. LITERATURE AND ITS PROFESSORS. BY THOMAS PURNELL LONDON: BELL & DALDY, YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN, AND 186, FLEET STREET. 1867. NOTE. HE Author avails himself of this oppor- tunity to express his obligation to Mr. C. R. Newman, for many literary and intellectual benefits received from him during several years. It is right to add that a portion of what is here presented to the reader has already appeared in print. CONTENTS. I. MEN OF LETTERS. : PINION" of themselves. Social Status. Prizes open to them. Their decreasing Import- ance. Reflected Greatness. Tradition to be abandoned . II. CRITICISM. Its Imperfections. Its Discrepancies. Jealousy and Fa- vouritism. Its slight Weight. Not a matter of Taste. Its essential Characteristic. Its true Func- tion. Its Aim. Extenuating Circumstances. Mi- nute Fault-finding 14 III. THE PROVINCE or THE ANONYMOUS. The Foreign Correspondent. Club Gossip. Objections to it. Its Advantages. Its Opponents. Its Scope and Limits 34 viii CONTENTS. IV. LITERARY MEN IN PARLIAMENT. PAGE Functions of the Philosopher. The Philosopher v. the Statesman. Mr. Mill as a Statesman. Mr. Mill's Principles. Mr. Mill's Claims. Their Success. Dangers to themselves 47 V. LITERARY HERO- WORSHIP. What is a Great Man ? Variety of Opinions. The Two Classes of Heroes. The Thinker and the Actor. Esteem due to Great Men. Sincerity and Earnest- ness. Popular Appetite for Heroes. Its detrimental Effect 63 VI. ON TAKING A MAN'S MEASURE. False Standards. Judging from Appearances. Illegiti- mate Conclusions. Literary Verdicts. Precept and Practice. Books not a true Criterion. Distinctions to be observed . . . . . . . .81 VII. THE MEDIAEVAL MAN OF LETTERS. GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS. The See of St. David's. Born in Pembrokeshire. His Family. Educated for the Church. Effect of the Murder of Becket. Appointed Legate for Wales. Made Archdeacon of Brecknock. Elected Bishop of CONTENTS. ix FAGF. St. David's. Retires in Disgust. His Influence at Court. His Appearance at Eome. The Mediaeval Man of Letters. Topographia Hibernian His Lite- rary Ability. Giraldus and the Irish. Unfairly criticised. Self Portraiture. His Opinion of him- self. Wales in the Thirteenth Century. His true Motives. Refuses several Bishoprics. His Influence in State Affairs. His frank Nature. His love of Order and of Law ....... 96 VIII. T MONTAIGNE. Retires from Court. His Essays. Representative of the Renaissance. His Coarseness. His Frankness. His Literary Rank. His Religious Views. His Toler- ance. His Scepticism 145 IX. THE MAN OF LETTERS AS A STATESMAN. ROGER WILLIAMS. Civil and Religious Liberty. First Advocate for Reli- gious Liberty. Goes to New England. Settles at Salem. Suffers Persecution. Flies to the Indians. Settles in Rhode Island. Obtains a Charter. Co- lonial Differences. Chosen President of the Colony. His Literary Productions. His Character. His Tolerance. His Claim upon our Regard . . . 164 x CONTENTS. X. THE LITERARY MAN AS ESSAYIST. STEELE. PAGE Duties of a Biographer. Unity necessary. His Episto- lary Correspondence. Broken Resolves. Compared with Addison. His Rank as a Man of Letters . .192 XI. STERNE. His Character misrepresented. His Sincerity. His Sus- ceptibility. Reception in London. Scandals. His Relations with Women. His Wife and Daughter. His Grossness. How derived. Uncle Toby. Con- scious of his Genius. Source of his Power . . 205 XII. THE LITERARY MAN AS SATIRIST. SWIFT. His Power and Fame. His View of the Literary Calling. His Pride. Was no Humourist. His Personal Cha- racter. Magnanimity. In Society. His Relations to Men of Rank. His Philosophy. Shakespeare and Swift 231 XIII. THE LITERARY MAN AS PATRIOT. MAZZINI. Patriotism. What is our Country ? Tendency of Civili- zation. Importance of the Literary Man. His Cha- CONTENTS. xi PAGE racier. English Notions concerning him. His Prin- ciples and Aim. His Views impolitic . . . 253 XIV. DESCRIPTIVE LITERATURE. Home and Foreign Travel. The Picturesque. Kage for Historical Relics. Origin of the Sentiment. Its Effects. Its Influence on Art. Decay a Type of Beauty. Modern Growth of View-hunting. Scenery and Antiquities. Use and Abuse of the Pursuit . 271 LITERATURE AND ITS PROFESSORS. i. MEN OF LETTERS. ITERATURE is a term which has, like many others, been wrested from its original meaning. At one time it was supposed to have something to do with learning ; but step by step it has been degraded, till at length it has become synonymous with writing ; and now every person, who describes current events or reports another's speech, or gives us his opinion about a book or a picture or a poem, claims to be a man of let- ters. Just as the taking a shilling from a person in a red coat makes a soldier of Hodge, so, it seems, does the printing of his opinions make a man free of the republic of letters. From the moment when his production appears in a book or periodical publica- 2 MEN OF LETTERS. tion he occupies a new position he has attained to the dignity of an author. He allows his hair to grow long, and thenceforth becomes a man of genius by profession. As a consequence, the area of literature has been so extended, and books have become so numerous, that the most resolute reader finds himself unable to make himself acquainted with a tithe of what issues from the printing-press; works are publicly advertised as guides and pioneers through the chaos which has resulted from the overabun- dance of the literary faculty ; and plans have at various times been suggested by distracted students for lessening the pernicious effects upon our litera- ture of the shoals of books that are weekly added to our stock. Amongst other proposals, I have seen without surprise that, for the benefit of our per- plexed descendants, there should be an annual as- sessment, and that every copy of all worthless works should be ruthlessly burnt. Some such scheme seems warrantable ; is, at all events, worthy of considera- tion, notwithstanding the obvious difficulties that would be encountered were it seriously proposed. Literary men notoriously entertain a very exalted opinion of their calling. They profess to consider it so important in its nature and results, as to entitle it to a rank far in front of most others ; and they would even lead us to infer from their writings, that a OPINION OF THEMSELVES. 3 sort of sacredness attaches to the very humblest of its professors. Some of them, indeed, boldly main- tain that the man of letters is, now-a-days, " your true king of men ; " whilst there is none but imagines himself to be a component part of that band of illu- minati which is said to form, by some unexplained and inexplicable arrangement, a fourth estate within the realm, superior to, and regulating the rest. They all seem to be persuaded, that by printing his notions a man acquires a degree of importance to which he would not be entitled had he abstained from sending O them to the press. Ostensibly the man of letters does not, it is true, demand so much consideration as the professor of theology, who prefixes to his name a notice calling upon us to do him reverence ; but he is sufficiently forward in magnifying his office and functions. His pretensions will be found to permeate our literature, sometimes openly avowed, sometimes by sublime innuendo. They were openly and with much indig- nation expressed by more than one critic of a recent volume of poems, wherein the editor had mentioned that the poet had renounced letters for more import- ant matters. The critics did not, of course, question the accuracy of the statement made by the editor, but their censures were directed against his implied assertion, that any pursuit is to be considered of 4 MEN OF LETTERS. more importance than that in which they are them- selves engaged. On the other hand, in their treat- ment of Mr. Disraeli, to whom they bear the same relation as the young divines of the time of Charles the Second bore to Hobbes of Malmesbury, writers exemplify these pretentious by innuendo. Ambition to become a statesman is surely not reprehensible, nor, as Mr. Disraeli's novels professedly deal with political matters, is it strange to find in them a hero whose aim is the acquirement of senatorial distinc- tion. The author of " Coningsby " may think that delivering a speech or performing an action is as dignified a proceeding as criticising it ; but it is well known, even to those who are only moderately familiar with modern literature, that his critics are of con- trary opinion. They characterize the aim he imputes to his heroes as of a gross nature, and the reward he makes them covet as far beneath the dignity of right- thinking men. This undue assumption of superiority and exalta- tion of their own calling may constantly be detected in numerous other forms throughout our literature. A large proportion of our public writers assume a boldness that is sometimes more than amusing. No sense of decency restrains the arrogance of their pretensions. With pen in hand, they seem to be different men from what they are in ordinary times. SOCIAL STATUS. 5 There is then nothing too great for their attempt. With politics they are more conversant than pro- fessed politicians ; if they write on morals, they pronounce judgment as if they had been favoured with a special revelation from heaven for the occa- sion ; on social manners, les petites morales, they dogmatise with a confidence they would not venture to exhibit in the presence of their friends ; and, even in novels, they irrelevantly discuss legislation, law, divinity, military and naval matters, and every other subject under the sun, with the airs of a referee, and in a manner which plainly indicates their conviction that the faculty they possess of being able to put their observations into print is identical with that of being able to form correct judgment on men and things. Whilst, however, literary men thus magnify their office, they lament that, even from those who ac- knowledge the high rank claimed for the printing of opinions, they, the individual representatives of the practice, fail to receive the personal consideration to which they believe themselves entitled. Their complaint is, doubtless, in some degree true ; but the reason, I venture to remark, is not that usually given and generally accepted. Thackeray was fond of attributing the personal disesteem, in which men of letters are sometimes held, to a tradition that dates from the time of Swift 6 MEN OF LETTERS. and Pope. " It was Pope, I fear," he says, " who contributed more than any man who ever lived to depreciate the literary calling. It was not an un- prosperous one before that time, as we have seen ; at least there were great prizes in the profession which had made Addison a minister, and Prior an ambas- sador, and Steele a commissioner, and Swift all but a bishop. The profession of letters was ruined by that libel of the Dunciad. The condition of authorship began to fall from the days of the Dunciad ; and I believe in my heart that much of that obloquy which has since pursued our calling was occasioned by Pope's libels and wicked wit." In the interval that divided Pope from Johnson men of letters undoubt- edly laboured under a cloud, and found it impossible to emerge into that pleasant official sunshine which had warmed the hearts of their immediate predecessors ; but even then the supply equalled the demand, and if nothing we are proud of, except what came from the men who owed their culture to the era of Queen Anne, can be referred to this gloomy period in our literary annals, we must attribute the result to other causes than the publication of a clever satire. Men hitherto had relied on patrons for the countenance which led to ultimate reward. But already in France, as well as in England, private encouragement had become only occasional; a new system was about to PRIZES OPEN TO THEM. 7 arise; and patrons that paid for dedications, either in money or places had become scarce. " Men of " quality have mended that fault," says Asmodeus, " and thereby done acceptable service to the pub- e< lie, which before was continually pestered with " wretched performances; the greatest part of the " books being formerly written for the lucre of their " dedications." In England, moreover, there was special cause for the departure at this juncture from the established usage of long generations. Neither George the First nor George the Second could speak English, and as few Englishmen spoke German, the language of the court became, of ne- r cessity, a kind of bastard Latin. The sovereign /^_ despised the literature of which he was himself igno- rant, and the court was too polite not to follow the example of the sovereign. If, then, literary men had not learned to wean themselves from the system that had prevailed, with good results, from the time of Aristotle to their own day and there was then little hope of successful endeavour by other means how could it be expected that literature could thrive ? The presumption that the great prizes are no longer within the reach of the class amidst which they fell in the days of Anne, is as groundless as the notion that the profession of letters was ruined by Pope and his Dunciad. A literary man's chance 8 MEN OF LETTERS. of success is as great now as it ever was. It is true he does not, nor should he, obtain political and eccle- siastical preferment solely by virtue of the literary ability he may have evinced ; but if he possesses the qualifications which in this country are expected of aspirants to posts of dignity and high emolument, his literary merit will undoubtedly aid him in the accomplishment of his desires. The truth is, literary men have lost no opportunity they ever possessed of advancing themselves ; but, on the contrary, have attained to positions they had not hitherto occupied. Against Addison, who became Secretary of State, may be placed Mr. Disraeli, who has become leader of the House of Commons ; and if Swift became " all but a bishop," by reason of his literary abilities, we have, at the present moment, two archbishops who would, I think, have had less chance of the great prefer- ment they enjoy had they not displayed eminent literary ability. From an organized literary guild or the establishment of an academy, were the idea practicable, I can anticipate little benefit either for literature or its professors. Its decrees would be inoperative, however unanimously concocted. "What would be the effect, then, of the legislative measures of a board, composed of literary homoeopaths, allo- paths, apprentices, vendors of patent medicines, one is quite unable to predict. Every man's literary THEIR DECREASING IMPORTANCE. 9 power is proportioned to his desert, and so is his personal weight. If he is endowed with those per- sonal qualities which fit for social intercourse, what is to prevent him exercising them and gaining the influence he covets ? But, from a delusion, incom- prehensible by others, that something is owing from society to their vocation as a vocation, the most meagrely equipped professors are disappointed at not receiving the consideration that is due only to those of their brethren, who, to the highest literary culture, have united successful literary performance. They consequently blame the public for their own non- success, or sit down to revile Mr. Tupper, partly because they have never read his productions, but chiefly because his books have gone through a pro- vokingly large number of editions. There is, however, a specific reason, not usually considered, for the continually decreasing importance of literary men. Those who write books are so nume- rous that they are no longer prodigies in the eyes of their neighbours. What all can do none reverences. Even the poet is fast losing the prestige that once attached to his office; and there are signs that the time is not far distant when he will be regarded in a light not different from that in which any other of the world's workers are regarded. The aim and object of art being to give pleasure, the artist, 10 MEN OF LETTERS. whether he expresses himself in words, or on canvas, or in marble, must learn to renounce the high pre- tensions he successfully advanced when he really discharged the functions of a teacher. The sooner he sees the necessity for this, the better will it be for us and for him. If a man has anything to say, let him say it in the clearest and most direct way he is able. The manner is unimportant. A well-dressed man must not be confounded with a good man. What is said will more and more become of greater importance than how it is said ; and the advance made in civilization by our generation will hereafter be judged by the value we attach to the form of a speaker and writer. Metrical composition is no longer required to enable us to preserve what is worthy of preservation, any more than plays are necessary to teach us history, or pictures to give us a narrative of the chief events in the Scriptures. People have already ceased to consider a writer synonymous with a wise man ; and although they still express surprise that Sir Thomas Browne or Sir Matthew Hale, and other of our elder writers, were unable to see impro- priety in customs common to their day, and thus im- plicitly avow their disappointment that those worthies were not better than the time in which they lived, similar illogicality is seldom exhibited with respect to men of our own era. Nobody now expects Mr. REFLECTED GREATNESS. 11 Dickens to be in advance of his age because he is the most popular author of the time. But nume- rous writers still delude themselves with the belief that they are intellectually superior to those who ab- stain from writing, and demand recognition accord- ingly. Men who write elaborate essays " concerning " nothing, or, in tortuous phraseology meant for style, spin out nothing " concerning " everything, cannot reasonably, however, expect the reward due only to great achievements in literature, simply because they belong to the same profession as those who have accomplished them, any more than a small retail tobacconist in Whitechapel can expect the social importance of a wholesale dealer in the city. And yet they do. When the elder Dumas, appearing as a witness before a court of justice, was asked his profession, he is reported to have said, in a tone of modesty that did not conceal his magnificent self-conceit, " Mon- sieur, je dirais auteur dramatique, si je n'etais dans la patrie de Corneille." Whereupon the President, with true French irony, replied, " Mais, Monsieur, il y a des degres," a reply that is, unfortunately, as applicable to not a few English men of letters as to the gorgeous Frenchman. I never heard of a poor money-lender flattering himself he was a millionaire because he was of 12 MEN OF LETTERS. the same profession as the Rothschilds ; and yet the humblest private in the ranks of literature believes that, by a kind of reflected greatness, he participates in the glory that has been achieved by his illustrious predecessors and contemporaries. He insists upon claiming flattering recognition for merits not his own, and expects applause solely because he belongs to the army in which others have victoriously fought just as I have seen in the streets the master of an im- mense mastiff taking to himself the attention and admiration meant by passengers for the powerful brute he was leading by a string. The pretence that the literary calling is more sacred than others, or should be regulated by dif- ferent maxims from those by which men of any other profession are guided, is a tradition derived from past ages, and, as might be supposed, originated with literary men themselves. At one time, however, it had foundation on fact. The priesthood were the sole literary men. Its members united in their per- sons the writing and the sacred functions. They alone were clerks. It was not, therefore, unreason- able they should require and receive the respect due from ignorance to obvious and transcendent supe- riority. But nobody will seriously maintain that a similar reason exists in our time for its continuance, since, to speak with designed discretion, the clergy TRADITION TO BE ABANDONED. 13 are certainly not more intelligent than the laity, nor are those who print their opinions better informed than those who do not. It would be for the interests of literature and of literary men themselves that the pretence should now be abandoned. II. CRITICISM. HE number of literary men having in- creased to such a degree as to include almost everybody with literary tastes, it is manifest that all who are addicted to being clever could not advantageously employ themselves in original composition ; their genius, therefore, with convenience to themselves, and it is thought with advantage to the public, has taken a critical direction. Their activity chiefly displays it- self in criticism ; the age, in literature, as in other matters, is nothing if not critical. Seeing the com- petition that within these circumstances must neces- sarily exist, it is not unreasonable to expect the art to have reached the degree of perfection of which it is susceptible. But it is notorious that it has made only a slight advance in that desirable direction. Although more than two hundred years have now elapsed since what may be called the invention of ITS IMPERFECTIONS. 15 periodical criticism by Denis de Salo and his foot- man, little progress seems to have been effected in it, as far as England is concerned. In Germany and, only in a less degree, in France it has under- gone great improvements ; but, as all who pay atten- tion to its development among ourselves cannot fail to notice, its condition in this country is most de- plorable. This misfortune is, no doubt, partly owing to the exigencies of daily or weekly publication. The press, like time and tide, waits for no man ; and it will not be denied that the views of a man who writes with the printer at his door must neces- sarily be hastily and prematurely expressed. But it is chiefly due to the false notion entertained by critics of the aim and objects of the art they profess, and to the fact that they form their judgments from a local and temporal point of view instead of from a universal and permanent. Criticism, regulated by fashion, must be inoperative, just as the creative lite- rature of every age, disfigured by such a blemish, has become inoperative. Practising critics, when they do not philosophise from their own idiosyncracies, become advocates of a cause. They found their opinions on what is inci- dent, and not permanent. They are without an intelligible and trustworthy standard whereby to test the merit of works that come before them ; but 16 CRITICISM. grope their way to the misbegotten verdicts with which we are undeservedly distracted. And so it happens that the history of our literature abounds in well- remembered examples of their ridiculous blunders. So near-sighted, indeed, have been the majority of them, that one age has seldom ratified the verdicts delivered by its predecessor; and, in innumerable instances, reversals of judgment have taken place during the lifetime of the critics by whom they were pronounced. It is well known that according to the Scottish reviewers and their friends, who, at the beginning of our century, stormed the strong- holds of literary criticism, and infused into the pro- fession an amount of confident assertion that has since appeared astounding Wordsworth was a dolt, Southey a common-place rhymester, Coleridge a madman, and Byron a writer whose productions were unhealthy rubbish or worse. Opposed to these not over-cautious arbiters of literature were other arbi- ters equally certain on the other side. Such sorry discordance is, unfortunately, still occurring, and will continue to occur so long as criticism is founded on principles dependent on fashion. Of the flourishing condition of musical, dramatic, and fine arts' criticism I shall not now venture to pronounce. From presumably competent persons I hear, on all hands, loud and deep complaints of its ITS DISCREPANCIES. 17 shortcomings and overgoings. What most con- cerns us at present, however, is this that, here in England, there is I may venture to say so without claiming for myself exclusive information little real literary criticism. We get opinions instead ; and week by week there is opportunity of being amused at the wide diversity between them. Except in rare instances, when an author appears of such transcendent merit that not the worst critic in England can gain- say his genius, two verdicts on a book are seldom alike. One writer informs his reader that the work under his review is the most powerful he has ever read ; another, that he has examined it with great care, and cannot find a line he could conscientiously praise. It is very commonly, and, to judge from these dis- crepancies, not unreasonably believed that friendly bias or personal malice influences the tone of the critic, and prompts him to praise or disparage the work he is reviewing. When party feeling rose high, this probably was the case; but I conclude, from accurate attention to facts, that the belief is now rarely well gi'ounded. Critics do not at the present day, as they did at the commencement of the cen- tury, attack a writer they have never seen simply because he belongs to a coterie with which they are at enmity, or from which they have themselves been excluded. Personality has fortunately ceased to be an C 18 CRITICISM. observable feature in our literature. The time when the personal peculiarities, or moral qualities, or obscure birth of an author influenced the judgment formed of his works has happily gone by never, let it be hoped, to re-appear. One may still detect occa- sional revival of the custom ; but the improved taste of the public mind preserves us from the risk of being subjected to that truculent, openly-avowed sort of dis- dainful personality which in the last generation cha- racterized the writings of our predecessors. It now displays itself only at long intervals, and in a very modified form ; it is latent ; keen ; usually directed against a rival and friend; and is meant less for readers than for the edification of him at whom it is aimed. With the prevailing belief that criticism owes its present deplorable state to the frequency with which critics suffer their judgment to be swayed by personal feeling I am not inclined to agree. Prudential reasons, if nothing higher, act as a too influential check upon the display of jealousy or favouritism. In rare instances, bias with regard to the writer reviewed undoubtedly regulates the proportion of praise and blame awarded to his book the editor or critic being content to sacrifice the legitimate influence of his paper for the sake of gra- tifying his predilections, just as there are theatrical managers who are ready to withdraw a successful JEALOUSY AND FAVOURITISM. 19 piece from the bills because, being actors as well as managers, their role is not sufficiently prominent to gratify their inordinate self-love. A journal regu- lated by feeling would not, however, exist for six months; and this is so well known to press mana- gers that such literary wrong-headedness as would make the attempt is daily becoming less frequently exhibited. Indeed, were I to judge solely from my own literary experience, I should say it has entirely ceased. I have more than once reviewed books by men whom I have known to be in feud with the editor of the journal in which my criticism would appear ; but no hint has, even implicitly, ever been given me as to the treatment it was desired the works should receive. On the contrary, I am happy, for the honour of English critics, in being able to recal numerous instances of a quite contrary ten- dency. Authors not unnaturally are apt to suppose every notice of their works that is not laudatory is designedly disparaging, and the public side with them in abusing the two or three journals which persistently and consistently refuse to be of so angelic a nature as to be able to detect merit in the books that week after week are offered for their imprimatur; but in the present state of literature amongst us there is unfortunately little opportunity for the manifestation of undue severity. Excessive 20 CRITICISM. leniency, rather, is the vice with which periodical criticism can with more justice be charged. In ad- dition to the tendency inhering in some minds, to deal tenderly with one who, in demanding their judgment upon himself makes them his patrons and benefactors, there is the incidental probability that the critic of a work is personally known to the author, or that he has succumbed to the importunities he was sub- jected to by the author's friends. The experienced eye at once detects the criticism that results as, indeed, it was meant to be detected. The praise is abundant, but provokingly vague ; the censure is deferentially advanced ; the whole criticism is so in- determinate that it might be applied to almost any book in the language. Potentialities and not per- formance is the theme. We read of the author having evinced " decided indications of possessing marvellous power;" of much to be found in the work that cannot fail to exert " direct influence on the age;" of the critic not being surprised to hear " great things of Mr. Author hereafter ;" and of the great delight he has for the present in " cordially recommending the work to his readers ;" how it is "the book of the season." Even here, however, in his dishonesty, the critic is too honest to point out defects as beauties, or indicate specific but imaginary merits. He contents himself with overlooking short- ITS SLIGHT WEIGHT. 21 comings and expressing a hope that the author's future works will be better than that he is reviewing, and will not disappoint the expectations he has formed from this. If, then, we may in great measure credit critics with the first requisite of criticism, the avoidance of partialities, and acquit them of the discredit of ex- hibiting malice and undue commendation in their judgments how are we to account for the low con- dition of their art in England ? How is it that the weight exercised by critical opinion is so slight that it is unappreciable ? Readers, finding it impossible to consult every book, in order to ascertain the commo- dity they want, are obliged to resort to the critical reviews for assistance, and the assistance is in such matter equivalent to directions. What we call cri- ticism has, I am aware, enormous power. It can sell off an edition of a book ; by reiterating praise (or blame) it can send a book through several editions ; it can spoil the sale of a book it ignores. Critics, however, confound the power they possess of selling a book with the ability to determine its merits. They deceive themselves but not their readers; each of whom, while conscious that the opinion of his guide does not influence himself in forming his verdict, still believes that it influences others, and thus favours the delusion that power is weight. Authors, 22 CRITICISM. smarting under the effects of a severe or inadequate review, accuse their critics with being self-appointed instructors. For the reproach that underlies the accusation there is not the least ground. By pur- chasing his journal the public, or that section of it which forms his constituency, sanctions, as far as it can sanction, the reviewer's assumption of judicial functions ; and the author, by personally sending his work, or by directing his accredited agent, the pub- lisher, to act for him, implicitly enters into an agree- ment that an opinion should be pronounced; tacit and implied only but still morally as binding as would be a more formal agreement to submit it to arbitration. When the decision of the referee is adverse, there is, within these circumstances, no valid cause for complaint. On the other hand, by abstain- ing from sending a copy of his work the author makes indirect declaration that he declines to submit to the customary ordeal. In this case I do not see that the critic has the right of interference. Duty to his customers, if he has only that plea, will not ex- cuse the obtrusion of his opinion where it is not asked. The question is, however, of little moment. The number of deserving books that appear and of these almost all of late years have been by non-pro- fessional authors, who have made special study of certain branches and confined their attention thereto NOT A MATTER OF TASTE. 23 is so few that there is seldom need to look beyond the works themselves in order to discover a motive for the unfavourable verdicts complained of. Let a re- viewer be severe, and the chances that he is right will be in proportion to the severity of his criticism. Journalism that resolutely confined itself to the con- sideration of deserving productions would flourish not like a tree planted by the rivers of waters. The deplorable diversity of opinion of which I have complained is, I think, less the result of wilful perversity than of misconception on the part of critics as to their true function, and of ignorance as to their true method. They regard criticism as only an art, and refuse to recognize it as a science. It never- theless has its methods and its laws; and all judg- ments founded on true principles principles which have been successfully enunciated by more than one German writer would necessarily be symphonious. English writers, however, will not see this. They think criticism to be a matter of taste, and not a matter of knowledge ; and, if they conceive themselves to be men of taste, give their opinions fearlessly, having no misgivings that they are right. If a book is bad, they feel it is bad ; but are utterly unable to tell us wherein it is defective. Their procedure is as varied as are their verdicts. Some deal out half praise and half blame, and think they deserve commendation for 24 CRITICISM. their judicial fairness. Others, of whom Lord Ma- caulay was a conspicuous example, are little more than elegant precis-writers. They give themselves the airs of men who can say on a dozen pages what the poor author could not say on a hundred, and do not review the book before them at all, but re-de- scribe the subject-matter. The majority, however, are not so magnanimous. They regard themselves as the police of the republic of letters, and, like the police, seem to feel personal interest in a conviction. They accordingly devote themselves to the detection of blemishes; employ their ingenuity on the rectifica- tion of a date, or the orthography of a name, or the discovery of plagiarism; or proceed to elucidate some minor detail with which they happen to be ac- quainted, but of which they imagine their author to be ignorant, because he has not said all that could be said on the point. From what has been advanced no one will fail to see that English criticism reposes on a false esti- mate of its office and scope, and that its professors evade their legitimate functions. We do not require from them more than is necessary. With the cur- rent notion, which demands from the reviewer of a book a knowledge co-extensive with the author, I do not agree. It would be equally unreasonable to require a judge at Nisi Prius to be acquainted with ITS ESSENTIAL CHARACTERISTIC. 25 the innumerable subjects upon which he adjudicates. It is, of course, well for him to have a decent ac- quaintance with the subject-matter, and what had previously been written thereon ; but the essential characteristic of his profession is judicial, and it is no part of his duty to give the subject-matter from his own point of view. This would be dissertation, and not criticism. It is obviously impossible, in most instances, for the reviewer to be as well acquainted with the sub- ject-matter of the book as the author who has made it a special study, and devoted years, perhaps, to its production ; but the complete knowledge possessed by the original writer is not required to enable him to ascertain whether what was undertaken by the author has been satisfactorily accomplished, any more than it is necessary for me to serve apprenticeship to a cabinet-maker, in order to discover whether the chair I occupy answers the end designed in being a comfortable seat. What we need in a critic, in addition to the power of writing intelligibly, is a judicial mind trained for the particular purpose of his profession. It would, in my opinion, be disastrous to the best interests of literature to insist, as is fre- quently done, upon the reviewer having a more com- plete acquaintance with the subject than the writer he is reviewing. Even the belief that the critic is 26 CRITICISM. expected to possess this extraordinary knowledge is injurious, inasmuch as it tempts him to assume a virtue if he has it not. Artists are even more per- emptory than authors in their demands for " experts" as critics, and are loud in their denunciations of what they indignantly term "presumptuous patrons" and "committees of taste." Men who have themselves failed as practical artists they disparage, without con- sidering that, as in Goethe's case, some acquaintance with the technicalities of art-practice does not weaken a man's insight, or impair his critical faculty. If Phidias had been under the necessity of propitiating a jury of expert Phidiases, and Michael Angelo of submitting his designs to Raphael, or his other com- petitors and rivals, instead of to their several unpro- fessional patrons and critics, the result would pro- bably be less satisfactory to artists and ourselves than it is. Dramatic criticism, seldom performed by ignorant patrons, is, we know, almost entirely confined to the experts; and instances have occurred when men, by the necessity of the system, have been obliged to criticise their own plays. I see no valid reason why the plan should be adopted in literature. Reviews of works of fiction, of poems, of the various branches of science, performed by men specially interested in the several departments, have usually been failures ; the writers having either treated the subject anew from ITS TRUE FUNCTION. 27 their own point of view ; or praised and condemned on ground utterly unintelligible by the reader, in whose service and for whose benefit they professed to work. If we could combine the expert with the critic if, that is, we could unite special faculties with perfect knowledge it would be a desirable con- summation. Until that is attainable, we must either abolish criticism, or cease to blame the reviewer be- cause his knowledge is inferior to the man on whom he is in judgment. Literary questions are not the only questions that must be relegated to the laity for final decision. Criticism, as I conceive it, has to do solely with the disposal of the materials, and but incidentally with the quality of the materials themselves. In fine, it should concern itself with the method of an author, and not with the elucidation of the subject. The critic should be guided in his decision by cer- tain fixed and intelligible principles. Above all, he should know no more of the author than is revealed to him by the work under his review. Women who write are so well aware of the disadvantage to which a revelation of their sex would expose them, that they not unnaturally resort to innumerable expe- dients for the purpose of keeping themselves un- known. Most readers will remember with pain the earnest entreaty made to a famous critic by poor 28 CRITICISM. Charlotte Bronte, that he would discuss her book without reference to her sex, and the indignation she exhibited upon finding that her entreaty had been disregarded. A critic, who has unofficially become acquainted with the personality of an anonymous author, has several temptations to use his knowledge. In the first place, he is enabled to make discoveries which exhibit his penetration, and thus secure jour- nalistic as well as personal advantage. He is enabled to show such skill in the selection of illustrative pas- sages to support his views as to the sex or condition of the author, that he imposes upon the reader, and appears " to possess very unusual insight." His un- official knowledge will almost invariably be found to colour his verdict. He becomes what may be called a shirt-collar critic ; deducing his conclusions, not from the evidence before him, but from his personal knowledge of the author. If the latter moves in a humble sphere, some passage will be discovered that proves his ignorance of the usages of society ; if he belongs to the upper classes, something will be found to indicate that he is unacquainted with the habits and feelings of some of the characters he has endea- voured to represent. The discussion of anything further than what is derivable from the book is, I humbly submit, for here I know I have against me general opinion a gross transgression of the ethics ITS AIM. 29 of criticism. Such discussion may interest the reader; it may gratify the author himself that his progress should be traced from the first public exhi- bition of his genius to his triumphant conquest of all difficulties, and his assumption of general approbation; but this, like many other interesting experiments, is not within the limits of criticism, and should be eschewed by the reviewer whose duty lies in scru- pulously confining himself to a consideration of the particular work he is reviewing. I do not think it will be denied in theory that every book should be judged absolutely and not relatively either with respect to the author's position at some former period, or to the circumstances of its production. By dramatic critics the opposite practice is pursued. One of the most eminent of them has avowed to me (and his statement is confirmed by the practice of the whole body) that he always regards a performance from (t the point of view of the House " where the actor appears. If,for instance, Cholmondeley Lascelles, (ne Smith), who is a very mediocre actor, played with applause at a small uncritical east-end theatre, where even he is a " star," the critic would pro- nounce favourably on the successful performance. If, on the other hand, Cholmondeley performed the same character at Drury Lane, he would esteem it hia duty to denounce the attempt as an impertinence. 30 CRITICISM. The pursuance of this " point of view'' sadly affects the importance and power of dramatic criticism ; and is equivalent to a reviewer criticising a book, not on its absolute merits, but from " a publishing- firm point of view." A work of trifling merit, pub- lished by an unknown tradesman were the same principles applied to literary as to theatrical criti- cism would be tenderly treated, whilst the same, issued from one of our great publishing houses, would be abused as unworthy of the literary fame of the establishment. Such a practice does, however, prevail; not alone with respect to the selection of books for review, but in some degree with respect to the mode of their treatment. But it takes a dif- ferent direction. A work coming from an eminent firm is sure to receive greater consideration than if it had been the venture of an ignoble bibliopolist. By such practice the very first principle of criticism is completely violated. Everything foreign and ir- relevant should be kept external. There must be no extenuation of shortcomings. Let it not be urged, in favour of a work and in mitigation of its faults, that the writer was environed with disheartening difficulties during its composition, or that, being a peasant, his meagre and defective education precluded him from participating in the advantages usually possessed by authors. The self-taught man, debarred EXTENUATING CIRCUMSTANCES. 31 in his youth from the attendant privileges of a royal road to learning, is notoriously disposed to over-value his hard-earned acquirements, and to disparage the easily-won achievements of those for whom a clearer path had been made. But the judicious critic is wholly free from such bias. Were he called on to judge a man's enterprise, and estimate the extent and power of his resolution, it would be fit for him to take into consideration extenuating circumstances ; but his office being to judge of results per se, it would be unfair to those who have not had disadvan- tages to surmount, if he were to judge a production by the difficulties of the producer. The productions of a man must not be over-rated because he is a prodigy. Literature has no concern with prodigies. We do not think the Iliad the first of epics because we say Homer was blind, or the Divine Comedy great because its author was an unfortunate exile. Posterity has short recollection, and declines load- ing its memory with the names of horses that would have won the race had they not been over- weighted. It can remember only winners. If the work of A, the prodigy, is not intrinsically of superior excellence to that of B, who has had no difficulty to contend against, in any estimate we are called on to form of him, he should not be credited with the result he has accomplished, plus the difficulty he has triumphantly 32 CRITICISM. encountered. So prevalent is this method, especially in the treatment of poetry, that temporary success has been secured for works that deserved utter and instantaneous oblivion, solely because their authors were considered prodigies. Armless street artists procure halfpence for chalk drawings executed with their feet on the pavement. It is the devious skill of the draughtsman, however, and not the beauty of his production that attracts patrons. But to leave general for specific sins of current criticism, I notice as a cardinal defect the ten- dency habitually manifested by reviewers to con- sider the minute details of a work to the exclusion of its general whole. I do not decry the obvious advantages to be derived from able detection and representation of latent beauties, and from the dis- covery and due appreciation of new gifts of expres- sion in an author ; or of a faculty showing itself in an unusual and unexpected form. But I beg to insist that a part is not the whole. The detection of the beauties and defects of passages is not a review of a work. Upon the critic is imposed a higher duty. Gross errors in detail notoriously heighten the effect of some of the most famous sculptures that remain to us ; and so in literature, the impression in- tended to be produced by the author is frequently and designedly intensified by similar means. MINUTE FAULT-FINDING. 33 The best books in every language abound in the gravest faults. Were a critic, then, to fasten on transparent defects, and conclude that the book is poor, or to deduce, from beauties he has discovered, that it is deserving of praise, he has his business yet to learn. It is true there may be defects of detail which, by destroying congruity, ruin art. Had the Venus de Medici the lips of a negress, it would cease to give pleasure; and the substitution in some of Shakespeare's plays of blemishes less glaring than those by which they are distinguished, would have the effect of destroying the efficaciousness of what is now congruous. In criticism regard must be had to the combination attempted by the author, and his success or failure must be explained. Beauties and blemishes should be massed, for it is the sum of the impression produced by a writer that is the criterion of his powers. I do not say the general effect should blind the critic to the existence of partial defects and beauties ; I merely remind him that he should consider them partial defects and beauties, and nothing more. He must not judge of a work as a cheese- man tests his cheese by tasting it. III. THE PROVINCE OF THE ANONYMOUS. HE practice of writing anonymously in newspapers and literary journals is so generally followed in England, that, to omit reference to it in any work, how- ever humble, that has literature for its subject-matter, would be inexcusable. There is little need, however, to say much, since the scope and limits of anonymous writing have often been discussed, and more than once, I believe, been accurately defined. They may be briefly stated thus. In matters of fact the name of the writer is essential; in matters of opinion in questions, that is, that are to be decided by argu- ment the writer may give his name or withhold it, as seems fit to himself. For instance, if the Teheran correspondent of the Illuminator tells us that the King of Persia has been intriguing with THE FOREIGN CORRESPONDENT. 35 Russia, or has killed his favourite wife, or has set fire to his palace, or charges him with any other scanda- lous proceeding, we have right to demand the name of the writer. We have right to say to him, " Off " with your mask, Mr. Correspondent, let us see " who you are ; let us know what are your means " of information ; give us the opportunity to ascer- " tain if you are trustworthy, and have no sinister " motive for your communication. It is not suffi- " cient for the conductor of the Illuminator to know " this. Everybody to whom you address yourself " that is to say, all your readers have right to be " equally well informed." The publication of the name would bring us double advantage. It would tend to repress the exuberant egotism of the corres- pondent, and have the effect of curtailing the redun- dancies of his communications. Were we, literally, to believe him, the foreign correspondent of a newspaper should be at once the happiest and most miserable man in existence. He is intimately ac- quainted with the secrets of foreign governments ; nothing of importance " transpires " without his cog- nizance ; indeed, the representative of majesty itself has fewer opportunities of learning the origination and progress of events, and not half the ability to use the information when it is acquired. In the social life of the capital to which he is accredited, he 36 THE ANONYMOUS. is facile princeps. He is killed with incessant kind- nesses and attentions of the fashionable world; he has to ruin his health by agreeable excesses in which he is encouraged by the most agreeable companions ; and, to crown all, he is enabled to enjoy the supreme felicity of giving himself the airs of martyrdom in the columns of the newspaper he represents. What state can be more enviable than his ? A king retired from business excites our pity, how much deeper, then, should be our commiseration with the news- paper correspondent who has relapsed into common life ? Why he obtrudes upon us a narrative of his per- sonal confidences, furnishes us with a catalogue of his whims, tells us how he relaxes himself, and what he eats, drinks, and avoids, is a question not easily answered. Even the word " gossip" is degraded when applied to his daily sermon ; for it is not idle talk but offensive pretension that is generally placed before us. The legitimate and only cure for this state of things is a disclosure of the writer's name, so that those to whom he addresses himself may have the means of ascertaining whether the chronicler is to be implicitly trusted, or whether his confidences and revelations are to be taken with many grains of salt. Even at home, where greater facilities for verifi- cation exist, the same information as to authorship is desirable. If a writer in the Illuminator charges CLUB GOSSIP. 