretly, but at the time of his 
 dismissal my worst impressions as to his character were derived from 
 Your Highness's representations. Moreover, it is well known that he 
 is a most unworthy person, and quite unfit to sit down in Your 
 Highness's presence, far less to act as your Counsellor, seeing that 
 his only object as a stranger and irresponsible adventurer must be to 
 enrich himself at the expense both of Your Highness's purse and 
 most vital interests. Nevertheless, it is, as I have often told Your 
 Highness, your right to take the medicine of any physician you have 
 selected for yourself, your Begums and children : only let the physi- 
 cian beware of interfering with public business, and thereby com- 
 promising Your Highness's interests and dignity. 
 
 3. While strongly objecting to the exercise of any pernicious in- 
 fluence over Your Highness on the part of Her Highness the Nuwab 
 Begum, I have always been glad to encourage a filial feeling on your 
 part towards her. Without dwelling on this rather delicate subject 
 I am happy to be able to apprise Your Highness that the Nuwab 
 Begum has informed me that she heartily concurs in all my views. 
 
 4. I know that Your Highness possesses good sense and good 
 feeling, but I also know that you have frequently deplored to me, that 
 
 facility of disposition, which makes it easy for artful and intriguing 
 persons, especially your own attendants, to impose on you for their 
 own advantage. My object is now what it always has been, viz., to 
 guard you from the machinations of such villains, and, to secure your 
 interests and dignity as the Hals or chief of the Nizamut. But unless 
 you listen to, and follow my advice, and the suggestions of your 
 own better sense and feelings, disappointment must result to all parties 
 concerned. 
 
 I am, my Friend, 
 Your Highness's Sincere Friend, 
 (Signed) C. MACKENZIE, 
 
 Officiating Agent Governor-General. 
 Berhampore, 
 
 The 8th June, 1861. 
 
 III. 
 
 On the 18th June His Highness the Nawab Nazim dismissed his 
 Dewan, and appointed Rajendra Narain Deb to manage his private 
 affairs, assisted by his own two eldest sons.
 
 243 
 
 IV. 
 
 On the llth June the Agent Governor-General wrote to the 
 Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal: " I feel it my duty to support the 
 Dewan against the fickleness and unreasonableness and groundless 
 dissatisfaction of the Nazim ; and I trust that I myself may look to 
 similar support from the Lieutenant-Governor, or otherwise it is likely 
 that the Nazim may be betrayed into blunders equally mischievous to 
 himself and vexatious to Government." And he further suggested 
 that " an admonition from Grovernment might bring His Highness to 
 his senses." 
 
 V. 
 
 On the 24th June the Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal wrote in 
 reply, and expressed his regret at " the coolness between His High- 
 ness and his Dewan, and hoped that His Highness would soon restore 
 the latter to the place in his confidence which his good conduct 
 merits," but would not interfere in the matter. 
 
 VI. 
 
 On the 25th June the Agent Governor- General warned His High- 
 ness that " he had no power to dismiss the Dewan without the per- 
 mission of the Supreme Government," and that, in appointing Rajendra 
 Niirain Deb, " he knew he was breaking through a stringent regulation 
 of Government, which enacts that he can neither correspond with nor 
 receive any native of consideration nor any European whatever with- 
 out the cognizance and consent of the Agent Governor- General." 
 This regulation could not be so applied, for it was made for the 
 benefit of the Nawab Nazim, " to protect him from intrigues." The 
 Agent further wrote a series of letters to the Government, expressing 
 his opinion as to the nature of the office of Dewan, and also took up 
 the Dewan's case as a personal matter. 
 
 VII. 
 
 From LIEUTENANT-COLONEL CoLIN MACKENZIE, Offi- 
 ciating Agent Governor -General, Moorshedabad, to His 
 HIGHNESS THE NAWAB NAZIM OP BENGAL, &c. 
 
 Berhampore, the 25th June, 1861. 
 
 Mr FRIEND, I have received the letter Your Highness has sent 
 this morning by the hand of a Chobdar, and understand its con- 
 tents. 
 
 Your Highness has yourself made it impossible for me to corres- 
 pond with you officially in Persian, as the proper channel of business 
 communications, viz., your Dewan is disowned for the present by you. 
 Until, however, we receive the orders of Government, by which we 
 must abide, I have no objection to receive letters from Your Highness 
 and to reply to them in English. I have no doubt that Mr. Browning 
 
 R 2
 
 244 
 
 will be happy to render you the service of reading my letters, and of 
 writing those of Your Highness. 
 
 I must conclude by once more advising Your Highness to remember 
 that it is honourable to confess an error. I am sure that you feel in 
 your heart that you have done wrong. Do not think, because you 
 nave, after waiting for more than a month, forced me to report all 
 that has taken place to Government, that I am your enemy ? I would 
 still, if possible, extricate Your Highness from the difficulties into 
 which wicked men have plunged you. 
 
 Let me ask one question. Did I forsake Your Highness when you 
 were in distress ? Why should I forsake the Dewan, who is the best 
 friend you ever had, now that Your Highness, being deceived, is 
 acting towards him with cruelty and injustice? I have too much 
 regard for him, for Your Highness's true interests, and for my own 
 character and conscience to do any thing so base. 
 
 I am, my Friend, 
 Your Highness's Sincere Friend, 
 (Signed) C. MACKENZIE, Lieut.-Col., 
 
 Acting Agent Governor-General. 
 
 vni. 
 
 From His HIGHNESS THE NAWAB NAZIM OP BENGAL, 
 
 &C., to LIEUTENANT-COLONEL COLIN MACKENZIE, Officiat- 
 ing Agent, Governor- General, Moorshedabad. 
 
 Moorshedabad, 27th June, 1861. 
 
 MY FEIEND, Your letter, dated the 25th of June, has reached me. 
 I regret that you refuse to receive any Persian letters relative to 
 Nizamut affairs, save through the hands of my late Dewan Eajah 
 Prosunno Narain Deb Bahadoor, whom, as you are aware, I have 
 dismissed from office. Your resolve will plunge the Nizamut into 
 considerable difficulties, and perhaps I shall suffer, in addition, much 
 loss. Your suggestion that I should correspond with you in English 
 through Mr. Browning is quite impracticable. He is the tutor to my 
 children, and has not sufficient time at his disposal to carry on so 
 voluminous a correspondence as would necessarily devolve upon him. 
 I have an efficient staff of Persian writers, and it is through them 
 alone that I desire to correspond oh Nizamut affairs. 
 
 You have informed me that the dismissal of my Dewan rests not 
 with me, but the Government. I have repeatedly written to you for 
 any documents that may be in your possession establishing your views. 
 You have, however, sent me no such papers, and I, therefore, con- 
 clude that I am in the right, and that I can dismiss for his misconduct 
 or for incompatibility of temper any of my servants without any formal 
 application to Government. 
 
 You mention that you have reported the matter to Government. It 
 is, perhaps, advisable, therefore, that J shall state my case to you, it 
 is simply this : 
 
 My late Dewan gives me <u>.ple cause of offence. J. lose all my con-
 
 245 
 
 fidence iu him, suspect him of malpractices, abolish his office, and call 
 upon him for an account of the large sums of money, jewels and 
 Government securities, that have, from time to time, passed through 
 his hands. I also demand from him all papers and documents relating 
 to the Nizamut which are in his custody. He does not reply to my 
 communications, and adds to all his offences, by disobeying my 
 orders. 
 
 In this posture of affairs I am sorry to state that you, so far from 
 flirhig me aid, side entirely with the late Dewan, and now refuse to 
 transact any business save through him. I sincerely wish that these 
 matters could have been arranged without an appeal to G-overnment, 
 not for my own sake, but for yours. For it has always been my aim to 
 secure i/our good opinion, and, indeed, so far as possible, the goodwill 
 esteem of all with whom I am brought into contact. Should I 
 suffer any loss through your determination, and should any valuable 
 papers now in the possession of Rajah Prosunno -Sarain Deb be not 
 eventually forthcoming, to whom may I ask am I to look for reparation 
 save to you, who are appointed by Q-overnnient to watch over my 
 interests ? I would ask you, therefore, once more to take the whole 
 matter into consideration, and to let me know on what authority you 
 say that I can neither appoint nor dismiss my Dewan. 
 
 In conclusion, I request that you will be pleased to send me a copy 
 of your representation to Government, that I may learn precisely its 
 nature, at least so far as it affects myself. You will be pleased to 
 submit this letter, and the rest of the correspondence in Persian and 
 in English on the question, since May last, to Hia Honour the 
 Lieutenant-Governor. 
 
 I am, &c., 
 (Signed) STUD MUNSOOB ULEE. 
 
 IX. 
 
 From His HIGHNESS THE NAWAB NAZTM OP BENGAL, 
 
 &C., to LIEUTENANT-COLONEL COLIN MACKENZIE, Offi- 
 ciating Agent to the Governor-General. 
 
 MY FRIEND, in continuation of my letter of the 27th ultimo, I beg 
 to state, that, / need only be convinced that I have done wrong, and I 
 shall most gladly confess my error, for in doing so, it shows a greatness 
 of mind ; if by your supposing me to have done wrong, you allude to 
 my dismissal of my Dewan, I freely open my heart to you in stating, 
 that, I feel myself the party wronged against; I always regard my 
 servants as my children, and in that feeling passed over many causes 
 of provocation which my Dewan has given me, and smiled at his., 
 sauciness and even insolence ; you cannot but be aware, how in. many 
 such instances I have pardoned him, and even dismissed some of my 
 old and faithful servants who happened to come in his way. 
 
 But pampered by your indulgence and secure of your support, he 
 entirely forgot his position, and attempted to be, and in fact became, 
 the sole master of the Nizamut, he would treat me as a child and
 
 246 
 
 assume over me the power of a superior authority, a censor, a spy, and 
 a jailor ; to make me succumb to his ivill he would plume himself upon 
 his influence with the Government and daunt me with threats, and to 
 give them the show of action, would, with audacious impudence, hold 
 forth before me letters procured from you (private and demi-official) , 
 replete with abuses and reproaches against me ; he also succeeded in 
 coercing my servants to regard him as the Nawab and absolutely to dis- 
 obey me. 
 
 I shall not disgust ny feelings by dwelling on the humiliating picture 
 of a master placed at the mercy of a servant, whose tenure of service 
 depends upon his will, but hasten to add that the late Dewan not only 
 offended me by his overbearing insolence and all absorbing ambition, 
 but has lost all my confidence. I have strong grounds to beh'eve that 
 he has grossly abused his trust, and that if the accounts be properly 
 examined, they would reveal startling facts. Promptitude is absolutely 
 necessary in making such revelations, but I deeply grieve to find that 
 you have only in contravention to the solemn Agreement of 1834 
 contested my authority to dismiss my own servants, but interdicted 
 the Dewan to render me an account which I have called for, and which 
 the longer he delays to give me the greater chance there is of mj 
 interest being injured. 
 
 I am sure the just and humane British Government would regard 
 with anything but pleasure your supporting my steward in his refusal 
 to render me an account under any circumstances, especially when I sus- 
 pected him of misappropriating my property. 
 
 I cannot help remarking here that you have pained and grieved me 
 by refusing to attend my Durbar according to custom on the day of the 
 Eed festival, although asked by myself, and the Nawab Nazir Darab 
 Ally Khan, and you paid a visit on the afternoon of that very day to 
 my late Dewan. 
 
 I recoil from the idea of hurting an innocent man much less in 
 recommending you to do so. Keeping apart my suspicion of the 
 official malfeasance of Rajah Prosonno Narain Deb, his insolence and 
 insubordination are too potent to suffer me to see his face again. 
 Instead of being cruel and unjust as you suppose, I have acted towards 
 him as the most lenient and indulgent master. God knows what 
 efforts I had to make, to command my temper in putting up with his 
 insults and to forget his faults. 
 
 In conclusion, I request you will be pleased to forward a copy of 
 this letter, as well as the accompanying letter, to the Honourable the 
 Lieutenant- Governor of Bengal. 
 
 1 remain, my Friend, 
 
 Yours sincerely, 
 (Signed) SYUD MUNSOOK ULLEE. 
 
 Palace, Moorshedabad, 
 The 2nd July, 1861.
 
 247 
 
 X. 
 
 From LIEUTENANT-COLONEL COLIN MACKENZIE, Offi- 
 
 ciating Agent Governor- General, To His HIGHNESS THE 
 NAWAB NAZIM or BENGAL, &c., Berliampore, the 28th 
 June, 1861. 
 
 MY FBIEND, I beg to acknowledge the receipt of Your Highness's 
 letter of the 27th instant, and in reply desire to remind Your Highness 
 that it is not I who have put a stop to our official correspondence in 
 Persian, but yourself, inasmuch as you blocked up the only channel 
 through which such correspondence can, in accordance with the ar- 
 rangement of Government, flow, namely, your present Dewan Rajah 
 Prosonno Narain Deb Bahadoor. Your Highness requests me to ob- 
 serve that you have dismissed the Dewan, and you wish me now to 
 furnish you with copies of former Government orders respecting the 
 appointment of, and power of dismissing that officer. Your Highness 
 seems to forget that in despite of my warning that you have no power 
 to appoint or dismiss a Dewan without the consent and orders of 
 Government, you have chosen to act independently in this matter from 
 first to last. I can no more transact business with Your Highness in 
 the Persian Department through any channel but that of your Dewan, 
 than General Showers could receive Your Highness's Persian letters 
 sent direct to him, and not through the Agent, for I am well aware of 
 the secret correspondence which Your Highness has attempted to carry 
 on with that gentleman and other persons, this being contrary, as 
 you well know, to the express orders of the Governor-General in 
 Council. 
 
 2. I again, as the Representative of the Viceroy, beg to inform Your 
 Highness that there never was a real Dewan appointed or dismissed by 
 any Nazim without the concurrence of the Agent. The only case in 
 which a properly constituted Dewan was dismissed without the sanction 
 of Government was that of Seeta Nauth. That transaction was con- 
 cealed from Government by the Agent, and his death and that of the 
 Rajah alone prevented a reversal of the irregularity. 
 
 3. Allow me to point out to Your Highness that you are mistaken 
 in supposing that I wish to carry on the business of the Nizamut with 
 you in English. By referring to my letter you will observe that as an 
 exchange of English letters between you and me is still possible, I 
 suggested that occasional communications of that kind might take 
 place. I mentioned the name of Mr. Browning merely because I sup- 
 posed that he would have no objection to help Your Highness, and 
 because you might prefer his assistance, as that of an educated and 
 talented gentleman, able and willing to perform a friendly office for 
 you. 
 
 4. As Your Highness's fiat alone can no more dismiss Rajah Pro- 
 sunno Narain Deb than mine could, he is still the Dewan Nizamut, 
 and as such he cannot, with reference to the interests of Your High- 
 ness, and his duty to you, to the Government, and to himself, hand 
 over charge of the departments entrusted to him to the irresponsible 
 men pointed out by Your Highness, and certainly not to Your High- 
 ness's sons who are mere children. In this matter the Rajah has acted
 
 248 
 
 by my directions given in presence of the Nawab Nazir Darab Ally 
 Khan. 
 
 5. Throughout the whole of this disagreeable affair, the unpleasant 
 consequences of which I have been most anxious to avert from you, 
 Your Highness has totally overlooked the important fact, that for 
 the tune being, any Official declaration proceeding from the Agent 
 carries with it the full authority of the Governor- General in Council, 
 and that in defying the Agent you have literally defied the British 
 Government. Your proper mode of action ought to have been im- 
 plicit acquiescence in all my Official intimations (even supposing that 
 you did not choose to follow my private friendly counsel), and then 
 to have patiently awaited the decision of Government, who would 
 certainly have attended to any reasonable appeal on the part of Your 
 Highness. 
 
 I am, my Friend, 
 
 Your Highness's sincere Friend, 
 (Signed) C. MACKENZIE, Lieut. -Col., 
 Acting Agent Governor-General. 
 
 XI. 
 From His HIGHNESS THE NAWAB NAZIM OF BENGAL, 
 
 &C., to LIEUTENANT-COLONEL COLIN MACKENZIE, Offi- 
 ciating Agent to the Governor -General. 
 
 MY FRIEND, I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, 
 dated the 28th ultimo, and, in reply, beg to state that I do not see 
 how I have put a stop to our official correspondence in Persian. I 
 am not aware of any orders of Government, which provide that the 
 channel of Persian correspondence of the Nizamut, is the Dewan. 
 If you allow occasional correspondence in English, I do not under- 
 stand why the same cannot be carried on in Persian, and that as 
 often as the Nizamut affairs require. Mr. Browning, as tutor to my 
 children, can ill afford tune to become also my correspondence writer. 
 Communications in English have always passed between me and my 
 old friend and tutor General Showers (in your time as well as before 
 it), with the assistance of my late Dewan, Kajah Prosonno Naraiu 
 Deb, but as I cannot avail myself of the Rajah's assistance now, I 
 correspond with the General in Persian. With regard to the Nizamut 
 accounts which my late Dewan keeps back under your directions, I 
 have to request you will kindly recall this order, which is sure to prove 
 detrimental to my interests ; and ask the Dewan to render the 
 accounts, which is what I have repeatedly called for. 
 
 I remain, my Friend, 
 
 Yours sincerely, 
 (Signed) SYUD MTTNSOOB ULLEE. 
 
 Palace, Moorshedabad, 
 The 5th July, 1861.
 
 249 
 
 XII. 
 From, His HIGHNESS THE NAWAB NAZIM OF BENGAL, 
 
 &C., to LIEUTENANT-COLONEL COLIN MACKENZIE, Offi- 
 
 ciating Agent to the Governor-General. 
 
 MY FEIUTD, I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, No. 
 120, dated the 27th ultimo, with its enclosure, and to request you will 
 be pleased to send me particulars of the charges brought by Asian 
 Khan against the late Dewan, as also a copy of your letter, No. 69, 
 dated the llth ultimo, alluded to in the letter of the Junior Secretary 
 to the Government of Bengal for iny inspection. 
 I remain, my Friend, 
 
 Yours very sincerely, 
 
 (Signed) SYUD MTJNSOOB ULLEE. 
 Palace, Moorshedabad, 
 The 3rd July, 1861. 
 
 XIII. 
 No. 6. 
 From His HIGHNESS THE NAWAB NAZIM OF BENGAL, 
 
 &C., to LlETJTENANT-COLONEL COLIN MACKENZIE, Acting 
 
 Agent Governor- General, Moorshedabad. 
 
 Moorshedabad Palace, the 3rd July, 1861. 
 
 Mr FRIEND, I have to request you will be good enough to intimate 
 to the Collector of Moorshedabad, that my stipend for the future is to 
 be paid on the receipt and seal of Coomar Rajendar Narain Deb, 
 whom I have appointed to the post of Madar-ul-aham instead of 
 Baj-ih Prosonno Narain Deb. An impression of the Madar-ul- 
 Alaham's seal is herewith enclosed. 
 
 I remain, my Friend, 
 
 Yours sincerely, 
 (Signed) SYUD MUNSOOR ULLEE. 
 
 XIV. 
 Extract from a Letter No. 132, dated 4ith July, 1861. 
 
 From LlEUTENANT-COLONEL COLIN MACKENZIE, to HlS 
 
 HIGHNESS THE NAWAB NAZIM OF BENGAL. 
 
 Para. 3. In Your Highness' s letter you desire that intimation should 
 be given to the Collector that your income should, for the future, 
 be paid to the receipt and seal of Coomar Eajender Narain Deb. 
 Hitherto Your Highness's income has been paid to the receipt and
 
 250 
 
 seal of your present Dewan Rajah Prosonno Narain Deb Bahadoor, 
 and until I receive the orders of Government on the subject, it is 
 impossible for me, with every wish to accommodate Your Highness, 
 to change the usual official channel. 
 
 (Signed) COLIN MACKENZIE, 
 Acting Agent Governor-General, Moorshedabad. 
 
 XV. 
 
 Extract of a Letter No. 6, dated July, 1861, from His 
 HIGHNESS THE NAWAB NAZIM OP BENGAL, &c., to LIEUT.- 
 COLONEL COLIN MACKENZIE, Officiating Agent Governor- 
 General, Moorshedabad. 
 
 Para. 2. With reference to my stipend, which you refuse to accom- 
 modate me with pending the orders of Government, allow me to state 
 for your information that my stipend, before this, was on different 
 occasions paid to the receipt and seal of my Treasurer, Baboo Ram- 
 soonder Sein ; and I do not see how you can object to the withdrawal 
 of my stipend by any person whom I choose to appoint. I regret to 
 observe that you have of late assumed towards me an unfriendly tone 
 which is hurtful to my feelings and injurious to the interests of the 
 Nizamut, which it is your duty to protect. By delaying the issue 
 of myj income you put me to the greatest inconvenience imaginable, 
 particularly as this is Mohorum time and all the inhabitants are 
 Tajiadars, or celebrators of the festival. By compelling me to raise 
 money on high interest to carry on the expense of the Nizamut and 
 the Mohorum festivities, you subject the Nizamut to a considerable 
 loss, for which 2 must look to you for reparation. 
 
 (Signed) SYUD MUNSOOE ULLEE. 
 
 XVI. 
 From His HIGHNESS THE NAWAB NAZIM OF BENGAL, 
 
 &C., to LIEUTENANT-COLONEL COLIN MACKENZIE, Agent 
 
 to the Governor-General, Moorshedabad. 
 
 Palace, Moorshedabad, the 15th July, 1861. 
 
 MY FRIEND, I have written to you twice for my stipend, and your 
 non-compliance with my requisition has put me and the people con- 
 nected with the Nizamut to great inconvenience, and driven me to the 
 necessity of raising funds on high interest to meet the expenses of the 
 Nizamut and the Festival. 
 
 I remain, my Friend, 
 
 Yours very sincerely, 
 (Signed) SYUD MUNSOOB ULLEE.
 
 251 
 
 XVII. 
 
 Extract from a Letter dated ~L6th July, 1861. 
 No. 141 of 1861. 
 
 From LIEUTENANT-COLONEL MACKENZIE, Acting Agent 
 to the Governor -General, Moorshedabad, to His HIGHNESS 
 THE NAWAB NAZIM OF BENGAL. 
 
 MY FBIEITD, Par. 1. I beg to acknowledge Your Highness's 
 letter of yesterday's date, in which you complain that you suffer in- 
 convenience because it is not in my power to authorise the payment of 
 Your Highness's income and other monies, except to the authorised 
 receipt of your Devvan Rajah Prosunno Narain Deb Bahadur. 
 
 2. I am sorry for this, but it cannot be helped until Your Highness 
 chooses to retrace the false steps you have, under ill advice, taken, or 
 until I receive the orders of Government authorising me to comply 
 with Your Highness's request. 
 
 xvni. 
 
 From LIEUTENANT-COLONEL COLIN MACKENZIE, Offici- 
 ating Agent to the Governor- General, MoorsTiedabad, to His 
 HIGHNESS THE NAWAB NAZIM OF BENGAL. 
 
 Dated Berhampore, 4th July, 1861. 
 
 MY FBIEKD, I have the pleasure to acknowledge receipt of two 
 letters from Your Highness of yesterday's date without any numbers. 
 
 2nd. In one, Your Highness requests copies of certain papers sent 
 by Government for the information of Rajah Prosonno Narain Deb 
 Bahadur. I regret that I am not justified in complying with Your 
 Highness's requisitions. Perhaps, Your Highness is not aware, that 
 the object of Government in handing over the documents in question 
 to the Rajah is, that he may bring an action against Auslan Khan for 
 libel, which, of course, the Rajah will do ere long, even though his 
 long- established character for honesty and integrity cannot be affected, 
 either in the eyes of Government, or of the numerous gentlemen in 
 high office, with whom he has been connected, by the baseless slanders 
 of disappointed and envious knaves and intriguers. 
 
 4th. I beg once more to remind Your Highness that you are per- 
 sisting in a course which involves great disrespect to, and defiance of, 
 the British Government, seeing that you have refused to listen to my 
 official warning that you cannot dismiss your Dewan and appoint 
 another (changed only in name but not in office) without the sanction 
 of the Governor-General in Council. Your Highness's present advisers 
 are quite incompetent to the task they have undertaken, and are only 
 striving to, as I have told you again and again, to aggrandise and en-
 
 252 
 
 rich themselves, even though it involve the ruin of Your Highness and 
 the Nizamut of which you are Rais. 
 
 I remain, my Friend, 
 (Signed) C. MACKENZIE, 
 Officiating Agent Governor-General. 
 
 XIX. 
 
 From His HIGHNESS THE NAWAB NAZIM OP BENGAL, 
 
 &C., to LIEUTENANT-COLONEL CoHN MACKENZIE, Offici- 
 ating Agent Governor-General, Moorshedabad. 
 
 Dated 6th July, 1861. 
 
 MY FEiEyD, I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, 
 dated the 4th instant, and in reply heg to state with regard to the 
 matter of Auslan Khan, whom Rajah Prosonno Narain intends to 
 prosecute ere long for libel, you ought to have, out of courtesy at least, 
 furnished me with details of the charges brought by one servant of the 
 Nizamut against another, especially as those charges concern the Niza- 
 mut property, and my knowing the merits of the case would not have 
 altered the position of the Rajah. 
 
 2nd. In conclusion, I have to request that, should you still differ 
 with me with respect to the points above mooted, you will be good 
 enough to submit this letter and the rest of our correspondence since 
 May last to His Honour the Lieutenant- Governor of Bengal. 
 
 I remain, my Friend, 
 
 Yours sincerely, 
 
 (Signed) STUD MUNSOOE ULLEE. 
 
 P. S. I beg to remind you that, you have not as yet complied 
 with my requisition to supply me with a copy of your Representation 
 to Government to enable me to vindicate my character against any im- 
 putation that might have been cast upon it. 
 
 XX. 
 
 On the 6th July His Highness invited the Agent to the Palace, and 
 regretted not having been able to visit him at Berhampore in con- 
 sequence of indisposition. The following reply was sent : 
 
 XXI. 
 
 Extract from a letter dated 6th July, 1861 : 
 No. 141 of 1861. 
 
 From LIEUTENANT-COLONEL COLIN MACKENZIE, Acting 
 Agent to Governor-General, to His HIGHNESS THE NAWAB 
 NAZIM OF BENGAL. 
 
 Par. 3rd. If Your Highness supposes that I am, or have been, in
 
 253 
 
 any way actuated by personal feelings during the late unpleasant dis- 
 cussions, you are greatly mistaken. Of course the disreputable and 
 intriguing persons, who, under the guise of loyalty and attachment 
 to Your Highness, are doing their best to effect your ruin, and that of 
 the Nizamut, will endeavour to persuade Your Highness to adopt 
 the contrary opinion : but I greatly fear that unless Your Highness 
 speedily shakes yourself free from such pernicious influences, you will 
 regret it when perhaps it is too late. Once more I solemnly warn 
 Your Highness, and this in the spirit of a true friend, that it is in 
 vain for you to expect me to set at nought the orders of the Govern- 
 ment which I serve (and to which you are as amenable as men of 
 inferior rank) even were it not evident, that from first to last Your 
 Highness has been miserably misled. 
 
 5th. I am now compelled, with infinite regret, to apprise Your 
 Highness distinctly that it would be impossible for me, under any 
 circumstances, to receive you, privately or publicly, even were you 
 disposed to come, until the final orders of His Excellency the Viceroy, 
 and His Honour the Lieutenant- G-over nor of Bengal, arrive. 
 
 XXII. 
 
 On the 16th July the Agent wrote to the Lieutenant- Governor as 
 follows : 
 
 " 1. In continuation of my Despatch No. 71, dated the 25th June 
 last, I have the honour to state, for the information of His Honour 
 the Lieutenant-Governor, that H. H. the Nawab Nazim of Bengal, up 
 to the present tune, persists in repudiating the authority of Govern- 
 ment with regard to all the steps which he has lately taken, and in 
 turning a deaf ear to my solemn warning and advice." 
 
 " 3. He persists in thinking that, although he is at liberty to put 
 aside my authority as Agent, yet that I can act independently of the 
 orders and wishes of Government. One cause of great dissatisfaction 
 to His Highness is that I have refused to allow money to be paid into 
 his treasury except to the customary and authorised receipt and seal of 
 the Dewan, Rajah Prosonno Narain Deb." 
 
 XXIII. 
 
 From His HIGHNESS THE NAWAB NAZIM OF BENGAL, 
 &c., to THE HONOURABLE J. P. G-RANT, Lieutenant- 
 Governor of Bengal. 
 
 MY FRIEND, In my former letter, dated 2nd instant, I have 
 already mentioned, for Your Honour's information, the reasons which 
 induced me to abolish the office of Dewan, and make other arrange- 
 ments for the management of the Nizamut' s business. It is necessary 
 that I should now state the causes which led me to withdraw my con- 
 fidence from the late Dewan. 
 
 2. In 1853, Rajah Prosonno Narain Deb Bahadoor applied for the 
 place of Dewan Niz amut, and obtained it, upon the recommendation
 
 254 
 
 of Colonel GL H. Macgregor, the then Government Agent. I reposed 
 implicit confidence in him, vested him with such powers from time to 
 time as his position required, and made him valuable presents on divers 
 occasions ; in short, never was a servant treated with greater kindness 
 than Rajah Prosonno Narain ; but the retnrn which I got for all those 
 favours is what no servant ever made to his master. 
 
 3. For some time after his appointment Rajah Prosonno Narain 
 discharged his duties to my satisfaction ; but his zeal was short-lived ; 
 it was succeeded by an insatiable passion to aggrandize himself at my 
 expense. 
 
 4. Vain of his absolute authority over the Nizamut, secure of the 
 Agent's support, and believing everything to be within his reach, 
 he soon forgot his position and became unsteady, overbearing, and 
 insolent. I attempted to correct him by good counsel, but without 
 success. 
 
 5. I will first allude to those circumstances, trifling as they are, 
 which led to a misunderstanding, in creating which my Dewan, Rajah 
 Prosonno Narain, had not an insignificant share. 
 
 6. On the 14th of May last a message was brought to me that the 
 Agent, with some of his friends, intended to call at the Palace. I was 
 then living at Hoomayoon Munzil with my family, and on the previous 
 day had taken physic, in consequence of which I felt very weak : and 
 when the notice arrived I was labouring under a severe attack of head- 
 ache. I had every wish to see the Agent, notwithstanding my indis- 
 position ; but as the day advanced, and I felt more and more unwell, 
 and the distance between my Palace and the Munzil exceeded two 
 miles, I was compelled to forego the pleasure of meeting the Agent, to 
 whom a message of my inability to come was accordingly sent. This 
 slight accident, over which I had no control, was magnified into a 
 serious offence and personal slight ; and the Agent, instead of following 
 the dicates of his own sense, evidently listened to the counsels of 
 designing men when he wrote the Persian letter, of which the accom- 
 panying is a copy (marked A) . In this letter the Agent makes use of 
 such insulting terms to me as ill become the representative of the 
 British Government. I regretted much that the simple circumstance 
 should have caused such difference of feeling, and offered an ample 
 apology (although I was then smarting under the gratuitous reflections 
 of the Agent) for the disappointment of which I was the innocent 
 cause (vide my Persian letter, dated the 21st May, marked B). The 
 Agent was not satisfied with my explanation, as the following extract from 
 his letter, dated the 8th June, will show : " I cannot but accept the 
 apology contained in your letter, and regret the severity of Your 
 Highness' s sufferings as you describe them. But the fact remains, 
 that I never received a proper message by a proper messenger an- 
 nouncing the impossibility of Your Highness's meeting with me in the 
 Palace ; and I therefore trust Your Highness will issue such orders 
 to your officers as will prevent a repetition of the appearance of dis- 
 respect to the representative of His Excellency the Viceroy." 
 
 7. Now from this it is clear that the Agent is not pacified. I really 
 do not comprehend how and in what way he expects the message. It 
 was sent by me through Nawab Nazir Darab Ally Khan, who is a very 
 respectable officer of my Court, and he communicated it to the Agent.
 
 255 
 
 That this trifling occurrence still rankles in the mind of the Agent is 
 evident from the tone of his letters, both Persian and English, which 
 he has written to me since, as also from the circumstance of his having 
 refused to attend my Durbar on the occasion of the Eed festival, 
 although personally asked by the Nawab Nazir Darab Ally Khan, and 
 written to by myself. I cannot help mentioning here, that out of 
 respect to the Agent, I stopped the holding of the Durbar on that 
 day ; but the Agent, I regret to say, returned the compliment by 
 passing that very evening in the house of my late Dewan. 
 
 8. But there are other more direct and substantial proofs of the 
 Agent's bias against me, a bias which I owe not to any dereliction 
 or omission on my part, but to the machinations of my Dewan. 
 
 9. I shall now describe a proceeding, the result of a conspiracy, 
 which I am sure cannot but disgust your Honour. Rajah Prosonno 
 Narain Deb procured a private letter from the magistrate, Mr. Cocke- 
 rell, to the address of the agent, copy of which is appended (marked C), 
 for which the latter thanks his favourite in his private letter (markedD). 
 The magistrate exhausts all his armoury of threats ; he would punish 
 me with the imposition of income tax, the jurisdiction of the police in 
 my killa, with no immunity from the Arms Act, and the various un- 
 defined marks of the displeasure of Government. The huqueem 
 (native physician in my service) is assumed to be a budmash, a term 
 with which it is now the fashion to brand a person whom one wishes 
 to crush in the absence of any definite charge to lay against him ; 
 other persons are mixed up with him whom the Dewan would see 
 ruined. 
 
 10. Some letters are then addressed by the Agent to Eajah Pro- 
 sonno Narain, apparently private and in confidence ; but, as the 
 sequence will show, loith the view of insulting me, through the Dewan, 
 magnifying his importance in my eyes and overwhelming me with 
 stormy threats. The Dewan sends me these letters, the copies of 
 which are herewith annexed (marked D, E, F, G, H) ; in one of them 
 the Agent speaks of his being sick of my "folly and evasions;" in 
 another he calls me " the foolish and ungrateful Nazim ;" in the post- 
 script of a third he asks of Prosonno Narain for the marriage contracts, 
 and adds, contrary to good breeding, " I trust no forgery may be 
 attempted, as that is transportation ;" so much for abuses and insults ; 
 then there are threats imminient, and future, defined and vague, in the 
 execution of which Eajah Prosonno Narain is to take more or less an 
 active part ; thus, in one letter the Agent says he " he thinks of going 
 down to Calcutta to hold a talk with the authorities there touching 
 the Nazim ;" in another, " To-morrow I shall take the business up. 
 I agree with Mr. Cockerell's letter to me, and thank you for it. I 
 shall be glad to see you in the afternoon, and to talk to you about the 
 step you contemplate. The Nazim is fast justifying Lord Dalhousie's 
 treatment of him, and inviting fresh punishment from Government ;" 
 and, to crown all, it is made out that I have " insulted Government 
 and trifled with him" (the Agent), and then he throws his segis over 
 his protege by telling him, " Do you be pleased not to trouble your- 
 self." 
 
