GIFT OF 
 Mrs. Robert Shuey 
 
LATIN 
 PROSE COMPOSITION 
 
 BASED ON CAESAR, NEPOS, AND CICERO 
 
 BY 
 
 CHARLES CROCKER DODGE, B.A. 
 
 CLASSICAL AND HIGH SCHOOL, SALEM, MASS. 
 AND 
 
 HIRAM AUSTIN TUTTLE, JR., M.A. 
 
 POLYTECHNIC INSTITUTE, BROOKLYN, N.Y. 
 
 NEW YORK-:- CINCINNATI-:. CHICAGO 
 
 AMERICAN BOOK COMPANY 
 
GIFT OF 
 
 jf&Ajjjc\ 
 
 COPYRIGHT, 1898, BY 
 AMERICAN BOOK COMPANY, 
 
 LATIN PROSE COMP. 
 W. P. 4 
 
PREFACE 
 
 IN the preparation of this work for the use of schools, an 
 attempt has been made to combine the advantages of the older 
 systematic with the newer discursive method. In the former too 
 much attention was paid to syntax, too little to the author read ; 
 while in the latter the pupil has not been given an opportunity to 
 gain a sufficiently clear idea of Latin usage to help him in his sub- 
 sequent work. In our attempt to profit by the successful features 
 of both methods, each exercise has been arranged with the follow- 
 ing aims : 
 
 1. To give the pupil a comprehensive view of the various ways 
 in which some particular grammatical relation may be expressed. 
 
 2. To illustrate these by an exercise based upon a limited por- 
 tion of the text read, with especial care to introduce only such 
 words and idioms as are to be found in the text. 
 
 3. To make each exercise serve also as a review both of topics 
 previously studied and of constructions that have incidentally 
 occurred. 
 
 4. To give interest by making the exercises a connected synop- 
 sis of the author's work, avoiding in this, however, what might in 
 any possible way be used as a translation. 
 
 5. To give such work as will meet the demands of the best 
 private and public schools. 
 
 In pursuance of this plan, the Introduction has been divided 
 into Lessons, each of which treats of some specific grammatical 
 topic or group of related ideas as commonly expressed in classical 
 Latin. 
 
 
 M126840 
 
4 PREFACE 
 
 This classified statement, expressed in language easily under- 
 stood and illustrated by one simple example, gives a clear concep- 
 tion of the construction before the pupil is referred to the more 
 complex statement of the grammar. For different forms of 
 expression and further illustrative examples, there has been added 
 to each paragraph the particular reference to various grammars, 
 while the more general references have been placed at the head 
 of each lesson. No attempt has been made to cover all the con- 
 structions in Latin, but only such as are commonly needed in 
 secondary school work. 
 
 The Lesson may be treated as a special study while that por- 
 tion of the text on which the Exercise is based is being read, 
 and emphasis should be laid in class work on the topic under 
 consideration. For those who do not care to use the Lesson for 
 special study, the Introduction has been paragraphed for occa- 
 sional reference. 
 
 Although the connected narrative may appear formidable, yet 
 experience with several classes has shown that pupils can readily 
 handle these exercises. They have been graded to the ability as 
 developed, and are intended to bring out the characteristics of 
 the author. They are of such length that the teacher can give 
 a long or a short exercise, according to the ability of his class. 
 The Cicero Exercises are the most complex and general in char- 
 acter, and give a thorough drill in review of the constructions 
 required of preparatory classes. The Caesar and Nepos Exer- 
 cises may be used as tests, each for the other, the teacher giving 
 the less common words for vocabulary ; while either would give 
 excellent and systematic sight work for a class studying the Cicero 
 section. 
 
 We take pleasure in acknowledging our obligations to Mr. 
 Eugene D. Russell, Principal of the Lynn (Mass.) Latin School, 
 for careful examination of proof and valuable criticisms and 
 suggestions. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 LESSON 
 
 I. 
 
 II. 
 
 III. 
 
 IV. 
 
 V. 
 
 VI. 
 
 VII. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 IX. 
 
 X. 
 
 XI. 
 
 XII. 
 
 XIII. 
 
 XIV. 
 
 XV. 
 
 XVI. 
 
 XVII. 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 XIX. 
 
 XX. 
 
 XXI. 
 
 XXII. 
 
 XXIII. 
 
 XXIV. 
 
 XXV. 
 
 XXVI. 
 
 XXVII. 
 
 XXVIII. 
 
 XXIX. 
 
 XXX. 
 
 XXXI. 
 
 XXXII. 
 
 XXXIII. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Introd. Caes. Nep 
 
 Simple Arrangement of Sentence 7 54 82 
 
 Simple Agreements. Relatives 8 55 82 
 
 Periphrastic Conjugations. Tenses 9 55 83 
 
 Uses of the Infinitive 10 56 84 
 
 Ablative Absolute 12 57 85 
 
 Questions and Answers 13 58 86 
 
 Object Cases Accusative 14 59 86 
 
 Object Cases Genitive 16 59 87 
 
 Object Cases Dative 17 60 88 
 
 Object Cases Ablative 19 61 89 
 
 Passives 20 62 90 
 
 Possession: Genitive, Dative, Adjective, Pronoun, 22 63 91 
 
 Description By Phrase 23 64 92 
 
 Description By Clause 25 64 93 
 
 Means and Agency 26 65 94 
 
 Manner and Accompaniment 27 66 95 
 
 Comparison 28 67 95 
 
 Relations of Place 30 68 96 
 
 Relations of Time By Phrase 31 69 97 
 
 Relations of Time Dates 32 70 98 
 
 Relations of Time By Clause 34 70 99 
 
 Use and Sequence of Tenses 35 71 100 
 
 Cause 37 72 102 
 
 Purpose By Phrase 38 73 102 
 
 Purpose By Clause 40 74 103 
 
 Result 41 75 104 
 
 Conditions Simple Statement 42 75 105 
 
 Conditions Contrary to Fact 44 76 106 
 
 Concession and Proviso 45 77 107 
 
 Indirect Discourse Declarative Sentences . 46 78 108 
 
 Indirect Discourse Conditional Sentences . . 48 79 109 
 
 Indirect Discourse Questions and Commands . 49 80 no 
 
 Informal Indirect Discourse and Attraction . .50 81 in 
 
6 CONTENTS 
 
 LESSON PAGE 
 
 XXXIV. Commands and Exhortations 51 
 
 XXXV. Wishes 52 
 
 XXXVI. Potential and Deliberative .... 52 
 
 EXERCISES BASED ON CAESAR '" : 
 
 Book II 54 
 
 Book III 58 
 
 Book IV 64 
 
 Book I 74 
 
 EXERCISES BASED ON NEPOS 
 
 Miltiades 82 
 
 Themistocles 85 
 
 Aristides and Pausanias 86 
 
 Cimon 87 
 
 Lysander 88 
 
 Alcibiades ." . . . 89 
 
 Thrasybulus 91 
 
 Conon 92 
 
 Dion 93 
 
 Epaminondas . . 95 
 
 Pelopidas . 96 
 
 Agesilaus 97 
 
 "TV^enes 99 
 
 Phocion e 102 
 
 Timoleon 102 
 
 Hamilcar . . 103 
 
 ll -J Hannibal 104 
 
 Cato 107 
 
 Atticus 108 
 
 EXERCISES BASED ON CICERO 
 
 I Catiline 112 
 
 II Catiline . 116 
 
 III Catiline 119 
 
 IV Catiline . . , . 122 
 
 Archias 125 
 
 Manilian Law 128 
 
 SPECIMEN EXAMINATION PAPERS 137 
 
LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 LESSON I 
 
 [H. = Harkness' Complete Latin Grammar, 1898. References to Harkness' Standard Latin 
 Grammar are inclosed in parentheses. M. = Mooney. A. = Allen and Greenough. 
 G. = Gildersleeve. B. = Bennett.] 
 
 Simple Arrangement of Sentence. [H. 663-665 : 671-680 
 
 (560-569). M. 471. A. 343-345. 0.671-683. 6.348-350.] 
 
 1. In a Latin sentence the most important word usually 
 stands first. As a rule, this is the subject, while the verb, 
 being unemphatic, is placed near the end of the sentence. 
 The position of the verb sum is governed by euphony, but 
 this verb, when used in the sense of there+is, etc. precedes 
 its subject : cum Caesar esset in Gallia, erat coniuratio, when 
 Caesar was in Gaul, there was a conspiracy. [H, 664: 665 (561). 
 M. 471. A. 344 & c. G. 672-674. B. 348: 349.] 
 
 2. Adjectives and Genitives, unless emphatic, follow Vir 
 nouns. Demonstratives and adjectives of quantity and of 
 number precede their nouns : duas legiones novas conscribit, 
 he enrolls tivo new legions. When a noun is modified by 
 both an adjective and a genitive, the usual order is Adjec- 
 tive, Genitive, Noun : in commum Belgarum coiicilio, in the 
 common council of the Belgae. [671, i &4= 675 (565, 2). M.47i. 
 A. 344, a, 2 & b. G. 676 & R. i, 2 & 4. B. 350, I & 4 with d, 5.] 
 
 3. Adverbs generally precede the words they modify : 
 eos magnopere cohortatus profectus est, after exhorting them 
 earnestly, he set out. [H. 672-674, 678 (567). M. 471. A. 344, b. 
 G. 677. B. 350, 6.] 
 
 7 
 
LATIN, PROSE COMPOSITION 
 
 4. Conjunctions and interrogatives generally begin their 
 clauses : cum quaereret quae civitates in armis esseiit, when 
 he asked what states were in arms. [H. 675: 677 (569,111). 
 M.47I. A. 344, b. 6.675. B. 350, 5, a & 8.] 
 
 5. Prepositions regularly precede ; but with a modified 
 noun the order is frequently Modifier, Preposition, Noun : 
 summa cum laude, with Jdghest honors. [H. 671, 5: 676 (569, 
 11,3). M. 471. A. 345, a. G. 678 & R. 2. B. 350, 7 & b.~\ 
 
 6. The words fere, paene, prope, autem, enim, quidem, 
 quoque, vero, and usually itaque, never stand first : hie 
 enim ventus ab septentrionibus oritur, for this wind rises in 
 the north. [H. 677 (569, III). M. 471. A. 345, b. G. 677, R. i : 679. 
 B. 350, 8.] 
 
 Study carefully the author's arrangement of words, and 
 notice why the order varies from the regular arrange- 
 ment. 
 
 LESSON II 
 Simple Agreements. Relatives. [H. 387: 388 : 393: 394: 
 
 396: 399: 404 (362: 363: 368: 371: 438: 439: 445 : 46o). M. 174: 177- 
 179: 182: 184: 256. A. 173: 176: 177: 182-187: 198: 204. G. 203: 
 211: 289: 290: 320: 321: 325: 328: 614. B. 166-169: 233-235: 250- 
 254.] 
 
 7. A noun denoting the same person or thing as another 
 noun, agrees with it in case. Such a noun may be either 
 an appositive (i.e. in the same part of the sentence) or a 
 predicate noun (i.e. one used to form the predicate with 
 the verb sum or a verb of similar meaning) : ad flumen 
 Axonam, to the river Axona ; Labienus erat legatus, Labte- 
 nus was lieutenant. [H. 393, with 8 & 9 (362: 363). M. 174, 2 
 &3: 179. A. 176: 184, with a& b. G. 21 1: 320: 321: 325. 6.167: 168 
 & 2: 169, I & 2.] 
 

 INTRODUCTION 9 
 
 8. An adjective is put into the same gender, number, 
 and case as the noun it limits : reliquas legiones in acie 
 constituit, he drew up the other legions in line of battle. 
 [H. 394 (438). M. 178. A. 1 86, with a & b. G. 289: 290. B. 234: 235.] 
 
 9. A relative agrees with its antecedent in gender and 
 number ; the case depends upon the construction of its 
 own clause : duas legiones quae conscriptae erant in Galliam 
 misit, he sent the tzvo legions wJiich had been enrolled into 
 Gaul. [H. 396: 399 (445 & 2 )- M - l82 > J & 5- A - J 98. G. 614. 
 B. 250, I : 251, I.] 
 
 10. A verb and its subject agree in number and person : 
 castra amplius milibus passuum'octo in latitudinem patebant, 
 
 the camp extended more than eight miles in breadth. [H. 388 
 & i (460). M. 174, i. A. 204. G. 211. B. 254, i & 2.] 
 
 LESSON III 
 Periphrastic Conjugations. Tenses. [H. 236: 237: 431: 
 
 526-540(233: 234: 388: 466-473). M. 98: 207: 305-313: 352. A. 129: 
 147: 232: 276-281: 293, a Si b, I & 2: 294. G. 129: 223-247: 251: 355. 
 B. 115: 189, I : 257-264: 293, I.] 
 
 11. Such English expressions as Caesar intends or is 
 about to do this, are translated into Latin by using the 
 active periphrastic conjugation : Caesar hoc facturus est, 
 Caesar intends to do this. [H. 236 (233). M. 98, i. A. 293, a & b, 
 i & 2. G. 129: 247. B. 115.] 
 
 12. Such English expressions as Caesar must or has tj 
 do this and this must be done by Caesar are translated into 
 Latin by using the passive periphrastic conjugation, the 
 agent being expressed by the Dative case : Caesari hoc 
 
10 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION 
 
 faciendum est, Caesar had to do this. [H. 237: 431 (234: 388). 
 M. 98, 2: 207. A. 232: 294. G. 251: 355. B. 115: 189, i.] 
 
 13. Dum, meaning while, takes the Present Indicative, 
 even when referring to past time : dum haec geruntur, 
 Caesar discesserat, while this was going on, Caesar had 
 departed. [H. 533, 4 (467, III, 4). M. 352. " A. 276, <?. G. 229, R. 
 B. 293, L] 
 
 14. The Imperfect is used to denote the continuance or 
 repetition of an action in past time ; the Perfect, to denote 
 the simple occurrence : ad eum crebri rumores adferebantur, 
 many reports were brought to him ; classl Datim praefecit, 
 he put Datis in command of the fleet. [H. 534: 537 (468: 469: 
 
 471, I & II). M. 306, 1-3: 307. A. 277: 279. G. 231 : 239. B. 260, I & 
 2 : 262, B.] 
 
 15. With iam, iam diu, iam dudum, the Present often de- 
 notes an action begun in past time and continuing in the 
 present; the Imperfect denotes an action continuing in 
 past time, but begun at some previous time : iam diu cupio, 
 now for a long time I have been desiring ; iam dudum cupie- 
 bam, / had been desiring for a long time ; ad mortem te, 
 Catilina, duel iam pridem oportebat, long since, Catiline, ought 
 you to have been led to death. [H. 533, i : 535, i (467, III, 2 : 469, 
 II, 2). M. 305, 6: 306, 4. A. 276, a: 277, b. G. 230: 234. B. 259, 4: 
 260. 4.] 
 
 LESSON IV 
 Uses of the Infinitive. [H. 70: 415: 606: 607: 613: 614: 617- 
 
 620: 641: 642 (42, II, 2, N.: 523, I: 532-538.) M. 28, 3: 260-276: 392. 
 A. 29, 2, c\ 240, /: 270-272: 275: 288: 336, I & A. G. 279-281 : 420: 422: 
 423: 650: 653. B. 15, 3: 270: 325-331-] 
 
 16. The Infinitive mood has the qualities of both a 
 verb and a noun. It is a verb because it denotes time 
 
INTRODUCTION I I 
 
 relative to that of the sentence in which it stands, gov- 
 erns the same case as it does in its other moods, is limited 
 by adverbs, and may have a subject, which subject is in 
 the Accusative case. [H. 415: 606(532: 536). M. 261 : 266. A. 
 
 240, /: note before 270. G. 279: 420. B. 325.] 
 
 17. The Infinitive as a noun is neuter : transire flumen 
 erat difficillimum, to cross the river was very difficult. 
 [H. 70 (42, II, 2, N.). M. 28, 3. A. 29, 2, c. G. 422. B. 15, 3.] 
 
 18. The Infinitive is regularly used, with its subject 
 Accusative, as the object of verbs which express or imply 
 thought or feeling. This use is called Indirect Discourse, 
 because the quoted thought is not stated in the words of 
 the thinker, but is made a part of the whole sentence : eos 
 pulsos esse dixeram, / had said that these zvere defeated ; 
 putat confirmari regnum Persarum ipsis utile esse, he thinks 
 that it is to their advantage to strengthen the kingdom of 
 the Persians. [11.613: 614: 641: 642 (523, 1: 535). M. 268: 392. 
 
 A. 272 : 336, I. G. 650. B. 331, I & II.] 
 
 19. The Infinitive is often used to complete a verbal 
 idea, as in English after can, dare, etc. This is called the 
 Complementary Infinitive : subsidia conlocari non poterant, 
 
 reserves cotild not be stationed. [H. 607, with i & 2 (533). M. 261. 
 A. 271. G. 423. B. 328, i.] 
 
 20. In the complementary Infinitive the Present tense 
 is generally used. In the Infinitive of indirect discourse, 
 the Present tense stands for the Present Indicative, the 
 Future for the Future or the Future Perfect, and the Per- 
 fect for the Imperfect, Perfect, or Pluperfect (cf. 148). 
 
 [H. 617-620 (537). M. 260, 1-3: last part of 261. A. 288, c\ 336, A. G. 
 280, i, (a) : 281, i & 2: 653. B. 270. i & a-c, 2 & 3.] 
 
12 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION 
 
 LESSON V 
 Ablative Absolute. [H. 489: 640 (431: 550). M. 255: 279. 
 
 A. 255 : 290. G. 282 : 409. B. 227 : 336:] 
 
 21. The Ablative Absolute stands unconnected in gram- 
 matical construction with the rest of the sentence. 
 
 22. Various ideas, as of Time, Cause, Concession, Con- 
 dition, Previous Action, etc. expressed in English by a 
 clause, may be translated into Latin by the use of the 
 Ablative absolute. 
 
 23. The Ablative absolute, though used with the Pres- 
 ent, is commonly used where in English the idea is ex- 
 pressed by the Perfect active participle. As there is no 
 Perfect active participle in Latin, the Perfect passive parti- 
 ciple in the Ablative absolute construction must be used : 
 Gallia pacata, Caesar ad Italiam profectus est, having sub- 
 dued Gaul, Caesar set out for Italy. 
 
 24. In deponent verbs, however, the Perfect passive 
 participle, having an active meaning, directly translates 
 the English Perfect active participle, and the Ablative 
 absolute is rarely used : hostes adorti fugaverunt, having 
 attacked the enemy, they put them to flight. \ 
 
 NOTE. Do not use the Ablative absolute when the 
 participle in Latin can agree with either the subject or 
 the object of the predicate : hostes impeditos vicit, Jie de- 
 feated the enemy while they were impeded ; eius flamma 
 perterriti classiarii manere non audebant, terrified by the 
 flame of this, the sailors did not dare remain. 
 
INTRODUCTION 1 3 
 
 LESSON VI 
 / 
 
 Questions and Answers. [H. 183: 377,4= 378-380: 511: 650 
 
 &i(i88&II, 4: 305: 35!-353: 454)- ^.83: 85: 151: 384-386. A. 210- 
 212. G. 109: 1 10: 450-459: 462-466: 468-471. 6.90: 162: 300,4,0.] 
 
 25. Questions in Latin are not shown by the order of 
 the words. There should usually be two signs of a direct 
 question: (i) an interrogative word at the beginning; 
 (2) a mark of interrogation (?) at the end. 
 
 26. -ne is affixed to the most important word generally 
 to the verb, which then stands first. -ne shows merely 
 that a question is asked and does not imply the kind of 
 answer expected : eratne Miltiades Atheiiiensis ? zvas Mil- 
 tiades an Athenian ? [H. 378 & 2 (351, with i & 2). M. 385, i & 2. 
 
 A. 210, a. G. 454. B. 162, 2, *).] 
 
 27. Nonne (non -f- -ne) shows that an affirmative answer 
 is expected. Num shows that a negative answer is expected: 
 nonne CicerS orator fuit ? was not Cicero an orator ? num 
 Cicero Atheiiieiisis erat? Cicero ivas not an Athenian, was 
 he ? [H. 378 (351, i, N. 2 & 3). M. 385, 3 & 4. A. 210, c. G. 455 : 45 6 - 
 
 B. 162, 2, a) & ).] 
 
 28. When an interrogative pronoun or adverb introduces 
 the question, do not use -ne, nonne, or num: quern vidit? 
 whom did he see ? quomodo Themistocles mortuus est ? 
 how did Themistocles die ? 
 
 29. In translating into Latin, for the word how in such 
 expressions as how easily, how illustrious, etc. use quam, 
 unless some special interrogative word like quantus, how 
 great, or quot, how many, etc. can be used : quam facile 
 
14 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION 
 
 Caesar Gallos vicit ? Jwiv easily did Caesar conquer the 
 Gauls f quot hominum interf ecti sunt ? hozv many men 
 were killed? 
 
 30. An answer in Latin corresponding to yes is gener- 
 ally expressed by the repetition of the verb, or some other 
 emphatic word ; corresponding to no, by such repetition 
 with a negative : Discessitne Catilma ? Discessit. Did 
 Catiline depart? Yes. Romaene Miltiades habitabat? 
 Non Romae. Did Miltiades live at Rome ? No. [H. 379 
 (353, I & 2, with N. 3). M. 386. A. 212 & a. 0.471. B. 162, 5, a & b.~\ 
 
 31. In a double question, utrum or -ne stands with the 
 first part, and an (annon in direct, necne in indirect ques- 
 tions, or not) at the beginning of the second : utrum Cicero 
 an Caesar maior erat ? was Cicero or Caesar the greater ? 
 [H. 380 & i : 650 & i (353, i & 2, with N. 3). M. 385, 5 & N." A. 21 1. G. 
 458: 459- B. 162, 4: 300, 4, a.~] 
 
 LESSON VII 
 Object Cases i. Accusative. [H. 404-406: 409-411 & 2-4: 
 
 412 : 413 : 416, 2 : 421 & I (371 : 373 : 374, with 2 & N. 3 & 4: 376 : 378, I 
 &2: 381 & N. i). M. 184: 190-192: 194: 195: 198: 200. A. 237-239: 
 239, I & 2, b & c, with N. I : 240, a, b & d. G. 330 : 331 & R. I : 333, I, R. I 
 &2: 333, 2, R.: 334 & R. : 339: 340: 343, I. B. 172-179, I: 183.] 
 
 32. Many verbs which in English have a direct object 
 in Latin govern not the Accusative case, but the Genitive, 
 Dative, or Ablative : senatui persuadet, he persuades the 
 senate ; einon placet, it does not please him. 
 
 ,33. The direct object of a transitive verb is in the Accu- 
 sative : nuntium misit, he sent a messenger. [11.404: 405 (371). 
 M. 184. A. 237. G. 330. B. 172-176, i.] 
 
INTRODUCTION 1 5 
 
 34. A second Accusative, denoting the same person or 
 thing as the direct object, is sometimes used generally 
 as a predicate Accusative with verbs of naming, choos- 
 ing, making, etc. .* Ciceronem consulem creaverunt, they 
 elected Cicero (to be) consul. [H. 410, with i & 2 (373). M. 191. 
 
 A. 239, I & a. G. 340. B. 177, i & 2.] 
 
 35. An Accusative of the person is sometimes used with 
 the Accusative of the thing after verbs of teaching and 
 asking. But some verbs, such as peto, postulo, and quaero 
 take an Ablative of the person with a preposition, instead 
 of the Accusative : milites belli rationem docebat, he taugJit 
 the soldiers the art of war ; auxilium a Lacedaemoniis pet~- 
 verunt, they asked aid of the Lacedaemonians. [H. 411 & 2-4 
 (374, 2, N. 3 & 4). M. 192. A. 239, 2 & c, with N. i. G. 339 & R. i & 2. 
 
 B. 178, i, a)-*).] 
 
 36. Transitive verbs, when compounded with circum or 
 trans, may take two Accusatives : equites flumen traduxit, 
 
 he led the cavalry across the river. [H. 413 (376). M. 194. A. 
 239, 2, b. G. 331 & R. I. B. 175, 2, )&i): 179, i.] 
 
 37. An intransitive verb sometimes takes the Accusa- 
 tive of a noun of similar meaning, generally qualified by 
 an adjective (cf. the English to live a good life). This is 
 the Cognate (kindred meaning) Accusative. Often an 
 adjective in the neuter Accusative is thus used substan- 
 tively : bonam vitam vivebat, he lived a good life ; plurimum 
 valebat, he had a very great influence. [H. 409 & i (371, II). 
 M. 190. A. 238. G. 333, i, R. i : 333, 2, R. B. 176, 2 & 4.] 
 