37 himself with the responsibility of giving a daily or weekly report of what is being done at the principal Clubs, or of gossiping about literary and political notabilities ; if he reveals the secrets of studios, pub- lishing houses, and cabinet councils, we ought to have his name. "We ought to know who he is that frequents the Clubs, and carries off what he hears therein. We should like to ascertain whether the unpublished book which he announces as about to create a great sensation is by himself or a member of his family ; whether the information he has given touching the dissolution of Parliament has been de- rived from a member of the Cabinet, or from the less trustworthy medium of the porter's hall. Here, his credibility is at stake he is dealing with facts his name is essential. But, on the other hand, when the same gentleman in a leading article discusses politics tells us that he considers Mr. Disraeli an adventurer in politics, and Lord Russell a great states- man it is his own affair, and he has right to shield himself under the anonymous ; he is dealing with arguments, and not with facts ; the force of his reasoning can be neither strengthened nor weakened by the revelation of his identity. To the reader it is a matter of perfect indifference whether he gives or withholds his name. Clearly just, however, as this limitation must 38 THE ANONYMOUS. appear to all who consider the matter dispassion- ately, the question is constantly re-opened by public speakers and by writers in the press. Among those who favoured signed articles was the late Lord Herbert, who believed that for the mission of public instruction anonymous writing in the newspapers is a great disadvantage. " It puts on " a par," he argued, "in point of weight and " authority, the most scrupulous and the most un- " scrupulous writer, the most exact and the most " inexact If we knew who the writers " were, we should know, in the case of a man whose " character is established, that everything he says (f might be taken for gospel, while we should also " know in another case that the writer was neither " so accurate in his statements nor so careful in " sifting his facts. I think we should derive great " advantage from such a state of things " Then, again, there is something in the English " character that dislikes secrecy. Men are ashamed " to a certain extent of writing anonymously, and if " they do so, they conceal it. I have known many " gentlemen take a leading part in public writing ; " but I have always found them unwilling to admit " or to be known as writers of such and such ar- " tides. They don't like the impression which would " be produced if they were known as anonymous OBJECTIONS TO IT. 39 " writers. In the House of Commons an impression " prevails that a man who can speak in his own " name upon any question takes an unfair advantage " if he says something under cover of an anonymous " article." Something very similar to this has been urged by Mr. Thomas Hughes, M. P. " Our readers," says that gentleman,* " would derive the greatest benefit " [from the abolition of the anonymous system], for " they would pretty soon take our measure, and " would read the lucubrations of some of us, and " skip those of others : just as they treat the " speeches of our brethren of the third estate of the " realm already. (By the way what right have we " of the fourth estate to such an advantage over " them? The greatest bore in the House is not " allowed to shout in a feigned voice from behind a " door.)" One can scarcely imagine objections of so little force as these could have possibly been advanced in seri- ousness against the anonymous system. A writer is, I presume, to be tested by the quality of his arguments, and not by our opinion of his character. If Lord Herbert correctly represented the prevailing impres- sion of the House of Commons, his announcement * Macmillaris Magazine, December, 1861. 40 THE ANONYMOUS. gives us a sad opinion of the liberality of members of Parliament. When a man becomes the representa- tive of an English borough he surely is not to be debarred from advancing, by the most powerful means within his reach, principles which, from the few opportunities he can have of being " on his legs " in the House, he could only feebly advance by speech. Mr. Hughes's notion implies that his readers are un- able to take his measure till they become acquainted with his name. I hope, for the sake of his admirers, that the estimate he has formed of their capacity is false. The parenthetical assertion that anonymous writing is equivalent to a shout in a feigned voice behind a door is more curious than true, and does not demand serious comment. The author of an un- signed article in a newspaper speaks in his natural voice as truly as he who prints in name in flaming capital letters. It is his personality and not his opinion, or unfeigned voice, that is concealed. The subject has engaged the pen of Mr. Anthony Trollope, too, who appears, however, to be only a semi-believer in the benefits that are promised from the total abolition of anonymous writing. He thinks " any one can understand that a leading article in " the Times must be written as a part of a combined " whole. It must support certain views to which " the Times is committed. It must be subject to, ITS ADVANTAGES. 41 " and compatible with, the prevailing spirit of the " Times. That is the valid reason for anonymous " writing in political journalism ; but no such reason " operates in regard to magazine articles." In peri- odical literature he believes the public should have the means afforded them of knowing " what they get" for their sixpence, shilling, two shillings, or five, and thinks " it is absurd to argue that readers " should judge by the matter and not by the name " of the writer." People differ as to what it is absurd to argue, and I have the misfortune to be one of those who think it right that readers should judge of the matter by the matter. What does it signify to us who it is that occupies a dozen pages of our magazine with fiction? or pens the critique or the stanza? or gives us his opinion about politics, or religion, or art? Not the most powerful name on earth can make twaddle anything but twaddle ; nor can the absence of a man's name lessen the weight of his sentence. It is singular that the very number of the magazine* in which Mr. Trollope discusses the subject contains convincing evidence of the wholesomeness of the limits I would assign to anonymous writing. " In this Review of ours," says Mr. Trollope in the concluding sentence of his * Fortnightly Review, July, 1865. 42 THE ANONYMOUS. article, " we intend to try what signatures will do " for us. Our editor will, at any rate, not be " ashamed of putting forward the names of his con- " tributors; and we, on our part, will not be " ashamed to put forward our names under his " authority." After this frank avowal of a frank intention we know what to expect. On the page facing Mr. Trollope's name is an article on " Public Affairs." Now, if it is desirable that any communi- cation should be signed by the writer it is that in which public men and public events are freely criti- cised. One of our statesmen is accused of attempt- ing to lead his party to commit political suicide; another is said to have resigned his seat in a " fit of petulance," and his objection to being a Treasury dependant is sneered at. Members of Parliament are spoken of as "a" Mr. Blank, and the "notorious" Mr. Blank ; and an unfortunate Cabinet minister is described as " born in narrow-mindedness, he has " grown mature in it, and he will never change." The whole is characterized by the same taste. Every other article has the writer's name scrupu- lously appended to his communication. But here, when we anxiously turn over the pages to see who is the author, no name appears ; when we are desirous of learning whether we are listening to Snug the joiner or to the Royal beast, to the Bishop of Oxford ITS OPPONENTS. 43 or to Mr. Pifken the curate, our curiosity is piqued and not satisfied. Fortunately, in this country, no decision on this point at which disputants may arrive is binding upon others. As a result, the greater portion of current literature is anonymous ; and the obvious and legiti- mate advantages of the practice are so great that men of letters will, doubtless, continue to oppose any modification that may be proposed to them, either by following the example of French writers, and signing every article that contains an expression of opinion, or of American journalists who print on the face of their newspapers the names of proprietors and editors. The opponents of the anonymous sys- tem necessarily agree with me in requiring the names of a writer in matters of fact ; but they decline to agree with my limitation. They insist also upon the critic and the writer on public affairs affixing their names to their productions, complaining that, under the present system, an article is influential in propor- tion to the reputation of the paper in which it appears, and not, as they would have it, in proportion to the status of the writer. In some measure I agree with the validity of their complaint, but I must altogether dissent from the remedy proposed of sub- stituting the authority of a name for the authority of a paper. In both cases the influence would be de- 44 THE ANONYMOUS. rived from an illegitimate source, as the consideration should be, not " Who says it ? " but " What is said ? " If the arguments adduced by a writer are judicious, it is a matter of complete indifference by whom they are advanced, and I therefore think it an imperti- nence in any writer to suppose his name can give additional weight to a sound conclusion. If the pub- lic persist in attaching fictitious importance to anony- mous writing, and give to opinion the weight of fact ; if they take Jones's unsigned crudities to be more valuable than they would, had that gentleman's name appeared as the author ; if they like illu- sion, the fault is clearly with them. It can hardly be supposed that, within these circumstances, Jones would voluntarily relinquish the advantage to be derived from writing anonymously. If, on the other hand, Jones thinks his opinion would derive addi- tional weight from declaring his name, or is fearful of receiving more influence than he deserves if he abstains from avowing it, we have no fault to find with him. He is free to choose. There is a class of writers, however, who would not permit him the choice. They themselves " the champions of a free press" affix their names to what they write and call upon others to do the same. Their pretence is that the proceeding gives a guarantee of good faith, and prevents a man from saying anonymously what ITS SCOPE AND LIMITS. 45 he feels indisposed to say openly. In reality, how- ever, their practice arises from an undue estimate of their own importance, and springs from the same source as that which induces vulgar persons to cut their initials on seats and to deface with their names monuments and places of public resort ; it is usually called personal vanity. For my part, I believe it to be no disadvantage to literature that a writer within the province that has been already indicated-^-should have the opportunity of saying anonymously what he would be indisposed to say openly. If A, who is a critic, knows B, the author of a volume of very indifferent poems, he would not like to sit down and say the truth of poor B's book, were he obliged to affix his name. But he could do this anonymously without, I think, being justly liable to the charge of cowardice or want of friendship. It is allowable for him to maintain his social relations with B, and yet be honest in his calling in not thinking B's poetry good. If, however, he had to affix his name and expressed his disapprobation of the work, the poet would forth- with tax his memory to ascertain what he could have done to offend the critic, never supposing a writer to whom he is personally known could speak except in laudatory terms of his work. To resume. Questions of policy or principle, of art and science, of literature, of morals questions 46 THE ANONYMOUS. which have to do with argument are within the province of the anonymous. Questions of fact, de- pendent upon evidence and the credibility of wit- nesses, are without the province. IV. LITERARY MEN IN PARLIAMENT. NGLISHMEN are reputed to be a prac- tical people. No revolution in their his- tory has been the result of a desire on their part to effect constitutional changes in order to obtain some contingent theoretical advan- tage. They are said to pride themselves on their inability to be influenced by an idea. Indifferent to abstractions, they are moved solely by practical, which mostly mean physical, reasons. Sometimes, indeed^ out of a confused sense of duty, they attempt to act from other considerations, as on the occasion of the tercentenary of Shakespeare's birth. But it is in vain. The living Garibaldi will ever be more influ- ential than the dead Shakespeare. Whatever they may profess to the contrary, however, they feel half ashamed of their stolidity. When rallied by their more enlightened friends on account of their inacces- 48 LITERARY MEN IN PARLIAMENT. sibility to advanced ideas in politics, they excuse themselves with the plea that the ideas have re- ference to what they do not understand, and decline to become converts till they are in a position to test the validity of the ideas in their own practical way. At this moment they have the unusual good-fortune to be presented with a cardinal opportunity of apply- ing their favourite test. An eminent literary man, and one of the most prominent of the advanced philo- sophers, is a candidate for a seat in Parliament, and, having expressed his views on practical politics, he has furnished them with the means of examining his ideas when applied to a subject with which they con- ceive themselves to be familiar. I have no desire to undervalue the high func- tions of the philosopher. In any estimate of the practical man, as compared with the man of thought, I agree with Mr. Emerson, that the ordering of a bale of goods from Smyrna to New York, or the running up and down to procure a company of sub- scribers to set going ten thousand spindles, or any other practical action, is not to be preferred to a life of contemplation. But I hold that the life of con- templation is an altogether different thing from the ordering of goods ; that it requires in those by whom it is undertaken a different set of faculties ; bespeaks a different training and a different experience ; that FUNCTIONS OF THE PHILOSOPHER. 49 success in one department depends upon the exercise of qualities of mind different from those which pre- sumably and really make a man successful in the other ; that, in a word, the theoretical is wholly dis- tinct from the practical. The philosopher has to do with the discovery and elucidation of right prin- ciples of conduct. His function is to reason out what he conceives to be the best course for mankind. His attempts are directed to the discovery of a fixed standard of morals. He has in his calculations no respect for idiosyncrasies. To him the agriculturist of Suffolk is as the iron worker of Wales; the Catholic of Munster as the Protestant of Kent. He propounds theories. But theories, even should they be correct, are not the most essential requisites in a legislator. No government that could be devised can be universally applied. So few are the general principles that have been ascertained, that regard must be had in legislation to the circumstances of the particular government. The condition of affairs must be thoroughly mastered ; the aspect of the times and the temporary disposition of the nation must be considered. The mood of a people is evan- escent, and, therefore, what is expedient to-day may be pernicious to-morrow. These popular barome- trical changes the generator of correct principles is incapacitated from dealing with. He deals with E 50 LITERARY MEN IN PARLIAMENT. men as if they were counters of fixed value, whilst in practical legislation such a course would produce dangerous consequences. Here principles must vary^ to be in harmony with the governed. It would ob- viously be injudicious, for instance, to apply the same laws to ourselves as to our Indian fellow-subjects, or to ourselves at one time as at another. At the present moment every Londoner is, politically speaking, in the possession of complete personal liberty ; circum- stances, however, may at any time arise when it will be found necessary to suspend the habeas corpus. Now the philosopher would, to judge from his ante- cedents, be an unfit person to determine the moment when the changed relations between the governors and the governed have reached the point to make the suspension necessary and salutary. For this duty another class of man intervenes. This is the statesman. He does not profess to be guided by absolute right and wrong is doubtful, indeed, if there is an absolute right and wrong but his con- duct is regulated by what is called Expediency. He makes a choice, that is, of what he judges to be the least of several evils. The philosopher, on the other hand, whose profession is to discover what is right, persists in advocating what is right, and disdains to concern himself with what is expedient. By a priori reasoning he has gone and discovered, for example, PHILOSOPHER AND STATESMAN. 51 that every man and woman who can read and write should have a voice in governing the country. The practical man tells us such a notion, if carried into effect, would be dangerous to the State. Which of them is right ? Of the philosophers, the candidate for Westmin- ster, Mr. John Stuart Mill, has for a long time been considered one of the most eminent. He is what, in the slang of his admirers, is termed " the greatest thinker" of the age. In strict accuracy he can only be credited with being the most eminent of the per- forming thinkers, of those, namely, that print their thoughts on philosophical questions; just as poor Tom Sayers who, by the exaggeration of friends, was said to be the best man at fisticuffs in England was only the best of the ten or twelve that bat- tered each other for the delectation of the public. But, admitting Mr. Mill's eminence in the direction and to the extent claimed, is it expedient for him or for us that he should hold a seat in Parliament ? All who appreciate the fact that the destiny of organized nature is amelioration, will agree that it is highly advantageous for the public that men are found to devote themselves to abstruse speculations, for the purpose of discovering the form and processes of this amelioration ; and that it is well for the public to acknowledge their obligation. I must, however, 52 LITERARY MEN IN PARLIAMENT. in the interests of literature, dissent from the form in which that acknowledgment is, in Mr. Mill's case, attempted to be made. Those of this gentleman's admirers who are connected with Westminster have invited him to come forward as a candidate for their city. They evidently belong to that class of minds which considers a man eminent in one department to be equally well fitted for any other, and they esteem a seat in Parliament to be the most appropriate re- ward for transcendent merit of all kinds. Hence the increasing number of successful lawyers, soldiers, gold-diggers, and tradesmen, that are returned to the House of Commons. In Mr. Mill's favour, however, they urge that he is not only a theorist, but has written very successfully on practical subjects ; that, in short, he has, in numerous instances, looked at things from the same point of view as ordinary men. I reply So have all newspaper editors; but neither they nor the public would benefit by their translation from their editorial chairs to the benches of the House of Commons. Mr. Mill, however, I venture, with much diffidence, to think is more than most eminent men unfitted for those benches. Fortu- nately, it is within our power to test his validity to the claim of being a statesman. He takes the oppor- tunity, in reply to some questions put to him by his supporters, of expressing his earnest hope that they MR. MILL AS A STATESMAN. 53 intend " to include in their adhesion the principle of " an individual appeal by circular to every elector, " laying other names before him as well as mine, " and requesting him to select from among them, or " from any others, the person or persons whom he " would wish to be brought forward as candidates." Could any request be more illogical and trifling? If Mr. Mill were an autocrat, to whom lists of candidates had to be submitted for approval, he would deserve high respect for the generosity by which his conduct was dictated ; but as it happens that the electors are competent to elect almost any able-bodied English- man, I fail to see his object in recommending the proceeding. For his supporters to issue, under their sanction, and explicitly with their recommendation, the names of other candidates, would, if it meant nothing, be a silly farce ; if it meant anything, it would militate against their own interest, inasmuch as they would be setting up rivals to their own can- didate. They have already decided, by their selec- tion, that Mr. Mill, in their opinion, is the fittest man to be their representative ; and now they are naively requested by that gentleman to announce to the constituency that there are others they consider equally eligible. The document to which this re- commendation forms the preamble is all that was wanted by the stolid Englishman to enable him to 54 LITERARY MEN IN PARLIAMENT. see the deep gulf that separates the " great thinker" from the statesman. It is divided into ten heads. With some of them all men will agree; but the most important of them are characterized by a strange boldness that is astonishing, even coming from a phi- losopher. I can only indicate their tendency. With respect to Reform, Mr. Mill would confer the suffrage upon every man and woman who can read and write and do Rule of Three. This plan is very simple and intelligible. It would almost give equal power to everybody in the State noses would count. But not so. It is evident that, by counting of noses, the lower orders, who in every country have the most, would inevitably outnumber the other orders ; so he would impose restraints by allowing minorities to be represented that is, he would, by skilfully devised checks, in effect bring the repre- sentation to where it is. Noses would be neutralised. He prefers a mixed system of direct and indirect taxation. So do we so does the Chancellor of the Exchequer ; but practical men are needed to deter- mine how far each mode can safely be pursued. His views with respect to intervention in the internal affairs of another country are unique he will not interfere unless others had interfered. He is of opinion that on account of religion there ought to be no dis- abilities. This I believe, to be unwise, If the MR. MILL'S PRINCIPLES. 55 principles of the religionists are noxious, disabilities should certainly be imposed ; if they are dangerous to the State, or are immoral, they ought to be re- pressed. His most important paragraph, however, relates to the ballot, which he opposes, on the ground that the elector is a trustee of the non-elector. The onus probandi clearly lies with him ; but, although he is emphatic in his assertion, he gives no reason for his belief. Is it possible he thinks it a first principle ? The aim and object of the franchise he appears alto- gether to misapprehend. I have to offer him two reasons for differing from him. If the voter were a trustee of the non-voter, the latter cestui que trust could exercise legal supervision over him, and would have the power of calling him to account for his actions ; secondly, by conferring on a man the privilege of voting, the object of the Constitution is simply to get from him his opinion of the merits of the candidates, and, therefore, he is a representative of himself alone.* * Let us suppose there are three brothers with votes. A, who is a retired tradesman, and independent of the commercial influences of the town in which he resides, wishes to record his vote openly, believing his example will be followed by many who have good opinion of his judgment ; he is, of course, enabled to do so. B, however, who is a small shopkeeper with trade rela- tions, does not wish to give his vote in public. Some of his cus- 56 LITERARY MEN IN PARLIAMENT. I do not believe Mr. Mill to be a man of aspir- ing vein. His intellectual underlings, by persuading him that he will best serve his country by entering Parliament, have, I am confident, done him injury. There is no occasion for him now, any more than here- tofore, to impound his wisdom. He can still enunciate his views through the press more appropriately and with an effect more commensurate with their value than he is likely to do by his voice in the House of Commons. As far as the merits of the opposing candidates have been disclosed, he may make as good tomers imagine that, by purchasing his tea and coffee, they make it necessary for him to think as they do in politics, and will cease to deal with him if he practically differ from them. Others who buy of him their eggs and bacon, think that therefore his views should coincide with theirs. Were they, then, to dis- cover, at election-time, that his principles were opposed to what they profess, they would assuredly discontinue their cus- tom. It happens that the tea-and-coffee customers favour one candidate, and the eggs-and-bacon customers his rival. What is poor B to do ? He is anxious to vote ; but he knows that he will lose half his profits were he to exercise his privilege. Not being fully assured, however, that there is intimate connection between politics and eggs-and-bacon, he wishes to retain his customers, and to give his vote. He demands permission to vote by ballot. C, the third brother, is at a distance of two hundred miles from his home on the day of election ill at the sea- side. Although he is desirous of voting, it would be greatly incon- venient, and perhaps dangerous, for him to undergo the fatigue ME. MILL'S CLAIMS. 57 a legislator as any of them ; but I am unable to see in what respect he is their superior. When what is best in theory becomes coincident with what is prac- ticable in legislation, salutary consequences may result from the election of such a man as Mr. Mill. It will then be time to invite " the greatest thinkers of the age" to the direction of affairs. Mr. Mill has, doubtless, rendered great services to the science of politics, and Mr. F. W. Newman and others are will- ing, on this account, to accept " his large mind," notwithstanding its aberrations. But this condonation of a long journey. Why should not he register his vote with the returning officer of the town in which he temporarily re- sides, and thus declare his choice of candidates ? I know no valid reason why each of the brothers should not vote in the manner most convenient to himself. If, as I assert, the right to vote has been conferred on him in order to obtain his views on public affairs, it is of little importance how he delivers his opinion whether openly, as is the present custom ; or by bal- lot, as is practised in clubs and other private societies ; or by certified papers sent through the post, the plan adopted in the election of members for the universities. It surely is unneces. sary for him to appear in person and at a certain place. To compel a man to vote by ballot in the election of a mem- ber of Parliament, as is proposed by the Ballot Society, is so manifestly unjust and tyrannical, that there is little fear of the bill, annually introduced into Parliament, being carried. Why should A be deprived of the legitimate influence exercised by his example, because B requires the protection of secrecy ? 58 LITERARY MEN IN PARLIAMENT. appears to me unreasonable as unreasonable as it would be to appoint a man teacher of arithmetic who deliberately propounds the notion that two and two make five. The admirers of Mr. Mill should find another way of rewarding him than by sending him to the House of Commons. Since the foregoing was written, Mr. Mill has served for one session in Parliament has been for that period the six-hundred-and-fifty-eighth part of a king ; with what result to the high reputation he had deservedly earned as a philosopher all of us have cause to lament. I could never bring myself to believe it would be well for us if philosophers were kings, and kings philosophers. Much better will it be, I presume, for each class to remain in its own sphere, mindful of the maxim, " Ne sutor ultra cre- pidam." As was predicted, he has been less suc- cessful as a politician than was anticipated by his too sanguine friends. Liberal organs of public opinion, which at the time of the contest were over-hard upon those who opposed his candidature, and urged upon the constituency the duty of rejecting any man pos- sessing only the ordinary qualifications, for one of Mr. Mill's conspicuous and exceptional merits, have latterly confessed their disappointment. I am not eure whether the two I quote were among the num- ber of Mr. Mill's more enthusiastic backers, but I THEIR SUCCESS. 59 subjoin their remarks, as they furnish us with the opinions of very influential and presumably educated writers as to the degree of success achieved by one of our wisest men of letters who has deserted his study for the senate. " The old saying, that no man can safely be called " fortunate until death has placed him beyond mis- " fortune's reach," says the Saturday Review, <( seems " in some danger of receiving a painful illustration " in the career of Mr. Mill. The contrast between " Mr. Mill the philosopher and Mr. Mill the politician ' is deplorable, but it is really a question whether it " is not even more ludicrous. It is so absurdly sug- " gestive of Moliere's inimitable scene in which the " innocent M. Jourdain calls in his ' Maitre de " ' Philosophic' to calm the dispute raging between " his other masters as to the merits of their respective " arts. The philosopher begins by referring the " disputants to Seneca's masterly treatise on t Anger,' " and assuring them that in this world there is no- " thing worth striving for but * la sagesse et la vertu ;' " but in less than five minutes, to M. Jourdain's " horror and amazement, he is furiously pommelling " and being pommelled all round. The British nation, " struck by Mr. Mill's writings, summons him, amid " loud acclamations, into its Parliament as the great " philosopher of the age, and innocently congratulates 60 LITERARY MEN IN PARLIAMENT. " itself on having among its advisers at least one man " who understands the virtues of moderation and self- " control ; and, on the first grave crisis which calls " for both, is amazed to find him the blindest and " most furious of partisans. Moliere deliberately " intended to make philosophers ridiculous, but this " can scarcely be the intention of Mr. Mill. And " yet his appearance at the Agricultural Hall the " other night might almost furnish grounds for " even this supposition. We admit that this asso- " ciation between Mr. Mill's philosophy and his s( speeches is not strictly logical. The 'Represen- " * tative Government' and the ' Essay on Liberty " would remain exactly what they now are if their " author were in open Parliament to pull Mr. Dis- " raeli's nose, or offer to ' take off coats' with Mr. " Wai pole. But, logical or illogical, it is the way of " the world to measure the value of what a man says " or writes by its practical estimate of his character." " We are half inclined to regret," says the Pall Mall Gazette, " that philosophers are not, like cler- " gymen, excluded from the House of Commons. " Philosophers are beyond price, but philosophy is " frail, and party-politics are seductive. And as ' good " ' things corrupted are the worst,' so philosophers, " when they are once off the poise, are apt to rush " into intolerance with the fury of renegades. Mr. DANGERS TO THEMSELVES. 61 e Mill's late exhibitions illustrate this very pro- " vokingly. As Liberals, we regret this, because " whereas formerly in Mr. Mill's alliance we had the " sentence of a judge in our favour, we feel that we " have now, so to say, only the protestations of an " advocate. But we are deeply sorry for the trans- " formation on other grounds too. Henceforth) " when Mr. Mill writes of social or political mat- " ters, even his old admirers will read him with mis- " giving. What he would write would be in too " flagrant contradiction to his present practice. But, '' indeed, just now the philosophical faculty has < departed. He is a lost philosopher. . . . . " No doubt Mr. Mill receives large compensation " of a kind in his political importance. But what a " falling off there must be in philosophical temper if " such compensation can ever be sufficient! He has " given up to party, and party in its pettiest sense, " what was meant for mankind. All that abstraction " and disinterestedness which gave him authority has " vanished. He is no longer umpire, but a party to '' the squabble. Instead of hardly condescending " laudari laudatis instead of the cold proud atti- " tude which seemed to show he thought it almost " too mercenary even to accept the esteem of the " estimable we see Mr. Mill now readily * helping " ( to make a mob,' and apparently rewarded quite to 62 LITERARY MEN IN PARLIAMENT. " his taste by a popularity which would have once " seemed to him misconception, if not an insult. Of " course Mr. Mill has not suddenly ceased to be a " clever man ; but his words now have no more than " their own weight, and that weight is not always " great. The false oracle is detected by the false " prosody. It is not only the philosophical temper " which is impaired in Mr. Mill, but the logical " cogency. The fallacies he has been all his life " exposing he now finds very handy weapons." The writers I have quoted so well express what all feel who are interested in the well-being of the literary class, that I need not add one word to their testimony. Mr. Mill's political career will not have been fruitless if it has had the effect of convincing his admirers that the literary character and the poli- tician are not necessarily identical, and of dissipating the injurious notion that philosophers should be kings and kings philosophers. V. LITERARY HERO-WORSHIP. JHE present age, often accused of scep- ticism, shows itself to be, in some respects, fully as credulous as any of its predecessors. Without stopping here to multiply examples in support of this assertion, it will be sufficient to instance the firm belief it. dis- plays in the doctrine of hero-worship. Nor is this belief professed merely by the vulgar and illiterate. It is extensively current even among the intellectual and the refined ; it has found its way into books ; it forms the text of some of the most popular works in our language ; it is echoed in every direction ; and, in fine, has become so prevalent, that if one should venture to doubt the existence of " great " men, one would be regarded much in the same light as if one were to question the reality of one's own existence, or deny that all men are mortal. " It is natural to 64 LITERARY HERO-WORSHIP. " believe in great men," writes Mr. Emerson. " No " sadder proof can be given by a man of his own " littleness," says Mr. Carlyle, " than disbelief in " great men it is the last consummation of un- " belief." There can be no doubt, then, of the existence of this belief. It is notorious that public opinion selects certain personages to occupy the highest place in its regard, and upon them confers the title of (t great men." And in making out the list of what are termed great men, public opinion appears to be actuated by a spirit of the utmost im- partiality. It liberally selects names from almost every country under the sun, esteeming none too remote or too insignificant to furnish a representa- tive. Even China has Confucius ; and Switzerland, small as she is, is credited with Tell, notwithstanding that hero labours under the somewhat serious dis- qualification of never having existed in the flesh. The praise of liberality does not, however, exclu- sively belong to the nineteenth century. It must be shared with the eighteenth, which was even more lavish in the bestowal of this title. It was with it Voltaire paid his physician, Tronchin ; and upon losing Madame Chatelet, as he could not in good French call her grande femme, it is still grand homme (great man) that we find him styling her, when, in writing to the King of Prussia, he says, WHAT IS A GREAT MAN? 65 " I have lost a friend of five-and-twenty years' " standing, a great man who had but one fault " that of being a woman."'* We have now established with certainty the ex- istence of a belief in " great " men ; let us next as- certain, if we be able, what is a great man ? Let us see what constitutes a great man, and discover wherein he is like ordinary men, and wherein he differs from them. But it is here, at the very point where the inquiry becomes of some value, that we are fated to meet with disappointment. In former ages no doubt ex- isted as to the meaning of the term. It was con- ferred only upon a man of exalted social or official rank the Xerxes, the Alexander, the Cassar. In ancient Rome, no one could have thought of calling Virgil and Horace great men, because they were poets, even though he entertained a higher opinion than we of their literary merits. The term was confined in its application solely to those who were powerful by reason of their influential relations to the State, or of their social rank. And down so far as to the time of our own Elizabeth it had, I believe, the same confined signification. Thus limited, the term had a just, precise, and well- * Bungener " Voltaire and his Times" F 66 LITERARY HERO-WORSHIP. known meaning. But now that the traditional and ordinary idea of a great man has been abandoned, and the title indiscriminately and capriciously con- ferred upon other grounds, it has lost its significance and become utterly unintelligible. Almost every- body professes to believe in great men as decidedly as he believes, say, in sky-rockets. But the basis of his belief in the one case must be essentially different from what it is in the other; for almost everybody knows what a sky-rocket is, can describe one, and is able to recognize one when he sees it ; whilst, as to what constitutes a great man, there are irreconcile- able varieties of opinion. No two persons will be found to give the same definition of a great man, or (what is the same thing in amount) agree upon those to whom the title shall be applied. Many, affecting catholicity in their views, make out a long list; others, more particular in their choice, select only a few for the honour ; while some are so fastidious as to exclude all names but those of two or three of the most famous personages that have ever lived. Nor is this the sole difficulty that besets our inquiry. There is another and a more formidable one. Not only are we presented with a variety of lists, but each list in itself varies in accordance with the dif- ferent stages of its owner's mental culture. No man pretends to be in possession of a list that is perma- VARIETY OF OPINIONS. 67 nently fixed. Now, a name is added thereto ; now, it is displaced or degraded; and now, again, it is struck out altogether, to make room for another which is thought to be more worthy of honour. The heroes of a man's youth are no longer heroes in his manhood, and the names he most esteemed in the prime of life come to be regarded with indifference in his declining years. It plainly rests with those who have an idea of a " great " man and call upon us for our belief, to prove the existence of such a thing, or at least to enlighten us as to the meaning of the term. They do neither, however. The widest possible diversity of opinion exists amongst them, and every attempt on our part to arrive at a satisfactory conclusion must therefore, of necessity, be fruitless. Mr. Carlyle who appears to be regarded, and to regard him- self, as the high-priest of hero-worship contends that earnestness and sincerity constitute a hero ; and, accordingly, his " great " men, let them differ ever so widely in other points, are yet all sincere and earnest men. One may be a despot, another a staunch opponent of absolutism ; this may be an apologist of Catholicism, that other its deadliest enemy but in one respect they are all alike : they are eminently distinguished for earnestness and sincerity. If we turn from Mr. Carlyle's idea of a great man to that 68 LITERARY HERO-WORSHIP. of his American admirer, Mr. Emerson, we shall have another, and a widely different definition. Mr. Emerson supposes a great man to be " one who has " a large stomach," " one of great affinities, who " takes up into himself all arts, sciences all know- " ables as his food; who can spare nothing; who " can dispose of everything." Such a man we con- fess never yet to have known for the assertion that " Plato, like every great man, consumed his own " times," is manifestly incorrect and such a man is an impossibility. Mr. Ruskin also believes in great men, and is of opinion that the " first test of a great " man is humility." Not that he therefore supposes a great man to be ignorant of his greatness : " For," says he, " all great men not only know their busi- " ness, but know, usually, that they know it ; only " they don't think much of themselves on that ac- " count." Professor Ranke, again, the historian of the Popes, contributes a fresh notion. In speaking of Alfred he indignantly asks, " What right has he " to be styled ' the Great?' That title belongs only " to those who have fought, not merely for private, " but, at the same time, for great general interests." Such are some of the various opinions entertained in reference to the subject of our inquiry. I have quoted these authors only because they are those whose works happen to be by me whilst I am writ- THE TWO CLASSES OF HEROES. 69 ing. Were I to quote as many more, they would be found to differ amongst themselves quite as much as these. They might all agree that there is such a thing as a " great man :" but here their agreement will end ; they will be at issue on the meaning of the term ; they will all use the word in widely different senses. The progress of our inquiry has, thus far, been but slow ; or, rather, it has been in a backward direction. We are, in fact, at the very point from which we started. Can it be, then, that this term spoken so trippingly on the tongue, and falling so easily from the pen has, after all, no idea to correspond with it in the mind ? Are we to conclude that it has no meaning, and that it is constantly used without being understood? We shall see. Speaking broadly, there appear to be two classes of men to which general opinion is willing to assign the highest and most honourable title in its power to bestow. First, there are those in whom certain ac- tive, masculine qualities are developed in a very high degree, and successfully made patent to the world. In this class (to take notable examples) are Dante and Napoleon. These men are " great " in the worldly sense of the term. Next, there are those who are esteemed great in proportion to their good- ness, and the beneficial effect they have exercised on 70 LITERARY HERO-WORSHIP. human virtue and human happiness. In this latter, which is the theological sense, Washington is a greater man than Napoleon, and John Howard, or the inventor of lucifer-matches greater than either. Now, whilst admitting that Dante was a great poet, and Napoleon a great warrior, one must, at the risk of being characterized as "a critic of small " vision," and " a promoter of spiritual paralysis," confess one's inability to perceive how any greatness, except of this partial kind, can justly be claimed for either of them. And that no man is "great," other than in this partial sense, may be deduced from the simple consideration that no man can be an exemplar of all greatness. An instance will make the meaning clearer. Let us take, as our example, the first Napoleon. Here is one whom all classes of hero- worshippers will most readily agree to admit into their several lists of heroes ; he was as great a man, they say, as any that ever lived. Without derogating in the least degree from the just fame of this celebrated character, and crediting him with the possession of all his rare and brilliant qualities, we cannot concede to him the title of " great man." He was no poet, no artist, no orator, no philosopher, no handicrafts- man; or, if he was, and more, he was much ex- celled as such by many of his contemporaries for whom the title is not claimed. He was a military THE THINKER AND THE ACTOR. 71 man, had pre-eminently the genius of a soldier, and possessed all the various qualifications requisite for the successful carrying on of war. But this does not constitute a great Man; it makes only a great Soldier. There may be some, too indolent to per- ceive any difference between these expressions, who will object that I am playing upon words that it is a mere verbal dispute and that to call a man a great warrior is substantially the same as to call him a great man. But the dispute is something more than a dispute about words ; it is essentially a dispute about things. If it be admitted that the qualities that appeared in Napoleon are the identical qualities that constitute a great man, it must follow that war- riors only are to be called great men ; and it must follow that Dante, and such as he, who were in possession of none of these qualities, have no right to the title. If, instead of Napoleon, we make Dante our example, we shall of course arrive at a similar conclusion. Grant that Dante's qualities are those that give a man a claim to be called great, and you exclude Napoleon, and all who have not been poets. Both these men we have mentioned are pre-eminent in their several departments, and it has been sug- gested to me that, after all, this only is meant by the term one, namely, who has been successful in ar- riving at the first place in his particular walk. The 72 LITERARY HERO-WORSHIP. great man "must be good of his kind," says Mr. Emerson ; " able men do not care in what kind a " man is able, so only that he is able." This test is intelligible it would admit Mr. Thomas Sayers and M. Blondin, and would not exclude even Mr. Bar- num. But few hero-worshippers will consent to adopt it. Lord Macaulay, one of the most eminent of them, repudiates it. In one of his essays, he says : " Homer " is not more decidedly the first of heroic poets, " Shakespeare is not more decidedly the first of " dramatists, Demosthenes is not more decidedly " the first of orators, than Boswell is the first of " biographers. Many of the greatest men that " ever lived have written biography. Boswell was " one of the smallest men that ever lived, and he " has beaten them all." This dictum is elegantly and plainly expressed ; the meaning cannot be missed but, is it just? If Homer is a great man, because decidedly the first of epic poets, why, it might be asked, should Boswell be precluded from occupying a similarly elevated position, seeing that, notwith- standing he has for competitors many of the greatest men that ever lived, he is the first of biographers, and has in his calling immeasurably surpassed them all ? The essayist, however, did not see the difficulty, or, seeing it, he evaded it ; he was too brilliant to be expected to be accurate. ESTEEM DUE TO GREAT MEN. 73 Not only, however, are we called on to believe in great men, but, it seems, we must esteem them, or we shall suffer penalties. " Our religion is the love and " cherishing of these patrons," say all true worship- pers; " woe be to him who believes not!" But just as we have seen these professors to be guilty of a provoking ambiguity and want of accuracy in the definition they give of their patrons, so now, in demanding our esteem for them, we shall find they are equally unreasonable. We are ordered to esteem " great " men for the qualities they possess ; but if we require a reason for doing so, we get no reply. And can we hope for any that is satisfactory ? The qualities that go to make up a man's greatness, whatever they be, are gifts, are accidents just as health, wealth, or strength are gifts. " He is great," Mr. Emerson confesses, " who is what he is from " Nature;" and again, in speaking of Shakespeare, he says, " His principal merit may be conveyed in " saying, that he of all men best understands the " English language, and can say what he will. Yet " these unchoked channels and floodgates of expres- " sion are only health, or fortunate constitution." Qualities of the intellect are as much gifts as per- sonal comeliness is a gift, or as a healthy constitution is a gift. They are external to the man, and esteem is no more due to him for the possession of the one 74 LITERARY HERO-WORSHIP. than it is for the other. Why, then, should we esteem him ? Riches are admirable ; but are we to give our esteem to the man who is rich ? Health and beauty are admirable ; but are we to tender our respect to the healthy and beautiful ? Mr. Carlyle's synonyme for greatness has even fewer claims on our esteem than these have. Heroism, he tells us, is sincerity ; we must reverence the sincere. Before, however, ten- dering to any man our reverence, we should first ascertain what his principles are; we should know whether they are good or bad whether conducive to the happiness or misery of mankind. Sincerity, in itself, is a quality neither to be commended nor blamed. It matters not how sincere or conscientious a man may be in his opinions ; it matters not how earnest he may be in his conduct : if the opinions are erroneous, and the conduct noxious, on what ground can esteem or respect with any justice be claimed for the possessor? Yet it constantly hap- pens that men treat with consideration the advocates of a principle they believe to be false and wicked, solely on the ground of their presumed conscien- tiousness. Mr. Bright, for instance, is admitted to be a sincere and earnest man. Competent autho- rities, however competent by reason of education, long acquaintance with affairs of State, personal ex- perience, and intimate knowledge of our history SINCERITY AND EARNESTNESS. 75 deny his right to be considered a statesman, and look upon his principles as dangerous. What course, then, should they naturally pursue in reference to Mr. Bright? Not, surely, any course that would tend to elevate him in public opinion. Yet this is the very course they follow. On their last accession to office, Mr. Bright' s chief opponents, the Conser- vatives, retaining as firmly as ever their decided objections to the honourable member's policy, thought fit, in more ways and on more occasions than one, to express their high esteem for the honourable member himself. And why ? Why, because Mr. Bright is distinguished for earnestness in advocating the very doctrines they most condemn. The measure of esteem is, I presume, proportioned to the earnestness of the advocacy ; if, then, the advocacy should turn out to be successful if, that is to say, the party should be overtaken by political death, the esteem should rightly be doubled. Again, there is no doubt that Mary Tudor was eminently sincere in her religious professions there can be no doubt that she was equally earnest in their propagation; but how can we esteem her personally, whilst we are forced to disavow her tenets and reprobate her conduct ? To do so would plainly be irrational. Now this is what Mr. Carlyle in numerous instances does. Such a course, as might be supposed, leads him into incon- 76 LITERARY HERO-WORSHIP. sistencies and contradictions. It leads him also to commit positive acts of injustice; it leads him, amongst other things, to speak of the poet Byron with contempt, and to celebrate the ploughman Burns as a king of men. It must now be clear that the popular notion of a " great" man is liable to many and serious objections; that, in fact, if we consider rightly, it has no more real existence than those famous " general terms " which formed so prominent a feature in the philosophy of Plato, but in which there have long since ceased to be a believer. It must be equally clear that the only sense in which a man can justly be called great is in the sense suggested above that, namely, which cre- dits him with being supreme in his particular depart- ment or departments. This view of the question has much to recommend it. Whilst leaving room for asserting that Dante was an eminent poet, and Bacon an eminent philosopher, it would confine the mean- ing of the term to its proper limits, and would prevent the senseless comparisons instituted between "great" men who have often nothing in common except their humanity. And it is productive, indirectly and in- cidentally, of other benefits. It would put an end to the presumption that success in one line or pursuit indicates power for success in all lines or pursuits, and render impossible the absurd and unjust cen- POPULAR APPETITE FOR HEROES. 