 11. Whoever dreamt that a descendant of the Nuwab Meer Ma- 
 homed Jaffer Khan, than whom a more staunch ally to the English is
 
 256 
 
 not to be found in India, would be subjected, for the sake of one of his 
 own servants, to such degradation, after all the rights, privileges, and 
 immunities, which the said Nuwab, Meer Jaifer, and his descendants, 
 had enjoyed. 
 
 12. I owe all this to Rajah Prosonno Narain and to the blind par- 
 tiality of the Agent for him. I winked at Rajah Prosonno Narain's 
 faults, but he took an unfair advantage of my indulgence. He dis- 
 
 ' missed most of my old and faithful servants, and reinstated those whom 
 I have turned out ; he disposed of places without my knowledge, and 
 committed a series of irregularities, for which the several departments 
 of the Nizamut have suffered considerable injury. 
 
 13. Reports of enormous spoliations of my jewels and other pro- 
 perty have, from time to time, been brought against the Dewan, but 
 which, for want of sufficient evidence, I could not entertain. Pro- 
 sonno Narain drew from my treasuary large sums of money on different 
 occasions, for the purpose of purchasing Government Securities, an 
 account of which, however, he has not yet submitted to me, although 
 frequently called upon to do so. 
 
 14. The Nawab Nazir Darab Ally Khan Bahadoor did, on several 
 occasions, demand from Prosonno Narain, both verbally and in writing, 
 a receipt for the jewels, gold, and silver articles (the property of the 
 Nizamut) which he had, from tune to time, taken from him, but with- 
 out success. 
 
 15. The repetitions of such accusations proceeding from different 
 quarters did not fail to excite a latent suspicion in my mind, and so 
 long as he does not render any account of his stewardship, I have every 
 reason to complain of his conduct. Prosonno Narain was several tunes 
 questioned by me as to the disposal of the monies, above alluded to, 
 but he always evaded me by giving vague replies. When constrained 
 by all these circumstances, I dispensed with his services, and called 
 upon him, by a written purwannah, dated the 19th of June last, which 
 was repeated on the 24th ultimo (copies of both purwannahs are 
 annexed, marked I, J), to render me an account of all the pecuniary 
 transactions that had passed through his hands. Due notice of his 
 discharge from my service, and the call for the submission of an 
 account, were given to the Agent, but the result is the following reply 
 from him under which the Dewan seems to have taken shelter : 
 
 16. " As Your Highness's fiat alone can no more dismiss Rajah Pro- 
 sonno Narain Deb than mine could, he is still the Dewan Nizamut, 
 and as such he cannot, with reference to the interest of Your High- 
 ness, and his duty to you, to the Government and to himself, hand 
 over charge of the departments entrusted to him to the irresponsible 
 men pointed out by Your Highness, and certainly not to your High- 
 ness's sons, who are mere children. In this matter the Ikydk has 
 acted by my direction given in presence of the Nawab Nazir Darab 
 Ally Khan." 
 
 17. The Agent has not only encouraged the Dewan not to render an 
 account of my property, but has gone to the length of putting a stop 
 to my Persian correspondence with him. He says in his letter, dated 
 25th June, 1861 : 
 
 18. " Your Highness has made it impossible for me to correspond 
 with you officially in Persian, as the proper channel of business com-
 
 257 
 
 munications, viz., your Dewan is disowned for the present by you. 
 Until, however, we both receive the orders of Government, by which 
 we must abide, I have no objection to receive letters from Your High- 
 ness, and to reply to them in English." 
 
 19. Your Honour is aware that the Persian is my language and the 
 language of the Nizamut. I have thus been deprived of the privilege 
 of representing my views in my own tongue; that under an en- 
 lightened Government is not denied even to a felon. How far this 
 prohibition has proved disadvantageous to me, it is impossible to give 
 you an adequate idea. 
 
 20. To the Agent's kind interference I owe another unpalatable 
 boon. Not content with disputing my authority to dismiss my own 
 servant, the Agent has of late refused to pass my stipend on the 
 ground that the same can be alone paid to Rajah Prosonno Narain 
 Deb, and not to any other person whom I choose to appoint for the 
 purpose (vide letter marked K). I would like to ask the Agent 
 whether, on previous occasions, the stipend was not paid by my cash- 
 keeper ? If so, what could be the motive, except that of putting me 
 to trouble and expense for the sake of his favourite, that induced the 
 Agent to keep back my stipend ? , 
 
 21. The Agent, in his zeal to serve Rajah Prosonno Narain, is be- 
 traying himself into acts which I am sure your Honour will construe 
 rightly. 
 
 22. Because by virtue of the explicit authority of the solemn agree- 
 ment (which, as far as I know, does not contain any prohibitive clause) 
 / have dismissed my own servant and desired him to render me an 
 account, under suspicion of his having abused his trust, because I have 
 entertained in my service Huqeem Abool Hossain under the sacred 
 right of a prince to select his own physician, whose treatment has been 
 very successful in my family, and who, like every man, has a right to 
 be considered honest unless otherwise proved, am I to be treated as I 
 have been ? Surely, my unswerving allegiance to Her Most Excellent 
 Jiritannic Majesty, my loyalty so often acknowledged and rewarded, 
 never merits such maltreatment at the hands of the representative of 
 His Excellency the Viceroy. 
 
 23. I appeal to your Honour, whom I look upon as my judge, my 
 advocate, and my friend. For the Agent sides with my dismissed 
 servant a servant whose face, come what may, I have sworn not to 
 Bee again. To whom can I look for advice and help but to that 
 Government which regards me as the representative of its old and 
 
 faithful ally 1 Upon your fiat depends the protection of my interests 
 and the sustenance of my honour, which I hold dearer than life. 
 
 I remain, my friend, 
 
 Yours most sincerely, 
 
 (Signed) SYUD MUNSOOB ULLEE. 
 Palace, Moorshedabad, 17th July, 1861. 
 
 P.S. In addition to the letters above adverted to, I take the liberty 
 to append the rest of my correspondence (18 in number) with the 
 Agent, relative to the question now before your Honour, to come to a 
 right understanding of my case.
 
 258 
 
 XXIV. 
 
 From His HIGHNESS THE NAWAB NAZIM OF BENGAL, 
 &c., to THE HONOURABLE J. P. GRANT, Lieutenant- 
 Governor of Bengal. 
 
 Palace, Moorshedabad, the 18th July, 1861. 
 
 MY FRIEND, The Agent to the Governor-General having with- 
 held from me a copy of his representation to Government, touching 
 the dismissal of the Dewan Nizamut, I have to request Your Honour 
 will order a copy of the said representation to be given to me from 
 your office to enable me to ascertain my position and justify myself, if 
 necessary. 
 
 I remain, my Friend, 
 
 Yours very sincerely, 
 (Signed) STUD MTJNSOOR ULLEE. 
 
 XXV. 
 
 From His HIGHNESS THE NAWAB NAZIM OF BENGAL, 
 
 &C., to LIEUTENANT-COLONEL COLIN MACKENZIE, Agent 
 
 to the Governor- General, Moorshedabad. 
 
 Para. 2nd. You have more than once taxed me for listening to the 
 counsel of " disreputable persons and intriguers." May I ask you 
 their names ? I am not aware of having any but honest and honour- 
 able men about me, and if you know of any person who deserves the 
 epithets above quoted, I shall be obliged by your enlightening me 
 without delay. 
 
 3rd. I have to assure you that I follow nobody's counsel but my 
 own, and if ever I was misled, it was by my late Dewan. 
 
 4th. I really do not understand how you have made out that I 
 expected you " to set at naught the orders of the Government which 
 you serve. 
 
 5th. If the explanation which I gave you, for not meeting you on 
 the occasion of your last visit to my Palace does not satisfy you, I can 
 only say that I am extremely sorry for it, and your attempt to make it 
 a Government cause will, I doubt not, prove futile, for I would be 
 insulting that august body who rule the destinies of India were I to 
 suppose them capable of viewing the matter in the same light as 
 you do. 
 
 6th. You have been once a sincere friend to me, and our present 
 difference of feeling will, I am sure, cease to exist when the cause of 
 our dispute, namely, the Dewan, is finally removed by orders of 
 Government. 
 
 7th. In conclusion, I have to request you will be pleased to forward 
 copies of this letter, and the one under notice, to the Honourable the 
 Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal. 
 
 I remain, yours sincerely, 
 
 (Signed) SVUD MUNSOOR ULLEE. 
 Palace, Moorshedabad, 
 The 18th July, 1861.
 
 259 
 
 XXVI. 
 
 From His HIGHNESS THE NAWAB NAZIM OF BENGAL, 
 
 &C., to LIEUTENANT-COLONEL COLIN MACKENZIE, Offi- 
 
 ciating Agent to the Governor-General, Moorshedabad. 
 
 Palace, Moorshedabad, 23rd July, 1861. 
 
 MY FRIEND, I hare to bring to your notice that the office table, 
 used by the late Dewan Nizamut, has been assailed in different places 
 by white ants, and unless the drawers are opened and the contents 
 examined (and this can alone be done by the Dewan who has the 
 keys), I have every reason to fear the valuable documents which the 
 table is said to contain will suffer material injury. 
 
 2nd. I have to add that the Dewan has in his custody keys of 
 cc'-tain Almirahs, Chests, &c., appertaining to the office, and con- 
 taining important papers, which also ought to be examined. 
 
 3rd It is expected that you will make the necessary arrangements 
 to ensure the safety of the papers in question. 
 
 4-th. I beg to state further that agreeably to instructions conveyed 
 in the letter of the Secretary to the Government of India, dated the 
 llth September, 1852, the then Government intimates to me in the 
 Persian letter, dated the 16th September, 1852, that it is not the in- 
 tention of the Governor-General to interfere in the appointment or 
 dismissal of the Nizamut servants, but it is necessary that the Agent 
 should report to Government the appointment or dismissal of such 
 superior Officers as the Dewan Nizamut. 
 
 5th. In conclusion I request you will be good enough to send an 
 early reply to this letter, and forward a transcript of the paragraph 
 4th, for the information of His Honour the Lieutenant-Governor of 
 Bengal. 
 
 I remain, my Friend, 
 
 Yours sincerely, 
 (Signed) STUD MUNSOOR ULLEE. 
 
 XXVII. 
 
 On the 30th July, 1861, the Agent wrote to the Lieutenant- 
 Governor on behalf of the Dewan, and forwarded the Dewan's Peti- 
 tion to Government. 
 
 XXVIII. 
 
 On the 2nd September, the Agent wrote to His Highness about 
 the Nizamut accounts, and received the following reply. 
 
 XXIX. 
 
 From His HIGHNESS THE NAWAB NAZIM OF BENGAL, 
 
 &C., to LlEUTENANT-COLONEL COLIN MACKENZIE, Acting 
 
 Agent Governor- General, Moorshedabad. 
 
 My FRIEND, You are aware that, under your own instructions, my 
 
 s 2
 
 260 
 
 late Dewan, Rajah Prosonno Narain Deb Bahadoor, has in his keeping 
 all the chests and boxes containing the Nizamut accounts and other 
 papers, and that I have on several occasions solicited you to order 
 him to render them up to me, as my affairs have been brought to a 
 stand-still for want of those papers, but that you have not been kind 
 enough to favour me with a,ny reply to my address on the subject, 
 nor has the Rajah Prosonno Narain surrendered to me the papers. 
 You will, therefore, no doubt see that, under these circumstances, 
 that is, so long as Rajah Prosonno Narain retains the custody of my 
 papers, and in consequence I am debarred from access to them, it is 
 impossible for me to carry into effect the orders of the Bengal Govern- 
 ment as communicated to me in your letter No. 166 A., dated the 
 2nd instant, as I will be unable to compare the statement now for- 
 warded to me with my own accounts. 
 
 I beg to solicit you will be kind enough to submit a copy of this 
 letter to His Honour the Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal with the 
 view of apprising His Honour of the reasons which preclude me from 
 obeying his orders with that despatch with which he requires it should 
 be done. 
 
 I remain, my Friend, 
 
 Yours sincerely, 
 (Signed) STUD MUNSOOB ULLEE. 
 
 Palace, Moorshedabad, 
 The 4th September, 1861. 
 
 XXX. 
 
 On the 4th September, His Highness wrote to the Agent in- 
 quiring about the Berah Festival, and not receiving a reply, wrote 
 again. 
 
 XXXI. 
 
 From His HIGHNESS THE NAWAB NAZIM OF BENGAL, 
 
 &C. to LIEUTENANT-COLONEL C. MACKENZIE, Agent Go- 
 
 vernor-General, Moorshedabad. 
 
 Palace, Moorshedabad, the llth September, 1861. 
 MY FRIEND, On the 4th instant, I did myself the honour of ad- 
 dressing you a letter, and then sent Darab Ally Khan Bahadoor to 
 wait upon you with a verbal message communicating that the Berah 
 festival would take place on the 12tb. The Khan Bahadoor informed 
 me on his return that you would favour me with a written answer on 
 the subject. Up to this moment, however, I have not received it. I 
 beg, therefore, to inform you that I have postponed the celebration of 
 the festival till Thursday week, the 20th September, and hope to hear 
 from you on the matter within that time. 
 
 I remain, my Friend, 
 
 Yours sincerely, 
 (Signed) SYurf MUNSOOR ULLEE.
 
 261 
 
 XXXII. 
 
 After a lengthy correspondence on various questions relating to His 
 Highness' Dewan, and other matters, the Agent received the follow- 
 ing communication on the 17th January, 1862 : " It is not the inten- 
 tion of the Governor- General, in Council, that Lieutenant- Colonel 
 Mackenzie should resume charge. He is directed to abstain from all 
 further interference in Nizamut affairs. The grave doubts of His Ex- 
 cellency in Council as to Colonel Mackenzie's unfttnessfor the position 
 he now holds have been already recorded, and the present correspond- 
 ence clearly shows that any hope of his ever obtaining a salutary influ- 
 ence over the Nazim is out of the question." 
 
 xxxin. 
 
 (No. 406.) 
 
 From the SECRETARY to the GOVERNMENT OF INDIA, 
 with the GOVERNOR-GENERAL to the' SECRETARY to the 
 GOVERNMENT OF BENGAL. 
 
 Dated, Simla, 6th July, 1863. 
 
 SIR, I am directed to reply to your letter, No. 1158, dated March 
 11, reporting on the Petition of Rajah Prosonno Narain Deb, Baha- 
 door, Dewan, Nizamut of Moorshedabad. 
 
 2. The points on which a report was called for by his Excellenpy the 
 
 Viceroy and Governor- General were four : 
 
 1st. Attempts on the part of the Nawab Nazim to deprive 
 the Dewan of his official residence. 
 
 2nd. Non-recognition of the Dewan's official title by the 
 Nawab Nazim. 
 
 3rd. The Dewan, being deprived of the management of cer- 
 tain pensions and certain tomb payments, which are a 
 charge on the Nizamut funds. 
 
 4th. The Dewan being accused of delay in rendering the 
 Nizamut accounts. 
 
 3. On the first point, the following appear to be the facts of the 
 case. When the house was erected, the understanding was that the 
 Dewan was to have it as long as he continued to exercise the functions 
 of Dewan. The land on which the house was built belonged to the 
 Nizamut, and not to the Nawab Nazim, but there were some ruined 
 buildings on it which the Nawab Nazim bought with his own money. 
 The house itself was built from a grant of Rs. 7,000, from the Nizamut 
 Fund, and from old materials, to which the Nawab Nazim added some 
 money from his own pocket, on the understanding that when the 
 Dewan ceased to use it, the house was to become available for one of 
 his sons. After the quarrel with the Dewan, the Nawab Nazim tried 
 to oust him, but the Bengal Government decided that, as the house 
 was required for the use of the Dewan Nizamut, it could not be 
 vacated. After this decision the Nawab Nazim appealed twice to the 
 Agent Governor-General, offering to repay all the money spent from
 
 262 
 
 the Nizamut Fund in the building and repair of the house. But as 
 the Nawab Nazim laid claim to the house on the the ground that it 
 was built for one of his sons, an assertion which the Agent could not 
 for a moment admit, the matter was allowed to drop. 
 
 4. The Lieutenant- Governor has not favoured His Excellency the 
 Viceroy with any opinion on the subject. The Dewan, however, oc- 
 cupies the house under the orders of the Bengal Government, and has 
 a right to expect protection from being either ousted or molested in 
 its occupation. This question is distinct from any proposition on the 
 part of the Nawab Nazim to secure an indisputable title to the 
 premises, by paying what the house cost the Nizamut Fund. The 
 offer of the Nawab Nazim to repay the amount expended from the 
 Nizamut Fund was in itself an admission of the weakness of his claim. 
 But it is not clear to His Excellency the Viceroy and Governor-Ge- 
 neral on what conditions the Nawab Nazim contributed towards the 
 expense of the construction of the house. The matter is one which, 
 under present circum stances, should not be allowed to drop, but should 
 be cleared up, and the Nawab Nazim' s claim, to ^vhatever extent it 
 may exist, be clearly proved, and should be fully satisfied. 
 
 5. As regards the non-recognition of the official title of Dewan 
 Nizamut, held byEajah Prosunno Narain Deb, Major Thomson reports 
 that the Nawab Nazim had in several letters spoken of the Dewan 
 Nizamut as the Agent's Dewan, but the Agent was unwilling to notice 
 what he thought was not intended as an affront. But at last, on 
 receiving a letter in which the Nawab Nazim spoke with disrespect and 
 distrust of the Dewan, he, on 1st December, 1862, wrote to the Nawab 
 Nazim, insisting that, in official correspondence, he would write of the 
 Rajah as the Dewan Ni/amut. He reports that ever since then the 
 Nazim has given the Dewan his proper title, and the Dewan never 
 complained to the Agent officially on the subject. 
 
 But I am to point out that when the memorial of the Dewan Niza- 
 mut was submitted to Government on 20th November, no steps had 
 been taken by the Agent Governor-General to secure the recognition of 
 the Rajah's title. Moreover, in the month of August, the Nawab, 
 Nazim had written to the Agent a much stronger letter than that 
 which called forth the Agent's remonstrance of 1st December, and in 
 that letter wrote of the Dewan with the most studied insolence as the 
 "ex-Dewan," and "your Dewan," and charged him with forgery. It 
 was the Agent's duty to have remonstrated against that letter, and to 
 have protected from gross insult an officer who possessed the confidence 
 of Government and with respect to whom the orders of Government 
 were, " the Governor-General in Council will not allow His Highness 
 another opportunity of treating with injustice and contumely a high na- 
 tive officer appointed with the sanction of Government and still possess- 
 ing its confidence." It is further to be remarked that the Nawab Nazim's 
 reply to Major Thomson's letter of 1st December expressed no intention 
 of recognising the Dewan's title, but merely repeated his strong objec- 
 tion to receive messages through Rajah Prosunno Narain Deb Bahadoor 
 in private matters, and his intention to attend to the Agent's wishes in 
 these matters, and to conduct his private affairs himself, if the Agent 
 would correspond with him direct. Morover in the fourth Paragraph 
 of his fresh memorial to the Secretary of State, dated 1st December,
 
 263 
 
 which notwithstanding the remonstrances of the Agent Governor- 
 Q-eneral, the Nawab Nazim has refused to modify, the Nawah Nazim 
 again talks of the Dewan Nizainut as the ex-Dewan. 
 
 You will, therefore, instruct the Agent to the Governor- General to 
 inform the Nawab Nazim that, in future, all letters from His Highness 
 will be returned unanswered in which, when writing of the Dewan 
 Nizamut, the Nawab Nazim does not give that officer his proper title 
 of Dewan Nizamut, or gives him any other title. 
 
 6. The third point on which a Report was called for was the transfer 
 of the management of certain pensions and tombs from the Dewan 
 Nizamut to the Nawab Nazim. It is nowhere distinctly stated what 
 these pensions, &c., are. But so far as His Excellency can gather 
 from the papers before him, the pensions appear to be what are called 
 the Akrobah, and the Tombs appear to be the Tombs kept up in 
 memory of the family of Aliverdi Khan, and the charge on both 
 accounts appears to be on the Nizamut Fund, and not on the Nawab 
 Nazim's personal stipend. Up to 1848 the Nawab Nazim seems to 
 have had some voice in their management, but owing to frauds then 
 practised, and the non-report of many lapsed pensions, their distribu- 
 tion appears then to have been limited entirely to the Dewan. His 
 Honour, the Lieutenant-Governor, appears at first to have considered 
 their distribution a part of the Dewan's duties, under the orders of 
 14th January, 1862, for in March of that year, when certain peti- 
 tioners asked that their pensions might be distributed through the 
 Nawab Nazim instead of through the Dewan, and suggested that they 
 should be paid through the Agent's office. On this His Honour, the 
 Lieutenant-Governor, ruled that their distribution should be left to the 
 Nawab Nazim. 
 
 The facts have been gathered from remarks scattered over the cor- 
 respondence. In the Report now before His Excellency, the Viceroy 
 and Governor- General, no grounds whatever are given for the decision 
 that the distribution of the pensions, &c., should be left to the Nawab 
 Nazim. His Excellency, however, is of opinion that the best course 
 which Government can follow in its dealings with the Nawab .Nazim, 
 is to adhere strictly to the principles laid down in the orders of 14th 
 January, 1862, unless they shall be modified by Her Majesty's Go- 
 vernment. The private affairs of the Nawab Nazim, and the Nizamut 
 affairs, should be kept entirely distinct, and the responsibility for the 
 administration of the latter should in the first instance rest on the 
 Dewan Nizamut. If, therefore, as His Excellency supposes, the ex- 
 pense of the pensions and Tombs referred to are charged to the Nizamut 
 Fund, and not to the Nawab Nazim's personal stipend, His Excellency 
 requests that the administration of them, and of all expenditure 
 similarly charged, may be restored to the Dewan Nizamut, who cannot 
 be relieved of any portion of responsibility attaching to him under the 
 orders of 14th January, 1862. 
 
 7. On the fourth and last point, the alleged delay in rendering the 
 accounts, the Dewan had explained : 1st. That, as he could not go in 
 person to the palace, he, with the concurrence of the late Agent, the 
 Magistrate of Berhampore, and the Nawab Nazim himself, sent Mr. 
 Vivian, the superintendent of buildings, with an English writer, to 
 deliver over the accounts to Messrs. Knott and Montriou on behalf
 
 264 
 
 of the Nazim ; but after some of the papers had been examined 
 Messrs. Knott and Montriou raised objections, and Mr. Vivian was so 
 discourteously treated that he refused to go back again. 2nd. That 
 thereafter the Nazim went to Calcutta, and of course the accounts 
 could not then be made over. 3rd. That the Dewan next employed 
 an attorney, Mr. Judge, to make over the accounts ; but as the chest 
 was sealed with the Nazim's own seal, affixed after the Dewan had 
 been precluded from access to the papers, Mr. Knott would allow no 
 one but the Dewan, or some one on his part, to break the seal, and 
 Mr. Judge was of opinion that this could not be done. 4th. That 
 when at last the Bengal Government ordered the boxes to be made 
 over in presence of the Agent, Mr Knott commenced by laying before 
 the Agent a box, and alleging that the Dewan had abstracted the 
 Agreement of 1834, yet that agreement was found in its proper place 
 in this very box ; that Mr. Knott charged the Dewan with the respon- 
 sibility for several missing accounts, yet these were afterwards found 
 in the palace, but when so found Mr. Knott asserted that the signature 
 of approval on them was not genuine. 
 
 With respect to these complaints, His Excellency desired a report to 
 be submitted " in the accusations made with respect to delay of 
 accounts and non-production of papers which it would seem were 
 found to be in their proper place." The Agent Governor- General, 
 however, touches upon no single point which it was important should 
 be fully entered into. Not a single statement of the Dewan is im- 
 pugned, but the Agent contents himself with pronouncing that, as 
 stated in his letter to the Bengal Government, No. 80, of 26th July 
 last, no copy of which is furnished, both parties are to blame. 
 
 I am to refer to the correspondence noted in the margin, and to 
 inform you that so far as appears from the records of this office, the 
 explanations of the Dewan Nizamut in regard to the delay in render- 
 ing the accounts are quite correct, and that, as at present informed, 
 His Excellency acquits the Dewan Nizamut of blame in this matter. 
 
 8. With reference to the 2nd and 3rd paragraphs of your letter, I 
 am to observe that the Dewan Nizamut has been placed in a position 
 of considerable difficulty by the irritating manner in which the Nawab 
 Nazim has acted towards him, and although he has in some instances 
 erred in point of discretion, His Excellency the Viceroy and Governor- 
 General does not think that he has been seriously to blame, or that he 
 has forfeited his claim to the support of Government. 
 
 10. I am to request that a copy of the first eight paragraphs of this 
 letter may be given to the Dewan Nizamut in reply to his Memorial. 
 
 I have, &c., 
 (Signed) H. M. DURAND. 
 
 Secretary to the Government of India. 
 (True copy.) 
 
 THOMAS JONES, 
 
 Registrar, Bengal Secretariat. 
 (True copy.) 
 
 W. G. BTTCKLE, 
 
 Agent Governor- General.
 
 265 
 
 One false step led to another, and the Agent Governor- 
 General not only supported the Dewan against the Nawab, 
 but also withheld His Highness' stipend for a long time 
 without a just cause (Page 249). His Highness was there- 
 fore obliged to borrow money at a high rate of interest 
 (Page 250) to meet the current expenses of his large 
 family, and on applying afterwards to the Government 
 for compensation, he was referred to the ex-Agent. The 
 ex- Agent refused to pay, so the Nawab instructed his 
 solicitors to try the issue in a Court of Justice, but the 
 proceedings were at once stopped by the Government 
 (Page 268), and the Nawab was compelled to sustain the 
 whole loss without a prospect of redress from any quarter ! 
 Thus was the Nawab a second time debarred from appealing 
 to a Court of Justice for the recovery of that which every 
 right-thinking man must consider he was justly entitled 
 to ! The following letters throw some light on the 
 subject : 
 
 Correspondence relating to the interest paid by His High- 
 ness/or the use of money during the stoppage of his Stipend. 
 
 I. 
 No. 58 A. 
 
 From His HIGHNESS THE NAWAB NAZIM OF BENGAL, 
 &c.j to MA JOE W. A. A. THOMSON, Agent to the Governor- 
 General, Moorshedabad. 
 
 MY FBIEND, I beg to subjoin a statement, showing the sums of 
 money I was obliged to borrow from Bankers and others, and the 
 interest which was paid for these accommodations, to enable me to 
 meet the pressing necessities of the Nizamut for the period, namely, 
 June to December, 1861, during which Lieutenant-Colonel Colin 
 Mackenzie, the late Agent to the Governor-General unwarrantably 
 stopped the payment of my monthly stipend. 
 
 It would be needless for me to repeat all that had transpired in
 
 266 
 
 relation to this matter, and of the indignities and inconveniences I 
 experienced at the time. I, therefore, refer you to the correspondence 
 noted on the margin, from which you will perceive, that I had pro- 
 tested against this act of the Agent, and warned him that I should 
 " look to him for reparation." This warning will be found in my 
 letter, No. 6, dated 5th July, 1861, to his address. 
 
 The least reparation I can now seek from Government is the reim- 
 bursement to me of Eupees 7,167-5-3, the amount of interest which I 
 had paid for the monies advanced to me by the parties during my 
 embarrassment. 
 
 I remain, &c., 
 (Signed) STUD MUNSOOK ULLEE. 
 
 Palace, Moorshedabad, 
 The 30th October, 1862. 
 
 II. 
 
 No. 97. 
 
 From MAJOR W, A. A. THOMSON, Agent to the Governor- 
 General, Moorshedabad, To His HIGHNESS THE NAWAB 
 NAZIM OF BENGAL. 
 
 Dated Berhampore. 1st November, 1862. 
 
 MY FEIEND, In reply to your letter. No. 58 A, of the 30th 
 ultimo, I beg to remind Your Highness that Government never 
 gave the slightest sanction to the suspension of your Monthly Stipend, 
 and would, therefore, decline to pay the amount of interest men- 
 tioned by Your Highness were I to forward your letter. 
 
 I remain, &c., 
 (Signed) W. A. A. THOMSON, Major, 
 
 Agent G-overnor-General. 
 
 ni. 
 
 No. 63A. 
 
 From His HIGHNESS THE NAWAB NAZIM OF BENGAL, 
 &c., to MAJOR W. A. A. THOMSON, Agent to the Governor- 
 General, Moorshedabad. 
 
 MY FEIEND, I am in receipt of your letter, No. 97, of this date, 
 in which you inform me, that Government not having sanctioned the 
 late Agent's act, by which my stipend was suspended for seven 
 months, it would decline to pay to me the interest I had incurred 
 for money borrowed to meet the urgent wants of my family and 
 establishment. 
 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Mackenzie, haying, in the capacity of Agent to
 
 267 
 
 the Governor- General, done me a wrong, and, he, in his letter, dated 
 28th June, 1861, having instructed me, that, " for the time being, 
 any official declaration proceeding from the Agent, carries with it the 
 full authority of the Governor-General in Council," it became my 
 duty, if not, an act of courtesy towards Government, on my part, 
 first, to make known my claims to Government, and, on Government 
 directing me to hold Lieutenant-Colonel Mackenzie responsible for the 
 consequence of his unauthorized act, I could then take the necessary 
 measures for recovering from him such damages as I have suffered. 
 
 Under such circumstances I beg you will lay my previous letter be- 
 fore the Government, and communicate its decision thereon. 
 
 I remain, &c., 
 (Signed) STUD MUNSOOR ULLEE. 
 
 Palace, Moorshedabad, 
 The 1st November, 1862. 
 
 IV. 
 
 No. 2634. 
 
 From THE HONORABLE A. EDEN, Officiating Secretary 
 to the Government of Bengal, to THE AOENT TO THE 
 GOVERNOR-GENERAL, Moorshedabad. 
 
 Fort William, the 27th November, 1862. 
 
 SIR, I am directed to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, No. 
 116, dated 13th inst, with enclosures, being an application from the 
 Nawab Nazim to be allowed a compensation of Kupees 7,167-5-3, being 
 the amount of interest he has had to pay for money advanced to him 
 by money-lenders, during the period the payment of his monthly 
 stipend was stopped, and in reply to state that the Lieutenant-Go- 
 vernor is unable to comply with His Highness's request. 
 
 I have, &c., 
 
 (Signed) A. EDEN. 
 Offg. Secretary to the Govt. of Bengal. 
 
 No. 121. 
 
 Copy forwarded for the information of His Highness the Nawab 
 Nazim, with reference to his letters of the 30th October and 1st ultimo , 
 Nos. 58 and 63 A. 
 
 (Signed) W. A. THOMSON, Major, 
 
 Agent Governor-General. 
 Berhampore, 
 
 8th December, 1862.
 
 268 
 
 V. 
 
 No. 8. 
 
 From THE AGENT TO THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL, Moor- 
 shedabad, to His HIGHNESS THE NAWAB NAZIM OF BEN- 
 GAL, Berhampore, 30th January, 1863. 
 
 MY FEIEND, I have been directed by His Excellency the Go- 
 vernor-General in Council to ask Tour Highness whether Messrs. 
 Remfry and Rogers are acting with your knowledge and by your au- 
 thority in the prosecution now being made against Colonel C. Macken- 
 zie, late Agent to the Governor- General at Moorshedabad, and if so, 
 what are your reasons for departing in matters purely Official from the 
 usual and prescribed course. 
 
 2. I am further directed to inform Your Highness, that, if Messrs. 
 Remfrey and Rogers are acting by your authority, the Governor- 
 General in Council must view with displeasure any proceedings which, 
 on the face of them, give trouble and annoyance to an Officer of 
 Government, who did nothing more than his duty ; moreover, that it 
 is the intention of Government to support Colonel Mackenzie in this 
 matter, and that it will be well for Your Highness to re-consider the 
 step you have taken and withdraw from the vexatious proceedings to 
 which you have given rise. 
 
 I remain, &c., 
 (Signed) W. A. A. THOMSON, 
 
 Agent Governor-General. 
 
 VI. 
 
 No. 12. 
 
 From His HIGHNESS THE NAWAB NAZIM OF BENGAL, 
 &c., to MAJOR W. A. A. THOMSON, Agent to the 
 Governor-General, Moorshedabad. 
 
 MY FBIEXD, I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter 
 No. 8, of yesterday's date, in which you inform me that Sis Excellency 
 the Governor- General in Council would view with displeasure the 
 prosecution of my intended action against Colonel Colin Mackenzie, 
 for the recovery of the interest 1 had paid on sums of money I was 
 compelled to borrow, when my stipend was suspended for a time. 
 
 In reply, I beg to intimate to you, for the information of His Excel- 
 lency the Governor-General, that I have adopted the only course open 
 to me, namely, of directing my solicitors to drop the action they were 
 about to institute on my behalf. 
 
 I remain, &c., 
 
 (Signed) STUD MDNSOOR ULLEE. 
 Palace, Moorshedabad, 
 31st Jan., 1863.
 
 269 
 
 There is little doubt that the above circumstances must 
 have militated very much against the interests of the 
 Nawab, if (as they probably were) they were looked upon 
 in a personal light by the Governor-General. We main- 
 tain that personal feelings should not have actuated any 
 man (particularly one high in office like a Governor- 
 General of India) in the performance of his official 
 duty, and whatever may have been the nature of the 
 supposed affront offered to the Government in the person 
 of the Agent, the Nawab having fully apologized, privately 
 and officially, had more than made every atonement for 
 his error, and no further notice should have been taken 
 of the subject. But the Governor- General was evi- 
 dently not appeased, for he entirely changed his views 
 of the Nawab's claims, and refused to accord that justice 
 which His Highness had been led to expect at his hands. 
 