 38. A neuter adjective or pronoun is often used with 
 adverbial force : quid hoc factum est ? why was this done ? 
 
 [H. 416, 2 (378, I & 2). M. 195 : 198. A. 240, a & b. G. 333, i, R. 2: 334 
 & R. B. 176, 3.] 
 
1 6 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION 
 
 39. The Accusative, generally modified by an adjective, 
 is used in exclamations: O fortunatos elves! O fortunate 
 citizens ! [H. 421 & i (381 & N. i). M. 200. A. 240, </. G. 343, \, 
 B. 183.] 
 
 LESSON VIII 
 Object Cases 2. Genitive. Partitive Genitive. [H. 44 o, 
 
 with 2, 5 &N.-444: 449-451 : 453-458 (396, III & IV: 397: 399: 406-410). 
 M. 216: 225-230. A. 216-222. G. 363: 367-372: 374: 376-378: 381: 
 382. B. 200: 201: 204: 2O6-2I2.] 
 
 40. An Objective Genitive is used with nouns which 
 denote action or feeling : imperium Galliae, the rule of (over) 
 Gaul. [H. 440, 2 (396, III). M. 216. A. 217. G. 363, 2. B. 200 & i.] 
 
 41. An Objective Genitive is used with adjectives of im- 
 plied action to define their reference : coniurationis memor, 
 mindful of the conspiracy ; huius coniugii cupidus Callias fuit, 
 Callias was desirous of this alliance. [H. 450 & i .- 451 : 453 (399, 
 
 I&II). M. 226, i&2. A. 218, a&b. G. 374, with N. 4 & 5. 6.204,1.] 
 
 42. With verbs of remembering and forgetting, a person 
 used as object is usually put in the Genitive ; a thing thus 
 used is put in either the Genitive or the Accusative. Verbs 
 of remembering in the sense of recalling take generally 
 the Accusative : sociorum meminit, he remembers his allies ; 
 illam rem recorder, / recall that circumstance. [H. 454 & 1-4: 
 455 (406, II: 407). M. 227. A. 219 & b. G. 376, with R. i & 2. B. 206, 
 I & 2: 207.] 
 
 43. Verbs of accusing, condemning, and acquitting take 
 the Genitive of the Charge or the Penalty : Miltiades pro- 
 ditionis accusatus est, Miltiades zvas accused of treason. 
 [H. 456 & 1-4 (409, II : 410, II). M. 228. A. 220. G. 378 &R. B. 208, I.] 
 
INTRODUCTION 17 
 
 44. Verbs of feeling take the Genitive. The imper- 
 sonate miseret, paenitet, piget, pudet, and taedet take the 
 Accusative of the person and the Genitive of the thing. 
 Refert and interest take the Genitive of the person, if 
 not expressed by a personal pronoun, the thing being the 
 subject : eos iniuriae paenitet, they repent of their injustice ; 
 rei publicae refert Catilmam discedere, it is for the good of 
 the state that Catiline sJiould depart. [H. 449, i : 457 (406-409, 
 I&III). M. 229: 230. A. 221 : 222. G. 377: 381: 382. B. 209-211,1, 
 
 2& 4 .] 
 
 45. Also note the Partitive Genitive, denoting the whole 
 of which a part is taken. Cardinal numerals often take a 
 partitive Ablative with a preposition instead of the Geni- 
 tive : plurimi Gallorum superati sunt, very many of the Gauls 
 were overcome ; septuaginta ex navibus ei datae sunt, seventy 
 of the ships were given to him ; Cimoii satis eloquentiae 
 habebat, Cimon was quite eloquent. [H. 440, 5 & N.-444 (396, IV : 
 397). M. 225. A. 216 & c. G. 367-372. B. 201, i, with a & 2.] 
 
 LESSON IX 
 Object Cases 3. Dative. [H. 423-427: 429: 432: 434: 435 
 
 (384-386: 389: 391). M. 202: 205: 208: 209: 211: 214. A. 225-229: 
 234: 235. G. 345-347: 350: 351: 353: 359. B. 187: 188: 192.] 
 
 46. The Dative is used with many verbs which appear 
 in English to be transitive. Carefully examine the lists in 
 the references : mihi persuadet, he persuades me. [H. 426, 
 
 with i & 2 (385). M. 205. A. 227. G. 346. B. 187, II, a, with N.] 
 
 47. The Dative of the indirect object (i.e. of the person 
 or thing indirectly affected by the action) is used (i) with a 
 
 LAT. PROSE COMP. 2 
 
1 8 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION 
 
 transitive verb, together with the direct object ; or (2) with 
 an intransitive verb, without a direct object : Themistocles 
 rei publicae se dedit, Themistocles devoted himself to pub He 
 affairs ; Ciceroni respondet, he replies to Cicero. [H. 423 : 424 
 & i: 425 (384, I & II). M. 205. A. 225: 226. G. 345: 346: 350, 2. 
 B. 187, I & II.] 
 
 48. The Dative is used with many verbs, both transi- 
 tive and intransitive, compounded with the prepositions ad, 
 ante, con, in, inter, ob, post, prae, pro, sub, super, and some- 
 times circum. Consult the lexicon freely for these com- 
 pounds : Gallis bellum Inferebat, he ivas making war upon 
 the Gauls. [H. 429 & 3 (386). M. 202. A. 228. 0.347. 6.187,111, 
 with i & 2.] 
 
 49. The Dative (especially of a person) is used with 
 many verbs of depriving, instead of the Ablative of sepa- 
 ration (cf. 53) : scutum militi detraxit, he snatched the shield 
 from the soldier. [H. 427: 429, 2 (385, 2: 386, 2). M. 211. A. 229. 
 G. 345 & R. i : 347, R. 5. B. 188, 2, d.~\ 
 
 50. The Dative is used with many adjectives, especially 
 those of fitness, nearness, and likeness : Alcibiadi par nemo 
 in civitate ponebatur, no one in the state was considered 
 Alcibiades equal. [H. 434 & 2 (391, I). M. 214. A. 234, a. G. 
 359. B. 192, i & 2.] 
 
 51. The Dative is often used when it refers to the 
 sentence as a whole, rather than to any one word, and 
 denotes the person to whose interest the action occurs. 
 This is the Dative of reference : mihi in animum venit, it 
 came to my attention. [H. 425, 2 & 4: 432 (384, 4: 389). M. 208: 
 
 209. A. 235, with a & b. G. 350: 351 : 353. B. 188, I & 2, b.~] 
 
id 
 
 INTRODUCTION 19 
 
 LESSON X 
 
 Object Cases 4. Ablative. Separation, Source, Specifica- 
 tion, Price. [H. 461-465= 467-469: 477 : 47 8: 48o (413-415: 421: 
 422: 424). M. 234: 236-238, i: 251-253. A. 243: 244: 249: 252: 253. 
 G. 390: 395 : 397 : 44 : 46 : 47- 6.214: 215: 218, i& 2: 225: 226.] 
 
 52. The Ablative is used with utor, fruor, fungor, potior, 
 vescor, and their compounds : quo usque abutere patientia 
 nostra, how far wilt thou abiise our patience ? [H. 477, 1 (421, 
 I). M. 253. A. 249. G. 407. B. 218, i.] 
 
 53. The Ablative of separation without a preposition is 
 used with verbs of freeing, removing, needing, and depriv- 
 ing. Compounds of ab, de, and ex generally repeat the 
 preposition with the Ablative when expressing motion or 
 separation. Consult the lexicon freely for these words : 
 metu liberati sunt, they ^vere relieved of (from) their fear ; 
 Themistocles e civitate eiectus est, Themistocles was ban- 
 ished from the state. [H. 461-465 (413: 414). M. 236: 237. A. 
 243. G. 390, i & 2. B. 214, & 1-3.] 
 
 54. Source is expressed by the Ablative with a preposi- 
 tion, but with participles of birth and origin the preposi- 
 tion may be omitted : Belgae ab extremis Galliae finibus 
 oriuntur, the country of the Belgians begins at (from) the 
 extreme borders of Ganl ; natus rege, the son of a king. 
 [H. 467: 469 (413: 415 & II). M. 234. A. 244 &a. G. 395. B. 215.] 
 
 55. The Ablative is used with the nouns opus and usus, 
 need: virtute opus erat, there was need of courage. [H. 477, 
 III (414, IV). M. 252. A. 243, e. G. 406. B. 218, 2.] 
 
 56. The Ablative is used to denote in what particular 
 an expression is to be regarded as true : celeritate supera- 
 
20 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION 
 
 bant, they excelled in swiftness (not in strength or pru- 
 dence). [H. 480 (424). M. 238, i. A. 253. G. 397. B. 226.] 
 
 57. The Ablative is used to denote price and definite 
 value : sestertium quinque milibus eum corrupit, he bribed 
 him with 5000 sesterces. [H. 478 (422). M. 251. A. 252. G. 404. 
 
 B. 225.] 
 
 * 
 
 LESSON XI 
 Passives. [H. 404, 2: 410,1: 411,1: 413: 426,3: 468: 518:611 
 
 (373> 2 : 374, I : 376, N. : 384, II, 5 : 415, I, 2 : 464 : 465 : 534, I, with N. I 
 & 2). M. 174, 3: 184, N. I : 193: 205, N.: 247, I & 2: 274. A. 146,^: 
 177,0: 230: 237, a\ 239, l,a, N. 2: 239, 2, b, N. 2 : 239, c, N. 2 : 246: 248, 
 c\ 330,3, I & 2: 330, c. G. 206: 214: 216: 217: 251,2: 339, 3 & N. 4: 
 340, R. I : 346, R. I : 401 : 528, I & 2. B. 177, 3: 178, 2 & a: 179, 3: 187, 
 II, : 216: 256: 332.] 
 
 The following changes (58-62) occur in passing from 
 the active to the passive construction : 
 
 58. The direct object of the active voice becomes the 
 subject of the passive, while the subject of the active 
 becomes either the Ablative of agent with a or ab, or the 
 Ablative of means without a preposition. 
 
 Active : Aquitani Valerium interfecerunt, the Aquitanians 
 
 killed Valerius. 
 Passive : Valerius ab Aquitanis interfectus est, Valerius was 
 
 killed by the Aquitanians. 
 
 [H. 404, 2: 468: 518(415,1,2: 464). M. 184, N. I : 247, 1 & 2. A. 177, a: 
 237, a: 246: 248, c. G. 214: 216: 401. B. 216.] 
 
 59. Verbs of creating, calling, etc. change both object 
 Accusatives of the active to Nominatives. 
 
 Active : Ciceronem consulem creaverunt, they elected Cicero 
 consul. 
 
INTRODUCTION 2 1 
 
 Passive : Cicero consul creatus est, Cicero was elected consul. 
 [H. 410, i (373, 2). M. 174, 3. A. 239, i, a, N. 2. G. 340, R. i. B. 177, 3.] 
 
 60. Verbs of asking, demanding, etc. may retain one 
 Accusative, usually that of the thing asked, demanded, 
 etc. ; but few verbs of this class are used in the Passive. 
 Active : Aristideii sententiam rogaverunt, they asked Aristi- 
 
 des his opinion. 
 Passive: Aristides sententiam rogatus est, Aris tides was 
 
 asked his opinion. 
 [H. 41 1, i (374, i). M. 193. A. 239, *:, N. 2. G. 339,3&N.4. B. 178,2 &.] 
 
 61. Verbs which in the active govern the Dative must 
 be used impersonally in the passive, while the Dative is 
 retained. 
 
 Active : navibus nocebant, they injured the ships. 
 Passive : navibus nocebatur, the ships were injured. 
 
 [H. 426, 3 (384, II, 5). M. 205, N. A. 230. G. 208, 2: 217: 346, R. I. 
 B. 187, II, b.~\ 
 
 62. Verbs of saying, thinking, etc. used in the passive 
 are usually personal in the Present, Imperfect, and Future, 
 and impersonal in the tenses formed on the Perfect stem. 
 These verbs in the second or passive periphrastic conjuga- 
 tion are impersonal. lubeo and veto are always personal 
 in the passive. 
 
 Active : putamus Ciceronem maximum oratorem Romanum 
 fuisse, we tJiink that Cicero was the greatest Roman 
 orator. 
 
 Passive : Cicero maximus orator Romanus fuisse putatur, 
 Cicero is thought to have been the greatest Roman ora- 
 tor ; putatum est Ciceronem maximum oratorem fuisse, 
 it was thougJit that Cicero zvas the greatest orator. 
 
 [H. 611 (534, I, with N. I & 2). M. 274. A. 330, b, i & 2 : 330, c. G. 528, 
 I & 2. B. 332, a-d & N.] 
 
22 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION 
 
 Caution. Many verbs intransitive in Latin are transi- 
 tive in English, and so in English may be used personally 
 in the passive. This, however, cannot be done with their 
 Latin equivalents (see 61): the slave was spared, servo par- 
 citum est. ^ 
 
 LESSON XII 
 Possession : Genitive, Dative, Adjective, Pronoun. 
 
 [H. 348 : 353 : 430 : 439, with 3 & 4 : 440, I with N. 2 : 501-503 & I : 504 (330 : 
 33 I: 387: 395 N - 2: 396, I: 448: 449 & 0- M - 163, 2,5 & 6: 164: 212: 
 217: 433: 434. A. 99, a: 164, c,d&h\ 190: 195 & 1 : 196: 197 & a, I : 
 214, a&c: 231. G. 182, 5 & 7: 309: 349: 362: 364: 366. B. 151: 152: 
 190: 195: 198: 242-244: 247,2: 354,4: 359, i.] 
 
 63. Possession is generally expressed by the Genitive : 
 Atheniensium in coldniam missus est, Jie was sent into a 
 colony of the Athenians. [H. 439: 440, i (396, 1). M. 217, i & 2. 
 
 A. 214, a & c. G. 362 & R. 1-3 : 366. B. 195 : 198.] 
 
 64. Instead of the Genitive of personal pronouns, the 
 possessive adjectives are used, agreeing with the thing 
 possessed in gender, number, and case. In the third 
 person note the difference between the use of suus (re- 
 flexive) and the Genitive of is, ea, id. Suus is an adjec- 
 tive and agrees, while is, ea, id is a pronoun and is used 
 in the Genitive case : nostri libri, our books ; suis copils 
 eorum castra adortus est, with his forces he attacked their 
 camp. [H. 440, i, N. 2: 501-503, i (448: 449, i, i)). M.433: 434. A. 
 99, a: 195 & I : 196, a, I : 197 & a, I. G. 309: 362, R. 1 : 364. B. 243, I 
 & a : 244, I & II : 247, 2.] 
 
 65. Derivative adjectives are sometimes used to denote 
 possession : Pompeianus, of Pompey ; alienus, belonging to 
 another (alius). [H. 348-353 (330: 331 : 395, N. 2). M. 163, 2, 5 & 6: 
 
 164. A. 164, c, d & h\ 190. G. 182, 5 & 7: 362, with R. I & 2. B. 151 : 
 
INTRODUCTION 23 
 
 66. Possession may be expressed by the Dative of the 
 possessor with the verb sum, having the thing possessed 
 as the subject : Thrasybiilo erat corona, facta duabus virgulis 
 oleagims, Thrasybulus had a crown, made of two olive 
 branches. [H. 430 (387). M. 212. A. 231. G. 349. B. 190.] 
 
 67. With the Genitive, the possessor is made emphatic ; 
 with the Dative the idea of possession is more prominent ; 
 habeo and similar verbs add the idea of holding or keep- 
 ing : Caesaris exercitus, Caesar S army ; Caesari exercitus 
 erat, Caesar had an army ; Caesar exercitum habebat, Caesar 
 had (and kept) an army. [H. 430 (387, footnote 3). M. 212, N. i. 
 A. 231, R. G. 349, R. 2 & 3. B. 359, i.] - 
 
 LESSON XIII 
 Description By Phrase. [H. 393 : 437 : 439 : 440, 3 : 448, with 
 
 l& 4 : 467: 470: 473,2(362: 363: 393: 395: 396, V: 404: 405: 415, III: 
 419, II & 111,2). M. 174, 3: 179: 215: 221-224: 235: 246. A. 184: 185: 
 213-215 & N. : 244: 251 & N. : 252, a & b. G. 288: 320: 321: 325: 360: 
 365: 379: 380: 400- B. 167-169: 197: 203: 224.] 
 
 68. To describe a noun in English, we may use such 
 expressions as a brave consul ; a consul of great bravery ; 
 the consul, a brave man ; the consul is a brave man. So in 
 Latin there may be used an adjective, a descriptive Geni- 
 tive or Ablative, an appositive or a predicate noun. 
 
 69. The Genitive of description is always qualified by an 
 adjective : opus summl laboris, a task of very great labor. 
 [H. 440, 3 (396, V&N. i). M. 222. A. 215 &N. G. 365. B. 203^ with i & 5.] 
 
 70. A Genitive of material is sometimes used, instead 
 of the more common Ablative with a preposition : anulus 
 
24 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION 
 
 auri, a ring of gold ; more usually, mensa e ligno, a table 
 of (from} wood. [H. 440, 3: 470 (396, V: 415, III). M. 221 : 235. 
 
 A. 214, e: 244. G. 368. B. 197.] 
 
 71. A descriptive Genitive . of measure is often used : 
 iter mille passuum, a journey of a mile. [H. 440, 3 (396, V). 
 M. 223. A. 215, b. G. 365, R. 2. B. 203, 2 & 5.] 
 
 72. The Genitive is used to denote indefinite value (cf. 
 57) : magni interest, it is of great importance ; in bello Cono- 
 nis opera magni fuit, in the war Conon's assistance was val- 
 uable. [H. 440, 3: 448, with I &4 (396, V: 404: 405). M. 224. A. 252, 
 with a & b. G. 379 : 380, I & 2. B. 203, 3 & 4.] 
 
 73. The Ablative of description is qualified by an ad- 
 jective or a genitive : Galli erant magno corpore, the Gauls 
 were of great stature. [H. 473, 2 (419, II). M. 246. A. 251 & N. 
 G. 400. B. 224 & 1-3.] 
 
 74. For description the Genitive and the Ablative are 
 often used without distinction ; but generally the Genitive 
 describes the essential qualities ; the Ablative, the physical. 
 
 [H. 473, 2, N. I (419, III, 2). M. 246, N. A. 215, N. : 251, a. G. 400, R. i. 
 
 B. 224, 3.] 
 
 75. Compare the Ablative of description with the Abla- 
 tive of specification (56): (i) a man of great courage ; (2) a 
 man great in courage. Note that in (i) the adjective 
 directly qualifies the describing noun and the descriptive 
 Ablative is used ; in (2) the adjective directly qualifies the 
 noun described and the Ablative of specification is used : 
 vir summa virtute ; vir summus virtute. 
 
 For the order and agreement of an adjective, see 2 
 and 8. 
 
 For description by appositive and predicate noun, see 7. 
 
INTRODUCTION 25 
 
 LESSON XIV 
 
 Description By Clause. [H. 396, with 2 & N. : 399 : 510 : 524 
 
 & i: 589 & I: 591,1, 5 & 7 (445 #4: 453= 475 n > I: 53)- M - l82: 3o: 
 383: 448: 450: 455. A. 197, 5: 198-201: 320. G. 610: 612-616: 621: 
 624: 631. B. 250, 1-4: 251, 1-6: 271 : 282, 3: 283, I & 2: 312, i.] 
 
 76. A noun may be described not only as in the pre- 
 vious lesson, but also by a relative- clause : the consul, zvho 
 is a brave man ; a consul who is a brave man. In the 
 first example, where some particular consul is in mind, 
 in Latin the Indicative is used ; in the second example, 
 where the antecedent is less definite, the Subjunctive is 
 generally used. 
 
 77. A relative clause regularly takes the Indicative, 
 unless there is some clearly defined reason to the con- 
 trary. The Indicative is the mood of fact, and is used 
 in all relative clauses which simply state facts, and where 
 the antecedents are definite without the relative clause: 
 consul qui fortis vir est, the consul, who is a brave man. 
 [H. 524 & I : 589 & I (475, II, i). M. 380. A. Remarks preceding 316. 
 G. 624. B. 312, i.] 
 
 78. A subjunctive of characteristic is used in a relative 
 clause, which adds an essential quality to an antecedent 
 otherwise too indefinite for clear understanding. This is 
 especially common with such words and expressions as 
 unus, solus, dignus, indignus, aptus, idoneus, sunt qui (there 
 are some zvho\ qui sunt qui (zuko are there who?): solus 
 erat qui non fugeret, lie was the only one who did not flee. 
 [H. 591, 1,5 &7 (503,1 &II). M. 383. A. 320, with a, b & f. G. 631, with 
 I, 2 & 3. B. 282, 3 : 283, I & 2.] 
 
26 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION 
 
 REMARKS ON THE USE OF RELATIVES 
 
 79. i. The relative cannot be omitted in Latin: homo 
 quern vidi, the man I saw. 
 
 2. While the relative agrees with its antecedent in 
 gender and number, it agrees rather with a predicate 
 noun in its own clause than with an antecedent of dif- 
 ferent gender or number from the predicate noun : Liger, 
 quod est Galliae flumeii, the Loire, which is a river of Gaul. 
 
 3. The antecedent may come in the relative clause. 
 This regularly happens if the relative clause comes before 
 the natural position of the antecedent : quam quisque for- 
 tunam habet, hac fruatur, let eacJi enjoy what fortune he has. 
 
 4. The relative often stands first in a sentence, refer- 
 ring to something that has preceded. In English, a 
 demonstrative pronoun is more common with a conjunc- 
 tion or conjunctive adverb : quae cum ita sint, now since 
 these things are so. 
 
 LESSON XV 
 Means and Agency. [H. 334-336 : 43 * & J = 467 : 468 : 476 : 477 : 
 
 638, I (326, i: 327, 2 & 3: 388: 415, I &N.: 418: 420: 421,11: 453, 2, N. 2: 
 549, I & 4). M. 161, 2 & 5 : 207: 247: 250. A. 162: 163, c & d\ 201, b\ 
 232 & N. : 246 & No : 246, R. & b : 248, c. G. 181, I & 6 : 355 : 401 : 405, N. 
 3. B. 147, i&4: 189: 216: 218, with 7 & 8: 337, 2, </.] 
 
 80. Means and agency are often expressed in English 
 by the use of the same preposition. In translating into 
 Latin, the distinction between means and agency must be 
 clearly drawn. 
 
 81. Means or instrument is expressed by the Ablative 
 without a preposition. It is also used with verbs and 
 

 INTRODUCTION 
 
 adjectives of fullness and plenty : giadio se defendebat, he 
 
 was defending himself by (means of} his sword. [H. 476: 
 
 477, II (420: 421, II). M. 247, I : 250. A. 248, <r, I & 2. G. 401 & R. : 
 405, N. 3. B. 218 & 8.J 
 
 82. The agent of a passive verb is expressed by the 
 Ablative with a or ab. This agent is generally personal 
 and voluntary : ab Dionysio expulsus est, he was expelled by 
 Dionysius. [H. 467: 468 (415, I). M. 247, 2. A. 246 & R. G. 401. 
 B. 216 & i.] 
 
 83. If the person is regarded as a means rather than 
 the real agent, per with the Accusative is used ; Caesar 
 also uses the Ablative without a preposition : Caesar per 
 legates certior factus est, Caesar was informed by (means of} 
 ambassadors. [11.468,3 (415, 1, I,N. i). M. 247,3. A.246, b. 6.401.] 
 
 84. With the passive periphrastic conjugation, the agent 
 is expressed by the Dative (12). If the verb governs also 
 an object Dative, the agent is expressed by the Ablative 
 with the preposition when confusion would otherwise arise : 
 nobis Catilma iam diu pertimescendus est, we have now for 
 a long time been obliged to fear Catiline ; ab imperatore ei 
 parcendum est, the general ought to spare him. [H. 43 1 * with 
 i & 3, N. (388 & N.).. M. 207 & N.I. A. 232 & N. G. 355 & R. 6.189,1 
 
 with a & 2.] 
 
 + 
 
 LESSON XVI 
 Manner and Accompaniment. [H. 304-310: 473 (i, 3 & N.), 
 
 474, 2, & N. I (303-305: 419, I & III, with footnote 3: 419, III, i & N.). 
 M. 148-151 : 244: 245. A. 148 : 248 & R. : 248, a & N. : 248, b: 253, N. G. 
 
 91: 92: 392: 399: 439. B. 157: 220-222 & I.] 
 