77 sures people are in the habit of passing upon a man eminent in one department for disappointing their expectations in not being eminent in another depart- ment. What complaint is more frequently heard than that of some hero-worshipper who expresses his surprise at the " great " Napoleon's many littlenesses of character under captivity ; or at the cowardice of Cicero when pursued by the emissaries of Antony ? A juster estimate of the pretensions of either of these celebrated men would have dissipated all surprise. It would have made it clear that the former, who was a soldier and man of action, never advanced any claim to be considered a moral philosopher ; and that the latter, who was a philosopher, is not to be blamed for not having the qualities of a soldier. But this distinction it is impossible for the hero-worship- per to make. He looks for a " whole man " whose faculties are co-ordinate, whose function it is to be great a man who is excellent in every circum- stance and in all respects a Brahmin of the race. Nothing less than this in a man will, it seems, satisfy the strong popular appetite for hero-worship. Ignorant people, in all ages, require some tangible, some personal, representative of the qualities they admire. They cannot see a principle until it is personified they cannot discriminate between the qualities and their possessor ; and as, of old, Deme- 78 LITERARY HERO-WORSHIP. trius the silversmith made gods for the people of Ephesus, so to-day Mr. Carlyle, or somebody else, supplies the public exigency with respect to heroes. People cry for gods, and there is never wanting an Aaron to gratify their wishes. They add the cubits to a man's stature, and then pay their money to see a giant they have themselves created. Nor does it much matter to hero-worshippers what the claimants for their regard may be " Scourges of God," or, " Dar- " lings of the human race," only they must make a great noise, or have a great noise made for them ; let them be but " sufficient " men, whether of sword, or of tongue, or of pen, and they cannot fail to be apotheosised. A " great " man, indeed, is nothing more than one who has achieved a great reputation ; his " greatness" being in the ratio of his fame. So we find Swift making the avowal to Bolingbroke that all his en- deavours to distinguish himself arose from want of a great title and fortune, that he may be used like a lord by those who had an opinion of his parts ; for, he adds, " the reputation of wit or great learning " does the office of a blue riband, or of a coach and " six horses," that is, it carries power. The favour- ite design of Napoleon also was to make a great noise. " A great reputation," he says, " is a great " noise ; the more there is made, the farther off it is ITS DETRIMENTAL EFFECT. 79 " heard. Laws, institutions, monuments, nations " all fall ; but the noise continues and resounds in " after ages." He was right, and he made a great noise accordingly ; he is the best-heard man of all times. Much and very general abuse has been showered upon the celebrated valet who was not able, like the rest of the world, to see in his master a great man. I have often tried to be very indignant with him, but whenever I made the attempt, it must be con- fessed that my rage refused to rise. It always struck me there was too much to be said in the fellow's favour. Clearly the valet did not regard his master as a hero ; but how can he be blamed ? His master had never come before him in the character. In breaking the shell of an egg, or in buttoning his braces, there is little room for the display of the heroic side of a man's character. This the poor valet had never witnessed. Must we abuse him, then, for not regarding; as a hero a man who to him has never o o exhibited himself as a hero? Shall we not rather praise him for being wise enough not to see a hero before he appears ? This exaltation of heroes this sycophantic homage to great names repeated from generation to genera- tion till they are depressing has become detrimental to the best interests of humanity. It breeds habitual 80 LITEEAEY HERO-WORSHIP. contempt in one class of people for the pursuits and actions of another ; it tends to encourage the absurd popular notion of some " coming man," who, in any emergency, is expected to set things right ; it tends to discourage the recognition and ready acceptance of the fact that association, organization, and divi- sion of labour, are the truest means that can be adopted for the material and moral progress of man- kind ; it praises the past at the expense of the pre- sent ; in a word, it is an incubus upon civilization itself. VI. ON TAKING A MAN'S MEASURE. attainment of correct judgment on men and things is proverbially a difficult task. The readiest disposition to arrive at a true issue concerning the simplest event in every-day life is very frequently altogether ineffectual. Some mental bias, unrecognized, per- haps, by the sufferer himself, will have the effect of shunting a man off the right track, and divert- ing his mind from the solution which afterwards he will clearly perceive was the true one. So com- mon, indeed, are errors in judgment, that most men admit their liability to them, and many even pride themselves upon the readiness with which they avow their mistake when it has been discovered. There are directions, however, in which this admirable temper is no longer manifested. A man, however deferential he may be in other respects, is prone G 82 ON TAKING A MAN'S MEASURE. to esteem, as of highest trustworthiness, the opinion he forms of the moral and intellectual qualities of another. The conclusion at which he arrives notoriously liable from its difficulties to be un- founded is, however, precisely that on the correct- ness of which he is most disposed to place reliance. In whatever else he may be defective, he has a knowledge of character. A knowledge of character, just as a knowledge of politics and religion, comes, he thinks, by nature; and he who runs may read. In this respect he believes himself to be infallible. He will take your measure whilst you stand. There is some truth in this conceit. A man could not, it is clear, get on without the occasional exercise of discrimination, and some sort of reliance upon his own capacity in judging. Without being an official at the Mint, he knows he can tell a good shilling from a counterfeit. He is, of course, sometimes right ; but he is inclined to believe himself never wrong. In other matters he does not display this excessive self- confidence. Unless specially trained, he would not pretend, for instance, to discuss the merits of a race- horse; or to decide upon the authenticity of a doubt- ful picture ; or to treat one of his friends afflicted with some dangerous malady. Herein he would con- fess his inability. But the slightest acquaintance with his neighbour is sufficient for him to make himself FALSE STANDARDS. 83 familiar with the quality of his neighbour's intellect. His penetration in this direction is as boundless as that of the Duchess de la Ferte, who once confessed to Madame de Stael, " It is strange, but I find nobody " except myself always in the right." What country linen-draper, or pot-house politi- cian, when the merits of a statesman are discussed, but will undertake to estimate his ability to a T ? What young templar, as yet inexperienced in the sensation derived from the touch of a confiding client's handsel-guinea, but will exactly tell you the capabilities and deficiencies of the several judges, as- sign to each of them his relative merits at law and equity, and supplement his information, if you will, by cataloguing every silk gown according to its worth? We might find examples of this arrogance in every profession. In literature it is offensively prominent ; but, whether he confesses it or not, almost every human being fancies himself able to measure, if only by rule of thumb, those with whom he is brought in contact, or to whom he thinks it worth while to apply his attention. Every one may be candid enough to own his practical inferiority to him whom he thus un- hesitatingly criticises. He is free to confess he cannot write poems like A, or novels like B, or paint like C, or lead the House of Commons like D ; yet, by some peculiar process, inexplicable, I believe, even to him- 84 ON TAKING A MAN'S MEASURE. self, he is firmly convinced that whatever judgment he has formed of the intellectual rank of these per- sons, and consequently of their performances, is in- variably and unassailably correct. Indeed, the very readiness with which he recognizes his own infe- riority is an incentive to self-esteem, and tends to make him set a higher value on the discrimination he has exhibited in thus discovering their superiority to himself. Strange as it may appear, he possesses a sort of inner judgment which applauds the insight he has displayed in the decision. His favourite axiom is slightly varied from that of the elder Shandy's " An " ounce of one man's judgment is worth a ton of other " people's." Notwithstanding this reliance commonly placed by a man on his own judgment, innumerable instances of false verdicts are well known. Some of these have been pronounced by men from whom better things were to be expected. We all remember Coleridge meeting at table one of noble brow and sober demean- our, and immediately concluding that his vis-a-vis was a man of parts. Afterwards, when the gravely-com- ported diner expressed his delight at the appearance on the table of apple dumplings, he forfeited the good opinion of the illustrious opium-eater, who thereupon pronounced the man to be a fool. Can anything be imagined more unjust ? Coleridge in both instances JUDGING FROM APPEARANCES. 85 judged on insufficient evidence ; and in both in- stances he was undoubtedly wrong. In the first place for judging a man to be wise from his outward behaviour and personal appearance, and next for sud- denly abandoning his first impression and considering him a fool because he exhibited a liking for apple dump- lings. In reality nothing had occurred by which the man's intellect could be measured. From what had happened only his taste could fairly be ascertained. Such verdicts, however, founded, as this by Cole- ridge was, on insufficient evidence, are the rule and not the exception. Men are prone to form their judg- ments of each other by the cut of their coat or the fold of their shirt collar, and to gauge one's capacity by the manner in which one enters a drawing-room or carries one's head in the street. But such a test is almost invariably found to be defective. The mental and moral character of a man seldom exhibits itself in such form. The external signs from which the inference is drawn frequently depend in no de- gree upon natural disposition, but upon habit i. e. the external force to which a man has been subjected or upon the position, perhaps accidental and only temporary, he happened to occupy at the time when the judgment was formed. I need not waste the page by enumerating examples. You may to-morrow see half a dozen guardsmen, all unhesitatingly bold 86 ON TAKING A MAN'S MEASURE. fellows, all self-contained, all equally steady; yet had you seen any one of them twelve months ago, you would, probably, have seen a waddling, loutish ploughboy, as indecisive in his movements as the most timid country maiden when walking along the streets on her first visit to London. Nor is this unsatisfac- tory way of judging, followed only by ordinary men and confined in its application to the concerns of every-day life. It pervades our literature ; and the recorded instances of men who have suffered from its effects, are too numerous to be mentioned. Ex ungue leonem appears to be the favourite maxim of an Eng- lishman's criticism. As we have seen, there is a general tendency to make a man a hero for the successful exhibition of some one desirable quality. If he has acquired cele- brity as a poet, his opinion of a great-coat is likely to be taken in preference to that of an unknown writer ; or, if he is renowned as a general, his testimony con- cerning a piano-forte is more highly prized than that of an obscure subaltern, although the latter may be a connoisseur in musical instruments, and the general be ignorant of the difference between a bassoon and a cornet-a-pistons. So, for the possession of some undesirable quality, or the absence of what is con- ceived to be an element of greatness, there is a disposition to credit him with being a fool. Such ILLEGITIMATE CONCLUSIONS. 87 inferences are usually erroneous. On the other hand, there are occasions when the process this drawing a general conclusion from a partial examina- tion may, to some extent, be legitimately employed. If, for instance, a friend assured us of his belief that twice seven makes fifteen, we want no further proof of his ignorance of figures, but are justified in saying he is no arithmetician. It would, however, be very unfair were we to infer anything more. If, again, our friend confessed he derived pleasure from the discourses of Boanerges, all we could legitimately conclude would be that he was deficient in good taste ; or, if he thought his tailor an authority in political economy, that his political education had been neg- lected. A man may like Boanerges, and be a first- rate cook, and he may admire his tailor, and yet be an excellent market-gardener. A certain portion of the public, however, and their representatives in the press, do not acknowledge this limitation. I recollect, some years ago, a member of Parlia- ment for one of the metropolitan boroughs made a sad slip in his history. Honourable gentlemen smiled at the error, as was natural. But outside of the House the blunder became a matter of serious im- portance to the unfortunate member. Mr. Punch, especially, was very severe upon him. That gentle- man (who himself, probably, would have failed to 88 ON TAKING A MAN'S MEASURE. answer five out of every nine historical questions that one might easily put to him) reminded us week after week of the gravity of the offence. From this lapsus linguae he deduced that the unlucky culprit was I won't say a pickpocket but almost anything as bad.; and whenever, under emergencies, fun was wanted, he took down his telescope, peered into it the wrong way, and then proceeded to give us his repre- sentation of the member for Finsbury with his queer notions of English history. We must look to the same source for this undue appreciation as for the undue exaltation mentioned in the last chapter. Men instinctively like the exercise of power, especially in intellectual subjects ; and, having in their nature a fixed amount of praise and blame, they must expend it with risk of consequences. Most frequently they do this capriciously, or are guided in making their decision by some accidental fact ; but they must expend it, and it is fortunate for him who wishes to earn their applause if some lucky accident should occur to dispose them in his favour. It is proverbial that human nature, after too highly praising a man, revolts against its own verdict, ignores its favourite, and in time comes to depreciate him in the proportion it previously exalted him. Examples in our literary history will occur to everybody. The popular treatment of Byron is a case in point. In- LITERARY VERDICTS. 89 stead, however, of depreciating the idol they have set up, it occasionally happens that men console them- selves with vilifying some would-be idol that comes before them. But whether exercised upon one person or upon two, this duality of passion co-ex- isting simultaneously at all times must inevitably be expended. It happens, however, that, instead of applying the wrong end of the telescope at one time to one man and the right end at another, they content themselves with directing the right end towards the one man and the wrong to another. In the latter case their feelings of praise and blame are excited and exhibited contemporaneously. One might fancy there is no room in literary matters for the display of these feelings ; but litera- ture here, as in most other respects^ is a faithful reflex of the society in which it is produced and to which it is addressed : and the way in which literary verdicts are returned is notoriously and disgracefully wrong. The cardinal fault seems to be that of esti- mating a writer and ranking him according to the idea formed of him as a man ; or, if he is dead, from what his contemporaries said of him personally whilst he was alive. This judging an author from the man, or, what is as unjust, the judging the man from the supposed revelations of himself in his works, is obviously a defec- tive way of judging. Few men are the same in books 90 ON TAKING A MAN'S MEASURE. as they are in conversation. A friend of the late John Stirling tells me that promising author's works are infinitely inferior to his conversation, and we, there- fore, who are acquainted with him only through his published writings, are surprised to find so much said of him, and so high a rank assigned to him by those to whom he was intimately known. His physical debility and want of robust temperament stood in the way of his performance. The younger Hallam will readily occur to the reader as another, who, like Sterling, was greater in capacity than in energy. The clear insight of these men, known to friends, was conspicuously absent in their books. On the other hand, excellent literary performance does not insure adequate recognition of merit when^per- sonal greatness is absent. If, for example, one man's writings were ever superior to another's in wisdom and in form, in intellect and in art, they are those of Goldsmith to what were produced by Johnson. And yet what is the result? We know the one was through life and the echo of that eighteenth-cen- tury applause still lingers in our ears universally regarded as Dr. Minor, whilst the other, seen through the right end of the telescope, was everywhere hailed as Dr. Major. The idea men formed of Goldsmith's work was perhaps insensibly influenced by what they had heard or knew of Goldsmith's life. Volatility PRECEPT AND PRACTICE. 91 or stupidity being considered to be the mark of a fool, it is thought the volatile man, or the stupid man, must manifest himself in all he undertakes, and that his peculiar failings and virtues will unconsciously betray themselves in his writings. The public look for homogeneity in a man, and consistency between his character and opinions. They conceive it pos- sible, not only to determine a man's mental ability from his deportment, but to infer his moral character from his literary productions. They will not see that the literary character and the personal character may be antipodal, and should be judged apart. A man must practise what he preaches, or his gospel will be disbelieved and his sincerity questioned as well by the upper vulgar as by the lower. This was so well known to Steele, that, upon relinquish- ing the publication of the Tatler, he gave as the true cause for the discontinuance of its publication, the discovery by the public of its author. " I con- sidered," said he, on taking leave of his readers, " that severity of manners is absolutely necessary " to him who would censure others ; and for that " reason, and that only, chose to talk in a mask." Steele might have discontinued his publication from prudential motives ; but in recognizing the illogical disposition of his readers, he appears to have himself acted illogically. The public he addressed resemble 92 ON TAKING A MAN'S MEASURE. those ladies who fear tobeintroduced to their favourite author, lest a personal knowledge of the man may spoil the high opinion they have formed of his works. They would probably consider a man insincere who argued against drunkenness, whilst he himself was a confirmed drunkard, and fancy what he said to be less true than if uttered by a teetotaller. A man's nature is composed of so many various and often conflicting elements, that it is impossible to deduce his true character from the revelation of a single phase. We shall be puzzled to discover which is the predominant that colours and modifies the rest. The popular mind, shared in to a great degree by men of letters, is disposed to infer a man's character, not from his ordinary action and every-day conduct, but from some unusual and ex- traordinary exhibition, altogether at variance with his usual behaviour. If he exhibits himself in some exceptional way, it is supposed that thereby he has shown his true nature. Should he once in a life- time act in a manner contrary to his usual custom treat his neighbour ungenerously, or behave meanly his friends at once, and with no further evidence in support of their view, conclude that they obtain a glimpse of his true character, when in reality he was only acting under altered circumstances. The discordancy which results from his nature meeting BOOKS NOT A TRUE CRITERION. 93 the unfamiliar conditions, and unsuccessfully at- tempting to adjust itself, is only temporary ; but it is taken to be indicative of the whole man a particu- lar circumstance is thus regarded as the index of a complete nature. Books are even a less safe criterion than excep- tional variation in conduct. In works produced by the exercise of the art-faculty, the author displays only his intellectual power, and sometimes merely the aes- thetic side of it. In proportion as he progresses as an artist will he be enabled skilfully to conceal even this from his reader. If his sympathy is wide and deep, and easily aroused, he can portray what is foreign to him with as much accuracy as if he were describing his individual nature. His greatness and his success will, indeed, be in the ratio of the ability he possesses to make his representations strictly objective. Accurate resemblance, then, between the man and his book is missing. Intellectual sincerity is exhibited ; but we search in vain for that conform- ity between practice and precept which we have been usually taught to expect. In forming our esti- mate of a man's character, were we strictly to confine ourselves to a consideration of his literary produc- tions, we should be under the necessity of re-writing the lives of most of our great authors. Luckily, ex- ternal materials exist which enable us to gain a much 94 ON TAKING A MAN'S MEASURE. more trustworthy portraiture of them, than it is pos- sible to obtain from their works. Horace wrote verses we esteem licentious ; and the author of " The " Christian Hero" produced a work in which the vir- tues are admirably set before us in their true light. Did we know no more of these worthies than is to be derived from their several productions, our opinion of the two men would, I presume, be different from what it is now. We find that the little Roman satirist, although he had a big paunch, and his hair was grey before its time, was no roue, and was the last man to go out at midnight and whistle at the door of a deceitful mistress. Nor, unhappily, was the author of "The Christian Hero" a perfect model of the virtues he sets up in that work for our imitation. We cannot take the measure of either by what he himself has furnished. In the case of Horace, all that we can safely infer is, that he writes as if he were what he pretends to be ; and, in the case of Steele, that he aspired to what he was unable to be. I conclude, then, that a clear and broad distinc- tion should be made in any estimate we have to form of a man, between his life and his opinions. If I have to criticise a book, it does not concern me what its author was. I have to do with his precepts, and not with his practice. If he has aided my culture, DISTINCTIONS TO BE OBSERVED. 95 and given me advanced views of life which he him- self was unhappily unable to exemplify in his own person, my thanks are equally due to him for the benefit and the discovery; and I credit him with being a wise man. If, on the other hand, I concern myself about his life, my estimate should not be modified by the value of what he has produced. If he was a bad man, I must not ignore or extenuate his faults because his works are of highest excellence. The Ayrshire ploughman was a very great poet, but a very unwise man. Goethe was a very wise man, but a very mean artist. vn. THE MEDIAEVAL MAN OF LETTERS, GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS. |N May, A.D. 1176, shortly before Whit- suntide, the canons of St. David's hur- riedly assembled in their cathedral for the purpose of nominating a successor to their diocesan, David Fitz-Gerald, who had just died. Entering the Chapter-house, they proceeded to their deliberations with bolted doors ; and, after long and anxious debate, unanimously fixed on Ge- rald de Barri, nephew to the late bishop, a young man who had not yet completed his twenty-ninth year, as their nominee to the vacant see. Thereupon the conference came to an end ; the doors of the Chapter-house were flung open ; and the Te Deum, that had been raised, was greedily caught up by the impatient crowd without. The reason for this secresy, and for this selection, may be stated in a few words. From the days of its THE SEE OF ST. DAVID'S. 97 patron Saint to the time when, by the settlement of Normans in South Wales, the way was prepared for the introduction of foreigners into Welsh sees, St. David's had been in possession of archiepiscopal pri- vileges. It was the Holy Sepulchre of Wales. Two visits to its shrine were esteemed as efficacious as one to Rome itself: " Roma semel quantum, Bis dat Menevia tantum." Its privileges had now been lost ; the see was included in the province of Canterbury, and every attempt made by the Welsh to regain ecclesiastical independence had signally failed. The clergy at the commencement of the turbulent reign of Henry II. had conceived hope of freeing themselves from cano- nical subjection to England. But Henry was too politic to be a voluntary party to their design. Nor was he to be moved to their purpose by persuasion, or by entreaty, or by money : " As long as I live," said he, " I will never furnish a head for rebellion in Wales by giving the Welsh a metropolitan." He well knew that the first Norman kings in subjugat- ing Wales had failed to subdue it ; that its people threw off the yoke and carried devastation into the English borders; that the severest measures of re- pression devised had been ineffectual against them ; and that every effort made to check rebellion by H 98 GIR ALDUS CAMBEENSIS. opposing chieftain to chieftain had been utterly un- successful. He decided, therefore, upon adopting measures of a different nature from what had hitherto been pursued. He resolved to rule Wales not by its chieftains, but by its clergy ; not Welshmen, but Normans, should be appointed to the various sees ; not patriots, but courtiers, should be the means of all promotion. In pursuance of this design he was inexorable; to the highest ecclesiastical posts he advanced men whose interests were widely or alto- gether distinct from those of the people, and who were totally unfitted by birth, education, and incli- nation for the duties that belonged to their high office. From Henry, then, it was hopeless to expect a concession of metropolitan privilege to St. David's. But the clergy did not therefore despair. Disap- pointed in their hope of obtaining a metropolitan in name, what was to prevent their having for a bishop one who would be a metropolitan in effect one who, by reason of his princely lineage, extensive and pro- found learning, undoubted talents, and tried courage, should be able successfully to cope with the Arch- bishop of Canterbury ? Their scheme seemed not impracticable ; the man who, above every other, was thought to possess the requisite qualifications, was at hand ; all they waited for was fit occasion to put into execution their well-pondered project. At length BORN IN PEMBROKESHIRE. 99 the much-coveted opportunity came. Bishop Fitz- Gerald died ; and the Chapter at once, and unhesi- tatingly, and without even apprising the king, or his justiciary, of the vacancy that had occurred, unani- mously elected Gerald de Barri to fill the see of St. David's. The bishop-elect sometimes termed Giraldus Sylvester, but best known to us by his literary title, GIKALDUS CAMBRENSIS was undoubtedly one of the foremost men of the twelfth century. Thierry ranks him with Thomas Becket; and to no one who has made himself acquainted with the par- ticulars of his strange career will that position seem too elevated. His undaunted self-assertion and determined perseverance ; his unwearied industry, activity, and energy of character ; his many romantic adventures ; his numerous and varied literary pro- ductions; and, above all, the disappointments he experienced during a long and eventful life, made him a remarkable man in the eyes of his contempo- raries ; and the interest with which his life and career were regarded by them has not ceased even now, but increases year by year as his motives become more apparent, and a more thorough acquaintance is formed with his works. He is the best representative of a mediaeval man of letters. Giraldus was a native of Pembrokeshire, where he 100 GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS. first saw the light in the year 1147. But it happens that although he was born in Wales, and styled him- self " Cambrensis," he cannot with rigorous accuracy be considered a Welshman. The stranger, who, to- day, traverses the principality, and finds with sur- prise at its furthest extremity a district inhabited by a people whose vernacular is English, would have found there much the same phenomenon in the middle of the 12th century ; he would have found, as he will still find, that if speaking generally a line were drawn from east to west through the centre of Pembrokeshire, it would divide that county into two totally distinct regions ; he would have found on the north of this line a people speaking the Welsh language, and having the well-defined characteristics of the Welsh race, whereas on the south the inha- bitants would be unable to speak a word of that language, and would possess a physiognomy that proclaimed them to be of a different race from that of their neighbours in the hill-country ; he would have found, in fine, on the one side, sons of the soil, and, on the other, a mixed population of foreigners. These latter, again, he Avould have discovered were composed partly of Anglo-Normans, who, soon after the Conquest, had subjugated that portion of the country, and partly of colonists from Flanders, who had been planted among them " to be a barrier and HIS FAMILY. 101 " an assistance " against their restless and watchful foes the Welsh. It was on the south of this line, then, in the dis- trict spoken of, even in his time, as Anglia Trans- wallia, that Giraldus was born the exact place being the Castle of Manorbeer, at that time, as at the pre- sent day, one of the most picturesque spots in Britain. By birth he was fortunate. His family were people of exalted rank, and exercised considerable influence, as well at the remote English court as over the affairs of the district in which they resided. His father, William de Barri, was a Norman Baron, and enjoyed the favour of the English monarch ; by his mother, who was the descendant, through the famous Lady Nesta, of Rhys-ap-Tewdwr, he was closely allied to the Welsh princes ; the see of St. David's was held by his uncle ; the line of the De Barri, with their direct and indirect kindred, were the chief instru- ments in the conquest of Ireland under Strongbow. Favoured by such circumstances, it will create no surprise to find that he aspired to play a conspicuous part of the transactions of his time. But the direc- tion towards which his aspirations tended was not perhaps what will be very generally anticipated ; for he resolved, at an early age, upon entering the Church. Even as a child he showed a decided pre- dilection for the ecclesiastical profession. The castle 102 GIEALDUS CAMBEENSIS. of Manorbeer is on the coast ; within a stone's throw is the Irish Sea, and on its shore the young De Barri, whenever they could escape from the mono- tony that reigned within the castle walls, were in the habit of amusing themselves. Here each of the boys manifested his peculiar bent. The two elder, we are told, were accustomed to construct mimic forts and castles in the sand, but Giraldus, it was observed, invariably amused himself with the erec- tion of churches and monasteries. His father, who appears to have been a man of judicious and good understanding, perceiving, by this and other indica- tions, the inclination manifested by his youngest son, was delighted at the boy's disposition, and partly in joke, partly no doubt with a belief the prediction was not unlikely to be fulfilled used to style him " The little bishop." To regard ecclesiastical bene- fices as hereditary property had become fashionable in Wales; why then should the great preferment held by the family pass away into the hands of stran- gers? Why should it not be retained by a De Barri? His three other sons would embrace the profession of arms Giraldus should be spared to the Church. The desire was not beyond the possi- bility of accomplishment. The boy was accordingly removed from the wild rocks, and hazel groves, and fishponds, and dovecots, of his childhood, and trans- EDUCATED FOR THE CHURCH. 103 ferred to the care of his uncle, the prelate, who readily undertook the superintendence of his edu- cation. At first the young noble was slow at learn- ing; and, subsequently, more than once, according to his own confession, he exhibited decided incli- nation wholly to abandon the pursuit upon which he had entered, and to follow that which the heat of the Crusades, and the restless spirit of the times, pointed out as more suitable for a youth of his high degree. But these indecisive fits were only temporary. Encouraged by the bishop (just as we might suppose an uncle in our own day, who has rich livings in his gift, would be likely to encourage his nephew) and reprimanded for his idleness by the episcopal chap- lains, he afterwards applied himself with so much diligence, that, when he left his uncle's roof, he had mastered all his instructors could teach him, and had surpassed most of his contemporaries in the learning of his time. Paris was then emphatically " the city of letters." It was the first and greatest of universities. Students flocked thither from all parts of Christendom ; its schools furnished opportunities of forming friendships that could not have been formed elsewhere ; and if any of its students became famous in after life, they were almost sure of being known personally to the rest of their famous contemporaries. Its professors 104 GIRALDUS CAMBEENSIS. were of European reputation, and often excited en- thusiasm in their hearers equal to what we ourselves have seen excited by Cousin or Villemain. What was published from the chairs, moreover, had a circulation more immediate and quite as extensive as that which the printing press is able to afford for it included the whole of the learned world. It was to Paris, there- fore, that Giraldus repaired, after leaving his uncle, to pursue those higher branches of study for which it seems his own country afforded no facilities. He tells us that he placed himself under the most effi- cient teachers, and he appears to have been a very assiduous student, and to have made rapid progress in theology, philosophy, and the canon law for he obtained great reputation as a lecturer. Of his three years' residence in Paris we know little. When, about A. r>. 1172, he returned to this country, he was a young man of twenty-five years. With a hand- some person, a tall and commanding presence, of high rank, and possessed of all the learning and accomplishments of his time, he could well hope, had he chosen, to make no mean figure in the profession of arms, and to achieve conquests in a field generally far more agreeable to one of his age than any in the domain of theology. But he had now fully and definitely determined upon the profession he would follow. He would be a soldier, it is true, but it EFFECT OF THE MURDER OF BECKET. 105 should be a soldier in the army of the Church Mili- tant ; he would make conquests, too, but they should be in and for the Church alone. To an ambitious man with less resolution or to a resolute man with less ambition than he possessed, the Church would, at that moment, have offered little inducement. It was passing through a great crisis. It was engaged in a struggle, wherein, in the person of its chief champion, it had received a deep wound. The blood of Thomas Becket had just been shed on the altar at Canterbury, and the foul act was regarded by all friends of the Church as one of a series of measures that were designed to be enforced for the reduction of the power and pretensions of the clergy. The astonishment of all Europe at the audacity of the crime which had been perpetrated by barbarous nobles, at the suggestion of a barbarous king, had not yet subsided ; and upon the mind of a young man just about to be ordained the fatal incident must have made deep impression, and sug- gested the expediency of reconsidering his determi- nation. Giraldus, however, did not pause. Besides, even had he been inclined to sacrifice his own hope, was he prepared to disappoint the expectations of relatives and friends, who, from his childhood, had been accustomed to look upon him as their future bishop? No; it could not be thought of; it was 106 GIR ALDUS CAMBRENSIS. plainly incumbent upon him to endeavour to fulfil at once their hope and his own desire. He took orders, therefore ; and, as might be expected, at once ob- tained considerable pieferment. But he was not content with a fixed locality. His active mind could not rest within the narrow limits of a parish or monastery. In anticipation he already regarded St. David's as his, and, like a man who is heir pre- sumptive to some rich inheritance which through long neglect had fallen into disorder, he was anxious to redress the abuses of the diocese against the time when he himself should succeed to its control. And these abuses were then many and great. The clergy, he observed, amongst other irregularities of which they were guilty, for the most part married ; sons, on the death of their fathers, succeeded to livings not by election, but by inheritance ; and " if a bishop " attempted to institute a stranger, the whole family " were up in arms against institutor and instituted." The laity, too, were troublesome. The people of Pembroke and Cardigan refused tithe of wool and cheese, and the Flemings had even been able to procure from the king exemption from archiepiscopal jurisdiction. Giraldus, resolved to repress such enormities, with much indignation betook himself to the Archbishop of Canterbury, at that time Legate of the Holy See, and directed his attention to the APPOINTED LEGATE FOR WALES. 107 scandalous proceedings. The archbishop, delighted, it appears, with the zeal of the young churchman, sends him back into Wales armed with the legatine authority ad hos excessus et alios quos ibi invenerit emendandos. The new legate was not long idle. He first applied himself to the refractory tithe-payers, whom he soon succeeded in bringing to submission. No man, however, is a prophet in his own country ; and Pembrokeshire was not, and is not, in this respect much in advance of the rest of the world. Whilst Giraldus was discharging the duties of his office in the Priory at Pembroke, the high sheriff to show con- tempt for him and his authority insolently carried off eight yoke of oxen belonging to the monastery, and, on being required to restore them, added insult to injury by threatening repetition of such ungracious conduct. Giraldus, of all men the least likely to submit to this unbecoming and outrageous behaviour, menaced the offender with instant excommunication ; but the sheriff laughed at the idea of the king's officer being excommunicated in his own castle by a young ecclesiastic, and showed no sign of repentance. The legate, however, like his compatriot, Picton, in after years, was one of those who, whenever they threaten, mean to perform to the full, even if the per- formance involve more serious consequences than were 108 GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS. likely to follow from the act meditated by Giraldus. Having thrice summoned the sheriff to restore his plunder and thrice without effect he thereupon convened the monks and clergy, and forthwith solemnly executed sentence of excommunication against William Karquit, high sheriff of Pembroke. His bravery, on this occasion, was rewarded as it deserved to be. On the day following, conscious of his success, he left Pembroke, and took himself off across country to Llawaden Castle, one of the seats of his uncle the prelate, overhanging the Eastern Cleddy. Hither he was followed by the crestfallen and repentant culprit, who, now making humble sub- mission to Giraldus and restoring the plunder, was birched ; and then and not till then received the absolution for which he had come. Next came the turn of the clergy. As he had selected one in high authority to be an example for the obstinate laity, so now the young commissioner resolved to choose an equally suitable victim to be a warning for contu- macious churchmen. There happened at the time to be at Brecknock an aged archdeacon, who lived in open concubinage ; that is to say, he had a wife whom he refused to put away at the bidding of Giraldus. Upon this the latter, finding that not only were his advice and remonstrances vain, but that the clerical old sinner ventured to defend the propriety MADE ARCHDEACON OF BRECKNOCK. 109 of his course of life, and presumed even to abuse his adviser, resorted to means similar to what had been found so effectual with the king's sheriff. He unhesitatingly suspended the archdeacon, and after- wards deprived him of his benefices. When Giraldus, in A. D. 1175, resigned his extra- ordinary powers into the hands of the archbishop, the primate, in order to show approbation of the manner in which the commission had been executed, presented him with the preferment of the deposed archdeacon. The new office afforded a wide field for energetic exertion, and his activity knew no bounds. He traversed the country in all directions to make himself acquainted with existing abuses, and then set himself to reform them. At one time the Flemings troubled him, at another disputes among the clergy engaged his attention ; but he was equal to every emergency. This period of his life is an example that may be followed with advantage. Disregarding all personal discomforts, he spared himself no inconveniences, but, on the contrary, fre- quently incurred considerable risk from bad roads, robbers, storms, swollen floods, and personal foes, in the performance of the duties to which he had been called. His zeal knew no bounds. The Church never had a more vigorous champion to enforce her rights. He was unwearied in rectifying abuses. In carrying out 110 GIR ALDUS CAMBRENSIS. reforms he could not help making many enemies ; but he always displayed a desire to conciliate when conciliation appeared to be for the interest of justice. His promotion to the archdeaconry entailed on him many difficulties. One of the most formidable was an attempt made by the Bishop of St. Asaph to invade the rights of St. David's. A new church erected on the borders of the diocese of St. Asaph became the subject of dispute between the bishop of that see and the chapter of St. David's. The pre- late had determined on the following Sunday to dedicate the church, and thus substantiate his claim. But the archdeacon was not the man to be vanquished. He goes to the church', orders the bells to be rung in token of investiture, celebrates mass, and then, having left his retinue in the church to keep it and bolt the doors, he sallies forth and meets the bishop, who has just arrived to find himself out-manoeuvred. Then there was an ecclesiastical battle, as acrimo- nious almost as any that have been fought in our own day. The bishop threatened to excommunicate the archdeacon ; but Giraldus, having commanded the priests and the clergy, whom beforehand he had attired in their stoles and surplices, to come forth from the church with cross and lighted candles, suddenly faced the bishop, and solemnly excommunicated all the enemies of St. Asaph. The bishop and his attendants ELECTED BISHOP OF ST. DAVID'S. Ill thereupon mounted their horses and fled, pursued and pelted by the rustics, who had mustered in crowds to witness the strange ecclesiastical encounter. It was in the midst of such conspicuous and suc- cessful services to St. David's as these that his uncle Fitz-Gerald died, and the choice of the canons called him, as we have seen, to fill the vacant see. This event was the crisis in his life the grand object of his existence. To this his whole previous efforts had been directed, and from this his whole future exertions were to take their colouring. Giral- dus, as I have said, was unanimously elected. Here, then, and at an age when he was yet capable of en- joying the realization of his ambition, he was so for- tunate as to complete it. The predictions of his family and the high hopes of friends were fulfilled, and fulfilled so soon, so easily, and so much as a matter of course, as scarcely to be even credited. The expeditiousness of the transformation, and the very simplicity of the process that converted him from an archdeacon to a bishop, seemed to one of his tem- perament to be cause for alarm. At the time of the election he was at St. David's, and that same night he began to survey his position. To his calmer judgment the act of the chapter appeared to be too precipitate ; the royal assent to the nomination had not been obtained ; the whole proceeding would be 112 GIR ALDUS CAMBRENSIS. regarded as an insult to the royal dignity. Influenced by this consideration, he resolved on the following morning to renounce the election. But he was too late, for the king had heard from another source of what had happened. Henry, as we know, was not a man of amiable disposition, and any attempt to out- wit him he was not inclined to tolerate. He dreaded in Giraldus another Thomas Becket. He was very wroth (multum excanduit, says the bishop elect), and vowed vengeance against all concerned. As for the nomination he could not think of accepting it. Giral- dus, it is true, was well fitted by learning, zeal, and irreproachably good character for the episcopal chair. He fulfilled the principal requirement exacted by the early Norman kings, who, in the distribution of eccle- siastical preferment, were well aware of the strength to be derived from a clergy attached to them by a community of interests he was Norman. But, alas ! he was also Welsh ; connected by marriage with the Welsh princes ; by birth a De Barri ; of an ambi- tious stock altogether. Henry asks advice of the bishops ; they unanimously urge the nomination of Giraldus : but the king, who secretly betrayed his fear, is of a different opinion. After silently and patiently listening to all that was said, he rejects their counsel, and swears he would banish every one who had taken part in the matter. " As they have allowed RETIRES IN DISGUST. 113 " me no share in the election, I will take care they " shall have no part in the promotion." No sooner had the chapter of St. David's learnt the result of their unlucky act than they repented ; and, to save their livings and avert the king's anger, professed profound sorrow for their presumption, promising meekly to accept whomsoever the king liked. Giral- dus held his peace, and only that he secretly urged, first the papal legate, and then the archbishop, to use his influence that the appointment should be conferred on a man of good character, and acquainted with the language and habits of the people over whom he was called to preside took no part in what was being done. At length Peter de Leia, " a certain black " monk of the Cluniac order," and Prior of Wenlock, whom the canons had never seen, and whose name only they knew, was elected in the presence of the king at Winchester ; and Giraldus, finding by ex- perience that his exhortations to support the inde- pendence of St. David's and evade the oath of sub- jection to the archbishop, were altogether lost upon the new bishop, collected his books, and set out in disgust for Paris, to devote himself assiduously to the study of the Imperial Constitutions and the Decretal. We know little of him at this period of his career. It appears that, like Thomas Becket, he intended to have completed his studies at Bologna; but the design I 114 GIRALDUS CAMBEENSIS. was unromantically frustrated : for finding his remit- tances irregular, and pressed by numerous creditors, lie abandoned his intention, and, regardless of the danger he incurred, after an absence of several years returned to England. This was about A. D. 1180. He at once hastened into Wales, where he found things in a worse condition even than he had ex- pected. Peter de Leia, fallen out with his clergy, had deserted his post, leaving his diocese to take care of itself. By the advice of the archbishop, prompted probably by Giraldus, Peter was induced to nominate the latter administrator during his absence of the affairs of the see. But this friendly arrangement was not of long continuance. The bishop, without previous warning, having suspended certain of the canons and archdeacons of St. David's, and refused to revoke his sentence, Giraldus sided with the chap- ter, and representing to the archbishop the illegality of the proceeding, procured a reversal of the sentence. He did more. Rejecting all attempts at reconcilia- tion, he convened at St. David's a synod, and by his influence was able to enforce restitution of all the lands that had been alienated by the bishop, and to annul the illegal interchanges that had been made between the canons. He appears not to have lost his influence with the king, for in the year 1 184 he was nominated king's chaplain, and invited to court ; HIS INFLUENCE AT COURT. 