 The first Memorial of 1857 presented by His Highness 
 was never replied to, and the second of 1860, after lying 
 on the table of the Foreign Secretary's Office in Calcutta 
 for twenty-one months, was partially answered by Lord 
 Canning in the following manner pending the decision 
 of the Secretary of State thereon : 
 
 Extract from a letter from the Officiating Secretary to the 
 Government of India to the Secretary to the Government of 
 Bengal, dated, Fort William, the 14<A January, 1862. No. 
 28. 
 
 1. I am directed by the Governor- General in Council to acknowledge 
 the receipt of your letters relative to the recent dismissal of the Dewan 
 by the Nawab Nazim of Bengal, and to the conduct of His Highness 
 towards the Governor-General's Agent, Lieutenant-Colonel Mackenzie. 
 
 2. On the first point, I am directed to express the general concur- 
 rence of His Excellence in Council in the view taken by the Lieutenant- 
 Governor, botli as to the constitution of the office of Dewan, and, as to
 
 270 
 
 the course which the Nawab Nazim's proceedings towards the present 
 Dewan, impose upon the G-oyernment. 
 
 3. Heretofore, no Dewan has ever been appointed, or removed, by 
 the Nawab Nazim, without the concurrence and approval of the 
 Government, or, its Agent, and, although the Government has always 
 assumed the power of appointing and removing the Dewan, in oppo- 
 sition to the wishes of the Nawab, yet, the power has in no case heen 
 exercised, except, after previous communication with the Nawab, and, a 
 full consideration of his objections. 
 
 4. Therefore, in summarily dismissing the Dewan without enquiry 
 and without any just cause, in opposition to the remonstrances of the 
 Agent, and in violation of his own promise, on abolishing the ofBce of 
 Dewan, and in appointing his two sons to " conduct the affairs of the 
 Nizamut " aided by another functionary under the title of Madar-ul- 
 Maham, the present Nawab Nazim has not only departed from a long 
 established usage, but has usurped an authority which does not belong 
 to him, and, was never even claimed by any of his predecessors. The 
 proceeding is one, which, to say the least of it, is not respectful to the 
 Government. 
 
 5. The Governor-General in Council is not, in the least, disposed to 
 interfere with the Nawab' s management of his own private affairs, nor 
 does His Excellency desire, any longer, to have a voice in the appoint- 
 ment of the persons by whom the expenditure of the Nawab's personal 
 stipend is to be controlled. His Highness is at liberty to spend his 
 income as he pleases, so long as he keeps out of debt, and he is equally 
 free to choose his own servants, to dismiss them, and to designate them 
 by any names that he deems appropriate. But the Governor-General 
 in Council will not allow His Highness another opportunity of treating 
 with injustice, or contumely, a high native officer, appointed with the 
 sanction of Government, and, still possessing its confidence, nor, will 
 the Nawab, in future, be consulted as to the appointment of the officer 
 by whom the general business of the Nizamut is managed under the 
 superintendence of the Agent. 
 
 6. The Nawab Nazim, therefore, should be informed, that, the 
 Government will take no cognizance of the arrangement he has made 
 for the management of the affairs of his own household, and that the 
 expense of it must be defrayed from the funds at the disposal of His 
 Highness. The Nawab should also be told, -that the Dewan will not 
 be allowed in future to interfere in the private affairs of His Highness, 
 but, that he is the only officer whom the Government will recognize as 
 the Dewan of the Nizamut, and through whom the business of the 
 Nizamut, generally, will be transacted. The Dewan will continue to 
 receive the salary he has hitherto drawn, but, it will be paid to him 
 
 from the Nizamut Fund. The office will be maintained on this footing 
 so long as it is held by Rajah Prosono Narain Deb, but, when a 
 vacancy occurs, it will have to be considered whether the duties are not 
 such as may be performed by a less expensive agency. 
 
 The Nawab Nazim's stipend, together with all arrears that may be 
 due to him, should be paid at once to his own receipt, if this has not 
 been already done, consequent upon a commnnication which lately 
 passed between the Governor-General and the Lieutenant-Governor. 
 With regard to the affront offered by the Nawab Nazim to the Agent
 
 271 
 
 on the occasion of his visiting the Palace in May last, the Governor- 
 General in Council agrees with the Lieutenant-Governor in thinking 
 that it has by no means been atoned for by the very unsatisfactory ex- 
 planation which has been accepted by Lieutenant-Colonel Mackenzie 
 as an apology to himself. For that affront offered to the Government 
 in the person of its Agent, His Excellency in Council will not be 
 satisfied with these imperfect excuses. Nothing short of a full admis- 
 sion of error, and an unreserved expression of regret can be received 
 by the Government as a sufficient apology, and the Nawab should be 
 told that, until such an apology has been forwarded by him, and accepted 
 by the Lieutenant-Governor, neither will the request which His High- 
 ness has made for permission to visit the Governor- General be con- 
 sidered, nor will the letters which he addressed to His Excellency on 
 the 16th and 25th October be answered. The Agent, also, will be 
 withdrawn for the present, and all official communications between the 
 Government and the Nawab will be made through the Collector of 
 Moorshedabad, until an Agent, regularly appointed, can, with pro- 
 propriety, resume his functions. 
 
 7. I am directed to take the opportunity of referring to the Nawab 
 Nazim's Memorial to the Secretary of State, and to the correspondence 
 ending with your letter No. 421, dated the 6th July last, relative to the 
 Accounts of the Minority, and to the allegations made by His Highness 
 in respect to the late Mr. Torrens. 
 
 8. The Nawab should be informed that his Memorial, though ex- 
 pressed in language far from respectful, will be forwarded to the 
 Secretary of State for the consideration of Her Majesty's Government, 
 together with such remarks as the unfounded pretensions it sets forth, 
 and the erroneous statements and inferences it contains, have rendered 
 necessary. 
 
 9. At the same time it should be clearly explained to His Highness 
 that the G-overnor- General in Council entirely rejects his claims so 
 
 far as they are founded on the assertion of any Treaty-rights, or of 
 any sovereign or hereditary titles, and [that his recognised position in 
 regard to the sum of sixteen lacs of Sicca rupees, now annually set 
 apart for Nizamut purposes, and to the accumulations thereof, is as 
 follows : 
 
 1st. Since 1771, sixteen lacs of rupees have been granted for Nizamut 
 purposes. The continued payment of this sum is guaranteed by no 
 Treaty, and, it has hitherto been paid of the free will, grace and 
 favour of the British Government. It may cease, or may be diminished, 
 whenever the Government shall determine, but there is no intention of 
 making any change in the present arrangement during the lifetime of 
 the present Nawab. 
 
 2ndly. Though there is no guarantee for the continuance of the above 
 payment in whole, or in part, yet, certain pensions, now charged upon 
 it, were declared by Lord Cornwallis, in 1790, to be, and are, there- 
 fore, hereditary. 
 
 3rdly. Out of the above-mentioned sum of sixteen lacs, somewhat 
 less than seven lacs of Sirca Rupees, a year, are now paid to the Nawab 
 for his own purposes. This money is at the Nawab's disposal without 
 control unless he falls into debt, in which case the Government may 
 step in and take the management of it ; any pension granted out of
 
 272 
 
 his annual sum, reverts to the Nawab, . on its discontinuance. This 
 arrangement, however, is only for the lifetime of the present Nawab, and 
 wilt be re-considered at his death. 
 
 4thly. The rest of the sixteen lacs, after deducting the amount paid 
 to the Nawab, is carried to the credit of the Deposit Fund. 
 
 Sthly. Everything once paid in the Deposit Fund, is held at the 
 (t>sposal of the Government as a means of providing for the collateral 
 branches of the Nizamut family (exclusive of the Rajmehal branch), 
 and for other purposes connected with the Nizamut. 
 
 10. The only other point in the Nawab Nazim's Memorial which it 
 is necessary to notice now is, that which relates to the charges brought 
 by His Highness against the late Mr. H. Torrens. It is alleged by 
 the Nawab that Mr. Torrens, in his capacity of Agent of the Governor- 
 General, prevailed on His Highness, on his coming of age, to agree to 
 the sale of certain Government Securities, amounting to upwards of 
 nineteen lacs of Rupees, the invested savings of his personal stipend, 
 during his minority ; that he caused the Securities to be sold and held 
 for some time in his own name by the Calcutta firm of Mackenzie, 
 Lyall and Co ; and that he was, at least, a consenting party to the 
 reckless plunder and dissipation of nearly the whole amount. The 
 statements of the Nawab and of Lieutenant-Colonel Mackenzie on this 
 subject, as contained in the enclosures of your letter No. 421, dated the 
 6th July last, reflect, most painfully, on the character and conduct of 
 Mr. Torrens, and, if that gentleman were now alive, it would have been 
 obviously imperative on the Government to make a strict and search- 
 ing inquiry into the whole facts and bearings of the case There cer- 
 tainly are, as the Lieutenant- Governor observes, grounds for presuming 
 that he acted on good faith for the Nawab's benefit, though altogether 
 without authority, and with the most culpable imprudence and disre- 
 gard of all official propriety ; that he was imposed on by others, and 
 that notwithstanding the suspicion that necessarily attaches to some of 
 his acts, he himself derived no personal advantage from the transac- 
 tions in question. But, at the least, the appearance of the case as 
 regards him, judged by his own letters to Mackenzie, Lyall and Co., is 
 most discreditable. Still, under the circumstances, it does not appear 
 to the Governor- General in Council that any good object can be gained 
 by further inquiry. Mr. Torrens has been dead for more than eight 
 years, and, so far as the Nawab is concerned, it is clear, from his own 
 admission, that, after he became of age, he gave Mr. Torrens full 
 authority to deal with the accumulated savings ; that he made no 
 objection or complaint in Mr. Torrens' lifetime as to the way in which 
 the money was being disposed of, though His Highness might, in 
 such a case, as he has recently done, have addressed the Governor- 
 General direct ; that he allowed several years to elapse, after Mr. 
 Torrens' death, before he accused that officer of having aided to pillage 
 him, or otherwise brought his proceedings to the knowledge of the 
 Government ; and that the statements, in regard to Mr. Torrens, made 
 by His Highness in his Memorial to the Secretary of State, were not 
 brought forward in the way of complaint, but were merely incidental 
 to the subject-matter of the Memorial, and intended to illustrate 
 the manner in which his interests were injuriously affected by the 
 action of the law of 1854. The matter may, therefore, be allowed to 
 drop.
 
 273 
 
 11. With reference to your letter No. 490, dated the 17th of Sep- 
 tember last, I am directed to request that the Nawab Nazim may be 
 urged to give a discharge for the Minority Accounts, the correctness of 
 which in no way depends upon circumstances which occurred after His 
 Highness came of age, 
 
 12. In a preceding paragraph it has been directed that the Agent 
 should be loithdrawn, the Governor-General will not entertain the 
 question of any Agent, residing at Moorshedabad, until the Nawab 
 Nazim shall hare apologized in a way that shall be satisfactory to the 
 Lieutenant-Governor, for the affront offered by His Highness to the 
 representative of the British Government. Lieutenant-Colonel Mac- 
 kenzie should, therefore, be directed to leave Moorshedabad directly, 
 and repair to Calcutta ; he should make over charge of his office to the 
 collector of Moorshedabad, who, with the assistance of the Dewan, will 
 make the usual payments to stipendiaries, and others, and discharge 
 the current duties of the Agent's office, but will hold no communica- 
 tion with the Nawab except such as may be required by law. 
 
 (A True Extract.) 
 
 (Signed) C. MACKENZIE, Lieut -Colonel, 
 Offg. Agent to the Governor-General at Moorshedabad. 
 
 As correct inferences can only be drawn upon written 
 statements by a fair and free discussion of them, it will 
 be necessary here to enter into details which may throw 
 light upon the opinion expressed by Lord Canning in the 
 above letter. 
 
 In Paras. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, and 6, His Lordship's en- 
 deavours to support the action taken by the Agent 
 Grovernor-G-eneral against the Nawab in favour of the 
 Dewan ; but as the Dewan was the paid servant of the 
 Nawab (Page 245), no doubt can possibly exist as to the 
 Nawab' s right to dismiss him at pleasure without even 
 informing the Agent of his intention so to do. The 
 assertion that no Dewan had ever been appointed or 
 removed by the Nawab without the approval of the 
 Government is not quite borne out by Lord Cornwallis's 
 letter (Page 42), wherein it is stated that " the Govern- 
 ment left His Highness the free choice of his own Dewan ;" 
 besides, we may gather from the Treaties that the 
 
 T
 
 274 
 
 Dewan in whose appointment the Government claimed 
 any interference (Pages 24 and 27) was vested only with the 
 disbursement of such sums as were set apart for the 
 Nawab's state and rank, and had no control over His 
 Highness's personal stipend the Government, therefore, 
 when during the minority of Nawab Mobaruck-ul- 
 Dowlah it withheld the Nawab's state allowances, for- 
 feited all claim to interference in the appointment or 
 dismissal of the Dewan, whom the Nawab might wish to 
 select for the disbursement of his own personal stipend 
 hence the argument of His Lordship is unsupported 
 by facts, and the action taken by the Government of 
 India against His Highness can only be looked upon as 
 an arbitrary measure, especially when it is remarked that 
 " the office will be maintained on this footing so long as 
 " it is held by Rajah Prosonno Narain Deb," &c. ; a man 
 who owed his rank and elevation to the Nawab, and 
 for whom provision was thereafter to be made without 
 the NawaVs sanction out of the Fund established for the 
 benefit of the Nawab's Family. It is, moreover, a strange 
 fact, that this man receives 150 a year more than his 
 superior officer, the Agent, who is at the head of the 
 Nizamut Affairs ! 
 
 This Dewan appears to have been a great friend of the 
 Agent Governor- General (Page 243), who was no doubt 
 led away by personal feelings to support his authority, 
 for it is the only instance on record where the Agent 
 advocated the cause of the Dewan in opposition to the 
 Nawab's wishes, but having once committed himself, it 
 may be seen that the Governor-General for whom he 
 acted was in a measure bound to support him, although
 
 275 
 
 he expressed his displeasure afterwards by quietly re- 
 moving him from his lucrative appointment, and giving 
 him a subordinate one elsewhere (Page 261 j. The order to 
 pay the Nawab all arrears due to him has not yet been 
 carried out by the Government of India. As to the 
 affront alluded to, it can only be looked upon by dis- 
 interested people as a personal question between the 
 Agent and the Nawab, which, though unintentionally 
 offered, was fully apologized for to the Agent, who ac- 
 cepted the apology (Page 239) ; hence we cannot see that 
 His Lordship the Governor-General was justified, on so 
 slender a pretext, in subjecting the Nawab to the in- 
 dignities which the Government thereafter heaped upon 
 him. 
 
 There is little doubt, we think, from a perusal of the 
 records (Pages 52 to 72), that the object of the Govern- 
 ment in establishing the appointment of Agent Governor- 
 General, in 1816, was to regain that control over the 
 Nizamut Affairs which they had abandoned during the 
 Soubahship of Nawab Mobaruck-ul-Dowlah the Agent, 
 therefore, can only be looked upon as acting in the 
 room of the Dewans who before the time of Nawab 
 Mobaruck-ul-Dowlah had been appointed by the Go- 
 vernment. Virtually, then, the Agent is the Govern- 
 ment Dewan, though he may be recognized under a 
 different official title, and in the appointment or dis- 
 missal of this officer, the Nawab has never claimed any 
 voice, although in fairness he ought to be consulted since 
 the Agent is paid out of the Nawab' s money. 
 
 With regard to the Memorial submitted by His High- 
 ness in 1857 being (as stated in Para. 8) " expressed in 
 
 T 2
 
 276 
 
 language far from respectful," it might certainly be 
 called disrespectful if an exposure of the naked truths 
 and facts which it exhibits (in plain English) against 
 the injustice practised by the Indian Government upon 
 the Nawabs Nazim, from generation to generation, can 
 be considered so ; moreover, the style in which His 
 Lordship speaks of the Nawab's claims must convince 
 every careful reader of the existence of some powerful 
 bias in His Lordship's mind having more of a personal 
 than an official character. 
 
 The arbitrary nature of the remarks in Para. 9, " the 
 Governor- General in Council entirely rejects the Nawab's 
 claims so far as they are founded on the assertion of any 
 Treaty rights, or of any sovereign or hereditary titles," &c., 
 may readily be observed by a comparison with His 
 Lordship's letter of the llth March, 1856, (Page 194) 
 11 just regard to the honours and dignities due to your 
 hereditary rank, and the prescriptive privileges of your 
 high station, guaranteed by the stipulations of subsisting 
 Treaties and long-established Relations," &c., and, there- 
 fore, requires no comment ! 
 
 As to the sum of sixteen lacs which, since 1771, have 
 been granted for Nizamut purposes, His Lordship's 
 statement is literally correct, that the payment of that 
 sum is guaranteed by no Treaty, although the Court of 
 Directors and the officers of the Indian Government 
 frequently alluded to that sum as " the Assignment by 
 Treaty of the Family " (Pages 97, 108), but it is notice- 
 able that His Lordship does not allude to, or deny, the 
 validity of the Treaty of 1770 which guaranteed the 
 payment for ever, not of sixteen lacs, but of Rupees
 
 277 
 
 31,81,991-9, and which Treaty was upheld by the Indian 
 Government so late as 1834 (Page 93) in order to pre- 
 vent the Nawab being personally subjected to the 
 ordinary processes of the Supreme Court in Calcutta, 
 which at that time was the only direct emblem of Her 
 Majesty's Power in the East. 
 
 Again, His Lordship stated " that certain Pensions 
 declared by Lord Cornwallis in 1790 as hereditary are 
 hereditary ;" yet some of these have been absorbed into 
 the Nizamut Deposit Fund in accordance with Mr. 
 Trevrelyan's Minute of 1836 (Page 101) without just 
 cause. And further, it is remarked that " any Pensions 
 granted out of his annual sum reverts to the Nawab on its 
 discontinuance ;" this was not, however, the practice 
 before the present Nawab's time ; as the reader will no 
 doubt have observed ; nor was this arrangement in- 
 tended to be carried out after the death of the present 
 Nawab, though no reason is adduced in justification of 
 the intention. 
 
 With respect to the " balance of the sixteen lacs, after 
 " deducting the amount paid to the Nawab, being carried to 
 " the credit of the Deposit Fund, and that Fund being held 
 " at the disposal of the Government as a means of providing 
 "for the collateral branches of the Nizamut Family," &c. ; 
 no remark can be offered except the arbitrary manner 
 in which the Nawab's income was reduced from sixteen 
 lacs to seven lacs without a corresponding advantage to 
 the Nizamut Family, for which the Nawab agreed to set 
 aside two lacs of rupees annually and no more. (Pages 
 79, 85, 323). 
 
 We now turn to Para. 10, in which the Governor-
 
 278 
 
 General endeavours to subvert the claim advanced by 
 the Nawab against the Government in respect of certain 
 monies misappropriated by the Agent Governor-General in 
 his official capacity, and His Lordship assumes that on 
 the death of the Agent, the Government was released 
 from responsibilities incurred by him during his lifetime, 
 remarking, at the same time, " it does not appear to the 
 " Governor-General in Council that any good can be obtained 
 " by further inquiry." " The matter may therefore lie allowed 
 " to drop." If this be a standard for meting out justice to an 
 injured individual, we can only observe that it is directly 
 opposed to the principles of truth and honour upon which 
 the Courts of Justice in this country are upheld; 
 and it is to be hoped that Her Majesty's Government 
 will take a fairer view of this claim of the Nawab's than 
 was taken by His Lordship, when issuing the instructions 
 conveyed in the above letter. The whole letter savours 
 of irritation produced from some personal cause, and does 
 not bear the impress of a just verdict in answer to the 
 claims advanced by the Nawab in his Memorial. 
 
 Having thus laid before our readers an impartial view 
 of the statements contained in the foregoing letter, we 
 will proceed to notice the opinions expressed upon the 
 same subjects by Her Majesty's Secretary of State for 
 India in reply to the communications forwarded to 
 England by the Government of India. 
 
 On receipt of the Despatch from Her Majesty's 
 Secretary of State for India by the Governor- General, 
 the following Extract was forwarded for His Highness's 
 information :
 
 279 
 
 Extract of a Despatch from the Right Honourable the Secre- 
 tary of State for India to His Excellency, the Right Honour- 
 able the Governor-General of India in Council, No. 30, dated 
 India Office, London, the 17th June, 1864. 
 
 1. The letters of the late Governor-General and Viceroy, dated 24th 
 September No. 66 A. and 66 B., 1863, terminate a long series of 
 official papers received from your Government during the last two 
 years, relating to the affairs of the Nawab Nazim of Bengal 
 
 2. All the correspondence necessary to the formation of a correct 
 opinion with respect to the special questions which they illustrate, having 
 now been received, I proceed to communicate to you the views of Her 
 Majesty's Government. 
 
 3. The Nawab Nazim having addressed to me more than one Memo- 
 rial in which he claims the recognition of the British Government of 
 certain rights, power, and privileges which he alleges to belong to him 
 and to his family under Treaty or engagements, it is necessary that I 
 should review all the circumstances of His Highness's position. 
 
 4. The present Nawab Munsoor Ullee Khan, styled the Nawab 
 Nazim of Bengal, is admitted to be a descendant of Meer Jaffir 4li, 
 who, when the East India Company were first invested with the 
 Dewanee of Bengal, Behar and Orissa, was at the head of the Nizamut 
 of those Provinces which he had attained through the influence and as- 
 sistance of the British Government. A Firman of the Emperor of 
 Delhi made it one of the conditions of the grant of the Dewannee that 
 provision should be made "for the expenses of the Nizamut," that is, 
 that a part of the revenues of those provinces should be appropriated 
 to the payment of the department of the administration distinguished 
 by that official name. But subsequently by special arrangement the 
 Company undertook to perform the duties of the Ni&amut, and made 
 provision for its expenses by paying their own servants to do the work 
 which had before been done by the servants of the Nazim. The office 
 of the Nizamut being thus practically abolished, and its duties merged 
 into general administration of the country, the stipulation of the 
 Imperial Finnan ceased with the objects for which it was intended to 
 provide. I am of opinion, therefore, that the family of the Nawab 
 
 Nazim of Bengal, have, under the Firman of Shah Allum, no claim 
 upon the British Government. 
 
 5. But the administrative duties of the Nizamut having been trans- 
 fei red to the Company, a personal provision was made for the family of 
 the Nazim, It was right that consideration should be shown to the 
 sons of Meer Jaffir Ali though they were not called upon, after the 
 death of the eldest Nujum-ood-Dowlah, to discharge the high official 
 duties of the Soobadar or Viceroy of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa. Ac- 
 cordingly, treaties were entered into with the younger princes, Syef- 
 ood-Dowlah and Moobaruck-ood-Dowlah successively, by which the 
 
 Company undertook to secure to them the Soobadaree of the Provinces 
 of Bengal, 8(c., and to pny them a certain " annual stipend." 
 
 In each of these Treaties, the Nawab expressly indicated himself as 
 the person to whom these advantages are to accrue, and / cannot 
 perceive that in either case the Nawab, who was paity to the Treaty, had
 
 280 
 
 any regard to other interests than his own. It is true that at the end 
 of the Treaty of 1766, the Nawab Syef-ood-Dowlah says, " this agree- 
 " ment, (by the blessing of God), I hope will be inviolably observed as 
 " long as the English factories continue in Bengal," and that the Nawab 
 Moobaruck-ood-Dewlah says, " That this agreement, (by the blessing of 
 " God), shall be inviolably observed." But as the agreement in both 
 cases, was of a specifically personal character, it appears to me that the 
 intention was to secure the strict observance of the Treaties during' the 
 lives of the persona interested, that is to say that they should last as 
 long us the objects for which they uere intended to provide. The 
 Treaty obligations therefore of the British Government ceased in both 
 instances with the life of the other party ; and that this was practically 
 acknowledged at the time is evident from the fact that the amount of 
 stipend payable to the Nawab was revised upon the death of Syef-ood- 
 Dowlah with the full consent of his successor, a proof that the previous 
 Treaty was not considered to confer any hereditary rights. And if the 
 Treaty of 1766 was not an hereditary Treaty that character cannot be 
 claimed for the Treaty of 1770 which was couched in the same general 
 terms. I concur therefore, in the opinion with Your Excellency's 
 Government that under these Treaties, the Nawab Na/im of Bengal has 
 no acquired rights. 
 
 6. In 1772, by an order of the Court of Directors of the East India 
 Company, passed on a review of the proceedings of the Bengal Govern- 
 ment upon the occasion of Moobaruck-ood-Dowlah, and of the treaty 
 concluded with him by the Indian Government, the stipend of the 
 Nawab Nazim was fixed at the annual amount of sixteen lacs of rupees. 
 No treaties of a later date than 1770 were entered into with the descend- 
 ants of Meer Jaffir, but on the occasion of each succession, the member 
 of the house entitled to succeed by Mahomedan law has been recognized 
 by the British Government as Nawab Nazim, and the stipend of sixteen 
 lacs of rupees has continued to be appropriated to the benefit of the 
 Nawab Nazim and other members of the family. By whatsoever terms 
 strictly defined the Nawab Nazim may hold the titles and privileges 
 which he now enjoys, it is obvious to me that they could not be inter- 
 fered with or altered, during good conduct, without a violation of the 
 spirit, at least, of the assurances which have been given to him by our 
 Government, and departure from the whole tenor of our transactions 
 with him during a long course of years I perceive with satisfaction, 
 therefore, that your Government have no intention of disturbing sub- 
 sisting arrangements for the pecuniary provision of the- Nawab Nazim 
 and his family, and the maintenance of the titular dignity of His 
 Highness. 
 
 7. It appears that the personal allowance of ths Nawab Nazim him- 
 self is about seven lacs of rupees, that from the remaining nine lacs, 
 provision is made for the members of the family, and that the balance 
 goes to the formation of an accumulating fund known as the " Nizamut 
 Deposit Fund." 
 
 8. It is unnecessary to trace further the history of the Fund Its 
 accumulations, representing as they do the unappropriated portions 
 from year to year, of the sixteen lacs stipend, unquestionably belong to 
 the Nawab Nazim and his family, and can properly be expended only 
 
 for their benefit. But this does not confer upon the Nazim himself
 
 281 
 
 any right to dispose or to superintend the disposal of these balances. 
 This right belongs to the Government, under che conditions upon which 
 the Fund was cunstituted. It was assumed in the first instance mainly 
 for the benefit and protection of the Nazim and his family ; and I am 
 of opinion that it is to the advantage of His Highness and his family 
 that this system should be maintained. At the same time it would 
 seem to l/e desirable, and I believe, that to some extent, it has been the 
 practice in past time, for your Government, through the Agent at 
 Moorshedabad occa."innalfy, to consult the Nazim with respect to any 
 extraordinary expenditure from the Nisamut Fund. 
 
 9. In connexion with this qviestion of administration of the Nizamut 
 Funds, I may here consider the object of the claim advanced by the 
 Nawab Nazim to appoint and dismiss his Dewan at pleasure. If the 
 Dewan, over whom this absolute authority has been claimed, were 
 charged with the administration only of His Highness' own share of 
 the stipend, or if the Nawab Nazim had established his right to exercise 
 control over the Deposit Fund, his claim with respect to the appoint- 
 ment and dismissal of the Dewan might be tenable. But the Dewan 
 has hitherto administered both His Highness' personal stipend and the 
 general financial affairs of the Ni/amut, including both the distribution 
 of the separate stipends of other members of the family, and the 
 management of the Deposit Fund, which has been ruled to Le under 
 Government control. It was necessary, therefore, that the Government 
 which wax responsible for the Administration of the Funds, and was 
 bound to maintain the rights and interests of those in whose favour 
 it had deemed it necessary to interfere, should have authority over the 
 appointment of the minister charged with the executive tletails. Prac- 
 tically, it appears to have been the custom for the Government and the 
 Wawab Nazim, in communication u-ith each other, to appoint or dismiss 
 a Dewan, and as the official salary wax paid from His Highness' stipend, 
 it iras doubtless right that he should be consulted. But inconvenience 
 has resulted from this arrangement. The Nawab Nazim, presuming 
 upon the fact that the Dewan has been officially styled the '' Dewan of 
 the Nawab Nazim," took upon himself summarily to dismiss the Dewan 
 Kajah Prosunno Narain Deb, and to place the financial administration 
 in the hands of his own sons. In consequence of this act, you have ap- 
 pointed the Uajah, Dewan of the Nizamut, and charged the Deposit 
 Fund with the payment of his salary, and you have communicated to 
 the Nazim that the Government have no desire to interfere between 
 him and his servants, or with his manner of expending his own per- 
 sonal share of the Nizamut allowances, and that he may appoint a 
 Dewan for the management of his own personal affairs. This very 
 obvious arrangement is well calculated to meet the existing difficulty, 
 and to prevent the recurrence of similar conflicts ; but it is worthy of 
 the consideration of your Excellency's Government whether for the 
 more effectual prevention of future misunderstanding, it might not be 
 desirable to confer upon the officer. acting upon the part of Government 
 a wholly different official designation. 
 
 10. But, although the Nawab Nazim, apparently influenced by evil 
 advisers, both European and native, has, in summarily dismissing his 
 Dewan, acted in a disrespectful manner towards your Government, I 
 am not without hope that by the exertions of your present Agent at
 
 282 
 
 Moorshedabad, he may yet be brought to a better state of mind and 
 express regret for his past conduct. It is not to be forgotten that during 
 the period of the Mutiny of the Bengal Army, the conduct of His 
 Highness was marked by loyalty and fidelity to the British Govern- 
 ment, and that as far as lay in his poioer he rendered assistance to the 
 authorities of the District. I would not, therefore, on account of 
 what I hope may be regarded as an exceptional departure from his 
 ordinary behaviour towards your Government, deprive him of any of 
 the dignities or privileges of his position, among the most highly prized 
 of which is the appointment of a British officer of rank to be the 
 channel of his communications with your Government. 
 
 11. But whilst Her Majesty's Government are desirous that, unless 
 the future conduct of the Nawab Nazim should call for such a 
 measure upon your part, His Highness should not be deprived of any 
 of the honours and privileges of which he is now in the enjoyment ; 
 they are at the same time of opinion that it would be inexpedient to 
 restore to him, those of which he was deprived in 1854 by a special 
 legislative enactment, in consequence of an outrage, which was con- 
 sidered at the time by the Government, both in India and in England, 
 to have been attended with a large amount of culpability on the part of 
 the Nazim. Her Majesty's Government cannot consent to the re- 
 storation of exclusive privileges of this description, the existence of 
 which has been found from experience to be inconvenient and liable to 
 abuse. His Highness' salute, which was at the same time reduced, 
 has now been again replaced on its original footing, in consequence of 
 his loyalty and good conduct during the mutiny ; but he must be in- 
 formed that Act XXVII. of 1854 can on no account be repealed. 
 ****** 
 
 13. In conclusion, I have only to observe that I concur in opinion 
 with Your Excellency's Government, that the extent of this correspon- 
 dence is out of all proportion to the magnitude of the interests involved. 
 Much of it relates to matters of a vexatious, and in some respects of a 
 
 frivolous character, and I cannot but regret that so much of the time 
 of the Government, both of India and Bengal, has been expended in 
 such unprofitable discussions. I trust, however, that your Excellency 
 by endeavouring to remove as far as can be done, consistently with the 
 
 public interests, all causes of irritation, especially in connexion with 
 small matters, from the mind of the Nawab Nazim, will soon be able 
 
 to place your relations with His Highness on a more satisfactory 
 
 footing. 
 
 14. I cannot close this despatch without referring to the terms in 
 which the Nawab Nazim has adverted to the circumstances under 
 which the arrears, accumulated during his minority, were dissipated 
 upon his becoming of age. The statement of these circumstances in 
 the despatch of the Government of India, dated 5th May, 1854, has 
 not satisfied me that His Highness had not good ground of complaint 
 against the Agent, by whose proceedings so large a sum was placed in 
 jeopardy and ultimately lost. Had those circumstances been more 
 early known to your Government, they would, as observed in the 
 despatch referred to, have called for a strict and searching inquiry, but 
 the decease of Mr. Torrens, the Agent in question, having precluded 
 such an enquiry at the tune, / am reluctantly driven to the conclusion
 
 283 
 
 at which you have arrived, that no benefit will arise from reopening the 
 consideration, of that subject. 
 
 I have, &c., 
 
 (Signed) C. WOOD, 
 (Signed) C. U. AITCHISON, 
 
 Under-Secretary to the G-overnment of India. 
 (True Copy) (Signed) MATTBICE POWBE, 
 
 Assistant in charge office on Tour. 
 (True Copy) (Signed) W. B. BUCKLE, 
 
 Agent Governor- General. 
 
 Paragraph 12 of the ahove despatch not furnished with copy, for- 
 warded to the Nawab Nazim contains the following important infor- 
 mation : " I am of opinion tha't the future position of Nawab Nazim's, 
 sons should be fixed and defined with as little delay as possible. Her 
 Majesty's Government desire to have the views of Your Excellency 
 on this subject. Your Excellency is aware that this Government 
 are fully sensible of the INCONVENIENCE OF PERPETUA- 
 TING IN THIS OR ANY OTHER FAMILY A LINE OF 
 TITLED STIPENDIARIES without power and responsibility, 
 and without salutary employment, Sfc., fyc., it would seem to be the 
 wish of the Nawab Nazim that his sons should be trained to some 
 useful occupations, I should be glad if arrangements could be made 
 for enabling them to become useful members of Society. The accu- 
 mulations of the Nizamut Deposit Fund MIGHT afford permanent 
 endowment to a certain extent." 
 
 It must appear to all observing men that the above 
 despatch was written to support the opinions expressed 
 by the Governor-General in 1802, and not to do justice to 
 the Nawab. It was with a view of having his claims 
 reconsidered that His Highness came to England and 
 addressed Her Majesty's Secretary of State for India 
 by a Memorial, dated 18th July, 1869. 
 