 85. The manner in which an action is done may be 
 expressed by the Ablative with cum. If a limiting adjec- 
 tive or Genitive is used, cum may be omitted : cum cura 
 castra muniebantur, the camp was being carefully (with 
 
28 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION 
 
 care) fortified ; par! modo Epaminondas superabat omnes in 
 ceteris artibus, in like manner Epaminondas surpassed all 
 in the other arts. [H. 473, 3 & N. (419, ill, with footnote 3 & N. 2). 
 
 M. 245. A. 248 & R. : 253, N. G. 399. B. 220 & I : 221.] 
 
 86. Accompaniment also is expressed by the Ablative 
 with cum. Cum may be omitted under the same condi- 
 tions as in 85, especially in military expressions. Verbs 
 of contention and similar words take the Ablative of ac- 
 companiment : secum aurum habebat, he had the gold with 
 him ; omnibus suis secutus est, he followed zvith all his 
 men ; Catilma cum civibus certavit, Catiline fonght with 
 his fellow-citizens. [H. 473, i: 474, 2, & N. i (419, I & III, i). 
 
 M. 244. A. 248, with a & N. : 248, b. G. 392 & R. B. 222 & I.] 
 
 87. Manner is frequently expressed by an adverb, espe- 
 cially when not qualified : celeriter progressus est, he ad- 
 vanced quickly (or with swiftness}. [H. 304: 306: 307: 309: 
 310(303: 305* V). M. 148-151. A. 148. G. 91: 92: 439. 6.157.] 
 
 LESSON XVII 
 Comparison. [H. 159: 311: 471: 479: 497-499: 516, 3: 591, 6 
 
 (170: 306: 417: 423: 440: 444: 459, 2: 503, II, 3). M. 67-71: 239: 
 248: 383, 3: 423: 426-429. A. 89-93: 192, with a & b: 193: 247 & a-d\ 
 250: 320, c: 332, : 336, c, N. 2. G. 86-89: 93: 291, R. 2: 296-303: 398: 
 43 : 439 : 631, 3 &R.: 638-644. 6.71-77: 217:223: 240: 241: 283, 2, a: 
 284,4: 341, I, <:).] 
 
 88. As in English, the comparative degree is used in 
 comparing two objects, the superlative in comparing more 
 than two. [H. 498(444). M. 67:426. A. 192: 193. 6.300.] 
 
 89. When both objects compared would naturally be in 
 the Nominative or the Accusative, the adverb quam, than, 
 may be omitted and the second object put in the Ablative 
 
INTRODUCTION 29 
 
 case. When quam is used, the objects compared must be 
 in the same case : Caesar erat Pompeio felicior, Caesar was 
 more successful than Pompey ; non minus ilia oratioiie quam 
 Leuctrica pugna, no less by that speech than by tJie battle at 
 Leuctra. [H. 471, with i & 3 (417 &. i, with N. i). M. 239, i & 2. 
 
 A. 247 & a. G. 296 & R. I : 398. B. 217, I & 2.] 
 
 90. With amplius, plus, minus, and longius, even when 
 quam is omitted, an expression of measure may be used 
 without change in case : amplius decem dies obsessionem 
 sustinebant, for wore than ten days they endured the siege. 
 [H. 471,4 (417, i, N. 2). M. 239, 3. A. 247,^. G. 296, R. 4. 6.217,3.] 
 
 91. When adjectives or adverbs are compared, both 
 generally have the form of the comparative degree ; but 
 magis, more, with positive forms is also used : audacius 
 quam prudeiitius, more boldly than wisely ; miser magis 
 quam improbus, (a matt) unfortunate rather than wicked. 
 
 [H. 159 & i : 499 i (444, 2). M. 429. A. 192, with a & b. G. 299. 
 
 B. 74 : 240, 4.] 
 
 92. To show by how much one object compared differs 
 from the other, the Ablative of degree (measure) of differ- 
 ence is used : multo magis hoc timeo, much the more do I 
 fear this. [H. 471, 10: 479 (417, 2 : 423). M. 248. A. 250. G. 403. 
 B. 223.] 
 
 93. If the second object compared is expressed by a 
 clause, quam, quam ut, or quam qul with the Subjunctive is 
 used : omnia faciebat quam (ut) coniurationi se adiungeret, he 
 
 did everything rather than join the conspiracy. [H. 591, 6 (503, 
 II, 3). M. 383, 3. A. 320, c\ 332, b-. 336, c, N. 2. G. 631, 3& R. B. 283, 
 2, a: 284,4.] 
 
 94. Note also the following peculiar uses : 
 
 I. Alius followed by ac (atque), than. [H. 471, 6: 516, 3 
 (459, 2). A. 247, d. G. 643. B. 341, i, *.] 
 
30 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION 
 
 2. Diets, etc., used instead of a clause. [H. 471, 8 (417, N. 
 
 5). M. 239, i. A. 247, b. 0.398, N.I. B. 217, 4.] 
 
 3. Summus, medius, etc. used to express what part of an 
 object is meant. [H. 497, 4 (440, 2, N. i & 2). M. 423. A. 193. 
 
 G. 291, R. 2. B. 241, i.] 
 
 4. Quam with superlatives denoting highest possible de- 
 gree. [H. 159, 2 (170, 2, (2)). A. 93,^. G. 303 &R. i. B. 240, 3.] 
 
 LESSON XVIII 
 Relations of Place. [H. 307: 308: 417 & 3-419: 461 : 462: 476: 
 
 483-485: 491 (305, I-III: 379: 380: 412: 425-428). M. 151: 196: 199: 
 233: 240: 241, I & 3: 242: 247, N. I. A. 149, a: 254: 257: 258, entire. 
 G. no, II, i: 335: 337: 385: 386: 390: 391: 401, R. 6: 411: 611, R. i. 
 B. 17, I : 21, 2, c) : 25, 5 : 181 : 182, 1-3 : 218, 3 : 219, I & a : 228 & I, a-c : 
 229, with I & 2 : 232.] 
 
 95. Place Whither is expressed by the Accusative with 
 a preposition, usually ad or in ; Place Whence, by the 
 Ablative with a preposition, usually ab, de, or ex; Place 
 Where, by the Ablative with the preposition in. 
 
 ad urbem pervenit, he arrived at (to) the city ; ex urbe exiit, 
 he departed from the city ; in urbe adhuc remanent, they 
 still remain in the city. [H. 418: 461 : 483: 491, I (380,!: 412, 
 
 I: 425, I: 427). M. 199 & N. 4: 233, i: 240. A. 254: 258 & c. G. 
 337 : 385: 390. B. 182, 2&3: 228: 229 & 2.] 
 
 96. With names of Towns and with domus and rus the 
 preposition is omitted, except when the idea of neighbor- 
 hood is to be expressed : Roma exiit, he departed from Rome ; 
 ad Rom am profectus est, he set out for (the neighborhood of) 
 Rome. [H. 418 & 4: 419,1: 462 & 2-4: 491,11, i &2 (380, II, with i &2 : 
 
 412, II, with 3 & N. : 425, II: 426: 428, 1 & II). M. 199 & I : 199, 2, with N. 
 I & 2 : 241, I & 3. A. 258, a, with N. I & 2 : 258, b, with N. 2 & 3. G. 337 & 
 R. 4 : 386 & R. 2 : 391 & R. I. B. 182, I & 3 : 228, I, a-c : 229, I & 2.] 
 
INTRODUCTION 3 1 
 
 97. To express Place Where with names of towns of the 
 first or second declension, and with domus and rus, a special 
 form, the Locative, is used. 
 
 The Locative ends, in the first declension singular, in ae ; 
 in the second declension singular in i ; in the plural of both 
 these declensions in is. 
 
 Zamae Hannibal victus est, Hannibal was conquered at 
 Zama ; Athenis vivebat Theseus, Theseus lived at Athens. 
 [H. 483 : 484, I & 2, with N. I & 2 : 491, II & 3 (425, II, with 3, i) & 2): 
 428,111). M.29,2:242. A. 258, r, 2 & d. 0.411. B. 21,2, <): 25,5 : 
 228, i, a): 232, with I & 2.] 
 
 98. Many verbal ideas take an Ablative of Place Where, 
 without a preposition. Examples of such are mtor, sto, 
 fido, contentus, and fretus : insidiis nisus est, he relied upon 
 an ambuscade. [H. 476, i & 3 (425, II, i, i), N.). M. 247, N. i. A. 
 
 254, b, I & 2. G. 401, R. 6. B. 218, 3 : 219, I & a.~\ 
 
 99. These relations are often expressed by the adverbs 
 
 of place. [H. 307, 2-5 (305, 1-III). M. 151. A. 149, a. G. iio,II, 
 1 : 6ll, R. I.] 
 
 LESSON XIX 
 Relations of Time By Phrase. [H. 308, i : 310: 417: 440, 
 
 3: 486-489, I : 638, I, (305, IV & N. 2, 2): 379 : 429-431, I : 549,0- M - 
 151: 197: 243: 249: 255, I. A. 149, b: 255, d, i: 256: 259, a-d: 292. 
 G. no, II, 2: 336: 393: 394: 403 & N. 4: 409: 410: 665: 670. B. 181 : 
 203,2: 223: 227,2,0): 230: 231: 337,2,0: 357,1.] 
 
 100. The Time When the action occurred is expressed by 
 the Ablative, usually with some modifier. The preposition 
 in is regularly used with numerals, in marking the period 
 of life, and when the Time Within Which is emphasized : 
 
32 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION 
 
 hoc tempore consul creatus est, at this time he was elected 
 consul ; in nocte magnae copiae pervenerant, in the night 
 great forces had arrived. [H. 486 : 487, with i & 2 (429, with i & 2). 
 M. 243. A. 256 & a. G. 393 & R. 5 : 394. B. 230, with 1-3 : 231.] 
 
 101. Time During Which is expressed by the Accusa- 
 tive, sometimes intensified by the use of per, through : iilud 
 tempus Caesar in Gallia erat, during that time Caesar was in 
 Gaitl. [H. 417 & i (379 & i). M. 197: 243 & N. A. 256, with a & b. 
 G. 336. B. 181, i & 2.] 
 
 Compare the descriptive Genitive of measure (71), which 
 is often used to express measure or duration of time. 
 
 [H. 440, 3 (396, V). M. 223. A. 215, b. G. 365, R. 2. B. 203, 2.] 
 
 102. Time Before or After an action has either the Abla- 
 tive of degree of difference or the Accusative of extent : 
 multis ante diebus or multos dies ante, many days before. 
 [H. 479, 3: 488, I & 2 (423, N. 2: 430 & footnote 3). M. 249. A. 259, d. 
 G. 403, N. 4. B. 223: 357, i.] 
 
 103. i. The preceding relations of time are often ex- 
 pressed by adverbs. [H. 308 & i (305, IV & N. 2, 2)). M. 151. A. 
 
 149, b. G. 1 10, II, 2. B. 157.] 
 
 2. The Ablative absolute (21-24) is often used instead 
 of a temporal clause. [H. 489 & i (431, i). M. 255, i. A. 255, d, 
 
 i. 6.409: 410: 665. B. 227, 2, #).] 
 
 3. For special expressions of time, see H. 486, i : 487, i & 2: 
 
 488 (429, 2). M. 243. A. 259, a-c. G. 394. B. 230, 2 & 3: 231, i.] 
 
 LESSON XX 
 Relations of Time Dates. [H. 754-756 (641-644)- M. 498- 
 
 506. A. 259, e: 376. G. Appendix, Roman Calendar. B. 371, 1-7: 372.] 
 
 104. The Roman year originally began in March. The 
 names of the months were lanuarius, Februarius, Martius, 
 
INTRODUCTION 33 
 
 Aprilis, Maius, lunius, Quintilis (lulius), Sextilis (Augustus), 
 September, October, November, December. These words 
 are adjectives, and agree with Kalendae, Nonae, or Idus. 
 
 105. i. In reckoning dates, the Romans counted back- 
 wards from three points the Nonae and the Idus of the 
 same month, and the Kalendae of the month to come. 
 
 2. The Nonae were usually the fifth day of the month 
 and the Idus the thirteenth except that in March, May, 
 July, and October, they were the seventh and the fif- 
 teenth respectively. The Kalendae were always the first : 
 Idibus Martiis, on the *5th of March ; Nonls Aprilibus, on 
 the 5th of April ; Kalendis Septembribus, the ist of Sep- 
 tember. 
 
 106. The Roman system of counting both ends of a 
 series gives the following important rules for finding the 
 number of days before the Nones or Ides of the same 
 month, or Kalends of the following month. 
 
 1. If the English date is between the Kalends and 
 Nones or between the Nones and Ides, add one to the day 
 on which the Nones or the Ides fall in that month, and 
 then subtract the English date. Note examples : English 
 date, February second (between first and fifth) ; hence add 
 i to 5=6; subtract English date, 6 2 4 ; therefore 
 ante diem quartum Nonas Februarias or a. d. IV. Noil. Feb. 
 English date, May ninth ; 1 + 15 = 16; 16 9 = 7; hence 
 ante diem septimum Idus Maias. 
 
 2. If the English date is after the Ides, add two to the 
 number of days in the month and then subtract the English 
 date : December twenty-fifth; 2 + 31 = 33; 33 25 = 8; 
 hence ante diem octavum Kalendas lanuarias. 
 
 LAT. PROSE COMP. 3 
 
34 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION 
 
 3. Note that the day before one of these points of 
 reckoning was always prldie (never secundus) : prldie Nonas 
 lulias, the sixth of July. 
 
 4. For peculiarities of construction in dates, see H. 754, 
 
 III, 3 (642, III, 4). M. 501. A. 259, e. G. Appendix, Par. 4. B. 371, 6. 
 
 LESSON XXI 
 Relations of Time By Clause. [H. 600-605 : 683, 2 & N. 
 
 (518-521). M. 343-354- A. 322-325: 327: 328. G. 559-585. B. 287- 
 289: 291-293.] 
 
 107. In temporal clauses the Indicative is generally used 
 to define the time of the main clause ; the Subjunctive to 
 describe the time by giving some circumstance. But the 
 construction used with the different temporal conjunctions 
 in the text should be carefully noted. 
 
 108. Postquam, cum primum, ubi, ut, and simul atque are 
 regularly followed by the Perfect Indicative, for these tem- 
 poral conjunctions make the time definite : Catilma post- 
 quam se compressum cognovit, ex urbe exiit, after Catiline 
 knew himself to be foiled, he left the city. [H. 602 (518). M. 
 343. A. 324. G. 561. B. 287, i.] 
 
 109. With cum temporal referring to past time, the 
 Imperfect or Pluperfect Subjunctive is generally used. 
 To denote a definite past time the Perfect Indicative may 
 be used. In referring to present or future time, cum is 
 followed by the Indicative : cum ill! se defenderent, hostes 
 plures convenerunt, while they were defending themselves, 
 the enemy assembled in greater numbers ; cum venerit, vobis- 
 cum ibo, when he comes (shall have come) I will go with 
 
INTRODUCTION 35 
 
 you ; cum summa tradita esset Perdiccae tuenda, Eumeni 
 Cappadocia data est, when the sovereignty had been in- 
 trusted to the charge of Perdiccas, Cappadocia was given 
 to Eumenes. [H. 600, I & II, with i (521). M. 344-348. A. 325, 
 
 entire. G. 579: 580: 585. B. 288, I, A & B: 289.] 
 
 110. Antequam and priusquam have the same construc- 
 tions as cum temporal : prius vero quam equitatus noster per- 
 vemret, pedites hostes vicerant, but before our cavalry arrived, 
 the infantry had defeated the enemy. [H. 605 (520). M. 349- 
 351. A. 327 &. 0.574:577. 6.291:292.] 
 
 111. Dum, donee, and quoad, meaning as long as, take 
 the Indicative ; meaning until, they take the Subjunctive 
 to denote purpose and futurity, but the Indicative to 
 denote an actual fact : dum haec geruntur, reliqui discesse- 
 runt, while t/iese things were going on, the rest departed ; 
 exspectabant dum equites reverterentur, tJiey were waiting 
 until their cavalry should return. [H. 603: 604, i (519). M. 
 349: 35 2 -354. A. 328 &*. 0.569: 571: 572. B. 293, 1-III, with i & 2.] 
 
 LESSON XXII 
 Use and Sequence of Tenses. [H. 196-198: 526-550 (197: 
 
 198: 466-473: 491-496). M. 303-312: 314-317. A. 276-281: 283-288: 
 290. G. 222-252: 509-519. 6.257-269.] 
 
 112. In Latin the use of tenses is more exact than in 
 English. Thus the English Present or Future, strictly 
 considered, should often be a Future or Future Perfect. 
 Carefully determine the exact time relation : si huic reme- 
 dium attuleris, te remunerabor, if you bring (shall have 
 
36 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION 
 
 brought, i.e. not until you have completed the action) some 
 cure for this, I will repay you. [H. 540, 2 (470, with i & 2 : 473 & 
 
 2). M. 311. A. 278 & b: 281 & R. G. 242 & R. I : 244, with R. I & 2. 
 B. 257, I & 2 : 261, 2 : 264, a.~] 
 
 113. When the action of the dependent clause is either 
 in the same or in some future time relative to that of the 
 principal verb, the tense of the dependent clause is one 
 of continued action, i.e. Present, Imperfect, or Future. 
 When the dependent action precedes that of the principal, 
 the dependent verb has a tense of completed action, i.e. 
 Perfect, Pluperfect, or Future Perfect : ille unus est qui hoc 
 facere possit, he is the only one who can do this ; ille unus 
 est qui hoc fecerit, he is the only one who did do this. 
 
 114. i. The tenses are divided into two classes : 
 
 Primary: Present, Future, and Future Perfect Indica- 
 tive, and Present and Perfect Subjunctive. 
 
 Secondary: Imperfect, Perfect, and Pluperfect Indica- 
 tive, and Imperfect and Pluperfect Subjunctive. [H. 198 
 
 (198). M. 304. A. 285. 0.225. 6.258:267,1.] 
 
 2. On this division depends the rule for the sequence of 
 tenses, which, however, affects only dependent subjunctive 
 clauses. 
 
 RULE. Any primary tense in the principal clause is 
 followed by one of the primary tenses in the Subjunctive 
 clause ; any secondary tense in the principal clause, by 
 one of the secondary tenses of the Subjunctive. [H. 542- 
 
 544: 550(491-496). M. 314-317. A. 286: 287. 0.509-519. B. 266,B: 
 267, 2.] 
 
 3. The points to observe are (i) whether the tense of 
 the principal verb is primary or secondary ; (2) whether 
 
INTRODUCTION 37 
 
 the action of the dependent verb is still continuing or is 
 completed relative to the time of the principal verb. 
 
 Then use the tense that answers both demands. [H. 545 
 
 (492). M. 314. A. 286 & R. 0.510: 511. B. 257, i : 267,3.] 
 
 
 INDICATIVE 
 
 SUBJUNCTIVE 
 
 RELATIVE TIME 
 OF ACTION 
 
 Primary 
 
 f Present 1 
 | Future 
 1 Future Perf. J 
 
 Present 
 Perfect 
 
 Incomplete 
 Complete 
 
 Secondary 
 
 f Imperfect j 
 \ Perfect 
 i Pluperfect j 
 
 Imperfect 
 Pluperfect 
 
 ^ 
 
 Incomplete 
 Complete 
 
 LESSON XXIII 
 Cause. [H. 316, 7: 475: 4 8i: 588: 589, i & ii: 592: 598: 599: 
 
 638,1: 683, 2, N. (416: 421,111: 516: 517: 540, IV). M. 218, I : 238,2: 
 254: 255, 2: 355-358: 382, 2: 465, 7 & 8: 470, i. A. 156, d-f: 245: 255, 
 d, 2: 292: 320,^: 321: 326. 0.373: 397:408: 538-542: 579, II, : 586: 
 626: 633. 6.198,1: 219: 226,2: 227, 2, </): 283, 3&#: 285: 286: 299, 
 2: 337. 2,/] 
 
 115. Cause expressed by a noun takes usually the Ab- 
 lative, sometimes with a preposition. With dlgnus, an 
 Ablative of cause without a preposition is regularly used : 
 qua (de) re senatus convocatus est, because of this thing the 
 senate was called together ; honoribus dignus est, he is 
 worthy of his honors. [H. 475 : 481 (416 & i : 421, III). M. 238, 2 : 
 
 254. A. 245 & a. G. 397, N. 2: 408 & N. 3. B. 219 : 226, 2.] 
 
 116. Cause is often expressed by the Accusative with 
 propter or ob ; also by causa and gratia, for the sake of, with 
 a qualifying Genitive : propter aurum occlsus est, he was 
 killed for his gold ; exempli gratia, for the sake of illustration 
 Or example. [H. 475, 2 (416, I, 2) & footnote 2). M. 218, 1 : 254, N. i. 
 A. 245, b&c. G. 373 & R. : 408, N. 3& 5. 6.198,1.] 
 
38 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION 
 
 117. In causal clauses, when introduced by cum or qiri, 
 the Subjunctive is regularly used : quae cum ita sint, pro- 
 grediamur, since these things are so, let us advance. [H. 589, 
 
 II: 592: 598(517). M. 355: 382,2. A. 320, e: 326. G. 586 & R. I: 633 
 B. 283, 3 & a : 285 : 286, 2.] 
 
 118. In causal clauses introduced by quod, quia, or 
 quoniam, the Indicative is used. But if the reason is quoted 
 or stated doubtfully, the Subjunctive must be used : quod 
 venistis, vobiscum ibo, because you have come, I will go with 
 you ; querebatur quia sua vectigalia maiora esseiit, he was 
 complaining because (as he claimed) his taxes were too heavy. 
 
 [H. 5 88,I&II(5i6,I&lI). M. 357: 358. A. 321. 6.539-541. 6.286,1.] 
 
 NOTE. For differences in the force of these conjunc- 
 tions, see H. 316, 7 (311, 7: 540, IV, N.). M. 465, 7 & 8: 470, i. A. 156, 
 d-f. G. 538, notes : 542. 
 
 LESSON XXIV 
 Purpose By Phrase. [H. 425, 3: 433, with 1-3: 435, i : 608: 
 
 622: 626: 627, 2: 628: 632-634 (384, II, I, 3) : 390 & N. i, 2) : 391, II, 
 !> ( 2 ) : 533> II & N. I : 542, I, N. 2 & III, N. 2 : 544, N. 2 : 546). M. 206 : 
 214 &N. 4: 289,3: 291: 295,2: 296: 297: 301: 332. A. 233: 234 &: 
 294, </: 298, R. &<:: 300: 302: 318. 6.356: 359 & R. 3 : 416,1: 428, R. 2 : 
 430: 432 &R. : 435: 546, N. 3, end. B. 191 entire: 192, 2: 326, N. : 337, 
 7, 2) : 338, i, c) & 2 & 3 : 339 : 340, i, with a & b.~\ 
 
 119. To express purpose by a noun, the Accusative with 
 ad is used, especially with ideas of fitness and usefulness : 
 ad hanc rem Ciceroni magno usui erat, for this thing (pttr- 
 pose) he was of great service to Cicero. [H. 435, i (391, II, i, 
 (2)). M. 214 & N. 4. A. 234 & b. G. 359 & R. 3. B. 192, 2, N.] 
 
 120. The Dative of purpose is also used, frequently with 
 a Dative of the person interested (Dative of reference). 
 This is most common with dare, ducere, esse, habere, and 
 
INTRODUCTION 39 
 
 vertere: praesidio decimam legionem habebat, he had the 
 
 tenth legion as (for) a guard. [H. 433 & 2 (390, N. i, 2)). M. 206. 
 
 A. 233. G. 356, R. 2 & 3. B. 191, with i & 2.] 
 
 121. To express purpose in brief phrase, the Gerundive, 
 or the Gerund, may be used in the Accusative with ad, or 
 in the Genitive preceding causa or gratia. 
 
 1. The Gerundive is a passive participle, and agrees 
 with the noun governed by ad or causa. 
 
 2. The Gerund, being a verbal noun, is governed by 
 the ad or causa : 
 
 tuorum consiliorum reprimendorum ) 
 
 > causa profugerunt, 
 tua consilia reprimand! > 
 
 they fled for the purpose of thwarting your plans. 
 In the first example, consiliorum is the Genitive with causa, 
 and reprimendorum agrees with consiliorum. In the second, 
 consilia is the Accusative, object of reprimendi, which is the 
 Genitive with causa. Avoid the Accusative with Gerund 
 
 after ad. [H. 626 & 5 : 628 (542, I, N. 2 & III, N. 2.) M. 289, 3 : 291 : 
 296: 297. A. 298, R. & c: 300. G. 428, R. 2 : 432 & R. B. 338, I, c) & 3 : 
 339, i, 2&4.] 
 