115 and when the expedition to Ireland was planned, he was selected as the companion and counsellor of Prince John. Afterwards, in 1188, when Henry assumed the cross at Gisors, he accompanied Baldwin and Ranulph de Glanville, the justiciary, into Wales his presence being thought a guarantee of the good faith of England. His services, successfully exerted in these offices, should undoubtedly have procured for him the object of his desire ; the death of the king in the next year, however, dissipated hope of such reward. When the event occurred Giraldus was in France, whence he was sent into Wales, to prevent, by his personal influence, any disturbance that might arise from the change. But the reward for which he thirsted, and which would not have been too great for the eminent services he had rendered the English crown, did not come. He had, it is true, been of- fered an archbishopric in Ireland, and through the interest of his former pupil, Prince John, Bangor and Llandaff were afterwards proposed for his acceptance. All these, however, he refused, there being no station or office he coveted save one. In July, 1198, Peter de Leia died, and there seemed another chance of his obtaining this. The chapter of St. David's, thinking perhaps that Richard would be more tractable than his father, had the courage once more to nominate the great champion of their see. Giraldus expressed 116 GIR ALDUS CAMBRENSIS. no desire for the honour, and disregarded for a long time the solicitations and importunities of his friends. At length he consented, the chapter having previously dispatched to Hubert, Archbishop of Can- terbury and justiciary, their letters, in which Giraldus was nominated. Hubert, however, who had de- signed the see for one of his friends, refused to accept the nomination. Then commenced a long and acri- monious struggle which lasted for years. Giraldus, now that he had again embarked in the cause, was a stubborn antagonist, and the canons held out man- fully. Two of them hastened to Normandy to pre- sent themselves to King Richard. That restless sovereign was not to be found ; and when, after many journeyings, they discovered his whereabouts, they received at the same time intelligence of his death. The new king, John, whom they met on their return, heartily acknowledged the services of his former tutor the archdeacon, and promised to ratify his appoint- ment, and give them letters to the justiciary not to molest the canons in their election. Giraldus, about, at last, to gain his end, now transferred himself from Lincoln, whither he had retired in ill humour, to St. David's, and there, on the 29th of June, he was again elected with great solemnity. The new prelate was urged to ignore the preten- sions of Canterbury, and to proceed to Home to be HIS APPEARANCE AT ROME. 117 consecrated by the sovereign pontiff himself. Mean- while, however, the canons received a command to elect as their bishop the prior of Lanthony, who would, otherwise, be sent down to them already con- secrated. This was enough. John's meanness was apparent. Giraldus, who before was lukewarm, now roused himself for the contest that was inevitable ; and, taking hearty leave of his brother Philip, whom he loved much, and to whom he constantly refers in terms of endearment, resolved to go to Rome. Six days before the expiration of the time allowed the canons for making choice he set out on his journey, and, skirting Flanders and Hainhault through Ar- dennes, thence into Champagne and Burgundy, he crossed the Alps, and, after many vicissitudinous ad- ventures, arrived in Rome at the latter end of Novem- ber. Alexander III, then pope, who received him with much graciousness, gave him many friendly in- terviews, and Giraldus was beginning to anticipate successful issue from his mission, when a hitch oc- curred. In the middle of December, a courier from Canterbury brought letters containing the arch- bishop's version of the dispute. Then commenced an acrimonious contest. It was apparent that the suit would be tedious. Giraldus seemed to make ground ; but then, so did the agents of Canterbury. In the person of Alexander the Church was complaisant to 118 GIR ALDUS CAMBRENSIS. excess. She had received her eminent son and champion with distinction. But pontifical media- tion resulted, as usual, in her own triumph ; she fre- quently sided with the weak, but never until she had ascertained that the weak was about to become strong ; she invariably awaited the crisis, being ever ready to issue formal commissions on any disputed point, but always delaying her decision till the question had decided itself; she never refused to afford ac- commodation, but only when accommodation was not disadvantageous to her own pretensions. What could the supreme pontiff do in this dispute ? To oblige both parties he at length offered to refer the election to a commission of the judges in England, entrusting to Giraldus in the interim the adminis- tration of the temporalities and spiritualities of the see. The suit was wearisome and heartrending. Giraldus incurred many dangers and made several unsuccessful journeys to Eome. At last the dispute, when it had reached almost the dimensions of rebel- lion in Wales, was terminated by the pope quashing the nomination of St. David's and of Canterbury, leaving to either party to recommence it de novo. I need not say that Giraldus was disinclined to renew the contest. His struggle for the independence of the see had failed, but not before all the powers of Church and State had been brought to bear THE MEDIEVAL MAN OF LETTERS. 119 against him. He seems finally to have become re- conciled to the king and the archbishop, and is said to have ended his days in peace. The date of his death is unknown. He himself tells us that in his seven- tieth year he was engaged upon his treatise, " De "Principis Instructione." He probably died soon after. Such is a brief outline of the career of Giraldus I have abridged from the admirable Introduction to the works of this extraordinary man, now being edited by Professor Brewer for the series of Chronicles and Memorials published under the direction of the Master of the Rolls. The rewards of literature were as precarious, and the fate of a man of letters often as lamentable in the twelfth century as they are in the nineteenth. Then, as now, effort frequently failed to secure for an author the applause to which he believed himself justly entitled ; and then, as now, the disappointed aspirant was forced to console himself with visions of posthumous fame to compensate contemporaneous neglect. Of this, Giraldus Cambrensis is a conspi- cuous example. He was a voluminous writer; his works consisting of history, biography, topography, poems, letters to eminent men, prefaces, dedications, charges to his clergy, and works on divinity are of cardinal importance to the student of our history ; he confines his attention to what, from his position and 120 G IE ALDUS CAMBEENSIS. opportunities, he, of all men, was most competent to undertake. The best picture of the state of society in England during the latter half of the twelfth century- is to be found in his pages. Yet his literary labours, although properly estimated by the learned of his time, were never crowned with adequate reward. To his earliest production, the well-known " Topographia " Hibernige," a result of his tour with Prince John, we are indebted for all that is known of Ireland during the whole of the middle ages. " It is," says Mr. Brewer, " the solitary text book from which all " writers in succession to the present day have " derived their accounts of that country previous to " its final conquest by England. It may be con- " sidered as the prototype of those numerous pro- " ductions which, under the different names of foreign " scenes and incidents, personal recollections, sketches " of different lands, have occupied so large and im- "portant a space in the literature of Europe since " the reformation." This famous work is divided by the author into three books. In the first he gives an account of the physical features of the island and the history of its remarkable productions ;* the second * As a specimen of the author's credulity, and of the state of ornithological knowledge in his time, I give an extract : " There are," he says, " in this country, a great number of TOPOGRAPHIA HIBERNI3E. 121 he devotes to the marvels of the land ; and in the third he narrates the first peopling of Ireland, and describes the manners, dress, and condition of the inhabitants. " The History of the Conquest of " Ireland,'' that followed the " Topographia," and " birds called barnacles, and which nature produces in a manner " that is contrary to the laws of nature. These birds are not " unlike ducks, but are somewhat smaller in size. They make "their first appearance as drops of gum upon the branches of " firs that are immersed in running waters ; and then they are " next seen hanging like sea-weed from the wood, becoming " encased in shells, which at last assume in their growth the "outward form of birds, and so hang on by their beaks until " completely covered with feathers within their shells, and when " they arrive at maturity, they either drop into the waters or take " their flight at once into the air. Thus, from the juice of this " tree, combined with the water, are they generated, and receive " their nutriment until they are formed and fledged. Ihavemany " times with my own eyes seen several thousand of minute little " bodies of these birds attached to pieces of wood immersed in " the sea, encased in their shells, and already formed. These, " then, are birds that never lay eggs, and are never hatched from " eggs ; and the consequence is, that in some parts of Ireland, " and at those seasons of fasting when meat is forbidden, bishops " and other religious persons feed on these birds, because they " are not fish, nor to be regarded as flesh. And who can marvel " that this should be so ? When our first parent was made of " mud, can we be surprised that a bird should be born of a tree ?" Historical Works of Giraldus Cambrensis. Bonn's Antiqua- rian Librai-y. 122 GIEALDUS CAMBRENSIS. generally considered the most valuable of the author's works, is a masterly production in every respect. Judged even by the most advanced canons of criti- cism, it is surpassed bjf no work of its kind in exist- ence. Giraldus, closely allied to that heroic little band by whom the eventful conquest had been effected, and consequently impressed with a high sense of the importance of his undertaking, had opportunities of obtaining information at first hand, which, with his acute habits of observation and his clear judgment, he was so well able to turn to the best account. The "Itinerariurn Cambria?," in which he recorded his progress through Wales to preach the third Crusade, and the " Descriptio Wallias," con- taining most interesting particulars of the condition of his native country in the twelfth century, are, in their way, of equal value. In studying any of these works, the reader is conscious that his author is a man who thoroughly understands the subject about which he is treating. Others may surpass him in describing state pageantries and narrating minute formalities of outside shows ; but in his pages we see men free from the constraints of all pomps and ceremonies. With him we feel ourselves under the guidance of one, who, to the learning of a monk, added the knowledge and acute intelligence of a man of the world, without being himself a worldling; of one who HIS LITERARY ABILITY. 123 had not dissipated his years in the retirement and amidst the routine of a monastery, but had made the grand tour, so to speak, and had personal knowledge of what he describes ; a real clear-headed, observant, outspoken man ; one of ardent and impetuous nature, it is true, but sensible withal ; judicious ; not too trust- ful ; and, in everything he wrote, of the strictest veracity. On the occasion of his completing his " Topographia," Giraldus revived a practice pursued in our own day to excess. A great feast was given at Oxford, and the work was publicly read by its author. The enthusiasm on all sides was great, and among the numerous compliments paid to Giraldus, Robert Beaufoy, a canon of Salisbury, composed an " Encomium Topographise,'' and his friend and coun- tryman, Walter Mape, addressed him in most eulo- gistic terms. Contemporary criticism, however, was not altogether of this pleasant nature. He had his detractors as well as his admirers, and their attacks, which he attributed to malignant jealousy, gave him much pain. As frequently happens, too, he appears to have suffered neglect as well as abuse ; for he complains that his dedications of the "Topography " to King Henry II, and of the " Conquest," to his successor, were ungraciously received by both princes. In these two works the Irish were painted in colours that have endured. Giraldus describes them as being 124 GIR ALDUS CAMBRENSIS. utterly barbarous ; ignorant of the rudest arts ; un- skilled in the commonest form of agriculture ; idle to an enormous degree ; quarrelsome ; and attached, priests and people, to the excessive use of strong drinks. In attributing to physical causes their im- provident habits, he anticipates the conclusion of our own time, when men have begun to see that the great tide of emigration, ebbing and flowing under their eyes, is as much the effect of physical causes as are the rise and fall of the Atlantic ocean itself, and that no legislative enactments will enable a country, suitable only for pasture, to maintain so large a population as if it were subject to agriculture. He was the first to disparage the Irish character, and give the people that unsavoury repute among their fellow- subjects, from which they have not been able, in six hundred years, to free themselves. He it is who must be credited with having been the first to fashion our current estimate of the nation ; and for this he will never be forgiven. The " Topography " and " Conquest" have been the objects of much abuse ever since their appearance. As early as 1603, when Cam- den first printed them, they met with a storm of dis- approbation, which has not yet altogether ceased. An Irishman, who styled himself Gratianus Lucius, but who was in reality a Dr. Lynch, wrote a work, pub- lished in 1662, in reply to what he terms the virulent GIEALDUS AND THE IRISH. 125 calumnies of Giraldus, and which, with singular modesty, he entitles " Cambrensis Eversus." This refutation has been issued in two volumes by the Celtic Society, and the reader who enjoys a treat of the sort, will find therein some of the most precious bits of abuse that were ever penned, even by a patriot. The doctor deals his blows with merciless severity. He gives no quarter and asks for none. Beginning with the title, he places Giraldus in a dilemma. If he knew not that topography means a description of any place whatsoever, and chorography, which is the term he should have employed, a descrip- tion of an extensive region, he was an ignorant pre- tender to scholarship. If he did, and used the term designedly, he was malicious, and insulted Ireland by purposely and contemptuously classing her among gardens, meadows, parks, and other places of confined dimensions. But his dislike to the title of the work is mild in comparison with the disgust he avows for the work itself. He accuses Giraldus, " against whose ff tongue heaven itself is no asylum," with being dis- qualified in every possible respect for writing on Ire- land, and charges him with being ignorant of geo- graphy " the first rule of which is to proceed from " west to north, and north to south." Besides, he was not a native, and, being an enemy to the natives, he was not the right man in the right place. He is, in a 126 GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS. word, charged with every sin of commission and omis- sion it is possible for an author to commit. When the doctor becomes explicit he is extremely severe and amusing. Every portion of the work under his re- view is industriously abused ; but it is to the marvel- lous stories in the second " distinctio," or book, that he takes especial exception. Here he can speak from personal knowledge, and consequently has his enemy under disadvantage. When in the Munchausen vein Giraldus tells, among other strange stories, of an island in Connaught where dead bodies remained unburied and were exempt from putrefaction. At this the Irishman turns upon his adversary, shows that the present state of the island does not agree with the description, abuses him for his credulity, and con- cludes with the avowal of his own opinion that Giral- dus had mistaken Aran for Inisgluair, in which latter place he candidly confesses bodies do not decay, " but even the hair and nails grow, so that one would " recognize his grandfather !" Again, Giraldus tells o o o j us it was reported that a controversy, whether Man belonged to Britain or Ireland, was decided in the following rather unusual way : Venomous reptiles were brought there on trial, and these having been found to live, the island was unanimously adjudged to be the possession of Britain. Commenting on this story, the Irish critic seriously complains, not of the UNFAIRLY CRITICISED. 127 credulity of Giraldus, but of bis disingenuousness in concealing- tbe names of tbose who raised and con- O eluded the controversy, and for neglecting to give the date of their adjudication. " The brand of infamy," exclaims the doctor, " clings to him in his grave." He considers the author's apology for introducing such legends into his work equivalent to confession of guilt. But what does Giraldus say ? " I do not desire," he remarks, " that everything I write should be readily " believed, for except what came under my own obser- , however, seems no longer to hold good. At the present day a man who does not desire to be thought indecent, must know not himself, not his capabilities, not his capacity but only his weaknesses and shortcomings. Genius, we are told, is unconscious, is modest, is self-depreciatory. If you are a genius you must not know you are a genius you must not, at all events, say you are, or thenceforth you cease to be regarded in that character. The world may acknowledge your ability and pay court to you ; but 132 GIR ALDUS CAMBRENSIS. the moment in which it perceives that your judgment in the matter agrees with its own, and that, equally with itself, you are able to appreciate your gifts or attainments, it resents the coincidence of opinion, and you subside into a man of inferior parts. But it is not for accomplishing great things, or for regarding them in their proper light, that you are thus condemned. It is for saying you see them, and thereby arousing the self love of public opinion, which delights in the sole exercise of its power of praise and blame, and does not wish its function to be shared in by the recipient of its favour, or its award to be taken as a matter of course. Self-depreciation by manner or by direct assertion is notoriously the best method of procuring from others favourable opinion of one's own merits. The most successful performer in any de- partment, by avowing himself a tyro in his art, and comparing himself to children on the sea shore, &c, pays a tribute to others which will be returned a thousand-fold by their exuberant esteem. On the contrary, if he should so far forget his interest as to represent himself to be what they have already ad- judged him to be, he is at once disadvantageously com- pared with some superior imbecile, and dethroned from the pinnacle upon which he had perhaps unwillingly been exalted. Giraldus, unfortunately, as well for his success during life as for his reputation after death, WALES IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY. 133 did not appreciate this fact. He declined to affect the humility he did not feel. Not content with silently knowing that his abilities were great, he allowed his contemporaries and posterity to perceive the estima- tion in which he himself held them. Are we alto- gether to condemn in a man the manifestation of this supreme self-consciousness ? I think not. Horace boasted that his work would be are perennius ; Cicero, that he was the second founder of Rome. If either of these saw he was able to do what the whole world besides considered worth doing, and did it, I fail to perceive what impropriety there was in his confessing the achievement. All that a candid criticism can fairly require is proof that a man really is what he pretends to be, and possesses the gifts and attainments of which he boasts. If we test the life of Giraldus in this spirit, we shall find he had just cause for his self- assertion, and that he was one who really redeemed the pledges he gave. His country was, in the 13th century, little re- moved from barbarism. The laity he represents as being governed by their passions; addicted to the worst immoralities ; utterly uncivilized. The clergy, little better, were poor, and rude, and avaricious; neglectful of their duties, ignorant of the elements of theology and literature, and not free from some of the worst vices with which he charges their flocks. 134 GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS. Books well known in other countries were unknown among them; and he gives such instances of their amusingilliterateness as could not, I hope, have been, even in the 12th century, parallelled elsewhere. One priest, he tells us, went to his bishop and promised him in Latin two hundred eggs ; he meant to have said ducenta ova : but from his ignorance of the lan- guage, he said ducentas oves two hundred sheep. When the two hundred fresh eggs were brought to the bishop on the following day, his lordship perempto- rily refused them, and, insisting on the literal fulfil- ment of the promise, extorted from the bad Latinist two hundred fat wethers. Another priest, in his sermon on St. Barnabas' day, informed his congrega- tion that St. Barnabas was a good and holy man, though he was a robber, quoting, in support of his assertion, the passage, "now Barrabas was a robber." Of abbots and bishops, who were equally liable to similar blun- ders as those which characterized the inferior mem- bers of the hierarchy, he gives a very unflattering account. He complains that all the bishops trans- planted in his days from England into Wales were overreaching, rapacious, always pretending the great- est poverty, begging at the abbey doors in England, haunting the Exchequer to obtain larger emoluments by augmentation or translation, and, in consequence, that their authority had completely fallen into con- HIS TRUE MOTIVES. 135 tempt. This state of things he was sincerely anxious to correct. But it was impossible for him to effect his reforms so long as St. David's was subject to Canterbury, and Norman kings, to support their rule, bestowed ecclesiastical preferment only on men of their own race ; men who were unable to speak the language of the people, or to feel the slightest re- gard for their interests. This persistent determina- tion to become bishop of St. David's has been severely blamed by writers to whom his motives have not, I think, been clearly understood. The ambition of Giraldus, usually regarded as vulgar self-seeking, seems to me to have taken its direction, less from a desire of personal aggrandizement, than from a patri- otic instinct to benefit his native land by the rectifi- cation of the grievous abuses to which it was subject. Surely no ambition can be more justifiable or praise- worthy than this. There was also another and, doubt- less, a more personal influence at work in directing his attention to St. David's the desire, namely, of occupying an influential position in the district where he was born, and wherein he was best known. This is a desire from which the healthiest minds have not been free. Sir Walter Scott, we know, thought less of the fame he had acquired by his writings than of the reputation he derived from being considered the laird of Abbotsford. To Stratford-on-Avon it 136 G1RALDUS CAMBRENSIS. was that, having done his appointed work, Shake- speare leaving behind him, as of little account, his reputation as playwright repaired with the hope of being a man of consideration in the place which had given him birth. Nor is the feeling confined to churchmen and men of letters. Hastings, ruling with regal splendour millions of Asiatics, was, we are told, for ever thinking of the home of his fathers, and planning how he, too, should one day be Hast- ings of Daylesford, and exercise the limited but sweet authority possessed by his ancestors. In Wales and in Ireland this feeling is, perhaps, even more common and more intense than it is elsewhere. We daily see in these countries the son of humble parents, upon receiving ordination, almost invariably selecting for the scene of his ministration his native town or county, notwithstanding the slights and indignities he is sure to meet with from the squireens and diminutive local magnates ; but the disappointments he experiences at one end of the social scale are, he thinks, compen- sated by the importance he exercises upon the other, and he resolves to accept the position with all its inconveniencies. In Giraldus this sentiment appears to have been more than usually strong. He was, more- over, of the highest rank ; and, as has been ex- plained, from his childhood had been looked upon aa the future bishop of the diocese. To fail, therefore, REFUSES SEVERAL BISHOPRICS. 137 was in his case to confess weakness as well as to ex- perience disappointment. It is true he had oppor- tunity of consoling himself by accepting several bishoprics that were successively offered him. But all these he resolutely and unhesitatingly refused. Just as Swift had set his heart upon an English bishopric, so did Giraldus yearn for the desolate see of St. David's. This was no caprice, but a life-long passion ; the central essential aim of his existence ; the hope to which his whole being had been attached from his earliest youth. And what was the bishopric for which this ambitious man rejected others of greater emolument ? Here are his words, which are as ap- plicable now as they were in his day : " A stony " and barren headland, neither clothed with woods, " nor adorned by waters ; visited only by storms and " winds." But although the place was not then more desirable than now as a residence, it is manifest that he cherished hopes of compensating these disadvan- tages by the satisfaction he would derive from ele- vating the see to its pristine dignity and power. Giraldus was the first to insist that the clergy should know the vernacular, and in this as well as in nume- rous other respects, proved himself to have been well acquainted with the principles on which all church reforms should be based. When he became the ac- cepted champion of the Welsh section of his country 138 GIR ALDUS CAMBRENSIS. who desired the independence of St. David's, he accepted the trust in all singleness of purpose, as is proved by his own confession, by his exhortation to the new bishop to evade the oath of subjection, as well as by constantly expressed solicitations for the interests of the see and its clergy. From the outset he avowed this to be his object, and that he intended to adhere to it through evil as well as good report. His failure, therefore, is not to be wondered at. Having enemies interested in opposing him, he neither cloaked his design, as a less conscientious man would have done; nor, as a more crafty man, having re- vealed it, did he attempt to appease his adversaries by a show of submission. He boldly avowed his object; so in the fierce struggle that ensued the civil power proved too strong for him, as in the case of Becket, and as in the ultimate issue it has always proved too strong for the champions of ecclesiasti- cism. There is no need to seek another cause for his defeat than that stated by himself the king's fear that increased power would make him dangerous to English supremacy. For the notion currently en- tertained that he exaggerates the power and_ influence he was capable of exerting, I can find no ground, either in his own writings or in contemporary re- cords. Self-assertion is so distasteful to English readers, HIS INFLUENCE IN STATE AFFAIRS. 139 and so unusual in English writers, that its presence is generally considered indicative of falsehood. But Giraldus is another example of the fallacy of the popular saying that boaster and liar are synonymous terms. He believed that diffidence was a hindrance to bold attempts, and that men of talent who give way to the disposition often grow old without know- ing their powers. Avowing his admiration of those who, before their path in the future was yet plain, resolved on making it their chief aim to leave behind them some memorial whereby they might live in after times, he boldly expressed his determination to emulate them ; and I think it will be conceded that he has achieved no equivocal success. In affairs his influence was even greater than he himself believed it to be. To insure a good reception for Prince John in Ireland it was he that was sent as his com- panion ; when the Crusade was preached in Wales, his presence was considered essential to the suc- cess of the mission ndeed so unsettled was the country, I doubt whether an English prelate and justiciary would have ventured through the land with- out his countenance and support and afterwards, on the accession of Richard I, he was dispatched from France to his native land for the purpose of repress- ing the outbreak that was apprehended from the change. Nor was his influence less when exerted 140 GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS. against the king than it was when employed in his favour. During the great contest for the indepen- dence of St. David's, his partisans had become so numerous that the whole country was, as appears from the Patent Rolls, in a ferment ; non solum pax partium vestrarum immo totius regni nostri tranquillitas turbaretur. (5 JOHN, memb. 7. No. 32.) Although, however, he cannot justly be censured for unduly exalting himself, it must be admitted that it would have been better, as well for his peace of mind as for the success of his schemes, if he had condescended to imitate the example of those around him, and exhi- bited more worldly prudence in his relations with the supreme powers. Had he consented to debase him- self, he would doubtless have been rewarded with ultimate exaltation. But he was no sycophant. Of all the eminent men of his time, he appears to have been the most sincere, and acted throughout in har- mony with his own nature. The presence of this great tall figure was a protest against the licentious court of Henry crowded, according to a contempo- rary, with jesters, singers, gamesters, pastry cooks, bankrupts, mummers, barbers, spendthrifts, and others of a similar class, and in which, if you would learn the movements of the king, you must apply to vintners and loose women. His very outspokenness, and the self-esteem he exhibited, were unmistakeable HIS FRANK NATURE. 141 manifestations of a sincere nature. His fellow- countryman, the acute Walter Mape, saw, and sati- rized, the vices of churchmen and courtiers ; but he looked upon them with the eye of one who did not much disapprove, and his satires, severe enough, leave an impression that, after all, they were pro- duced more for the gratification of a facetious nature than for the profit of those who were the objects of his urbane censure. Some men possess that rare and desirable gift a habit of supreme frankness which lessens the effect of their shafts, and enables them to say unpleasant truths without being considered personally offensive. Men of this kind are either extremely artless, or masters of that consummate art which enables them effectually to cloak their animus, and renders it impossible for an ordinary bystander to determine whether annoyance is meant, or that the sally is ill-timed but unintentional. In the one case he is regarded as a cynic ; in the other, as a well-meaning man, whose unfortunate manner must be pardoned on account of his well-known sincerity. Disagreeable criticism is in both cases unwelcome, but the object of the attack is unwilling to resent what comes from the latter, as if it had proceeded from the former. Nevertheless the disagreeable re- mark produces the same effect uttered by the one as by the other, just as unpalatable medicine is equally 142 GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS. efficacious when given in honey as if administered in its native state, and has the advantage, moreover, of not being succeeded by nausea in the patient. Giral- dus was generally regarded as a well-meaning man, and, in his bluff Welsh way, was permitted to say things no one else would have dared to utter ; things, notwithstanding, which proved his moral courage to have been as unbounded as his physical bravery. He never failed to express his opinion manfully. The Church of Rome was notoriously venal, and on his first introduction to Innocent he did not fail to let that prelate know he was acquainted with this fact. " Others give you money," he said, " I offer " you only books ;" or, to quote his punning sen- tence, Pr&sentant vobis alii Libras, sed nos Libros. And in his dedication to John of his " Conquest," he tells that monarch some home truths, under the phrase, " permit me to offer you some advice," which must have surprised his former pupil by his freedom of speech. In these cases no offence Avas meant, and no offence could be taken. " My habit of outspoken- " ness," he used to say, " is natural to Welshmen " like myself; we can neither alter it, nor get rid " of it." But there were times (as in his early con- tests with the sheriff of Pembroke and the bishop of St. Asaph) when his bark was followed by a terrible bite, and when he took care that there should be no HIS LOVE OF ORDER AND OF LAW. 143 mistake as to his intention to wound. What chiefly characterized him, however, is his love of order, of precedent, of law. He was essentially the type of a mediaeval churchman, even more than of a mediaeval man of letters. The indications that manifested them- selves on the white sands of Manorbeer at the first page of his life accompanied him to the close of his days. He loved the Church, and followed her pre- cepts ; requiring, at the same time, that others over whom he had control, should likewise do so. None more than he differed from some of her teachings. He doubted whether sins could be remitted by pontifical indulgence. Clear-sighted enough to see the inconveniencies from enforced celibacy of the clergy, he shows that neither in the Gospels nor in the apostolical writings is to be found any prohibition against their marriage ; but so long as the restriction remained he would not permit his clergy to keep their focaria in peace, but would extirpate them root and branch. 'Tis great pity to require in your ministers such a sacrifice ; but no man is com- pelled to be a churchman, and if the vow is volunta- rily made by the candidate for ordination, he must abide by it, and maintain the strictest observance of discipline. Keep your promise ; be true to yourself: was the tenour of his whole life-teaching. Do you obey, for then only may you expect obedience 144 GIEALDUS CAMBRENSIS. from others. Look not upon the Church as de- signed for your convenience if you are of it, you must be faithful to it and to its teachings. He was himself faithful, and He expected others to be as faithful as himself. He was at once a genuine churchman and a genuine man of letters. VIII. MONTAIGNE. LES=S * S HE fame of Montaigne is on the increase. The " Essays " have been translated into the languages of all civilized nations, and edition after edition has been called for and exhausted in each. They have not in any country had for readers what is known as the general public, but have obtained only what Mr. Emerson calls a chosen circulation namely, among courtiers, soldiers, princes, men of the world, and men of wit and generosity. There are signs, however, that the appreciation is extend- ing in the old world and the new ; cheap editions of his great work are issued, and the manner in which they have been received may fairly be taken as in- dicative that the Essayist is becoming known to readers who hitherto were acquainted only with his name. In France there are men who make the old Gascon the study of their lives, who devote L 14G MONTAIGNE. themselves to the elucidation of his writings, and who quarrel over the interpretation of one of his phrases with as much zest, if not with as much acrimony, as scholars among ourselves quarrel over the meaning of a passage in Shakespeare. Since the revival of letters no French writer has exercised so much influence upon our own literature. The Shake- speare Plays contain passages almost literally ex- tracted from him,* and ever since the appearance of the translation by Florio into English, all who have made the study of man their theme exhibit in their writings undoubted traces of familiarity with his speculations. If he is not known at first hand so well as he should be, he is well known at second. * By the favour of the Head of the British Museum I have examined the autograph, said to be of Shakespeare, in the copy of Florio's Translation belonging to that Institution. Sir Frederick Madden, in Archceologia, vol. xxvii. p. 113, has described this autograph, and given an interesting history of the volume as far as it is known. It is now thirty years since Sir Frederick made his communication to the Society of Anti- quaries, and expressed his unhesitating belief in the authenti- city of the signature, and he tells me he is still of the same opinion. There is no questioning the authority of so eminent a Palaeographer. I must mention, however, that not a tittle of external evidence exists to support the belief that the volume was Shakespeare's, " and is the only book which we certainly " know to have been in the poet's library." RETIRES FROM COURT. 147 Men who are ashamed to quote him, because he is reputed to be a sceptic, have no hesitation in appro- priating his thoughts. I have heard a sermon by Montaigne from one of the most orthodox pulpits in London. Montaigne was thirty-eight years old when, in 1571, tired of courts and public employments, but rich in twenty years' experience of the ways of men in court and camp, he retired to his chateau in Peri- gord. Neither by circumstances nor temperament was he fitted to make a great figure in the barbarous, cruel, and deceitful court he had abandoned ; and it was without much regret at rising from the game he had left, that he sat down in quiet indifference to all things, to conclude the remainder of his life, already more than half past, in the agreeable and peaceful abode he had inherited from his ancestors. Here and now, then, with his wife and numerous retainers upon whom to vent his ill-humour when he should begin to pine for past pleasures, he really began to live. Hitherto he had been in school. The time for me- ditation had at length come, and the scholar, feeling desirous of ascertaining what progress he had made in his studies, seriously began to interrogate himself. To the question Que sguis-je ? he was continually asking himself, we have for answer the three books which form the famous " Essays." 148 MONTAIGNE. Most of his biographers pretend to see Montaigne thinking in these " Essays," and fancy they come upon a man in undress. They esteem him the frankest of autobiographers the most outspoken of all philosophers and writers. But can you believe them ? Is he so ingenuous as they report ? The work is full of original and selected thoughts on in- numerable subjects, but it can scarcely be said to contain one predominant thought. He had no theory to establish. In painting himself the writer necessarily expounds his philosophy ; but he is so whimsical and inconsistent, and contradictory, that the difficulty of ascertaining his central idea is insu- perable. What was written in one mood has the ap- pearance of sincerity, yet it is utterly different from what, with equal sincerity, he sets down on the same subject in another. His powers of observation were of the highest order, and had been judiciously exer- cised ; what he had seen clearly he could express boldly ; there is little opportunity for the dullest reader to mistake his meaning; but his digressions are so numerous, and occur so frequently, that the writer himself often forgets, or pretends to forget, the text from Which he is preaching. When you begin a chapter you do not know what is coming. The '' Essay on Lame People," for instance, is devoted to an attack on miracles. He exaggerates, is para- HIS ESSAYS. 149 doxical, and despises the technicalities and accuracies of any learning. It would be possible to string together scores of his likes and dislikes, of his opinions on men and things, and of curious personal revelations, without getting a very accurate portrait of the essayist himself. It is, therefore, useless to attempt the discovery of his leading doctrine. Indeed, I do not suppose he had any cut-and-dry theory of morals or of man's destiny. He did not set himself to satirize human nature ; nor did he at- tempt to flatter the vanity of men by deriving their descent from angels. To such questions he was in- different. Sound philosophy, he thought, was that which best insured sound health. " The most evi- " dent token and apparent sign of true wisdom," says he, " is a constant unconstrained rejoicing." He could not, therefore, understand why a man should fashion his belief to the customary, or conform to what is suitable for another and not for himself. Let every man's philosophy be in harmony with his own nature, and then for him there will be uncon- strained rejoicing. If he knows only by hearsay, let him confess it, and not profess what he does not un- derstand. As for himself, he shows in all he says that he was influenced by some such consideration as this. He was a brave doubter. Mrs. Grundy does not seem to have had any terrors for him. 150 MONTAIGNE. Through the fences Custom had set up he boldly trotted his horse ; but he had no desire to widen the gaps he had made ; certainly not to tear down the fences themselves. What Sir Thomas Browne calls " scenical and accidental differences/' did not impress him. Kings and mountebanks are equally men, and one of his great pleasures was to teach those who in his time regarded the recovered classical authors as something more excellent than their contemporaries, that the great writers of antiquity were men of like passions with themselves ; that they had natural wants like themselves; and like themselves would have acted under any given circumstance of life. Montaigne is to be regarded as at once the product and representative of the Renaissance. Rabelais wrote as a mediseval monk would have written. He looked upon things from the same point of view as all acute minds had been looking upon them for ten centuries. In the productions of Walter Mape, whilst we miss the tedious buffoonery of the Frenchman, the same theme, the same spirit, the same fervid satire are to be detected as characterize Pantagruel and the Garyantua, and it will excite no surprise to say, that the author of these romances has become a modern more by reason of the licentious exuberancy of his vocabulary than by virtue of his inherent worth. Montaigne, on the other hand, was the first REPRESENTATION OF THE RENAISSANCE. 151 great exponent of the new classical spirit which had just reached France from beyond the Alps, and of which his predecessors knew nothing. The age of examination and doubt had replaced the ages of faith, and although in point of time he came a few years after the events from which we are accustomed to date the change, he was contemporary with the be- ginning of modern thought, popularized the new ideas, and became their chief representative. He was a Roman before he was a Frenchman. His queer old father, to make him a good Latinist, took care that he should not 'hear a word of his native tongue till he was able to speak in the language of Cicero. In- fluenced by peculiar views of education, he selected a tutor who was unable to speak French, and the domestics were strictly forbidden from uttering a syllable of the vernacular in the child's presence. Silence or Latin was the alternative he enjoined upon all. It would occasion no surprise if the future essayist had grown up to be a dolt, surfeited with the good things of which he had been forced to take too much ; but Montaigne knew the value of the re- covered learning, and he knew also the best things that had been produced in his own time. He knew, more- over, how to use both. Ben Jonson was not far wrong when he classed him among those wits that " turn over all books, and are equally searching in 152 MONTAIGNE. " all papers, that write out of what they presently " find or meet, without choice ; by which means it " happens, that what they have discredited and im- " pugned in one week, they have before or after tf extolled the same in another. Such are all the " essayists, even their master Montaigne. These, " in all they write, confess still what books they " have read last ; and therein their own folly, so " much, that they bring it to the stake raw and un- " digested : not that the place did need it neither ; " but that they thought themselves furnished and " would vent it." What he wanted, indeed, he took without hesitation, and was never particular whence he procured the straw, so that it was capable of being made into good bricks. " If I wish to give an ap- " pearance of reading to this ' Essay on Physiog- " nomy,' " says he, " I have only to stretch out my " hand and take down a dozen books consisting of " extracts strung together. A single German pre- " face would supply me with a store of learning." And he has certainly availed himself of the plan, for the reader will have difficulty in some of the essays in discovering what is meant to be considered original and what borrowed. Towards the decline of his life at a time of age, however, when with us statesmen and lawyers are considered young men the little fellow, in HIS COARSENESS. 153 several of his essays, and notably in that on some verses by Virgil, is solicitous to tell us that he is going to be naughty. He is careful to warn us of what is coming, and deprecates blame by giving us examples of others before him who have been as naughty as he intends to be. " Fallen into the ex- " treme of severity, more peevish and more unto- " ward," he purposely gave way to licentious allure- ments, and, now and then, permitted his mind to in- dulge " in wanton and youthful conceits,'' for the purpose of recreating itself. He wishes us to under- stand that, hitherto, he had defended himself from pleasure. Wisdom, however, has her excesses, " and is not less in need of moderation than madness. " Therefore, for fear I should dry, shrivel up, and be- " come ponderous by prudence, in the intervals which " my sufferings grant me, I gently turn aside and " escape from the sight of that stormy and cloudy sky " which spreads before me ; which, thank God, I con- " sider without affright, but not without application " and study." So he wilfully turns away from serious matters, and ceases for a time to contemplate the tempestuous sky which constantly lowered before him. He amused himself and the reader with re- membrances, of his youthful days; and youthful tricks, long since forgotten, were brought up to the session of sweet silent thought. " For my part," 154 MONTAIGNE. says he, " I am displeased with thoughts not to be " published, and am resolved to dare speak whatso- " ever I dare do ; and thoughts that cannot be pub- " lished displease me. The worst of my actions and " conditions does not seem to me so ugly as the " cowardice of not daring to confess it." We look for great things after this avowal, but at last and this is to his praise he is never very naughty ; but only very coarse. If he is at fault, he is to be blamed, not for calling a spade a spade, but for making a spade the subject of his discourse. Those who dislike to hear things called by their names must not sit under our Gascon preacher. He does not, however, excite the passions; this was not his aim. He is writing about man as man, and will not abstract O 9 that which belongs to him as member of a Religious Tract Society from that which belongs to him in common with the other animals. He hates a way- ward and sad disposition that glideth over the pleasures of his life and fastens and feeds on the miseries. He will be no voluntary martyr. He loved life and cultivated it, and lamented nothing that gave pleasure. " I do not regret the necessity " of eating and drinking, and should think myself " wrong in desiring that necessity to be less." He did not claim for us too high an origin. " We may " mount upon stilts if we will, for on stilts we HIS FRANKNESS. 155 " are still obliged to use our legs ; and on the highest " throne in the world we place what we place on the " lowest stool. The finest lives, to my mind, are those " which do agree with the common and human model " with order, without miracle, without extra- " vagance." This is not contemptible philosophy. Montaigne's personal confessions are as inaccurate as those of Goethe ; but he has been so communica- tive and so explicit in speaking of himself, that if we do not know him we know more about him than we do of most other men. He has the credit of being the frankest of all writers. He talks so much about himself that you may be tempted to fancy he gives you a photo- graph of his peculiarities. But do you believe in the sincerity of his continual self-depreciation ? When he takes you by the button, and, on tip-toe, jabbers away in a loud, shrill voice, sometimes rather too long-windedly, about his inability to dance, or swim, or fence, or wrestle like other people, do you believe he is despising himself for this ?* When * " Of addressing, dexteretie, and disposition, I never had " any, yet am I the son of a well disposed father, and of so " blithe and merry a disposition, that it continued with him " even to his extreamest age. He seldome found any man of 156 MONTAIGNE. he confesses his ignorance of the value of the coinage, and of the difference between barley and oats, or tells you he could not understand why leaven is put into bread, or how the apple gets into the dumpling, and therefore considers himself a lumber- headed old fool, do you take him at his word ? Of all these things he was undoubtedly ignorant. But could not any of the retainers on his estate have en- lightened him on these heads, and do you suppose Lord Michael de Montaigne, as Florio styles him, of " his condition, and that could match him in all exercises of " the body ; As I have found few, that have not out-gon me, " except it were in running, wherein I was of the middle sort. " As for musicke, were it either in voice, which I have most " harsh, and very unapt, or in instruments, I could never be " taught any part of it. As for dancing, playing at tennis, or " wrestling; I could never attaine to any indifferent sufficiencie; " but none at all in swimming, in fencing, in vauting, or in " leaping. My hands are so stiffe and nummie, that I can " hardly write for myselfe, so that what I have once scribled, " I had rather frame it a new, than take the paines to correct " it ; and I reade but little better. I perceive how the audi- " torie censureth me : Otherwise I am no bad clarke, I cannot " very wel close up a letter ; nor could I ever make a pen. I " was never good carver at the table. I could never make " readie nor arme a Horse : Nor handsomely array a Hawke " upon my fist, nor cast her off, or let her flie, nor could I ever " speake to Dogges, to Birds, or to Horses. The conditions of " my body are, in fine, very well agreeing with those of my " minde." On Presumption. Florio's Translation. HIS LITERARY RANK. 157 the noble order of St. Michael, and one of the Gen- tlemen in Ordinary of the French King's Chamber, could feel satisfaction in knowing what was fitted only to be known by them ? The literary worth of an author is, I think, to be estimated more by the extent than by the weight of his influence. There are writers who appeal only to a limited class, or fail to influence men except at a certain period of life. Wither and George Herbert, for instance, in poetry, and Sir Thomas Browne in prose, address but a very select class of minds. Their adherents, men of cultivated taste, admire them with an intensity that is never displayed towards writers who have become universal favourites ; but to the general public they are scarcely known. It must not, however, be supposed, that because the common run of readers are unable to appreciate what men of higher intellectual rank admire that the fault is altogether with the former. The best books are those, which, appealing at once to the vulgar and the refined, are welcomed by both. Their authors have no partisans because all are on their side, and excite no enthusiasm because they are never slighted. They are the classics of all languages. Although it would be incorrect to say that Montaigne occupies a posi- tion among them, he differs from such writers as those I just now named in one very important par- 158 MONTAIGNE. ticular. He numbers amongst his admirers the whole of the intellectual class in every civilized country, whilst admiration for them is confined to men with idiosyncrasies. He is the most catholic of all writers. His views and opinions are so varied and multifarious, that no man of culture can read him without finding himself reflected in the page. An odd volume of Cotton's translation of the " Essays " falling into the hands of Mr. Emerson, " newly escaped from college," was the origin of that gentleman's admiration for the Essayist. " It seemed " to me," he confesses, " as if I had myself written " the book, in some former life, so sincerely it spoke " to my thought and experience."