 Her Majesty's Secretary of State for India in Para. 2 
 of the above despatch distinctly stated " All the corres- 
 pondence necessary to the formation of a correct opinion with 
 respect to the social questions which they illustrate had then 
 been received," yet it will hardly be credited that after His 
 Highness has been put to the trouble and expense of 
 visiting England to personally appeal to the Government,
 
 284 
 
 his Memorial has been sent to India for a Report from 
 the Local Government. Many months have since elapsed, 
 but up to the present moment no reply has been given by 
 the Imperial Government to His Highness either for or 
 against his claims, which appears very extraordinary. 
 The claims must be either righteous or groundless ; if the 
 former, it would be creditable to acknowledge them ; if 
 the latter, they should be repudiated at once, and the 
 honour of the British Nation vindicated, for no possible 
 advantage can arise from delay or by offering a passive 
 resistance to the Nawab on the subject of his claims. 
 
 In Para. 3 the receipt of the several Memorials is ac- 
 knowledged, and the purport of them set forth ; but no 
 reason is even given for not having furnished His High- 
 ness with replies thereto. 
 
 The legitimacy of the descent of the present Nawab 
 from Meer Jaffir Ali Khan is boldly admitted in Para. 4, 
 and also the stipulations of the grant of the Dewanny 
 which was conferred upon the English East India Com- 
 pany as " a conditional Jaghire " (gift) whereby they agreed 
 to pay on behalf of the Nawabs Nazim a certain fixed 
 " tribute to the Court at Delhi, and provide for the expenses of 
 " the Nizamut, reserving whatever might remain out of the 
 " revenues of the three Provinces after paying the above for 
 l< their own use." The writer of the Despatch is, however, a 
 little in error as to the time when the Dewanny was con- 
 ferred ; it was not given nor even applied for until after 
 the death of Meer Jaffier, and during the reign of his son 
 Nudjin-ul-dowlah who accepted of a certain fixed amount in 
 full of all demands for himself and successors as an adequate 
 allowance for the expenses of the Nizamut, to be regularly
 
 285 
 
 paid as long as the English Company's Factories continue in 
 Bengal. The gift of the Dewanny was only the appoint- 
 ment to the office of collecting the Revenues, and, conse- 
 quently, did not in itself entitle the servants of the 
 Company to usurp any authority without the sanction of 
 the Nawab for whom they merely acted as managers. It 
 would be as reasonable to suppose that the Chancellor of 
 the Exchequer in England should govern the whole of 
 the country, because he is at the head of the Revenue 
 Department as that the East India Company were 
 entitled to deprive the Nawabs of their rights. That 
 the Company took advantage of the trust reposed 
 in them by the Nawab is obvious ; btit that is no 
 reason why the British Government should follow 
 their example, for the feelings of Englishmen must 
 naturally revolt at the idea of taking mean advantage of 
 those who are now powerless, and to whose ancestors we 
 owe our dominion in the East. The object for which the 
 Imperial Firmaun was intended to provide, viz. : the 
 Nizamut has not died out, and until this is the case, or 
 the Nizamut rebels, the Imperial Firmaun must be 
 binding on the British Government in respect of the 
 Provinces of Bengal, Behar and Orissa. The Company 
 may have undertaken to perform the executive duties of 
 the Nizamut, but for this they were fully recompensed by 
 the Nawabs who permitted their stipends to be cut down 
 to meet the extra expenses entailed on the Company 
 until the year 1770, when a permanent settlement was 
 mutually agreed upon, and evidently considered by 
 the Government of India as a fixed deduction from 
 its revenues. It might be urged * that since the British
 
 286 
 
 Government took over the Supreme Administration 
 of India, the Imperial Firmaun of 1765 became invalid. 
 This argument, however, cannot hold good, but would 
 rather act in favour of the Nawab who so nobly 
 sided with our Government during the Rebellion of 
 1857, when he might have been in a measure justified 
 in opposing it and supporting the King of Delhi with 
 whom it was at variance. For this act of loyalty alone 
 to the British Crown, which no doubt saved for it the 
 Provinces of Bengal, Behar and Orissa, we think the 
 British Government ought to do justice to the Nawab, 
 and support him in his claims upon the Indian Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 The general inconsistency of the arguments in Para. 5 of 
 the Despatch must to commercial men appear obvious, 
 for if two parties enter into an agreement, the duration 
 of that agreement, if expressed, can in no way be affected 
 by the interests involved hence the Agreements with 
 Nawab Nudjm-ul-dowlah or Syef-ul-dowlah would hold 
 good so long as "the English Company's Factories continue 
 in Bengal" (Pages 22, 24). But the duration of the Agree- 
 ment of 1770 was even more clearly expressed, for it 
 concluded in the unmistakeable words : " This Agree- 
 ment, by the blessing of God, shall be inviolably observed 
 for ever" (Page 27) therefore the other contracting party 
 to the Agreement, the East India Company, were in their 
 peculiar position of trust legally bound to pay Nawab 
 Mobaruck-ul-dowlah and his successors " for ever " what- 
 ever consideration or Civil List was named in that 
 Agreement. The all-important words " for ever " in 
 the last Agreement, may have been ingeniously left out
 
 287 
 
 by the writer of the Despatch, in order to give an 
 apparent consistency to his argument, but this omission 
 cannot in any way affect the legality of the document 
 alluded to, for in a Court of Justice it would rather 
 tend to support the Agreement itself, and throw a doubt 
 on the Despatch on the principle adduced in common law 
 respecting documents " falsus in uno falsus in omnis." 
 
 Again by comparing Para. 6 of the above Despatch 
 with the Order contained in the Despatch from the 
 Court of Directors, dated 20th April, 1771 (Page 31) 
 which is evidently referred to for the purpose of showing 
 that the Agreement made in 1770 with Nawab 
 Mobaruck-ul-dowlah by the Bengal Government was 
 invalid it will be seen that the Court of Directors did 
 not attempt to withdraw from the responsibility their 
 legally constituted agents in India had imposed upon 
 the Company, but merely censured the Governor-General 
 for not having made better terms, and also ordered 
 him, as the guardian of the young Nawab, to keep back 
 (while he was a minor) that portion of his stipend 
 appointed for his state and rank, and only pay him 
 sixteen lacs until he reached his majority; hence the 
 conclusions drawn in that Paragraph must be incorrect, 
 and the Agreement of 1770 should, in justice, hold in its 
 entirety unless indeed as hinted in the latter part of the 
 Paragraph, the Government of India can use might 
 against right, and refuse to act up to their obligations. 
 
 Prom Para. 7, it would be supposed that the Nawab 
 Nazim himself has a personal allowance of seven t lacs 
 of rupees (70,000), and that all the other members of 
 his family are provided for from the balance of the
 
 288 
 
 sixteen lacs ; such, however, is not the case, for His 
 Highness, out of the seven lacs, provides for his own 
 family and connexions (145 souls), besides meeting all 
 the expenses of his palace, guards, servants, and 
 retinue ; therefoi'e, instead of having any surplus for 
 himself, has to provide for a large deficit from the private 
 revenues of some of his relatives, while the Government 
 of India absorbs nearly six lacs of rupees (,60,000) 
 annually into the Nizamut Deposit Fund, instead of 
 two lacs (20,000), as agreed upon (Page 79). Can 
 we, therefore, wonder at His Highness having so fre- 
 quently pressed his claims upon the attention of the 
 British Government ? 
 
 For an explanation of Para. 8 of the Despatch, we 
 must refer our readers to Pages 52 and 86, where the 
 formation of the several Funds is fully entered upon. 
 These unquestionably belong to the Nawab, and ought 
 surely to be under his supervision, as they have been 
 formed from the accumulations of his own money; but 
 even this privilege has been denied him, and of late 
 years, excepting a grant to His Highness for his journey 
 to England, little benefit has been derived from the Funds 
 either by himself or the members of the Nizamut Family. 
 
 The remaining Paras. 9, 10, 11, 13, and 14, in 
 which some strange assertions are made, will be fully 
 understood by a reference to His Highness's last Me- 
 morial of July, 1869, Page 329 and Page 303, or to the 
 large copy of His Highness's Memorial, with appendices, 
 printed for private circulation, which was forwarded 
 to the India Office in July 1869, for the purpose of 
 enabling Her Majesty's Secretary of State for India in
 
 289 
 
 Council to reconsider the subject of His Highness's 
 claims which had been set aside by the Despatch of June 
 1864, and from which this work has been compiled. 
 As to the extent of the correspondence being " out of 
 all proportion to the magnitude of the interests involved," 
 this can only be looked upon as a private opinion, for in 
 the cause of justice every pains should be taken to arrive 
 at the truth, and every evidence (documentary or other- 
 wise) brought to bear upon the subject, in order to 
 arrive at a correct conclusion regarding the interests 
 involved, be they large or small ! Besides, as the National 
 Faith has been pledged, and the credit of the Nation is 
 of paramount importance, the interests involved are 
 immense ! British Honour and Faith are at stake (Page 
 93), and cannot be neglected to suit the capricious opinion 
 of any Government official. 
 
 The foot note to the Despatch which was found 
 amongst some papers connected with a lawsuit in which 
 His Highness is now engaged, exhibits the policy proposed 
 for doing further injustice to Indian Princes by with- 
 drawing from them that support which has been 
 guaranteed to them by the terms of Solemn Treaties and 
 Engagements, as fully set forth in the following 
 Memorial. 
 
 From His HIGHNESS THE NAWAB NAZIM OF BENGAL, 
 BEHAR AND ORISSA, To His GRACE THE DUKE OP 
 ARGYLL, &c., &c., SECRETARY OF STATE FOR INDIA IN 
 COUNCIL. 
 
 MY LOED DUKE, 
 
 With a firm reliance on the honor and justice of the British Govern- 
 ment, which from generation to generation gained the unbounded 
 confidence of my ancestors and other Princes of India, I have been led 
 
 TJ
 
 290 
 
 to visit England in order to personally memoralize Her Majesty's 
 Government in respect to certain grievances and acts of injustice to my 
 family, for which I have vainly endeavoured to obtain redress in India. 
 I now, therefore, beg respectfully to address Your Grace as the Secre- 
 tary and Eepresentative of Her Majesty's Government for India, and 
 to lay before Your Grace a narrative of facts with my views thereon, 
 in the earnest hope that Your Grace will give the subject your wise 
 consideration, and accord to me and my family such justice as, in 
 the opinion of Her Majesty's Government, the merits of our case are 
 deserving of. 
 
 In reply to the several Memorials submitted by me through the 
 Indian Government for the consideration of Her Majesty's Govern- 
 ment, the Extracts (Pages 269 and 279), were forwarded to me 
 by the Secretary to the Government of Bengal for my information 
 and guidance ; and although from Extract (Page 279) it is clear that 
 the late Secretary of State for India acknowledges my descent 
 from Nawab Meer Jaffir Ali Khan, yet there are certain points of 
 vital importance to myself and my family which have been wrongly 
 represented, and these, I trust, may now be fairly inquired into and 
 equitably adjusted by Her Majesty's Government, so that I and my 
 successors may realize the truth of the assurance given me in 1856 
 by the Viceroy, His Excellency (the late) Lord Canning, hi the follow- 
 ing words : 
 
 " Your Highness may be assured that the consideration, respect and 
 " friendly interest in the prosperous administration of your affairs, 
 ' and just regard to the honors and dignities due to your hereditary 
 rank, and the prescriptive privileges of your high station, gua- 
 ranteed by the stipulations of subsisting Treaties and long-estab- 
 lished delations, observed and cherished by former Governors- 
 General, will, on the part also of this sincere friend, be fervently 
 fostered and punctually fulfilled." (Page 194) 
 
 A reference to the Extracts alluded to will give an insight into the 
 grievances which this Memorial purports to set forth ; but that Your 
 Grace may be able to inquire into each specifically, I beg to advance 
 them under separate heads, as follows : 
 
 I. THE HEBEDITAEY NATURE OF CERTAIN TREATIES, 
 AND THE CHANGE IN THE VIEWS OF THE GOVERNMENT WITH 
 REGARD TO THEM. 
 
 II. THE UNJUSTIFIABLE ATTITUDE ASSUMED BY HIS 
 LORDSHIP THE MARQUIS OF DALHOUSIE TOWARDS MYSELF 
 ON ALL QUESTIONS RELATING TO THE NIZAMUT, ON A MIS- 
 CONCEPTION OF MY BEING IN SOME WAY CONNECTED WITH 
 A BASE OUTRAGE COMMITTED BY SOME MENIAL SERVANTS, 
 OF WHICH I WAS NOT EVEN COGNIZANT AT THE TIME. 
 
 III. THE ABROGATION OF THE REGULATIONS OF 1805, 
 1806, AND 1823, BY ACT XXVII OF 1854.
 
 291 
 
 IV. THE NIZAMUT DEPOSIT FUND, ARBITRARILY CON- 
 VERTED INTO A " BOOK-DEBT BEARING NO INTEREST ;" AND 
 GENERAL MISAPPLICATION OP THE FUND TO PURPOSES 
 ALTOGETHER FOREIGN TO ITS TRUE INTENT AND OBJECT. 
 
 V. THE UNJUST AND HARSH TREATMENT I EXPERIENCED 
 FROM THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT DURING THE LATTER 
 PERIOD OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF LORD CANNING, AND 
 THE SPECIFIC LOSSES AND DEPRIVATIONS I HAVE SUFFERED 
 IN CONSEQUENCE. 
 
 VI. EXTRAORDINARY TRANSACTIONS OF MR. TORRENS, 
 AGENT GOVERNOR-GENERAL. 
 
 These, Your Grace, being the principal subjects I desire to bring 
 to the notice of Her Majesty's Government, I will proceed to explain 
 each one fully. 
 
 I. THE HEREDITARY NATURE OP CERTAIN TREATIES, AND 
 
 THE CHANGE IN THE VIEWS OF THE GOVERNMENT WITH 
 REGARD TO THEM. 
 
 Before entering upon the details of the Treaties in question, I would 
 respectfully ask Your Grace to consider the exact meaning of the word 
 Treaty. 
 
 A Treaty is a formal league, or contract, between two ruling powers 
 or sovereigns, for the adjustment of differences, or for forming an 
 agreement for their mutual benefit, and cannot in honor be broken 
 through by either power so long as their respective successors exist. 
 It differs from an ordinary agreement in so far that whereas in an 
 ordinary agreement heirs and successors are particularized in a Treaty 
 no allusion is ever made to such since with ruling powers it is never 
 contemplated, that the succession will die out, nor would it be politic 
 when a Treaty is being framed to even hint at the death or extinction 
 of either ruling power. 
 
 When the representatives of two Governments conclude a Treaty, 
 they are bound to observe good faith towards each other, not personally 
 as individuals, but as the respective heads of the Powers they repre- 
 sent in continuous succession, and no Treaty can in honor be modified 
 without the consent of both the ruling powers therein represented. 
 
 The Treaties (Pages 6, 9, 12, 15, 22, 23, 26) referred to in 
 my former Memorials, were entered into by the Honorable East 
 India Company with my ancestors, Nawabs Meer Mahomed Jaffir All 
 Khan, Nudjm-ul-dowlah, Syef-ul-dowlah, and Mobaruck-ul-dowlah, 
 and are dated respectively 4th June, 1757, 10th July, 1763, 25th 
 February, 1765, 30th September, 1765, 19th May, 1766, and 21st 
 March, 1770. 
 
 U 2
 
 292 
 
 Treaties (Pages 6, 9 and 12) were drawn up between the English East 
 India Company, a constituted ruling power of the one part, and Nawab 
 Meer Mahoined Jaffir Ali Khan a constituted ruling power of the other 
 part, and having been entered upon by them in good faith, as the 
 representatives of two Governments for mutual benefit, (as set forth 
 in the Treaties) were in honor binding on them and their successors. 
 On the death of Nawab Meer Jaffir Ali Khan, his eldest surviving son 
 Nawab Nudjrn-ul-dowlah, ascended the musnud as the legitimate 
 successor ; but, as the country was in an unsettled condition, in con- 
 sequence of the war then carrying on against Nawab Shujah-ul-dowlah 
 the ruling powers evidently deemed it expedient for their mutual 
 security, to add some special clauses to the Treaty with Nawab Meer 
 Jaffir, which they accordingly did by the supplementary Treaty and 
 Agreement of 1765, after going through the preliminary form of rati- 
 fying and confirming the original one, which really was the basis of 
 their operations, and was intended to last for ever, or at least so long 
 as their successors acted in concert with one another and observed 
 mutual friendly relations. 
 
 Soon after the accession of Nawab Nudjm-ul-dowlah, the grant of 
 the Dewanny was conferred upon the East India Company by the 
 King of Delhi, under certain stipulations to which they, as well as the 
 Nawab, acceded, viz. : " They would remit the sum of twenty-six lacs 
 of rupees annually to the Royal Government, and provide for the ex- 
 penses of the Nizamut, reserving whatever balance might remain out 
 of the revenues of the three provinces of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, 
 after paying the above, for their oicn use" (Page 21) . This necessitated 
 a new clause in the Treaty with the Nawab, which was added in Sept., 
 1765. The object of this clause is obvious from its wording. The 
 East India Company being men of business and unwilling to run the 
 risk of clashing with their firm allies, the house of Meer Jaffir, by an 
 undefined settlement of accounts, at once proposed a fixed amount in 
 full of all demands, as the Nizamut's share of the revenues of the pro- 
 vinces, which was, after due consideration, accepted by the Nawab, 
 who reposed implicit confidence in the honour of the British nation, 
 and its representatives, and agreed to the sum named " as an adequate 
 allowance for the support of the Nizam ut," to be regularly paid, not 
 only during his lifetime, but '' as long as the English Company' s fac- 
 tories continue in Bengal." (Page 22) 
 
 On the accession of Nawab Syef-ul-dowlah some further additions 
 were found necessary for the mutual benefit of the ruling Powers, and 
 accordingly another supplementary Treaty and Agreement was drawn 
 out, and connected with the original Treaty of Nawab Meer Jaffir, and 
 also the additional ones with Nawab Nudjm-ul-dowlah by an article 
 ratifying and confirming them all. The object of the additional clauses 
 is clear. The East India Company, seeing the disadvantages of a 
 Government with divided responsibilities, undertook the ivhole of the 
 military, as well as the civil duties of the Provinces, in consideration 
 of the Nawab allowing them to take twelve lacs of rupees annually 
 from his stipend for the support of the troops, and this Agreement was 
 also intended to be observed " as long as the English factories con- 
 tinue in Bengal." (Page 24) 
 
 When Nawab Mobar.uck-ul-dowlah ascended the musnud, the last
 
 293 
 
 Supplementary Treaty was drawn out, and also connected with the 
 original Treaty with Nawab Meer Jaffir, and the other supplementary 
 ones, by the leading article ratifying and confirming them all. The 
 object of this Treaty was evidently to secure a permanent pecu- 
 niary arrangement with the house of Meer Jaffir, on more favourable 
 terms to the Company ; for by this time the Hon. East India Com- 
 pany, having had the entire collection of the revenues of the Provinces 
 for five years, were enabled to form a pretty correct idea of the returns 
 available, after paying the Eoyal Government, and meeting the ex- 
 penses of their Civil and Military Establishments, &c. ; and as it is 
 probable that they at the time had heavy demands upon their Trea- 
 sury, owing to the unsettled state of the country, they no doubt pro- 
 posed the reduction in the Nawab's share of the revenues to such a 
 sum as they could always meet without being placed in difficulty them- 
 selves, they being the responsible financiers of the State. Thus far, 
 all the modifications in the Treaties having been executed with the 
 mutual consent of the contracting parties, were apparently plain and 
 straightforward, and consistent with the principles of justice and 
 honour, and since the sum last assigned for Nizamut purposes 
 (Rs. 31,81,991-9) was so small a proportion of the revenues of the pro- 
 vinces that it need never have been reduced, the Treaty with Moba- 
 ruck-ul-dowlah, concludes by invoking a blessing from the Almighty 
 as a guarantee that it would be " inviolably observed for ever" 
 (Page 27) 
 
 It is argued in the despatch (Page 279) that " the Company 
 " undertook to perform the duties of the Nizamut, and made pro- 
 " vision for its expenses by paying their own servants to do the 
 " work which had before been done by the servants of the Nazim. 
 " The office of the Nizamut being thus practically abolished, and its 
 " duties merged into general administration of the country, the stipu- 
 " lation of the Imperial Firman ceased with the objects for which it 
 " was intended to provide. I am of opinion, therefore, that the family 
 ' of the Nawab Nazim of Bengal have under the Firman of Shah 
 ' Allum no claim upon the British Government. But the administra- 
 ' tine duties of the Nizamut having been transferred to the Company, 
 ' a personal provision was made for the family of the Nazim. It was 
 ' right that consideration should be shown to the sons of Meer Jaffir 
 " Ali," &c. I would respectfully urge, Your Grace, that when examined 
 without prejudice, the above argument will be found to be based on a 
 misconception of the meaning of the word Nizamut. The word Niza- 
 mut is synonymous with the English term Koyal Family, and can only 
 be applied to the Nawabs Nazim, not as the Government, but merely 
 as the titled heads of it, since they had no more to do with the prac- 
 tical administrative duties of the Government than the Sovereigns of 
 Europe now have. 
 
 In proof of this, Your Grace, it is observable that in the second 
 Supplementary Treaty with Nawab Nudjm-ul-dowlah, although the 
 principal portion of the duties of the State, that is the Dewanny, or 
 Civil Administration, of the three provinces of Bengal, Bchar and 
 Orissa, together with the revenues thereof, had been conferred on the 
 English Company by the Emperor of Delhi, the grant was subject to 
 certain conditions set forth in the Firman by which it was conferred,
 
 294 
 
 one of which was, " there shall be a sufficient allowance out of the said 
 " revenues for supporting the expenses of the Nizamui," or Naziin's 
 family ; and again the Nawab agreed to a certain fixed sum " a* an 
 adequate allowance for the expenses of the Nizamut" which expenses 
 are distinctly specified under two heads, viz. : Rs. 17,78,854 1 for 
 household or family expenses, and Rs. 36,07,277 8 for guards and 
 personal palace attendants befitting his rank and station. Again, from 
 the corresponding clause of the Treaty with Nawab-Syef-ul-dowlah, 
 where the Nizamut stipend was fixed at the reduced figure of 
 Rs. 41,86,131 9, in consideration of the Company having undertaken 
 the whole of the military administration of the provinces, which the 
 Nawab agreed should " be entirely left to their discretion and good 
 management," as he would thus be relieved from all pecuniary respon- 
 sibility in the affairs of Government without lowering his political 
 status as a titular prince, it is evident that the word Nizamut meant 
 the family of Nazims, and not the Administrative Government. 
 
 The same fact may be proved from the last Treaty with Nawab 
 Mobaruck-ul-dowlah ; and since it was an agreement that was " to be 
 inviolably observed for ever," it is reasonable to suppose that the 
 Nizamut stipend, as then fixed at Rs. 31-,81,991 9, should in honour 
 and justice have been regularly paid by the Government of India to 
 each Nawab who has since succeeded. 
 
 It is further stated in the Despatch (Page 279), in allusion to the 
 Treaties of 1766 and 1770: "In each of these Treaties the Nawab 
 " expressly indicated himself as the person to whom these advantages 
 '' are to accrue, and I cannot perceive that in either case the Nawab 
 " who was party to the Treaty had any regard to other interests 
 " than his own." 
 
 Surely, Your Grace, it is not reasonable to suppose that the Honour- 
 able Company and the Nawabs, when executing these Treaties, had 
 no regard to their successors for not only does the Despatch from the 
 Honourable Court of Directors of 20th April 1771, contradict this 
 view of the question, but the Treaties themselves being based on the 
 Imperial Firman which expressly stipulated for the "providing for 
 " the expenses of the Nizamut " did not require the insertion of any 
 special clause to secure this object particularly as it had, in the first 
 instance, been expressed in the Treaty with Nawab Nudjm-ul-dowlah 
 at the time of the grant of the Dewanny. 
 
 Again the supposition that " the Nawab who was party to the Treaty, 
 ' had no regard to other interests than his own,' " is not borne out by 
 the wording of the articles of the Treaties, inasmuch as, the Honour- 
 able Company's interests, as set forth in all the previous Treaties, 
 were fully secured, while at the same time the Nawab relinquished 
 much that he was fairly entitled to by those Treaties. Hence, on 
 these grounds it ca7mot fairly be argued that the Treaties were of a 
 purely personal character. But even supposing the Nawab Mobaruck- 
 ul-dowlah executed the Treaty from " purely personal motives, re- 
 gardless of the advantages derived by the Honourable Company " 
 yet the Honourable Company on their part having guaranteed that it 
 would be " inviolably observed for ever," were in honour and justice 
 bound to fulfil the conditions therein named. 
 
 It may possibly be urged that the words "for ever " bear no
 
 295 
 
 signification and are redundant ; but with respect to this, permit me 
 to state, Your Grace, that Treaties are generally framed by rational 
 beings, and when their effect is intended to be limited, such limitation 
 is expressly notified, as in the Treaty, with the Nawab Nudjm-un 
 dowlah, which contemplated an existence only "so long as the 
 " Factories of the English continue in Bengal." Even this could 
 never have been intended to cease with the life of Nudjm-ul-dowlah ; 
 but was concluded in those words rather as an inducemeut for his 
 successors to continue to support the authority of, and remain the 
 firm allies of the English, who, on their part, guaranteed to support 
 the succession, and adhere to the terms of the Treaties so long as they 
 continued in Bengal. 
 
 Again, it is irrational to suppose that in the last Treaty with 
 Mobaruck-ul-dowlah, the solemn invocation to the Almighty asking 
 His blessing on the inviolable observance "for ever " of the Treaty was 
 accidental, and that the Treaty was really intended only to last 
 during the life-time of the Prince who executed it. It would be as 
 rational to suppose that the dissolution of the Government of the 
 East India Company absolved the British Government from all 
 obligations contracted by that august body while ruling in the East, 
 since virtually the death of the representatives contracting the obliga- 
 tions had taken place : yet Her Majesty in the Proclamation of 1858, 
 with the advice of both Houses of Parliament, accepted the obligation 
 to ' scrupulously maintain " all Treaties entered into by the Honour- 
 able East India Company. 
 
 It is not for a Prince in my position, crushed and trampled down as 
 I have been, to presume to criticise the acts of a powerful Government, 
 who have declared that it is by then* " free grace and favour " alone 
 that I hold my position : and who on my attempting, in 1860, to 
 bring facts to their notice, were pleased to remark, that I was guilty of 
 discourtesy and want of respect to the British Government. I, how- 
 ever, feel thankful that in this free country, where I now sojourn, I 
 can lay my grievances at once before Her Majesty's Government in a 
 true and faithful light, without fear of giving offence, and with a full 
 assurance that justice will be done me without prejudice. I will, 
 therefore, with Your Grace's permission, bring to the notice of Her 
 Majesty's Government, an act of injustice which laid the foundation 
 of all the pecuniary difficulties in which the successors of Nawab 
 Meer Jaffier Ah Khan have since been involved, and led to the in- 
 troduction of all the measures which have since tended to lower the 
 political and social status of my family. 
 
 The Treaty with Mobaruck-ul-dowlah (even if considered, for the 
 sake of argument, as a personal one between a powerful Government 
 and a powerless Prince), was a solemn engagement binding the Go- 
 vernment to pay him the full allowance of Us. 31,81,991-9, during his 
 lifetime. Yet the Government, during the minority of the Prince. 
 withheld Ks. 15,81,991-9, on the ground that sixteen lacs were enough 
 for any Nawab during his minority ; and further when His Highness 
 came of age, no portion of the sums withheld was restored to him, 
 nor was his stipend raised to the amount stipulated for in the Treaty 
 although the Munnee Begum repeatedly appealed to the Government 
 on the subject, under an assurance from the Governor- General, Mr.
 
 296 
 
 Warren Hastings, that the full amount would be paid when the 
 Nawab reached bis majority. The following quotation, from a 
 Despatch to the Government of India will fully elucidate my remarks, 
 and leave Your Grace in full possession of all the facts connected with 
 this subject. 
 
 The Court of Directors wrote as follows : " In noticing the 
 ' encomiums you pass upon your own abilities, we cannot but ob- 
 ' serve with astonishment, that an event of so much importance as 
 ' the death of Nawab Syef-ul-dowlah, and the establishment of a 
 ' successor in so great a degree of non-age, should not have been 
 ' attended with those advantages to the Company which such a 
 ' circumstance affords to your view. We mean not to disapprove 
 ' the preserving the succession of the family of Meer Jaffir ; on the 
 ' contrary, both justice and policy recommended the measure, but 
 ' when we consider the state of minority of the new Soubadhar, we 
 1 know not on what ground it could have been thought necessary to 
 ' continue to him the stipend allowed to his adult predecessor ; con- 
 ' vinced as we are, that an allowance of sixteen lacs per annum will 
 ' be sufficient for the Nawab's state and rank, while a minor, we 
 ' must consider every addition thereto as so much to be wasted. You 
 ' are, therefore, during the non-age of the Nawab, to reduce his annual 
 ' stipend to sixteen lacs of rupees." (Page 31) 
 
 From the above, it is evident that the Honourable Court of Directors 
 considered themselves bound injustice to abide by the Treaties which 
 guaranteed the succession to the descendants of Meer Jaffir, as also the 
 payment of the full amount stipulated for, to the respective heirs 
 when they arrived at their majority (although they ordered their 
 representatives in India to withhold a portion during the minority of 
 Nawab Mobaruck-ul-dowlah) ; I would, therefore, leave it for Your 
 Grace to consider why this just conclusion was not afterwards acted 
 up to : and I may here be allowed to draw a parallel between the 
 history of the house of Meer Jaffir, in their relations with the 
 Honourable Company, and that of any of the European Allied 
 Princes or Noblemen in their relations with their Sovereigns. In 
 Europe it was customary, during the early periods of Government, 
 for Supreme Rulers to enter into treaties with their Allies (Princes 
 and Nobles), and to give them grants of land, and privileges under 
 Royal Warrant, or Charter, for the purpose of securing their allegiance, 
 and that of their successors, or, as marks of Royal favour in return 
 for services rendered to the Sovereign. The recipients of these ad- 
 vantages were generally the heads of military bodies, and assisted 
 in protecting the countries over which their Sovereign held sway. 
 In process of time military organization underwent many changes, 
 until at length, in the present day, all trace of the feudal system has 
 been lost. Yet the Allied Princes and Nobles are allowed to retain 
 all the advantages conferred upon their ancestors, from generation 
 to generation, except in those countries where revolutions have 
 destroyed the landmarks of ancient grandeur, and over-thrown the 
 Ruling Power. But no revolution has overthrown the British 
 Government of India : then why should the family and successors of 
 Meer Jaffir, the faithful allies of the British Government, be trampled 
 down? Your Grace, my ancestors were faithfully attached to the
 
 297 
 
 British cause, and I myself have done all in my power to support 
 the British rule in India, by placing my available resources at the 
 command of the Government, when circumstances required it (vido 
 Letters Pages 199 to 209.) Yet I have never solicited any reward or 
 recognition of my services beyond what I consider I am entitled to 
 by Treaty, and although other Princes have had titles conferred upon 
 them, and even one of my servants was honoured with a distinguished 
 mark of esteem, I myself have never received any consideration, nor 
 has even justice been accorded to my claims, though I have earnestly 
 entreated for it. Even the descendants of rebels, and those who 
 opposed the British, and resisted their establishment in India, have 
 been liberally dealt with, while I, following the good example of my 
 ancestors, and fully confiding in the good faith and honour of the 
 British nation as expressed in' Treaties, and in the written declara- 
 tions of Governors- General, have heard it said that all those state- 
 ments were mere idle expressions, and bore no signification whatever. 
 It is a hard matter, Your Grace, for an Eastern Prince, brought up 
 to believe implicitly in the good faith and honour of the British 
 nation, to hear any one say that Public Treaties, Proclamations, and 
 Official Letters are used as means for practising Political deception. 
 No, Your Grace, I cannot credit this, and rather than that such 
 should be proved to me, I pray the Almighty may remove me from 
 this world, so that I may die, as I have lived, in the firm conviction 
 that British honour and public faith are unimpeachable, and that 
 the ivord and lond of the British can never be changed. I will never 
 believe that the Treaties drawn up with my ancestors are otherwise 
 than binding on the British nation, since it is impossible that the 
 representatives of a Christian Government calling themselves 
 Christians, and fearing God, would invoke His Holy name for 
 purposes of deception and spoliation. 
 
 I now desire to draw Your Grace's attention to the consideration of 
 the question, whether the Treaties alluded to were regarded by the 
 contracting parties as merely personal, or whether they were held to 
 possess an hereditary nature. It is now said, that they were of a per- 
 sonal character, but I would ask : " Did the Honourable East India 
 Company take this view of the Treaties ? Did they allege, on the 
 death of Mobaruck-ul-dowlah that all Treaty obligations between them 
 and the Nizamut Family had ceased ? On the contrary, so late as 
 1840, after I had succeeded to the Musnud of the Nizamut, the 
 Honourable the Court of Directors refer to the annual stipend of six- 
 teen lacs as " the Assignment by Treaty of the Family." (Page 108) 
 
 Again, reviewing the Treaties, it will be seen that there was no need 
 for a fresh Treaty on the death of Mobaruck-ul-dowlah, since the policy 
 which dictated the acquisition of the entire Administrative Govern- 
 ment of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, by means of Treaties, had by 
 that time been crowned with a success as unprecedented as it was 
 complete. 
 
 The last Treaty confirmed the transfer of the military defence of the 
 Provinces from the Nizamut to the Honourable East India Company 
 in perpetuity and guaranteed a permanent compensation for this ; 
 there was, therefore, nothing more to treat for ; and it is not to the 
 point to enquire now, why the Honourable Company did not, in 1770,
 
 298 
 
 take possession of the Provinces by right of the strongest, and at once 
 ignore the necessity of making Treaties ! On the contrary, it is this 
 fact that demands attention, that by Treaty the Honourable East 
 India Company gradually obtained possession of these Provinces, and 
 when the last of these Treaties was framed they in return specially 
 engaged in making it binding "for ever." It may well then be en- 
 quired, whence the necessity for new Treaties when so clear a guaran- 
 tee had been given of the duration of the hist one executed ? For it is 
 sufficiently proved that the contracting parties recognised the existing 
 validity of the last Treaty, as shown in the Honourable Court's 
 Despatch, dated the 24th April, 1840, and also from the uninterrupted 
 harmony of succession up to my period ! 
 