 122. The Gerundive is used in agreement with the 
 object of many verbs to denote the purpose : naves refici- 
 endas curavit, he had the ships repaired. [H. 622 (544, 2, N. 2). 
 M. 295, 2. A. 294, d. G. 430. B. 337, 7, 2).] 
 
 123. The Supine in -um, with an object if necessary, is 
 used to express purpose only with verbs of motion: ludos 
 visum ierunt, they went to see the games. [H. 632, i : 633 (546 
 & N. 4). M. 301. A. 302. G. 435, with N. i & 2. B. 340, i, with a & b.~] 
 
 Caution. Never express purpose in Latin by the Infini- 
 tive, although this construction is very commonly used in 
 English. [H. 608 (533, II & N. i). M. 332. A. 318. G. 546, N. 3, end. 
 
 B. 326, N.] 
 
40 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION 
 
 LESSON XXV 
 Purpose By Clause. [H. 564-568 .- 589 : 590 (497 : 49 8). M. 
 
 328: 330: 331: 333-336: 382 & 3- A- i 80, e: 317: 331. G. 544-55: 
 630. B. 282 : 294-296.] 
 
 124. To express purpose by a clause, the Subjunctive is 
 used with ut if affirmative, with ne if negative : ut Catilma 
 in exsilium exiret, Cicero omnia fecit, Cicero made every 
 effort that Catiline sJwuld go into exile. [H. 568 (497, II). M. 
 328. A. 317 & i. G. 545, i&3. B. 282, i.] 
 
 125. The relative qui, with the Subjunctive, may be used 
 when the antecedent of qui is not that person whose pur- 
 pose is expressed. Quo (originally an Ablative of degree) 
 is used in a purpose clause which contains a comparative : 
 legates mittit qui cum Caesare conloquantur, he sends am- 
 bassadors to confer with Caesar ; quo facilius causam bellandi 
 reperirent, Carthaginienses in Hispaniam Hamilcarem miserunt, 
 the Carthaginians sent Hamilcar to Spain that they might 
 more easily find a pretext for making war. [H. 568, 7: 589: 
 
 590 (497, I & II, 2). M. 331 : 382 & 3. A. 317, 2 & b. G. 545, 2 : 630. B. 
 282, I, a 2 with a.'] 
 
 126. A verb whose action looks toward the future takes 
 as its object a purpose clause used substantively. See the 
 grammar for lists of such verbs. 
 
 1. lubeo, order, and veto, forbid, take the Infinitive. 
 
 2. Verbs of wishing take either the Infinitive or the 
 Subjunctive. 
 
 3. Verbs of hindering in the affirmative have the Sub- 
 junctive with quominus. A few verbs, as prohibeo, have 
 the Infinitive. 
 
 Imperavit ne quis ex castris discederet, he ordered that no 
 one should leave the camp ; iussit eos vlcum incendere, he 
 

 INTRODUCTION 41 
 
 ordered them to burn the village ; te venire vult, or ut venias 
 vult, he wishes you to come ; eum id facere prohibet, he pre- 
 vents him from doing this. [H. 564: 565, with 2-5 : 566 (498, 1 & 
 II). M. 333-335- A - 33* & <*-e. G. 544, II: 546, i & 2 : 549. B. 294: 
 295: 296, i.] 
 
 127. Verbs and expressions of fearing are followed by 
 the Subjunctive with ne if affirmative, with ut (ne non) if 
 negative : timebat ut vemretis, lie was afraid that you would 
 not come ; vereor ne quid mail accidat, I fear that some mis- 
 fortune may happen. [H. 567, with 1-4 (498, III, with N. i & 2). 
 M. 336. A. 33i,/& N. G. 550, i & 2, with N. i. B. 296, 2 & a.~] 
 
 128. Purpose is regularly expressed by a tense of incom- 
 plete action, i.e. the Present or the Imperfect. 
 
 For dum in purpose clauses, see 111. 
 
 LESSON XXVI 
 
 ReSUlt. [H. 550: 569-571 : 591 : 594, II : 595 (495, VI : 500-505) 
 
 M. 316, 2: 337: 338: 341: 382 & 4: 383. A. 163, c\ 287, c: 319: 320: 
 332. G. 513: 5434: SS^SS 6 ' 6 3 J : 632. B. 268, 6: 269, 3: 283: 284: 
 295, 3, a: 297 : 298.] 
 
 129. The result of an action is expressed by the Sub- 
 junctive with ut if affirmative, with ut non if negative : 
 tarn callidus erat Hannibal ut Romanes saepe eluderet, Han- 
 nibal was so cunning that he often outwitted the Romans. 
 [H. 570 (500, II). M. 337: 338. A. 319 & R. under d. G. 552, i & 2. 
 B. 284, i.] 
 
 130. Relative result clauses are in general those which 
 give some characteristic of an otherwise indefinite ante- 
 cedent (cf . 7679) : quae anus tarn stulta invemri potest 
 quae naec extimescat ? what old vvoman can be found so 
 
42 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION 
 
 foolish as to believe these things ? [H. 591, 1-7 (503, 1 & II). 
 
 M. 382, with 4 & 5 : 383. A. 319, 2 & N. : 320. G. 552, R. 2: 631 & 1-3. 
 B. 282, 3 : 283, 1-5 : 284, 2 & a.~] 
 
 131. Quln with a Subjunctive, of result is used after 
 negative expressions of hindrance, doubt, etc. : non est 
 dubium quin Cicero maximus orator fuerit, there is no doubt 
 that Cicero ^vas a very great orator. [H. 594, II: 595 & i (501, 
 
 II, 2: 504: 505, II). M. 341, 3. A. 319, c & d. G. 554-556. B. 284, 3 : 
 295 3, : 298.] 
 
 132. Many verbs (see the grammar for lists) take a clause 
 of result as the subject, if the main verb is impersonal; 
 as the object, if the clause is both the object and the result 
 of the action of the main verb : accidit ut locus imquus 
 esset, it happened that the position zvas unfavorable ; effecit 
 ut ea elephantus ornatus Ire posset, he made it possible for 
 an elephant, fully equipped, to go this way. [H. 571 (501). 
 M. 341, i & 2. A. 332. G. 553. B. 297.] 
 
 133. In result clauses, if the action is completed, the Per- 
 fect Subjunctive is generally used even after the secondary 
 tenses. [H. 550 (495, VI). M. 316, 2. A. 287, c. G. 513. B. 268, 6.] 
 
 LESSON XXVII 
 
 Conditions Simple Statement. [H. 316, 3 : 572 : 573, a. I : 
 574: 575 (311, 3: 507, I .& N. 7: 508). M. 360: 361: 363: 371: 372: 
 374: 470,4. A. 155,2,1: 305, a & b, I : 306: 307, i, with a, c & d\ 310: 
 311. 6.589-591: 593: 594,1: 595. B. 301: 302: 306.] 
 
 134. A conditional sentence has two clauses, the condi- 
 tional clause or protasis, and the conclusion or apodosis. 
 
 135. Two points must be observed from the English 
 sentence before any attempt to write it in Latin is made : 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 43 
 
 (i) the Time to which the condition refers present, past, 
 or future ; (2) the Attitude of the speaker or writer to the 
 ac t does he simply state the condition without any impli- 
 cation of its truth, or does he imply that the supposition 
 is only possible (not probable) or is even untrue ? If he is 
 here, it is well: time, present; thought expressed, simple 
 (i.e. simply stated). If he were here, it would be well: 
 time, present ; thought, contrary to fact. 
 
 136. Whatever the time referred to if the writer simply 
 states the condition without implying its truth or falsity, 
 the conditional clause has the Indicative, the conclusion 
 also the Indicative, unless other demands of the sentence 
 require a different form of the verb, e.g. the Imperative. 
 
 TIME 
 
 THOUGHT 
 EXPRESSED 
 
 CONDITION 
 
 CONCLUSION 
 
 EXAMPLE 
 
 Present 
 
 Simple 
 
 Si with Pres. 
 
 Pres. Ind. 
 
 Si pater adest, 
 
 
 
 Ind. 
 
 
 bene est, if 
 
 
 
 
 
 father is here, 
 
 
 
 
 
 it is well 
 
 Past 
 
 Simple 
 
 Si with Past 
 
 Past tense, 
 
 Si pater aderat, 
 
 
 
 tense, Ind. 
 
 Ind. 
 
 bene erat, if 
 
 
 
 
 
 father was here, 
 
 
 
 
 
 it was well 
 
 Future 
 
 Simple 
 
 Si with Fut. 
 
 Some Fut. 
 
 Si pater aderit, 
 
 
 (more vivid, 
 
 or 
 
 form 
 
 bene erit, if 
 
 
 shall or will) 
 
 Fut. Perf. 
 
 
 father is (shall 
 
 
 
 Ind. 
 
 
 be) here, it will 
 
 
 
 
 
 be well 
 
 137. The tense of the verb in the conditional clause 
 must be carefully considered, for an English Present 
 often conceals a real Future or even a Future Perfect. 
 In Latin the exact time-relation must appear ; for exam- 
 ples, see 112. 
 
44 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION 
 
 LESSON XXVIII 
 Conditions Possible and Contrary to Fact. [H. 573, a. 
 
 II & III: 576-584 (507, II & III: 509-51*1: 513, II). M. 364-366: 368: 
 369: 375. A. 305, b,2&c: 307, 2, with b,c&d: 308: 312. G. 594, II & 
 III : 596-602. B. 303 : 304 : 307.] 
 
 138. The forms of conditional sentences not already 
 explained (134-137), imply either that the supposition is 
 not true in the present, or was not true in the past, or is 
 merely possible (not probable) in the future. The same 
 mood is used in both clauses, and the same tense also, if 
 both refer to the same time. 
 
 139. A condition possible in future time (less vivid, with 
 English auxiliaries should or would} has generally the 
 Present Subjunctive in both clauses. When the action of 
 the conditional clause is to be completed before the con- 
 clusion would begin, the Perfect Subjunctive is used in the 
 conditional clause. [H. 576 & i: 577 (509 & N. i). M. 364: 365. 
 
 A. 307, 2, with b & c. G. 596. B. 303.] 
 
 140. In a condition where the supposition is not viewed 
 as true (contrary to fact) the Imperfect Subjunctive refers 
 to present time and the Pluperfect Subjunctive to past 
 time. Cf . the English, if he were here ; if he had been here. 
 See 141, Note. [H. 579 & i (510: 511, i, N. 2 &3). M. 366: 368: 
 
 369. A. 308 & c. G. 597. B. 304.] 
 
 141. Sometimes the condition and the conclusion may 
 refer to different times ; in such cases the verb of each 
 clause is put in the tense required by its time relation : 
 if he had come (in past time), we should not (in present 
 time) be here, si venisset, non hie adessemus. 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 45 
 
 TIME 
 Present 
 
 Past 
 
 Future 
 
 THOUGHT 
 EXPRESSED 
 
 Contrary to 
 Fact 
 
 Contrary to 
 Fact 
 
 Possible 
 (less vivid, 
 
 CONDITION CONCLUSION 
 
 Si with 
 Imperf, Subj. 
 
 Imperf. 
 Subj. 
 
 Si with Pluperf. 
 Pluperf. Subj. Subj. 
 
 ST with 
 Pres. (Perf.) 
 
 Present 
 Subj. 
 
 should or would) Subj. 
 
 Si 
 
 EXAMPLE 
 pater adesset, 
 
 bene esset, if fa- 
 ther were here, it 
 would be well 
 
 Si pater adfuisset, 
 bene fuisset, if fa- 
 ther had been here, 
 it would have been 
 well 
 
 Si pater adsit, bene 
 sit, if father should 
 be here, it would be 
 well 
 
 NOTE. Expressions of ability, duty, necessity, and pro- 
 priety in the conclusion regularly have the Imperfect or 
 Perfect Indicative. [H. 583 (511, i, N. 3). M. 368. A. 311, c. G. 
 597, 3- B. 304, 3 & *] 
 
 LESSON XXIX 
 Concession and Proviso. [ii. 316,4: 559, 3= 585-587 : 593, 2: 
 
 598: 599: 638,2(311,4: 513, I: 514: 515: 549, 2). M. 282: 376: 378: 
 382,1. A. 154,0, 3: 155, 2,-: 156,*': 255,^,3: 266 &*: 292: 313: 314: 
 320,*: 326. 0.264: 573: 587: 603-609: 634. 6.278: 283,3: 308-310.] 
 
 142. Concessive clauses take the Subjunctive if intro- 
 duced by quamvis or ne, ut, licet, cum, or the relative qui : 
 ne clarus sit, plurimum potest, although he is not famoiis^ 
 he has great power. [H. 586, II: 593, 2: 598 (515, III). M. 378, 2 
 
 & 6; 382, I. A. 313, with a, b, d&h. G. 606-608: 634. B. 278: 283, 3: 
 308: 309 with i, 3 &4.] 
 
 143. They take the Indicative, if introduced by quam- 
 quam, which is used only for an admitted fact : quamquam 
 
46 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION 
 
 pensum difficile est, tamen fieri potest, although the task is 
 certainly hard, yet it can be done. [H. 586, 1 (515, 1). M. 378, 
 
 5 & N. A. 313, e &/. 0.605. B. 309 & 2.] 
 
 144. If introduced by etsi, etiamsl, or tametsi, they take 
 the constructions of conditional clauses (see 134-141): 
 etiamsi Catilina Roma exeat, complures scelerati remaneant, 
 although Catiline should go from Rome, many ^vicked men 
 would remain. [H. 585 : 586, 1 (515, II). M. 378, 3 & 4. A. 313, c. 
 
 G. 604. B. 309, 2 & a.~\ 
 
 145. A clause of Proviso (provided that) introduced by 
 dum, modo, or dummodo takes the Subjunctive, negative 
 ne : dum valeas, gaudeo, if only you are well, I am glad. 
 [H. 587 (513, I). M. 376. A. 314. G. 573. B. 310.] 
 
 LESSON XXX 
 Indirect Discourse Declarative Sentences. [H. 548 : 613 : 
 
 614: 641-645 (522: 523, I: 524-526 & footnote 2). M. 260: 391: 392: 
 396 : 398. A. 335 : 336, I & 2 : 336, a, I : 336, A, with N. : 336, B. G. 520 : 
 522: 531 : 647-650: 653-655: 660. B. 244, i, I & II: 268, 2: 270, I : 
 313: 3H: 317: 
 
 146. Indirect quotations depend upon verbs or words of 
 saying, thinking, perceiving, and the like, generally either 
 as object if the verb is active, or as subject if it is passive. 
 [H. 613 : 614: 641 (522: 535, I). M. 391. A. 335: 336, i. G. 527: 528: 
 648. B. 313: 314.] 
 
 147. The principal verb in declarative sentences takes 
 the Infinitive with a subject Accusative. The subject is 
 not usually omitted in the Latin: fortis es, you are brave ; 
 dixit te fortem esse, he said that you were brave. [H. 642 
 (523, I). M. 392. A. 336, 2 & a, i. G. 650. B. 314, i & 2.] 
 
INTRODUCTION 47 
 
 148. The tense of the Infinitive corresponds to that of 
 the direct statement. The Present Infinitive represents the 
 Present ; the Future represents the Future and the Future 
 Perfect ; the Perfect represents the Imperfect, Perfect, and 
 Pluperfect. Thus the tense of the Infinitive in indirect 
 discourse is always Present, Future, or Past, relatively to 
 the tense of the verb of saying. 
 
 DIRECT INDIRECT, dixit 
 
 venio, I am coming se venire, he said he was coming 
 
 veniam, I will come se veiiturum esse, he said he would come 
 veni, / came se venisse, he said he had come 
 
 [H. 644 (525). M. 260. A. 336, A. G. 653. B. 270, i & a-c\ 317.] 
 
 149. All subordinate verbs remain or become Subjunc- 
 tive. The tense of the Subjunctive depends on that of the 
 verb of saying, in accordance with the rules for sequence 
 of tenses (114) ; but after a Perfect Infinitive, even when 
 the principal verb is primary, the secondary sequence is 
 regularly found : Caesar dixit se eis quos fines vellent daturum 
 esse, Caesar said that he would give them the boundaries they 
 
 Wished. [H. 548 : 643 : 644 & 2 (495, IV : 524 : 525). M. 316, 6 : 392 : 396 : 
 398. A. 336, 2 & B, with N. 2. 0.518: 650: 654: 655. B. 268,2: 314: 318.] 
 
 150. In transferring direct discourse into indirect, be 
 very careful in regard to the person of pronouns. If the 
 subject of the Infinitive refers to the same person as that 
 of the verb of saying, the reflexive se is used ; other pro- 
 nouns offer no special difficulty. 
 
 Direct : ego vobis agrum dedl, / have given you the land. 
 Indirect : dicit se vobis (or iis) agrum dedisse, he says he 
 has given you (them) the land. 
 
 Directions for Accuracy. Take the sentence apart by 
 itself and study its meaning carefully in the English. 
 
4 8 
 
 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION 
 
 Imagine yourself the speaker and thoroughly understand 
 both the direct and the indirect forms in English. Then 
 write in Latin what is or was really said, i.e. the direct 
 quotation. Finally, transfer, according to above princi- 
 ples, into the indirect : He said that he would do this. 
 What did he really say ? / (or possibly he) will do this 
 referring to time future relative to the time of saying. 
 Direct: ego hoc faciam (or is faciet) ; Indirect, depending 
 on dixit : se (or eum) hoc facturum esse. 
 
 LESSON XXXI 
 Indirect Discourse Conditional Sentences. [H. 646-648 
 
 (527). M. 402-404. A. 337. G. 656-659. B. 319-322.] 
 
 151. In transferring a conditional sentence from direct 
 discourse into indirect, special care should be taken. 
 
 The conditional clause, as subordinate, always has the 
 Subjunctive mood. In a contrary to fact condition the 
 tense (Imperfect or Pluperfect) is never changed, even 
 after a primary tense. In all other conditions, however, 
 the rule for sequence is observed. 
 
 DIRECT 
 
 Present : si adest, simple 
 
 si adesset, cont. to fact 
 
 Past : si aderat, simple 
 
 si adfuisset, cont. to fact 
 
 Future : si aderit, probable 
 si adsit, possible 
 si fecerit, probable 
 (Put. Perf.) 
 
 DEPENDING ON 
 dicit 
 
 DEPENDING ON 
 dixit 
 
 si adsit 
 
 si adesset 
 
 si adesset 
 
 si adesset 
 
 si adsit 
 
 si adesset 
 
 si adfuisset 
 
 si adfuisset 
 
 si adsit 
 
 si adesset 
 
 si adsit 
 
 si adesset 
 
 si fecerit 
 
 (Perf. Subj.) 
 
 si fecisset 
 
INTRODUCTION 49 
 
 152. i. The conclusion has the Infinitive, unless other 
 demands of the sentence require the Subjunctive. 
 
 2. An Indicative retains the same tense in the Infinitive. 
 
 3. A Present Subjunctive (future possible) becomes the 
 Future Infinitive. 
 
 4. An Imperfect Subjunctive (present contrary to fact) 
 becomes, if active, the Future active Participle with esse ; 
 if passive, futurum esse ut with the Imperfect Subjunctive. 
 
 5. A Pluperfect Subjunctive (past contrary to fact) be- 
 comes, if active, the Future active Participle with fuisse ; 
 if passive, futurum fuisse ut with the Imperfect Subjunctive. 
 
 n--. DEPENDING ON EITHER 
 
 dicit OR dixit 
 
 Present : bene est, simple bene esse 
 
 bene esset, cont. to fact bene futurum esse 
 
 Past : bene erat, simple bene fuisse 
 
 bene fuisset, cont. to fact bene futurum fuisse 
 
 Future : bene erit, probable bene futurum esse 
 
 bene sit, possible bene futurum esse 
 
 Present: moiieretur, cont. to fact futurum esse ut moneretur 
 
 Past : monitus esset, cont. to fact futurum fuisse ut moneretur 
 
 LESSON XXXII 
 Indirect Discourse Questions and Commands. [11.642 
 
 &2-<;: 644: 649,11-651 (523, II & III: 525: 529). M. 388-390: 393-396. 
 A. 334: 336, B, N. i : 338: 339. G. 460: 461 : 467: 651-655. B. 269, 3: 
 300: 315: 316: 318: 322, .] 
 
 153. A question in direct discourse usually has the 
 Subjunctive mood. If, however, the question is merely 
 one of form, not expecting an answer, the Infinitive with 
 subject Accusative is used. After a verb of asking, the 
 
 LAT. PROSE COMP. 4 
 
5O LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION 
 
 Subjunctive is regularly used : Ariovistus respondit cur in 
 suas possessiones vemret, Ariovistus asked in reply why he 
 (Caesar) cam? into his lands; Caesar respondit num recen- 
 tium iniuriarum memoriam se deponere posse, Caesar asked in 
 reply if it was possible for him to forget the recent wrongs. 
 
 [H. 642, with 2 & 3: 649, II, with 2 & 3 : 650, with I & 2 : 651(523, II: 529, 
 I). M. 394: 395. A. 334: 338, with N. i 2 & a. G. 467: 651 & R. i. 
 B. 300, 1-4, a-. 315, 1-3.] 
 
 154. Imperative forms, whether Subjunctive or Impera- 
 tive in the direct discourse, have the Subjunctive in the 
 indirect. The negative is always ng : noli id facere, do not 
 do tJiis ; dixit ne id faceres, he said that you should not do 
 this ; ne id faciat, let him not do this ; dixeruntneidfaceret, 
 they said that he should not do this. [H. 642, with 4 & 5 (523, III). 
 M. 393. A. 339, with R. & N. 2. G. 652. B. 316 & a.~\ 
 
 155. The verbs in these constructions follow the rule 
 for sequence of tenses (113 & 114). [H. 644, with i & 2 (525). 
 
 M. 396. A. 336. B, N. i : 339, N. i. G. 654: 655. B. 318.] 
 
 LESSON XXXIII 
 Informal Indirect Discourse and Attraction. [H. 588, II: 
 
 649, I: 652 (516, II: 528: 529, II & N. i). M. 357: 400: 405. A. 340- 
 342. G. 662 : 663. B. 286, I : 323 : 324.] 
 
 156. If some part of a statement rests on another's 
 authority, the Subjunctive is used on the principle of 
 indirect discourse, although a verb of saying need not be 
 expressed. This is especially common in relative clauses 
 and causal clauses with quod (cf. 118) : pecuniam quae sibi 
 donata esset pendebat, he zvas spending money ivJiich, he 
 said, had been given him. [IT. 588, II: 649, I (516, II: 528, i). 
 
 M. 357 : 400. A. 340: 341 & a-d, with R. G. 662 : 663, 2. B. 286, I : 323.] 
 
INTRODUCTION 5 1 
 
 157. Sometimes a clause depending on a Subjunctive 
 clause and expressing an essential part of that clause, has 
 its verb also in the Subjunctive. Sometimes after an 
 Infinitive the Subjunctive is thus used. This use is best 
 explained by the term attraction : scit quare mihi quae pos- 
 sint donent, he knows why they give me whatever they can. 
 
 [H. 652 & i (529, II'& N. i). M. 405. A. 342, with a & N. G. 663, I. B. 
 
 324, I & 2.] 
 
 + 
 
 LESSON XXXIV 
 Commands and Exhortations. [H. 559-561 (483 : 484* n & iv : 
 
 487: 489). M. 319-322. A. 266: 269: G. 263: 266-268: 270-272: 275. 
 B. 274-276: 281.] 
 
 158. The Imperative is used in positive commands and 
 entreaties of the second person. The tense is usually 
 Present, as the Future is rare except in decrees and formal 
 commands : domi manete, remain at home. [H. 560 & 2-4 
 (487, with i & 2). M. 319: 320: 322. A. 269 &^/. G. 266-268. B. 281 &i.] 
 
 159. The Hortatory Subjunctive (negative ne) is used 
 for the first and third persons, which are missing in the 
 Imperative. The tense is usually Present : hoc faciamus, 
 let us do this ; ne hoc faciamus, let us not do this. [H. 559, 
 with i & 2 (483: 484, II IV). M. 321: 322. A. 266 & R. G. 263. 
 B. 274 : 275, with i & 2.] 
 
 160. A negative command or prohibition in the second 
 person may be expressed (i) by noli with the Present 
 Infinitive ; (2) by ne with the Perfect Subjunctive (rare in 
 classical prose); or (3) by cave ne with the Subjunctive. 
 Do not use the Imperative with a negative to express pro- 
 hibition : nolite hoc facere ; ne hoc feceritis ; cavete (ne) hoc 
 faciatis, do not do tJiis. [H. 561, i, 2, N. & 4 (489). M. 321, 4: 322. 
 A. 269, with a b. G. 270 : 271, 2 : 272, 2. B. 276, with a & c\ 281, 2.] 
 