* * This appears to be the case with others besides Mr. Emer- son. The late Bayle St. John, in his Biography of the Essayist, to which interesting work I acknowledge obligations, very correctly remarks : " The Montaigne of Pascal and Malebranche is an " esprit fort of the seventeenth century ; the Montaigne of Bayle " is a gentlemanly sceptic ; the Montaigne of the Voltaireans is a " scofler ; the Montaigne of the Abbe Laborderie is a Capuchin " Friar ; the Montaigne of Mr. Emerson is Mr. Emerson him- " self ; the Montaigne of Dr. Payen is the property of Dr. " Payen ; and the Montaigne of M. Griin is a Prefet of the " Gironde." In taking the measure of Montaigne, his biographers uncon- sciously furnish us with the means of taking their own. HIS RELIGIOUS VIEWS. 159 Enough, however, is revealed to enable us to per- ceive not only his disposition and habits, but his re- ligious and moral mood. He was, I think, eminently religious ; that is to say, he possessed in a high degree the religious sentiment from which all religions spring. His dissatisfaction with the various visible and formal manifestations of this sentiment was not active, but negative. He could not conscientiously have sub- scribed to the articles of any Church, or assented even to the spirit of the popular religion. Whilst, how- ever, alienating himself, in a sense, from the Church of his fathers, and discrediting the dogmas preached by its ministers, much remained which he seems deeply to have cherished. He cherished her ancient services; her solemn litanies and gorgeous masses were as dear to him as they were to others. Had you accused him of hypocrisy in this you would have done him wrong. He resembled men among ourselves, no longer members of the established religion, who confess themselves to be influentially and beneficially affected by its services, to whom church bells are " the " sound nearest heaven," and church prayers as balm of Gilead ; who, whilst unable to assent to the articles of membership, still term themselves sons of the Church, and would fight, if need were, in her behalf, against what they consider the bigotry and narrow- mindedness of the sects. It was dogmatism and not 160 MONTAIGNE. devotion he resisted. By ordering the celebration of mass in his chamber at the end, he cannot be said to have contradicted the tenour of his life, which was eminently pacific. He never broke with the Church, but had so far sanctioned her practices as to have spent fifty crowns at Loretto shrine, and upon leaving, he presented a rich ex-voto. He disliked Protestantism, because of its protests ; but he could not understand martyrs on either side, willingness to die being, in his eyes, no compensation for fanati- cism. Religion he regarded as metaphysical specula- tion, and to kill or maim a man because he dissents from your conclusions as excess of folly. For that self-assertion which manifested itself in striving after converts, he had no patience; nor did he understand how men could devote their lives to the attempt of fashioning the world to their own ideas by painful coercion. His convictions were not strong enough to make him an active partisan in any cause ; he neither wept at the follies, frailties, and vicissitudes of life like Heraclitus, nor, on the other hand, did he think too highly of man and his destiny. Even when he did good he confesses to have been influenced by no higher a motive than that of pleasing himself. When they said a man must forget himself for his neighbour he did not understand them, and considered the precept was made more in favour of a man's neigh- HIS TOLERANCE. 161 bour than of himself. He had no wish to take sides. He avowed his readiness to bring a candle to St. Michael and another to the dragon. During the troublous times of the league he kept himself square. There are people who will not understand that a man may constitute his own party. They want him to declare himself for themselves or their opponents, and will not forgive him if in some matters he acts with them, and in others on the opposite side. No doubt Montaigne is liable to be termed what we now call a trimmer. Indeed, as he confesses, during his life- time some called him Guelf and others Ghibelline. But he was indifferent to the distinctions that existed between the parties, and was most sincere in his in- difference. To the gospel of labour preached of late he would have been no convert. Labour for its own sake he thought a curse, and he well knew the derivation of the word indolence. What he did he accomplished by fits and starts. " Whosoever will " make use of me according to myself let him employ " me in affairs that require vigour and liberty ; that " have a short, a straight, and therewithal a hazardous " course. . . If it be tedious, crafty, laborious, " artificial, and intricate, they shall do better to ad- " dress themselves to some other man." Fond of his own way, he would not be hurried in doing it ; would M 162 MONTAIGNE. not be bothered even for duty. Railways and punctual starting of express trains would have killed him.* Montaigne is the type of every man of culture at a certain stage of his development. He looked upon mankind, and chiefly upon himself, diversely: and the conclusion to which he came is the same as that to which others had come before. He thought all is vanity and vexation of spirit. Everyone of us knows this ; but most of us desire to forget it, or will not choose to remember it. Montaigne does not deceive himself. He never gives himself the air of one who is going to reveal secrets. You want to learn what Is ? He cannot satisfy you. You must go to others ; he can, at the most, only tell you what is not. It is possible that organization is tending to perfection ; but he does not know it. He is not sure even of im- mortality, and carefully abstains from saying that he is. Indeed, with respect to this and the other great problems that interest us, he had no view at all, and with * " I am extrearnele lazie and idle, and exceedingly free, " both by nature and art. I would as willingly lend my " blood as my care. I have a minde free and altogether her " owne ; accustomed to follow her owne humour. And to this " day never had nor commanding nor forced master. I have " gon as farre, and kept what pace pleased me best. Which " hath enfeebled and made me unprofitable to serve others, " and made me fit and apt but onely for my selfe." On Pre- sumption. Florio's Translation. HIS SCEPTICISM. 163 unusual wisdom did not, I suspect, think it necessary to have one. Many before and since his time have troubled themselves with these questions, and for certitude have experienced only doubts. Some there are who eliminate these doubts by main force ; or, without having them resolved, consent for their peace of mind to believe them soluble, and thenceforward arrogantly assume that the opinions they have aban- doned were unsound. This " bridging the gulf," as it is termed, confers on them, they suppose, the right to believe they have performed a stage of progress. A man who has once doubted, but doubts no longer, gives himself a patronising air of supe- riority. " Ah ! my dear friend," says he, "I once " had doubts as you have ; but happily they have " disappeared. All the depths and shoals of modern '' thought are familiar to me, and now I feel sure " footing. I have successfully bridged the gulf." But does it follow that he who changes sides neces- sarily goes from darkness to light? If change of opinion were in itself progress, the popularity and influence of such a writer as Montaigne would never be much. Before we can decide what is truth, we must have an undisputed criterion. Mon- taigne will be perennial because his subject is peren- nial. IX. THE MAN OF LETTERS AS A STATESMAN. ROGER WILLIAMS. |HE real meaning of the terra religious liberty seems, even at the present day. to be but imperfectly understood. When Earl Russell and others refer to their exertions in the cause of civil and religious liberty, they doubtless consider these two terms as applying to two separate principles; and in this light they are very generally regarded. Little consideration, however, is needed to enable us to perceive that the connection between civil and religious liberty is of the most in- timate nature ; that the one is comprehended in the other ; that the one is, in fact, a portion of the other. If a man is in possession of civil liberty if, that is to say, he is free to think and act in all respects as he chooses, provided he thereby inflicts no wrong on the person or estate of another it is manifest that CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS LIBERTY. 165 he also enjoys religious liberty, which implies the right to think and act in some respects as he chooses. Hence., to talk of giving a man civil and religious liberty is much as if one were to speak of granting him a passport for all the countries of Europe and for Spain, or of permitting him to read all Shake- speare's plays and the Merchant of Venice. But al- though the term is thus misapprehended, the thing signified is not itself unknown or ill understood. In England at least, and wherever our race predomin- ates, the state no longer uses the power at its disposal to repress or interfere with the religious opinions of its subjects; that portion of civil liberty known as "liberty " of conscience" generally the last to be conceded is now enjoyed by all ; and the doctrine, that none is to be persecuted on account of his opinions on matters of religion, is happily universally entertained. This noble doctrine is the growth of modern times and of our own land. In Christianity, it is true, the doctrine in question may be said to inhere ; but from the moment when Christianity, in the person of Constantine, found itself in possession of power, the doctrine had not been asserted; it had not ex- hibited itself in the operative working of the reli- gion ; it lay latent ; it had never been revealed. Many favourable opportunities for discovering it had presented themselves, and more than once did it seem 166 ROGER WILLIAMS. about to be detected; but on each occasion it was over- looked. It was overlooked even at that great upheav- ing of the nations at the beginning of the sixteenth century, when men, with minds unhinged, prepared for almost any change, went hither and thither know- ing that something was wrong, but knowing not what. The uneasy feeling that had been excited found rest in change of opinion without having lighted upon a change of principles. Luther, Cal- vin, Knox, and their associates, whilst endeavouring to acquire for themselves the right to think and act in matters of religion according to the dictates of their own consciences, all regarded themselves as the sole depositaries of truth, and thought it their solemn duty to suppress, even by force, if necessary, what in their judgment was false doctrine in others. They were, in fact, guided by the very principle against which they contended in others ; and they defended conduct exhibited by men of their party which they were the first to condemn in their opponents. In England, no sooner had the Protestant party under Cranmer succeeded in establishing the right of pri- vate judgment for itself as against the Church of Rome, than it proceeded to deny the right to others ; and, afterwards, the very men who had suffered severe persecution for their opinions were amongst the most eager to inflict similarly severe persecutions ADVOCATE FOR RELIGIOUS LIBERTY. 167 upon those from whom they dissented. The Scotch commissioners in London remonstrated in the name of their national Church against " sinful and ungodly " toleration in matters of religion ;" the whole body of the English Presbyterian clergy protested against the schemes of Cromwell's party, and solemnly de- clared that " they detested and abhorred toleration ;" Richard Baxter, the most eminent of nonconformist divines, avowed that he " abhorred unlimited liberty, " or toleration for all ;" even John Milton's scheme of toleration was to have excluded Roman Catholics from its benefits ; and in that of Lord Baltimore, lauded for the unusual liberality of its provisions, only persons professing belief in the Divinity of Christ were to share in the civil advantages of the colony he founded. Men contended ostensibly for free expression of opinion ; it was in reality for the supremacy of their own opinion. The liberty at which they all aimed was to have been the privilege of themselves alone. The honour of being the first advocate for full and absolute liberty of conscience belongs to Roger Williams a man of heroic character, of catholic spirit, of inflexible principles ; a man, moreover, who throughout a long life was himself guided by the principles he professed, wrote books in their defence, founded a state in accordance with them, and subse- 168 ROGER WILLIAMS. quently embodied them in the laws he framed. Of the early life of this very remarkable man few me- morials exist. Numerous lives and memoirs of him have been written ; he has formed the subject of academical discourses and review articles; poems have been composed in his honour ; places have been called after his name ; and his posthumous honours have been many and great. Till his arrival in Ame- rica, however, only the scantiest information touch- ing his life is to be gleaned. After that event par- ticulars are plentiful. The Life by Dr. Romeo El- ton (Providence, 1853), from which I abridge the following particulars, may be recommended to those who feel interested in the man. The son of a Welsh farmer, Williams was born in the year 1606, in Car- marthenshire, at a place called Conwyl-Caio, where for many generations his ancestors had resided. At an early age, he was removed to London, and was there fortunate enough to attract the favourable no- tice of Sir Edward Coke, " who," says the daughter of that eminent lawyer, "' seeing so hopeful a youth, " took such liking to him, that he sent him in to " Sutton's Hospital." Of this institution now known as the Charter House he was elected a scholar on the 25th of June, 1621, and three years afterwards, having obtained an exhibition, he went to Oxford, and entered at the Welsh College (Jesus). GOES TO NEW ENGLAND. 169 This was on the 30th of April, 1624. How long he remained at the university is uncertain, since the records of his college furnish no evidence of his hav- ing taken a degree. Upon leaving, he was admitted to orders, and, as is presumed from a statement he makes in one of his works, he discharged the duties of the ministry somewhere in Lincolnshire. The conflict that from the days of Elizabeth had existed between the prelatical party and the Puritans was at this period becoming more and more violent the former being determined to enforce strict uni- formity, and the latter being as equally determined to resist the enforcement. Roger Williams inclined in opinion to the side of the Puritans, and, moreover, had already advocated the doctrine which immor- talises his name that the civil power hath no juris- diction over the conscience. In the clash of party strife, therefore, he could not hope to escape the unfriendly notice of those to whom such opinions and such a principle were obnoxious. Nor did he. Professing the tenets of the Puritans, he suffered the persecutions to which the expression of those tenets rendered him liable ; and finding it hopeless to expect to be suffered to preach in peace, he resolved to seek that liberty which was denied to him in the country of his birth amid the wilds of America, whither large numbers of his brethren had gone before. 170 ROGER WILLIAMS. The grief he felt at leaving may be learned from a letter he addressed in after years to the daughter of Sir Edward Coke. " Your dear father," he says, " was often pleased to call me his son ; and truly it " was as bitter as death to me when Bishop Laud " pursued me out of the land, and my conscience " was persuaded against the national church, and " ceremonies, and bishops, beyond the conscience of " your dear father I say it was as bitter as death to me " when I rode Windsor way to take ship at Bristow, " and saw Stoke House, where the blessed man was ; " and I then durst not acquaint him with my con- " science and my flight." He embarked with his wife at Bristol in the Lion, Captain William Pierce, and, after a tempestuous voyage of sixty-six days, sailed into Boston harbour on the 5th day of Feb- ruary, 1631. His arrival in the New World is recorded in the Journal of Governor Winthrop, and appears to have occasioned much joy to the churches of the infant colony. But he was soon to discover that the grand idea he announced when he first trod the shores of New England that the civil magistrate had no right to interfere in matters of conscience would meet with no echo in the hearts of the Pilgrim Fathers, and that the " lords brethren" of Massachusetts were as intolerant as the " lords bishops" of England. A SETTLES AT SALEM. 171 few weeks after his arrival, he accepted an invitation to become assistant-pastor of the church of Salem, and commenced his ministry there ; but having de- clared his opinion that " the magistrate might not " punish a breach of the Sabbath, nor any other " offence that was a breach of the first table," the civil authority immediately interfered to prevent his settlement. The church, however, persisted; and on the same day on which the magistrates at Boston were assembled to express disapprobation of this, and to desire the church to forbear any further pro- ceeding, he was duly elected a minister at Salem. But his residence there was destined to be of short continuance. The church, in disregarding the wishes and advice of the authorities, by calling him to be their pastor, drew upon themselves the displeasure of the magistrates ; and so high rose the storm of persecution, that before the close of the summer, Williams was obliged to seek residence elsewhere. He accordingly left Salem, and went to the colony at Plymouth, " where," says Governor Bradford, " he was freely entertained among us according to " our poor ability." Two years afterwards, how- ever, being invited to return, he complied with the request, and resumed his ministerial labours in Au- gust, 1633. But the inflexibility of his principles, and his determination to exhibit them when needed, 172 ROGER WILLIAMS. soon furnished the magistrates and ministers who were opposed to him with many opportunities for re- newed hostility. At one time they met to take into consideration a treatise in which he had disputed their right to the lands they possessed, because they had not compounded with the natives ; now they charged him with having preached upon the duty of females to wear veils in religious assemblies ; and now, again, complained that, in consequence of his preaching, " Mr. Endicott cut the cross out of " the military colours, as a relic of popish supersti- " tion." The controversy between him and the civil and ecclesiastical heads of the colony was clearly nearing a crisis. Having expressed his opinion that the taking of an oath was an act of worship, and that " no man ought to be forced to perform this any " more than any other act of worship," he was sum- moned in April, 1635, to appear at Boston. The court on this occasion desisted from proceeding ; but in the following July he was again cited to answer certain charges brought against him at the general meeting then in session. The most serious of these charges was of a frivo- lous nature. The accused was impeached for having maintained the " dangerous " opinion, that " the ma- " gistrates ought not to punish the breach of the first SUFFERS PERSECUTION. 173 " table, otherwise than in such cases as did disturb " the civil peace." This doctrine was considered by all present to be most pernicious ; the ministers who had been invited to attend and give their advice thought the colony should rid itself of a man who maintained that the civil magistrate might not inter- meddle " even to stop a church from heresy and " apostacy ; " none agreed with the accused, whose opinions were " adjudged by all, magistrates and " ministers, to be erroneous and very dangerous." " After long debate," says Governor Winthrop, who wrote at the time, and recorded the proceedings in his Journal, " time was given to him and the church " at Salem to consider of these things till the next " general court, and then, either to give satisfaction " to the court, or else to expect the sentence." The church of Salem obstinately adhered to their pastor, and avowed their readiness to suffer the consequences of their contumacy. The next general court was held in October, when Roger Williams was again summoned for the last time ; " all the ministers in "the Bay being desired to be present." "Mr. " Hooker," Governor Winthrop says, " was chosen " to dispute with him, but could not reduce him from " any of his errors. So, the next morning, the court " sentenced him to depart out of our jurisdiction " within six weeks all the ministers, save one, ap- 174 ROGER WILLIAMS. " proving the sentence." The health of Williams was greatly impaired by his severe trials and exces- sive labours, and he procured permission to remain at Salem till spring. But the court having meanwhile received information that he could not refrain in his own house from uttering his offensive opinions to which, it seems, " he had drawn above twenty per- " sons " ! resolved to send him to England by a ship then lying in the harbour ready for sea. He refused to obey their summons to attend the court at Boston, but the magistrates were determined not to be defeated, and immediately despatched a small sloop to Salem, with a commission to the captain to apprehend, and carry him on board the ship that was about to sail for England. When the officers came to his house, however, "they found he had gone three days before, but " whither they could not learn." The principal Indian tribes occupying New England, when it was first settled by the English, were the Pokanokets, who inhabited the territory of the colony of Plymouth ; the Narragansetts most faith- ful to the English of all the New England tribes who held dominion over nearly all the territory which afterwards formed the colony of Rhode Island, in- cluding the islands in the Bay, and a portion of Long Island ; the Massachusetts, who dwelt chiefly about FLIES TO THE INDIANS. 175 the bay which bears their name ; and the Pequods and Mohicans by far the fiercest and most warlike of the New England savages who occupied the greater part of what is now the state of Connecticut. In the middle of January, 1636, in the coldest month of a New England winter, Roger Williams forced to leave behind him his wife and young children, and escape in secresy and haste fled from the tyranny of those men, who, under the name of Pilgrim Fa- thers, receive the undeserved sympathy of posterity, and sought refuge amidst primeval forests inhabited only by beasts of prey, and those savage tribes whose names I have just enumerated. Tradition has much to relate of this period of his life ; but a letter of his, written thirty-five years after, furnishes authentic information of that time " when," says he, " I was " sorely tossed, for one fourteen weeks, in a bitter " winter season, not knowing what bread or bed did " mean." It appears that he made his way through the desolate wilderness to Massasoit, sachem of the Pokanokets, who dwelt at Mount Hope, near the spot on which the town of Bristol, Rhode Island, now stands, and who occupied the country north- wards as far as Charles River. This famous Indian chieftain had known Williams at Plymouth, and on many occasions had received from him tokens of kindness. It was now his turn to confer benefit ; 176 ROGER WILLIAMS. and the aged sachem was ready. He received Wil- liams graciously, and granted him a tract of land on the Seekonk river, which separates Massachusetts from Rhode Island. Here, then, the friendless exile, who was soon joined by several of the people of Salem, began to build and plant. But this terri- tory was within the limits of the Plymouth colony, and he received intelligence from his friend, Gover- nor Winslow, that he had " fallen into the edge of " their bounds." Thereupon, he embarked, with five others, in a canoe, and proceeded down the river in search of another resting-place, where the secular arm should have no dictation in the concerns of reli- gion. Passing round the headlands now known as India Point and Fox Point, he ascended the river that runs on the west side of the peninsula, to a spot near the mouth of the Mooshausic. Here, in the spring- time of 1636, Williams landed; and here, on the slope of the hill that rises from the river, began the first settlement of Rhode Island a state which, in the words of its founder, should surely be " a shelter " to persons distressed for conscience." He called the place Providence, in remembrance of God's pro- vidence to him in distress. Through his intimacy with several of the Indian chiefs, Williams was enabled to purchase the neces- sary lands for his new colony. His house and lands SETTLES IN RHODE ISLAND. 177 at Salem he was obliged to mortgage, in order to make additional presents and gratuities to the sachems ; and, consequently, he removed his wife and family immediately to the new settlement. He was the sole negotiator with the Indians, and the legal proprietor of the territory which they had ceded to him, and which, as he remarked, " was as much " his as any man's coat upon his back." He might have secured the proprietary of his colony by a pa- tent from England, and thus have exercised a con- trol over its government, and amassed wealth for himself and family ; but his views being eminently unselfish, he chose rather to found a state where all civil power should be exercised by the people, and where there might be " a shelter for persons dis- " tressed for conscience." The infant community prospered apace, and was rapidly increased by the arrival of persons from other colonies, and from Europe, who fled from persecution. The banishment of Roger Williams, and the vo- luntary exile of many of his adherents, did not, it seems, put an end to the contentions in Massachu- setts Bay. The people were displeased at the prosperity of the settlements at Providence and on Rhode Island. Incensed at the reception accorded to the citizens they had . expelled, they seized an opportunity to 178 ROGER WILLIAMS. order that if any one of the inhabitants of Providence should be found within the jurisdiction of Massachu- setts he should be brought before the magistrates. This, however, was only the prelude of what was to follow. In 1642, shortly after Providence and Rhode Island had regularly organized a government, and had, true to the principles of their chief founder, passed a special act, that " that law concerning liberty " of conscience in point of doctrine be perpetuated,'' the colonists of New England, alarmed by reports of hostile designs on the part of the Indians, adopted vigorous measures of defence. In the year follow- ing, the first confederacy of the colonies was formed, and articles of union were signed at Boston by the commissioners of the four colonies of Plymouth, Massachusetts Bay, Connecticut, and New Haven, under the name of " the United Colonies of New " England." Neither Providence (notwithstanding that its founder had more than once, by his personal influence, saved the English settlements from the fury of the Indians), nor the neighbouring colony on Rhode Island was invited to join ; and when after- wards they made application for admittance, it was refused. The reasons alleged were trivial, but they were found to be insuperable. The excluded colo- nies were therefore exposed to many inconveniences and dangers, and left with no defence, except that of OBTAINS A CHARTER. 179 their own citizens. Their increasing prosperity, their exclusion from the confederacy, and the declara- tions of enemies, that they had no legal authority for civil government, led the inhabitants to appoint a committee with instructions to procure a charter from the mother-country. The agency was accepted by Williams, who accordingly, in June, 1643, em- barked at New York for his native land. The state of affairs in this country was not unfa- vourable to the accomplishment of the mission with which he came intrusted. The nation was convulsed by the civil war ; King Charles had fled from Lon- don ; and the parliament, who were in possession of the legislative and executive authority, were disposed to strengthen themselves by conciliating the colonies of America. From the commissioners who had been appointed to regulate the affairs of the colonies, Roger Williams aided by the influence of his early friend, Sir Harry Vane obtained with little trou- ble, for the colony of Rhode Island, a charter, which conveyed to the inhabitants the most ample powers to adopt such a form of civil government as they should by free consent agree to. As soon as he had accomplished the object of his mission, Williams re- embarked for America. He landed at Boston, Sep- tember 17, 1644, and the news of his arrival having preceded him, the inhabitants of Providence met 180 ROGER WILLIAMS. him at Seekonk with a fleet of canoes to welcome his return, and to convey him home in triumph. The form of government eventually adopted, after con- siderable delay and discussion, in a general assembly of the people of the colony on the 19th May, 1647 required the annual election of a president and four assistants, in whom the executive power was vested. The code of laws was mainly taken from those of England, and concludes with these memorable words : " And otherwise than thus, what is herein forbidden, " all men may walk as their consciences persuade '' them every one in the name of his God." Williams, probably to conciliate the other towns, cheerfully yielded his claims to the office of president, and accepted the subordinate post of assistant for the town of Providence. As might be anticipated, from the various materials of which they were composed, the several towns of the colony did not quietly coalesce in one form of government, and Williams's skill and delicacy were taxed to their utmost extent in har- monizing the discordant elements. One of the chief causes of his disquietude at this time were the proceedings of William Coddington, the principal in- habitant of the settlement on Rhode Island, who, oemg attached to the party of the king, was disposed to promote Royal authority in the colony. Codding- ton having persuaded a faction to unite with him, COLONIAL DIFFERENCES. 181 first attempted to obtain admission for the island set- tlements into the league of the New England colo- nies ; but having failed in that effort, he went off to England, and succeeded in procuring from the council of state a commission, constituting him go- vernor for life of the islands of Rhode Island and Canonicut. When he returned in 1651, bringing with him his new charter, great excitement was pro- duced in the settlements. Other troubles, moreover, arose in addition to these internal dissensions. Mas- sachusetts, Plymouth, and Connecticut all of whom were opposed to the heroic state that persisted in pro- claiming liberty of conscience for all men, irrespec- tive of creed asserted claims to portions of the colony ; the Indians, too, now began to commit depre- dations, and to offer insults which the individual settlements were too feeble to punish, and which the commissioners of the United Colonies refused to redress. In this crisis, when it was apparent that their safety lay only in a union of all the towns, John Clarke, a man of liberal education, courteous manners, and the original projector of the settlement on the island, was induced to proceed to England to pro- cure the repeal of Coddington's commission, and the confirmation of Williams's charter. From reluctance to leave his large family, as well as from his inability to sustain the necessary expense, Williams, who was 182 ROGER WILLIAMS. urgently importuned to accompany Clarke, and co- operate in the accomplishment of this important object, at first declined to accept the trust, but in the end he was prevailed on, and accordingly once more crossed the Atlantic. Williams on this occasion remained in England for nearly three years. Since he had last visited the kingdom, great events had occurred ; an ancient monarchy had been subverted, and the supreme authority was now vested in a Council of State. The application made by the two commissioners met with opposition from many quarters; but an order was at length passed to annul Coddington's commis- sion, and to confirm the former charter. Leaving Clarke behind, Williams returned to his colony in the summer of 1654. During his absence, the general assembly which met at Providence ad- dressed to him a letter, in which they " humbly con- " ceived that, if it be the pleasure of our protectors " to renew our charter, it might be the pleasure of " that honourable state to invest, appoint, and em- " power yourself to come over as Governor of this " colony, for the space of one year, and so the go- " vernment to be honourably put upon this place, " which might seem to add weight for ever hereafter " in the constant and successive derivation of the " same." Roger Williams took no steps to procure CHOSEN PRESIDENT OF THE COLONY. 183 his election ; but on the first general election, held on the 12th of September, he was chosen President of the colony. During the term of his office, he made efforts to establish more friendly relations with the neighbouring colonies, especially with Massachusetts, and succeeded in obtaining some of the privileges for which he had long contended. Upon his retirement from office, he declined being a candidate for re- election. He did not, however, neglect any oppor- tunity to promote the interests of his fellow-citizens, honourable mention of his name frequently appears in the records both of the town and colony. His death occurred in May, 1683, in his seventy-eighth year; and " he was buried," says Callender, " with all the " solemnity the colony was able to show." There is no portrait of him extant. During his last visit to England official duties brought him into, frequent intercourse with the emi- nent individuals who then wielded the power of the state. He renewed his friendship with Sir Harry Vane, and enjoyed the hospitality of that statesman at his country seat ; he secured the powerful influence of Cromwell for his colony ; and, what is of more interest for us, he often passed his hours of leisure with John Milton, " who, 1 ' he says, " for my Dutch I " read him, read me many more languages." It was during this visit a curious episode occurred. He was 184 ROGER WILLIAMS. acquainted with Mrs. Sadlier, the daughter of his early patron, Sir Edward Coke. The letters that passed between them are preserved in the library of Trinity College, Cambridge, and exhibit Williams's character and tone of rnind in a very favourable light. The lady, who was opposed to the existing order of things, and was not backward in confessing her disapprobation, would not so much as look at one of Williams's works which he sent to her; and, upon being desired to read a book by another author, she wrote a remarkable letter to Williams, from which I quote what follows, as it gives us her opinion of one of the most remarkable men of the time: " For " Milton's book, that you desire I should read, if I be " not mistaken, that is he that has wrote a book of " the lawfulness of divorce ; and, if report says true, " he had at that time two or three wives living (!). " This, perhaps, were good doctrine in New England, " but it is most abominable in Old England. For his " book that he wrote against the late king, you should " have taken notice of God's judgment upon him, " who stroke him with blindness ; and, as I have " heard, he was fain to have the help of one Andrew " Marvell, or else he could not have finished that " most accursed libel. God has begun his judgment " upon him here his punishment will be hereafter in " hell. But have you seen the answer to it ? If HIS LITERARY PRODUCTIONS. 185 " you can get it, I assure you it is worth your " reading." It was during this visit of three years that Williams gave to the press those works in which he has clearly expounded the noble principle for which he suffered, and which is the most endurable memorial of his name. The views he himself professed of theologi- cal affairs are not very attractive ; may, indeed, be characterized as almost repulsive in their nature. His writings are amongst the dreariest of the dreary productions that appeared during the commonwealth. Everything he wrote, if we except his philological work, " A Vocabulary of the Narraganset Language," designed to facilitate intercourse between the Indian tribes and their white neighbours is occupied with considerations of minute and unimportant points of controversy, which, let it be hoped, have now altogether ceased to be of interest to intelligent men. He hated popery and prelacy ; was an interpreter of prophecy ; and saw in the events of the day fulfil- ment of some of the most abstruse problems of the Apocalypse. Thoroughly convinced of the soundness of his own views, and unable to see how others could reasonably dissent from his favourite notions, he was ever ready " to discuss, debate, dispute, either by word " or writing, with whom, or before whomsoever the " present debate concerns, with all Christian meek- 186 ROGER WILLIAMS. " ness, and due submission." He must have been one of the most troublesome and irrepressible disputants that figured in the controversial battles of the day. His merit, however, does not lie in this direction, but consists exclusively of the consistency with which through life he advocated the important doctrine we associate with his name. Not only in " The Bloody " Tenent of Persecution," where he has discussed it at length ; but in season and out of season, in every- thing he wrote, did he avow his belief that the opinions of one man do not concern another, and that the state has no right to interfere with the religious views of its subjects. I have before me a quarto publication of thirty-six pages, printed at London, " in the second Moneth, 1652," and entitled, " The " Hireling Ministry None of Christ's, or A Discourse " touching the Propagating the Gospel of CHRIST " JESUS. Humbly Presented to such Pious and " Honourable Hands, whom the present Debate " thereof concerns. By Roger Williams, of Provi- " dence, in New England." In the 'Epistle Dedi- catory, the author informs his readers, that having been engaged in several points of the same nature " in my former and later endeavours against that '' Bloody Tenent of Persecution for cause of con- " science ; and also having been forced to observe " the goings of God, and the spirits of men, both in HIS CHARACTER. 187 " Old and New England, as touching the Church, " the ministry and ordinances of Jesus Christ, I did " humbly apprehend my call from Heaven not to " hide my candle under a bed of ease and pleasure, " or a bushel of gain and profit ; but to set it on a " candlestick of this publike profession, for the bene- " fit of others, and the praise of the father of all " lights and Godliness." The pertinacity of the man in this respect is, in- deed, surprising, and it is worthy of remark, that although he believed himself to have had a call from heaven, he never, in the least degree, exhibited a disposition to coerce others, or forcibly bring them to profess the views he himself entertained on any sub- ject. Men who have " a call" usually act otherwise. They become persecutors, being just as ready to in- flict martyrdom as to suffer it. To me it has always been a matter of wonder that a man of Williams's way of thinking should have been in advance of the age in which he lived, inasmuch as his nature, as far as I have been able to discover it from his life and works, appears to have been composed of all the elements that go to form a bigot. He thoroughly believed in himself, and could not conceive that others, when they differed from him, could be in the right; he possessed that eager, restless, obtrusive disposition, which suffers no opposition, and will 188 ROGER WILLIAMS. acknowledge no defeat. He had, moreover, the power in his newly-founded state to enforce, with some degree of success, uniformity of opinion. But there is no evidence that he ever made the attempt. He consistently abode by the principles for which he contended from the day when he first en- tered the ministry. If the man who reveals to us a new and beneficent moral principle occupies a higher place in our regard than he who discovers a new universe in Lyra, or tells us what are the constituent elements of the moon, Roger Williams is entitled to a very exalted position. The doctrine he announced was the want of his age. The spirit of compromise had prevented its propagation at the Reformation, and down to his day no one had been able to make the great discovery. He was the first to proclaim it, and, being a man of one idea, like all men of one idea who devote their lives to a cause, he had im- mense influence in his generation. That one member of the community should legally be roasted to death for holding opinions at variance with the rest was to him as horrible as it is to ourselves. There are at least two sides to every question. He knew too much of human nature to suppose all men in a nation think alike on religious matters, and was well aware that constraint and restraint effected by the HIS TOLERANCE. 189 civil power could result only in outward manifesta- tions of conformity. All attempts to place limita- tions to liberty of conscience, whether made by his opponents, or by his co-religionists, he strenuously denounced. He would have no sliding-scale of toleration, but contended for free and absolute liberty. He never lost sight of a great principle. His own opinions may be ill founded ; his doctrines in religious matters may shock people of refinement; his style of argumentation may put at defiance all the rules of elegant composition; but he does not desire to impose his views upon others, or force them to read the books in which he has enunciated them. All are free to choose for themselves. They may worship Baal if they please he would not interfere with the rites he desired that every man should worship his Gods without molestation. He was our first advocate for unlimited toleration. The ancients, it is true, permitted liberty of religious worship to its fullest extent. To the Greek the same truth was discoverable under all forms of worship,* and the * I ain reminded of the condemnation of Socrates. There is little doubt that the philosopher was attacked chiefly on political grounds. His connection with the oligarchy was sufficient cause for his arraignment by Anytus who had been their chief opponent, and the prime agent in the revolution by which they were overthrown. The charge of impugning the state religion, 190 ROGER WILLIAMS. Romans, from political motives, recognized every re- ligion that was held by their subjects, or had been introduced into the metropolis. Christians formed an exception to their usual toleration, because, from the nature of their faith, they would not and could not suffer ways of thinking different from their own. In self-defence, therefore, other religionists were forced to attempt the extinction of the creed, not because nova, but because malefica, as Suetonius puts it. From the time when Theodosius made penal laws against the Manicheans, to the time of Roger Williams, every sect that sprung up and demanded and corrupting the youths a crime not referring to the minds of these youths, but to a capital offence then as now was brought forward to strengthen the case of the prosecution. The indictment was well framed. The opinions of the philoso- pher on religion could not have been so heinous an offence as to warrant death in a state which permitted the free discussion of men who explained away the Gods and their providence, and investigated the origin of the ideas they represented with a licence that is not tolerated in our day in England. One has great difficulty in understanding the sympathy that, from the time of Plato to that of the latest writer who has made the famous supper the subject of his discourse, has been bestowed upon Socrates. If Socrates believed himself to have been un- justly condemned, as he professed, he should unhesitatingly have taken advantage of the means provided by his friend Crito for escape, and evaded his doom. By submitting to the execu- tion of an unjust sentence he was himself a party to injustice. HIS CLAIM UPON OUR REGARD. 191 the adhesion of mankind had threatened those who declined to comply with its invitation. " Believe or " perish," was the motto of each. The founder of Khode Island was the first to preach the old doctrine to the new civilization; and it is for this that his name and memory should be held in grateful remem- brance by all generations. X. STEELE.* HE author of the latest memoir of Steele, who thinks, and thinks justly, that Thackeray, in his " Esmond," has carica- tured him, and, " for the sake of being " graphic and dramatic," has given the reader the general impression of his being a sort of Captain Cos- tigan,isan apologist and advocate of the worthy knight. His work is an attempt to reproduce the age of Queen Anne " through the medium of a life of " Steele." The animus is undoubtedly good; but we fear the at- tempt must be considered unsuccessful, inasmuch as it has resulted in very unsatisfactory performance. It will furnish those who are altogether unacquainted with the history of England and its literature during the period treated with a large number of facts re- lating to eminent persons and great affairs which * Sir Richard Steele, Memoir of the Life and Writings of. By H. R. Montgomery. DUTIES OF A BIOGRAPHER. 193 cannot fail to be of value. It is a collection of very useful materials, that in a second edition may be turned to good account. But to the student of the period to him who is already familiar with so im- portant an.d critical a period in our annals as the reign of Queen Anne it can in its present form have but the slightest interest. He will find in its pages nothing that will be new ; and what is old will lose all interest, by reason of the inefficient treatment it has received. What is above all things required in a biographer is the power of forcibly bringing before the reader the individual whose life he has undertaken to write. He must abstract that which belongs to him in com- mon with others, and present only the result. There must be no generalities, no stringing together of ill- selected epithets, no incongruities in the present- ment ; but the portrait must preserve all the charac- teristics of the original. Few men are able success- fully to do this. Mr. Carlyle, in his "History of the " French Revolution," has proved himself to be one of the great masters of the art. Some of his portraits are marvellous for the vigour with which they are conceived and represented ; they have all the distin- guishing marks of having been drawn from the life ; and although, we believe, several of them, in very important particulars, bear but the faintest resem- o 194 STEELE. blance to the particular personages with whose names they are labelled, each of them seems to have the merit of being a real portrait of somebody. We feel there are real men and women before us, and are ready to be convinced that we see the texture of their skin, and hear the sound of their voices, and know the phraseology in which they are about to address us. The reader will be disappointed if he expects to find in this work manifestations of so desirable a power as that possessed by Mr. Carlyle. And it has another defect. It is now usually agreed that a biography should confine itself to the actions and fortunes of the individual ; everything that does not bear upon the development of his character or course of life should be excluded, and the successive events should be so narrated as to enable the reader to have a true portraiture of the man. In these memoirs, however, there is no individuality. From the seven hundred pages which form the two volumes, he will not derive so distinct a notion of Steele, or any of his contemporaries, as he now possesses of the fictitious De Coverley from the few papers devoted to that hero in The Spectator. The work is a made- up work. It contains too much and too little. As a whole it is sadly deficient in the unity essential to such a work as this. Not only have we biographies of the persons who UNITY NECESSARY. 195 wrote for the several publications with which Steele was connected "a group of sketches around the " central figure " but, " in accordance with the ex- " pressed aim of the design," we are presented with sketches of those to whom the several volumes of the works were dedicated. Nor is there the least art displayed in the grouping or presentment of the figures that pass before us. The people who are in- troduced are introduced on the slightest pretext. A casual allusion to a name, or its occurrence in corres- pondence, will evoke its former owner and trot him through a dozen pages. The author has failed to give us an intelligible picture of the age, or a striking portrait of the man, but instead thereof offers discon- nected memoirs and world-famous anecdotes. We have the old story of the loves of Swift, and are told, in the words often employed before, how one day, entering the room where Vanessa was sitting, " with " that terrible look which he assumed when angry, " he flung down a packet on the table and strode " out without uttering a word ; " how a bullying lawyer, provoked by the great Dean's keen satire, called at the Deanery to revenge himself, and having sent up his name as Serjeant Bettesworth, was met by the Dean, who calmly demanded the name of the regiment to which he belonged ; that when " Gulli- " ver's Travels " appeared, a master of a vessel said 196 STEELE. " he knew Gulliver well, but that he lived at Wap- " ping, and not at Rotherhithe ; " how King "William taught the famous Irish parson to cut asparagus. Once again, we read in these volumes the fate of the unfortunate Budgell, and have Pope's stinging lines on the event; of the quarrel between Pope and Lady Mary Wortley Montagu ; of Wycherley making acquaintance with the Duchess of Cleveland, and of his marriage with the Countess of Drogheda; of Congreve's friendship with the Duchess of Marlbo- rough, and the fantastic way in which her Grace, after the death of the poet, is said to have preserved his memory by inviting to her table, as a constant guest, " an automaton model of him in ivory " and of scores of similar stories, as well known to ordinary readers as the Nelson Column to the porter at Northumberland House. The author's insight into character may be learned from the expression of his belief that when Steele left the University without a degree, and enlisted in the Horse Guards, " great " admiration of the character of King "William had " something to do with it ; " and his taste and fair- ness from the regret he avows that Steele was not equally wise in his generation with " the Reverend " Dr. Swift, who had gone such lengths in doing the " foul work of party, to earn the wages of mercenary " apostacy." Our author's opinion of the Dean may HIS EPISTOLARY CORRESPONDENCE. 