 Again, from the following extract of a letter (quoted at length under 
 the third head of this Memorial) written on 20th February, 1834, by 
 Mr. (now Sir Charles) Trevelyan, Your Grace will observe that the 
 Governor-General in Council admitted the existence and application of 
 the Treaty of 1770, and in alluding to the prescriptive rights and pri- 
 vileges of the Nawab Nazim as secured by that Treaty said, " It will 
 " be observed from the Treaty (1770) of which a copy is annexed, that 
 " His Highness the Nawab has been recognised by the British Govern- 
 " ment as an Independent Prince, and that the National Faith is 
 " pledged, 'for nothing being proposed or carried into execution dero- 
 " gating from his honour.' " And when commenting on the unad- 
 visedness of allowing the Supreme Court to have jurisdiction over the 
 Nawab Nazim, His Lordship remarks : " As the Government has no 
 " power to regulate the proceedings of this Court towards persons ac- 
 " knowledged to come within its jurisdiction, if the liability of the Na- 
 " zim were to be admitted, there is no degree of indignity which might 
 " not be inflicted upon him by its ordinary processes, in contravention of 
 ' the pledged National Faith, and of the respect which is obviously due 
 " the representative of our oldest ally on this side of India." His 
 Lordship further states in the last para, of this letter, " the Nawab 
 li Nazim is a Prince whose independence has been recognised by a 
 " Treaty with one of his predecessors." It is very evident from the 
 above (exclusive of other documentary evidence) that the Government 
 of India acknowledged without reservation that the Treaty of 1770 
 was binding in perpetuity, and instructed their officers to view it in 
 the same light, and to plead the same under their authority in Her 
 Majesty's Supreme Court at Calcutta. Surely, Your Grace, there can 
 be no doubt about the truth of the above assertions, for the Govern- 
 ment would never have used them for the purpose of misleading the 
 Supreme Court (at that time the only emblem of Her Majesty's autho- 
 rity in the East.) Had they been expressed to an Indian Prince, they 
 might have been considered as licenses of rhetoric ; but such could not 
 possibly be the case when addressed to a Court, presided over by 
 British judges of the highest legal qualifications, at the head of whom 
 was the venerated Chief Justice Sir Edward Ryan. (Page 93) . 
 
 Further, Your Grace, Her Majesty, in Her gracious Proclamation 
 of the 1st November, 1858, to the Princes, Chiefs, and People of India, 
 accepted the obligations of the Honourable East India Company 
 with respect to Treaties with the Princes of the land ; and it is 
 therefore very difficult to surmise whence arose the doubt that led the
 
 299 
 
 Government of India in 1862 to assert, that the Nizamut existed alone 
 " by the free grace and favour of the British Government." The 
 fact is, Your Grace, that recently, most unfortunately for myself, cir- 
 cumstances have placed me in a most invidious position with respect 
 to the Government of India, and it is a just and impartial review of 
 these circumstances, which alone will place me in the position I ought 
 to occupy with respect to that Government. 
 
 These circumstances will, in the course of this Memorial, form sepa- 
 rate heads needing separate investigation ; ao, before bringing them to 
 Your Grace's notice, I will proceed to lay before Your Grace some 
 documents which clearly exhibit the Political position of the Nawab 
 Nazim, as recognized by the Indian Government of the Honourable 
 East India Company, up to the last Governor-General appointed by 
 that august body. Leaving aside all others which are to the same 
 purport, I beg to adduce the following letters addressed to me by their 
 (late) Lordships the Marquis of Dalhousie and Earl Canning, on their 
 respectively assuming the Administration of India ; letters which are, 
 in fact, the ratifications of the Treaties with my ancestors. The first 
 of these is dated the 12th January, 1848, and is as follows : 
 
 " Nawab Sahib, of high worth and exalted station, my good brother, 
 
 " may peace be with you. 
 
 " After expressing wishes, words cannot describe, for a joyful meet- 
 
 " ing ; what I have now the pleasure officially to announce, you will 
 have heard through the ordinary channel my appointment of 
 Governor-General of India ; I arrived at Calcutta, and assumed the 
 duties of my office on the 12th January, 1848. 
 
 " Your Highness may be assured this friend is desirous, and bent 
 heart and soul to do all he can to knit the ties of attachment and 
 friendship, and to connect the bonds of harmony and concord be- 
 tween the Honourable East India Company and your Highness, and 
 that personal sentiments of the highest regard and esteem, should 
 confirm the relations between us, while zealously striving to promote 
 the interest, establish the authority, and maintain the best under- 
 standing between all the States and Sirdars of Hind, and the Deccan, 
 and this High and Paramount Power, by strict observance of word 
 and bond, and enduring fulfilment of compact and treaty, in terms 
 of existing conditions, stipulations and articles arranged and con- 
 certed." 
 
 (Signed) " DALHOUSIE." 
 
 The second is dated the llth March, 1856, and is as follows : 
 
 " Nawab Sahib, of high worth and exalted station, my good brother, 
 " I wish you peace." 
 
 " After expressing devoted desire beyond description for a happy 
 " interview, I would announce what you will have gleaned from the 
 " newspapers of the 29th February last, that this friend has been ap- 
 " pointed to succeed the most noble, the Marquis of Dalhousie, K.T., 
 " as Governor-General of India."
 
 300 
 
 " Permit me to add, this friend entered Calcutta, the seat of Govern- 
 " ment and assumed the duties of this high office on the 26th February, 
 " 1856, corresponding to the 22nd Jumadee-ul-Sanee, 1272, H." 
 
 " Your Highness may be assured the consideration, respect, and 
 " friendly interest in the prosperous administration of your affairs, and 
 " just regard to the honors and dignities due to your hereditary rank, 
 " and the prescriptive privileges of your high station, guaranteed by the 
 " stipulations of subsisting Treaties and long-established relations 
 " observed and cherished by former Governors-General will, on the part 
 " also of this sincere friend, be fervently fostered and punctually 
 < fulfilled," 
 
 (Signed), " CANNING." 
 
 It is for Your Grace to decide whether these letters do not bear 
 strong internal evidence of the hereditary nature of the Treaties ? 'and 
 whether, in the words " the prescriptive privileges of your high station, 
 " guaranteed by the stipulations of subsisting Treaties, and long-esta- 
 " blished relations," there is not overwhelming evidence to set aside 
 the supposition that those Treaties were of a personal character ? 
 
 There is one more quotation with which I will trouble Your Grace, 
 and it is in such plain and unmistakeable language as appears to me 
 to admit of no misinterpretation. It is as follows : 
 
 PROCLAMATION. 
 
 " Fort William, Political Department," 
 " 19th December, 1838." 
 
 " By order of the Government of India, the Deputy-Governor of 
 " Bengal notifies to the Public, and to the Allies of the British Govern- 
 " ment, and to all friendly powers, that Nawab Shooja-ool-Moolk, 
 " Ihtisham-ood-dowlah, Humayoon Jah, Syud Moobaruck Ali Khan 
 " Bahadoor Feroze Jung, having departed this life at Moorshedabad, 
 " on the 3rd October, 1838, his son, the Nawab Syud Munsoor Ali 
 " Khan, has succeeded to the hereditary honors and dignities of the 
 " Nizamut and Subadary of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa; and His 
 " Highness is hereby declared, under the authority of the Government 
 " of India, to be the Nazim and Soobadar of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, 
 " and to have assumed, and to exercise the authority, dignities and 
 "privileges thereof, and under the style and title of Moontazm-ool- 
 " Moolk, Mohsen-ood-Dowlah, Fureedoon Jah, Syud Munsoor Ali 
 " Khan Bahadoor Nusrut Jung. 
 
 " Published and proclaimed by 
 
 " His Honor the Deputy-Governor of Bengal," 
 
 (Signed), " H. T. PEINSEP," 
 
 " Secretary to the Government of Bengal."
 
 301 
 
 " General Order by the Honorable the Deputy -Governor of 
 " Bengal, under date the 19th December, 1838." 
 
 " The Honorable the Deputy-Governor of Bengal has been pleased 
 " to direct that a salute of 19 guns be fired from the ramparts of Fort 
 " William at 12 o'clock this day, in honor of the accession of His High- 
 " ness Syud Munsoor All Khan to the Musnud of the Provinces of 
 " Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, and that the above Proclamation be read 
 " at the head of the troops in garrison at sunset this evening under a 
 " salute of three volleys of musketry." 
 
 (Signed) " H. T. PRINSEP," 
 
 " Secretary to the Government of Bengal." 
 
 The above Proclamation and General Order appeared in the Calcutta 
 Gazette of Wednesday, 19th December, 1838, and it is for Your Grace 
 to consider what interpretation should be put upon the words " suc- 
 ceeded " and " hereditary " which occur in the body of this Proclama- 
 tion. Were these words used in the full belief of the Rights of the 
 Nizamut being based on certain Treaties, or is no importance to be 
 attached to their signification ? 
 
 Only three years previous to the date of this Proclamation, the 
 Government of India in the person of Lord William Bentiiick, addressed 
 his Highness, my father Nawab Humayoon Jah, in the following 
 words : 
 
 " Your Highness will experience the same disposition to cultivate and 
 " improve the existing harmony and good understanding between the 
 " two Governments, and an inviolable adherence to the engagements by 
 " which your Highness and the Honorable Company are indissolubly 
 " connected." 
 
 And again a year later, Lord Auckland wrote as follows : 
 
 " Your Highness may be assured that I am cordially disposed to 
 " maintain the relations of harmony and friendship subsisting between 
 " the two States, to establish the utmost degree of individual friend- 
 " ship with your Highness, and to seek the confidence of all the States 
 " and chiefs of Hindostan and the Deccan, by a scrupulous adherence 
 " to subsisting engagements, and to the obligations of public faith and 
 " honor." 
 
 It is the relations between the Honorable East India Company and 
 the Nizamut that I would solicit an investigation of. What were the 
 views the Government of India entertained of the obligations and 
 engagements between it and the Nizamut ? Lord Bentinck is most 
 clear on this point, when in the letter quoted above, he pledges himself 
 to " an inviolable adherence to the engagements by which your High- 
 " ness and the Honorable Company are indissolubly connected." 
 
 The next point to which I deem it right to draw Your Grace's 
 attention while on this subject, is that portion of the Despatch (Page 
 280) , where it has been argued that the Treaty with His Highness 
 Moobaruck-ul-Dowlah fell through, for as the Nawabs Nazim since 
 then have received the reduced allowance of sixteen lacs the Treaty 
 ceased to have effect. 
 
 I would gladly forbear discussing this question ; but since it has
 
 302 
 
 been so prominently put forth to my prejudice, I consider it proper to 
 bring it to Your Grace's notice as a breach of faith, and to inquire 
 whether this breach of one of the Articles of the Treaty was at the 
 instance of the Nizamut ? 
 
 The young Nazim was a minor, a mere child, without power to 
 redress his wrongs, and the only person about him who exercised 
 control in his affairs was the Munnee Begum, " the Mother of the 
 Company," as she was styled by that August Body, on account of her 
 deep attachment and sincere devotion to their solid interests. She, 
 poor infatuated lady, was led to believe by Mr. Warren Hastings, that 
 the arrangement which thus reduced the Treaty allowances to about 
 one-half, was simply a temporary one to last during the minority of 
 the young Nazim, and so she lived on in this vain hope, confiding to 
 the last in the good faith of the Honourable Company, that all would 
 come right in the end. The Court of Directors did not ignore the 
 Treaty, they merely rebuked their Governor for not taking advantage 
 of the " non-age of the Nawab to reduce the annual stipend during 
 " his minority," and ordered : " You are, therefore, during the non- 
 " age of the Nawab, to reduce the annual stipend to sixteen lacs." In 
 even this, though there was not a breach of Treaty, there was an ' 
 apparent breach of faith unsought, unmerited, and unatoned for. 
 The Treaty obligations, it is very evident, were never meant to be set 
 aside, because " both justice and policy recommended the measure of 
 " preserving the succession of the family of Meer Jaffir." Yet suc- 
 cessive Governors- General, from that period up to the last Governor- 
 General of the Honourable Company, have admitted the annual 
 allowance of sixteen lacs only as " the Assignment by Treaty of the 
 " family," though each, and all of them have recognised " the en- 
 " gagements by which the Nizamut and the East India Company were 
 " indissolubly connected." 
 
 But the question may suggest itself to Your Grace : What 
 could have led the Government of India to alter its views on this 
 subject ? 
 
 If Lord Dalhousie, in 1848, acknowledged "the strict observance of 
 " word, and bond, and enduring fulfilment of compact and Treaty, in 
 " terms of existing conditions, stipulations, and articles," how came 
 His Lordship, in 1853, to urge that the Nizam ut existed "on the 
 " free grace and favour of the British Government ?" The answer to 
 this question will be found in the second head of my grievances, to 
 which I now beg to draw Your Grace's attention, viz. : 
 
 II. THE UNJUSTIFIABLE ATTITUDE ASSUMED BY HIS 
 LORDSHIP, THE MARQUIS OP DALHOUSIE, TOWARDS MYSELF 
 ON ALL QUESTIONS RELATING TO THE NIZAMUT ON A 
 MISCONCEPTION OF MY BEING IN SOME WAY CONNECTED 
 WITH A BASE OUTRAGE COMMITTED BY SOME MENIAL 
 SERVANTS, OF WHICH I WAS NOT EVEN COGNIZANT AT 
 THE TIME. 
 
 In Para. II. of the Extract of the Despatch No. 30, dated the 17th
 
 303 
 
 June, 1864, the late Secretary of State of Her Majesty's Government, 
 in noticing the abrogation of certain enactments that protected the 
 rank and dignity of the Nizamwt expressed himself in the following 
 words : " that Act XXV [I of 1854," which repealed those enactments, 
 " can on no account be repealed in consequence of an outrage which 
 " was considered at the time by the Government both in India and 
 " in England to have been attended with a large amount of culpability 
 " on the part of the Nawab Nazim." 
 
 Your Grace will, I trust, take an impartial view of this matter 
 as I cannot allow such an aspersion on my character to pass unnoticed. 
 I therefore solicit your attentive perusal of the following statement of 
 facts connected with that deplorable case, in proof of the absence of 
 any knowledge on my part of the occurrence adverted to. 
 
 On the 31st March, 1853, I was out on a shooting excursion with a 
 suite of about 2,000 persons, and during my absence, one Hossainee 
 missed a box belonging to his master, Meah Urjoomund, one of my 
 eunuchs. It appears that a lad named Muddee was suspected of 
 having stolen the missing property, and he was seized and beaten. I 
 most solemnly declare that I knew not a word of all this at the time, 
 for the chastisers, well-knowing my disposition, and the certainty of 
 incurring my utmost displeasure if the matter came to my knowledge, 
 most carefully concealed it from me. However, as it afterwards 
 appeared, on being beaten, the lad Muddee pointed out a vagrant, 
 named Hingoo, as his accomplice in the theft, and this man was 
 similarly seized and beaten. Up to a full month after their death, I 
 knew not a word about the matter, nay I pledge myself that I was 
 not even made acquainted with the circumstances of any person's 
 property being missing. On the 5th May following, a petition was 
 presented to the Dewanee Sherista, or Dewan's office of the Nizamut 
 purporting to be from the mother of the lad Muddee, accusing Aman 
 Ali Khan, my chief eunuch (who at the time was acting Dewan), 
 and several others of the murder of her son. It was thus, and then, 
 that I came to hear of the matter, and at once ordered a strict inquiry 
 to be made, which, had I wished to screen the accused I would not 
 have done. All the witnesses deposed that the lad had died of 
 cholera. The Hakeem Jumook deposed that he had treated the 
 lad for cholera, by administering laudanum and calcined gold. And 
 he (the doctor) further stated, that ten or twelve other persons had 
 died of cholera in the camp, and many more in the villages in the 
 neighbourhood. The brother and mother of Muddee deposed that 
 she had presented no petition to any one, and that her seal was not 
 on the one produced. Etwari, the father of the lad, declared he had 
 seen him die of cholera. All these statements led me to believe that 
 the lad had actually died of cholera, more especially as Aman Ali 
 Khan, the person particularly accused, had been with me from my 
 childhood, and I having been accustomed to repose entire confidence 
 in him, naturally concluded that the writer of the petition was 
 one of his enemies, who had thus sought to prejudice me against 
 him. 
 
 That Aman Ali Khan had a great many enemies, owing to his 
 elevation, I was well aware of, and I will candidly own that I was 
 biased considerably in his favour by this fact, and therefore regarded
 
 304 
 
 the petition, after hearing the declarations of the witnesses, as a got-up 
 slander. Besides, the declaration of Etwari, the lad's father, left no 
 room for my young and inexperienced judgment (for I was only 
 twenty-five years of age then) to arrive at any other conclusion than 
 that some designing persons had adopted this nefarious method of 
 doing an injury to an old officer of my establishment, and the one of 
 all others whom I had been taught from my earliest childhood to 
 regard with entire confidence. At this stage stopped all further 
 active interference on my part with the case. 
 
 The accused persons were tried at Moorshedabad in September, 
 1853. On a careful perusal of the proceedings, the following con- 
 clusions can scarcely be avoided, viz. : 
 
 1st. That although Muddee and Hingoo were said to have been 
 most cruelly treated, and there was a probability that they died from 
 the effects of the ill-treatment they received, there was no positive 
 proof that they did so. 
 
 2ndly. There was apparently no concealment in the matter, as they 
 were beaten openly. This might be urged against me, for not having 
 been able to determine a fact, admitted in Court, to have been done 
 openly ; but the admission was a subsequent one, doubtless by the di- 
 rection of counsel, when the accused stood on their defence on a most 
 serious charge ; whereas, in the investigation made before me, the 
 accused probably did not contemplate that matters would take so 
 serious a turn, and hoped, by concealment from me of every fact con- 
 nected with their atrocious conduct to escape my displeasure, and 
 their own certain dismissal and punishment. 
 
 Srdly. The only persons who accused Aman Ah of having been con- 
 cerned in beating the poor unfortunate men, were Hossainee, the 
 approver, who had lost the box (and who had undoubtedly beaten 
 them himself) a leper, a temporary cook, a discharged Burkundaz (who 
 lived chiefly by begging), and an elephant-driver (who had tied up the 
 deceased) . These men all gave contradictory evidence, and the Judges 
 of the Sudder Nizamut felt constrained to discard the evidence of the 
 first four witnesses in toto. Your Grace will observe the improbabili- 
 ties in the evidence given, thus : The leper affirmed that " he saw 
 " Aman Ah Khan, the chief of our officers in rank and authority, first 
 " cutting a bamboo with his own hands, and then beating the deceased 
 " with it ! " A statement bearing the strongest marks of improbability 
 on the face of it, so much so that the Sessions Judge pronounced 
 this man's evidence ' ' not entitled to much credit, as the discrepancies 
 " in it are irreconcilable." The discharged Burkundaz declared "that 
 " Muddee and Hingoo were brought before me, and I ordered their 
 " release, but that Aman Ali Khan countermanded the order, and 
 " threatened to blow them away from a gun." This person's evidence, 
 to use the words of the Court, " teemed with improbabilities and gross 
 " contradictions ;" and such was the evidence for the prosecution. 
 
 On the other hand, three witnesses, in a more respectable station in 
 life, declared on oath than Aman Ali Khan had not beaten the de- 
 ceased ; and they further testified that he, on hearing that the men 
 had been beaten, at once ordered then 1 release. George Shapcott, my 
 coachman (whose evidence was universally acknowledged as trust- 
 worthy), testified under oath, "that when Muddee, at the village of
 
 305 
 
 " Nowguriah accused a third person, named Hingoo, the latter was 
 " seized, and would have been beaten by the camel-driver, who had 
 " most cruelly beaten Muddee, when Shapcott interfered, and by the 
 " use of Aman Ali's name, effectually stayed the meditated injustice." 
 
 This witness was a European and a Christian, and his evidence, 
 which was given " in a plain straightforward manner," as recognized 
 by the Court, was " infinitely more trustworthy than either that of the 
 " approver Hossainee (the real delinquent) or of the camel-driver, and 
 " others for the prosecution." These wretched men were no doubt 
 the real offenders, and both circumstantial and material evidence point 
 to them as the guilty parties ; but a chain of circumstances furnished 
 them the opportunity of becoming witnesses for the prosecution, in 
 the hope of extricating themselves from the difficulty their deeds had 
 placed them in, when the case assumed a more serious aspect. The 
 camel-driver was one of those sentenced to a long period of imprison- 
 ment, notwithstanding his most vigorously perjured efforts to lay the 
 blame on one whose high station, he thought, would doubtless palliate 
 the compliance to so overt an act. And it is a most singular fact, that 
 the most interested parties, the father and mother of Muddee, do not 
 appear as principals in the prosecution It may be argued that they 
 were bought over to silence, but this is an unnatural assumption, and 
 is not tenable when it is taken into consideration that it was on the 
 mother's supposed representation that the concealed facts came to form 
 the subject of judicial enquiry. That Muddee and Hingoo came to a 
 premature end, from the effects of the beating, may readily be sup- 
 posed, but that Aman Ali was in any way mixed up in the affair can- 
 not be credited for many reasons. 
 
 4th. There is an entire absence of motive to permit the assumption 
 of Aman Ali's complicity in the death of these unfortunate men. The 
 box which was stolen was not his, nor was it of material value. It 
 belonged to a very subordinate officer in my service, and there is an 
 air of improbability which militates against the supposition that a 
 person in Aman Ali's position would have so interested himself about 
 the recovery of a paltry article, the property of an insignificant officer, 
 as to order the use of torture for the purpose of extorting a confession. 
 At the same time, it is to be remembered that Aman Ali, as my confi- 
 dential servant, had a host of enemies constantly seeking his downfall ; 
 hence, the Mahomedan Law Officer found Aman Ali " guilty of in- 
 " stigating the beating on violent presumption, and of privity to the 
 " crime on full proof." But there clearly was no proof that Aman 
 Ali had ordered the men to be beaten, and the Sessions Judge gave 
 his opinion as follows : " After carefully weighing the whole of the 
 " evidence against him, I am not satisfied with that part which would 
 " implicate him as the instigator, which ho would be if it were satis- 
 " factorily proved that he gave orders for the two men to be beaten," 
 and pronounced " that he was only proved to have been an accessory 
 " after the fact." 
 
 The Sudder Nizamut, the highest Court of Justice in the country, 
 considered that it was proved that the prisoner had forbidden the ill- 
 treatment of the victims, and that there was " no proof of his being 
 " accessory after the fact," and accordingly acquitted him. And since, 
 with all thi- means of arriving at a just conclusion, the judges of the 
 
 X
 
 306 
 
 Sudder Nizamut had pronounced Aman All innocent, surely there was 
 nothing to be wondered at in the circumstance of my believing him to 
 be innocent. I merely recognized the verdict of the Court ; and 
 Aman Ali, on being acquitted, was treated by me as innocent of any 
 crime ; for I should have considered it very harsh to have treated the 
 man as guilty, when a body of duly qualified and highly competent 
 judges had pronounced that " there was no proof of his being even 
 " accessory after the fact." In the meantime, I had appointed another 
 person to fill the office of Dewan, in place of Aman Ali, who had acted 
 in that capacity without being formally invested with the duties of it, 
 and I must now earnestly crave Your Grace's attention to the action 
 taken by the Governor- General on this deplorable and much to be 
 regretted case, since I must for ever abide by the decision of Her 
 Majesty's Government as to whether it was just or unjust ; whether 
 all the circumstances of the case, when viewed together, admitted of 
 my name being coupled with the atrocious villains who were convicted, 
 and whether the Government acted arbitrarily or not, in depriving me 
 of certain ot my prescriptive rights on the groundless supposition of 
 my being, in some way or other, culpable in the case, of which I have 
 endeavoured to give Your Grace a true and faithful review. 
 
 Lord Dalhousie, in utter defiance of the solemn verdict of the 
 highest Court of Justice in India, decided that Aman Ali was guilty, 
 and that my act in agreeing with the Sudder Nizamut, and believing 
 him innocent, was a proof of my own complicity in the murder. His 
 Lordship might quite as reasonably have come to the same conclusion 
 regarding the judges themselves, and summarily have suspended them, 
 or discharged them, from their offices. His Lordship called for an ex- 
 planation from me, (Page 129) and the expressions he used in so doing 
 sufficiently show that he had previously made up his mind, not only as to 
 the guilt of this acquitted eunuch, but also to my complicity in the affair. 
 It was quite necessary, in His Lordship's opinion, " that the Nawab 
 Nazim, under whose eyes this ' monstrous outrage on humanity has 
 " been perpetrated, should be required to give an explanation of his 
 " conduct in the matter, that measures shoxild be taken to mark the 
 " sense entertained by Government of such proceedings, and that safe- 
 " guards should be provided against a repetition of them in future." 
 I was also required to state why I '' failed to exercise my authority to 
 " prevent the perpetration of so outrageous a crime, almost in my 
 " very presence," thus taking for granted that I had been cognizant of 
 it. These words clearly demonstrate that His Lordship had come to a 
 premature conclusion, and that no explanation would alter his de- 
 cision. The Governor-General pronounced that not only "had Aman 
 " Ali failed to use the influence he had to prevent the crime " (though 
 the Sudder Court had declared him ignorant of it) , but that " from 
 " his Highness's tent being only fifty yards from where the men were 
 " tortured, and from his having the eunuchs daily to dine with him, 
 " he must have been himself cognizant of the torture, of the death that 
 " ensued from the torture, and of the falseness of the rumour which 
 " ascribed the death of these men to cholera." 
 
 The first reasons assigned for this series of accusations, was that my 
 tent had been pitched about fifty yards from the place where the un- 
 fortunate victims had been kept. Your Grace, my known gentleness
 
 307 
 
 and humanity of character, which are such that I cannot prevail on 
 myself even to perform in proprid persona the sacrifices enjoined by 
 our religion ; my European education and ideas, the fact that I was 
 absent from my tent during the greater part of each day, and that 
 much, if not most, of the said cruelty took place at a distance from 
 the camp, availed me nothing in His Lordship's opinion ; though 
 the evidence which proved that the men were beaten, established also 
 that they were beaten : 
 
 1st. In camp and before His Highness returned from shooting. 
 
 2nd. At a shop in the village. 
 
 3rd At the River JN'owguriah. 
 
 4th. After His Highness returned and in a garden at some distance 
 from the camp. 
 
 5th. Next day, and after His Highness had gone out shooting. 
 
 6th. Again at the river at Nowguriah. 
 
 On no occasion did it appear that the men were beaten while I was 
 in camp ; and even supposing such had been the case, it should not be 
 forgotten how unlikely a few cries were to attract attention amid the 
 noise and bustle of a large camp. What with the trumpeting of 
 elephants, of which upwards of sixty were in the camp, the shouting 
 of servants and camp-followers, of whom there were about 2,000, and 
 last, though not least, the vigorous efforts to please of a full brass band, 
 which played almost incessantly while I was within hearing, I main- 
 tain, Your Grace, that in the midst of a concatenation of such dis- 
 cordant noises, the possibility of hearing any particular cries was cer- 
 tainly rather remote. 
 
 Then, again, my tent was a double-walled one, surrounded again 
 with a high Kanat, or thick cloth enclosure, and these facts should not 
 be lost sight of in determining whether I could possibly have heard 
 the cries of the men at the distance specified where the torture was 
 said to have been inflicted. I can assure Your Grace, that such was 
 the thickness of my tent, that it would have been impossible to distin- 
 guish cries outside it, even if no other noises prevailed around ; but 
 apart from my own assertions, it was clearly elicited from the entire 
 evidence in Court, that the unfortunate men were never beaten in my 
 presence nor in my hearing ; and even supposing that they were clan- 
 destinely confined in a tent fifty yards from mine, yet it would by no 
 means be inconsistent with ail the collateral circumstances to believe 
 that I was entirely ignorant of the matter. How frequently do occur- 
 rences of the greatest moment transpire almost under our very eyes, 
 without our being at all cognizant of them ; nay, more, the annals of 
 how many trials record the evidence of individuals to certain facts, 
 while the same persons swear to an ignorance of others, which it might 
 be inferred they were assuredly acquainted with. Persons living in 
 the upper story of a house have sworn positively to their not hearing 
 cries of distress from the inmates of a lower story, and their testimony 
 has been recognised as genuine in the Highest Courts and Tribunals of 
 England, where every one receives due justice. 
 
 In this case the circumstances were of a nature that more than al- 
 lowed the supposition of my utter ignorance of the atrocious crime 
 committed, as it was not likely that the wretches, who were culpable, 
 would communicate their guilt to their master, whose known humanity 
 
 x 2
 
 308 
 
 would have at once become the instrument for bringing them to the 
 hands of justice, where they would meet with such punishment as 
 their crime deserve. It was hardly probable that they would have 
 had the temerity to come to their master and say, we have beaten two 
 men to death, do you put your aegis over us to protect us from the 
 consequences ; nor is it likely that even those of my servants who were 
 acquainted with any of the circumstances would make a confidant of 
 me ; on the contrary, as was really the case, their utmost vigilance was 
 directed to a careful concealment of every fact, so that I might not ob- 
 tain even an inkling of it. 
 
 The second reason his Lordship adduced, in accusing me of com- 
 plicity, was, that the accused and acquitted eunuchs had " dined 
 " daily with His Highness !" Would any one, especially the Prince, 
 like to be made responsible for all the acts of those who dined daily 
 with him ? Would such persons be likely to choose, as the topic of 
 their conversation on such occasions, their own implications in so 
 atrocious an outrage as the one under notice supposes ? It is to be re- 
 marked, that the only evidence which, in any way, might prove that 
 Aman Ali knew of the accused persons being twice beaten, proved also 
 that on each occasion he gave positive orders forbidding their ill-treat- 
 ment. It was nowhere shown that he knew of the extent of the 
 cruelty inflicted, or that it had resulted in death. 
 
 The truth seems to have been (from the Report of the case), that 
 Aman Ali had heard of two beatings, which he, on both occasions sent 
 to put a stop to ; but that these beatings were continued, by the camel- 
 driver and Hossainee, in whose charge the missing box had been, at a 
 distance from the camp (as at Nowguriah), Aman Ali and the other 
 eunuchs were at the time quite unaware of it. That the perpetrators 
 themselves did not intend to kill their victims is also evident from the 
 fact that, when they had gone too far, they called in the Hakeem to 
 endeavour to cure the unfortunate men ; and that the death of the 
 poor men, and certainly the cause of it, was carefully concealed from 
 my officers, and most especially from me. I thus remained in total 
 ignorance of it, until the petition was presented to the Dewanee 
 Sherista. 
 
 Major MacGregor, the Governor-General's Agent, in writing on the 
 subject to Government, remarked that, " His Highness had invariably 
 " declared that he was never made cognizant of the fact that death en- 
 " sued in consequence of the mal- treatment which the unfortunate 
 " creatures, Hingoo and Muddee, received." On the same occasion, 
 Major-General Eaper, who perhaps knew my character, and under- 
 stood my disposition better than any one, and who observed that, " as 
 " a boy he had never shown the smallest propensity to cruelty or mis- 
 " chief," and further added that, " former Agents and every one. who 
 " knows the Nazim speak of him as kind, generous, and humane." 
 
 Major MacGregor's opinion on my decision of the matter was 
 " that the Nawab Nazim must have heard a false account of the 
 " affair ;" but I had heard no other than the account which was re- 
 ceived by the Sudder Court, and I maintain I could not be blamed for 
 coming to the same conclusion as that arrived at by the Honorable 
 the Judges of that Court. However, that the Government might 
 have no just ground of complaint against me, I immediately dismissed
 
 309 
 
 all the accused eunuchs, and on receipt of the Governor-General's 
 letter, suspended Aman All Khan from his various employments, 
 ordering him to give in his accounts as soon as possible. More than 
 this I could not have done ; I could not have sent Aman Ali away at 
 once, as he had to render his accounts of the Dewanship, so I sus- 
 pended him, and nominated a"nother officer to his post. 
 
 In my reply to the Governor-General, I expressed my grief at being 
 held responsible for the conduct of my servants, and simply stated the 
 undeniable facts, that during my shooting excursion it was my habit to 
 start early in the morning, take my breakfast on my elephant, and, re- 
 turning in the evening overcome by fatigue, soon retire to rest, and 
 that, consequently, I knew very little of what went on in the camp. 
 To these assertions, Mr. Garrett, the Judge of Beerbhoom, the Honor- 
 able Mr. Eden, late Secretary to the Government of Bengal, and other 
 gentlemen who accompanied me, and who knew no more about the 
 affair than I did, could have borne witness. I, at the same time, 
 solemnly declared that it never came to my knowledge that a murder 
 had been committed, and I further mentioned that when the subject 
 was brought to my notice, I immediately instituted an enquiry, and it 
 appeared from several statements that Muddee and Hingoo had died 
 of cholera. In answer to the Governor-General's inquiry, why I " con- 
 " tinued to show favor and countenance to those " (Aman Ali) " who" 
 (in His Lordship's opinion) " were concerned in the murder," I very 
 naturally said that when they were acquitted by the S udder Court 
 after being so strictly tried, I really thought them to be not guilty. 
 
 At first, under the impression that the Governor- General required 
 the dismissal of the eunuchs, (though nothing is said of this in His 
 Lordship's letter,) I discharged them all : but hearing nothing of the 
 matter during an interval of four months, and then having information 
 that the affair had been referred to the Honorable Court of Directors, 
 and thinking that that just and humane body of gentlemen would never 
 sanction such an injustice as punishing men for a crime of which they 
 had been acquitted, nor sanction any interference with my own 
 domestic arrangements, I, instead of depriving myself wholly of the 
 services of the old and faithful attendants, permitted them to continue 
 among my retinue, under a proviso that they should not exercise the 
 functions of their several offices until the matter should be finally 
 decided. 
 
 Importunity, and a natural feeling of attachment to old servants who 
 had nursed me from my infancy, and whom I really thought to be 
 perfectly innocent, led me to take this probably imprudent step : but 
 the consequences of it, both to myself individually, and to my whole 
 family, as the sequel will show, were most disastrous ; neither my rank 
 nor dignity were spared, nor the right of the female members of my 
 household recognized ; but everything was done to degrade me in the 
 estimation of the whole country, for the Agent reported the matter to 
 Government ; and stated, that " the eunuchs were still in my service, 
 and that Aman Ali had resumed his duties as chief eunuch." 
 