52 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION 
 
 LESSON XXXV 
 
 Wishes. [H. 551, II : 558 & 1-4 (483 : 484, 1). M. 325. A. 267. 
 G. 256, 2: 260: 261. B. 279: 280, 2, a.~] 
 
 161. The Subjunctive (negative ne) is used to express a 
 Wish. The Present (or rarely the Perfect) is used when 
 the possibility for the wish to be fulfilled has not passed ; 
 the Imperfect or Pluperfect when it is known that the 
 wish cannot be fulfilled. The Imperfect refers to present 
 time, and the Pluperfect to past (cf . conditional sentences). 
 
 162. The particle utinam (utinam ne) may be used with 
 the Present, and is regularly used with the Imperfect and 
 Pluperfect. Sometimes velim or veliem is used instead of 
 utinam : veniat (or velim veniat), may he come ; utinam ne 
 vemret, would that he were not coming ; utinam (or veliem) 
 veiiisset, O that he had come. 
 
 LESSON XXXVI 
 Potential and Deliberative. [H. 521: 551,1: 55 2 -557' 559, 
 
 4&5 (477>H: 485: 486). M. 324: 327. A. 268: 311. G. 256,2: 257- 
 259. B. 277: 280.] 
 
 163. In English the auxiliary verbs may, might, would, 
 etc., are often used to express an opinion in more mild 
 or polite form. Sometimes this seems to correspond to 
 the conclusion of some condition understood. In Latin 
 this use is expressed by the Potential Subjunctive (nega- 
 tive non). 
 
INTRODUCTION 53 
 
 164. Referring to present or future time, the tense is 
 Present (rarely Perfect) ; referring to past time usually 
 in the indefinite second person the tense is Imperfect: 
 aliquis dicat, some one may say ; eum stultum crederes, you 
 would have thought him foolish. [H. 552: 554, i & 3: 555: 556 
 
 (477, II : 485 : 486, I & III). M. 327. A. 31 1, a, with R. & b. G. 257, 2 : 
 258. B. 280 & 1-4.] 
 
 165. The Deliberative Subjunctive (negative non) is 
 used in questions asked merely for effect, or to express 
 doubt or impossibility of fulfillment. The Present refers 
 to present or to future time ; the Imperfect to past time : 
 quid dicam ? what am I to say ? quid dicerem ? what could 
 I say? [H. 552: 557: 559, 4 &N.: 559, 5 & N. (486, II). M. 324. A. 
 268. G. 259. B. 277 & a.] 
 
 Caution. The intention in the following exercises is to 
 give the spirit of the author in everyday English. Con- 
 sequently take special care in the choice of Latin words, 
 and study how to make good Latin sentences. Note, for 
 example, that in Latin many separate English sentences 
 may be combined into one. In short, aim to write Latin, 
 not English with Latin words. 
 
EXERCISES CAESAR 
 
 Words connected by hyphens are to be translated by a single word, e.g. obtain- 
 possess! on-of. Words in round brackets are to be omitted in translation. 
 Square brackets indicate the Latin rendering. Figures in heavy type refer 
 to the sections of the Introduction. See Caution, p. 53. 
 
 ARRANGEMENT OF THE SENTENCE (1-6) 
 B. G. II, 1-6 
 
 166. When Caesar was wintering in Gaul, the Belgians 
 began to conspire against the Roman people. They feared 
 Caesar and his army, because he had already entirely 1 
 subdued 2 the Helvetians and the Germans. Caesar was 
 quickly informed of these movements [things] by Labie- 
 nus, the lieutenant, whom he had left in Gaul. Disturbed 
 by these reports, he hastened to enroll two new legions, 
 and at the beginning of summer sent them to Labienus. 
 When Caesar himself came to the army, he learned how 
 great forces the Belgians were 3 collecting. He especially 
 encouraged the Remi, who had placed themselves under 
 the protection of the Roman people, and ordered them to 
 keep the forces of the enemy apart. He himself led the 
 army across the river Axona and there left a garrison. 
 The Belgians meanwhile 4 began to attack Bibrax, a town 
 of the Remi. 
 
 2 pdco. 8 153. 4 interim. 
 
 54 
 

 B. G. II, 7-13 55 
 
 SIMPLE AGREEMENTS (7-10) 
 B. G. II, 7-13 
 
 167. On the arrival of archers and slingers whom Caesar 
 had sent to aid [for an aid l to] the townspeople, the Bel- 
 gians set out toward Caesar and pitched camp less than 
 two miles off. Caesar had fortified a place suitable for 
 drawing up a battle-line, but was refraining from battle 
 on account of the multitude of the enemy. Between the 
 two armies was a swamp which neither dared cross. After 
 delaying a few days in their camp, the Belgians attempted 
 to obtain-possession-of a fortress which guarded [was for 
 a guard to] the bridge. Their expectation [hope] failed 
 them, for Caesar's forces attacked them in the river and 
 repulsed them [having attacked, repulsed them]. At this 
 time the Bellovaci were informed that the Aedui were lead- 
 ing an army into their country. On learning this [this 
 having been learned], they hastened home. Caesar heard 
 the great noise and confusion, and at daybreak [at first 
 light] followed with all his forces. He attacked the rear 
 with his cavalry and killed a great number. The next 
 day he led the army against the Suessiones, whose chief 
 men were given as hostages. 
 
 PERIPHRASTIC CONJUGATIONS. TENSES (11-15) 
 B. G. II, 14-21 
 
 168. Afterwards he received the Bellovaci and the Am- 
 biani under his protection [into his faith]. While they 
 were giving hostages, he inquired what the character [na- 
 ture] of the Nervii was. These were men of great valor 
 
 1 120. 
 
56 CAESAR 
 
 and had not accepted any conditions of surrender. Against 
 them Caesar now hastened. His march was hindered at 
 the Sabis river by frequent hedges. At this place the 
 Nervii intended to attack his army, thinking : " We shall 
 defeat the Romans (while) encumbered with their bag- 
 gage." Caesar, however, had now for a long time been 
 placing his baggage -train in the rear of [after] six legions 
 (which were) unencumbered. On their arrival they were 
 fortifying the camp, but suddenly all the Nervii rushed 
 from the forest and made an attack upon them. They 
 had to leave their work and draw up a line of battle. 
 They with difficulty l withstood the attack of the enemy ; 
 for they were off-their-guard 2 and could not seek their 
 own standards, but each man was fighting where he 
 chanced to stand [stood by chance]. 
 
 USES OF THE INFINITIVE (16-20) 
 B. G. II, 22-29 
 
 169. Nevertheless, the Romans were not put to flight, 
 but bravely tried to repel the attack of the Nervii. That 
 part of Caesar's forces which defended the camp [what 
 part was for a defense 3 to the camp] on the left and on 
 the front had routed the Atrebates and crossed the river 
 in pursuit [pursuing]. And so the camp was stripped of 
 defenders, 4 and hither the Nervii hastened. In a short 
 time they had gained possession of it, and began to sur- 
 round the seventh and the twelfth legions on the right. 
 Meanwhile the cavalry of the Treveri fled home, for they 
 thought that the Nervii had overwhelmed the Romans and 
 that Caesar and his army were in flight. During this 
 
 1 Cf. text, II, 6. 2 impriidens. 3 defensio. 4 Cf. text, II, 12. 
 
B. G. II, 30-35 57 
 
 time Caesar was hastening from the tenth legion to the 
 others; encouraging all, he advanced among the centu- 
 rions, ordered the crowded battle-line to be opened, 
 inspired hope in the soldiers, and checked the enemy's 
 advance a little. Now Labienus, who had conquered a 
 part of the Nervii, sent troops to Caesar's aid. By this 
 [which] help men of so-great valor were overcome and 
 were reduced from a great nation almost to annihilation. 
 (With) the Nervii conquered, all the Belgians had come 
 into the power of the Roman people. But the Aduatuci 
 who were marching to the aid of the Nervii, on learning 
 of this flight, turned back to a,fortified town. 
 
 ABLATIVE ABSOLUTE (21-24) 1 
 B. G. II, 30-35 
 
 170. From their town the Aduatuci made frequent 
 attacks on Caesar's forces. Caesar, having brought up 
 the sheds and constructed a tower, began to assault 
 [attack] the enemy's walls. Alarmed at these strange 
 [new] engines-of-war and at the quickness of their ap- 
 proach, they sent ambassadors to Caesar and begged for 
 peace. They said that they did not wish 2 to surrender 
 their arms, for they feared their neighbors. But when 
 commanded by Caesar, they threw great heaps of arms 
 into the ditch, and having opened their gates enjoyed 
 [used] peace till 3 evening. At night, when the soldiers 
 were withdrawn, the gates were closed. Having concealed 
 a part of their arms, they suddenly sallied forth and at- 
 tacked the army which was before the town ; but driven 
 back by Caesar's forces, they were compelled to surrender. 
 
 1 Use the Ablative Absolute where it is possible. 2 nolo. 3 ad. 
 
58 CAESAR 
 
 The survivors 1 Caesar sold (as slaves). Publius Crassus, 
 his lieutenant, having brought many of the maritime states 
 under the sway [power] of the Roman people, (so) in- 
 formed Caesar. After subduing so many states, since 
 (only) a small part of the summer was left, Caesar led 
 his legions into winter quarters, and a thanksgiving was 
 decreed at Rome. 2 
 
 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS (25-31) 
 B. G. Ill, 1-3 
 
 171. s Did Caesar lead his army with him into Italy? 
 ^No| he sent the twelfth legion, under the leadership of 
 Galba, 3 to the Alps. -Why 4 did he place this legion there ? 
 Because the road was dangerous 5 for traders, and the 
 duties were excessive [great], and because he wished 
 Galba to subdue the Gauls who held the fortresses. -How 
 many battles did he fight [make] ? Several. *Galba con- 
 quered this people, did he 6 not ? Yes, and began to fortify 
 Octodurus, as winter quarters. ^This village was not^ sit- 
 uated on a mountain, was 6 it ? No, it was in a valley, and 
 was divided by a river into two parts, one of which he gave 
 to the Gauls. Did Caesar wish to open the roads or to 
 hold this place as a perpetual possession ? He wished to 
 join it to the province. ~Did they try to renew the war, or 
 not? They left the village and took the heights. How 
 quickly was Galba informed of this ? What did he do ? 
 He called a council-of-war, and all gave [spoke] their 
 opinions. What plan [what of plan] did he adopt [take] ? 
 He decided to defend the camp. 
 
 1 Cf. text, II, 28. 2 97. 3 Ablative Absolute. 4 cur. 5 perlculosus. 
 6 Express by the form of the question. 
 
B. G. Ill, 4-6 59 
 
 OBJECT CASES i. ACCUSATIVE (32-39) 
 B. G. Ill, 4-6 
 
 172. In a short time, the enemy rushed down from the 
 higher places and made an attack upon the Romans, hurl- 
 ing stones and javelins. Galba's forces fought continu- 
 ously for six hours and, (though) hard-pressed, withstood 
 the first assaults. But finally 1 weapons failed them, and 
 because of their small-number not even the wounded could 
 depart ; but the enemy, (when) exhausted by wounds or by 
 fighting [battle], kept withdrawing, and fresh forces suc- 
 ceeded (them). Then Baculus-, who -had the most influence 
 of the centurions, asked Galba his plan. They decided 
 [it pleased them] to make a sally and to rout the enemy. 
 And so, after 2 resting awhile and picking up the spent 
 missiles, the soldiers suddenly sallied forth and drove the 
 Gauls in flight. For, thinking the Romans were con- 
 quered, the Gauls had come to the camp. When this 
 battle 3 had been fought [made], Galba burned the villages 
 and led his legion across the mountains to (the country of) 
 the Allobroges. He had not done all that Caesar wished. 
 
 OBJECT CASES 2. GENITIVE (40-45) 
 B. G. Ill, 7-1 1 
 
 173. Caesar had to conquer the peoples of Gaul one by 
 one. 4 Many of these gave him as hostages the sons of 
 
 their chiefs. SSometimes 5 the Gauls regretted this and 
 wished to get them back. On account of the scarcity of 
 grain, Caesar had sent his legions into winter quarters 
 
 1 denique. 2 postquam with Perfect Indicative. 3 Cf. 21-24. 
 
 4 singulT. 5 nonnumquam ; aliquando. 
 
60 CAESAR 
 
 among many states. In (the country of) the Andes he 
 had placed a part of his army under the leadership of 
 Crassus. This man sent ambassadors to the Veneti for 
 grain. The Veneti detained them, for they thought that 
 by means of his ambassadors ' they could recover their 
 children, 1 whom they had not forgotten. Their neighbors 
 were induced to give them aid, and allies were summoned 
 from Britain. Crassus, however, quickly informed Caesar 
 of this and accused the Gauls of conspiracy. As soon as 
 Caesar had built ships and prepared forces, he began to 
 wage war with the Veneti. He sent one of his lieutenants 
 toward the Rhine, and Crassus and Sabinus into neighbor- 
 ing states. Do you remember the name of the young man 
 whom he placed-in-command-of the fleet ? 
 
 OBJECT CASES 3. DATIVE (46-51) 
 B. G. Ill, 12-16 
 
 174. Caesar had determined to make war upon the 
 Veneti, for they had not obeyed 2 him, but had even detained 
 his lieutenants. It was not easy to get possession of their 
 towns from the land because of the tide, and they had a 
 large fleet of ships as a defense. Caesar also had built a 
 fleet which Brutus commanded, but it could not be brought 
 up during a great part of the summer. In the meantime 
 Caesar had taken many towns, but no men, for the Veneti 
 by means of their ships kept withdrawing to other towns. 
 Their ships were better suited to the great tides of this 
 sea. Neither could our beaks harm the Gallic ships nor 
 could our men easily hurl weapons upon them. On the 
 arrival of our fleet the Veneti hastened to make an attack 
 
 1 liber i. 2 pared. 
 
B. G. Ill, 17-19 6 1 
 
 upon it. They relied 1 upon their sails and knowledge 2 of 
 the shoals. The Romans fought near Caesar's camp, and 
 this increased 3 their courage. They used sharp hooks 
 attached to long poles. With these they broke away the 
 sail-yards of the enemy's ships, and the barbarians tried to 
 seek (a place of) safety. But there was a calm, and they 
 could not escape. After the defeat of the fleet, the Veneti 
 surrendered to Caesar, who sold them as slaves. 
 
 OBJECT CASES 4. ABLATIVE ^2-57) 
 B. G. Ill, 17-19 
 
 175. While Caesar was fighting in Venetia, Q. Titurius 
 Sabinus with a part of the army was in the country of the 
 Venelli. This people had revolted and had put Viridovix 
 in command of their forces. Viridovix daily led forth his 
 troops, but Titurius did not wish to fight in the absence of 
 his commander, unless all things were most favorable, and 
 remained in camp. Because of his hesitation the scorn of 
 the barbarians 4 was great, and they dared almost to attack 
 the camp. Titurius needed the assistance of a Gaul, and 
 made use of one of the barbarians who was in his army. 
 He, for a reward, stated to Viridovix that Caesar was being 
 conquered in Venetia and that Sabinus intended to set out 
 the next night to his aid. The Gauls believed the deserter 
 and thought that by quickness they could overwhelm the 
 Romans. They rushed to the camp, from which the 
 Romans unexpectedly sallied and made an attack upon 
 them. They surpassed the Venelli in position, valor, and 
 training, and easily conquered them. The other states 
 
 1 confldo. 2 scientia. 3 augeo. 
 
 4 The Subjective Genitive in Caesar and Cicero usually precedes its noun. 
 
62 CAESAR 
 
 then surrendered to Sabinus. Caesar was glad to hear 
 [heard gladly] of this victory and at the same time informed 
 Sabinus that the Veneti also were defeated. 
 
 PASSIVES (58-62) 
 B. G. Ill, 20-22 
 
 176. Do you not remember the name of the other lieu- 
 tenant, who had been sent into one of the neighboring 
 states during the war with the Veneti ? He was ordered 
 to go into Aquitania, a region in which many years before 
 a Roman army had been repulsed and its commander 
 slain. Crassus, the lieutenant, had to provide an army. 
 And so the bravest men were summoned from the province 
 and were led into the country of the Sontiates. This 
 people relied on their valor and an ambush. Their cavalry 
 was easily defeated, and our men pursued into a defile in 
 which infantry had been stationed. The enemy suddenly 
 attacked them with all their forces, and a long and fierce 
 [keen] battle was fought there. The Romans are said 
 to have fought bravely (though) without their commander- 
 in-chief, and the enemy were driven back. The town 
 was at length captured, but all were spared. 1 Adiatun- 
 nus had been made commander of the Soldurii, who 
 were not asked their opinion, but were ordered to make 
 a sally. When this was discovered by the Romans, they 
 rushed to arms and drove the Soldurii back to the town. 
 However, those who had attempted to break out were not 
 harmed by the Romans, but the same terms of surrender 
 were granted them by Crassus. 
 
 1 par co. 
 
B. G. Ill, 23-26 .63 
 
 POSSESSION (63-67) 
 B. G. Ill, 23-26 
 
 177. After the Sontiates had been thus defeated by 
 Crassus, war was made upon the rest of Aquitania. These 
 states had 1 towns (which were) fortified in Roman fashion, 
 and had chosen (as) leaders those who had learned 2 from 
 Sertorius the art of war. Sertorius had been a general in 
 the army of Marius, but was for many years in Spain. He 
 was considered a very brave man and a superior leader. 
 Aquitania was a neighboring (country) of Spain, and thence 
 the Gauls had many auxiliaries. Because of this they 
 increased greatly in number and attempted to shut off our 
 men from supplies. The barbarians had provisions enough 
 for this war and had determined to delay and fight in safety. 
 And so they remained in their camp whenever Crassus 
 gave them an opportunity for battle. The Roman soldiers 
 thought them timid and were eager to rush against their 
 camp. Crassus was obliged [had] to fight, and on the 
 next day attacked the enemy. He kept exhorting his 
 (men), but he had very many auxiliaries who were not 
 much trusted by him, and the enemy fought bravely. For 
 this reason [cause] he could gain no entrance to their 
 camp. This, however, was not carefully guarded at the 
 rear-gate, and the Romans' cavalry informed their leader 
 of this. What was done ? Crassus quickly sent a part of 
 his forces by a round-about [longer] way, and they came 
 to the fortifications while the rest were intent on the battle. 
 Thus the enemy (were) surrounded (and) rushed from the 
 camp in flight, but nearly all were killed by the cavalry. 
 
 1 Translate in two ways. 2 disco. 
 
64 CAESAR 
 
 DESCRIPTION BY PHRASE (68-75) 
 B. G. Ill, 27-29 
 
 178. Because of the victory of Crassus this part of Gaul 
 surrendered. Caesar, the same year, attempted to pacify 
 the Morini and the Menapii. But they fought in a differ- 
 ent way from the others, trusting in their forests, and be- 
 cause of heavy rains the Romans could not finish their 
 work, and so were led into winter quarters. Caesar has 
 written about all these wars in Gaul. He had been a man 
 of great influence l in his city among the plebs, and then 
 in Gaul was winning 2 great glory. He was a general of 
 great valor, and in swiftness of movement surpassed all 
 others. The Gauls were free and very brave, but in nearly 
 all the states there were two factions, 3 the one of which 
 was the plebs, the other the nobility [nobles]. This was 
 a great advantage [use] to Caesar, who united [joined 
 himself] with one and was thus able easily to conquer 
 the other. He also supported 4 himself and his army on 
 plunder 5 from [of] the Gauls. Leaders of the greatest 
 skill fought with him, but he conquered them all. The 
 Gauls often revolted [made rebellion], yet Caesar defeated 
 them and made them allies of the Roman people. Finally 
 Gaul, which had been a free land for [through] so many 
 years, came into the hands [power] of Rome. 
 
 DESCRIPTION BY CLAUSE (76-79) 
 B. G. IV, 1-3 
 
 179. While Caesar was subduing Gaul, the Germans 
 kept crossing the Rhine, which is a river between Ger- 
 
 1 Cf. text, III, 8. 2 adipiscor. 8 factio. 4 aid. 6 praeda. 
 

 B. G. IV, 1-3 65 
 
 many and Gaul. This people was (composed) of many 
 tribes of which the Suevi were by far the most warlike. 
 The customs of this tribe were strange [new] to the 
 Romans. They had no private fields, but used all in- 
 common, 1 and never 2 remained for two years on the same 
 (piece of) land. They had two divisions [parts] of their 
 (men). Of these [which] one went forth from the bounds 
 of their fatherland and waged war in behalf of the state, 
 the other remained at home. The next year the former 
 supported the latter, who were in turn led out under arms. 
 A nation thus trained always has an army of great 
 strength. The Suevi, because of their hunting, exercise, 
 and freedom of life, were men of great stature and very 
 strong. They never used wine, and nothing was imported 
 from Gaul by the traders to whom they sold their booty. 
 Whatever horses they had were (capable) of great endur- 
 ance. By this people the Tencteri had been driven out 
 and had crossed to Gaul when Pompey and Crassus were 
 consuls. The Ubii, a large and prosperous tribe, were 
 the only ones who could withstand the Suevi, but even 
 they were made tributaries. On the other side the fields 
 lay waste for many miles. 
 
 MEANS AND AGENCY (80-84) 
 B. G. IV, 4-7 
 
 180. Two other nations had been overcome by the 
 Suevi, and had come to the territory of the Menapii. 
 They tried to cross the Rhine, but were prevented by 
 garrisons stationed-here-and-there. Finally, however, they 
 crushed the Menapii by stratagem, 3 and during this winter 
 
 
 L communis. 2 numquam. 8 msidiae. 
 
 LAT. PROSE COMP. 5 
 
66 CAESAR 
 
 dwelt in their buildings on both banks of the river. This 
 victory was full of danger [dangerous] to the Romans, for 
 the Germans were men of great courage, and Gaul was 
 generally anxious for a revolution. Therefore Caesar was 
 at once informed of this through messengers from his lieu- 
 tenants. He remembered the inconstancy of the Gauls, 
 and thought : " I must drive the Germans out of Gaul, 
 and I must not trust the Gauls." By forced [very great] 
 marches he hastened to the Rhine. (On) learning of his 
 arrival, the Germans, by means of ambassadors, asked 1 
 Caesar for a home and for peace. They said to Caesar : 
 " We were driven from our country by the Suevi, who are 
 superior even to the gods in strength and are the only 
 ones who can conquer us. We will be your friends if you 
 will grant these (things) to us. You will not repent this, 
 for each of us will serve your people. But we shall (be) 
 unwilling (to) return to our homes, for the Suevi are our 
 enemies, and we shall be crushed by them." 
 
 MANNER AND ACCOMPANIMENT (85-87) 
 B. G. IV, 8-12 
 
 181. Caesar did not avail himself of [use] the friendship 
 offered by the Germans, but ordered them to cross the 
 Rhine with all their (possessions). He told them that 
 they might live with the Ubii. Nothing more could be 
 granted by Caesar, for they could not be trusted. Their 
 ambassadors returned to their camp. Caesar was ad- 
 vancing quickly, but with very great care, and the cavalry 
 was sent ahead. The horsemen of the enemy were absent 
 at this time, in the country of the Ambivariti, foraging and 
 

 B. G. IV, 13-16 67 
 
 pillaging. Therefore the Romans' march could not be 
 prevented, and the Germans again sought from Caesar a 
 day for a truce. This (request) Caesar granted, and he 
 did not advance more than four miles that day. But soon 
 after [after by a little] the Germans caught sight of 
 Caesar's cavalry and, thinking he was attacking with all 
 his forces, the enemy's horsemen, 800 in number, quickly 
 made a charge l upon the Romans, and they [who] were 
 thrown into confusion even by this small force. Though 
 the Romans resisted very bravely as-long-as they could, 
 they were finally driven into flight; many horses were 
 stabbed, and many brave men were killed. Piso, one of 
 the slain, was the son of a very distinguished Aquitanian. 
 
 COMPARISON (88-94) 
 B. G. IV, 13-16 
 
 182. The Germans repented 2 of their madness and the 
 next day sent ambassadors to Caesar. He seems [is seen] 
 to have thought thus : " I must drive these men across the 
 river Rhine, for they are gaining more [of] influence in 
 Gaul than is safe for us to allow. I must do everything 
 rather than be defeated by these Germans. I will seize 
 the chiefs who have dared to put themselves into my 
 power [offer themselves to me], and then I will attack the 
 town and put to death as many as possible. This will free 
 Gaul from fear of the Germans and will make the name 
 of the Roman people secure for all time to come [remain- 
 ing]." After he had done these things, he hastened more 
 quickly than one would think possible [than thought 3 ] to 
 the enemy's camp. This was defended more bravely than 
 
 1 signa infer o. 2 paenitet. 3 opinio. 
 