197 be right ; but surely he is here doing in the case of Swift what he complains of others doing in the case of Steele. In addition to the fundamental faults we have in- dicated, the work contains minor defects, too nu- merous to be mentioned, the nature of which may be inferred from what has been already said. Incorpo- rated with the text, however, and by far the most useful portion of the work, are the letters reprinted from " Steele's Correspondence," published in 1809, by Nichols, from the originals in the British Mu- seum. These are invaluable records. Some of them are addressed to Swift, Pope, and other literary friends ; but by far the greater number are to Lady Steele. They are the shortest epistles in existence, and all of a character.* The writer was always in a hurry, and always excusing his delay in returning home. " The coach is passing, and I can say no " more ; " "I am drinking a pint of wine, and will " come home forthwith ; " "I put myself to the " pain of absence from you at dinner by waiting to " speak to Salkeild ;" "I have received money, but * There is great variation in the style and caligraphy of the original letters. Some were evidently composed with the most deliberate neatness, whilst others bear unmistakable signs of having been written in great haste, and probably after the writer had seen the third bottle brought on the table. 198 STEELE. " cannot come home till about four o'clock" such is the tenor of them all. We suspect, however, from numerous indications, that it was not always solicitude for his wife and dread of her prolonged anxiety that induced him to write so frequently. We fear Lady Steele was in the habit, like a foolish wife, of seeking her husband when in company. More than once he writes, " Do not send after me ;" " I shall be ridiculous,'' and he complains that he must always be giving her an account of every minute of his time. His eternal want of money was a great misery to him, and, to judge from these let- ters, we cannot help thinking, in opposition to most men, that the seemingly cheerful demeanour of our saucy-faced Captain too frequently concealed trouble and dimness of anguish. " If the man who has my " shoemaker's bill calls, let him be answered that I " shall call on him as I come home. I stay here," he adds, " to get Johnson to discount a bill for me, " and shall dine with him for that end. He is ex- " pected at home every minute." When his wife went to Carmarthen, to her native place, leaving him in charge of the daughter afflicted with small- pox, he writes : " We had not when you left us an " inch of candle, a pound of coal, or a bit of meat " left in the house ; but we do not want now." And she, with her Welsh ways, and her Welsh advisers, BROKEN RESOLVES. 199 was perpetually worlcllying, complaining of what he owed her, and urging him to get money. He, poor fellow, felt the reproach keenly. His little notes are a series of promises to mend his means. " I do as " you advise," he says ; " court and converse with " men able and willing to serve me ;" and, again, upon being reminded by her of the ingratitude he had experienced : " I have as quick a sense of the " ill-treatment I have received as is consistent with " keeping up my own spirit and good humour." He reproached her at first by innuendo ; but once or twice he fairly lost temper, and wrote in rage. " In " the name of God," he exclaims, " have done with " talk of money !" But his rage was of short dura- tion, and in his next note he was on his knees, a doating husband, writing to his wife to put on her mask and come to Somerset stairs, or desiring her to take a coach and " come to this lodgings," or feeling such interest in her appearance as to request her to " look a little dressed, or everybody will be enter- " tained but the entertainer." He was ever most sanguine, and had, withal, a knack of hoping rarely equalled. He tells his wife, in one letter, that she, her servants, and children, shall be better provided for than any family in England; and in another in high spirits at the anticipated success of a scheme for bringing live fish 200 STEELE. to the London market that he hoped in " a post or " two to give an account of a thing that will bring a " great sum of money." " I shall soon be a clear man," and, " I am in a fair way to be a great man," was the burden of his daily song. Do we need more than these brief notes furnish to know the man Steele ? What occasion is there for a list of his debts, of the offices he held, of the comedies he wrote, of the bottles he drank, of the houses he inhabited ? To institute comparison between famous personages is a favourite employment as well with impulsive critics as with the general public. The comparisons are in most instances provokingly puerile. Accurate thinkers regard each man as good of his sort, and with them, therefore, there could arise no dispute as to which is the greater. For the advocate of the one to dispute the .claims of the other would manifestly be absurd; they wisely content them- selves with crediting each with being what he is. English readers, however, and intelligent English writers, are not satisfied with this. They pit one man against another, with whom, in reality, he has no points of similarity, or, if he has, they are due to circumstance, and not to nature. Steele and his coadjutor, Addison, are thus usually classed together to be compared, and are seldom compared without being classed. Each has COMPARED WITH ADDISON. 201 his advocates and partisans, among whom are to be numbered well-known authors, some favouring Steele to the disadvantage of Addison, and some deprecia- ting Steele and obscuring his reputation for the sake of glorifying Addison. Thackeray and Lord Mac- aulay are the most eminent who have declared in favour of the Right-honourable gentleman ; while, Coleridge, Hazlitt, Leigh Hunt, Charles Lamb, and, more recently, Mr. Forster, seem, on the other hand, to incline to the side of the knight. But Steele's backers are not very resolute in sup- port of their champion. The majority of readers and writers find it difficult to conceive a " great " man made of such stuff as he. They look for strong character in their heroes ; and this disposition influ- ences the idea they form of a man's writings. Dig- nity of attitude, gravity of countenance, and, in some degree, conformity between opinion and action, are indispensable for securing their applause. If Mr. Ketch's arguments for the abolition of capital pun- ishments are ever so unassailable, they discredit them, because the preacher's mission makes it occasionally necessary for him to act contrary to his opinion. Like Hermotimus, an interlocutor in one of Lucian's Dialogues, who became a convert to the Stoic philo- sophy solely because he observed its professors were serious in demeanour, they regard levity in manner 202 STEELE. as indicative of shallowness in intellect. It is not surprising, then, that the reckless and irresolute Steele, whose career was a solecism in morals, does not obtain the praise he merits. From the time of his leaving college without a degree, to the day of his death on the banks of the Towy, at the age of 58, an old man before his time, he was the victim of his own temperament. He was completely incapable of restraining himself. He was genial, good-natured to excess, fond of good society, and, to use the words of Lady Mary W. Montagu, like Fielding, so made for happiness, that it is a pity he was not immortal. But happiness never came. In politics and in the business of life he was equally unsuccessful. Even in affairs of the heart, in which, as might be supposed, he had his share, he does not seem to have prospered. The " perverse " widow (widows, as De Coverley and more of us have experienced, are too often " per- verse ") left a wound in his heart that, we suspect, was never quite healed. Indeed, as Charter-house boy, collegian, soldier, lover, pamphleteer, gazetteer, Parliament man, patentee, inventor of fish machines, and father of a family, poor Sir Richard failed to reach the personal success he promised himself. He was a brave adventurer, but he never had the luck to secure a great prize ; or, having secured it, he was unable to retain it. And the reason is plain. HIS RANK AS A MAN OF LETTERS. 203 He failed, as all others have failed who attempted to eat the grape and drink the wine. But to abstract the author from the man and, logically, this is the only way to judge him whose sole claim to notice is a literary claim Steele must take high rank as an English man of letters. Neither he nor Addison was, it is true, a man of the highest culture. Neither took a commanding view of litera- ture or of life. Both were inferior in range to Swift, whose vision, blurred and bleared as it was, included humanity itself, whilst their horizon was very con- tracted, the aim of both being avowedly limited to satirizing the conventions by which they were sur- rounded, and to framing characters of domestic life. They held the mirror up to Fashion and not to Nature. At best they were tea-table moralists, and in their homilies we miss the force we look for in sermons addressed to more stormy audiences. For his share in the work, Addison partly from grace of style, and partly, no doubt, by reason of his greater specific gravity has undoubtedly secured the larger share of credit, and although their polish has a ten- dency to make his writings appear weak, the under- lying thought, or semi-thought, is for the most part more vigorous than what appears in his friend's essays. The one derived his insight from direct ex- perience ; the other considered our nature by aid of 204 STEELE. reflected experience, and, paradoxical as the assertion may sound, saw deeper, and further, and clearer. But the praise of Steele is far higher than that of Addison. He was one of those whose writings are said to be greater than the writers. He planted a seed of revolution in our literature, thereafter, as we all know, to bear abundant fruit. " Bickerstaff " must be credited with the honour due to an inventor. He gave a new form to our literature ; or, as it is quaintly put by one of his contemporaries, " his " writings have set all our wits and men of letters " upon a new way of thinking." STERNE. LTHOUGH much has been written on Humour, and very many acute observa- tions have been made on its nature and functions, every formal attempt to de- fine what it is has proved to be signally unsuccessful. Each definition has the demerit either of excluding men who are admittedly entitled to be ranked among the humourists, or of being so comprehensive as by its terms to embrace not only writers distinguished for their humour, but others whose claims to the honour will be generally disallowed. The difficulty of de- termining the true nature of humour and of discri- minating it from the other kinds of literary produc- tion to which it is germane, is, indeed, very great. Addison, whilst treating the subject in one of the " Spectators," expressed his opinion that it is much easier to describe what it is not, than to say what it is. He had before him Cowley's well-known defini- 206 STERNE. tion of wit. But, declining to adopt the method he approved, he was bolder than Cowley, and proceeded to give his own notions on the subject, " after Plato's " manner, in a kind of allegory." Without pronounc- ing on Addison's success, and having no desire myself to hazard a new definition, I may, I think, venture to express my belief that, however much they differ in manner, the great masters of humour must be divided, with respect to their matter, into two well- defined classes. The one, making the conventionali- ties his subject, deals with the affairs of every-day life. The minor morals form his topics. He has to do with what is incidental in human affairs ; the fashions, the foibles of individuals, the eccentricities of society are the theme of his discourse. He is con- cerned with what is transient, and his influence ceases with the phase of civilization of which he has been the exponent. The other is the humourist of nature. He deals by choice with the old Adam that leavens us. The beggarly elements in our composi- tion are his favourite topic. His attention is not confined to what is dependent upon fashion for its interest, but is directed to our natural and permanent passions. He is tolerant; does not satirize folly (indeed, he believes nothing human can justly be considered folly); and his sympathy is so wide-em- bracing that he is lenient even with what we term the UTS CHARACTER MISREPRESENTED. 207 vicious propensities of our nature. It is in the latter class that Sterne must undoubtedly be placed. There is a reigning idea concerning this incom- parable humourist of which the late Mr. Thackeray may be taken as the most eminent exponent. That writer, who in this instance seems to have judged men and things from a no higher point of view than that of a shrewd Charter-house boy, believed to the night of his death that Laurence Sterne was a great jester and not a great humourist a charlatan, who brought out his bit of carpet, spread it, and tumbled on it for the amusement of bystanders, without him- self sharing in the mirth he created, and without caring much whether it was mirth or sorrow he pro- duced, so long as halfpence, in the shape of applause, came tumbling in upon the performer. And not only in this explicit portraiture he has left us of Sterne, but in every story the great novelist pro- duced, did he manifest inability to appreciate or even, I think, to apprehend a character like that of Yorick. He could not and this, to me, appears to be his cardinal defect as a novelist bring himself to believe it possible for a man to be double-minded in a good sense as well as in a bad ; and whenever ho conceived or attempted to delineate an individual oi the order to which Sterne belonged his representa- tion is glaringly unreal and unartistic. Such defec- 208 STERNE. tive representation, whenever produced, is partly owing, of course, to want of intellectual insight in the critic ; but in a greater degree is it due to moral obliquity to a deficiency of tolerance for what is beyond the area of his own experience and custo- mary horizon. A man who exhibits himself, either in literature or in society, in two obviously antago- nistic relations, is thoughtlessly condemned for insin- cerity. His critics conclude that one or other phase of his character must necessarily be fictitious. They do not conceive that it is possible for both to be genuine, and for the man in each case to be true to his own nature. For one who is not always the same, as well in letters as in life, men avow their aversion. Cor- diality to-day and coldness to-morrow they cannot understand, and will not suffer. They require a man to be " genuine ;" and how can he be genuine who is at one time cordial and at another indifferent, or worse ? The censure resulting from this conviction is levelled against a whole class of writers; but Sterne, perhaps more than any other, suffers from this defective way of judging. Is he pathetic in the presence of suffering in the brute creation and at the same time guilty of ill-treating his nearest relatives? His pathos is obviously assumed. Does he weep at the recital of woe by the lips of a stranger whilst his HIS SINCERITY. 209 imprudence is the occasion of deeper misfortune among members of his own family ? Be assured that his tears are crocodile tears, springing from no genuine feeling, but mechanically produced as a bit of harlequinade for the delectation of the gentle reader. To this view of Sterne I cannot bring myself to assent ; and prolonged acquaintance with his productions serves only to confirm me in the belief of his absolute sincerity. Sterne, however, is in some degree liable to the implied censure. Men of sensitive nature like his find relief in making their feelings objective and contemplating them at a distance. In this process there is for them refined happiness akin to that felt by people who derive comfort from the act of confession only in their case the confession is made openly to the public and not confided to the ears of a priest. His critic would have us believe that Sterne, finding his tears infectious, and that they brought him a great popularity, designedly exercised the lucrative gift of weeping, utilised it, and cried on every occasion. I know no reason why a man should not utilise his sensations as well as his reflections, and publish " Sentimental Journies" as well as " Snob Papers ;" nor can I see why he should be abused for the one more than for the other. Let us be thankful for both. Sterne was not a whole man. He was an " episodical " character ; one of those p 210 STERNE. whose "component parts" are so ill-assorted that they never come to fit well together. The very tempera- ment, however, that made him sympathize with a dis- tressed and unknown wayfarer would make him suffer acutely and resent warmly the want of a sympathetic and conciliatory spirit in a cold-hearted wife. The sympathy and the resentment were connate. But people talk of him as if affection could be excited at will, and its direction and force regulated with as much precision as it is possible to regulate the direc- tion and force of a jet of New River water. "With peremptory solicitude they make out a list of those whom you must love and those whom it is improper for you to love. Sterne, by first disregarding their list, and then by disregarding them, had the misfor- tune to acquire their permanent ill-will. He went his own way. What was congruous with his nature alone affected him ; and he too had the courage to seem to be in his works what he was in his life. There are men, such as Johnson, who are not affected by another's mental grief, and are unable to understand why any healthy, well-fed man can ever be miserable. An unfortunate woman who is hungry even Johnson could carry home and feed in his chambers : but for the heart suffering from un- requited love, or sick with hope deferred, it was impossible to have aroused his active sympathy. HIS SUSCEPTIBILITY. 211 Sterne, on the other hand, was so susceptible as to be more sensibly affected by ideal sorrow than by material misfortune. In disclosing his nature, how- ever, he made no pretence of being regulated by principles of philanthropy. Distant misery did not disturb his equanimity. He confessed that the figur- ing to himself millions of his fellow-creatures in slavery did not influence him. But the sight of one solitary captive in his prison was ever enough to arouse his sympathy and make his heart bleed. Even the mechanical notes of a starling, attempting its deliverance, was enough to awaken his affection for "they were true in tune to nature." The generosity that " endowed not the arts and sciences " but gave to the decayed artist," was what he prac- tised with admirable consistency. Insincerity, however, is not his only crime. Two other vices, shamelessness of life, and want of deli- cacy in his writings, are charged against our incom- parable humourist. He was, they say, at once a bad man and an immoral author. There is obviously something to support the accusations ; but there is also much to be said in mitigation of them. A good deal of Sterne's character was unconsciously derived from the circumstances of his early life and training, and to these we must refer most of what we condemn. The facts of his career if we except his being swept 212 STEENE. under a mill water-wheel, and shot out on the other side unharmed are not of a very eventful nature. Nevertheless, when at the age of eleven he was entered at the Halifax grammar-school, he had un- doubtedly experienced more of life's buffe tings and had seen more of its vicissitudes than any of his young companions. Born in a barrack, the son of a poor marching lieutenant, he was carried by his mother after the regiment from native Clonmel to York ; from York to Dublin ; thence to Exeter ; then a se- cond time to Dublin ; back to Bristol ; once more to Ireland ; tossed about in the Channel ; in danger more than once of the miserable packet going down with her freight; suffering all kinds of privations and misery for years. In all these journeys, voyagings, marches, the poor mother and her children had hard times of it. When young Laurence's enforced wanderings ceased he was eleven years of age. His cousin, a Yorkshire squire, placed him first at school, and afterwards at Jesus College, Cambridge, where he remained till his ordination ; his uncle obtained for him the living of Button and a prebendal stall in York ; and so he was set up in the world. When he became a famous author, further advancement was afterwards expected, but none came. He lived and died a country parson. He was always Yorick. There can be no doubt his life was not in strict RECEPTION IN LONDON. '213 keeping with the character of a clergyman as we now conceive it to be. But parsons in the eighteenth cen- tury were not generally exemplars of all the virtues. I find they gambled, hunted, drank port wine, ate to repletion, and had red noses ; but, notwith- standing this habit, they were not supposed to forfeit their position as respectable members of society. Sterne, by his temperament, was preserved from the orthodox virtues of his cloth. His delicate or- ganization was always on the verge of coming to an end. Blood-vessels in the lungs were periodically giving way and bringing him to death's door. His existence was a struggle with disease. He had to fly more than once for life; but, cheerful even with death at his heels, he could not abstain from enjoying himself in his own way. When the first volumes of " Tristram " had converted the obscure Sutton incumbent into the famous author, what a pleasure it must have been for the poor, lean, hectic, invalid to escape for a while from the atmosphere of York, loaded with local preten- sions, and to receive his triumph here in London. Bond Street was a happy promotion from the York coteries, and the incense burnt for him by the best in the land compensated the personal dis- putes and pompous formalities of the county fami- lies. The town circles into which he was intro- 214 STERNE. duced must have seemed paradise when he com- pared them with those he had left, wherein " repu- " tations are sent out of the world by distant hints, " nodded away, and cruelly winked into suspicion." His sojournings in London were the occasion of much scandal. With his frail frame he could not stand what his robust friends were able to endure with impunity. Strong men who could draw, and did draw, upon their constitutions for six times the amount poor Yorick ever ventured upon, were not ashamed to reproach Yorick with excess. Our author's delicate relations with women especially have subjected him to much censure. But for the most part . I believe the charge undeserved. He possessed that frankness of manner which never fails to ingratiate its possessor, and was one of those who are able to form an acquaintance of seven years' strength at the first introduction. Life, he con- tended, was too short to be long about the forms of it. In one respect he resembled his own La Fleur, who carried a passport in his looks ; and, although lean and haggard, he possessed that insinuant presence which makes a man successful no less among women than among men. He was indiscreet ; but to judge him by strictest canons of morality, he will not be found guilty of active wrong. It was a necessity, however, of his nature always to have in his head SCANDALS. 215 some Dulcinea. " It has ever been one of the sin- " gular blessings of my life," he writes, partly in play and partly perhaps unconsciously avowing his real feeling, " to be almost every hour of it miserably " in love with some one." This was true. And he pretended to think that a man who had not a sort of affection for the whole sex was incapable of loving a single one as he ought. To arouse his sensibility it was necessary that he should have an object at hand; and he generally took the nearest, believing himself, by some special grace, to be recognized on the lady's side, privileged to make his court to any woman he pleased. Is it to be wondered at when he could pay such compliments to the sex?* But it must not be * " There are three epochs in the empire of a French woman. She is coquette then deist then devotee. The empire during these is never lost she only changes her subjects. When thirty-five years and more have unpeopled her dominion of the slaves of love, she re-peoples it with the slaves of infidelity, and then with the slaves of the Church. " Madame de V was vibrating betwixt the first of these epochs ; the bloom of the rose was fading fast away ; she ought to have been a deist five years before the time I had the honour to pay my first visit. " She placed me upon the same sofa with her, for the sake of disputing the point of religion more closely. In short, Madame de V told me she believed nothing. " I told Madame de V it might be her principle, but I was sure it could not be her interest to level the outworks, 216 STERNE. inferred that his love makings were very serious, or had criminal result. There is, at least, no evidence to convict him of ever having abused the agreeable privilege he claimed for himself; for although some of his actions were equivocal, and some of the letters he sent to his fair friends such as none of us would now think of writing to female acquaintances, they are certainly not the actions or the letters of a man who is guilty of having betrayed the confidence he had evoked. It is quite possible to account for his conduct, reprehensible it may be, without conceding that in his intercourse with the sex he ever deli- without which I could not conceive how such a citadel as hers could be defended that there was not a more dangerous thing in the world than for a beauty to be a deist that it was a debt I owed to my creed not to conceal it from her that I had not been five minutes sat upon the sofa beside her but I had begun to form designs ; and what is it but the sentiments of religion and the persuasion they had existed in her breast which could have checked them as they rose up ? We are not adamant, said I, taking hold of her hand, and there is need of all restraint, till age in her own time steals in and lays them on us but, my dear lady, said I, kissing her hand it is too too soon " I declare I had the credit all over Paris of imperverting Madame de V . She affirmed to Monsieur D and the Abbe M , that in one half hour I had said more for revealed religion than all their encyclopaedias had said against it. I was listed directly into Madame de V 's coterie and she put off the epoch of deism for two years." A Sentimental Journey. HIS RELATIOXS WITH WOMEN. 217 berately transcended due bounds. I cannot value that man's judgment or knowledge of women who would deduce a different conclusion from the notes he sent to " Eliza," and which, above all, are thought to bear unmistakeable evidences of his baseness. The famous passage in one of his letters to this lady proposing that, in the event of his wife's death, Eliza should take her place, is evidently a bit of pleasantry on the part of the writer, meant and accepted as such. He well knew that in all probability his wife would survive him ; and that there was little opportunity of seeing his fair Indian friend again. The truth seems to be, as he tells us, that he, like many more, derived comfort from the attentions and delicate flat- teries of the other sex ; and being, as others have been, not strong enough to renounce them, he over- indulged himself in the exquisite luxury he derived from contemplating his happy situation. A worthless man, as severe moralists term him, could never have obtained the good will of so many of his contemporaries as Sterne did. He was valued by all his acquaintances, and his circle included the best in the land. He was able to boast that he never lost a friend. Nor was he without a more valuable reward than public applause. Everybody whose society is courted in fashionable circles, who is fortunate enough or unfortunate enough to be treated 218 STERNE. as a lion in society, must desire some retreat where he is no longer regarded as the illustrious author, or statesman, or soldier, but as a close friend whose defects are observed as well as his merits ; where his true dimensions are taken, and where he is at home without ceremony, and on terms of close intimacy with every member of the household. Such a trea- sure Sterne was so fortunate as to have possessed in the Jameses of Gerrard Street, a family by whom he was esteemed as much as he was courted by others. In their circle he used to eat his Sunday dinner during his stay in town; to them he used, like a spoiled boy, to confide his innermost secrets; and from them he took advice that would have been unpa- latable coming from others. They had great regard for him, and it was to them he looked for protection of his child when he was gone. In every emergency, present and prospective, we find from his letters he put trust in their generous and disinterested kind- ness. To inspire the good will of such people as his friends appear to have been, is in itself, one would think, sufficient proof that he deserved it. The coolness that existed between him and his wife has been adduced as a proof of his want of true sensibility; but even here there is little to warrant the adverse view of his character. It was better for both that they should live apart. Their tempers HIS WIFE AND DAUGHTER. 219 were incompatible, and there is much to excuse his want of ardent love for the lady. He was, however, always solicitous for her ease and comfort; always considerate of her happiness ; and when they lived apart he must often have pinched himself to provide means for her separate establishment. On her side I can find no conciliatory attempt ever made by the lady; no desire to make her husband feel that any effort of his to please her had been successful : but, on the contrary, she seems to have been one of those women, specimens of which existed till very recently, who derive gratification from the feeling that they have reason for regarding themselves as martyrs. As for his daughter Lydia, who accompanied her mother in all her wanderings, no one pretends that Sterne did not love the girl with intense fondness. The letters that he sent her are among the most delicate and charm- ing I have ever read ; full of the tenderest affection ; of most playful humour, (and of the same kind, too, as that he produced for the readers of his works, not- withstanding he never dreamed of having them printed), and bearing obvious proof of the deep interest he took in everything that related to her interest and happiness. Indeed, .1 know nothing more affecting than these letters, except it be the fact, that the poor girl was forced, after her father's death, to dispose of his correspondence by reason of her 220 STERXE. poverty. These letters, none of which the writer ever thought would see the light, but upon which rests most of the abuse to which his memory has been subjected, if they prove Sterne to have been neither " fat nor modest," cannot be accepted as evidence that he had a corrupt heart, or was a sorry jester. On the contrary, they afford irrefragable evidence of the reverse. Sterne's aim in writing, or, as he puts it, the ends he proposed to himself in commencing author were, not to be fed, but to be famous, and the hope of doing the world good by ridiculing what he thought deserving of ridicule or of disservice to sound learn- ing. The aim is undoubtedly good. As we all know, he attained the former object has he not also succeeded in the latter ? On the appearance of the first volumes of " Tristram," his too sensitive friends, influenced not so much, I think, by their tone as by the personalities they contain, remonstrated with him. A medical friend writing from London Yorick had the same contempt for doctors as Mon- taigne and Moliere lets him know that "the general " opinion of the best judges, without exception," was that " it cannot be put into the hands of any woman " of character;" and this charge of indelicacy started simultaneously with the appearance of the works has ever since been brought against them. I confess HIS GROSSNESS. 221 I would not put the book into a lady's hands any more than I would recommend Lempriere ; and yet Lem- priere is not a bad book. The exploits of gods and goddesses, of demi-gods and heroes, were a little coarse in their nature, and are given with a freedom that makes them not the fittest reading for our wives and sisters. Sterne is not mean ; is not ungenerous; he does not cease to excite pity for everything that has life and suffers : but we in England are a pecu- liar people, and are presumed to be so combustible a society that the tender passion must not be mentioned except in so far as it leads its votaries to St. George's, Hanover Square. It alone of all human wickedness is to be tabooed in literature. We may place in the hands of women of character tales wherein murder is scientifically performed ; wherein the exact processes of thieving are revealed ; wherein backbiting and reviling one's neighbour are exhibited as fine arts : but anything like an allusion to the amorous propen- sity of our nature except the economic issue to which I have adverted is clearly and obtrusively kept before the constant attention of the reader is visited with critical disapprobation. That Sterne did not think his writings had an immoral ten- dency is sufficiently proved by his making con- fidants of his wife, of his beloved child, and sub- mitting what he wrote to some of his intimate female 222 STERNE. acquaintances whom he most respected. He even had thoughts of submitting them to the Archbishop, whereby he hoped to close the mouths of his clerical revilers at York. He doubtless discovered he was improper ; but he persisted in the belief he was just, and his critics wrong ; influenced by the same spirit as that which tempts us to tease a known prude or puri- tan. He knew, moreover, that nothing he wrote was capable of exciting unhallowed passion in the other sex. His most subtle innuendoes are for men ; any latent meaning could be discovered only by those who had experienced what it aims to disclose. His books are essentially men's books. But people in their censure are like the Paris landlord who gave Yorick notice to quit because Madame de R.'s young woman had visited him in the evening, and thus overthrew the credit of his house. This practical censor would not have minded had twenty girls visited his lodger, provided only it had been in the morning. This capital charge of grossness made against Sterne has, however, some kind of foundation ; for it must be confessed his was not the chastest pen. But there is much to be said for him. When he wrote, only a few years had elapsed since ladies visited theatres in masks ; and even in circles he was familiar with, a freedom of manners prevailed of HOW DERIVED. 223 which the general reader has little notion. True it is, Addison had already written, and Goldsmith was his contemporary. He did not form himself upon such models, nor upon the new literature which reached Yorkshire, but upon preceding writers. He was bred in past fashions of thought, and, like Mon- taigne, dared to write what he dared to think. This can happen only to few writers. Some men refuse to be moulded by surrounding ideas, or rather, they are moulded by ideas derived from their favourite authors, and remain uninfluenced by those current among their intimate associates. These occasional natures, adhering to past manners and past modes of thought, may be compared to the old bucks of the last generation, whom we sometimes see in our streets, strutting about in the costume of their youth, and descanting on the superiority of the manners that distinguished the Regency. Sterne, by force of circumstances, by the life he led as an impression- able boy in barracks, by the queer companionship into which he was forced in after-life, became satu- rated with a mode of thought from which he could not free himself, and, being a Humourist, he was able to reproduce himself in his works. We profit by his gift. The gentler moods and the tenderest passions of humanity have had in him their appro- priate and best interpreter, his divining rod having 224 STERNE. revealed treasure so recondite as to have remained unobserved by others. In " Tristram Shandy," in the " Sentimental " Journey," in his Sermons, in his Letters, we see the revelations of an exceptional nature, fed upon proper nutriment, and manifesting itself with genuine and triumphant delight. What a novel is " Tristram " Shandy ! " It is true we have something more than the conventional proprieties. No such gallery of worthies, however, had ever before been painted; and none such will ever again be presented to our notice. Other writers concoct their situations, and then ingeniously adapt their puppets to the prede- termined scheme, as if there were a regularly con- structed plot in every Shandy family. They erect a house, and then provide suitable furniture for the building. Sterne worked with a different aim. He had furniture of quaint but rarest fashion, and was indifferent as to where he should house it so long as he was able to fix it somewhere in the edifice. A set of gentler human creatures was never before col- lected under one roof. Nothing, it is true, was well hung; the creaking door, always unswung, was never repaired ; the dispute begun was never ended. It was a queer family, in which things were apt to take a sinister turn ; but every member of it becomes an especial favourite with all who have passed an UNCLE TOBY. 225 hour under their roof, and, once known, none is ever again forgotten. The family resemblance is amaz- ing; all are Shandean: but to each has been assigned a well-defined individuality by which he is recog- nized. With inimitable strokes, Toby, the well-be- loved, is discriminated from his brother, the elder Shandy. Different in every respect, and yet how like ! The one is single-minded ; the other, " who " accounted for nothing like anybody else," of an acrid humour. The one had such " a stabbing way " with him in his disputations that in less than half- " an-hour he invariably had the whole party against " him ; " the other, patient of injuries, was of a peaceful, placid nature ; had scarce heart enough to retaliate upon a fly that had annoyed him, and answered an argument by whistling half-a-dozen bars of " Lillebullero." Is there any character in our literature better delineated, stronger in the ele- ments of particularity, more loveable, more worthy of love than Uncle Toby? Mr. Fitzgerald, to whom all admirers of Sterne are much indebted for his recent volumes, incidentally compares him with Sir Roger de Coverley, and Parson Adams; but neither of these worthies is comparable with him, inasmuch as their creators in the several delinea- tions deliberately station themselves on a moral elevation which necessarily prevents them from exhi- Q 226 STEENE. biting that complete sympathy with their characters which is apparent in every line of Sterne's inimitable creation. He who tells us the heart out of which sprang " Tristram Shandy" was a vain, shallow, canting heart, is not a critic in whom we ought to feel our- selves disposed to put explicit trust. Then there is Trim, the model of a faithful servant and friend, whose devotion is so great that he would willingly hammer out his last half-crown to gratify a single wish of his master; Slop, who always " evaded the " question;" Yorick, Susanna, the Widow Wad- man all are conceived and developed with a pathos that now for a hundred years has made them dear friends of the public, and will continue to make them favourites with our grandchildren in the next century. And do you seek a moral in this wonderful story ? Learn, then, that all of us have eccen- tricities ; that all of us are afflicted with hobbies, and that it is unwise for one man to laugh at his neigh- bour's folly, seeing that his own is just as ridiculous. Sterne was conscious of his genius. What they said of his works losing their popularity he disre- garded. Nor did he doubt of immortality. In his dedication to Pitt, he tells the great commoner how he is to behave, " by taking this book (not under " your protection it must protect itself; but) into " the country with you." " As my life and opinions CONSCIOUS OF HIS GENIUS. 227 " are likely to make some noise in the world," says he, in another place, " and, if I conjecture right, " will be no less read than the Pilgrim's Progress " itself, I find it necessary to consult every one a " little in his turn." The idea of going down to posterity in company with Bunyan is one of the most characteristic in his works, and is to be matched for quiet irony only by himself in that passage in the Preface to his Sermons where he acquaints the reader that " the sermon which gave rise to the " publication of these, having been offered to the " public as one of Yorick's, he hopes the most serious " reader will find nothing to offend him in his contin- " uing these volumes under the same title. Lest it " should be otherwise," he proceeds, " I have added " a second title-page with the real name of the " author. The first will serve the bookseller's pur- " pose as Yorick's name is possibly of the two " the more known and the second will ease the " minds of those who see a jest and the danger " which lurks under it, where no jest was meant." A Dr. Ferriar has written a book to show up Sterne. He has proved by addition and subtraction that Yorick's wit was borrowed from his predecessors, and his learning filched from sources long since for- gotten. 1 have not read the doctor's book, but there doubtless is much truth in what he says. Few men 228 STERNE. are born with an intuitive knowledge of the ancients and their works. One must get all one knows from somewhere, and a quotation is equally effective when taken from Burton as from Horace. A thorough examination will triumphantly show, that, although his treasury may contain some base foreign coin, all the genuine pieces are from his own mint, and un- mistakably bear the image and superscription of him by whom they were issued. But his great success is due less to wit and learning than to his power of exciting the reader's sympathy. This may in some measure be seen in the Sermons, which are among the best in our language ; but more especially is it to be seen in the " Sentimental Journey," where he had full scope for the exercise of his peculiar powers. His was the loving eye that could see where all was darkness to others. The learned Smelfungus pro- nounced everything barren from Dan to Beersheba, " for every object he passed was discoloured or dis- " torted." He, on the contrary, interesting his heart in everything, would have found in a desert some object to call forth his affections. The compass of his observation was wide, and he had a penetration with which he is not usually credited. The French, who have made this w r ork their own, and several editions have appeared among them, say he is the only Englishman who has ever understood them. It will SOURCE OF HIS POWER. 229 be found, moreover, that this sympathy has a different source from what is produced by the exhibition of suffering on the stage, or in the works of most other humourists. There the spectator, or reader, is moved because he is made to contemplate himself in the situation represented. "When, for instance, Don Quixote suffers indignities, when his bones are bro- ken and his teeth knocked down his throat, our sympathies are excited in a greater degree, perhaps, than for any other hero of fiction. We feel the strokes of his assailant ; every blow that falls upon him falls also upon us, and we are kept in a constant state of apprehension for the safety of the unfor- tunate knight. But why are we indignant at the treatment he receives ? Is it not because our expe- rience being superior to his we are able to anticipate the desperate issues that will come ? Even Falstaff, whose transcendent social qualities must receive our admiration, occasions in us no spontaneous affection, no unconscious sympathy. We feel what we feel, and we know why. Our pity is largely interfused with a sense of our own superiority. We are never entirely en rapport with him. He bears the same relation to Uncle Toby as the man at whom you laugh bears to the man with whom you cannot help laughing. In company with Sir John you feel much as Prince Hal and his rollicking companions felt ; in 230 STERNE, presence of Uncle Toby you yourself become Shan- dean. Sterne's magic art is superior to that of all his predecessors. He does not excite emotions in us. We suffer them in company with him ; we feel merely because he himself feels. Although his lite- rary merits in other directions are great, in this particular excellence he has no equal. He is the greatest and most genuine of our humourists. XII. THE LITERARY MAN AS SATIRIST. SWIFT. E are first introduced to Swift at the famous coffee-house in Covent Garden kept by Button, and frequented by the gentlemen who were termed " the wits." These wits, one of them tells us, had for several successive days observed in the coffee-house a strange clergyman, who seemed utterly unacquainted with any of them, and whose custom it was to lay his hat down on a table, and " walk backward and forward " at a good pace for half an hour, or an hour, without " speaking to any mortal, or seeming in the least to (e attend to anything that was going forward there. " He then used to take up his hat, pay his money at " the bar, and walk away without opening his lips." The wits, as may be supposed, were greatly fluttered by the apparition ; for, having observed this sin- 232 SWIFT. gular behaviour for some time, continues the nar- rator, " they concluded him to be out of his senses, " and the name that he went by among them was " that of ' The mad parson.' " One evening as Mr. Addison and the rest of the wits were observing this O strange character, they saw him cast his eyes several times on " a gentleman in boots, who seemed to " be just come out of the country ; " and at last, " in " a very abrupt manner; without any previous sa- " lute," for Swift even then did not fashion him- self to the decorums " asked him if he remembered " any good weather in the world." The gentleman in boots, who seemed to be just come out of the country, after staring a little at the oddity of the question, answered that he " remembered a great " deal." " That is more than I can say," rejoined the questioner. " I never remember any that was " not too hot or too cold ; too wet or too dry. But, " however God Almighty contrives it, at the end of " the year it is all very well." The spectators of this scene, who had quitted their seats to get nearer the interlocutors, were, we are told, more than ever confirmed in their opinion of the strange parson's madness. Such was the first appearance of Jonathan Swift on the scene where afterwards he was to be the moving spirit. He lived from 1667 to 1745, having HIS POWER AND FAME. 233 for contemporaries six English sovereigns. But though the days of his existence exceeded three- score years and ten, he cannot be said to have flour- ished during the whole period. At the height of his career, however, he was the most important figure of the time. Although he never held office, he was so powerful as a statesman that the sovereign with her friends conspired against him ; and so high a notion was entertained by the people of his power that they believed, had he chosen, he could have brought in the Pretender and placed the crown upon his head. At one time grand juries ignored bills at his dicta- tion, and a whole nation would have risen as one man to defend him from the assaults of his enemies. In the literary world he exercised as much influence as in the political ; and so highly was he esteemed that the leader of the wits who had named him " the " mad parson " afterwards pronounced him to be " the greatest genius of the age." Nor is his post- humous reputation inferior to what he enjoyed during his lifetime. All men of education are acquainted with his works ; and anecdotes are recorded of him by people who have never read a line he wrote, and are ignorant whether he flourished in the time of George IV. or of Boadicea. Alas ! is there anything in history more sad than the end of this imperious intellect ? The closing years of his life were passed 234 SWIFT. under the shadow of superhuman misery.* " Good " bye ; God bless you, and I hope I shall never see " you again," were the terms of his parting bene- diction. For three years he was dumb, and deaf, and mad. Then came that release he had longed for. Notwithstanding all the fame and power he ac- quired, and all the volumes that have been written about him, the occurrences best known in the lives of most of us are in Swift's case disputed. His life is still a mysterious problem. Where was he born ? who was his father ? did he marry ? who was his wife ? were questions not answered during his life, and are only half-answered at the present day. That he was born in Dublin and educated in Dublin University ; that he came to England in Revolution year, and lived except for a short time, when he returned to his native land for ordination as secre- tary with Sir William Temple ; that after the death of that nobleman he went over to Ireland with Lord Berkeley in the capacity of chaplain and private secretary, and, being superseded in the latter post, accepted as compensation the rectory of Agher and the * His food had to be cut up for him, and he would not eat in the presence of others. Body and mind were decaying. One of his eyes swelled to the size of an egg, and at times it was with difficulty that five attendants could prevent him tearing it out. HIS VIEW OF THE LITERARY CALLING. 235 vicarages of Laracor and Rathbeggan ; and that he afterwards became Dean of St. Patrick's, in the posses- sion of which preferment he died is all well known. We know, too, that he wrote famous books, and that the influence he exercised over the political events of his time was unparalleled. But with his domestic history we cannot pretend to be acquainted. There are theories to account for the sceva indignatio he exhibited through life, theories to explain his mad- ness, theories to clear up the relationship that sub- sisted between himself and those gentle women whose names he has made immortal. But can we regard any of them as satisfactory ? Does not the explanation itself require explaining ? Swift's view of the literary calling was not a very high one. He had no desire to be classed among O O men of letters, but used literature as a means to an end. Like Shakespeare, he exhibited little interest in the success of his most important works, but allowed them to take their course, satisfied if they were effective, and served the purpose of the hour. The most original, facile, and versatile writer of the period, he had no literary jealousies. He was even without the ordinary vanity of the author regarding his productions, and seldom looked at a work after he had sent it to the printer. To Pope he gave per- mission to correct, burn, or blot what he liked ; and, 236 SWIFT. at Addison's suggestion, forty lines of " Baucis and Philemon" were altered, forty were added, and forty entirely erased. For the applause of the public, whom he regarded as his inferiors, he cared not in the least. He wrote for the immediate ends he had in view to turn out a Ministry and replace them by his friends, or to shelter his own party when in office from the assaults of their opponents. Of his transcendent merit as a man of letters we need not here speak. His prose has received commendation from all sides ; and if we cannot admit he was a great poet, we must agree with Scott that he possessed the highest gift of a poet imagination. His intellect was the richest in England ; he could rhyme with the best of them ; he had imagination beyond them all. With the chief requisites for the successful cul- tivation of the art, he ought to have been a great poet. How comes it, then, that he has left us nothing that we can place beside the accredited masterpieces of poesy ? I believe the true reason is, that he was too proud to exercise the gift he possessed. If others chose to talk in metaphor, to use similes, to say what they do not mean, or mean more than they say, they were welcome to follow the bent of their inclination, as is their duty. For himself, his pride would not suffer him to attempt the sublime or the beautiful, and perhaps in his heart he despised what we call HIS PRIDE. 