 At length, on the 23rd March, 1854, the Governor-General pro- 
 nounced my explanation " most unsatisfactory," and although I knew 
 not of what fault I had been guilty, nor could I have urged anything 
 beyond what I did in pi-oof of the innocence of my servants, yet I was
 
 310 
 
 peremptorily ordered " to dismiss them altogether " from my service, 
 and "to hold no further communication with any of them ; " and the 
 Agent was required " to report within one week whether this requisition 
 had heen complied with or not." Further, I was denied the privilege 
 of going for change of air to Dinagepore though my health required it, 
 as testified by Dr. Kean the Civil Surgeon of Moorshedabad, and his 
 Lordship refused to sanction " under any circumstances," the usual 
 disbursements from the Deposit Fund for my travelling expenses. 
 
 Such were the immediate steps taken by the Government with 
 respect to me ; but those which quickly followed, and were sanctioned 
 by the Honorable Court of Directors at the instigation of the Admini- 
 stration in India, led to the lowering and disgrace of myself and my 
 family. It may not be to the point, at so late a period as the present, 
 to enter upon a discussion as to whether the eunuchs were innocent or 
 guilty, but I hold, Your Grace, that they were innocent when declared 
 to be so by a body of British Judges, and when such a decision was 
 given in open Court, it became the duty of all persons to recognize and 
 respect it in its entirety. Your Grace will, I hope, agree in my opinion, 
 that it ill became the Head of the Government to furnish such an 
 example to the community at large, as to call in question the patient 
 investigations and findings of its own August Courts of Judicature, 
 and to brand with incapacity its highest Officers of Justice, yet such 
 was virtually the case, and a climax was attained when that Govern- 
 ment went so far as to punish a defenceless Prince for doing his duty 
 loyally in recognizing the Judgment of its Highest Tribunal. 
 
 Probably His Lordship supposed the eunuchs to be morally guilty ; 
 but it is to be borne in mind that the law, in its endeavours to suppress 
 crime by punishing the guilty, affords a great latitude with respect to 
 evidence, and even circumstantial and collateral facts are not dis- 
 regarded by the Officers of Justice, particularly in a Court where legal 
 acumen and evidence of various kinds are the predominant elements in 
 deciding a case. Such was the Sudder Nizamut Court. It was pre- 
 sided over by British Judges of known worth, and was unencumbered 
 with the risk of a packed jury. Its decisions were by the law and 
 evidence, and in the case of the eunuchs, neither the law nor the evi- 
 dence established their culpability ; they were acquitted because 
 they were innocent, and the really guilty parties were condemned to 
 suffer as the law directed. 
 
 We frequently hear of persons being taken up on suspicion of having 
 committed crimes, yet after trial, if they are declared innocent, they are 
 as free as any other subjects of the realm, and are privileged to again 
 move in society, and no society would condemn and brand as felons, 
 men whom a twofold trial had declared innocent. Yet I was required, 
 nay ordered, to summarily dismiss those eunuchs, and thus brand them 
 with ignominy as guilty parties. It mattered little to the community at 
 large whence this measure proceeded, and to the masses, its true cause 
 was unknown. No one supposed that the summary ejectment of some 
 of my oldest servants from my household was the act of the Governor- 
 General, but each and all were impressed that I had acted harshly in 
 believing them to be guilty contrary to the issue of a severe criminal 
 trial. I had dismissed them, and my act in the estimation of the 
 people of Bengal had unjustly branded them with a crime. Thus was
 
 311 
 
 the TTawab Nazim made to occupy a false position by the Act of the 
 Government in 1854. 
 
 That I had been deeply wronged by the Government I felt convinced 
 of; but at the same time I never contemplated the addition of an 
 insult to that injury, as conveyed in the words of the late Secretary of 
 State for India, which I have quoted at the opening of this subject. 
 
 As I desire to bring to Your Grace's notice the various encroach- 
 ments made on my just rights by the Government, in consequence of 
 the unjust supposition of my culpability in the atrocious outrage I have 
 reviewed, I will, in the first place, notice them categorically, so that 
 Your Grace may be enabled to view them in juxta position with the 
 erroneous hypothesis on which they were based : 
 
 1. I was summarily deprived, together with my family, (including 
 the ladies), of all immunities and rights, which had been secured to us 
 by Treaties, by solemn pledges from successive Governors-General, and 
 by no less than four Acts of Council. 
 
 2. These four Acts were at once annulled. 
 
 3. It was urged that my rights and claims were not secured by the 
 stipulations of Treaties. 
 
 4. The Deposit Fund, created by my ancestors, the former Nawabs 
 Nazim, and punctually contributed to by me alone in the sum of sixty 
 lacs of Rupees, was declared to be public money 
 
 5. The Mzamut Deposit Fund was to be arbitrarily converted into a 
 Book Debt bearing no interest, in direct opposition to the terms of the 
 Trust. 
 
 6. A system of encroachment was initiated, which the Government 
 have since constantly striven to mature, to the extinction of every 
 privilege that was at one time mine by virtue of my rank and dignity. 
 
 These, Your Grace, are the consequences of the action taken by the 
 Governor-General against me in 1854, and with your permission I will 
 notice them seriatim in the course of this Memorial, niy last appeal to 
 the British Government for redress and justice ; and in the meantime 
 I pray Your Grace to move that Government, by a just setting forth 
 of the facts of my case as laid before you, to cancel the harsh imputa- 
 tion conveyed in the words of the late Secretary of Her Majesty's 
 Government for India, which I have quoted at the opening of this 
 address. 
 
 III. THE ABROGATION OF REGULATIONS OP 1805, 1806, 
 AMD 1823, BY ACT XXVII., OF 1854. 
 
 Your Grace, I beg to state that the abrogation of the Eegulationa 
 above stated has directly had the effect of depriving me of the civil 
 privileges and insignia of rank, " guaranteed by subsisting Treaties 
 and long-established customs," and that the substitution of Act 
 XXVII. under the Administration of Lord Dalhousie, if justly and 
 equitably viewed, can be regarded only as a breach of that promise, 
 which every Governor-General had repeated to uphold, the interests, 
 dignity ', credit, and prescriptive privileges of the Nazims, and all the 
 members of their family. 
 
 The three Regulations of 1805, 1806, and 1823, repealed by Lord
 
 312 
 
 Dalhousie, defined the proper form in which the Nazims should bo 
 addressed, and the manner in which they were to sue and to be sued 
 in Civil Cases. In conformity with that of 1823 all actions were 
 carried on by the Governor General's Agent, upon whom also all 
 processes were served. It was in addition provided that " no security 
 " should be required of the Nawab' on any attachment issued against 
 " the Nawab, or against the Agent." Without entering upon a 
 discussion of the merits of the question, I will merely state for Your 
 Grace's information that all native gentlemen in India consider them- 
 selves lowered in the estimation of the public by being compelled to 
 appear before a Court of Justice in then- own proper persons, whether 
 as Plaintiffs or Defendants ; and indeed such is the feeling in this 
 matter, that inevitable loss will be contemplated, and met with 
 perfect resignation, in preference to the degradation so much dreaded, 
 of being forced into Court at some stage of the proceedings in a suit. 
 I mention this only to show the general feeling of the respectable 
 classes of the natives of India on the subject, and while I admit myself 
 not prepared to argue the merits or demerits of a conventionality 
 which tolerates such a feeling, I would merely pause to suggest, that 
 if such a state of feeling be shared in by the ordinary respectable 
 classes of natives, then how great a derogation from my rank as 
 Nawab Nazim, must it be in the opinion of my fellow-countrymen 
 when I am deprived of the privilege which properly raised me above 
 the level of my menials. I need not assure Your Grace, that men 
 of much inferior rank to myself, will make any sacrifice, by laying out 
 large sums of money, and, in short, be prepared to do anything to 
 escape the dreaded downfall of their reputation by having to appear 
 in Court, and such being truly the case, how acutely must I, as the 
 Nawab Nazim of Bengal feel in this matter, while the feeling of 
 bitterness is enhanced by the reflection that the arbitrary measure of 
 one Governor-General, framed in entire violation of the promises 
 acted up to by all previous Governors-General, and also in opposition 
 to measures, "guaranteed by subsisting Treaties and long-established 
 " Relations" at once, and without just cause, deprived me of the 
 privileges secured to me by the three Regulations, which were the 
 only Legislative Enactments protective of the dignity attaching to my 
 position. Thus in my case, the shame of deprivation of the privileges 
 enjoyed by my ancestors, was added to the original prejudice, which I 
 will frankly admit, has its influence with me, as with every other 
 respectable native of India, otherwise I would be despised by all my 
 countrymen. 
 
 According to the provisions of the Enactments of 1805, 1806, and 
 1823, it was ruled that all actions should be carried on by the 
 Governor- General's Agent, and that all processes shoidd be served 
 upon him. I take the liberty to draw Your Grace's attention here to 
 the fact that in 1823, in the time of my father, it was deemed ex- 
 pedient to provide by legislation for the rank and dignity of the 
 Nawab Nazim, but in 1854 the aid of legislation was sought to 
 deprive me of Ihose very privileges which over and over again were 
 recognized by the Government through a century, and were only 
 after 1854 disregarded by the Honourable Court of Directors. The 
 only boon conferred, as I have before stated, by the above named
 
 313 
 
 enactments, was the substitution of the Agent's name for mine in 
 Civil Suits ; it, of course, being held in view that all liabilities 
 should be mine ; then surely by taking into consideration the 
 peculiar constitution of the office of Agent, and the resources 
 whence he is paid, together with the incontestable fact that it is hia 
 duty "to watch over and protect the interests and dignity of the 
 '' Nawab Nazim and to advance the welfare of the family ," it is not 
 difficult to conclude that the boon secured me by the act, with respect 
 to the services of the Agent, involved no extraordinary latitude of 
 indulgence. I would here ask Your Grace to take into consideration 
 the constitution of the office of Agent to the Governor-General, and 
 to notice the result of the repeal of the three Regulations. I am now 
 subjected to the indignity of being summarily summoned to the 
 Courts of the pettiest Judicial officers, men who in the scale of Indian 
 society would venture no further of themselves than to stand in my 
 presence, and yet in their official position can legitimately issue orders 
 and injunctions to me, and compel my attendance in their Courts, 
 if I would avoid judgment going by default. Thus, in innumerable 
 instances, I have been compelled by the arbitrary force of circum- 
 stances entailed by the repeal of these protective Enactments to make 
 sacrifices and forego the process of law (which is necessary for the 
 defence of unfounded claims and pretentions), and to think myself 
 fortunate if compromises could be effected. All this might have been 
 easily provided against by the insertion of a protective clause in the 
 Legislative Enactments, and such a measure would have been in per- . 
 feet harmony with " existing Treaty rights" which have over and 
 over again been acknowledged as " hereditary ;" for (and I do not 
 seek to draw a wrong inference) if these previous Enactments flowed 
 spontaneously from a regard for the position of the Nawab Nazim, 
 and with a view to maintain intact his dignity ivhich various Treaties 
 and solemn engagements distinctly provided for, then the protection 
 provided by the Government cannot but be held as binding now as it 
 was in the time of my father. I therefore appeal with confidence to 
 It our Grace's sense of justice against the policy initiated by Lord 
 Dalhousie, and since then cherished and pursued by succeeding 
 Governors-General with respect to these rights. It may .be urged by 
 the Indian Government against my argument, that I can claim 
 exemption under the new code from attendance in the Civil Courts ; 
 but this exemption is a favour granted to innumerable native gentle- 
 men, and ought I as Nawab Nazim to descend to the level of men of 
 ordinary position, who will try to meet me on terms of equality ? 
 There is surely something more due to the Nawab Nazim of Bengal, 
 the faithful Ally of the British Government, than to the ordinary 
 Zemindar, who presents himself before the Nazim with a " Nuzzer " 
 in his outstretched hands ! Even social etiquette requires some 
 mark of respect consequent on social position, as perpetuated through 
 successive generations, and holding this fact in view, I might 
 well pause to reflect on the policy of an Executive Administration 
 that would simply ignore my social existence, and degrade me in 
 the eyes of my countrymen, by forcing me to claim an exemption 
 which is mine by right ; for however practicable such a step might be 
 in a European community, I need not assure Your Grace that in
 
 India it is at once incompatible with my rank, which, has been 
 "guaranteed" by successive Administrations, dating from the history 
 of the British rule in that country. 
 
 But if the repeal of these Regulations, and the substitution of 
 another, has proved inj urious to myself (in not lowering my status, 
 but in forcing me to suffer pecuniary losses in the manner already de- 
 scribed), then (holding in view the customs of my country), how in- 
 finitely more oppressive has this arbitrary measure proved to the ladies 
 of my household. However, that Your Grace may realize the extent 
 of this grievance, I will endeavour to show Your Grace that it is one 
 which, if not provided against, must inevitably lead to the utter des- 
 truction in public estimation of that rank which I have inherited. 
 Your Grace must be aware that according to the usages of Oriental 
 society, the affording of security from impertinent curiosity to the 
 female members of his family, is an obligation positively incumbent on 
 an Eastern gentleman, but on none more so than a person of high 
 rank, and an inevitable consequence of a dereliction of this duty is 
 simply to expect isolation from social intercourse, or, at least, degrada- 
 tion in the estimation of the community from the status previously oc- 
 pied. Such being the rule of Oriental society, it was wisely provided 
 by the three legislative enactments already alluded to, that whenever 
 it was necessary to take the evidence of any lady of the Nizamut 
 family, three creditable female members of the family conducted the in- 
 quiry and reported its issue, but now, as the case stands, Her Highness 
 my mother, or any other lady of rank, such as my wife or sister, may, 
 on the most frivolous pretext, be subjected to examination by Commis- 
 sions, whicn " may be issued to any officer of the Court or other per- 
 son." One of the immediate results of such a state of things is the 
 encouragement which is thus given to crafty adventurers to apply for 
 commissions to examine the ladies of the Nizamut ; and as they know 
 that I would be prepared for almost any sacrifice rather than permit a 
 proceeding that would expose a lady of my house to the indignity of 
 an examination by a petty officer of the Court, they take advantage of 
 circumstances, and, by working upon my feelings, force me to accept 
 their terms, and effect compromises at any cost. 
 
 Thus, Your Grace, feeling that I have been harshly treated without 
 any provocation, I cannot but regard the sanction given by the Indian 
 Q-overnment to the repeal of the Regulations that protected my honor 
 and dignity as a departure from the Treaty obligations, and a con- 
 firmation of the unjust and cruel policy initiated by Lord Dalhousie ; 
 I therefore, earnestly appeal to Her Majesty's Government in the fer- 
 vent hope that I may be reinstated in the position I occupied before 
 those Regulations were repealed, when the Agent was formally inter- 
 posed between the Nawab Nazim and the actual operation of the Civil 
 Courts, on the grounds set forth in the following letter : 
 
 To H. PAULIN, ESQ., Attorney to the Honorable Company. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 " I am directed to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of 
 " the 17th inst., forwarding copy of the Advocate- General's
 
 315 
 
 " opinion regarding the question of the liability of the Nawab 
 " Nazim to the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court." 
 
 " 2. In reply, I am desired to transmit for the information of 
 "the Advocate-General, copy of a communication which has 
 " been received on the same subject from the Governor-General's 
 " Agent at Moorshedabad, and to state as follows :" 
 
 " 3. His Honour in Council is decidedly of opinion that the 
 ' Siipreme Court lias no right to exercise jurisdiction over the 
 " Natvab Nazim of Bengal, and should the attempt to move the 
 " Court to adopt this course of proceeding be persisted in, 
 "it is requested that the Advocate- General will adopt every neces- 
 " sary legal means for resisting it." 
 
 "4. It will be observed from the Treaty, 1770, of which a copy 
 " is annexed, that His Highness the Nawab has been recognized 
 " by the British Government as an Independent Prince, and that 
 " the National Faith is pledged, for nothing being proposed or 
 "carried into execution derogating from his Honour." 
 
 " In order to prevent his being liable to any indignity from 
 " subjecting his person, or property, to the process of the Zillah 
 " Courts, Regulation 19 of 1825 was passed, prescribing certain 
 " rules under which alone he could sue, or be sued, in those Courts. 
 " With regard to the Supreme Court, the case is very different. 
 " As the Government has no power to regulate the proceedings 
 "of this Court towards persons acknowledged to come within 
 " its jurisdiction, if the liability of the Nazim were to be admitted, 
 " there is no degree of indignity which might not be inflicted upon 
 " him by its ordinary processes, in contravention of the pledged 
 " National Faith, and of the respect which is obviously due to the 
 " Representative of our oldest Ally on this side of India." 
 
 " 5. Without intending to limit the discretion of the Advo- 
 "cate-General,as to thegrounds of objection which should be taken 
 " up, His Honour in Council would wish every possible exertion 
 " to be made to establish the Right of the Nawab Nazim to be 
 " exempted from the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court. Any 
 " further information which can be procured from the Govern- 
 " ment Records, here or at Moorshedabad, shall be furnished to 
 "you on your requisition and the Vakeel of His Highness the 
 " Nazim, stationed at the Presidency, will likewise be directed 
 "to place himself in communication with you. 
 
 " 6. The case of Raja Hurreenauth Rae, referred to by the 
 "Advocate-General, does not appear to His Honour in Council 
 " to bear any analogy to the present. Raja Hurreenauth Rae 
 " was a subject of this Government, from whose gift he derived his 
 " title, while the Nawab Nazim is a Prince, whose Independence 
 " has been recognized by a Treaty with one of his Predecessors, 
 
 "I have, &c., 
 (Signed) " C. E. TREVELTAN, 
 
 " Deputy- Secretary to the Government. 
 
 " Council Chambers, 20th February, 1834."
 
 316 
 
 Before concluding this head of my Memorial, I would respectfully 
 ask your Grace to consider the opinion of the Government of India, 
 as set forth in the above letter on the following points : 
 
 1. The inability of any Court of Justice to exercise jurisdiction over 
 the Nawab of Bengal. 
 
 2. The obligation of Government to resist any measure that might 
 be adopted to enforce the liability of the Nawab Nazim. 
 
 3. The recognition of the British Government that the Nawab Nazim 
 is an Independent Prince. 
 
 4. That National Faith has been " pledged to observe inviolably for 
 ever" the Treaty of 1770, by which nothing can be proposed or carried 
 into execution derogating from the honor of the Nawab Nazim. 
 
 5. That Begulation 19, of 1825, was passed by the Government to 
 prevent His Highness being liable to any indignity, and certain rules 
 were prescribed under which alone he could sue and be sued. 
 
 6. If the liability of the Nazim were to be admitted, there is no 
 degree of indignity which might not be inflicted upon him in contra- 
 vention of the pledged National Faith, and of the respect due to him, 
 as the oldest Ally of the British Government in Eastern India. 
 
 7. The right of the Nawab Nazim to be exempted from the jurisdic- 
 tion of the Courts is based on the fact that he did not acquire bis title 
 as a subject of the British Government, but as a Prince whose inde- 
 pendence was secured by Treaty. 
 
 And now, Your Grace, without further remark on this question, per- 
 mit me to lay before Your Grace the next head of my memorial, to 
 which I would especially draw attention, as the subject of it appears 
 to have been little understood by any of the Government officers who 
 have commented upon it. 
 
 IV. THE NIZAMUT DEPOSIT FUND ARBITRARILY CON- 
 VERTED INTO A BOOK-DEBT BEARING NO INTEREST ; AND 
 GENERAL MIS-APPLICATION OP THE FUND TO PURPOSES 
 ALTOGETHER FOREIGN TO ITS TRUE INTENT, OBJECT, AND 
 CONDITIONS. 
 
 Your Grace will observe that in November, 1853, His Lordship the 
 Marquis of Dalhousie addressed a series of proposals to the Court of 
 Directors, which were to the effect that there was " no existing Treaty, 
 ' compact or agreement, relative to my rights, and consequently that I 
 ' had no claim to any stipend whatever" and proposed '' that no more 
 ' of the capital of the Deposit Fund should be invested, but that 
 ' thenceforward it should be considered a mere book-debt bearing no 
 interest." 
 
 From the above it is very clear that the Nizamut Fund is a " debt," 
 and from another document (Page 70) it is also very clear that the 
 Fund, forming this debt " is the unalienable property of His Highness 1 s 
 family." It is still further evident that the several funds which are 
 said to have been amalgamated and formed this " debt" bore interest 
 according to the terms of each respective trust, and from documentary 
 evidence (Page 61) it can be proved that the Agency Fund was formed
 
 317 
 
 from " assets pertaining to the Nizamut, and the advantages arising 
 "from the discount on the paper (Government Securities) belonging to 
 " the Nizamut were to be accounted for to Sis Highness." Further, 
 these Government Securities were "purchased on account of the Niza- 
 " mut, and the Accountant-General ivas directed to have these Securities 
 " invested as the property of the Nizamut" (Pages 80, 82). From other 
 documents it may be seen that the six lacs of Munnee Begum's Fund 
 were to be " invested in Public Securities for the benefit of the Nizamut' 
 (Page 83), to be held "in deposit in the same manner as the Agency 
 " Fund ;" and, again, relative to the Nizamut Deposit Fund it was 
 ruled that "future accumulations from the Nizamut Deposit Fund 
 were to be invested in " Securities of the British Government as the 
 "funds may accrue." (Page 79). 
 
 The Honourable Court of Directors, although placed in the anoma- 
 lous position of persons owing a " debt," and yet declared not liable to 
 pay either interest or principal, as the term "book-debt" implies, 
 refused to accede to so iniquitous a proceeding as that proposed by 
 Lord Dalhousie. But His Lordship seemed determined to carry his 
 point against all opposition, and disregarding the terms of the various 
 trusts, setting aside the overwhelming documentary evidence which 
 supported the fact of these trusts being the actual and real property of 
 the Nizamut, invested to bear interest for the benefit of myself and 
 family, and declining to act up to the instructions of his employers, 
 who were a Court of Equity exercising a power beyond that to which 
 His Lordship could lay claim, His Lordship ruled that the Nizamut 
 Fund was " a mere book-debt bearing no interest." 
 
 Thus, Your Grace, has the arbitrary act of one person laid the foun- 
 dation of a system which, if persisted in, would ultimately lead to the 
 ruin of every hope, cherished by the Nawabs Nazim of successive 
 generations. My ancestors inaugurated and fostered this fund with 
 the most laudable motives, and for special purposes, and I myself 
 have contributed to it in the sum of two lacs of rupees annually for 
 the last thirty years, irrespectice of the numerous stipends that have 
 been absorbed into it arbitrarily, and without regard to my most press- 
 ing wants, to which these lapses ought to have been applied ; but now, 
 after all, to labour under the uncertainty as to whether this fund, 
 which by right belongs to me and my family, may be accepted by Her 
 Majesty's Government as being a "mere book-debt and public money" 
 is a climax I may well shudder at. 
 
 In corroboration of the fact that the Nizamut Fund is neither a 
 " look-debt bearing no interest" nor is it " public money" but that it 
 is as declared to be by the late Secretary of State of Her Majesty's 
 Government for India, in the despatch of 17th June, 1864, Para 8, 
 "the property of the Nizamut." I will, for Your Grace's information, 
 quote the same. 
 
 8. " It is unnecessary to trace further the history of the Fund. Its 
 ' accumulations, representing as they do the unappropriated portions 
 ' from year to year of the sixteen lacs stipend, unquestionably belong 
 ' to the Nazim and his family, and can properly be expended only for 
 ' their benefit. But this does not confer upon the Nazim himself any 
 ' right to dispose, or to superintend the disposal of these balances. 
 ' This right belongs to the Government under the conditions upon
 
 " which the Fund was constituted. It was assumed, in the first 
 " instance, mainly for the benefit and protection of the Nazim and 
 " his family, and I am of opinion that it is to the advantage of His 
 " Highness and his family that this system should be maintained. 
 " At the same time it would seem to be desirable, and I believe that 
 '' to some extent it has been the practice in past time, for your Govern- 
 " ment, through your Agent at Moorshedabad, occasionally to consult 
 " the Nazim with respect to any extraordinary expenditure from the 
 " Nizamut Fund." 
 
 Your Grace will notice that in the above quotation, not only does 
 the Right Honourable gentleman acknowledge the just right of my- 
 self and my family to the proceeds of the Fund, but he also tacitly 
 admits that I should be consulted as to the disbursement of the same ; 
 and although it is argued that the fact of the Fund being my pro- 
 perty does not confer upon me " the right to dispose, or to superin- 
 " tend the disposal, of these balances," yet I think Your Grace will 
 bear with me, when I observe that this argument is at variance with 
 the several arrangements made with my ancestors in connexion with 
 this Fund, and to a great extent even with the last one of 1834, em- 
 bodied in the suggestions of Captain Thoresby, Agent to the Governor- 
 General, forwarded to Mr. (now Sir Charles) Trevelyan, and adopted 
 as the final arrangement for regulating the financial affairs of the 
 Nizamut, particularly in the matter of lapsed stipends, pensions, and 
 other savings. Attached to Captain Thoresby's letter is the fol- 
 lowing : 
 
 " The form in which the Nizamut accounts are rendered through 
 ' the Agent to the Government being unsatisfactory and productive 
 ' of no good, and the present Nizamut system causing considerable 
 1 inconvenience, a new arrangement, agreeably to the term of the fol- 
 ' lowing paragraphs, has been devised with the full concurrence of the 
 ' Nawab Nazim, Humayoon Jah, by the advice of the Agent of the 
 ' Governor- General, and is approved and sanctioned by His Excel- 
 ' lency the Right Honourable the Governor-General in Council to 
 ' have effect from the commencement of the Bengal year, 1241, after 
 ' the settlement of all former accounts, when a brief abstract of the 
 ' Nizamut expenditure, according to a form approved by the Nazim 
 ' and Agent, will be furnished generally for the information of Go- 
 vernment in lieu of detailed accounts. 
 
 I. " All customary perquisites, comprehended under the names 
 " Mamoolat, Zumistani, &c., granted to the Ukrooba, besides their re- 
 " spective pensions, shall be commuted to cash payments from the 
 " beginning of the above year ; and after the decease of the receivers 
 " of the compensation allowances, if there are no heirs entitled to suc- 
 " ceed to it, the reversion shall be to the Nizamut Treasury" 
 
 II. " The stipendiary accounts shall be kept distinct from all others, 
 " and the monies on account of pensions shall be deposited in a sepa- 
 " rate chest appropriated to that purpose. The Khazanchee, or Daro- 
 " gah, appointed to the charge of it, and to make the disbursements 
 " and keep the accounts, shall be answerable to the Agent as well as to 
 " the Nawab Nnzim for the correctness of his issues and the existence 
 " of the balance. 
 
 III. " It is earnestly recommended to His Highness to introduce a
 
 319 
 
 " more simple and effective mode of keeping the Nizamut accounts, 
 " and to make such arrangements as may ensure the final settlement 
 " of the current expenses of the proceeding month in the course of 
 " the following month, including the salaries and wages of every de- 
 " scrip tion of servants, so that there may be no debts incurred, and 
 " no dissatisfaction occasioned in consequence ; such regularity will 
 
 ' tend to the security of His Highness's interests as well as ease and 
 
 ' comfort. 
 
 IV. " Such reductions and modifications of the different esta- 
 ' blishments in the Nizamut as shall be thought desirable and, 
 ' proper by the Naivab Nazim, either at the present time or here- 
 ' after, shall be executed by him, and with regard to the salaries 
 
 '' of his servants and the entertaining or discharging of them, he is 
 " at liberty to act as he pleases without any interference. 
 
 V. " Pensions which have been, or may hereafter be assigned to ser- 
 " vants or dependents, shall revert to the Nizamut Treasury as 
 " casualties occur, and shall, with other savings effected by retrench- 
 " ments, be' at the entire disposal of Sis Highness, providing that no 
 "just dues or debts remain unsatisfied. 
 
 VI. " The intent of the foregoing arrangement is, that by the intro- 
 " duction of method and order into the atiairs of the Nizamut, which 
 " shall provide for the full efficiency of all departments, and prevent 
 " the recurrence of pecuniary embarrassments and debts, Sis Sigh- 
 " ness the Nawab Nazim may enjoy an increase of ease and happi- 
 " ness." 
 
 The next point for Your Grace to consider is whether Her Majesty's 
 Government will recognize the obligation to pay me the interest on the 
 "debt." In the first place I would beg to bring to Your Grace's notice 
 the fact that there is ample documentary evidence to prove that one of 
 the conditions of the trusts was, each one should bear interest in Public 
 Securities ; also that these trusts did for a long course of time (up to 
 1854) bear interest ; and, lastly, that the Government undertook, as 
 Trustees of the Funds to put out the money in the best possible way^or the 
 benefit of those concerned I leave Your Grace to decide how far these 
 conditions have been fulfilled, and whether justice has been done to 
 myself or my family ; for surely we are entitled to some explanation 
 in respect of the mutual relations and obligations that existed between 
 the Government of the Honorable Company and the Nizamut with re- 
 gard to these Funds, and the benefits accruing to us therefrom ! 
 
 I have already drawn Your Grace's attention, in the first and second 
 heads of this Memorial, to one instance of unjust curtailment of our here- 
 ditary stipend, by the reduction of the Treaty allowance of Sis Highness 
 Nawab Nazim Moobaruck-ul-Dowlah during his minority, under a pro- 
 mise (from Mr. Warren Hastings), that the allowance would be restored 
 to the full amount on his coming of age ; but this never having been 
 done, naturally led to disappointment, and was the origin of those 
 serious embarrassments that led Lord Wellesley, in 1802, to appoint 
 a Special Commission to inquire into the financial difficulties of the 
 Nizamut. 
 
 This Committee, acting in concert with His Highness Nawab 
 Nazim Bubber Jung, and Her Highness Munnee Begum, suggested 
 that on the death of Her Highness Munnee Begum, her annual
 
 320 
 
 stipend of Sicca Rupees 1,44,000, should be appropriated annually 
 towards " the payment of the Nizamut Debts, building expenses, 
 " marriage portions, and other such purposes for which the Oovern- 
 '' merit had hitherto made advances." (Page 48) Had this arrangement 
 not been entered into, the reversion of Her Highness Munnee Begum's 
 allowance would have been to His Highness the Nawab Nazim, so that 
 in point of fact, it was from the personal allowance of His Highness 
 that this Fund was created. 
 
 Her Highness Nawab Munnee Begum died in January, 1813, and 
 a sum of tioo lacs of rupees, of Her Highness 's private property, was 
 at once set apart towards this Fund (Page 62). It is needless forme to 
 add that His Highness the Nawab Nazim being the heir-at-law to the 
 personal property of Her Highness, these two lacs were de facto His 
 Highnesses property. 
 
 In 1816, the accumulations of Munnee Begum's allowance had 
 amounted to five lacs, and to this sum was added the two lacs of 
 Munnee Begum's private property referred to above, and thus was 
 formed the first Nizamut Fund. This, according to the suggestion of 
 Mr. Edmonstone, a Member of the Council in' India, who had been 
 appointed to examine into the financial difficulties of the Ni/amut, 
 and at the instance of Mr. Monckton, Persian Secretary to the 
 Governor-General, was set apart to defray the expenses (in Mr. 
 Edmonstone's own words) of " a special officer of high rank and 
 '' peculiar qualifications, who should be able to give his whole time 
 " and attention to the Nizamut Affairs." This officer was designated 
 Agent to the Governor- General, and hence the Fund set apart for his 
 support was styled the Agency Fund (Page 53). 
 
 Your Grace may readily believe, that on this Fund, which was ori- 
 ginally established as a resource to meet the contingent expenses of the 
 Nizamul, being subsequently proposed to be diverted to a different purpose 
 one altogether foreign to everything contemplated by the Committee 
 of 1802 His Highness' mind was filled witli justifiable apprehension, 
 and as before observed, it was not till Mr. Monckton was sent by the 
 Governor-General, that his Highness, through a misconception of the 
 subject, was prevailed upon to acquiesce in the arrangements. 
 
 The Agency Fund was thus established for the purpose of paying 
 the Agent Governor-General, the Agency Office, &c., and my grand- 
 father's consent to its establishment, thoiigh given with much reluctance, 
 was at length secured. The Extracts from Public letters bearing on 
 the history and nature of this fund (Page 52 to 72), will throw 
 more light on this subject than any remarks I might wish to make : 
 
 The Court of Directors having ordered the reduction of the allow- 
 ance paid to the Agent, on the representation of Lord Dalhousic, this 
 order was carried into effect on the appointment of the late Colonel 
 Thomson to the Office of Agent Governor-General in 1862, without my 
 knowledge, and was, perhaps, intended to be viewed as an economical 
 measure but unfortunately about the same time a subordinate ap- 
 pointment of Dewan Nizamut was created, much to my humiliation, 
 as will hereafter be shown, and this officer, whose duties (as defined by 
 the Government of India) were to act under the orders of the Agent 
 Governor- General, yet draws a larger income with less responsibility 
 than his superior officer! I would ask Your Grace if this is just cither
 
 321 
 
 to me or to the Agent Governor-General ? If the Nizamut Deposit 
 Fund could not bear the payment of Rs 3,000 per mensem to the 
 Agent, how dees it meet the extra demand of Rs. 2,133.5-4 per mensem 
 for the subordinate who thus draws now Us. 133-5-4 per mensem more 
 than his superior officer ? 
 
 Ere I close my remarks on this portion of the Nizamut Fund, I 
 would beg leave to draw Your Grace's attention to the following quo- 
 tations which materially bear on the subject. Mr. Monckton, who was 
 made to play a prominent part in the above transaction, thus expressed 
 himself when writing to His Highness on the subject, in a semi-official 
 manner : " this fund will not be liable, under any change of circumstances, 
 " to be diverted to purposes foreign to the interests of the House of 
 " Jaffir All Khan" and the Governor-General assured His Highness 
 that " this Fund is, and ivill be considered and recognized as the in- 
 " alienable property of His Highness' family over and above the Six- 
 "teen Lacs assigned for its support" (Page 70). Now, as a concluding 
 remark on this Agency Fund, I may observe to Your Grace, that Com- 
 pany's Papers (Government Securities) were purchased with the money 
 realised, and of course these securities bore interest from which 
 the expenses of the Agency were defrayed; and, that the Nawab 
 Nazim should be made acquainted with the accounts under this head is 
 clearly shown from the following quotation which lays this point down 
 as one of the absolute conditions of the trust. In this the Governor- 
 General himself proposed with regard to the formation of the Agency 
 Fund that the " Fund should be invested in Q-overnment Paper, and 
 " that the advantage arising from the discount on the Paper will belong 
 " to the Nizamut, and is to be accounted for to His Highness." (Page 
 61). 
 