68 CAESAR 
 
 successfully, and some threw themselves into the Rhine 
 and there perished. But much the larger part were slain 
 by the Roman cavalry. Caesar says that the Germans 
 tried to deceive him, but he is himself accused l of faith- 
 lessness, even by those who think him better in war than 
 any other Roman. Must we not always keep in mind 
 [memory] that Caesar is writing of [concerning] his own 
 deeds ? Yes. Caesar had now conquered all the Ger- 
 mans who had made war upon Gaul, but thought that he 
 ought to cross the river. 
 
 RELATIONS OF PLACE (95-99) 
 B. G. IV, 17-21 
 
 183. Caesar did not wish to cross the Rhine in the boats 
 which the Ubii had promised him, and so with great quick- 
 ness he built a bridge of remarkable 2 strength. By means 
 of this he led his army across into Germany. He did not 
 fight a battle, for the Suevi had withdrawn from their 
 territory to the forests. They had assembled in [into] 
 one place and there were awaiting the Romans. Caesar, 
 however, determined not to fight recklessly, and soon 3 
 returned to Gaul and cut down the bridge. Thence he 
 hastened to set out for Britain, from which country auxili- 
 aries had been furnished his enemies. It was going to be 
 a great advantage to Caesar to find out about the people 
 and places of Britain, for nothing about them was known 
 at Rome, and he afterwards waged many wars with them. 
 He could not find out anything from the merchants (whom 
 he) summoned, and so he sent Volusenus with a ship of 
 war to the island. Meanwhile he himself set out towards 
 
B. G. IV, 22-26 69 
 
 the Morini, who immediately gave him hostages. Then 
 from all sides he began to gather 1 ships, many of which he 
 had used in Venetia. Some of the Britons sent ambassa- 
 dors to Caesar, who intrusted to them one of his men of 
 influence and sent them home again. 
 
 RELATIONS OF TIME BY PHRASE (100-103) 
 B. G. IV, 22-26 
 
 184. Volusenus, whom Caesar had sent forward five 
 days before, had returned, and all was now ready. For 
 several days Caesar awaited a favorable wind. Having ob- 
 tained good weather, he set sail about midnight 2 for Britain. 
 Throughout this night the wind and tide continued [were] 
 favorable, and on the next day the Romans saw the Brit- 
 ons drawn up on the hills and shore. The Romans re- 
 mained here at anchor till late in the day [much day] 
 and then proceeded to an open shore seven miles away. 
 At the same time the enemy sent their cavalry thither, 
 and shortly [a little] after followed with all their troops. 
 They bravely attacked the Romans, who were attempting 
 to disembark; and a very fierce battle was fought. The 
 Romans had to do everything at the same time, but Caesar 
 sent the war ships to their aid, and the standard-bearer of 
 the tenth legion led them against the enemy. This man 
 the soldiers followed, some from one ship and others 
 from another. Encouraging one another [among them- 
 selves], they approached the shore, and within a short 
 time 'put their enemies to flight. Caesar's cavalry had 
 not been able to reach the island, and so he could not 
 pursue the enemy very far [long]. 
 
 1 cogo. 2 tertid fere vigil id. 
 
70 CAESAR 
 
 RELATIONS OF TIME DATES (104-106) 
 
 B. G. IV, 27-33 
 [Hereafter date each exercise according to the Roman method] 
 
 185. Caesar had sailed from Gaul at midnight on the 
 26th of August. Disembarking on the 2/th, he fought 
 the battle of which we have written above, 1 and the enemy 
 withdrew from the coast. On the next day, through am- 
 bassadors, they begged Caesar for peace and were par- 
 doned by him. On the 3Oth they sent a part of the 
 hostages which Caesar had demanded, and on the ist of 
 September all the Britons had returned to their homes, 
 and the island seemed to be subdued. But on the loth 
 there occurred a tempest which shattered many of the 
 Romans' ships and drove others over the deep to the 
 continent. On learning this the chiefs began immediately 
 to gather troops, and a few days later [after] attacked a 
 legion which was foraging. Caesar knew they had some 
 new plan in mind, for hostages were no longer 2 sent to 
 him, and so he had prepared for an attack. At the same 
 time he had been repairing his fleet, using what was of use 
 from [of] the wrecked ships. And also he was providing 
 grain for his soldiers in case [if] he should have to remain 
 in Britain during the winter. They now surrounded this 
 legion with their chariots, which were of great service to 
 them in battle, for they threw the Romans into confusion. 
 
 RELATIONS OF TIME BY CLAUSE (107-111) 
 B. G. IV, 34-38 
 
 186. As soon as [when first] Caesar was informed of 
 this attack, he hastened to the assistance of his men, and 
 
 1 sujprd. 2 iam. 
 

 B. G. IV, 34-38 /I 
 
 the enemy soon withdrew. After the legion had been led 
 back in safety, Caesar kept the troops in camp for several 
 days on account of storms. The Britons improved [used] 
 this time (in) bringing together larger forces than before. 
 Caesar also had obtained a few horsemen, for in the for- 
 mer battle, as l we know, he had been unable to pursue 
 the enemy (after they were) put to flight. While the 
 Britons were coming, the Roman battle line was being 
 drawn up, and, when the battle had begun, it made a 
 fierce attack upon them. The latter quickly fled, and the 
 cavalry pursued the fugitives [fleeing] until they reached 
 their town. They at once projnised hostages, and peace 
 was made with them. Caesar was waiting until he could 
 sail with his weakened ships, and after a few days, obtain- 
 ing good weather, he set out for Gaul with all his men. 
 Because of his victories in Britain and Gaul there was a 
 thanksgiving at Rome. This account 2 tells of Caesar's 
 first invasion of 3 Britain. In the next book we have a 
 better account of the island, its people, and their customs. 
 
 USE AND SEQUENCE OF TENSES (112-114) 
 Caesar's Relations with the Germans 
 
 187. When Caesar first came to Gaul, he found (that) 
 the Germans had been there before him. The Gauls had 
 made use of their aid in the contentions between the fac- 
 tions of their states, but they had now for a long time 
 been repenting of this, for the Germans were a people of 
 great power and wished to seize the fields of Gaul. Caesar 
 first had to defeat Ariovistus, one of the most powerful 
 kings of the Germans. Of this war he writes in the first 
 
 1 ut with Indicative. 2 memoria. 3 incur sio in with Accusative. 
 
72 CAESAR 
 
 book. New bands, however, kept crossing the Rhine 
 after 1 Ariovistus had been driven out; for the Gauls 
 were unable to defend themselves, and Caesar, the only 
 one on whom they could rely, was subduing rebellions 
 among the Belgians, the Veneti, and the Aquitani. 
 When 1 these wars had been brought to an end, he has- 
 tened with great quickness toward the river Rhine. The 
 Tencteri with all their (belongings) were wintering in the 
 villages of the Morini ; but Caesar immediately crushed 
 them by stratagem [ambush]. Then he determined to 
 carry the war into Germany and to prevent more from 
 crossing [to cross] the Rhine. Therefore he built a bridge 
 and led his army over, but eighteen days after that, he 
 returned to Gaul and destroyed that (famous) bridge. In 
 the sixth book he writes (that) he went again to Germany, 
 and tells of some strange things about which we know 
 better. 
 
 CAUSE (115-118) 
 The Invasion of Britain 
 
 188. Caesar writes of two invasions of Britain, one of 
 which was made immediately after he returned from Ger- 
 many. Since he knew nothing about the island, he sent 
 in advance a lieutenant who was worthy of his confidence. 2 
 Through fear some of the Britons sent hostages to him. 
 (On) setting out from Gaul he left a garrison, because 
 (as he writes) he wished to have a safe retreat 3 to the 
 continent. After a hard [keen] fight, he forced his 
 enemies into the interior ; but because of the injuries to 
 [of] his fleet the Britons dared to attack the Romans. 
 While some were repairing the ships, he led the rest 
 
 1 Express in two ways. 2 fides. 3 receptus. 
 
B. G. I, 1-3 73 
 
 against the enemy and defeated them in battle. Since 
 Caesar [Caesar, since he] desired to return to the conti- 
 nent on account of the time of year, he gave them the 
 peace (they) sought and quickly left Britain. The follow- 
 ing year he again went to the island. He ordered Dum- 
 norix to go with him because-he [who] was hostile 1 to the 
 Romans ; but Dumnorix fled. Caesar pursued and put 
 [having pursued put] him to death for the sake of an exam- 
 ple. Again his fleet was wrecked, and he could not leave 
 the coast, because he had to repair the ships. Neverthe- 
 less very many tribes were defeated before he went back to 
 Gaul. 
 
 PURPOSE BY PHRASE (119-123) 
 B. G. I, 1-3 
 
 189. Nations have always been eager for new territory. 
 Usually 2 this is accomplished under the leadership of some 
 man of great influence and valor. Among the Helvetians, 
 who lived toward [under] the east, a man of this kind 
 arose during the consulship at Rome of Marcus Messala 
 and Marcus Piso. This man was called Orgetorix and 
 was of-noble-birth, brave, and popular among [acceptable 
 to] the common people. The Helvetians surpassed the 
 majority [greater part] of the Gauls in war, for they 
 often went from their country to fight with the Germans. 
 Their country was too narrow for their desires, and for this 
 reason Orgetorix easily persuaded them to his plan 3 of 
 emigrating to other parts of Gaul. For carrying out this 
 plan, the Helvetians had to prepare everything within two 
 years, for they had determined to depart in the third year. 
 They also tried to make peace with those states through 
 
 1 inimtcus. % vulgo. 3 consilium. 
 
74 CAESAR 
 
 which they intended [had in mind] to march. For this 
 embassy they chose Orgetorix. Since he had formed a 
 conspiracy for seizing the power, he gladly undertook this. 
 He was assisted 1 not only by the nobility of his own state, 
 but by two powerful men among the Sequani and the 
 Aedui. It was also to his advantage [use] that [because] 
 he had married his daughter among the Aedui. Of his 
 purpose 2 the Helvetians knew nothing, but were making 
 everything ready for their departure. 3 
 
 PURPOSE BY CLAUSE (124-128) 
 B. G. I, 4-8 
 
 190. When the magistrates were informed through one 
 of their retainers of this plot of Orgetorix, they wished to 
 bring him to trial, that the law might be enforced. But 
 fearing that he could not escape, and that they would burn 
 him to death, he committed suicide. The Helvetians, 
 nevertheless, were waiting only 4 until all things were 
 ready, and on March 24th, as some say, they set fire 
 to their towns and started toward the Rhone. At this 
 time Caesar had for-the-first-time been made proconsul of 
 Gaul, and he determined to hinder them from passing 
 through the province. The Helvetians sent the noblest 
 of their race to him to ask that an opportunity of doing 
 this be granted them. But Caesar wished (for) more [of] 
 time and ordered them to return to him on the I3th of 
 April. When they came to ask his purpose, he for- 
 bade their crossing [them to cross] the Rhone ; and 
 when they attempted to do this by force he easily re- 
 pulsed them. That he might more easily overcome them, 
 
 1 adiuvo. 2 mens. 3 profectio. 4 tantum. 
 
B. G. I, 9-13 75 
 
 he had meanwhile brought together as many troops as 
 possible and had fortified many places on this side of 
 the Rhone. 
 
 RESULT (129-133) 
 
 B. G. I, 9-13 
 
 191. The Helvetians had been so hindered by Caesar 
 at the Rhone that they were crossing into Gaul by the 
 only other way, through the country of the Sequanians. 
 Dumnorix, one of those who had assisted Orgetorix, 
 brought it to pass that the Sequanians were no longer 
 unwilling to allow the Helvetians to make their way 
 through the passes of the mountains. Since so large a 
 multitude can not be kept from doing harm, it now hap- 
 pened that the Helvetians had laid waste the fields of the 
 Aeduans. The latter immediately sent to Caesar to ask 
 for aid, and, as they had for years been friends of Rome, 
 Caesar could not wait until they had nothing left with 
 which to resist. Caesar had gathered his forces and had 
 marched so quickly that within thirty days he was at 
 Geneva ready for battle. When he heard from the 
 Aeduans of their wrongs, he did not hesitate l to go to 
 their assistance. (Being) informed through scouts of 
 their line of march, he attacked them so suddenly that 
 he crushed one canton, and the others sent ambassadors 
 to him. 
 
 CONDITIONS SIMPLE STATEMENT (134-137) 
 B. G. I, 14-18 
 
 192. Even if Caesar felt [was] conscious of any outrage 
 (Ut the hands) of the Helvetians because the Romans had 
 
 1 dubito. 
 
76 CAESAR 
 
 been defeated by trickery l many years before, he blamed 
 them more for their recent deeds. If prosperity is some- 
 times granted to the wicked, it often results' 2 that they 
 grieve more when the change comes. And Caesar made 
 some such reply [replied some such things] to the Hel- 
 vetians when they boasted 3 of their former victories. 
 They however said : " If you do not make peace with us, 
 we will bring upon you the same calamities as [which] 
 we brought upon Cassius." Caesar was indignant at the 
 words [speech] of the ambassadors, but nevertheless 
 made answer : " If you give me hostages so that I may 
 have some control over [power of] your deeds, I will do 
 as you wish." But this they refused. 4 On the next day 
 they defeated a much larger force of Caesar's cavalry, 
 which gave them greater hope. Meanwhile Caesar, (who 
 kept) following, could not obtain grain for his soldiers. 
 He said to the Aeduans: " If you wish our aid in this war, 
 furnish us grain." It happened that Dumnorix was using 
 his influence to defeat Caesar, and to keep his own place 
 among the Aeduans. All this was discovered by Caesar, 
 who had commanded Liscus to tell him all. 
 
 CONDITIONS POSSIBLE AND CONTRARY TO FACT (138-141) 
 B. G. I, 19-25 
 
 193. Caesar feared that the influence of Dumnorix 
 would become of so great (weight) among the Gauls that 
 Divitiacus would be driven out. But at the exhortation 
 of the latter that Dumnorix be spared, Caesar merely 
 warned him to do better. If to-day 5 you and I were in 
 such danger, we should have great fear, but if we should 
 
 1 dolus (in plural). 2 fio. 3 Use participle. 4 recuso. 5 hodie. 
 
B. G. i, 26-30 77 
 
 escape so easily, should we not be glad ? l Caesar had 
 planned to attack the enemy the next day. To gain 2 the 
 victory more easily, he sent Labienus ahead to seize a 
 mountain. " If we could (possibly) attack the enemy 
 at the same time, we should defeat them." Afterwards 
 he sent Considius to inform him of Labienus. If Con- 
 sidius had not been terrified, the enemy would have been 
 defeated at once, but he reported what was not true. 
 Even then victory would have been gained, had not 
 Caesar feared that Labienus was cut off by the enemy. 
 Late in the day it happened that the truth was discovered, 
 but the Helvetians had moved on. Caesar could not 
 follow farther, for his men had no food. If the enemy 
 had proceeded, they could have reached [come through to] 
 Aquitania before Caesar could pursue. But they turned 
 from their way and attacked the Romans (who were) in 
 battle line both half way up and on the top of a hill. 
 
 CONCESSION AND PROVISO (142-145) 
 B. G. I, 26-30 
 
 194. Although the Helvetians fought with great valor, 
 they (were) defeated (and) withdrew to a hill near by. 
 Caesar's soldiers followed so fiercely that they gained 
 possession of the camp. The Helvetians had to leave 
 all and depart by night towards the north. 3 Even if 
 Caesar delayed a few days, he nevertheless prevented the 
 neighbors from assisting the enemy with food. The re- 
 sult was that the Helvetians soon after this came to him 
 to beg for peace. Though they had been his enemies, 
 he determined to spare them, provided that they would 4 
 
 1 laetus. 2 adipiscor. 3 septentriones. 4 First periphrastic conjugation. 
 
78 CAESAR 
 
 obey his orders. He wished to make use of them, for 
 their country was now vacant, and he feared the Germans 
 would seize it. Accordingly he ordered the Helvetians 
 to return home and to rebuild the villages (they had) 
 burned. They had gone from Helvetia because (as they 
 said) their territories were so limited. Do you remember 
 Orgetorix, the leader in [of] this movement [thing] ? 
 Now, however, there was enough land, for from about 
 350,000 there were left only 100,000. The number of 
 those killed in this short war was so great that we wonder. 
 Some of the Gauls came to ask Caesar for a council, and, 
 although he had no power over them, he appointed a day 
 for this council of all Gaul. 
 
 INDIRECT DISCOURSE DECLARATIVE SENTENCES (146-150) 
 
 B. G. I, 31-34- 
 195. Write A in indirect discourse, depending on legati 
 
 dixenmt : 
 
 A. In common council we have decided to seek aid 
 from you. But you must not disclose what we shall 
 say of the Germans, for they will inflict tortures upon 
 us. They first came hither 1 to bear aid to the Averni, 
 and then they settled in the land of the Sequanians, 
 which is much better than their own. The Aeduans have 
 always been your allies, and you must conquer their ene- 
 mies, because they intend to do what the Cimbri did 
 many years ago [before]. Therefore you will benefit 2 
 yourself no less than Gaul. Ariovistus is their king, and-he 
 [who] is no longer endurable. For this reason we shall 
 depart from our homes. 
 
 1 hue. 2 prosum. 
 
B. G. I, 35-39 79 
 
 B. Caesar replied that he would send a messenger to 
 Ariovistus to beg him to l come to a conference ; that he 
 had hopes that the king would do what he asked [should 
 have asked]. When ambassadors were sent to Ariovistus, 
 the latter said that he would not hold a conference with 
 Caesar and did not dare to trust the Romans. Besides, he 
 said that he did not consider [think] that Caesar had any 
 business in Gaul outside o. 2 the Roman province. 
 
 INDIRECT DISCOURSECONDITIONAL SENTENCES (151-152) 
 B. G. I, 35-39 
 
 196. Write A in indirect discourse, depending upon 
 Ariovistus respondit : 
 
 A. If I were seeking any favor [thing] of you, I would 
 come to you. But I neither can do this nor do I promise 
 to return the hostages to the Aeduans. If they had not 
 made war on me, I should not have injured 3 them. Since 
 they have done so and were defeated, they now pay tribute 
 to me. You did me a kindness at Rome when through 
 your efforts [you] I was recognized [called] as a king. 
 If, however, I shall be [shall have been] hindered by you 
 in my rights, my former 4 friendship will not benefit you. 
 If my men were not invincible, they would have been 
 conquered by the Gauls. Therefore I do not fear the 
 Romans more than my former enemies. 
 
 B. Caesar was informed that the Germans would take 
 Vesontio if he did not bear relief [aid]. He thought he 
 ought not abandon to the enemy so great a supply of arms 
 and hastened by forced marches to the town of Vesontio. 
 It was said that the Germans would easily defeat the 
 
 1 126. 2 extra. 8 noceo. 4 vetus. 
 
80 CAESAR 
 
 Romans if a battle should be fought, for the former were 
 men of greater stature than the latter. The army was 
 greatly disturbed by the reports [words], and they say that 
 the camp would have been abandoned and the Romans 
 would have gone home, had not some been held by (feelings 
 of) shame. 
 
 INDIRECT DISCOURSE QUESTIONS AND COMMANDS (153-155) 
 B. G. I, 40-46 
 
 197. When some begged permission [that it be per- 
 mitted them] to return to Rome, Caesar addressed his 
 officers : (Put into indirect discoursed) 
 
 What do I hear ? That Romans are afraid ? If any 
 one desires to leave me, let him go. Many-times already 
 our fathers have met l these Germans and have defeated 
 them. Why should not we ? Indeed, I believe Ariovistus 
 will refuse to fight us. Do not fear the scarcity of grain 
 and the long roads. Am I not looking out for the sup- 
 plies ? As to the roads, you can soon judge, for this night 
 I shall advance. The tenth legion will be faithful to me, 
 and with it alone I will meet these Germans. Now return 
 to your legions, and let the brave prepare to follow me. 
 
 A few days after this, Caesar, in a conference with Ario- 
 vistus, tried to show him how much advantage [good] 
 Rome had been to him and what he ought to do for her. 
 Ariovistus told Caesar why he suspected that his friend- 
 ship was pretended, and how he could gain true friends 
 at Rome if he should kill Caesar. Caesar writes that then 
 Ariovistus ordered his cavalry to attack the Romans, and 
 that thus the conference was broken off. 
 
B. G. I, 47-54 8 1 
 
 INFORMAL INDIRECT DISCOURSE AND ATTRACTION (156-157) 
 B. G. I, 47-54 
 
 198. Although Ariovistus had broken off the conference 
 which had been held, he asked Caesar to meet [come 
 together with] him again. But Caesar decided that he 
 ought not trust him a-second-time. Ariovistus seized the 
 ambassadors of the Romans, because (as he said) they had 
 come to harm him. To see whether they would join in 
 battle or not, Caesar ordered his troops to be led out each 
 day. If the Germans had not thought it was not permitted- 
 by-the-gods, they would have contended with Caesar when 
 he gave them an opportunity of doing so. Although they 
 had great strength [were able much] in cavalry and 
 thought themselves superior to the Romans, they relied so 
 much on the lots that they did not intend to fight until 
 there was a new moon. Caesar found out why they did 
 not wish a battle, and having drawn up his forces with 
 great care, he quickly made an attack, and after fierce 
 fighting, put them to flight. Ariovistus, however, was 
 one of the few who escaped across the Rhine. This vic- 
 tory greatly increased 1 Caesar's influence in Gaul. Then 
 Caesar set out to do what seemed advantageous for the 
 state, and the army was led into winter quarters. 
 
 1 augeo. 
 
 LAT. PROSE COMP. 6 
 
EXERCISES NEPOS 
 
 Words connected by hyphens are to be translated by a single word, e.g. were- 
 in-command-of. Words in round brackets are to be omitted in translation. 
 Square brackets indicate the Latin rendering. Figures in heavy type refer 
 to the sections of the Introduction. See Caution, p. 53. 
 
 ARRANGEMENT OF THE SENTENCE (1-6) 
 MILTIADES I-II 
 
 199. Miltiades, who was very eminent at Athens, 1 was 
 sent to the Chersonesus 2 by the Athenians. They selected 
 him (in accordance with) the reply of the Pythia; for they 
 had sent men to Delphi to consult 3 the god, and he had 
 bidden them take Miltiades (as) their leader. Miltiades 
 then set out for Lemnos, which island he tried 4 to bring 
 under the protection of the Athenians. As the inhabit- 
 ants laughed 5 at (him), and he had no time to delay [of 
 delaying], he departed to the Chersonesus. Many (of 
 the) Athenians had set out with him from Athens. 2 With 
 these he soon routed the barbarians and gained possession 
 of the whole country. After he had settled 6 the colonists 
 here, he again 7 went to Lemnos. The inhabitants, not 
 daring to resist, yielded to him. The other islands were 
 then brought under Athenian rule. 
 
 SIMPLE AGREEMENTS (7-10) 
 MILTIADES III-IV 
 
 200. Miltiades and the Greek chiefs, who had followed 
 King Darius from Asia, were left (as) guardians of the 
 
 1 97. 2 96. 3 124. * conor. 5 117. 6 108. 7 rursus. 
 
 82 
 
brid 
 
 MILTIADES IV-VI 83 
 
 bridge over [in] the Danube [river]. By this bridge Darius 
 had led his troops across the river, and was making war 
 upon the Scythians. Messages were soon brought to the 
 guards of the bridge (that) the Scythians 1 were pressing 
 Darius hard. Immediately 2 Miltiades said to the other 
 guards : " We will cut down this bridge and leave Darius 
 and his army across the river. There they will perish 
 within 3 a few days. We will then free Greece (from) Per- 
 sian rule." The other Greek leaders shrunk from this 
 plan, for their own power depended upon the sovereignty 
 of Darius. (As there were 4 ) so many privy (to his plan) 
 Miltiades did not dare remain in Thrace, but set out from 
 the Chersonesus for Athens. 
 
 Darius returned safely from Europe, and after prepar- 
 ing 4 a large fleet sent it to subdue 5 Greece; for his friends 
 told him that the Athenians 1 were his enemies. This fleet 
 was first brought to Euboea. This [which] was quickly 
 taken, and all its inhabitants were sent to the king. 
 