237 sublimity and beauty. I suspect he would have been ashamed had he been regarded by his friends as " Dr. " Swift, the great poet." " Cousin Swift," said Dryden to him, " you will never be a poet;" and he was right. Swift's appropriate vehicle was prose, and his power herein was so great that every line he wrote told materially in favour of any cause he espoused. The side to which he gave the weight of his pen was almost sure of being victorious. Johnson truly says that for a time he dictated the political opinion of England. But it must not be supposed that he was a hireling. One of the ministers having once ven- tured to offer him pecuniary remuneration for his services, he regarded the proposal as an insult, and was deaf to all entreaties to be reconciled till he had received from the offender the utmost satisfaction. " If we let these great ministers pretend too much," he writes in the Journal to Stella, " there will be no " governing them. He promises to make me easy, if " I would but come and see him ; but I won't, and " he shall do it by message, or I will cast him off." Afterwards the same statesman proposed to him to become his chaplain ; but the appointment was de- clined. " I will be no man's chaplain alive," he said. There was a prize, however, which it seems he coveted. He would have liked to have been an English bishop. Strange how terribly high is the 238 SWIFT. value placed on official rank in a settled country like ours ! We see Swift running backward and forward from Ireland to England to earn a bishopric. He could pacify a nation, or rouse it to the verge of re- bellion ; he could procure the appointment of others to the ecclesiastical bench, but he was unable to seat himself thereon. Mitres were not for such as he, but were reserved for men of more accommodating nature. An insatiable soul like Swift's would not have been satisfied with a bishopric had he obtained it; but he regarded professional promotion as the outward sign given by society of its formal recogni- tion of a man's merits and approval of his work ; and so he was indignant at being passed over for men whose claims he considered to be far inferior to his. He has been enrolled among the humourists. If the playfulness of the cat with a mouse between her teeth can be termed humour, then was he rightly so classed. In the time before fancy and imagination were desynonymized such a vague description might have been allowable ; but now, we, who pride our- selves upon our greater accuracy, decline to bestow upon the fierce genius who painted for us the ter- rible picture of the Yahoos the title of humourist. His theme is identical with that of the humourist, only he regards it in a different light, uses it in a different way, and for a different purpose. The WAS NO HUMOURIST. 239 materials, too, that he employs are the same, but the fabric he turns out is totally different from what is produced by the other. That tenderness which with the ludicrous is the element that forms what we call humour, is altogether missing in Swift. We find no trace in him of the quality. He was essentially a satirist. He was never an adept at being sprightly. In making the town laugh, he was himself serious ; and I fancy the last reader who amused himself with the hideous fun in Gulliver laughed under restraint, much as a traveller would laugh at a joke from the highwayman who presented a pistol at his head through the carriage window. He is the greatest master of satire that has appeared on the earth, and no humourist. For the way in which he employed his great abilities in this line he has been severely blamed ; but when we consider that an epigram from him could kill a man's fortune, it is greatly to his honour that he so seldom employed his tremendous power upon individuals. One of his critics calls his striking when he had an opportunity, " striking in " the dark," as if, forsooth, he ought to have struck when no opportunity offered. If a man takes offence, but does not think it worth while to remember it,, what is the use of his taking offence ? With Swift the offence lasted till it was expiated or avenged ; but the notion that the reason he struck in the dark 240 SWIFT. was because he feared to strike in the li^ht is not O warranted by fact. To call Swift coward and sneak " if you had met him like a man he would have " quailed before you/' says his critic, " and years " after written a foul epigram about you " is pretty much like saying that water does not wet, or fire burn. Why, Swift was the bravest man of his time. A hundred instances of his courage are on O record. He was not intimidated by threats of per- sonal violence, nor did he quail when a reward was offered for his head by a Government not indisposed to have caused his ruin. Upon the appearance of the Drapier's fourth letter, the printer was thrown into prison, and proclamation was issued promising 300 for the discovery of the author. Even then the Dean was not appalled, but acted as a kind, con- siderate, and brave gentleman would have done.* * " He went to the levee of the Lord-Lieutenant, burst through the circle with which he was surrounded, and, in a firm and stern voice, demanded of Lord Carteret the meaning of these 'severities against a poor industrious tradesman, who had published two or three papers, designed for the good of his country.' . . . Two other anecdotes occurred, which served to show the bold, stern, and uncompromising temper of the Dean. The first is well known. A servant, named Robert Blakeley, whom he entrusted to copy out and convey to the press the Drapier's Letters, chanced one evening to absent himself without leave. His master charged him with treachery, HIS PERSONAL CHARACTER. 241 What are we to say to the personal character of the man? are we to admire that? For myself, I think I can detect in Swift great goodness of nature, and kindness more than in most men usually re- puted kind. He never exhibited meannesses like those reported of Pope and Addison. He could confer favours by a word, and it was always grati- fying to him to be able to oblige men of letters without distinction of rank or party. Money and influence were equally at their service. The recorded instances of his kindnesses are, indeed, numberless. All his friends benefited by his favour. Thackeray thought he must be a bad man if you would not like to live with him. Even if this criterion of a man's worth were admitted, Swift will not hold a low place in our esteem. His agreeable qualities are notorious to readers of the memoirs of the time. His friends concurred in believing that his goodness was equalled only by his and, upon' his exculpation, insisted that at least he neglected his duties as a servant, because he conceived his master was in his power. ' Strip your livery,' he commanded, ' begone from the Deanery instantly, and do the worst to revenge yourself that you dare do.' The man retired, more grieved that his master doubted his fidelity than moved by this harsh treat- ment. He was replaced at the intercession of Stella; and Swift afterwards rewarded his fidelity by the office of verger in the cathedral of St. Patrick's." SCOTT'S Life of Swift. R 242 SWIFT. genius.* In the quarrel between him and Steele he displayed, in a letter to Addison, unapproachable greatness. He there propounds a view of friendship as chivalrous as that of the lover who, in deference to the wishes of his mistress, avowed his disbelief that she had kissed a rival whom he himself had seen her kiss. " What if I did not [do the mean action of which he had been accused] ? Steele," he says, " should not have thought I did it, if he could possibly think I did not," is the tenor of the communication. He never denied the charge brought against him, disdaining to do that although he was innocent. Throughout the whole dispute he showed magnanimity and tender- * " He relieved the necessitous, he supported the de- pendent, and insisted that more distinguished genius should receive from his powerful friends that kindness and distinction to which it is so well entitled. Congreve, a Whig in politics, and who apprehended being deprived of his office under gov- ernment, was treated by Harley, at Swift's request, with such marked regard and assurance of protection, as excited his astonishment, while it allayed his apprehensions. . . . He obtained also for the amiable Parnell that prompt attention which is most flattering to the modesty of merit. At courts he contrived that the lord-treasurer should make the first advances to the man of letters, and thus, as he boasts to Stella, made the minister desire to be acquainted with Parnell, not Parnell with the minister. Pope, who was now labouring on his Homer, ex- perienced that warm and effectual support which is acknow- ledged in the preface to the Iliad. ... It was by Swift's MA GNA NIMITY. 243 ness of the very highest order. It was impossible for him, the most influential politician of the time, to treat Steele always with that kindness he would will- ingly have exhibited towards him in literary matters. In the only work to which he ever put his name he did speak in very complimentary terms of his friend. But when Steele entered the political arena, his toes necessarily came in Swift's way. Indeed, neither he nor the great Mr. Addison was intended by nature to be kings of men. They were not unworthy men of letters. The one was a sort of inventor in litera- ture, and the other was, at once, a bright exemplar and a good performer. Both had benefited morals interest that Gay was made known to Lord Bolingbroke, and obtained his patronage. Arbuthnot, although he needed not our author's recommendation, having established himself by his professional merit, enjoyed, in the most intimate degree, the pleasure and advantage which were afforded by his society. Berkeley, afterwards the celebrated Bishop of Cloyne, owed to Swift those introductions which placed him in the way of pro- motion. ... In like manner he recommended Howe to a post under government, and although Prior, with whom he lived in strict intimacy, had no occasion for his services during the reign in which he flourished as a political character of emi- nence, yet, in that which followed, he received, during his dis- tresses, the most effectual support from Swift's experienced friendship. ... In short, as he expresses it in his Journal to Stella, he found himself able to forward the interest of every one, excepting only his own." SCOTT'S Life of Swift. 244 SWIFT. as well as letters. But what did they in politics? It is not surprising that when either of them went out of his way and met a lion in the path, that the in- evitable consequences followed. In literature, which was their proper field of action, the great Dean would have helped them given them hints (and the authors of the " Tatler" and the " Beggar's Opera" were not the only men who knew how valuable were hints from him), written for them for nothing handed over to them the profits of his own works, have done any acceptable service for their benefit, but let them not square themselves against him in the po- litical ring, or they must not complain of the bruises they receive in the fray. The men who knew him best and they were the most eminent of the day, loved him best, and we know that beautiful and accomplished women sacri- ficed their lives to be near him. All who have heard of Swift have heard of Stella and Vanessa, so there is no need for me to repeat their story, and I refer to the subject only for the purpose of mentioning that as there is no proof (or likelihood, indeed !) that Stella was married to Swift, the charge frequently made against the Dean of having indulged himself in the society of the one whilst he was irrevocably bound to the other must fall to the ground. This haughty intellect could not, however, suffer the IN SOCIETY. 245 conditions of ordinary friendships. He claimed to impose his own. This he has clearly expressed, where we should least expect to find it, in a letter to his early love, " Varina," in reply to a notification that she at least would not dislike to live with him. He there demands to know, before promising to wed her, whether she would engage to follow the method he should point out for the improvement of her mind; whether she could bend all her affections to the same direction which he should give his own, and so govern her passions, however justly pro- voked, as at all times to resume her good humour at his approach ; and whether she could account the place where he resided more welcome than courts and cities without him. He certainly sometimes exacted too much. We are told how at Lord Bur- lington's her ladyship, to whom he had not been introduced, having refused to sing, he said she should sing, or he would make her ; how, to try a man's temper, he bade him drink the lees of a bottle of wine ; and how he introduced himself to a curate as his new "master." A thousand and one such anec- dotes are related of him by Mrs. Grundy, who shrugs her wrinkled old shoulders at the shocking effrontery of the Irish parson, who showed no respect for the forms and ceremonies of conventional life. His manners were, in truth, not always of the most 246 SWIFT. amiable description, and it is not to be denied that he could never have been improved even by the best society, inasmuch as he would not take its impress, but gave to it the seal of his own personality. Not of an affirmative . nature, he was invariably found with the " noes," and never strove to imitate the fashion. Some called his behaviour eccentric; others, who thought they saw deeper, were disposed to at- tribute it to affectation ; but they agreed that his conduct was offensive. It is, however, satisfactory to find the whole of his biographers and critics concur in one matter. They all admit that he was ever ready to make amends by his civilities for any rudeness of which he had been guilty. The author of " The English Humourists," in referring to his rough manners and kind deeds, asks, " If you were in a strait, would you like such "a benefactor?" and confesses he thought he would rather have had " a potato and a friendly word from " Goldsmith than have been beholden to the Dean " for a guinea and a dinner." I do not know if the reader is of the same mind, but it is reasonable to suppose that a man in distressed circumstances would appeal to one who could succour him. Swift knew how "those devils of Grub Street authors" spent their earnings, and he never omitted to take advan- tage of an opportunity that offered to lecture them HIS RELATIONS TO MEN OF RANK. 247 for their spendthrift ways. But he relieved them though he bullied them. And hadn't he the right to bully them for their imprudence ? What was the good, then, of their slinking off for sympathy and a potato ? A potato would not pay the rent for which they were pressed ; would not put a shawl on their wives' shoulders, or provide shoes for the naked feet of their little ones. No! the great Dean knew better than that, and acted from his superior know- ledge. Much abuse has been heaped on him for the ar- rogance of putting himself on equality with men of exalted rank or office. The accusation shows, I think, inherent weakness in the nature of those who make the charge. If they did not feel it was a great honour to be on terms of intimacy with a duke, or a minister of state, they would not make so much of it. Many readers will have observed the effect in a circle if one of the company happens to repeat anything he had heard from one of higher rank than that of which the party is composed. All resent the men- tion of the circumstance ; they really are hurt, and feel it to be a rebuke upon themselves that the speaker should have been more fortunate than they in his invitations. Their self-love is wounded, and in retaliation they attempt to heal it by accusing the author of their smart of being unduly impressed by 248 SWIFT. rank. There is a story told of a literary gentleman who, returning from some nobleman's house where there had been no fish for dinner, remarked upon the omission to a party of whom Jerrold was one. That wit thereupon administered what is regarded as an apt and deserved reproof to the guest who had ven- tured to complain, by suggesting that probably they had eaten all the fish upstairs. If a man dates his letters from Windsor Castle during his stay there he is sneered at ; but if he speaks of his residence in Islington he escapes animadversion. Why should men of letters, whose importance is derived neither from wealth nor rank, censure one who really despised what they themselves profess to undervalue ; who appraised the diamond star on a peer's breast no more than a horse-shoe, and who did not esteem an ac- quaintance because he was wealthy any more than he did because he was healthy ? Indeed, this arro- gance in his treatment of the great partly arose from dread lest men should suppose that he was given to flattery. The Lord Treasurer heard ill with the left ear and so did Swift, but the latter " dared not " tell him that I am so, for fear he should think that " I counterfeited to make my court ; " and this, too, it was that made him when at court " affect to turn " from a lord to the meanest of his acquaintances." Not by inheritance did he derive his rank, so he knew HIS PHILOSOPHY. 249 that men who are unacquainted with such a nature as his would accuse him of giving undue importance to fictitious distinctions if they had seen him deferential. He was aware that although a duke might dress in shabby habiliments without losing his position, a man of his rank is expected to observe the convention- alities. So he must have been aut Ccesar aut nullus, and as he could not afford to be nullus, he did not understand why he should not be Caesar and send for the Lord Treasurer as well as the Lord Trea- surer send for him. He would make the reputa- tion of wit and great learning do the office of a blue riband or a coach and six. Are we to blame him ? Our chief concern, however, is with his philosophy. What are we to think of that ? Those whom he be- nefited by his countenance or injured by his scorn and bitterness are gone. The influence of his per- sonal character has long ceased to be felt. But his books what of them? Are they such as we can honestly commend ? Is humanity the better because they were written and are immortal ? It is well sometimes to be taught our true place in the economy of the universe. There are plenty of writers ready to flatter our vanity, by insisting that we are only a little lower than angels. For more than a thousand years it had been reported and believed that all things were created for our especial benefit. 250 SWIFT. Sun and stars, moon and planets, were designed with a view to serve us ; every flower that sheds its per- fume grows and brightens for our gratification ; and the inferior animals were sent expressly for our use. Against this view of the matter Swift lifted up his voice. He proclaimed to mankind that they are as these animals, these insects, this lichen as the low- est thing that has life ; liable to the same conditions, subject to the same end. People, mistaking the ar- tificial and accidental for the real and permanent, had misnamed our functions and instincts. What is the result of culture and experience they confounded with what is essential to our nature, and had come to re- gard the uncustomary as identical with the unnatural. They had begun to forget themselves. The mission of Swift was to remind men of their origin and end. He stripped them of their artificial trappings as effec- tually as the storm strips the drowned sailor, and ruthlessly showed them to themselves in all the de- formity of their necessitous nakedness. The Foplings and Chloes and Lady Bettys of the time were shocked, of course. Beaux and oglers discredited his views, not because they believed them false, but because they felt them to be degrading, and Society ever since has treated their propagator as a bold, impious, and distempered madman. Shakespeare and Swift may be classed together as SHAKESPEARE AND SWIFT. 251 the two who of all men of letters obtained clearest insight into the intricacies as well as the artificialities of our nature. Both knew the full extent of its weaknesses and imperfections, and neither cared to withhold his knowledge from the world. But how differently this experience affected the two men. In all he wrote it is clear that " The Dance of Death" in Stratford Church left deep and permanent im- pression on Shakespeare's mind, and that the Skele- ton was ever present, disquieting his imagination. By virtue of a happy temperament, however, he was able to suppress the disgust he felt, and he loved our nature with all its imperfections, and partly, per- haps, because of its imperfections. To him there was " some soul of goodness in things evil." But the other would not or could not forget that evil is an ingredient even of good, and to him the uses of this world seemed " weary, stale, flat and unprofitable." Finding men ashamed of their infirmities he was in- dignant, and felt pleasure in reminding them of what things they least desired to remember. He would not take the estimate they had formed of themselves, and refused to admit that by subduing other animals they had thereby taken themselves out of the category, or that their boasted intellect is acted on by a higher force than that which makes fire burn or a tree propagate its kind. He was the hardest hitter that 252 SWIFT. ever penned a line. Is it wonderful, then, that his views, and the manner in which he presented them, are unpalatable, and that men should decline to ac- cept his theory ? People applaud a play that exposes the worst features of their character, if in the end virtue is rewarded and vice punished. Indeed, they prefer a drama of that sort to another in which there is nothing but virtue served up for their entertain- ment. Show them their nature vicious if you will, only let the vice be occasional and accidental, not permanent and radical, and they are satisfied. If the aim of satire is rightly defined to be the correction, by exposure, of vice and folly, it must be admitted that Swift, the most powerful of all satirists, fails, because he satirized what it is impos- sible to correct. " Qui vitia odit homines odit" was the conclusion at which he had arrived, and he boldly satirized our nature itself. Yet, in spite of this limitation, he has performed a vast and perma- nent service by making people behold themselves in a light wherein they seldom care to regard them- selves, but in which it is well they should sometimes be seen. XIII. THE LITERARY MAN AS PATRIOT. MAZZINI. OVE for one's native soil, and desire for personal consideration in the place of one's birth, are sentiments which though proveably not innate have been found to exist very extensively in every race that has hitherto attained to the dignity and advantages of a settled mode of life. Moreover, they are not confined to vulgar minds, but have exercised a pre- dominating influence over some of the noblest men that ever lived. The privilege of triumphal entry into one city has been held sufficient reward for the conquest of great countries, and the huzzas of an enthusiastic multitude have effectually drowned the echo of the innumerable groans of slaughtered fo- reigners. To such minds as are thus influenced, exile, whether voluntary or enforced, is a misfortune 254 MAZZINI. to be evaded at any cost. Their happiness is centred in their country. In the twelfth century, as we have seen, Giraldus Carabrensis, the most eminent man of his age, roamed up and down Europe venting his rage, and bearding kings and popes for keeping him from the see of St. David. He had been offered an archbishopric, and the choice of more than one bishopric ; but he would accept nothing whilst the throne of the miserable little city in which he had been bred was withheld. Prolonged absence from Florence poisoned the life of Dante, and undoubtedly shortened the great poet's existence. These men were influenced by the feelings that influenced Jacob when he charged his sons to bury him in the field of the Hittite. " There they buried Abraham and ee Sarah his wife ; there they buried Isaac and Re- " becca his wife ; and there I buried Leah." This attachment to locality this belief that Abana and Pharpar are better than all the waters of Israel is not in itself Patriotism ; but it is obviously the source whence it springs, and on which it feeds. The sentiment is repeated on a large scale; men mass their feelings ; and the result is what has been termed " greatest of virtues " by the ancients, and is even now highly esteemed. After all, what does this sentiment mean ? By chance, or agreement, or compulsion, an imaginary cordon is thrown around a PATRIOTISM. 255 certain district, whereupon all within the circle are regarded as compatriots, while those who remain without are treated as enemies. The history of our own country affords us an eminent instance of the ill effect of such an arrangement. There were once seven Englands. The England which had its head- quarters at "Winchester did not consider itself un- patriotic when it made war upon the England repre- sented by Canterbury, or that at Canterbury while it acted similarly towards those whose capital was at York. At length, however, a persistent course of unpatriotic attempts at fusion was successful, and these seven Englands eventually became one. From that time it was no longer regarded patriotic in the Englishman at Durham to make aggression upon the Englishman at Dorchester ; the attempt would have been civil war then. But there was consolation for him. Across the northernmost river was the land of an enemy from whom he might still honestly steal, and whom he might still conscientiously kill. In time that land, too, became an integral part of Eng- land, and consequently legitimate patriotism could no more discharge itself within the four seas; it must thenceforth exercise itself only against distant countries. The tendency of events is indefinitely to enlarge the area enclosed by the cordon to which we have 256 MAZZINL alluded. The tendency of patriotism, ancient and modern, has, on the contrary, been invariably to maintain it as it is, or to restore it to the limits it occupied at some former time. The attitude of Bel- gium in view of French invasion is a manifestation by that country of its desire to accomplish the one. Polish insurrections, Irish conspiracies, and the re- cent action of the American slave States, are con- spicuous instances of attempts at effecting the other. It frequently happens that a man disposed to be patriotic, and willing to take upon himself respon- sible action, finds it impossible to determine his course by the current maxims of patriotism. This may arise from either of two causes he may have doubts as to where his country is, or he may be un- able to determine what it is. A well-known instance of doubt, arising from the former, is presented in the case of " Stonewall " Jackson, at the outbreak of the late contest in America. Jackson was by profession a soldier, owing allegiance to a country that stretched across a vast continent. He had no inclination to be false to this country. One day, however, he found that the inhabitants of an area of 70,000 miles had resolved to sever themselves from the rest of the community; and he, having been born in the dis- trict, considered it his duty as a patriot to join them, notwithstanding his disapproval of the course they WHAT IS OUR COUNTRY? 257 had adopted. Were we to carry the principle from which he acted to its legitimate and logical conclu- sion, its absurdity would be apparent. If, now, in- stead of an area of 70,000 miles, one of 35,000 only were to disengage itself, he would consider himself morally bound to partake of its secession ; and if his native county afterwards desired to withdraw itself from the diminished area, he would still conceive it to be his duty to offer her his services. Such an idea of patriotism would inevitably lead to political annihilation. Of the difficulty of discovering what is your country, an example is to be found at the period of the French Revolution. Chateaubriand, returning from his American travels, found France distracted. The King had been sacrificed, and "the patriots" were in possession of supreme power. Princes, nobles, and ecclesiastics had been forced to fly. Chateaubriand could not remain inactive ; he has- tened to consult Malesherbes. Old France, to whom he owed fealty, and with whom were his affections, was beyond the Rhine. Should he join his friends and relatives who had congregated at Coblentz ? This was the question. After much consultation they decided it in the negative, assigning as their reason that to act otherwise would be to act unpa- triotically ! If one's country consists of rocks and 258 MAZZINI. rivers only, they would have been undoubtedly right. But if, as we believe, a man's country is made up of his associations, of his personal liberty, and of the constitution under which he was born and had lived, Chateaubriand was wrong in considering those who retained possession of the soil and of the temporary direction of affairs as the representatives of his native land. His France was no longer in her accustomed place. He carried his country in his knapsack. Atone time these old-fashioned notions of patriot- ism, the notions which drill-sergeants and so-called patriotic songs have made familiar, were of service. The consciousness of belonging to a nation that had achieved great things cast a sort of reflected great- ness upon each citizen, and may have had the effect of inciting him to emulate his predecessors. But divisions of mountains and rivers and frontier garri- sons are no longer so effective as formerly, and will in time be altogether dispensed with. Improved means of intercommunication, a more diffused know- ledge of foreign languages, and more extensive busi- ness transactions with men of other lands, are gra- dually preparing the way for the total suppression of nationalities. We shall feel less regret at the ultimate disappearance of patriotic feelings when we are able to bring ourselves to consider they are merely the effect of cultivated prejudices ; that they TENDENCY OF CIVILIZATION. 259 are customary, not rational; and that in desiring their extinction we are in strict accord with the spirit of modern civilization. This spirit aims at homogeneity and centraliza- tion, through the absorption of the weaker by the more powerful. It is manifested in social life by the increasing number of joint-stock companies, trade unions, associations, and by the organization of opinion and of labour. It is equally apparent in politics. On the other side of the Atlantic it developes itself with greater rapidity than on this. The failure to effect a disruption of the States in union was inherent in the attempt, and there seems to be no well-grounded fear that the effort now being made to confederate those provinces that possess independent governments will be unsuccessful. In Europe, which in ancient times was united under one government by the Ro- mans, and more than once in the middle ages par- tially united by intermarriage of sovereigns, the tendency would seem at the present moment to have been checked, except so far as regards Italy. Greece was made independent of Turkey ; Belgium sepa- rated, to its great loss, from Holland ; and under the pretext of furnishing them with independence, Aus- tria and Prussia have wrested Schleswig and Hoi- stein from Denmark. Germany itself still remains a comical triacontarchy, split up into as many states 260 MAZZINI. as there are days in the month ; but it is very pro- bable her late action will hereafter have the effect of diminishing the number of her petty rulers in a way they little expect. We believe, however, this halt to be only tempo- rary. The smaller states, which dread the loss of their nationalities, should therefore learn in time to look with complacency upon what is inevitable, and to see good in the coming evil. Scotland, Ireland, and Wales once patriotically resisted union with England. They have long since seen, however, that the loss of independent government is amply compensated by the greater benefit they derive from participating in the enlarged and more vigorous action of a more powerful state. Local self-govern- ment is less important to a people than good govern- ment all required is, that the worse should give way to the better. What difference does it make to a people whether the centre of ministerial action is here, a mile off, or in St. Petersburg, 2,000 leagues away, if only that action is wholesome and effica- cious ? For Russia, however, to annex England would be a retrograde step, and should be resisted. But who will say that it would not be a benefit for Turkey to be placed under the control of one of the great European powers, or that the Mexicans would not be more prosperous if their country were formally IMPORTANCE OF THE LITERARY MAN. 261 annexed to the United States, or quietly submitted to the protection of France ? The aim of Christianity is identical with the ten- dency of civilization. Its endeavour has been to make the world one fold under one Shepherd ; the convert to Christianity was to become completely denationalised. Some are of opinion that in this respect it has failed to accomplish its mission, just as Rome failed permanently to effect it by conquest. Philosophy, we are told, has now set itself the task of directing and regulating the feeling from which it is to flow, and it remains to be seen how swift and complete will be its preparation for " the Parliament " of Man, the Federation of the World." One of the most important agents at the present day in effecting the coming change being necessarily the man of letters, it becomes a matter of universal interest how he views the situation. What and where is the goal to which he would direct and hasten society, and what and where are the means he would employ for reaching it, are, therefore, ques- tions of paramount importance. Of those who, for several years past, have offered themselves as leaders of the new thought, Mr. Mazzini, being a man of action and of letters, is at once one of the most emi- nent, and most influential; and his utterances are consequently entitled to a higher degree of consider- 262 MAZZINI. ation than we should be disposed to pay to one of meaner rank and lower aspirations. Mr. Mazzini is probably the most maligned man in all Christendom. He has been persistently tra- duced by those who have not taken the trouble to make themselves acquainted with the principles of which he is the apostle ; and has had the misfortune more than once to be misinterpreted even by those who incline to favour his cause. His career has been vicissitudinous in the highest degree. He began life, at an early age, as a man of letters, and it is to literature, we believe, he chiefly devotes himself still. But between the year 1828, in which, full of high hopes, he established the Indicatore Genovese, and the present time, when he confesses his soul to be dead to happiness, and withered by sorrows, delusions, and ingratitude, he has more than most men ex- perienced sundry and manifold changes of fortune. Driven from his native land on account of his opinions, he takes up his abode at Marseilles ; ordered to quit French territory, he seeks and finds refuge in Swit- zerland ; returning thence into Italy, he is thrown into prison ; escaping, he is again at Marseilles ; then in London ; then, upon the outburst of the last French Revolution, in Paris; then once more in Italy; then, a second time, obliged to fly to Switzerland. At length, Rome having declared herself a Republic* HIS CHARACTER. 263 we find htm in the Eternal City Triumvir, ruler, dictator ; organizing the army of the State ; re-ar- ranging its finances ; establishing its foreign relations ; and seeking to settle its disordered domestic affairs. But his season of power was of short duration. After ninety days the city was crushed by the cannon of a foreign nation, and the Triumvir is once more an exile. During the whole of this time, however sorely tried as he must have been in the furnace of affliction Mazzini is not known to have misdemeaned himself. According to the testimony of those most competent to speak, he has remained pure-minded, faithful, unselfish, truthful in the highest degree. Why this man enthusiastic, and possessing sur- prising vigilance, is a terror to the Courts of Eu- rope, by whom he is not unjustly regarded as the petrel of revolution, is not difficult to be understood. Why he continues to be depreciated and defamed in England is less clear. His unpopularity in this country cannot arise from dislike of his opinions ; or his lieutenant, Garibaldi, who shares them, would not have experienced the treatment he received from us during his visit. This general this hand which had come to rejoin its head was honoured during his stay in England with unprecedented attentions. Professional men, men of letters, Parliament men and noblemen attended his levies ; Cabinet Ministers un- 264 MAZZINI. dertook the charge of his health ; and even the heir to the throne, representing Majesty itself, did not think it indecorous to pay him court. The streets through which he made his entry were thronged by an enthusiastic people; his outgoings and ingoings whilst amongst us were minutely chronicled by news- papers ; and terms were employed in reference to him that would be too eulogistic if applied to the most famous heroes of antiquity. And yet this general obtained the success which brought him such unexampled honours by no eminent display of politi- cal sagacity or military ability. The enemy against whom he went out proved to be a secret friend ; and he entered the capital of the kingdom he invaded, as an English tourist would enter it, in a carriage and pair. He was victorious solely because he was regarded by the Italians as the representative of the doctrines professed and preached by Mazzini. How comes it, then, that the master is disparaged whilst the pupil is caressed ? That Joseph Garibaldi is esteemed whilst Joseph Mazzini is abhorred? We believe there are two reasons for this inconsis- tency. In the first place, apart from the disavowed and disproved charge of being a patron of assassina- tion, Englishmen accuse the triumvir of habitually inciting others to undertake dangers in which he de- clines to participate. The accusation is undeniably ENGLISH NOTIONS CONCERNING HIM. 265 true ; but the inference sought to be drawn from the fact is as invalid as would be an imputation of cow- ardice against our War Minister for sending a regi- ment into action whilst he inhumanly* smoked his cigar in Pall Mall. Mr. Mazzini, like the Minister of War, is a civilian ; and, like him, probably believes that for thirteenpence-halfpenny a-day a thousand men may be found better qualified than himself to shoulder a rifle and endure the fatigues of a cam- paign ; whilst, without much vanity, he may con- scientiously suppose that neither of the thousand could serve his country so effectually as he by counsel and direction. In the second place, and chiefly, Englishmen are unable to appreciate Mazzini, from their inability to perceive a principle until it becomes embodied. They must have a personal representa- tive of the qualities they admire, and must see an idea applied before they venture to approve it. Our press is never more happy than when it has the op- portunity of ridiculing a nation that can be so silly as to go to war for " an idea ; " and our House of Commons, generally regarded as an intelligent as- sembly, is never more unanimous than when it votes against " abstract questions." Honourable members are not indisposed to entertain " questions ;" indeed, they rather like " questions," and flatter themselves they understand " The Mexican Question," or " The 266 MAZZINI. " Eastern Question," or " The Timbuctoo Question." But the principle that covers any of these, that com- prehends it and all similar questions, they resolutely refuse to discuss and entertain. They regard abstract resolutions with deeper abhorrence than that with which a Jew is said to regard pork. Mr. Mazzini, on the other hand, claims notice as the originator and champion of certain principles, which he carries to their extremest consequences. He has no wish to be considered a statesman in our sense of the term. Unlike his countryman Paolo Sarpi, who preferred waiting for events, and "drawing " from them the greatest possible profit for his ideas, " to all attempts to determine their course and create " facts through ideas," he aspires to be something more. He desires to be an Initiator; to be classed, not among those who, " taking in at one glance all the " elements, all the forces, actually in operation, " know how to bring them into play, and to put them " in a favourable position for drawing from them " the grandest results which they are capable of " yielding" but with them " to whom enthusiasm " and the energy of conviction communicate the " power of setting in motion that unused activity, " that surplus of hidden strengh, which exists in the " men of every age." In a word, he would create the future by the force of Ideas. HIS PRINCIPLES AND AIM. 267 We respect the men who bring us principles more than those who confine themselves to the consideration of " questions." They take higher rank in the hierarchy of benefactors. But to ensure our esteem it is necessary their principles should be sound. We do not believe those entertained by Mr. Maz- zini on politics, literature, and art to be sound. We agree with the current notion of Englishmen re- specting their merits ; we do so, however, not because, like them, we dislike broad principles, but because we conceive the principles to be false. The most important deduction Mr. Mazzini makes from his well-known tenets is the necessity for the unifi- cation of Italy, with Rome as its capital, and the establishment of a Republican form of government. This is the mastering idea of his life. Herein he has ever been consistent. The views indicated in his earliest publication, under the pretence of literary discussion, he has continued to enunciate ever since through evil report and good ; in the press ; in con- versation ; in preparing insurrections ; in the day of his success; in exile. The triumph of this idea would, he conceives, make his country once more great, glorious, and free. We do not believe this. We believe the freedom and happiness of a people are not the result of their political institutions, but that their political institutions are, in great degree, the 268 MAZZIN1. result of their own temper and aspirations. The Go- vernment of no people, left to themselves, can remain, for any length of time, out of harmony with the sum of the wishes and requirements, and deserts, of the go- verned. Mr. Mazzini cannot be unaware that Rome was once the capital of Italy as well as of the world, and that even then the Peninsular was not united. During the Middle Ages again, at the end of the thirteenth century, the country was split up into independent governments ; yet the several States possessed power and enterprise which all Europe could not match. Pisa, Genoa, Venice, Florence were rivals ; but they were each great. During the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, as Mr. Mazzini must well know, European commerce was almost entirely in the hands of the Italians. His countrymen were the bankers of Eu- rope, and the great carrying-people between the East and West. The shores of the Mediterranean were lined with their vessels and war-galleys, and the in- fluence of their counsels was felt throughout Christ- endom. Yet the country was then less united than it is now. The truth is, Italy was formerly great from causes, moral and physical, which no longer exist within her limits. The elements of success are now wanting in her, and all attempts to make her equal her former exalted state by any political changes that can be devised will inevitably result in failure. HIS VIEWS IMPOLITIC. 269 Nor does Mr. Mazzini confine his principles to action ; he applies them equally to literature and art. In his writings, now in course of publication, his method of application is clearly seen. Literature, with him, is the means to an end, and that end " an " appeal to the youth of Italy to create a country for " themselves by force of arms." He complains that previous to his time writers of the Romantic School devoted themselves to objective art, and not to what he avers to be his sole merit, " declaring themselves " for liberty against oppression." His notions of art, too, are similarly vicious. He is of opinion that the special aim of art is " to excite mankind to reduce " thought to action." Just as English critics would make Art the handmaid of Religion and Mo- rality, he would make her the handmaid of Revolu- tion. Two errors, he tells us, threaten art the theory that it is an imitation of Nature, and the theory that has created the formula of " Art for art's sake." " The first would deprive it of all spontaneous indi- " vidual life ; the second break the link that binds it " to the universe." It is scarcely necessary for us to say we differ from Mr. Mazzini's notions of art and literature as widely as we differ from his political principles. He surely mistakes the function of literature, if he would make it a vehicle for direct political action. We hold that 270 MAZZINI. to do this would be to degrade literature. During the War of Independence in Germany, people were constantly in the habit of blaming Goethe for not raising his voice against Napoleon, just as the Italian now blames the literati of his country for not inter- rogating " the thought of the epoch in the nation." In opposition to this view, we commend to the atten- tion of Mr. Mazzini, and such as would make litera- ture the vehicle for direct political action, the reply of Goethe, than whom no one in this century better understood the function of literature.* The same eminent writer's observations on the functions of art also may be studied by them with advantage at the same time. Goethe contended, as we do, that art would no longer be art if deprived of an aim and object of its own, and that to deprive it of these would be to deprive it of its legitimate influence and power. * " How could I write songs of hatred without hating ! How could I, to whom culture and barbarism are alone of importance, liate a nation which is among the most cultivated of the earth, and to which I owe so great a part of my own cultivation ? Altogether, national hatred is something peculiar. You will always find it strongest and most violent when there is the lowest degree of culture. But there is a degree where it vanishes altogether, and where one stands, to a certain extent, above nations, and feels the weal or woe of a neighbouring people, as if it had happened to one's own." ECKERMANN'S Conversations ivith Goethe, Vol. II., OxenforcTs Translation. XIV. DESCRIPTIVE LITERATURE. OFTEN wonder who first left his home for change of scene, or migrated to the seaside ; not on business, but from business ; not for the purpose of residing there, but as a bondjide visitor. What were his belongings ? Was he a bachelor or a married man ? Did he carry his carpet bag, or was he himself carried in a coach, and accompanied by a train of attendants ? Was he able to dine upon eight hundred a year, or did he require twice that amount to do so satisfac- torily ? Whoever and whatever he was, none can justly deny to him the title of great social reformer, or refuse to his now numberless followers the right when his name shall have been discovered of erecting an appropriate statue to his memory. Before his time people resided constantly at home, 272 DESCRIPTIVE LITERATURE. and had no desire to leave it. Life with them passed away without the worry and turmoil of our day, and change of scene was not so much as thought of for its own sake. Such is not now the case. There certainly are men to be found who, like Dr. Johnson, from choice reside in London all the year, and who think green lanes to be all very well in their way, but would consider them greatly improved were they paved. These, however, are the exceptions. The vast majority have long since become disciples of our great social reformer, and cheap and expeditious travelling is daily increasing their number. All who have means, and can make opportunity, now habituate themselves to their annual " run" spend a portion of the year away from their every-day oc- cupations and feel aggrieved if they are prevented from doing so. All who are able to go, do go. Some seek the sea-side, some settle amidst the rural scenery of our home-land, and some wander in fo- reign countries. Now I do not underrate foreign O O travel. On the contrary, I value it very highly ; agreeing with Bacon, that in the younger sort it is a part of education ; in the elder, a part of experi- ence. But I think its advantages are usually over- estimated. Home travel, however, is too often thought commonplace ; and, with the vulgar, an object is interesting in proportion to its distance or HOME AND FOREIGN TRAVEL. 273 the difficulty of its attainment. " ( You have been < ( in France ? ' said my gentleman, turning quick " upon me with the most civil triumph in the world. " So," says the author of " Tristram Shandy," " I " went straight to my lodgings, put up half a dozen " shirts and a pair of black silk breeches, and " and the " Sentimental Journey " is the result. For " France" read " North Pole," " Interior of Africa," or " Chimborazzo,'' and the scene is taking place to-day. People crave to see what others have not seen, to visit where others have not visited. A be- wildering desire, which is extending itself amongst all classes, possesses them to pass by the ordinary in search of the extraordinary ; and many suppose they find it when they arrive at the uncommon. By them " Omne ignotum pro magnified est." Hence they climb the loftiest and most arduous mountains penetrate the most impenetrable deserts explore the sources of unknown rivers and then " turn quick upon you with the most civil triumph '' in the world." This activity seems to arise from two causes; love of scenery, and veneration for the past. For the exercise of both sentiments England furnishes abundant scope. She possesses scenes of beauty T 274 DESCRIPTIVE LITERATURE. matchless in other lands ; hills of admirable propor- tions smiling pastures smooth streams rivers of sweetest beauty. In largeness of scale the scenery of these islands is admittedly inferior to what is to be found elsewhere. It can boast no Himalaya Moun- tains, no Mississippi river, no Niagara Falls. But it abounds in qualities of which the intellect and senses never tire ; and in the elements of rural beauty is incomparable. There is, moreover, infinite va- riety. Britain is not only a country of lawns and parks and stately avenues. She has wild moorlands of vast extent, heaths of melancholy aspect, track- less hills as desolate as can be found elsewhere. Then, what a coast ! Here, lined with cliffs of im- posing grandeur bare, rugged, precipitous ; there, masses of blown sand, extending inland for great distances, form themselves into an endless number of hills and valleys, whose inner slopes are covered with luxuriant vegetation. In one direction sub- merged forests, attesting the power of volcanic forces in former times ; in another, green meadows, or cornfields, smiling with golden harvests, run down to the very water's edge Ceres, as fabled of old, un- able to escape the importunities of Neptune. Lack- ing mountains that crush the senses, and plains that bewilder, it still possesses the agreeable, happy me- dium in which alone can be found that feature which THE PICTURESQUE. 