 I would now beg to draw Your Grace's attention to the second of 
 the Funds which on being amalgamated came to be called the Nizamut 
 " Deposit Fund." 
 
 This Fund consisted of the accumulation in the Collector's Treasury 
 of Munnee Begum's allowances, and in 1823 these accumulations 
 amounting to Six Lacs formed a separate and distinct Fund, the esta- 
 blishment of which I will endeavour to explain for Your Grace's 
 information. 
 
 In 1817, as before stated, the accumulation or Munnee Begum's 
 allowance of Sicca Rupees 1,44,000 had amounted to Jive lacs to which 
 were added two lacs of her private properly, and thus was formed the 
 " Agency Fund." From July, 1817, to May, 1823, or thereabouts, fur- 
 ther sums accumulated amounting to six lacs, and this sum was then 
 set apart for the original purposes of the former accumulations of 
 seven lacs, which had been diverted for the support of the office of 
 Agent Governor-General, and thus was instituted the second of the 
 Trusts under consideration. The object and conditions of this Fund 
 are so intimately allied with the third of these separate Trusts, and 
 in fact as the " Munnee Begum's Fund of six lacs " very shortly after 
 merged into another, owing to the annual accumulations of the 1,44,000 
 rupees, I find it necessary, after having explained how it came to be 
 instituted, to ask Your Grace to consider it along with the last of the 
 Trusts styled the " Nizamut Deposit Fund." 
 
 The accumulations of the Munnee Begum's allowance (out of the 
 
 Y
 
 322 
 
 Nizamut stipend of sixteen lacs) having amounted (between 1817 and 
 1823) to six lacs, as before observed, this sum was formed into a Fund, 
 called the Munnee Begum's Fund, which was intended to meet the 
 debts of Sis Highness 1 building expenses, marriage portions, Sfc. ; but 
 then arose the question, what should be done with the future accumu- 
 lations of Munnee Begum's allowance? The Government of India, 
 being fully sensible (from experience) that the reduction of the Niza- 
 mut stipend from Us. 31,81,991-9 to Rs. 16,00,000-0 was in itself a per- 
 manent source of pecuniary embarrassment to the Nawabs Naziin and 
 holding in view that the large family of the then reigning Nawab would 
 eventually have to be supported by additional grants from the public 
 revenues, (since in 1786 the Honorable Court of Directors, feeling them- 
 selves bound to provide for the expenses of the Nizamut had ordered 
 " an immediate augmentation of His Highness Moobaruck-ul-Dowlatis 
 " stipend" which however was not attended to by the Governor- General), 
 at once proposed that all future accumulations of the Munnee Begum's 
 allowance should annually be absorbed into another Fund to meet the 
 various liabilities of His Highness. To this Fund His Highness was 
 required to contribute the sum of 56,000 rupees annually to be also 
 deducted from his stipend by the Collector of the Government 
 Treasury, and in this manner was formed the " Nizamut Deposit 
 Fund" of two lacs annually which was the last of the Funds, all of 
 which in a general way for convenience are spoken of as " The Nizamut 
 " Deposit Fund." 
 
 I would now beg to draw Your Grace's attention to the following 
 quotations which will enable Your Grace to perceive the accuracy of 
 my observations with respect to the two last mentioned Funds. On 
 the 2nd May, 1823, the Governor-General in Council made the follow- 
 ing minute : " It is by no means the desire of the Government to in- 
 ' crease indefinitely the appropriations for the benefit of the Deposit 
 ' Fund. Their net amount seems at present to exceed two lacs of 
 ' rupees, after allowing for all the augmentations and appropriations 
 sanctioned. This is one-eighth of the entire Nizamut stipend, and 
 the Governor- General in Council loould not icish to make it larger ; 
 at the same tune he conceives it would be unadvisable ever to reduce 
 the Fund below one lac and a half, or at any rate to trench on the 
 amount of Munnee Begum's stipend which has for so long a time 
 been set apart for this purpose. In consideration of the British 
 Government withdrawing from the interference now exercised in 
 auditing the accounts of His Highness, the Governor-General in 
 Council thinks it will be necessary and not too much to expect, that 
 His Highness should consent to allow the above sum of two lacs of 
 rupees to accumulate in the Collector's Treasury The British 
 Government will in that case undertake the payment in future from 
 that Fund of all charges for new buildings or other expenses legiti- 
 mately claimable from it ; and further will relinquish all desire to 
 ' increase the Fund pledging itself on the lapse of any future stipend to 
 consider the suggestion of His Highness as to its allotment, and 
 ' except under certain circumstances (which may demand a different 
 ' appropriation) to assign the whole for the benefit of the family and 
 ' its dependents." (Page 85) 
 His Highness acquiesced in the above arrangement and the Honor-
 
 323 
 
 able Court of Directors ratified it in the following unmistakeable 
 words : " The Deposit Fund shall consist of two lacs of rupees annually, 
 " whereof the Munnee Begum's stipend of 144,000 rupees, is intended 
 " to form a part and the remainder, 56,000 rupees, is to be made up by 
 " the Nazim's depositing that sum annually in the Collector's Trea- 
 " sury." 
 
 Your Grace will readily perceive that the Nizamut Deposit Fund 
 was on no account to exceed two lacs a year, that this annual con- 
 tribution was to consist of Munnee Begum 's stipend plus 56,000 rupees, 
 to be deposited by His Highness, and that the British Government 
 undertook to pay from the Fund so instituted " all charges for build- 
 ings or other expenses legitimately claimable from it ;" yet when the 
 new palace was erected, the cost of the furniture for it, amounting to 
 about seven lacs of rupees, was charged against my stipend during my 
 minority, although Mr. Dale, Agent Governor-General, in Para. 13, of 
 a letter to Mr. Sterling, Persian Secretary to Government, dated 25th 
 January, 1830, stated as a reason for not reducing the Nizamut Deposit 
 Fund, the necessity of providing funds for this object. 
 
 I will now ask Your Grace to decide from the following extract 
 whether the fund so created bears interest or not ? The extract is 
 from a letter addressed by His Lordship to His Highness in connexion 
 with the above minute, and reads thus : 
 
 "With regard to the future accumulations on account of the IJe- 
 " po^it Fund, I propose that they should be kept wholly in the Col- 
 " lector's Treaty, and invested in securities of the British Government 
 " a-i the funds may accrue. The present amount, which approaches to 
 " near three lacs of rupees per annum, which, however, had only nomi- 
 " nally lapsed, and nominally accumulated seems unnecessarily large ;" 
 
 " any excess, to purposes connected with the splendour and credit of your 
 " exalted station." (Page 79) 
 
 It is very evident from the words of His Lordship, that this Deposit 
 Fund would be " invested in securities of the British Government " as 
 the funds accrued, thus constituting the British Government Trustees 
 of the same, and guaranteeing that if the accumulation were allowed 
 to proceed in the Collector's Treasury, the Nawab Nasim had full 
 liberty to appropriate any excess (i.e., interest) over the two lacs for 
 any purpose " connected with the splendour and credit of his exalted 
 station,-" yet his Lordship the Marquis of Dalhousie, in another letter 
 asserts that the Nawab Nazim had '' no claim " on the Deposit Fund, 
 and suggests the possibility of its being regarded as " a mere book 
 debt bearing no interest." It is for Your Grace to declare whichever 
 course Her Majesty's Government considers honorable and right, and 
 to accord me such justice as the merits of my case deserve. 
 
 Before leaving the subject of these two Funds, I deem it right to ob- 
 serve that they enjoyed a nominally distinct character only, and that, 
 too, for a very short time : thus, the amount required for the support 
 of the office of Agent Governor- General was considerably in excess of 
 the interest derived from the capital invested for that purpose, so that 
 the Munnee Begum's fund had to be drawn upon to supply the deficit, 
 
 T 2
 
 324 
 
 and in this and similar ways the Funds very soon lost their indivi- 
 duality, and became blended into a common Fund. 
 
 After the lapse of so many years, it would be a difficult task to en- 
 quire into the state of these Funds in their distinct characters. I 
 would, therefore, solicit Your Grace's consideration of them collectively, 
 as forming one general Nizamut Fund, and I leave it to the just and 
 wise judgment of Her Majesty's Government to decide whether I have 
 any claim or not to the accumulations or interest arising from those 
 Fund-t, since the conditions and practice that were acknowledged prior 
 to the ruling of 1854 point out a solution of the question, and Your 
 Grace will, I trust, accept the same as being in perfect harmony with 
 the Exalted Character and Acts of the British Government towards 
 their Allies and Tributary Princes in India. 
 
 I have now to ask Your Grace to enter with me upon the history of 
 another Fund, which was forced into existence in 1836 by a lamentable 
 misconception of the nature and terms of the Nizamut Fund, and was 
 styled officially the " Lapsed Stipend Fund ;" and I will endeavour to 
 show Your Grace how unjust to myself has been the creation of this 
 Fund ; how it has been swelled to enormous proportions, while I have 
 been reduced at times to the utmost necessity ; how every fraction ab- 
 sorbed under the pretext of lapses ought to revert to me, and how 
 difficult (nay, impossible) I find it to provide, as becomes their rank, 
 for the wants of the large family God has blessed me with, so long as 
 this Fund is allowed to swallow up every stipend of my Akroba that 
 lapses. 
 
 I must, in the first place, ask Your Grace to accompany me so far 
 back in the history of my affairs as 1836. In that year was framed a 
 minute on Nizamut affairs by Mr. Secretary (now Sir Charles) 
 Trevelyan, and the subsequent proceedings of the Government, based 
 on that minute, are those which have well nigh drained me of every 
 resource I could fall back upon. The minute itself was based upon 
 entirely erroneous premises, and, consequently, the Government, by 
 simply taking this minute for their guide, have inadvertently been led 
 into dealing harshly with me. To illustrate the errors in this minute, 
 I would observe that at the outset it asserts that " the Deposit Fund, 
 ' generally called the Nizamut Deposit Fund, consists of savings by 
 ' lapses in a Fund of about seven lacs, appropriated to the Nawab 
 ' Nazim's relatives," whereas it merely consisted, as concisely ex- 
 >ressed by the Honourable Court of Directors, " of two lacs of rupees 
 ' annually, whereof the Munnee Begum's stipend of 1,44,000 rupees 
 ' was ' to form a part, and the remainder, 56,000 rupees,' was ' to be 
 ' made up by the Nazim, depositing that sum annually in the 
 Collector's Treasury? " 
 Thus, as the minute alluded to is altogether at variance with the 
 proceedings of the Government in 1823, and is unsupported by any 
 authority up to the date of its origin in 1336, the only rational in- 
 ference that can be drawn is that the writer based his views on a 
 misconception of the whole question. 
 
 Another point in the minute to which I would draw Your Grace's 
 attention is that " the lapses from pensions which already amount to 
 "62,640 rupees, will form the foundation of another Deposit Fund, 
 " which will 'receive continual accession from the decease of different
 
 325 
 
 " stipendiaries, Sfc ," and this, when contrasted with the minute of 
 the Governor-General in Council, dated 2nd May, 1823, shows 
 plainly that the writer must have been unacquainted with the 
 subject in hand, and thus unwittingly misled the Government, who have 
 ever since acted upon the minute, to my disadvantage and serious 
 loss. 
 
 And now permit me to lead Your Grace into a general inquiry on 
 the subject of this unnecessary " Lapsed Stipend Fund." The Nawab 
 Nazim had, as we have seen, made ample provision for all contingent 
 expenditure by setting aside two lacs of rupees annually from his 
 income above what had been invested for the support of the Agency, 
 and the six lacs called the Munnee Begum's Fund. His Highness 
 therefore relied on the pledge of the British Government that his 
 income would no longer be interfered with, and that he would now 
 be allowed to remain in undisturbed enjoyment of all those pecuniary 
 rights that were his by virtue of his being the head of the family. 
 It is also just to suppose that the Government in creating the 
 " Nizamut Deposit Fund " had sufficiently relieved itself of the 
 burden of meeting the increasing wants and demands of the Nizamut 
 family ; whence then, it may reasonably be inquired, arose the neces- 
 sity for trenching on the Nawab' s income further ', by resuming lapses 
 of stipends to the formation of another fund ? 
 
 The Agreement of 1834 precluded any such arrangement, and yet 
 without just regard to what was the personal and private property 
 of His Highness a new Fund was formed to absorb all lapses. 
 
 The Governor-General's Agent having become the bursar under the 
 Agreement of 1834 of the stipends given by His Highness to his 
 relatives, the opportunity was furnished for establishing a new system, 
 and lapses instead of at once being made over to Bis Highness, were 
 allowed to accumulate in the Collector's Treasury, and when they 
 had attained a high figure, were carried to the credit of a new Fund, 
 to the creation of which His Highness never gave his consent as he 
 had done when former arrangements of this nature- were entered into, 
 under assurances that they would tend to relieve His Highness of his 
 debts, and ensure him " an increase of ease and happiness." 
 
 Another fact to which I would beg to draw Your Grace's attention 
 is, that these matters were set on foot hi 1836, and, if I am not in 
 error, did not begin to operate till the following year, a little while 
 before my father's death, when I was but a child eight years of age,, 
 and wholly unable to protect my rights. Then followed a period of 
 minority that permitted the resumptive process of curtailing the 
 income of my office to proceed without let or hindrance, and by the 
 time I arrived at man's estate, a proceeding that was clearly based on 
 erroneous conceptions was acting vigorously. During my minority, 
 the Agent withdrew the whole of the stipends, and those which 
 lapsed remained undrawn in the Collector's Treasury instead of being 
 paid over to the Nizamut Treasury. This might not have been the 
 case had I been of age, as I could have drawn the lapsed stipends 
 myself in accordance with Captain Thoresby's agreement. 
 
 On the death of my grand-aunt, Buboo Begum, I was deprived of 
 her stipend, and Mamoolats, which ought to have reverted to me, not 
 only as Nazim, but as her sole heir-at-law. Moreover, the Honourable
 
 326 
 
 Court of Directors had ordered that during my minority all savings 
 from my income should be invested for my benefit, yet though the 
 lapsed stipend8 came under that head, they were suffered to he idle ; 
 and not only so, but were, I believe, written off as a credit to the 
 Deposit Fund. Thus, Your Grace, a misappropriation which arose 
 from an oversight of the Agent Governor- General during my minority, 
 was turned by Lord Dalhousie into a rule which has ever since de- 
 prived me of those pecuniary advantages, which I trust Her Majesty's 
 Government will find to be my just claim. 
 
 I will now ask Your Grace to enter with me upon the consideration 
 of the next head of my Memorial. 
 
 V. THE UNJUST AND HAESH TREATMENT I EXPERIENCED 
 
 FROM THE INDIAN GOVEKNMENT DURING THE LATTER 
 PERIOD OF THE ADMINISTRATION OK LORD CANNING AND 
 THE SPECIFIC LOSSKS AND DEPRIVATIONS I HAVE SUF- 
 FERED IN CONSEQUENCE. 
 
 His Lordship assumed the duties of Governor-General on the 26th 
 February, 1856, and on the llth March of the same year addressed 
 me a letter, which I have already quoted under the first head of this 
 Memorial. Soliciting a reperusal of that letter, I will proceed to state, 
 Your Grace, that it bears on the face of it most clear and distinct 
 testimony of His Lordship's views regarding the hereditary nature of 
 my rank, and of the guarantee given to my prescriptive privileges by 
 the stipulations of subsisting treaties ; and Mr. Edmonstone, while 
 Foreign Secretary to the Government of India, in writing to Colonel 
 Mackenzie, Agent Governor-General, on the 8th of January, 1859, 
 remarked as follows in respect to my rights, that he had " long 
 " ago laid the narrative before the Governor- General" (Lord Canning), 
 and " urged him to have the details tested by thorough examination," 
 and " that Lord Canning seemed to acquiesce in the proposal." Mr. 
 Edmonstone proceeds to say, '' the whole subject (of my rights and 
 " conduct) has been more than once under the consideration of the 
 " Governor-General, and has also been discussed with me as often ; 
 " but no final decision has been recorded, although I believe the 
 Governor- General has made up his mind on the matter. I am not, 
 of course, at liberty to inform you of the opinion the Governor- 
 ' General appears to me to have formed ; but I may say, confiden- 
 ' tially, that it is not unfavourable. I wish you well in your endea- 
 ' vours to right His Highness, and have little doubt that you will 
 succeed in some measure." It is very evident that His Lordship 
 based his opinions and views, as expressed in his letter to me, on 
 the actual terms of the treaties with my ancestors, and on a strict 
 sense of my just rights without permitting himself to be biased by the 
 views of his predecessor. This is further evident from the circum- 
 stance of His Lordship having shown a disposition to restore to me 
 the exercise of those prescriptive rights which his predecessor had 
 deprived me of. I allude to the restoration of my salute to its fidl 
 complement of nineteen guns, which His Lordship's predecessor had
 
 327 
 
 reduced to thirteen ; and I may here mention, your Grace, that my 
 salute is one of the few privileges left me, and, in fact, under pre- 
 sent circumstances, constitutes the principal insignia of my rank. 
 Yet His Lordship did not hesitate in 1862 to endorse the arbitrary 
 views of his predecessor expressed in the Despatch of November, 
 1854. Holding in view the two documents, His Lordship's poli- 
 tical letter of the llth of March, 1856, to my address, and His 
 Lordship's minute of the 14th January, 1862, there certainly appears so 
 great a contradiction as to give room for inquiry, and the inference 
 is that there must have been some aggravating cause which led His 
 Lordship to alter his views. This brings me, Your Grace, to a point 
 of my Memorial that I would much rather have avoided ; but as it is 
 a subject which forms one of the links in the narrative of my recent 
 relations with the Indian Government, and which has proved up to 
 the present time the great stumbling-block to the assured prosperous 
 administration of my affairs, I have no alternative but to stifle my 
 feelings and recur to it however unpleasant it may be to me to do so. 
 On the 14th of May, 1861, a verbal message from my Dewan was 
 brought to me by one of the eunuchs, to the effect that the Agent 
 Governor-General with some of his friends intended visiting the 
 palace. I was living at the time with my family at Hoomayoon 
 Munzil, one of my garden houses, which is nearly three miles from 
 the palace, and as I had been unwell on the day previous I was 
 obliged to take medicine, and when the messenger arrived I was suffer- 
 ing with such a severe head-ache that I felt too poorly to venture out, 
 more especially in the sun, which in the month of May is so trying in 
 India, that few people will expose themselves to it between the hours 
 of 8 a.m. and 5 p.m. 
 
 Nothing would have given me greater pleasure than to have met the 
 Agent and his friends, who spent the day in the Palace, and partook of 
 the usual hospitality which was provided by my orders for them ; but 
 as I was quite unable to be present myself, I sent a message to this 
 effect by one of my principal servants, Nawab Nazir Darab Ali Khan, 
 and I do not think, Your Grace, that there was any impropriety in my 
 having so done, considering I myself had only received a verbal message, 
 and that not direct from the Agent. Yet this trifling incident was 
 magnified by the Agent into an appearance of disrespect to the Repre- 
 sentative of His Excellency the Viceroy ; and although on hearing 
 that he had taken umbrage, I at once wrote to him on the subject, and 
 made an apology for my unavoidable absence, which he afterwards 
 accepted, he reported the matter to Government, and under the impres- 
 sion that I had been guilty of discourtesy towards the Representative 
 of His Excellency the Viceroy, this opportunity was taken for lowering 
 my Political status. 
 
 At the time, I could not understand the Agent's object in reporting 
 the matter to the Government as he had always shown the greatest 
 consideration for me and my family by supporting our dignity and rank 
 (as shown by the correspondence (Page 211 to 237), and, as a 
 friend, even going beyond his official duty as set forth in a letter to 
 the Nawab Naziin from the Marquis of Hastings, dated 5th July, 
 1817 ; but now that a considerable period has ekpsed since the 
 unfortu nate misunderstanding occurred, and I have had an oppor-
 
 328 
 
 tunity of reviewing all the collateral circumstances and correspondence, 
 I am led to believe that the Agent acted as he did for the purpose of 
 forcing me to reinstate (his friend) my Dewan (Raja Prosono Naniin 
 Deb) whom I had summarily dismissed on account of his bad behaviour 
 towards me. I considered, Your Grace, that I had a right to dismiss 
 this person under the provisions of the Fourth Article of the Agreement 
 of 1834, which gave the Nazim exclusive power over his servants, and 
 as the Dewan was a servant of mine whose salary was paid by nift out 
 of my own personal stipend over which the Government did not claim 
 any control, I cannot see that my conduct was officially reprehensible, 
 or that the Agent was justified in interfering in the matter ; for surely 
 a master has a right to dismiss a servant who has provoked his dis- 
 pleasure, without referring to a third party. Yet the Government of 
 India, guided by the remarks of the Agent, (although it tacitly admit- 
 ted its sense of displeasure at his interference by withdrawing him from 
 his appointment, and putting him in another on a much lower salary) , 
 opposed iny wishes and reinstated the Dewan by recognizing him as its 
 own servant, and paying his salary out of the Deposit Fund, which was 
 created for vastly different purposes, and is still being supported by 
 me. Thus it may be said that I have virtually paid this officer, since 
 his reappointment by Government eight years ago, upwards of two lacs 
 of rupees, irrespective of the interest that would have accrued upon 
 that sum if it had been invested in Government securities according to 
 the terms under which the Deposit Fund was formed, and yet, Your 
 Grace, objections have been raised on almost every occasion on which 
 I have solicited grants from the Deposit Fund for my own use or for 
 the benefit of my family ! 
 
 I must now respectfully ask Your Grace to consider the justice of 
 the action taken by the Government of India in the above matters, and 
 also the uncalled for assertion that I had intentionally offered an insult 
 to the Agent Governor-General, and had thereby incurred the dis- 
 pleasure of the Government. 
 
 Your Grace, surely there was nothing in my behaviour on the 
 occasion of the Agent's visit to the Palace, that could be construed 
 into an insult to him even as a private gentleman, much less as the 
 Representative of His Excellency the Viceroy ! I received a verbal 
 message, and sent back a verbal reply. I was not asked to meet the 
 Agent in his official capacity, even had I been well enough to do so, 
 and as he did not visit the Palace on business but merely to show his 
 friends through the building, I cannot see that my presence was 
 necessary, either in my private or public position. Why, then, I may 
 well ask was the matter taken up on Political grounds, as an insult to 
 the Governor-General ? (Page 240) 
 
 Yet, Your Grace, such was the apparently slight foundation on 
 which His Excellency (the late) Lord Canning based the minute of 
 14th January, 1862 (Page 269), which was to a certain extent concurred 
 in by the late Secretary of State for India in Despatch No. 30, of 17th 
 June, 1864 (Page 279), and which, when contrastedwith His Lordship's 
 letter of llth March, 1856, (Page 194) clearly indicates the bias under 
 which His Lordship changed his views with regard to my rights as 
 secured by subsisting Treaties. 
 
 I would here beg to observe, Your Grace, that the subsequent harsh
 
 329 
 
 measures of His Excellency's Government against the just and proper 
 recognition of my Political status and prescriptive privileges, evidently 
 emanated from His Excellency's determination to support the authority 
 of the Agent Governor-General, who had pledged himself and the 
 Government to recognize no other individual as Dewan Nizamut but 
 my dismissed servant. However, the Government, by removing the 
 Agent, expressed its displeasure at the action he had taken in espous- 
 ing the cause of one of my servants in opposition to my wishes, which 
 it probably looked upon as a Political error on his part ; for during the 
 lifetime of Nawab Mobaruck-ul-Dowlah, the Dewaii was summarily 
 dismissed without the Government questioning the Nawab's right 
 to act without its consent (Page 42), and, even in my own time, a 
 former Dewan was dismissed by me under almost similar circum- 
 stances, and with the entire approbation of the Agent, without a 
 reference to Government. My dismissing my Dewan, therefore, in 
 
 1861, was not without precedent, nor did I think it imperative to con- 
 sult the Agent, since in the Fourth Article of the Agreement of 1834, 
 which I beg to quote for Your Grace's information it is clearly stated : 
 
 " Such reductions and modifications of the different establishments 
 " in the Nizamut as shall be thought desirable and proper by the Nawab 
 " Nazim, either at the present time, or hereafter, shall be executed by 
 " him, and with regard to the salaries of his servants, and the enter- 
 " taining and discharging them, he is at liberty to act as he pleases 
 " without any interference." 
 
 I will now proceed to lay before Your Grace the specific losses and 
 deprivations I have suffered by the proceedings of the Government in 
 
 1862, consequent on the above-mentioned occurrences. The manage- 
 ment and disbursement of certain allowances had up to that period 
 formed one of my prescriptive privileges, and this was summarily with- 
 drawn from me and made over to the Dewan Nizamut then no longer 
 my servant as one of his functions. This I cannot but regard as one 
 of my most crying grievances, and you will perceive, Your Grace, in 
 the course of the following notice of these allowances, that with their 
 withdrawal from my control I at once ceased to have any influence 
 among the members of my family. Nor is this all, I feel my dignity 
 assailed when I see these trifling privileges, without any just cause, 
 taken from me and delegated to one who before had been my servant. 
 Surely some consideration might have been shown in the matter, and 
 out of respect to my feelings some duly qualified Government oflicial 
 might have been appointed, subject to my approval, and at a much 
 lower stipend, to perform the duties required, instead of subjecting me 
 to the insult of having my affairs ruled over by a person who gained 
 his position (as the following letters will shew) during his connexion 
 with me as my servant. 
 
 A. " I have the honor to acquaint you, for the information of the 
 " Most Noble the Governor of Bengal, that His Highness the Nawab 
 " Nazim has expressed his desire of appointing Baboo Prosonno Narain 
 " Deb, Eai Bahadoor to be his Dewan." 
 
 B. " The Agent at Moorshedabad reports the wishes of the Nawab 
 " Nazim to appoint the Kai Bahadoor of the Toshakhanah as his 
 " Dewan." 
 
 C. " I am directed by the Governor-General in Council to request 
 " that during the remainder of the leave you are understood to have 
 
 MajorMacgreg 
 23rd Sept., 18i 
 
 Hon. C. Beadon, 
 29th Sept., 1853. 
 
 Hon. C. Beadon, 
 1st Oct., 1859.
 
 330 
 
 " obtained from Sis Sighness the Nawab Nazim, you will accompany 
 " His Excellency to Lucknow and Cawnpore, in the capacity of 
 " Honorary Assistant Secretary in charge of the Toshakhanah, to 
 " which temporary office His Excellency has been pleased to appoint 
 " you." 
 
 Calcutta Gazette, D- " His Excellency in .Council has been pleased to confer upon Rai 
 8th Oct., 1859. ct p rosonno Narain Deb Bahadoor, Dewan of the Nawab Nazim, the 
 " title of Rajah Bahadoor in consideration of his services during the 
 " same period." 
 
 Sec. to Govt. of India, E. " I am directed to forward a copy of a letter addressed this day 
 6th Dec., 1859. " t o Rajah Prosonno Narain Deb Bahadoor, the Nawab Nazim 's Dewan, 
 " who has recently with Sis Sighness's permission, been employed as 
 " Honorary Assistant Secretary to the Government of India. In coin- 
 " municating this letter to the Nawab Nazim I am desired to request 
 " that you will convey to His Highness, the Governor-General's ac- 
 " knowledgmentybr his courtesy in allowing the Government to avail 
 " itself of the Dewan's services." 
 
 .Rajah Prosonno Ka- F. " You will, I doubt not, perceive that it would be imprudent for 
 
 rai ;? Pj b Bah i a ffi2 r ' " me to 8 i" n documents which might in any way serve to increase the 
 
 Une ' ' " amount of my responsibility, besides, when I was Dewar to Sis 
 
 " Sighness, the box without any list of its contents was delivered to the 
 
 " care of the Mohafez Khannah through me." 
 
 Besides, this arbitrary act of the Government was unsupported by 
 any precedent and opposed to the terms of the Agreement of 1834, 
 which has been the rule by which Nizamut affairs have been admin- 
 istered, with the exception only of such modifications as the foregoing, 
 and others equally prejudicial to my prescriptive privileges. Para. IV. 
 of the Agreement of 1834, states " such reductions and modifications 
 " of the different establishments in the Nizamut as shall be thought 
 " desirable and proper by the Nawab Nazim at the present time or hcre- 
 " after, shall be executed by him, and with regard to the salaries of his 
 " servants and the entertaining and discharging of them he is at liberty 
 " to act as he pleases without any interference." 
 
 Surely, then, Your Grace, there was nothing in my conduct in this 
 matter to warrant the removal from my control of such allowances and 
 appointments as I have before had the entire management of, and I 
 trust Your Grace will, in fairness and justice, restore to me the 
 authority of which I haye been unjustly deprived. 
 
 Among the allowances of which I have been deprived, are the four 
 following, which will readily enable Your Grace to perceive the bearing 
 of the whole question, viz. : 
 
 (a) Mamoolats. 
 
 (b) Zemistanee. 
 
 (c) Mutaynats or Deoriats, 
 
 (d) Mookhbarahs. 
 
 For an explanation of these terms, I beg to refer Your Grace to the 
 glossary annexed to this Memorial ; and, in the first place, will ask 
 Your Grace to consider the two first collectively. 
 
 During the minority of my father, Nawab Nazim Hoomayoon Jah, 
 although the expenditure was under the special management of the 
 Agent Governor-General, a very large debt had been incurred, which 
 was subsequently paid out of the surplus of the Deposit Fund, on the
 
 331 
 
 ground that it was contracted under the guardianship of the Agent. 
 I mention this to show that no amount of interference was found 
 effectual to introduce order into Nizamut Affairs from the tune that 
 Nawab Moobaruck-ul-Dowlah's stipend was reduced. Capt. Thoresby, 
 who was then Agent Governor-General, therefore proposed that all 
 stipends to the members of the Nizamut family should be paid from 
 his office, and that His Highness should receive the remainder of the 
 sixteen lacs for his personal expenditure, without the obligation of 
 giving any account thereof. A new arrangement was in consequence 
 entered into between the Nawab Nazim and the Governor-General to 
 the following effect : 
 
 1st. Customary perquisites under the name of Mamoolat and 
 Zemistanee, given by His Highness, should be commuted to cash 
 payments, and on the decease of the recipients, " if there are no heirs 
 " entitled to succeed to it, the reversion shall be to the Nizamut Trea- 
 " sury," i.e., to the Nawab Nazim. His Highness gave his formal 
 consent to this Agreement on the 17th February, 1834, and it was 
 settled and explained that " although His Highness was thus relieved 
 "from all responsibility connected with the stipends, every facility 
 " should be given for his making himself acquainted with the 
 " minutest details, and his wishes regarding grants from the Deposit 
 " Fund would be signified to the Agent, and attended to as hereto- 
 "fore." Sir C. Metcalfe, in giving his official consent to this Agree- 
 ment, informed His Highness that " the Agent Governor-General has 
 " been directed to consider it " (this Agreement") " as the rule under 
 " which Nizamut Affairs are hereafter to be administered." 
 
 The frequent changes of Agents Governor- General has been one of 
 the most fertile sources of infraction of solemn Agreements, and on 
 reference to the records it will be found that from July, 1833, to April, 
 1836, no less than six changes of this nature transpired. The conse- 
 quence was that Nizamut affairs and the Nazim 's rights were little 
 understood, and as the Supreme Government relied on the representa- 
 tions of these officers, it was very frequently led into doing many acts 
 of injustice, which, if it had been rightly informed, would never have 
 been sanctioned. For instance, the Honourable Mr. Melville, who was 
 Agent Governor- General in 1836, recommended the resumption of 
 Mamoolats, a positive infraction of the Agreement of 1834, and yet 
 expressed himself on the duties of Agent Governor-General in the 
 following words : " One principal duty of the Agent under instruc- 
 " tions in force has always appeared to me to be to protect this Prince 
 "from the perpetual tendency of subordinate authorities to encroach 
 " upon such rights and privileges as it has been deemed just and 
 " expedient to reserve to this family." If such was the duty of the 
 Agent, how came it that, on his representation, the Government was 
 led to resume those allowances, and thus to encroach upon rights 
 which it was the Agent's duty to protect ? I would ask Your Grace 
 to consider whether it was fair and just that the Government should 
 have disposed of that which was virtually my property ? Since the 
 Mamoolats and Zemistanee allowances are derived from the portion of 
 my sixteen lacs stipend set apart annually for the payment of the 
 members of the Nizamut family, to whom and to whose heirs these 
 two allowances, among others, are perfectly legitimate.
 
 332 
 
 To understand how the Agent became the bursar of these allow- 
 ances, I must inform Your Grace that the Nawab Nazim and the other 
 members of the Nizamut were not always on the best of terms ; it 
 therefore sometimes occurred that the Mamoolats and Zemistanee 
 allowances were withheld from obnoxious members, and when given 
 were not of the customary value ; therefore, this money was entrusted 
 to the Government for due disbursement through one of its officers, 
 merely as a guarantee of its regular payment, so long as heirs were to 
 be found, in absence of whom the reversion lawfully would be to the 
 Nawab Nazim, as it was before the Government undertook the dis- 
 bursement of the allowances. Under these circumstances, it certainly 
 appears to me unjust that I should be deprived of these reversions ; 
 hence I bring the matter forward for Your Grace's consideration, as 
 an infringement of the Agreement of 1834, which expressly states that 
 " if there are no heirs to succeed, the reversion shall be to the Nizamut 
 Treasury^ or, in other words, to the Nawab Nazim. Then, again, 
 so late as May, 1868, my son-in-law, Nawab Feroze Jung, was refused 
 the allowances in question, though his father enjoyed them during his 
 lifetime ; and when he addressed the Agent and memorialized the 
 Government, he received the inexorable answer, that " Such allowances 
 " were resumable, and the memorialist could not be permitted to draw 
 " them." If such a course, Your Grace, is to be followed, it is very 
 evident that the ruin of my family is inevitable, as the annual stipend 
 is being gradually reduced by lapses being absorbed, and although I 
 myself only draw Rs. 7,32,000-0-0, I am obliged to grant receipts in 
 full for the whole sixteen lacs stipend, which does not appear to me to 
 be a legitimate demand, though I am forced to execute it as a Go- 
 vernment order. 
 