 PERIPHRASTIC CONJUGATIONS. TENSES (11-15) 
 MILTIADES IV-VI 
 
 201. Darius intended to subdue Greece, and alleged (as) 
 an excuse (that) the Athenians had given aid to the lonians. 
 The Athenians (were) greatly disturbed by the approach 
 of the Persians (and) sought aid of [from] the Lacedaemo- 
 nians. While a messenger was going to Lacedaemon, they 
 had to choose ten generals. These men were-in-command- 
 of the army, and had to decide where they ought to fight. 
 Some wished to defend the city ; others, to meet the 
 enemy on the battlefield [in battle line] even with their 
 
 1 147. 2 statim. B 100. 4 22. 5 124. 
 
84 NEPOS 
 
 small forces. The Lacedaemonians could not aid [send aid 
 to] them at this time, and so the Plataeans (were the) only 1 
 (ones who) assisted them. Yet Miltiades led forth the 
 troops of the Athenians, and pitched camp in a spot where 
 the trees were scattered-here-and-there. In this way he 
 thought he would 2 hinder the Persian cavalry. When 
 Datis, the Persian leader, saw that they were-eager to 
 fight, he immediately joined battle, but, routed by the 
 valor of the Athenians, he had to-retire-to [seek] his ships. 
 As a reward for this victory the Athenians placed the por- 
 trait of Miltiades first among their generals. For the battle 
 of-Marathon 3 was painted in the Poecile at their command. 
 
 USES OF THE INFINITIVE (16-20) 
 MILTIADES VII-VIII 
 
 202. The Persian had withdrawn from Greece, but was 
 still able to hold many islands. These [which] the Athe- 
 nians wished to take vengeance upon [pursue with war], 
 because they had aided the Persian with their fleets. There- 
 fore they put Miltiades in charge of 4 their forces. When 
 he had compelled 5 many to return to their allegiance, he 
 came to Paros. This [which] island he could not win-over 
 by persuasion [speech], for the Parians thought that the 
 Persian fleet would support 6 them. Accordingly Miltiades 
 besieged the city, and was on the point of capturing it, 
 when a grove in the distance accidentally caught fire. Both 
 (parties) thought that the royal fleet was approaching ; and 
 Miltiades, burning his vineae and testudo, returned home 
 unsuccessful. The Athenians thought that he had been 
 corrupted by the king, and fined him heavily [punished 
 
 1 solus. 2 147, 150. 3 65. * Sec. IV, text. 5 109. 6 Sec. V, text. 
 
THEMISTOCLES I-V 85 
 
 him by a large fine]. This money was not paid by Miltia- 
 des, and he died in prison from the wounds [which] he had 
 received near Paros. The Athenians had punished Miltia- 
 des, not because of this charge, but because his power 
 seemed [to be] too great. Besides, they feared he would 1 
 be a tyrant. 
 
 ABLATIVE ABSOLUTE (21-24) 2 
 THEMISTOCLES I-V 
 
 203. In the reign 3 of Xerxes the Persians sent a very 
 large fleet and army against Greece, but these were de- 
 feated by the foresight of one (man). For at Athens lived 
 Themistocles, who, (when) disinherited by his father, had 
 devoted himself to (the interests of) the state. This (man) 
 was very skillful in naval warfare, and by his advice the 
 Athenians had built a fleet with the state money. When 
 the approach of Xerxes was known, the Athenians asked 
 the god how 4 they should protect themselves. When he 
 had replied : " By wooden walls," Themistocles declared 
 (that) the ships were the " wooden walls." So the Athe- 
 nians, abandoning the city, hastened 5 to Euboea with their 
 fleet of two hundred ships. (Although) they defeated the 
 barbarians here, they withdrew because the Persians had 
 captured Thermopylae. The allies of the Athenians wished 
 to return (to) their homes, when they saw Athens destroyed 
 by fire. But Themistocles compelled them to fight at 6 
 Salamis. For, sending a messenger to the king, he per- 
 suaded him to 7 attack the Greeks immediately. On doing 
 this he was conquered by the fleet of Greece. Fearing a 
 greater disaster, the king then returned to [into] Asia. 
 
 1 127. 2 Use the Ablative Absolute where it is possible. 
 
 7 126. 
 
86 NEPOS 
 
 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS (25-31) 
 THEMISTOCLES VI-X 
 
 204. Was Themistocles less great in (time of) peace ? 
 No, for he established the triple harbor of the Piraeus, and 
 fortified it by walls. Did he not surround the city itself 
 with walls ? Certainly, but not at first. When he tried 
 to restore the walls of the city, the Lacedaemonians for- 
 bade the Athenians to do it. How did they rebuild them 
 then ? l Themistocles went to Lacedaemon and delayed 
 matters [things] until the walls were 2 built sufficiently high. 
 This he learned from his colleagues, who had now come to 
 Sparta. Did the Spartans hear (of) this ? Yes, but they 
 humored Themistocles, and sent three legates, holding the 
 highest position, to investigate [the thing]. With them 
 went the other Athenians, (but) not Themistocles. Why 
 did not he return also ? The Lacedaemonians held him as 
 a hostage ; but when their own ambassadors arrived at 
 Athens they were not allowed to go until Themistocles had 
 been 2 sent home. Several 3 years later he had to flee for 
 safety to Asia, because he was accused of treason. King 
 Artaxerxes gave him many gifts, for he hoped by his 
 counsel to crush 4 Greece. But Themistocles died at Mag- 
 nesia and was buried near the city. 
 
 OBJECT CASES i. ACCUSATIVE (32-39) 
 ARISTIDES AND PAUSANIAS 
 
 205. The Athenians called Aristides 'the Just/ because 
 he was so upright [of so great integrity]. When he was 
 being exiled, he asked a man why he desired to banish 
 
 1 tandem. 2 111. 3 aliquot. 4 Future Infinitive of Indir. Disc. 148. 
 
ARISTIDES, PAUSANIAS, CIMON 87 
 
 Aristides. He [that one] replied : " Because all call him the 
 Just." Yet this same integrity gave Athens the supremacy 
 of the sea. For when Pausanias was conducting himself 
 too arrogantly at Byzantium, the Greek states joined the 
 Athenian alliance, and chose Aristides as their leader. 
 Pausanias had become too elated by his victory at Plataea. 
 When the golden tripod was set up at Delphi because of 
 this victory, he had written on (it) that he himself had de- 
 feated the Persians. This inscription was cut out by the 
 Spartans. Later, at Byzantium, as has been stated above, 1 
 he conducted himself arrogantly, and almost demanded 
 royal honors of the allies. For this [which] he was called 
 home by the ephors and fined. Returning [when he had 
 returned] (to) Byzantium of his own accord, he wrote 
 letters to the Persian king, in which he promised to sub- 
 due Greece for him, and expressed the hope [hoped] that 
 he would give him his daughter. When this was learned, 
 (he was) again recalled to Sparta (and) was imprisoned, 
 but later he was set free, because he could not be convicted. 
 The ephors then asked a favor of a certain Argilius, a 
 trusted slave of Pausanias. This man betrayed Pausanias 
 to the ephors, but he escaped to a temple. The doors of 
 this [of which] (temple) were then walled up, and here 
 perished in disgrace the conqueror of Plataea. 
 
 OBJECT CASES 2. GENITIVE (40-45) 
 CIMON 
 
 206. Do you remember the hard fate of Cimon ? Ac- 
 cording to Athenian laws he was detained in the public 
 prison, because a large sum of [much] money, his father's 
 
 1 supra. 
 
88 NEPOS 
 
 fine, had not been paid. We pity this illustrious 1 son of 
 Miltiades, but remember the great love of his sister. When 
 the wealthy but ignoble Callias wished to marry her, she 
 declared that she would marry 2 him when he had paid 
 Cimon's fine. On being thus freed, Cimon quickly became 
 powerful with the army, which under his command [he 
 being leader] defeated his country's enemies and captured 
 great spoils. With these he adorned the Acropolis of 
 Athens, but because of his great power was soon exiled 
 by his ungrateful citizens. When the Lacedaemonians 
 declared war on Athens, they repented of their jealousy 
 of Cimon. After his recall [having been recalled] he did 
 not keep in mind the deed of his fellow-citizens, but strove 
 to restore peace between Athens and Sparta. After this 
 had been gained, having gone to Cyprus he had subdued 
 the larger part of the island, when he died of disease. 
 Athens had never had a man of such liberality. Every 
 Athenian enjoyed his garden and its fruit. His property, 
 his services, did not fail any who needed his help. For a 
 long time Athens mourned his loss [missed him]. 
 
 OBJECT CASES 3. DATIVE (46-51) 
 LYSANDER 
 
 207. Lysander won his reputation rather because of 
 the insubordination of the Athenians than because of his 
 own valor ; for they had not been obedient to their com- 
 mander, but had left the fleet unguarded. 3 Easily getting 
 possession of this fleet, Lysander was greatly puffed up 
 by his victory, and strove to hold all Greece in his power. 
 Banishing all the enemies of Sparta from the states of 
 
 1 ddrus. 2 ntibd. 3 indnis. 
 
LYSANDER, ALCIBIADES I-V 89 
 
 Greece, he put in power over these states men [those] who 
 favored his own interests. For he aimed at becoming [he 
 sought to become] king of all Greece. First he tried to 
 remove the kings of Sparta by corrupting the god, but 
 he could not persuade the priests at Delphi or Dodona. 
 Then he set out for the shrine of Jupiter Ammon in [into] 
 Africa; but not only could he not corrupt the priests 
 there, but he was accused by them before the magistrates 
 of this crime. The judges, however, acquitted him, and he 
 was later sent to the aid of the Orchomenians. In this 
 war the Thebans slew him. He had always acted avari- 
 ciously and treated the allies^ cruelly. Once, 1 fearing [for 
 himself] the odium of his fellow-citizens, he asked Pharna- 
 bazus for a testimonial of his integrity. On receiving this, 
 he handed it to the ephors, who read in it not the praise, 
 but the condemnation 2 of Lysander. 
 
 OBJECT CASES 4. ABLATIVE (52-57) 
 ALCIBIADES I-V 
 
 208. All (men) wondered that one man could have [in 
 one man there could be] such diverse gifts as Alcibiades. 
 He was at once painstaking and industrious, dissolute and 
 lustful, a man of great virtues and of great vices. Shrewd 
 in counsel, he persuaded the Athenians to declare war on 
 Syracuse, and to elect him general for the war [for carrying 
 on the war]. As he was on the point of 3 setting out, almost 
 all the Hermae throughout the city were overthrown, which 
 occurrence [thing] made the people fear for their liberty. 
 When Alcibiades noticed that all thought he desired to 
 get possession of the city, he urged his enemies to hold 4 
 
 1 seme/. 2 acciisdtid. 3 Cf. Milt. sec. VII. 4 126. 
 
90 NEPOS 
 
 an investigation while he was present [he being present]. 
 They could not injure him at that time, and so remained- 
 silent until he had reached Sicily. Then they accused 
 him of sacrilege [because he had profaned the sacred 
 rites], and he was ordered home [that he should return 
 home] for trial. Fearing that his fellow-citizens were 
 estranged from him, he fled to Lacedaemon, where by his 
 talents he aided the Lacedaemonians. He was so shrewd 
 in counsel that the Lacedaemonians sought to kill him, for 
 they feared that he would be restored to favor with the 
 Athenians. Alcibiades perceived this, and withdrew from 
 Sparta to Tissaphernes. Shortly after he returned to 
 Athens, having won such victories that Lacedaemon 
 begged for peace. 
 
 PASSIVES (58-62) 
 ALCIBIADES VI-XI 
 
 209. The Athenians had been persuaded that they had 
 suffered adversity [adverse things had happened to them] 
 because Alcibiades had been banished by them. Yet, 
 although 1 they flocked to the Piraeus to see him, and 
 although laurel wreaths were bestowed on him by the 
 state, as 2 upon an Olympic victor, he soon fell again into 
 disfavor, when he failed to [did not] take Cyme. After 
 he learned that they had put another in his stead, he 
 withdrew to Thrace, where he gathered an army and 
 enriched himself by plunder. Here he showed his love 
 of country ; for when Lysander, the Spartan, was pro- 
 tracting the war in order that he might exhaust the re- 
 sources of the Athenians, Alcibiades came to Philocles 
 and promised to 3 drive Lysander from Thrace, or to force 
 
 i 142. 2 ut. 3 Future Infinitive, 148. 
 
THRASYBULUS 9 1 
 
 him to make peace. Philocles, however, not only was 
 unwilling to do what Alcibiades urged, but even gave 
 Lysander a chance to destroy his army. Alcibiades, after 
 losing all his possessions, fled to the satrap, Pharnabazus. 
 At first Pharnabazus received him kindly, but afterwards, 
 when the Lacedaemonians demanded that Alcibiades 
 should be killed, ordered his men to slay him. They tried 
 at first to accomplish this by setting fire to his house [his 
 house having been fired] ; but as he was on the point of 
 escaping from the flames they had to slay him with mis- 
 siles. 
 
 POSSESSION (63-67) 
 
 THRASYBULUS 
 
 210. For some reason, many (men) who have been very 
 valiant and have freed their country from tyrants, have 
 not gained 1 great renown among their (people). So 
 Thrasybulus excelled all in merit, but others profited by 
 his deeds [made his deeds of profit]. Thrasybulus had, 
 however, the special glory of driving out the thirty tyrants. 
 When he had (but) thirty men with him, the tyrants de- 
 spised him ; but therein lay his safety [this was to him 
 for safety]. For he increased his forces while they were 
 slow in pursuing him. Later, he seized Munychia and 
 killed Critias, the chief of his enemies, who with his (men) 
 had assaulted his position. When the forces of Critias 
 were withdrawing to the city, Thrasyb.ulus spared all ex- 
 cept the tyrants themselves. These were punished by 
 exile, and their goods were confiscated. All others, who 
 had not been (associated) with them in the city, were not 
 punished for 2 their previous misdeeds. The law of amnesty 
 
 2 43. 
 
Q2 NEPOS 
 
 was the special merit of Thrasybulus. In recognition of 
 [for] his services, the people gave him a crown of olive 
 branches. With this small gift he was content, and escaped 
 the envy of his fellow-citizens. While he was waging war 
 in Cilicia as a general, the barbarians sallied forth from 
 their town and killed him. 
 
 DESCRIPTION BY PHRASE (68-75) 
 CONON 
 
 211. In her misfortune Athens had a general of great 
 skill and carefulness. Indeed, when Lysander had con- 
 quered the Athenian fleet at Aegospotami, and the Spar- 
 tans were about to besiege Athens, Conon sought every 
 (means) by which he might protect [be for a defense to]* 
 his country. As at this time Tissaphernes, the royal satrap, 
 had formed a league with the enemies of Athens, Conon 
 sought aid of Pharnabazus, who was not only a satrap 
 but a son-in-law of the king. He was a man of great 
 judgment, and appointed Conon general of his forces. 
 When Agesilaus, on the overthrow of Athens, attempted 
 to wrest Asia from the Persian by the aid of Tissaphernes, 
 Conon opposed him until the Athenians declared war on 
 the Lacedaemonians. At this time Artaxerxes, the great 
 king, did not know that Tissaphernes had revolted from 
 him. But on the departure of Agesilaus, Pharnabazus s 
 sent Conon to the king to accuse Tissaphernes. When 
 Conon had come, he, with great prudence, handed to the 
 chiliarch, in writing [written], what he had intended to 
 say to the king; for every one who came to the king's 
 presence had to reverence him. This, according to the 
 customs of free Greece, he could not do. On reading 1 
 
 1 lego. 
 
CONON, DION I-IV 93 
 
 these letters, the king declared war on Tissaphernes and 
 the Lacedaemonians ; and also ordered war galleys from 
 the maritime states. Conon was put in command of these, 
 and soon routed the enemy. By this victory he freed 
 Athens, and all Greece from Spartan rule. Afterwards 
 he was imprisoned, because he tried to bring Ionia again 
 under Athenian rule. 
 
 DESCRIPTION BY CLAUSE (76-79) 
 DION I-IV 
 
 212. Dion of Syracuse was connected with both the Dio- 
 nysi. By nature he was of a kindly disposition, and disliked 
 the cruelty of the elder Dionysus ; but because of his rela- 
 tionship he remained [was] intimate with him. What riches 
 his father had left him were increased by Dionysus, who 
 had also given him his own daughter in marriage. What- 
 ever Dionysus wished done was faithfully executed by 
 Dion. In this way Dion was able to soften the cruelty of 
 the elder Dionysus by his own kindness. Dionysus in- 
 deed humored him, and even brought over to Syracuse 
 Plato, who was then at Tarentum. When Plato, later, 
 displeased him, Dionysus, influenced by Dion's prayers, 
 did not sell him (as a slave). When Dionysus was seri- 
 ously sick, Dion wished him to divide his kingdom ; for 
 he desired his sister's sons to have a share. The physi- 
 cians, who reported this to the younger Dionysus, were 
 compelled to give the sick man a sleeping potion. This 
 act [thing] was the cause of the hatred between Dion and 
 Dionysus the Younger. At first the latter pretended 
 friendship ; but when he feared that the people would 
 crush him because they loved Dion, and he himself was 
 not worthy to be loved, he sent Dion to Greece with all his 
 
94 NEPOS 
 
 goods. Then he gave Dion's wife in marriage to another, 
 and gratified the basest desires of the son. Meanwhile 
 Dion began to prepare troops in the Peloponnesus. 
 
 MEANS AND AGENCY (80-84) 
 DION V-X 
 
 213. With (but) two ships, Dion attacked Sicily and 
 overthrew the tyranny of Dionysus within three days. 
 He was assisted by Heraclides, who had been expelled by 
 Dionysus. When Dion had recovered his wife, a faction 
 was organized against him by the same , Heraclides, who 
 could not calmly endure the power of Dion. By means 
 of his soldiers Dion had Heraclides killed, and then divided 
 among them the money which he took from his oppo- 
 nents. When this failed him, and he could not appease 
 the soldiers except by more money, he lost (the favor of) 
 the Optimates. Then the people began to call him tyrant 
 since he could no longer retain the favor of the soldiers. 
 At this time a shrewd Greek, Callicrates, who thought 
 all were hostile to Dion, formed a conspiracy against 
 him. He pretended to be Dion's friend, and disclosed 
 to him his plan, (saying) that by his help Dion would dis- 
 cover his enemies. When the truth [thing] was almost 
 revealed by Dion's sister and wife, Callicrates hastened to 
 slay him. This he accomplished by means of some youths 
 of great strength, who bound Dion and killed him with a 
 sword [killed with a sword Dion bound]. The Syracusans 
 were greatly displeased at their deed, and buried Dion at the 
 expense of the state. He was called by them the Liberator 
 of his Country, because he had driven forth Dionysus the 
 Younger. 
 
EPAMINONDAS I-X 95 
 
 MANNER AND ACCOMPANIMENT (85-87) 
 EPAMINONDAS I-IV 
 
 214. Epaminondas was the noblest 1 of all the Greeks. 
 He was born at Thebes, in-poor-circumstances, but was 
 educated very carefully 2 by his teachers. Thus he learned 
 singing 3 and dancing, arts which at Rome were considered 
 vices, but in Greece praiseworthy. Lysis, the Pythagorean, 
 who had come with his pupils to Greece, taught him philos- 
 ophy. In the palaestra he aimed at quickness (of move- 
 ment) because he thought he was in this way better trained 
 for the practice of arms. He cherished truth and honor 
 to-such-a-degree that he preferred to endure poverty rather 
 than to receive money unlawfully [through wrong]. Once 
 Artaxerxes, King of Persia, wished some (favor) from the 
 Thebans. To gain [do] this, he sent Diomedon to Thebes 
 with a large sum of money. This man attempted with 
 the money to bribe Epaminondas. But when he met 
 Epaminondas with Micythus, whom he had bribed, he 
 could not tempt him in any way ; for not only 4 did Epami- 
 nondas not receive the money, but he even 4 compelled Micy- 
 thus to return to Diomedon the gold which he had received 
 from him and which he had with him. He afterwards 
 sent Diomedon with it to Athens for safety. At Athens 
 he provided a ship in which Diomedon could reach Asia un- 
 harmed. There was not gold enough in the world to tempt 
 Epaminondas. 
 
 COMPARISON (88-94) 
 EPAMINONDAS V-X 
 
 215. Few Greeks were more eloquent than Epaminondas. 
 Indeed, no Theban was happier than he in repartee [the 
 
 1 praecldrus. 2 ciira. 3 16. 4 non modo . . , sed etiam. 
 
96 NEPOS 
 
 brevity of reply]. To be sure, Thebans had more strength 
 than brains. Yet a few of them had some [something of] 
 eloquence. Some of the opponents of Epaminondas, who 
 saw that he was well trained in war, preferred the palaestra 
 to the camp. For in this way they hoped to divert (the 
 thoughts of) their fellow-citizens from war. But Epami- 
 nondas showed that Thebes was gaining slavery rather 
 than peace by such means ; that lasting peace comes from 
 war. The Spartans' power was shaken no less by his elo- 
 quence than by his arms, for by it he deprived the Spartans 
 of their allies. Again and again did he endure injuries 
 (at the hands) of his fellow-citizens, and never cherished- 
 resentment-against his country. When they needed his 
 care, he came to their aid without a thought of the previous 
 injury [no memory of the injury being held to]. Once, 
 even, he retained the command longer than he legally 
 could, because he saw that the new generals were inexperi- 
 enced and that the army would otherwise 1 perish. So he 
 held the command for more than four months. On his 
 return, he was accused of not obeying the law. He con- 
 fessed, but asked of them to say, after his death, that he 
 had been killed because he had compelled them to over- 
 come the Lacedaemonians. He fell at Mantinea and died 
 when the Boeotians were announcing to him their victory. 
 
 .RELATIONS OF PLACE (95-99) 
 PELOPIDAS 
 
 216. At Thebes Pelopidas was next to Epaminondas in 
 honor ; for under his guidance the Spartans were driven from 
 the Cadmea, and Thebes was freed. The citadel of Thebes, 
 
 1 aliter. 
 
PELOPIDAS, AGESILAUS I-IV 97 
 
 the Cadmea, had been seized by a Spartan general, who was 
 marching through their territories to another town. The 
 Lacedaemonians had kept it, although l they had fined 
 and dismissed the general. Among the exiles who were 
 driven from their country was Pelopidas. At Athens, 
 whither they had gone, they strove to crush their enemies 
 and free the state. The time for action seemed at 2 last to 
 have come. From the city (of) Athens Pelopidas led forth 
 twelve youths with their hunting dogs. In this way they 
 came to the house of their confederate, 3 (as) darkness (was) 
 coming on. The magistrates of Thebes had too great 
 confidence in their power and were feasting in the city. 
 They did not take the trouble to investigate when they 
 heard that the exiles were in the city. Serious business they 
 put off till the morrow, which never came ; for that night 
 Pelopidas with his friends slew them (as they lay) intoxi- 
 cated. Then quickly summoning all Thebans from the 
 country, Pelopidas drove the Spartan garrison from Thebes. 
 Later, he was slain by Alexander's cavalry, when he was 
 bringing aid to Thessaly. 
 
 RELATIONS OF TIME BY PHRASE (100-103) 
 AGESILAUS I-IV 
 
 217. Xenophon has specially praised Agesilaus, the 
 Spartan general, who made war on Artaxerxes.. When his 
 brother, King Agis, died, Agesilaus contested the kingship 
 with his son. For Agis throughout his life had declared 
 that Leotychides was not his son. At his death, however, 
 he recognized him (as) his (son). At this time Lysander, who 
 was then very powerful, voted for Agesilaus, and he [who] 
 
 1 142. 2 denique. 3 socius. 
 
 LAT. PROSE COMP. J 
 
98 NEPOS 
 
 was declared king. Within a short time he heard that 
 the Persians were preparing fresh 1 troops to send against 
 Greece. He thought it better for the Greeks to send 
 troops to Asia immediately. The power was given him 
 a few days later, and he went quickly to Asia, where he 
 found the royal satraps unprepared. One of them, Tissa- 
 phernes, treacherously obtained a three months' truce. 
 During this time he was preparing for war, but Agesilaus 
 kept to his agreement throughout the truce. After the 
 truce Agesilaus ravaged the country of Tissaphernes until 
 winter. Then he withdrew to Ephesus. The next year 
 [year which followed] he declared that he intended to 
 storm Sardis. This Tissaphernes did not believe, and 
 in a few days protected the other sections by his garri- 
 sons. Agesilaus, however, actually 2 moved toward Sardis, 
 and, after gaining much booty, was planning to march 
 against the king, when he was ordered by the ephors to 
 return home. He accomplished this march in thirty days, 
 and defeated the Boeotians and Athenians at Coronea. 
 