275 has been named the Picturesque. And yet scores of persons go abroad for what lies at their very doors, and is to be found with but very little seeking. The other day I met, at Ghent, a Londoner who had distinguished himself by " making a hole in ^100," and by penetrating as far as Vienna and Prague, without the knowledge of any continental language. He was a licensed victualler in search of the pic- turesque, and had determined upon visiting Prague because his wife, who accompanied him, had so willed it. Her only knowledge of that town was derived from a piece of music termed " The Battle of Prague ; " and from some odd association of ideas she had be- come firmly convinced that Prague was the most picturesque city in the world. The gentleman " did " not care much for the mounseers," but with the scenery everywhere, after he had left these shores, he expressed himself as being delighted " nothing " like it in England, sir !" This was his opinion of the England he had never seen. As with him, so with the majority. The view borrows enchantment from distance, and strangeness in character, customs, and costume, adds largely to the enjoyment. The other source of preference for travelling on the Continent is the belief very generally entertained of the vast superiority to our own land of other countries in interesting associations. But historical 276 DESCRIPTIVE LITERATURE. and poetical associations are not wanting in England. Where can an Englishman find a country so full of them as his own ? The land is pregnant with stirring memories, and nowhere can more striking sugges- tions be presented to his mind. He may, if he choose, inspect and examine the religious and sepul- chral monuments of those who preceded him in the land 1800 years ago may enter the very caves and holes of the earth which were their homes. He may tread the ground now, perhaps, waving with cornfields, under which are engulphed cities which were built, long centuries ago, by Roman hands, in- habited by Roman citizens, and called after Roman names. He may find numberless memorials of his far-off Saxon ancestors, and traces of that invasion which gave them foreign masters. He may wander without impediment through grim fortresses, now slowly crumbling into decay, but which at one time were the habitations of those who pursued " the good old plan, " That they should take who have the power, " And they should keep who can." He cannot fail to be frequently reminded, too, of that bloody contest, which we name Roses War, and which was characterized by as much treachery and shocking barbarity as any that the Continent can boast. Then, again, he will frequently come RAGE FOR HISTORICAL RELICS. 277 upon the scene of one or other of those conflicts which took place when Naseby, Worcester, and Marston Moor were names as often on men's lips as Alma, Inkermann, or Balaclava have been of late. There remain to this country more perhaps of these monuments than to any other. We have castles, abbeys, priories, crosses, and cathedrals in abund- ance; each a reminder of other days, each possessing its traditional story. In one place will be pointed out the room in which was born the first Tudor; in another the royal chamber "in which is King " Charles's window." Here are the remains of that splendid pile which was erected and richly endowed by William the Conqueror, in commemoration of the battle which delivered over to him a kingdom ; there, those of that other in which the last Stuart came to the resolution of flying from his indignant subjects. This is the spot where, for the last time, stood a knight proclaiming himself ready to "answer all " comers " at tilt and tourney ; on this, for the first time, was the printing-press set going on its errand in England. These ruins are the cast aurelia shells out of which the nation emerged into her modern existence. Whilst inhabiting these, her energies were concentrated upon the nutritive functions, econo- mising her resources for future use ; now, her power of active movement is illimitable and irresistible. 278 DESCRIPTIVE LITERATURE. Some one has said that were all written records of our history destroyed, the chief incidents could yet be ascertained from our language. In like manner, were we to interpret aright the teachings of one of these broken walls, we should have a most instruc- tive lesson, and such a one as is seldom to be found in books. Each is a type of the struggle between Old England and New. When we enter it we are conscious that our tread is on a system, and that we are surrounded by an epoch in stone. Its situa- tion is, in most instances, in harmony with its fallen condition. It is out of the vulgar gaze. Silence surrounds it, and to reach it we have to pick our steps through a thorny path, brushing aside the underwood that has completely choked up the moat of former times a solemn contrast with the time when every road, for miles around, led hitherward to the baron's residence. Then all was bustle and activity ; now, the sound of the armourer is dumb ; the inner and outer ward are both deserted; the donjon-keep has not been tenanted for centuries ; " the voice of the people is heard no more. The " stream of Clutha is removed from its place by the " fall of the walls ; the thistle shakes there its lonely " head ; the moss whistles to the wind. Desolate is " the dwelling of Moina." Washington Irving has recorded the delight ex- ORIGIN OF THE SENTIMENT. 279 perienced by an American upon beholding, for the first time, the mouldering ruin of an abbey overrun with ivy. He was from a land to which time had left no such legacies. What would not America give in exchange for these heirlooms of the race ? for what is birth without its proper pedigree ? Even a horse, with ever so valuable qualities, has infinitely more worth to most eyes when his pedigree is trace- able to illustrious ancestors. You treat the descend- ant of " Hero " or " Flying Childers," though de- graded to the plough, with greater regard than his work-mate, notwithstanding his inferior qualities. And that picture you have in your gallery, and on which you set great store, would it be worth so much by half nay, faded and dimmed as it is, would you even give it house-room did you not possess in your escritoire convincing proof of its being the pro- duction of a master ? Or, to ask a more pertinent question, would you, my lord, set so high a value upon yourself as you do, were you not encouraged by that curious tree that hangs against the wall of your library? Well, these ruins of Old England, scattered over the land, are the genealogical tree of our race. Not the truest pedigree, for that is to be looked for elsewhere, but symbols of splendid reality. The origin of the sentiment is not obscure. There is, it would appear, in the mind of man, a 280 DESCRIPTIVE LITERATURE. principle which prompts him to regard, with some degree of pleasure and veneration, these relics of departed days, or the scene of any remarkable by- gone transaction. And this principle, whether na- tural or inherited, or to whatever cause due, is found to be so prevalent as to be esteemed universal. It is named the sentiment of Veneration. Its birth has been traced to a lofty source, and many an encomium has, at different times, been bestowed upon it by writers not unknown to fame. But an examination of the claims upon which their eulogies are based will indubitably lead to the discovery that its descent is not to be boasted of its parentage by no means so honourable as is represented. At the best, Veneration is but the daughter of Wonder and Fear. The savage, we are told, when first he beheld the steam-ship doing battle with the winds of heaven, and overcoming, as appeared to him, the laws of the Great Spirit, was filled with wonder, and bent the knee in reverence. Afterwards, however, when the novelty of the spectacle had worn itself out when ignorance had given place to knowledge he con- templated the same object with the utmost uncon- cern. Wonder vanishes at the approach of know- ledge ; when there is no longer any fear, veneration also takes its departure. But although the sentiment springs from no such high lineage as is mostly ITS EFFECTS. 281 claimed for it, it yet forms an important element in human nature, and is extremely beneficial in human affairs. This it is which makes men conservative of the past, and cautious of change in the future ; forms the basis of chivalrous loyalty ; and is a prime source of all religious feeling. It is seen in democratic states equally with aristocratic, and if in the former the objects upon which it is exercised differ, it is not for that the less visible there. Things are mutable, and those now reverenced will one day disappear, but only to be succeeded by others. Reverence itself is seldom lost. To this sentiment, love of fame is the complement. There have never been wanting a few select minds who have declined subjecting themselves to either of these influences, and have proved themselves superior to both. But the majority of mankind have, in all ao-es, shown themselves not otherwise than solicitous O y to set apart certain opinions and objects as suitable for their veneration; and to supply the demand created by this exigency, there has been no lack of candidates. Ambition, that infirmity of noble minds, is ever as ready to offer " something that the world " will not readily let die," as the world is to receive what is offered for its acceptance. Thus, we see, men have perpetually striven to transmit their names to times far distant from their own. With toil and 282 DESCRIPTIVE LITERATURE. care they have erected monuments which they ima- gined are to endure through all ages. In every case the end in view is the same the having themselves in remembrance hereafter. To England the times gone by have bequeathed a prodigious number of such legacies, and in no nation has reverence for the past taken deeper root than in ours. The feeling manifests itself in a vast variety of ways. We call our country " Old" England, and are proud of her age. When we typify the English- man, do we not delight to do so by picturing him as a gentleman somewhat advanced in years? Are we not predisposed to bestow a larger share of support upon an old-established " institution " than upon its newly-started competitor, however favourable the auspices under which the latter sprang into existence, however satisfactory its guaranty of success may be? Our houses of business which have been " established " for upwards of a century," take care to advertise that fact, and they find their account therein. The bar parlour of the Old Three Crowns is much more likely to be found filled on an evening than the smoking-room of the New Inn on the opposite side of the way, notwithstanding the fact of the bever- ages to be obtained at the latter being, in all respects, equal to those of its rival. Old age with us is allowed to count honours, where youth is not permitted the privilege. ITS INFLUENCE ON ART. 283 The same sentiment has a demonstrative influence on Modern Art, where it shows itself in a tendency to look upon Age and Decay as a legitimate field for the display of artistic skill, and to regard them as types of the beautiful, or at least as useful accessories to Beauty. Hence a man in rags is thought to be a much more interesting subject for the pencil than another in goodly raiment ; a rude thatched cottage, with children, dirty and in tatters, playing in the adjoining kennel, is chosen for representation in pre- ference to a decent dwelling-house ; a narrow, sombre street, composed of gable-ends, tottering, irregular, and many-coloured by the hand of Time, is held in greater esteem than ever so stately a terrace of mo- dern mansions although this is built without an ar- chitectural blemish, and with an elegance to which that has no pretensions. Especially in regard of me- diaeval ruins, those glorious examples of grandeur in decay, does this tendency display itself. To light upon " a really fine old ruin " will an artist travel many a league, over highway and byway, through unfrequented parts, enduring much fatigue ; and when at length he reaches the object of his search, the pleasure he experiences compensates every toil. He "jots down the really fine old ruin," carries it away in his portfolio, and, if he is a master in his art, will find a purchaser as ready to buy as he to sell. 284 DESCRIPTIVE LITERATURE. This disposition to rank decay as a type of the beautiful is, I presume, a peculiarity of modern Art. We do not find it to have existed in ancient Greece. She, too, looked back with reverence to the Past, and saw there much to admire. But it was courage, strength, and length of days never decay. To be beautiful was with her to be young, fresh, joyous above all, to be young. And in modern Art it has been developed only in late years. The ruin has not always been considered an object of beauty, and cer- tainly at the beginning of its decline not even an object of interest. A not uninteresting subject for inquiry would be, when did it first of all come to be regarded as such ? The ordinary mind is disposed to look upon the time of the origination of any social change which is destined seriously to affect posterity as one of tumult, anxiety, and confusion. It overlooks the fact that those who were spectators of the event in its birth had not the same means of seeing its mag- nitude as we who are witnesses of it in its results. It would be an error to suppose that the western voyage of Columbus, which gave his age a new world or the Renaissance of Art and Religion or the invention of printing affected men in the manner, and to the extent, we are liable to imagine, and think it ought to have affected them. The actors DECAY A TYPE OF BEAUTY. 285 are ever too near their action to see its effect. Be- sides, things are gradual in their processes ; men, in time, get used to all exceptional conditions, and forget to consider them exceptional. It is only the Partingtons of society who wonder how it was pos- sible for the ancients to " carry on," seeing they had no bread and butter, no tea and coffee, no gas, no tobacco and seltzer water, no railways and electric telegraphs, no lucifer matches and penny newspapers. Thus it fares with our representative old ruins. When the castles were dismantled by order of Parlia- ment, " lest they might be held by disaffected per- " sons," the event excited, in the contemporary mind, ideas and emotions by no means kin to those we are apt to imagine. To us, at this distance of time, that would appear to have been a period of melancholy and universal excitement, when the ten- ants of the strong fortress migrated to the modern dwelling-house ; and equally so that other, when the time-honoured old abbey was abandoned, when the performance of matins was rudely interrupted, when the monk had to abandon his teaching, and the lay- brother his gardening operations, all because the king's grace had seen fit to change his wife and his religious opinions. But even these events were soou regarded as matters of course, and men went on their way to follow, as usual, their several avocations. 286 DESCRIPTIVE LITERATURE. Castle and abbey, widowed of their grandeur, lay unheeded, their chief importance consisting in their capacity to furnish material for the erection of other and meaner building?. A long time elapsed before they were looked upon in any other light. Scott, it undoubtedly was, who elevated them to rank as objects of veneration. He it was who, by giving the general mind a turn in the direction of mediaeval antiquities, first secured for these souvenirs of Old England the interest which they now inspire. Others before him may have felt an archaeological concern in them, but he it was who popularized the feeling, and gave it additional stimulus, by endowing them with poetic beauty. Thenceforth they became sanctified relics of chivalric and monastic glories. At the same time it was that the pursuit of scenery as a diversion, and the descrip- tion of scenery as a form of literary activity, first became fashionable in England. So universal among us has view -hunting now become, and, as a consequence, so numerous are the interpreters of Nature, that the present generation has difficulty in believing that little more than half a century has elapsed since descriptive literature began to be in vogue. A correspondent of a literary journal, in giving an account of a curious duodecimo volume upon which he had lighted, supplies us almost MODERN GROWTH OF VIEW-HUNTING. 287 with the very year. The work consisted of two let- ters, which had been privately reprinted by Words- worth from " The Morning Post," and the blank leaf contained, in the poet's handwriting, the following passage : " A relative of mine, about thirty years " older than myself, being congratulated on the great " advantage she must have had in being brought up in " the romantic county of Cumberland, said, * Don't " ( think about it ; when I was young there were no " ' lakes and mountains.' " The date on the flyleaf is " Rydal Mount, August 18, 1845." Wordsworth was born in 1770. His youth may therefore be considered as having been spent in 1790 ; so that if we take thirty, from that year, we shall have 1760 as the proximate date at which the picturesque was unknown in this country. People of education and culture, presum- ably occupying the same rank in life as those who now go into ecstasies in the presence of fine scenery, had then not begun to regard lakes and mountains otherwise than they are now regarded by untutored rustics. Sensibility to the external forms of nature is, indeed, of modern growth. Among the ancients that people who of all nations were endued with per- ceptions of beauty the most intense have left us in their literature no descriptions of scenery, except by way of simile, intended to heighten our interest in human action and events. Although they deified 288 DESCRIPTIVE LITERATURE. Nature, they had no sense of what we now term the picturesque : the feeling manifested by the moderns towards scenery being by them transferred to the " spirit " which they imagined presided in mountain, wood, and stream.* It has been thought that the founders of their cities could not have been without a sense of beauty in the selection they made of the several sites. But although the ruins are now in per- fect harmony with the scenery amidst which they are situate, the original builders were influenced in their choice by no considerations of beauty, but were guided solely by considerations of strength. They had no more notion of being picturesque than the Dutch had whilst forming their canals. The authors of republican Rome, too, who were perfectly igno- rant that the representation of external nature, either by painting or by narrative, would give pleasure or be of interest to others, have left us nothing whereby we are able to discover what sort of impression was made upon them by the scenery with which they were surrounded. To them, as to their Greek pre- decessors, the work of man's hand was more interest- ing than the bend of a river, the bosom of a lake, or the snow-capped head of a mountain. * " Pinea Irachia cum trepidunt audio canticulum ZepTiyri."- MARTIANUS CAPELLA, quoting some unknown writer. SCENERY AND ANTIQUITIES. 289 Representation of scenery first came into fashion in a civilization similar to our own, landscape painting, according to Pliny, having been invented in the time of Augustus by S. Tadius.* It will be re- marked that, among the Romans as among ourselves, almost simultaneously with this desire for the repre- sentation of external nature arose the taste for an- tiquities. Just as people began to see beauty in Gothic art and Gothic architecture, hitherto despised, at the time when they first felt pleasure in landscape, so in Rome, within similar circumstances, there sprang up a race of collectors, among whom, we are told, was C. J. Caesar, who bought up paintings, of old masters (tabulas operis antiqui), bronzes, en- graved gems, &c. with as much avidity as the most enthusiastic connoisseur of our own day. The taste fell, however, with the Empire. During the middle ages what we may call the sense of scenery was lost ; and in our elder writers, at the period of * " S. Tadio, divi August! setate qui primus instituit amoenis- simam parietum picturam ; villas, et porticus, et topiaria opera, lucos, nemora, collis, piscinas, euripos, amnis, littora, qualia quis optaret ; varias ibi obambulantium species aut navigantium, terra que villas adeuntium asellis aut vehiculis : jam piscantis, aucupantis aut venantis aut etiam vindemi- antis." PLINY., II. N., xxxv. 10 (Jan's Edition). The old reading for S. Tadius was Ludius. U 290 DESCRIPTIVE LITERATURE. the Renaissance, there is no trace of its having been recovered. Shakespeare has been praised for the beauty of his descriptive passages, and the absence of stage scenery in mV time has been given as the reason for his excellence in this respect. References to the plays, however, will clearly show that even he has never attempted a sustained description of the outer world. The famous passage in "Lear," with reference to Dover cliff, may be taken as an example and a proof. Here we find the allusions entirely subjective, having reference to sensations naturally produced in the mind by vast height. If we come nearer our own time, we shall find the same lack of the feeling. The " great " people who performed the Grand Tour never thought of putting their heads out of the carriage window to admire scenes that have since become famous for their beauty or grandeur. They went to see man and his ways, and it did not occur to them to record their impressions of the country through which they travelled to find him. Mr. Carlyle, who deprecates description of scenery for its own sake, and disapproves of "euphuistic " gallantries with nature," supposes that first in the " Sorrows of Werter " the practice came decisively into use. A writer in the " North British Review," on the other hand, claims for Patrick Graham, USE AND ABUSE OF THE PURSUIT. 291 author of " Sketches of Picturesque Scenery on the " Southern Confines of Perthshire," 1806, the honour of having been the founder of our British school of professional tourists and describers of Nature. There can be no doubt, indeed, that view-hunting had its origin somewhere at the end of the last century, for it must have been rampant at the time when Dr. Syntax's tour appeared to burlesque it. The Wa- verley Novels undoubtedly increased the mania, and the love of out-door life and the spirit of adventure which distinguish the English seem likely to per- petuate it among us. Since the time of Scott, the number of descriptive books, in poetry and prose, is almost too great for calculation. I might give chap- ters of " euphuistic gallantries " (which, for any value they possess, may well have been put into a page), and so make a little book a big one ; but what need is there of examples ? Every modern reader is well acquainted with the school. View-hunting has been named a vice ; and in no way, except by rantings on female loveliness, has more vain admiration been thrown away than in speaking of the beauties of Nature. It has been said with truth that this over-admiration both of nature and woman is derived from the young; that is, it is founded, not on facts, but on a conjec- ture of facts, before the facts have been ascertained. 292 DESCRIPTIVE LITERATURE. When the conjecture is discovered to be wrong, the sentiments which have been based on it ought pro- perly to be corrected ; but, unfortunately, this is not done, and the false idea is kept, cherished, and trans- mitted. View-hunting and view-describing, how- ever, are useful in a measure even necessary just as literary criticism is useful. Since you have not the good fortune to be possessed of that Eastern carpet, seated on which you might, by a wish, trans- port yourself whither you desire, and thus judge of each scene for yourself, you must suffer yourself to be guided or directed by others. It is to be hoped, however, that the view-describer will, in his rhap- sodies, strictly confine himself within proper limits, and not pretend to derive from his pursuit more than it is obviously capable of yielding. He should be careful not to discredit by his extravagancies the only form of literature the moderns can claim as their own invention. THE END. CHISWICK PRESS : PRINTED BV WHITTINQHAM AND WJLKINS, TOOKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE. LECTURES ON POETRY DOYLE LECTURES DELIVERED BEFORE THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD 1868 BY SIR F. H. DOYLE, Bart., M.A., B.C.L. Late Fellow of All Souls' PROFESSOR OF POETRY MACMILLAN AND CO. 1869 OXFORD: BY T. COMBE, M.A., E. B. GARDNER, E. P. HALL, AND H. LATHAM, M.A., PRINTERS TO THE UNIVERSITY. PREFACE. IN giving these Lectures to the world, I believe I am only taking a usual step, and one that is expected of Oxford Professors, more or less, by that University. I need only then ask my readers to bear in mind that they are lectures, to be heard, as ancient Pistol says, ' with ears' not subtle disquisitions to be meditated upon in a quiet study. They have therefore been thrown into a key more rhetorical and familiar than I should otherwise have adopted, and are rather, to use Aristotle's phrase, epideictic orations than argumentative essays. I must add that for five -and -twenty years and more, I have done nothing as an orator, except to mumble now and then a few words, against my will, at a wedding breakfast. It follows that these compositions must be, in point of tone and style, necessarily tentative. Indeed, one reason for not putting off publication till a greater number of them had heaped themselves up, is, that the sooner any cor- rigible defects and mistakes are pointed out to me (and Vi PREFACE. I dare say I shall find critics obliging enough to meet my wishes in that respect), the less delay will there be, on my part, in reconsidering the whole subject, and in mend- ing, so far as I can, the errdr of my ways. INAUGURAL LECTURE. LECTURE I. INAUGURAL LECTURE. i WHEN any one steps into the place of a poet and critic such as Mr. Arnold, he naturally feels somewhat awkward in undertaking his new functions. e lf it had not been,' he fancies his hearers saying to them- selves, c for the inconvenient restrictions by which this Professorship is hampered, we might have kept, with all the tact and power superadded which arises out of a long experience, our man of genius. Now, how- ever, he is forced, for us at least, into an unnecessary silence, in order that another may speak another, who has, no doubt, much of his business yet to learn, and who, even when he has learnt it, is not likely to give out anything half so good as that to which his predecessor has accustomed us/ And yet, perhaps, if we suppose the founder of this Chair to have been actuated, in limiting its tenure, by reason and not by caprice; there is something, even f* LECTURE I. though it may involve temporary failures and occa- sional disappointments, to be said for such a limita- tion. Criticism, to speak roughly, for I am not aiming at any logical division, is of two kinds the criticism of knowledge, and the criticism of sympathy. The critics who know, of whom Aristotle may be taken as the type and representative, judge mainly by the intellect j and any great leader of that school, if he be, in his degree, worthy to follow in the steps of his master, throws, like the noon-day sun, a broad and equal illumina- tion over all the departments of his subject alike. But as the lovelier tints of colouring, and the more pathetic lights, are due to those narrowing rays which fasten upon their own domain, so is there a criticism of the sympathies specially worth having, wherever those sympathies are specially interested. It therefore might be not unreasonably hoped, and not unwisely attempted, to accumulate the most delicate insights, and the liveliest sensibilities of different minds, so that, converging from opposite quarters, they should coalesce into a perfect whole. For an unbroken suc- cession of Aristotles it is vain to hope. But thus, it might be possible to build up, limb by limb, a great body of doctrine of doctrine, keen with that intensity, which the wide critic is apt to want, and INAUGURAL LECTURE. all-embracing in that width, which no passionate critic is likely to attain to, unless he be one of those rare men, whom the world waits for through centuries of expectation. In this manner it ought to result, that the poetry of thought and the poetry of passion that which belongs to the present and that which is reflected from the past, that which is of home growth, and that which rises up among other habits of thought, and takes its shape from a different national character should, in their turns, be ade- quately interpreted and discussed. If this way of looking at the office of Poetry Pro- fessor, and at the objects which he has to set before himself, be, under ordinary circumstances I mean, a right and convenient one, he should, I think, take the earliest opportunity (as I hope to do on the present occasion) of opening himself frankly and freely to his audience. It seems to me therefore desirable, before I enter into any details of criticism, before I praise one poet or disparage another, that my general view as to the nature of the poetical imagination, as to its uses and its dangers, as to the manner in which it acts for itself, and reacts upon the character at large, should be known to those for whom such criticisms of detail are intended. All this I believe to be B 2 LECTURE I. desirable, not only for you who hear, but also for me who speak. These questions go so deep into the roots of life, they have been so often disputed about, and still remain so incompletely solved, that I, for one, am not going to dogmatize thereon. I can but state plainly, and without affectation, what I think and feel. I can but promise that, being at least as anxious to learn as I am willing to teach, the objec- tions which will rise up against any theories of mine, as they have risen up against the theories of men to whom I should not dream of comparing myself, shall be examined (if I know my own mind) with an attention unvexed by prejudice, and only eager for the truth. So complete, indeed, is the discordance of senti- ment, as to all these matters, between rival instructors, who alike claim the highest authority, that even before entering upon the actual subject of this address, I have to go a step back, and to fight, as it seems, for my very existence here, by undertaking the defence of Poetry itself. Against whom you will say, Qjfif vituperavit ? Ay, that is the question; not against men up to their necks in business stockbrokers, bankers, and the like not against the family of that typical clerk INAUGURAL LECTURE. ' Foredoomed his father's soul to cross, Who pens a stanza when he should engross,' but against writers of the highest genius, who could, as far as we can judge, equip, out of their rich and powerful imaginations, an ordinary poet or so, with- out much feeling the loss. Against such high autho- rities, in a word, as Mr. Carlyle and Mr. Ruskin. I am not clear at this moment whether Mr. Carlyle has ever put his hatred of verse-making on record, in any formal shape- but it may be gathered from any one of his writings. Everybody knows how he confides, at uncertain intervals, to the eternities and immensities his bitter regret, that men of noble faculties, like Tennyson and Browning, should have become entangled, under some evil star, in the meshes of rhyme, instead of devoting themselves to I do not exactly know what but to something or anything else. Mr. Ruskin, however, in one of his most characteristic passages, announces himself to the universe as admitting but two orders of poets. Both of these, according to him, must be first-rate in their range, though their range be different, and with poetry second-rate in quality no one ought to be allowed to trouble mankind. c There is quite enough of the best/ says he, much more than we can read or enjoy, 6 LECTURE I. in the length of a single life, and it is a literal wrong or sin to encumber us with inferior work.' e l have no patience/ he now proceeds (by way of encourag- ing and inspiring the bards of the future), 'with the apologies made by young pseudo-poets, that they be- lieve that there is some good in what they have written ; some good if there is not all good, there is no good. If they ever hoped to do better, why do they trouble us now?' If these views were correct, the first thing to strike me in this place, would be that a conscientious Poetry Professor must have a dreadful time of it. His mission he must look upon as wholly negative j his motto could only be, ' Preven- tion is better than cure.' His duty would summon him to rise up early and late take rest, to run hither and thither, saying to this undergraduate, 'Writing for the Newdegate? Have you no principles?' To that bachelor of arts, c What ! at your age contend- ing for the triennial Religious Poem ? Do you not know that you are guilty of a literal sin ? ' He must consider himself, in short, elected for the purpose of proctorizing generally the haunts of song, and of hunt- ing up meditated stanzas, in the act of concoction, like an Irish exciseman on the track of an illicit still. Happily for me, I do not feel bound to incur any INAUGURAL LECTURE. such onerous responsibilities. I differ entirely from every one of the sentences quoted above, and the very last position, which I should think of taking up, would be that of a critical Canute, who plants his foot upon the brink of the advancing age, and says to the rising tide of genius, as it rolls shoreward under an irre- sistible impulse from within, c You know you should not come here/ I have said that Mr. Carlyle and Mr. Ruskin are possessed of rich, I might have added of almost inexhaustible, imaginations j I suspect, however and it makes them all the greater if I am right in my conjecture that for neither of their minds is it abso- lutely the dominant or master faculty. Now I think we shall find, that whenever this is the case, whenever other gifts and talents (equally admirable, perhaps,) have the power, and, indeed, in some sort, the right to struggle against the rule of the formative imagina- tion, the result is not a genuine poet, at least not a genuine poet of the normal type j but a thinker, or a rhetorician, or a critic in verse. One test of this I believe to be, that when such a man has recourse to poetry, that he may embody and communicate what he thinks and feels he finds himself moving, no matter with what degree of vigour and energy, in 8 LECTURE I. an element which is not his most natural one; his thoughts do not flow as freely as they should; his metaphors do not kindle and rush upon him with their usual affluence and splendour. He differs, in short, from the real singers by this, that for him the pressure of rhythm and the law of measured words weighs down like a fetter, instead of uplifting as a wing. Hence a certain distrust of poetry itself; hence, unconsciously, I dare say, something like a contemptuous bitterness against smaller men, who, amid the stumbling-blocks and intricacies which have half baffled their superiors, go twittering about, more comfortable, and more at home, than, in the opinion of the giants, they have any business to be. Setting, however, all this aside, and taking Mr. Ruskin's utterances for what they are worth, without attempting to explain their origin, let us examine them in turn, and endeavour to ascertain their real value. First, Mr. Ruskin admits only two orders of poets. Of the higher order, he names Homer, Dante, Shake- speare ; of the lower, Wordsworth, Tennyson, Keats. Nothing can be better; but how is he to get his chosen ones ? It seems to me that what he desires is to gather the perfect fruit without any blossoms competing beforehand; without any previous rise or INAUGURAL LECTURE. struggle of the sap. He may have been somehow or other clothed by Apollo with a special mission to move about among undeveloped rhymesters, and to pronounce at once, by the help of some diviner in- stinct, 'This poet-grub is a pseudo-grub, be careful that his wings are cut hereafter. This one again is of royal spirit, let him be put into a royal cell; feed him upon honey-dew j make him drink the milk of Paradise, and train him up, without any disturbance from importunate rivals, into a bard proper.' But unless something of this kind can be done (as bees in a difficulty, under the impulse of their unerring instinct, fix upon the very one they want, out of a multitude of seemingly undistinguishable little creatures, and feed it up into an unexceptionable queen), we must, I fear, be content to take our poets as they arise, according to the methods in which nature usually supplies them. Now, we all know the story of Brummel's valet coming down-stairs with an unshapely mass of crumpled neck- cloths under his arm j and how, on being asked what on earth he was about? he replied, not without a tincture of becoming pride, 'These are our failures.' Meanwhile, the successful tie above was, I may say, the poet of muslin, a consummation and a flower which had emerged out of some thirty dishevelled existences. 10 LECTURE I. Or, to take another illustration, if you go into a china manufactory, you may see the workman carefully shaping, out of the same raw material, bowls, and jugs, and vases, but the form of this one is not perfect, the paste of that other is too thin to stand the trial of fire. But come, here is a third; surely that will do? No, not quite yet. There is a half imperceptible flaw somewhere, which renders it unfit to bear the required stress and strain. And thus they are all of them mercilessly kneaded up again into chaos, till the eye and hand of the artist have taught themselves to work in harmony together, and the structure, sufficient at last, receives that delicate texture, and imbibes those glowing colours, which often last on without a blemish, when bulkier and stronger, and apparently more im- portant productions have rotted, or crumbled, or rusted into ruin. I recollect standing at Worcester long ago, amid work that was thus going on, and saying to myself, in rather a melancholy mood, This is the way in which Nature gets her poets. She has to mal- treat rather savagely a great deal of very respectable clay in the process, but I make no doubt that the clay, sooner or later, finds its proper place in some other condition : and, after all, THE POET is THERE.' Of course I must not be taken as meaning seriously INAUGURAL LECTURE. II to say that this is the actual method according to which illustrious men are compounded and turned out of the laboratory of Nature. What I do mean is, I trust, suffi- ciently obvious, the rather that it has often enough been insisted on before I mean that they belong to their time and are but specimens selected out of a multitude which clusters around them. A thousand influences co- operate with, a thousand accidents combine to impress each original mind, and nearly the same influences co- operate with, and nearly the same accidents combine to impress myriads of other minds and other tempera- ments, separated from the nobler ones by narrower or broader lines of demarcation. I hope I may say it without irreverence, 'they that run in the race run all, but one only receiveth the prize/ Mr. Ruskin would forbid the race. Is he sure that, having done so, he could always secure the prize for the most deserving? The very great are apt sometimes in youth to outgrow their strength, to exhibit more of struggle and contortion and awkwardness than some symmetrical rival, who is a better master of his genius, because his genius was never born to rise so high, and therefore never strives and ferments with such irregular and intermitting power. All this, however, has been brought home to the feelings and common- 12 LECTURE I. sense of mankind by the world-famous story of the Ugly Duck, so that 1 need not enlarge upon the subject. I will content myself with reminding Mr. Ruskin, that even if he could succeed in establishing his prohibitory decrees, and in beating down free-trade so far as poetry is concerned, he might still find himself self-baffled in the end, by the defeat of his own object, and the suppression of his own swan. The second proposition to which Mr. Ruskin de- mands our assent is this : that as there is more first- rate poetry than can be read or enjoyed in the length of a single life, the attention of the world ought to be concentrated upon that, and the lyres of all meaner minstrels impounded at once, as you take away a gun from a poacher. Whether this be quite the case, unless he include in his corpus poetarum that huge Calmuck Epic, of which every polite person among the Calmucks is expected to know by heart forty-eight books, at least, out of the three or four hundred which lie open to his memory, I do not think it necessary to inquire, because it is wholly irrelevant to the matter in hand. He himself has told us, elsewhere, with his usual eloquence, that the artist (and it really matters not a jot whether such artist be poet, painter, sculptor, or musician) becomes great, and earns his INAUGURAL LECTURE. 13 glory, by being the man of men, the contemporary among contemporaries in his own day. He embodies their aspirations, he interprets their vague yearnings, he soothes their sorrows, he gives a voice to the dumb struggle of their passions, he lives, as they do, in the life of the present, instead of striving to create a future as yet unfelt by them, or to reawaken a past which they have forgotten. Now the complicated influences, which act upon our own time, may be less noble and less fruitful than those which acted upon the fellow-citizens of Dante or of Shakespeare, but still they have a nobility which belongs to themselves, and are entitled to bear their own natural fruit. This again brings us back to what I said before, that we must get our poets as we can, according to the methods which nature is determined to employ. There is a dismal theory of the universe, that all the uncountable suns throughout space are smoulder- ing down, gradually, but surely, into one perpetual night. More cheerful astronomers, however, are to be found, who encourage a hope that this is not altogether so; that what seems to us a void, is filled everywhere with dormant seeds of being with, as it were, a diffused and impalpable vapour of heat and light and energy. So that everywhere, the great 14 LECTURE I. stars perish not, but are endowed with mysterious powers for drawing forth, and condensing, and assi- milating to their own essence, the spirit of universal life which lies floating around them wherever they go; and for repairing, in this manner, the over- flowings of incessant waste, from fountains of ever- lasting renovation. To this movement (if there be such a movement) of the heavens through space, we can perhaps liken the progress of Poetry through Time. At one season it may rejoice as a giant to run its course, in harmony with noble materials of inspira- tion, and with the heart of some great age ; at another, it may have to toil across poorer and thinner regions of thought. But always, whether the element in which it moves be rich or poor, it is driven, by the law of its existence, to get as much life as it can for itself out of the surrounding atmosphere, or else to starve and die. It is therefore idle to talk of the great writers of old, as being enough for the world, and that without any addition to their numbers. Men of mature age may return to them with delight, and interest themselves by observing how and where the poets who enchanted their boyhood approach to, and how and where they fall short of these, the acknowledged masters of their INAUGURAL LECTURE. 15 common art. But there is a yearning instinct in the youth of each generation, the mother, I believe, of all true poetry, which seeks ever to find in the songs which it loves and dwells upon, the reflection of its own passions and the echo of its own thoughts. In proportion as those passions are worth reflecting, and those thoughts are worth echoing, in that proportion, I apprehend, does the poetry of any particular time or country establish itself among the lasting possessions of mankind j but whether it be ephemeral or whether it be immortal, have it you must. We now come to the remarkable dictum that unless the poetry of any poet be all good, it is none of it good. Surely this is a hard saying, and the lantern of Diogenes must be put into requisition, if we hope to find a writer of verses who is fit to live. Is all Shakespeare good? is all Homer good? is all Dante good ? He must be an unflinching partizan who could answer these questions in the affirmative. Even, however, if we put aside such Di Majores, as soaring, in a region of their own, beyond the reach of criticism, I, for one, am not prepared to give up Lochiel and the Battle of the Baltic, the Last Man, and O'Connor's Child, and the Mariners of England, and some twenty other of Campbell's odes, because he wrote much 1 6 LECTURE 1. hardly above mediocrity, and not a little which is hopelessly below par. I am not prepared to blot out the story of Margaret, and Lucy Gray, and Tintern Abbey, and the countless exquisite compositions which must occur to all who hear me, because Wordsworth was once ill-inspired enough to write, in honour of the Border damsel who saved her lover by the sacrifice of her own life, some flat, poor stanzas, which begin thus 'Sweet Ellen Irwin, when she sat Upon the braes of Kirtle, Was lovely as a Grecian maid Adorned with wreaths of myrtle.' And that on Scottish ground, too, and with the pas- sionate music of the old lyrical cry ringing in his ears 'I wish I were where 'Helen lies; Night and day on me she cries ; Oh that I were where Helen lies, On fair Kirkonnel lea. Curst be the heart that thought the thought, And curst the hand that fired the shot, When in my arms Burd Helen dropt, And died to rescue me. Oh, think na ye my heart was sair, When my love dropt down and spak nae mair; I laid her down wi' mickle care On fair Kirkonnel lea. INAUGURAL LECTURE. I/ As I went down the water side, None but my foe to be my guide, None but my foe to be my guide, On fair Kirkonnel lea, I lighted down my sword to draw, I hacked him in pieces sma", On fair Kirkonnel lea. I would my grave were growing green, A winding-sheet drawn o'er my e'en, And I in Helen's arms were lying On fair Kirkonnel lea. I wish I were where Helen lies; Night and day on me she cries ; And I am weary of the skies Since my love died for me.' Now it may be said that I am dissecting words somewhat captiously: this might be so, if I thought Mr. Ruskin any nearer the truth in the spirit of these criticisms, than he is in the letter of them. As to their form, that, no doubt, is comparatively unimportant. When he says that poetry not first-rate adds altogether to human weariness, in a most uncom- fortable manner, I may imagine that I catch the tones of a famous voice, whose natural accent is a Scottish one a voice which belongs not so much to Mr. Ruskin as to an elder if not a better dogmatizer. I may think that even if Mr. Ruskin be the appointed heir of our well-known Chelsea Elijah, it might have c 1 8 LECTURE I. been more discreet to wait, before wrapping himself in the familiar mantle, until the prophet in pos- session had let it drop. But I am quite willing to acknowledge that a man may state his case crudely and violently, and yet be right in the main. Can we say this, however, in the present instance ? Honestly, I think not. After all, people must be educated, or must educate themselves, through the capacities they have, and not through those which they have not. Accordingly, one boy cannot write a letter to a school- fellow without scribbling horses, and huntsmen, and little wiry terriers, all over the paper ; another steals down in the grey of the morning, with his nightgown still on, to pick out tunes upon the pianoforte before it is wanted for those inevitable scales; a third, in my day, used to know Marmion and the Bride of Abydos, now he knows the Idylls of the King by heart, and delights himself with flabby imitations of Tennyson, or Byron, or Scott. Now, if you say to the first of these lads, f You will never become a Raphael or a Titian, and therefore never let me hear of your touching a pencil again; 3 to the second, 'Do you suppose you can hereafter rival Beethoven or Mozart ? keep therefore away from the pianoforte, or conse- quences which I should deplore will be the result;' INAUGURAL LECTURE. 19 and to the third, c You are not a Shakespeare no, nor even a Tennyson therefore, if ever you stumble on a rhyme again, you must instantly be flogged j ' you would, in my opinion, be going altogether the wrong way to work. Instead of clearing the mind, as you intend, for the ordinary purposes of life, you only sour the temper and darken the understanding with the dust and smoke of an extinguished faculty. Leave, then, the young verse-makers alone j some of them, not always those whose apparent promise first meets the eye, are about to stand forth as the genuine poets of the on-coming time. In others, the impulse will gradually wear itself out, but not until it has imparted to the intellect a certain elasticity and glow of colour, which tends to heighten its attractiveness, and to increase its general power. But there is a third class, not usually of great importance, members of which, nevertheless, are lifted every now and then by the force of circumstances, and under the pressure of awakened passion, out of and above themselves ; so that we get high poetry from men who are not really high poets, and owe more than one of those ' Jewels, five words long, That on the stretched forefinger of old Time Sparkle for ever ' C 2 20 LECTURE I. to writers, either wholly unknown, or at least com- paratively obscure. For instance, what have we to do with Colonel Lovelace ? He was a gallant soldier, without question, famous for personal beauty among his contemporaries, able, popular, and accomplished; but so were many others then, who are now totally forgotten. If the times had been smooth, he would have gone on glittering at the Court of Charles I, and polishing up his love ditties, till he got tired of that work, with very little interest for us. But the times were not smooth. Civil war swept down as a sword, cutting family ties and old affections asunder. Then came the partings, c such as press the life out from young hearts ' the despairing appeals from sisters and sweet- hearts and mothers and wives, encountered with a re- sistance equally despairing on the part of brothers and lovers and husbands and sons. And I say that the spirit of England is stronger, and the literature of England richer even unto this day, because Colonel Lovelace was able to stand forth, for Puritan and Loyalist alike, out of the multitude of gentlemen and men of honour to stand forth and fix in living words that answer to such appeals, which has to be given by all true men, and accepted by all true women, as implacable and final for evermore : INAUGURAL LECTURE. 21 'Tell me not, sweet, I am unkind, That from the nunnery Of thy chaste breast and quiet mind To war and arms I fly. True, a new mistress now I chase, The first foe in the field, And with a stronger faith embrace A sword, a horse, a shield. Yet this inconstancy is such As thou, too, shalt adore; I could not love thee, dear, so much, Loved I not honour more.' A manly sentiment indeed, certain to live on with the English language in its own manly words words not unworthy to rank close up with that first great utterance of unselfish public duty, which yet speaks to the soul of man across the silence of three thousand years fls oliavbs &pi