 It is my province, Your Grace, as a memorialist to represent my 
 grievances ; it is yours to investigate and redress them ; and with 
 every hope of justice being done me, I will bring to Your Grace's 
 notice the third allowance styled Mutaynats or Deoriats. Reverting 
 again to the Agreement of 1834, it is therein stated that " all pensions 
 " which had been or might be assigned hereafter to servants and de- 
 " pendents shall revert to the Nizamut Treasury as casualties occur 
 " and be at the entire disposal of the Nawab." 
 
 Surely Your Grace, it was never intended that resumptions should 
 take place on the occurrence of any or all casualties among the servants 
 and dependents paid from this allowance, nor was it contemplated that 
 the Nawab and other members of his family in the enjoyment of this 
 privilege, the Mutaynat allowance, should not be permitted to entertain 
 or dismiss these dependents and servants yet such is the case at the 
 present moment. The allowance is derived from a source that can 
 admit of no misconception viz : my admitted stipend of sixteen lacs in 
 its different portionings to members of my family ; hence I cannot see 
 the justice of absorbing it for the credit of the Deposit Fund instead of 
 making it revert to me according to the Agreement of 1834 Again, 
 several members of my family have recently been harshly dealt with by 
 the Government in consequence of the above error as to this allowance ; 
 take for instance a member of my family drawing 400 rupees and a 
 Mutaynat of 36 rupees ; in the event of any casualty occurring among 
 the dependents who are the recipients of the Mutaynat, any remissness
 
 333 
 
 on the part of that member to report the matter, results in his becom- 
 ing liable to forfeit the allowance together with a part or the whole of 
 his hereditary stipend. Such a state of things is daily becoming the 
 practice, so I consider it my duty, as the head of the Nizamut Family, to 
 appeal against such unjust measures, and to solicit our right to enter- 
 tain or dismiss any servant or dependent in our establishments without 
 interference. 
 
 I have another grievance of an equally grave nature to lay before 
 Your Grace in connection with the disbursement of this allowance, 
 which I have always looked upon as one of my prescriptive privileges, 
 and with advertence to such privileges it was ordered by Her Majesty's 
 Government through the late Secretary of State for India, that " His 
 " Highness should not be deprived of any of the honors and privileges 
 " of which he is now in the enjoyment" and in conformance with this 
 order the disbursement of this allowance was restored to me ; but in a 
 few months, and in a most unaccountable manner, without a reason 
 being assigned, it was transferred by order of the Agent from my right- 
 ful custody to that of the Dewan, whom I had dismissed from my 
 service. Nothing could be more hurtful to my feeelings than to be 
 thus summarily deprived of one of my privileges, and to see it conferred 
 on a man who had been my servant and had given me just cause for 
 his dismissal. Silently I have suffered this bitter slight and humilia- 
 tion, in the firm hope of eventually obtaining redress when I laid the 
 matter before Her Majesty's Government, and it is now for Your 
 Grace to consider the justice of my claim and to restore me to the 
 position I ought to occupy according to subsisting agreements as 
 guaranteed by Her Majesty's Proclamation of 1858 
 
 I may now trace the consequences of the removal of these allowances 
 from my control : 
 
 The dependents who are supported by these allowances, being now- 
 paid by an officer who has been removed from my control, are made 
 quite independent of my authority, and refuse to render me that ser- 
 vice which, under the constitution of these allowances, they would be 
 compelled to do ; and, further, they are taught to believe that they 
 are paid from a separate Government Fund instead of a portion 
 of my admitted stipend of sixteen lacs, over which 1 ought, in justice, 
 to have some control. Thus my prescriptive privileges, which have 
 been so often guaranteed, have of late years been ignored to my preju- 
 dice. Further, Mutaynats or stipends left by the Munnee Begum, 
 Bubboo Begum, and others to old retainers, and which were hereditary 
 (the descendants of these retainers continuing in the service of the 
 family) have recently, after being enjoyed by several generations, been 
 resumed by orders of Government, in contradiction to an express pro- 
 vision dated 18th July, 1838, for resuming stipends to the Deposit Fund, 
 "unless when there are dependents of the deceased, the support of 
 " whom would be a duty incumbent on the relations." Thus the imme- 
 diate respect of the resumption is to deprive the retainers of their 
 bread, and myself of their services ; I therefore pray that these Mutay- 
 nat allowances, known also as Deoriat Pensions, be dealt with more 
 liberally by the Government, that they be restored to my control under 
 the supervision of the Agent Governor- General, as was the practice 
 before the recent innovation.
 
 334 
 
 I now come to the 4th head of allowances, styled Mookhbarahs, which 
 are set apart for certain religious ceremonies enjoined by our sacred 
 writings at the mausoleums of deceased relatives, as also for the keeping 
 of these mausoleums in proper repair, and which, from their peculiar 
 nature, ought to be under my special care as the head of the family by 
 Mahomedan law. Yet, Your Grace will barely credit that the disburse- 
 ment of these sacred allowances was also made over to the same officer 
 whom I discharged, and who is a Hindoo, a persuasion which we are 
 taught to regard ivith peculiar dread in religious matters, as is well 
 known by any reader of history so that the fact of entrusting him (a 
 Hindoo) with the management of Mahomedan rites, and the regulating 
 and disbursement of allowances for prayers and offerings for the 
 departed of my Faith, does in itself show to what extent arbitrary pro- 
 ceedings may be carried to support an officer whose connection with my 
 affairs cannot fail to be unpleasant to me, and whose previous conduct 
 led me to dispense with his services. Your Grace will now see with 
 what little consideration I have been treated, and how much at variance 
 the practices of late years have been with the promises held out to me 
 in 1839, that " the dignity and honor of the illustrious house which you 
 " now represent will ever be an object of care and solicitude to this 
 " Government." 
 
 And while on this point, Your Grace, I may add that the courtesy 
 which my rank entitles me to in respect of my opinion being sought 
 even in the most trifling matters relating to the affairs of the members 
 of my family, has been altogether abandoned, and happen what may, 
 whether it be the death of any member and the portioning of his 
 stipend, or whether assistance be sought by some member from the 
 Deposit Fund for any purpose, the officer above alluded to, and who now 
 holds the title of Dewan Nizamut t's the only person requireit to report on 
 the case, and my authority is entirely set aside. The recommendations 
 made by that officer are, as a rule, sanctioned, and he thus enjvys an 
 influence over the members of my family (by exercising privileges that 
 are mine prescriptively) while I, the Nawab Nazim, and the head of the 
 Family, am converted into a nonentity, and the Akrobah, as the mem- 
 bers of my family are termed, finding 1 that I have no voice in their 
 affairs, have, with few exceptions, forsaken me to go where they are in- 
 duced to hope for substantial recognition of their attentions, and while 
 my former servant has evert/ respect shown him in consequence of his ex- 
 ercising my prerogative, my durliarft are almost deserted, and present at 
 once the ludicrous, but to me painful, spectacle of empty seats, as 
 hardly any of my Akrobah will attend them, actuated, no doubt, by 
 fear of giving offence to the Dewan Nizamut, to whose clique they 
 profess to belong, in the hope of receiving favours at his hands ; for 
 Your Grace is no doubt aware that any officer supported under Govern- 
 ment authority can exercise despotic sway over the minds of those natives 
 who draw their stipends through him, and it is for Your Grace to con- 
 sider whether this officer is still to exercise arbitrary control over my 
 family, or whether in justice I may be permitted to resume that natural 
 control over my affairs which the head of every family should exercise, 
 irrespective of other claims insured by Treaty or Agreement. 
 
 It may be urged, Your Grace, against my objections, that the manage- 
 ment and disbursement of these allowances came within the duties as-
 
 335 
 
 signed to the Dewan Nizainut, even while they were in my custody ; 
 true, but the Dewan, being then my paid servant, merely acted up to 
 my instructions as a steward, and could not exercise the arbitrary dis- 
 posal of them as he now does ; and what I now pray for, Your Grace, 
 is that the Dewan should be entirely under my control as before, and 
 that I only may be held responsible to the Agent Governor- General 
 for the correct disbursement of these allowances. This was the course 
 before I took the present Dewan Nizamut into my service, and, as there 
 was never any constraint imposed upon me before I selected this officer, 
 / tittle thought that he wiuld ever have been made an instrument J or my 
 humiliation. It is for Your Grace to decide whether I have been justly 
 dealt with, and whether the placing of this officer over my private affairs 
 as a permanent arrangement has been conducive to '' the honor and 
 dignity of my exalted station" as guaranteed by the Government. I 
 am both ready and willing at once to resume the management and dis- 
 bursement of these several allowances as prescribed, before their re- 
 moval from my custody, and to submit all documents and papers con- 
 nected with their management for the information and sanction of the 
 Agent Governor-General, as was the practice before, and I trust that 
 Your Grace will give me your considerate support for the restoration of 
 this and my other prescriptive privileges, of which the only one that I 
 am now honored with is my salute of nineteen guns, which was restored 
 to me under circumstances stated in the following letter from His Ex- 
 cellency, (the late) Lord Canning. 
 
 " MY FEIEND, 
 
 " In consequence of your numerous and valuable services rendered 
 " to the British Government during the Santhal rebellion in 1855, and 
 " at the more serious crisis which followed, the mutiny of the native 
 " troops of the Bengal Army in 1857, services which are well known 
 " to all, and for which Your Highness has from time to time received 
 " the thanks of the Government, as well as recognitions of a more 
 " public and permanent kind, I consulted the Honourable the Lieu- 
 " tenant-Governor of Bengal as to what special mark of the favour of 
 " the Government it would be expedient to confer on Your Highness, 
 " so that it might be manifest to all men that Your Highness' loyal 
 " services and faithful attachment to the British Government are duly 
 " appreciated, and that the Government is not unmindful of the good 
 " offices rendered, by Your Highness in a season of trouble. 
 
 " The Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal has laid before me in a 
 ' minute a complete record of all that Your Highness and Your High- 
 ' ness' servants did on these two occasions ; and this minute, recorded 
 ' in the Archives of Government, will serve as a perpetual remem- 
 ' brance of Your Highness' active and zealous support, and of the 
 'firm friendship which exists between Your Highness and the British 
 " Government. 
 
 " My Friend, I have read this- record of Your Highness' friendly 
 " acts with the most lively satisfaction, and entirely agreeing in the 
 " views expressed by the Lieutenant-Governor, I have directed that 
 " Your Highness shall henceforth always receive a salute of nineteen 
 " guns, and that certain rules which are now in force, as regards Your 
 " Highness' recreations, shall be wholly removed.
 
 336 
 
 " By these and other tokens of favour which Your Highness has 
 received in consideration of your loyal services, Your Highness will 
 be satisfied of the high estimation in which those services are held, 
 and of my sincere desire to mark my appreciation of them. 
 '' I have only to add, in conclusion, that on the recommendation of 
 the Agent and of the Lieutenant-Governor, I have had the pleasure 
 of conferring upon Your Highness* Dewan Rai Prosuno Narain 
 Deb Bahadoor the title of Rajah Bahadoor, in recognition of the 
 ability and zeal with which, under Your Highness' directions, he 
 co-operated with the British authorities to restore and maintain 
 tranquillity on both the occasions above referred to. 
 
 " I have, &c., 
 " (Signed) CANNING." 
 
 Before concluding this head of my Memorial. I may be permitted to 
 offer a few remarks on that portion of the letter (Page 269), from 
 His Excellency (the late) Lord Canning, which refers to the dis- 
 missal of my Dewan ; and I would respectfully urge, Your Grace, that 
 the line of argument adduced by His Lordship is based upon an erro- 
 neous supposition, that the Government had always exercised a con- 
 trol over the appointment of the Dewans Nizamut. A careful exami- 
 nation of the Treaties with Nawabs Nudjm-ul-Dowlah, Syef-ul-Dowlah, 
 and Mobaruck-ul-Dowlah will show that the Dewans who were cup- 
 pointed under the sanction of the Government were invested only ivith 
 the control of that portion of the Nawab's allowances assigned for 
 State purposes, or the support of his rank and dignity, while the 
 personal stipend of the Nawab (over which the Government did not 
 claim any control) was left entirely at his disposal. 
 
 When the Government of India (after the receipt of the despatch 
 from the Court of Directors, dated 20th April, 1771, ordering them to 
 withhold that portion of the allowances of Nawab .Mobaruck-ul-Dow- 
 lah. set apart for the support of the rank and dignity of the Nawab 
 Nazims, and which they considered were unnecessary for him during 
 his minority), deprived the Nawab of the State allowance which had 
 been guaranteed by the Treaty in perpetuity, the Government control 
 over the appointment of the Dewans (who had had the disbursement 
 of that sum alone) ceased, and, moreover, it does not appear from any 
 record that the Government ever afterwards claimed a voice in the 
 appointment of the Dewans whom the Nawabs selected for the pur- 
 pose of keeping their family accounts ; but in 1816, when the Govern- 
 ment thought proper to interfere, for the avowed purpose of extricating 
 the Nizamut from pecuniary difficulties, Mr Monckton suggested that 
 an officer should be appointed by the Government to control the affairs 
 of the Nizamut, " invested with dignity of a representative character, 
 " and enabled to devote his time and attention exclusively to the 
 " duties of his situation." A separate fund was formed from the 
 Nawab's money for the support of this functionary, who was duly in- 
 stalled under the auspices of Government, and with the sanction of the 
 Nawab, and styled the Agent to the Governor-General. Hence, Your 
 Grace, it is very evident that the Agent, who was expected to control 
 all the accounts of the Nizamut, was virtually the Government Dewan,
 
 337 
 
 and was the only officer connected with the Nizamut, in whose appoint- 
 ment or dismissal the Government could justly claim any interfe- 
 rence. 
 
 Your Grace will, I trust, excuse ine for having again introduced this 
 subject, but as it is one that has materially affected my social position, 
 I feel that it should be prominently set forward to attract the notice of 
 Her Majesty's Government, and in the earnest hope that it will receive 
 a just and impartial consideration, I will leave it to Your Grace's dis- 
 posal, and introduce the sixth and last subject of my Memorial. 
 
 VI. EXTRAORDINARY TRANSACTIONS OF MR. TORRBNS, 
 AGENT GOVERN OR- GENERAL ! 
 
 I regret having occasion to allude to Para. 14 of Despatch No. 30 of 
 the 17th June, 1864, from Her Majesty's Secretary of State, to the 
 Governor-General of India, on reference to which Your Grace will ob- 
 serve, that while the Secretary of State admits that I had good grounds 
 for complaint against the conduct of Mr. Torrens, yet regrets that 
 owing to the death of that officer, he, (the Eight Honorable Gentleman) 
 is " reluctantly driven to the conclusion, that no benefit will arise from 
 " reopening the consideration of that subject." Your Grace, my com- 
 plaint was not against Mr. Torrens in his private capacity, but as Agent 
 Governor-General, and an officer acting for the British Government 
 whose actions bore prima facise the authority of Government. Your 
 Grace, the Most Hon. the late Marquis of Dalhousie, in the case of 
 some of my servants who were declared innocent of any crime by the 
 highest Court of British Indian Judicature, declared that I as their 
 master was to be held responsible and punishable for what they had 
 never done, and were proved never to have been privy to, yet in this 
 instance where (Page 112) a high Government officer plunges into 
 " intrigues," and instructs the doctoring and cooking up of accounts 
 under the ffigis of his official position, which effectually protected him 
 from being personally indicted in the Supreme Court of Calcutta for 
 fraud, both the Indian and Home Governments declare that there would 
 be no benefit arising from an enquiry into the subject as the Agent is 
 now dead ; but Your Grace, Mr. Torrens in all he did acted in his 
 official capacity, as evidenced by his own declaration to that effect, and 
 although specific losses to the extent of upwards of 250,000 were sus- 
 tained by me in consequence, I am desired to believe and admit that 
 the consideration of the matter would not lead to any benefit. If by 
 such expression be meant, that it would lead to the publication of a 
 scandal, and exhibit the dereliction of the Government of India, in 
 not interfering for my protection before the death of Mr. Torrens, or 
 asserting that a mistake had been made in the selection of such an 
 officer for the Post of Agent, I am prepared to admit that the Govern- 
 ment of India would by no possible means derive benefit or credit from 
 an enquiry into the matter ; but, Your Grace, does this consideration 
 prove that my losses are fictitious and not worthy of consideration ? 
 
 z
 
 338 
 
 A public trial in the Supreme Court compelled the production 
 of the letter quoted on Page 118. and the accounts of the Agents, 
 Messrs. Mackenzie Lyall and Co., fully substantiated my assertion that 
 the accumulation of my minority money was squandered and misappro- 
 priated, under the sanction, knowledge and connivance of the very 
 officer whose duty it was to watch over my interests and protect me 
 from being imposed upon by others. Your Grace, surely the death of 
 a Government Officer cannot diminish or remove the responsibility of 
 the Government for whom he acted, and whom he personally repre- 
 sented ; and although the existence of Mr. Torrens might have led to 
 his being indicted in a Criminal Court and punished for his conduct, 
 yet this done, the responsibility of the Government to make good the 
 specific losses which his misdeeds had occasioned, would have been 
 legitimately claimable in a Civil Court. My complaint against Mr. 
 Torrens and the other parties implicated in these nefarious transactions 
 was well known to the Government (vide Letter of 12th April, 1853, 
 Page 122), and although I instituted a suit against some of the 
 parties concerned for the recovery of my dues, the proceedings were 
 stopped at the instance of the Government, and I was thus hopelessly 
 debarred from claiming my rights. I trust, however, Your Grace will 
 order a full enquiry to be made into the circumstances of the case by 
 \whieh her Majesty's Government may be enabled to decide what I am 
 justly entitled to. 
 
 Having now laid before Your Grace the general details of my griev- 
 ances, and a few documents (out of many that might be produced) in 
 support of the justice of my claims I will, for the purpose of facili- 
 tating inquiry, endeavour, with Your Grace's permission, to deduce 
 certain points therefrom which I would beg respectfully to submit for 
 the consideration of Her Majesty's Government. 
 
 1. With what object were the Treaties herein alluded to, executed 
 between the Representatives of the two Governments ? What principles 
 were involved ? 
 
 2. Were the Powers bound in honor to abide by the acts of their 
 Representatives ? 
 
 3. Who were the Representatives that executed the Treaties alluded 
 to ? What were their respective positions ? What were the conditions 
 and obligations implied in the Treaties ? 
 
 4. What led to the modification of the Treaties during several 
 generations ? How were the relative positions of the Contracting 
 Powers altered thereby ? 
 
 5. What was the objeet of the additional Treaty with Nawab Nudjm- 
 ul-Dowlah ? Whence did it originate ? 
 
 6. Was the Firmaun of the King of Delhi binding on the Honorable 
 East India Company. Om what terms was the Grant of the Dewanny 
 conferred ? 
 
 7. What led to the modification of the Treaties on the accession of 
 Nawab Syef-ul-Dowlah: and again on the accession of Nawab Moba- 
 ruck-ul-Dowlah * 
 
 8. Was the last Treaty executed with Nawab Mobaruck-ul-Dowlah 
 of so personal a character that the conditions named therein were only
 
 339 
 
 binding on the then existing Government and Nawab ? Why was it 
 concluded with the words " for ever?" Was it acted up to during the 
 lifetime of Nawab Mobaruck-ul-Dowlah ? 
 
 9. What opinion did the Court of Directors offer in regard to the 
 Treaty of 1770, being the basis of all their future operations with the 
 Nawabs Nazim ? Were their instructions carried out ? 
 
 10. What led to the pecuniary embarrassment of Nawab Mobaruck- 
 ul-Dowlah ? What originated all the measures that have since been 
 introduced by which the Political and social status of the Nawabs 
 Nazim has been lowered ? 
 
 11. What were the objects for which the several Funds were 
 formed? Have these objects been carried out and the conditions 
 fulfilled? 
 
 12. Is the Nawab Nazim entitled to receive the surplus of the 
 Deposit Fund that may have accumulated by interest or otherwise 
 over and above the Two Lacs per annum he has been and is still 
 obliged to set apart for the objects of the Fund ? 
 
 13. Does the condition of the Fund require that contributions should 
 still be made to it by the Nawabs Nazim for the furtherance of its 
 object ? Under what circumstances is the Nawab Nazim entitled to 
 receive pecuniary assistance from the Fund ? 
 
 14. Is the Nawab Nazim justly entitled to the reversion of the lapsed 
 Stipends ? 
 
 15. Why was the office of Agent Governor-General established? 
 What, strictly speaking, are the duties of that officer ? 
 
 18. What were the duties of the Dewan after the appointment of 
 the Agent Governor-General ? Had the Nawab a right to dismiss him 
 as his own servant, without reference to the Agent ? Was the sub- 
 sequent action taken against the Nawab Nazim just ? 
 
 17. Were the harsh measures adopted by His Excellency (the late) 
 Marquis of Dalhousie against the Nawab Nazim based on just and 
 reasonable conclusions ? 
 
 18. Were the circumstances that led to the estrangement between 
 the Agent Governor- General and the Nawab Nazim of so grievous a 
 nature as to justify the action taken by His Excellency (the late) 
 Lord Canning, against the Nawab Nazim ? 
 
 19. What are the meanings of the words hereditary and Nizamut so 
 frequently used in the Treaties and in the letters from various 
 Governors- General to the Nawabs Nazim ? 
 
 20. On what grounds has it been asserted that the sum of Sixteen 
 Lacs is the " Assignment by Treaty of the Family ?" Is it just to 
 demand a receipt from the Nawab Nazim for the whole sum of 
 Sixteen Lacs, without rendering him some account as to its disburse- 
 ment? 
 
 21. Were not the Nawabs Nazim declared under the authority of 
 the Government to be Independent Princes and treated as such ? 
 What offence have they been guilty of on account of which their 
 Political status has been lowered ? Why have they been deprived of 
 "the prescriptive rights, honours, and privileges of their exalted 
 " station, guaranteed ' by subsisting Treaties and long-established re- 
 " lations,' to be inviolably observed for ever." 
 
 z 2
 
 340 
 
 I would here solicit the favour of Your Grace again considering the 
 wording of the Treaties, from which it would appear that the X awabs 
 Nazim gradually ceded their power to the Honourable East India 
 Company, for the better governing and protecting of their Provinces 
 and People, and in return they received guarantees that the Honour- 
 able East India Compauy would secure their position as Princes, and 
 that their " rights, honours, and dignity would be scrupulously 
 "maintained." Thus, Your Grace, from voluntarily having placed 
 themselves in the position of feudatories to the Nawabs Nazim, the 
 Honourable East India Company eventually acquired the Supreme 
 Administrative Government of the three Provinces of Bengal, Behar, 
 and Orissa ; but as they bound themselves to perform certain obliga- 
 tions, it is for the fulfilment of these promises by Her Majesty's 
 Government, that I now pray ; and although as a faithful Ally of 
 the British, it is not for me to question the acts of then* Exalted 
 Government, yet as a powerless Prince, relying on the hopes and 
 promises held out to my Ancestors by the Representatives of that 
 Government, through which means the possession of the three 
 Provinces of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa was secured to them by 
 Treaty, without bloodshed, and thus (under the blessing of the Al- 
 mighty) a way was opened for the introduction of good government, 
 wise legislation, and profitable institutions, into a country which, 
 for many ages, had been the scene of political intrigues, massacre, 
 and bloodshed, I may be allowed to inquire whether Her Majesty's 
 Exalted Government and the British Nation will now give their 
 Sanction to the further carrying out of the system of oppression and 
 injustice which has prevailed against myself and other Princes of 
 India for some time past, under which it has even been proposed, in 
 opposition to the principles of justice and honor, that the Government 
 should withdraw entirely from the support of those titled stipendiaries, 
 whose rank and dignity it has bound itself to protect ! Nay, rather, 
 Your Grace, would it not be more consistent with the Exalted Position 
 and Magnanimous Principles of the British Government, to endeavour 
 to elevate and educate the Princes and People of India in such a 
 manner as might enable the former to hold offices under the Govern- 
 ment, in which they would command respect and esteem, and be made 
 useful members of society, and the latter be made acquainted with 
 everything that is good and profitable, by which they might improve 
 then* social condition ; for by such means the Government would re- 
 move all causes of disaffection, and the sense of injustice that is felt 
 in many instances, and would eventually secure the affection and 
 attachment of all classes of natives in India in perpetuity. 
 
 In conclusion, I would earnestly ask Your Grace to take an impartial 
 view of my claims, so far as they are based on the principles of truth, 
 honor, and justice, and if consistent with these principles, I pray that 
 I and my family may be placed in the position we ought to occupy, so 
 that I may feel and find that my wrongs have been redressed, and that 
 the Exalted Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and 
 Ireland has carried out the Assurances given by Her Most Gracious 
 Majesty in 1858, that " all Treaties made by the East India Company 
 " are by Us accepted, and will be scrupulously maintained," and We
 
 341 
 
 " will respect the rights, dignity, and honor of Native Princes as Our 
 " own." 
 
 I have the honor to be, 
 
 Your Grace's sincere friend, 
 (Signed) SYUD MUNSOOE ULLEE. 
 
 Alexandra Hotel, London, 
 July, 1869. 
 
 This Memorial, instead of being dealt with on its own 
 merits, has, as before stated, been referred to the Govern- 
 ment of India for a Eeport thereon ; but what further light 
 the local Government of India can throw upon the subject 
 of His Highness's claims, it is difficult to divine, since 
 in Para. 2 of the Despatch' of June, 1864, Her Majesty's 
 Secretary of State for India declared that "All the 
 correspondence necessary to the formation of a correct 
 opinion with respect to the social questions which they 
 illustrate had then been received!" Perhaps it was 
 thought that the prospect of an English winter might 
 induce an Eastern Prince brought up in luxury to leave 
 England and return to his own native country, where 
 once again under the jurisdiction of the local Govern- 
 ment he might never again be allowed the privilege of 
 visiting our free country to advocate his claims in 
 person. But the Indian Prince, with hope to sustain 
 him, has withstood the inclemency of our climate, 
 and not having received a reply to his Memorial, 
 or any consideration from the Indian Government, 
 is now compelled to lay his grievances before the public, 
 with a view of obtaining that sympathy and support to 
 which he is justly entitled at the hands of the British 
 Government and Nation, not only as a right, but as an
 
 342 
 
 act of gratitude for the services he rendered to our 
 countrymen in the far East, in their season of trial and 
 danger in 1857, when men of his own creed and country 
 raised the standard of rebellion throughout the land, and 
 endeavoured to throw off the British yoke in India. 
 
 Apart from all pecuniary compensation to which His 
 Highness considers himself entitled at the hands of the 
 Imperial Government there are other matters of a political 
 and social character set forth in the Memorial, which being 
 of a less expensive nature, ought, we think, to be entirely 
 conceded to His Highness as an act of courtesy ; but 
 leaving these matters to be justly dealt with by Her 
 Majesty's Government, we will give our readers an idea 
 of the enormous losses sustained by the Nawabs and the 
 gain effected for the East India Company, from 1757 to 
 1858, and since 1858 by the Indian Government through 
 the infringement of those Sacred Treaties and Agree- 
 ments made by the East India Company with the Eepre- 
 sentatives of the House of Meer Jaffier Ali Khan.
 
 343 
 STATEMENT 
 
 Showing the Approximate Amount deducted from the Nizamut Stipend 
 by the Government of India under various pretexts since the infringe- 
 ment of the terms of the Treaty and Agreement of 1770 in 1772. 
 
 
 
 Rs. 
 
 As. 
 
 PC. 
 
 
 
 8. 
 
 d. 
 
 1. 
 
 Accumulations of the difference be- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 tween the Annual Stipend of 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Rs. 31,81,991-9 agreed on by 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Treaty "for ever" (Page 26) and 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 the Annual Allowance of Rupees 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 16,00,000 paid as "Assignment 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 by Treaty of the Family" (Page 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 280) from 1772 till 1870 . . . 
 
 15,50,35,173 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 15,503,517 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 2. 
 
 Accumulations of the monthly 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 amount of Rs. 18,000 deducted 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 from the '' Annual Allowance " 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 of the Nizamut from September 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1790 to December 1816, by order 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 of Lord Cornwallis (Page 29) for 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 meeting the liabilities (Rupees 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 22,86,666-12-3) incurred by Na- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 wab Mobaruck-ul-dowlah in con- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 sequence of his income having 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 been unjustly curtailed in 1772 
 
 56,70,000 
 
 
 
 
 
 567,000 
 
 
 
 
 
 3. 
 
 Accumulations of Munnee Begum's 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Stipend and Private Property ap- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 propriated for the Agency Fund 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 and "invested in Government 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Securities" by order of the Go- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 vernor-General, as communicated 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 in Mr. Monckton's letter of 19th 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 December, 1816, (Page 62) . . 
 
 7,00,000 
 
 
 
 
 
 70,000 
 
 
 
 
 
 4. 
 
 Accumulations of Munnee Begum's 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Stipend " invested in Public Secu- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 rities for the benefit of the Niza- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 mut" by order of the Governor- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 General as communicated in Mr. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Prinsep's letter, dated 28th Jan., 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1823 (Page 83) deducting the 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 344 
 
 
 
 Rs. 
 
 As. 
 
 PC. 
 
 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 
 amount of Rupees 1,46,503 in- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 vested for building the new 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6,00,000 
 
 
 
 
 
 60,000 
 
 
 
 
 
 5. 
 
 Accumulations in the Nizamut De- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 posit Fund "of sums of Rupees 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2,00,000 deducted annually from 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 the Nizamut Allowance of six- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 teen lacs from 1823 to 1870, 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 which were also to be invested in 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Government Securities " by order 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 of the Governor-General, commu- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 nicated in Mr. Prinsep's letter 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 dated 28th January, 1823 (Page 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 80 and 85) and which, as ex- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 pressed in Para. 8 of the Des- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 patch from Her Majesty's Secre- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 tary of State for India, dated 17th 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 June, 1 864, " unquestionably 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 belong to the Nawab Wazim and 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 his family, and can properly be 
 
 
 
 
 , 
 
 
 
 
 expended only for their benefit" 
 
 94,00,000 
 
 
 
 
 
 940,000 
 
 
 
 
 
 6. 
 
 Accumulations of the several pen- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 sions which lapsed by the decease 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 of members of the Nizamut, 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 which were absorbed into the 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Deposit Fund at the suggestion 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 of Mr. Trevelyan in letter dated 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 26th February, 1836 (Page 101). 
 
 1,50,00,000 
 
 
 
 
 
 1,500,000 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 Rs. 18,64,05,173 2 18,640,517 6 3 
 
 Note. As several of the above sums were invested in Government Securities bearing 
 Interest, and the Interest was re-invested (Pages 72 and 80), the accumulations must 
 have now reached enormous proportions.
 
 345 
 
 The enormity of the injustice perpetrated by the 
 Government of India against the Nawabs Nazim must 
 strike every honourably disposed Englishman with 
 surprise, and should, we thiuk, for the sake of our 
 National Credit, lead Her Majesty's Government at 
 once to redress the wrongs which have been inflicted, 
 and so patiently borne with for upwards of one hundred 
 years by those Princes. 
 
 But it may be asked, why have not these wrongs 
 before been brought to the notice of the British Public ? 
 This may be answered by referring the reader to a 
 consideration of the political relations that existed 
 between the Nawabs Nazim of Bengal and the Hon- 
 ourable East India Company in former years, whereby 
 the latter held the former under absolute control, 
 .and prevented their appealing to the British Govern- 
 ment, except through their own officers. The little 
 notice taken of the present Nawab's Memorials by 
 the local Government of India will sufficiently ex- 
 hibit the manner in which Native Princes, faithfully 
 attached to the British cause, are treated by that 
 Government, and should awaken public attention to 
 the fact that such a state of things must tend to act 
 unfavourably on the minds of those Princes and may 
 again produce that spirit of defection in India which 
 probably was one great source to which the Rebellion 
 of 1857 might be traced. 
 
 As the Nawab in His Memorial does not specify 
 exactly what he requires, but appeals in general terms 
 to the Government for justice and an acknowledgment 
 of his claims so far as they are based on sound principles,
 
 346 
 
 we may venture to submit for our readers a statement of 
 such demands as in our opinion might appear legiti- 
 mately claimable from the Imperial Government by the 
 Nawab. 
 
 1. A recognition of the hereditary rank, dignity 
 
 and privileges of himself and his successors 
 as long as they continue to remain faithful 
 to the British Government. 
 
 2. A guarantee that the titular dignity, social 
 
 prestige and private rights of his family 
 shall not in future be. invaded by the officers 
 of the Indian Government. 
 
 3. An admission that the Nawab Nazim, who- 
 
 ever he may be, is hereafter to have the 
 entire control of the affairs of the Nizamut. 
 
 4. A settlement of his pecuniary claims upon 
 
 the Government of India on a fair and 
 reasonable appraisement, and the future pay- 
 ment to himself, his heirs and successors, of 
 a stipend commensurate with their dignity, 
 to be fixed by mutual agreement. 
 
 Before concluding our subject, we will again briefly ex- 
 plain the general grounds upon which His Highness 
 the Nawab Nazim of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa presses 
 his claims upon the attention of the British Government. 
 
 The East India Company, having obtained the Execu- 
 tive Administration of some of the Provinces of India 
 by deed of gift or right of purchase from the Native
 
 347 
 
 Princes who ruled over them, were legally bound to pay 
 those Princes and their heirs-at-law the several sums 
 they had stipulated for as the price of the transfer, for 
 such periods as were set forth in the Agreements executed 
 between them and the Company, by virtue of which alone 
 the Company were legally entitled to hold possession of 
 the privileges that had been transferred to them ; and 
 the British Government having by Royal Proclama- 
 tion in 1858 taken up all the obligations contracted 
 by the East India Company has since that time been 
 legally bound to fulfil all the engagements made 
 by that august body while administering the affairs of 
 India. 
 
 Such being the nature of the bonds now existing 
 between the British Government and Indian Princes, 
 we will leave the question of the Nawab's claims to 
 be equitably adjusted by the Houses of Parliament, 
 and in conclusion express a hope that as " our National 
 Faith has been pledged," His Highness will receive that 
 justice which, in our opinion, the merits of his case de- 
 serve, and on his return to India, will carry with him the 
 conviction of his loyal Ancestors, that " British Honour 
 and Public Faith are unimpeachable, and the Word and 
 Bond of the British Nation can never be broken/' 
 
 THE END.
 
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