 RELATIONS OF TIME DATES (104-106) 
 
 AGESILAUS V-VIII [The dates are fictitious] 
 
 [Hereafter date each exercise according to the Roman method] 
 
 218. After 8 the defeat of his opponents at Coronea, on 
 August I4th, Agesilaus led his army to Corinth. Here 
 he waged war for many months and drove his enemies 
 within the city. Yet he desired that the Persians should 
 suffer punishment rather than the Greeks, and he be- 
 moaned the death of so many Greeks. On October /th 
 he refused to [said he would not] besiege Corinth, for it was 
 
 i novus. 2 vero. 3 108. 
 
EUMENES I-IV 99 
 
 not fitting to destroy one of the noblest cities of Greece. 
 Meanwhile the Spartan resources were shaken 1 by the 
 battle at Leuctra on July 5th. Agesilaus had not been 
 present at this battle, but he aided the Lacedaemonians 
 with his counsel, when on the first of November Epami- 
 nondas led his army to Sparta. Shortly after, on the loth, 
 some young Spartans tried to desert to Epaminondas, but 
 Agesilaus, who had detected their plans, added some of his 
 own companions to their number, and in this way saved 
 all. After Thebes had become the head of Greece, Agesi- 
 laus aided his country with the money of which it was-in- 
 want. All the gifts bestowed on him by others he gave 
 to his people. When he was returning from Tachus, 
 to whose aid [to whom as aid] he had been sent, he fell 
 sick, and died on December 22d. 
 
 RELATIONS OF TIME BY CLAUSE (107-111) 
 EUMENES I-IV 
 
 219. When the Macedonians were powerful, they were 
 vexed that a foreigner should be placed over them. Yet 
 while Philip was king Eumenes of Cardia was his secre- 
 tary. This position was very honorable, because the sec- 
 retary was familiar with all the plans of the king. After 
 Philip had been slain, and Alexander had become king 
 [ruled], Eumenes held the same position with him. When 
 Alexander was dying at Babylon, he assigned Cappadocia 
 to Eumenes. He had already intrusted to Perdiccas the 
 guardianship of his children and his empire [his children 
 and empire to be guarded]. This (man) immediately won 
 Eumenes over to himself, before Crateros and Antipater 
 
 i Cf. Epam. VI. 
 
100 NEPOS 
 
 could persuade him to join them. For he recognized his 
 fidelity and saw how useful [for how great use] he would 
 be to him. As soon as the death of Alexander was 
 known, all the others gathered forces to crush Perdiccas. 
 The latter hastened to Egypt against Ptolemy, while Eu- 
 menes was left to oppose the European armies until he 
 could return to Asia. Eumenes' forces were untrained, 
 and thought that they were marching against barbarians. 
 Before his troops could learn that their opponents were 
 Macedonians, Eumenes engaged in battle and killed Cra- 
 teros and Neoptolemus. The rest of the army, after asking 
 peace of him, obtained it, but did not keep their pledge. 
 Eumenes remembered his friendship for Crateros and sent 
 his body home to Macedonia. 
 
 USE AND SEQUENCE OF TENSES (112-114) 
 EUMENES V-VIII 
 
 220. Meanwhile, after Perdiccas had been slain by Seleu- 
 cus in Egypt, Antipater was put in charge of affairs. The 
 Macedonians condemned Eumenes to death together with 
 the other friends of Perdiccas. Antigonus pursued him, 
 but he extricated himself from the place where Antigonus 
 had surrounded him and fled to Nora. Here he was be- 
 sieged all winter by Antigonus, whose works he kept burn- 
 ing and destroying. His horses were exercised every day 
 in the castle by (means of) a device (of) his. As a result 
 they were sleek when he led them forth the next spring. 
 While he was pretending to treat for a surrender, he es- 
 caped with all his men. Olympias, the mother of Alexan- 
 der, sought his advice before returning to Macedonia from 
 Epirus. The advice that he gave she did not follow ; but 
 
EUMENES IX-XIIIy- ;, ; ";\ lt 
 
 returning she began to prepare large forces to aid him, who 
 alone was faithful to Alexander's son. Eumenes was put 
 in command of her troops, but feared the envy of the 
 Macedonians, who grudged 1 having a foreigner placed 
 over them [that a foreigner should be placed over them]. 
 To escape this envy he erected at his headquarters a tent 
 of Alexander, where all plans were formed. Within a few 
 months he compelled Antigonus to retreat, while his own 
 phalanxes forced him to allow them to pass the winter 
 according to their desires. 
 
 EUMENES IX-XIII 
 
 221. The following spring Antigonus attempted to pass 
 through a desert to attack Eumenes before his soldiers could 
 assemble. When he had passed over half the distance, Eu- 
 menes learned of his approach. The other generals were in 
 despair ; but Eumenes sent men with orders [and ordered 
 them] to kindle 2 fires, so that Antigonus might believe that 
 the troops had been gathered. Because of this Antigonus 
 changed his line of march, and was delayed until Eumenes 
 had assembled his army. After the battle, in which Eume- 
 nes was victorious, he was betrayed to Antigonus by his 
 own soldiers from jealousy. Although Antigonus desired 
 to save him, because he saw how useful he could be to him, 
 yet the generals demanded that he should be killed. They 
 envied his valor and felt that (with) him alive they were not 
 secure. While Antigonus was deliberating (as to) what he 
 should do, the army began to revolt. Then Antigonus de- 
 clared that he would not kill a man who had been his friend, 
 but removed all food from Eumenes. Three days after, 
 
 i Sec. I, text. 2 126. 
 
162 NEPOS 
 
 his generals strangled Eumenes, before Antigonus, who 
 was preparing to march, could forbid it. 
 
 CAUSE (115-118) 
 PHOCION 
 
 222. Phocion is better known for his integrity than for his 
 military labors. Because of his poverty, King Philip gave 
 him much money, for he hoped in this way to win 1 his sup- 
 port at Athens. But as Phocion thought his little field 
 would support him and his sons, he refused the money. 
 He also said that he was unwilling to increase the luxuri- 
 ous living [luxury] of his sons by accepting so much money. 
 Many pitied him because he was imprisoned (when) eighty 
 years old ; for when he was general, together with Nicanor, 
 Cassander's prefect, he had not prevented Nicanor (from) 
 seizing the Piraeus. When the people had gained the 
 upper hand, they banished Phocion and Demetrius of Pha- 
 lerum. Phocion fled to Philip, where he was accused by 
 the Athenians of having [that he had] betrayed the Piraeus 
 to Nicanor. Since Philip was unwilling to offend the Athe- 
 nians, he sent Phocion to Athens to be tried by the Athenian 
 laws. The Athenians were so incensed because of the sus- 
 picion of treachery that he was immediately condemned to 
 death, nor was an opportunity even given him to plead his 
 cause. As the multitude hated him, slaves buried him, for 
 no free man dared do it. 
 
 PURPOSE BY PHRASE (119-123) 
 TIMOLEON 
 
 223. Timoleon seems to have existed for the purpose of 
 freeing his fellow-citizens. Not only was he unwilling to 
 
 1 concilia. 
 
TIMOLEON, HAMILCAR 103 
 
 have any part [take a share] in the sovereignty that his 
 brother had seized at Corinth, where he was born, but he 
 even thought it better to have his brother killed than (for) 
 Corinth to lose its freedom. It is a proof of his love of lib- 
 erty that when he had driven Dionysus from Syracuse, and 
 could have been tyrant, he laid down his command and 
 passed the rest of his life as a private (citizen) ; for he had 
 come to aid the Syracusans after Dionysus, on the death 
 of Dion, had regained his power. Not only did he take 
 care to free Syracuse from tyrants, but he drove the Carth- 
 aginians from Sicily. As many cities were deserted be- 
 cause of the war, he summoned fresh [new] colonists from 
 Corinth and Greece to restore them. When by these means 
 he had gained peace for the Syracusans, he laid down the 
 power, as has been said, to preserve liberty. It was to his 
 advantage, also, to do this. For the citizens never envied 
 him afterwards, and even when he became blind permitted 
 him to be drawn to the council by his own mules and to 
 speak from his wagon. After his death the gymnasium 
 where he was buried was called Timoleonteum. 
 
 PURPOSE BY CLAUSE (124-128) 
 HAMILCAR 
 
 224. When the first Punic war was almost ended, Hamil- 
 car, (while) a young man, was sent to Sicily to command the 
 army. The Carthaginians were losing all the island, but 
 wherever he was present they were victorious. To con- 
 quer the Romans the more quickly, he never let slip [lost] 
 an opportunity for [of] fighting. After the Carthaginians 
 had become exhausted by the expenses of the struggle, they 
 ordered Hamilcar, who was defending Eryx, to end the war 
 and return home to Carthage. The Roman leader, Catulus, 
 
104 NEPOS 
 
 however, demanded that Hamilcar should hot leave Eryx 
 without 1 surrendering his arms. This Hamilcar refused to 
 do, and at last the Romans had to yield to his stubbornness. 
 On his return to Carthage, he learned that it was in great 
 danger because of the mercenaries it had used in this war. 
 Carthage, indeed, did not hesitate to ask help from its 
 enemy Rome. Finally it sought aid of Hamilcar, who 
 was placed in command of the army. He soon drove the 
 mercenaries away from the city and restored all Africa to 
 the power of Carthage. Then, for the purpose of renewing 
 the war with Rome, he crossed into Spain, where he gained 
 great booty. When he was on 2 the point of carrying the 
 war into Italy, he was slain, and his son-in-law Hasdrubal 
 received the command. In a short time, on Hasdrubal's 
 death, Hamilcar's son Hannibal became leader of the army. 
 
 RESULT (129-133) 
 HANNIBAL I-IV 
 
 225. Hannibal surpassed all other commanders, and so 
 in his battles in Italy he always came off victor. But he 
 was weakened by jealousy at Carthage. His hatred of the 
 Romans was indeed so great that he never stopped plan- 
 ning war [warring in his mind] against Rome. Through 
 his influence, not only was Philip, King of Macedon, made 
 an enemy of Rome, but even King Antiochus, whose 
 kingdom was near the Red Sea, made war upon Italy. 
 When the Romans learned of the latter's plans, they tried 
 to make Hannibal an object of suspicion to the king [bring 
 Hannibal under the king's suspicion]. This they did not 
 do in vain ; for the king did not doubt [it was not doubtful 
 
 1 nisi with Ablative Absolute. 2 Cf. Milt. VII. 
 
HANNIBAL V-VIII IO5 
 
 to the king] that Hannibal had been corrupted by them, un- 
 til he told-him-the-story-of his hatred of the Romans. For 
 his father Hamilcar had so cherished [kept] his hatred of 
 Rome and the Romans that he did not take Hannibal with 
 him to Spain until he had sworn never to be a friend of 
 the Romans. When the king had learned this, he made 
 Hannibal a leader in the war. 
 
 When Hannibal's father died in Spain, he was placed in 
 command of the cavalry. After subduing many nations and 
 capturing Saguntum, he prepared, when twenty-eight years 
 old, sufficient [of] forces to hold Spain and Africa and to in- 
 vade Italy. Leading his army into Italy by the Grecian pass, 
 he subdued every tribe that attempted to prevent his reach- 
 ing Latium. In Italy he defeated all the Roman armies. 
 
 CONDITIONS SIMPLE STATEMENT (134-137) 
 HANNIBAL V-VIII 
 
 226. As no one opposed Hannibal after the battle at Can- 
 nae, he remained near Rome several days before returning to 
 Capua. When he was departing for Capua, Quintus Fabius 
 Maximus, who had been elected dictator, shut him up in the 
 narrow passes. " If Hannibal now tries to free his army," 
 thought Fabius, " I shall put him to flight." But Hannibal 
 shrewdly bound lighted fagots to the horns of cattle and 
 by night spread terror in the Roman army at the sight. 
 By this trick he was enabled to lead his army back to Capua 
 without loss. If all his battles in Italy are counted, it can 
 easily be seen that he was a great general, for in all these 
 he came off victorious. If the question is asked why then 
 he did not conquer Rome, the answer-must-be-given that 
 the Carthaginians did not show the same earnestness as he. 
 
106 NEPOS 
 
 They had not defended Spain, and young Scipio, having 
 conquered that country, marched to Carthage. Hannibal 
 was hastily called home from Italy. (Though) conquered 
 at Zama, yet within a few days^he was holding new levies. 
 But in the meantime his country made peace with the Ro- 
 mans. Some time later the Romans demanded Hannibal of 
 the Carthaginians. Hearing of this, Hannibal escaped to 
 King Antiochus, whom he soon induced to war with Rome. 
 " If Antiochus follows [obeys] my suggestions, he will be 
 victorious," thought Hannibal. But the king was afraid to 
 wage war in Hannibal's way and so was routed. 
 
 CONDITIONS POSSIBLE AND CONTRARY TO FACT (138-141) 
 HANNIBAL IX-XIII 
 
 227. When Hannibal reached Crete after the defeat of 
 Antiochus, he feared the avarice of the Cretans. For if they 
 should learn that he had a large sum of money with him 
 they would kill him. Accordingly he deceived them by a 
 shrewd trick [plan] and escaped with his property [things] 
 to King Prusias of Pontus. Here he might have remained 
 free from [without] danger, had he not aroused the king 
 against the Romans. First he tried-to-win-over other war- 
 like nations to his plan. If he could crush Eumenes, King 
 of Pergamos, who was a strong-friend of the Romans, the 
 other (measures) would be easy. When accordingly he 
 was about to fight a naval battle [fight with the fleet], he 
 showed his men where Eumenes was and ordered them to 
 attack his ship in-a-body. 1 Indeed, they would have over- 
 come Eumenes, if he had not sought safety in flight. The 
 rest of the fleet, however, could have conquered Hannibal 
 
 1 universus. 
 
CATO ID/ 
 
 if they had not been frightened. For Hannibal's sailors 
 threw on board jars in which they had put poisonous 
 serpents. On seeing these, the enemy fled to land. After 
 this victory Hannibal happened to be mentioned at Rome 
 by the ambassadors of Prusias. The Romans thought : "If 
 Prusias keeps Hannibal with him, we shall never be free 
 from plots." Accordingly they demanded his surrender 
 [that he should be given them]. Prusias did not do this, 
 but the Romans surrounded Hannibal's house to seize him. 
 On learning this, Hannibal took poison. For if he had not 
 done so, his most bitter enemies would have killed him. 
 
 CONCESSION AND PROVISO (142-145) 
 
 4 
 
 CATO 
 
 228. Although Nepos wrote about many Romans, the 
 lives of two only, Cato and Atticus, have been left to us. 
 (When) a young man, the former did not give attention to 
 public-office, but was busy far from Rome. Marcus Per- 
 penna, the ex-censor, tells us that, although he had an inher- 
 itance in the territory of the Sabines, he later frequented the 
 Forum, at the suggestion of Lucius Valerius Flaccus. Even 
 if this is not true, we know that he came to Rome and held 
 many public-offices. Although he was made consul and had 
 won a triumph, yet as censor he has left the greatest fame 
 [name]. For he attempted to check the luxury of the Roman 
 people, which was beginning to be a danger to the state. To 
 show his remarkable industry, Nepos states that he was 
 a skillful farmer, a great general, and a pleasing orator. 
 Even when eighty years old he devoted himself to literature. 
 Indeed, even if he had been younger, he could hardly have 
 been more eager in its pursuit. He also wrote a history 
 
108 NEPOS 
 
 of the deeds of the Roman people, in which everything 
 (that was) worthy of admiration was set forth. He told 
 how the Romans waged war with the Carthaginians and 
 other nations, but in his work the leaders of these wars 
 were not named. Do you remember the famous saying of 
 Cato in regard to Carthage ? 
 
 INDIRECT DISCOURSE DECLARATIVE SENTENCES (146-150) 
 ATTICUS I-V 
 
 229. Write in indirect discourse. 
 
 I. Depending on Nepos scrlpsit : Titus Pomponius Atti- 
 cus was of the equestrian order and had inherited this dig- 
 nity from remote Ancestors without-a-break. His father, 
 who was not only rich for the times, but especially de- 
 voted to literature, educated his son in all the arts, and 
 the boy displayed [there was in the boy] so great aptitude 
 for his work that his high-spirited mates could not endure 
 it calmly, but were stimulated by his zeal. When he was 
 still a young man, his father passed away. To avoid of- 
 fending the followers of Cinna or of Sulla, he withdrew to 
 Athens on the death of Sulpicius. As he carried his prop- 
 erty with him he suffered no loss of his estate and was able 
 to aid the Athenians, whenever they wished to borrow. 
 
 II. Depending on Nepos scrlbit : Although Atticus would 
 never accept interest from the Athenians, he never allowed 
 the debt to become overdue [to be owed longer than was 
 agreed]. When he was away from Athens and could not 
 prevent it, the Athenians erected statues to his honor [to 
 him]. Even Sulla was captivated by his culture and learn- 
 ing, and tried to bring him back to Rome. But he would 
 not bear arms against his friends and preferred to remain 
 
ATTICUS VI-X 109 
 
 at Athens. When Cicero was banished, he showed his 
 fidelity to him. On returning to Rome, he won the good- 
 will of a churlish uncle, who at his death [dying] made 
 Atticus his heir. 
 
 INDIRECT DISCOURSE CONDITIONAL SENTENCES (151-152) 
 ATTICUS VI-X 
 
 230. Write in indirect discourse. 
 
 I. Depending on Nepos scrlbit : Atticus belonged to 
 the party of the Optimates, but did not engage in their 
 civil dissensions. If he had sought honors from Sulla, he 
 would have received them, but he preferred to avoid all 
 suspicion. For this would be troublesome to him, if he 
 should wish to aid his friends during the civil wars. He 
 was sixty years old when the civil war with-Caesar broke 
 out, and although the other Optimates left Rome, when 
 Pompey ordered them to repair to his camp, Atticus re- 
 mained without (incurring) his displeasure. If his friends 
 at that time wanted money, he gave it to them; nor did 
 Caesar take offense at this [did this offend Caesar]. 
 
 II. Depending on Nepos scrlbebat : On the death of 
 Caesar, when some of the equestrian order wished Atticus 
 to contribute money to the slayers of Caesar, he replied 
 \_pnt the following also in indirect discourse after replied] : 
 ' Brutus may use whatever of my means he wishes, but I 
 will not unite with others in this matter.' Later, when 
 Brutus withdrew from Italy, Atticus sent him (a) large 
 (sum of) money. Yet when Antony was declared an 
 enemy by the senate, Atticus prevented the Romans from 
 despoiling Fulvia and her children of everything. He 
 lent her money without interest, although no one at that 
 time thought that Antony would return to Italy. 
 
1 10 NEPOS 
 
 INDIRECT DISCOURSE QUESTIONS AND COMMANDS (153-155) 
 ATTICUS XI-XV 
 
 231. Write in indirect discourse. 
 
 I. Depending on Nepos scripsit : Who 1 at that time 
 thought that Antony would return victorious to Italy? 
 Yet he did return and remembered the kindness of Atti- 
 cus, who with the others had feared proscription. For he 
 sent him (Atticus) a guard to bring him without danger to 
 himself. Do not think Atticus did not assist the pro- 
 scribed, when every one [the common-people] was search- 
 ing for them. Even after Brutus had been slain at Philippi, 
 Atticus protected a's many as he could. How could one 
 think his liberality time-serving ! He assisted the unfor- 
 tunate and preferred to forget rather than to avenge an 
 injury. What can be more noble than this ? 
 
 II. Depending on Nepos scribit: With all Atticus' 
 wealth his house was more tasty than expensive ; his 
 household was composed of well-educated slaves [boys], 
 readers, and scribes. Each one had been born and trained 
 in the house [at home]. Nepos could tell how much 
 Atticus [he] entered as expended each month, for he had 
 seen his expense-books. Why did he have an educated 
 household? He wished to please the mind no less than 
 the palate [stomach] at his feasts. He would neither tell 
 nor endure a lie. In transacting [undertaking] business 
 he believed that he should keep his promise. He never 
 wearied of managing the business of others. Indeed, the 
 affairs of many Roman knights were looked after by him. 
 
 i Cf. sec. IX, end. 
 
ATTICUS XVI-XXII III 
 
 INFORMAL INDIRECT DISCOURSE AND ATTRACTION (156-157) 
 ATTICUS XVI-XXII 
 
 232. Atticus was a favorite with [pleasing to] both old 
 and young. He lived on-intimate-terms with Cicero and 
 Hortensius. He was especially beloved by Cicero, who sent 
 him letters from (the time of) his consulship to the very end 
 of his life. These were published and have been handed 
 down 1 to us. It is thought that they fully describe the 
 changes in the state during that period. Atticus boasted 
 that he had always regarded his sister as his equal and 
 that no (cause for) complaint had ever come between them. 
 Why should one mention that he was fond of ancient his- 
 tory [antiquity] ? For he had described in his books the 
 laws and wars of Rome, and even edited the genealogy of 
 illustrious families. He wrote many other books, both in 
 Greek and in Latin. After Octavius became Imperator, 
 Atticus obtained from him what fortune had not granted 
 to any Roman before. For it is said that Caesar pledged 
 his stepson to the granddaughter of Atticus. Whenever 
 Caesar wrote to his friends at Rome in-his-absence, he 
 always informed Atticus what he was reading and doing. 
 (When he was) seventy-seven years old [born] he had a 
 disease, which the physicians at the outset thought of 
 little consequence [despised]. Three or four months later, 
 when the pain became more severe [increased], he deter- 
 mined to abstain from food ; for he had noticed that this 
 did not nourish him and only increased his sufferings. 
 Within a few days he died and was buried in the tomb of 
 Quintus Caecilius, near the Appian Way. 
 
 1 trddo. 
 
EXERCISES CICERO 
 
 Words connected by hyphens are to be translated by a single word, e.g. fail- 
 in-its-duty. Words in round brackets are to be omitted in translation. 
 Square brackets indicate the Latin rendering. Figures in heavy type refer 
 to the sections of the Introduction. Date each exercise according to the 
 Roman method. See Caution, p. 53. 
 
 COMMANDS AND EXHORTATIONS (158-160) 
 CAT. I, 1-3 
 
 233. Catiline, do not abuse our patience. Dare you 
 come into the Senate ! Let the guard of the Palatine, 
 the assembling of all good citizens induce you to lay 
 aside your mad purpose [madness]. Know that your con- 
 spiracy is exposed. Depart, therefore, from the Senate, 
 from the city. Long ago I ought to have crushed you 
 because of your bold deeds [boldness]. On mere sus- 
 picion of sedition our ancestors have often put dangerous 
 citizens to death. Go forth, then, from Rome, if you 
 would escape such a fate [fortune]. Or else 1 change 
 your purpose. No longer plan to destroy the city (while) 
 within its walls. The Senate will not fail-in-its-duty to the 
 state if you remain in the city and plot its ruin. We have 
 long been too merciful, Conscript Fathers, but let us allow 
 this enemy to depart. If he does 2 not, but, remaining, 
 strives to destroy this city, and to slay each one of us, let 
 not his punishment then keep him waiting a day. Nor 
 ought you to fear, for even if he gives up his plans and 
 remains with us, yet my guards shall watch him as hitherto, 
 and he can no longer plot against the city within the city. 
 
 1 aliter. 2 Cf. 137. 
 
CATILINE I, 4-8 113 
 
 WISHES (161-162) 
 CAT. I, 4-6 
 
 234. Catiline, would that you had gone into exile, rather 
 than to Marcus Laeca's house that night ! For there were 
 assembled your companions in this wicked folly. There, 
 after planning the destruction of Rome, you decided to go 
 to the camp of Manlius, that bold leader of your desperate l 
 band. Yet you wished to kill me before your departure, and 
 soon found those who agreed to slay me in my bed. But 
 my house was fortified with stronger guards. I shut out 
 the knights who had promised to free you from your care. 
 Now depart from the city. O that you were already on 
 your way ! May you take with you all your accomplices 
 in this crime ! You cannot remain longer within this city 
 to plot against the state. All your plans up to this time 
 I have thwarted. Now all the senators, whom you see 
 assembled, all citizens, whose safety is imperiled, know of 
 your conspiracy. Go forth, then, into exile, if you wish, 
 for every man in this city both fears and hates you. May 
 you change your purpose, forget fire and sword, and trust 
 no longer to crime and madness. Then at length the state 
 will be freed from fear. 
 
 POTENTIAL SUBJUNCTIVE (163-165) 
 CAT. I, 7-8 
 
 235. Cicero may have been moved by hatred when he 
 banished Catiline, but he said that he was influenced by 
 pity only. When Catiline boldly entered the Senate, which 
 had been called to pass-judgment on his conspiracy, Cicero 
 told him that he ought to know what the senators thought 
 
 1 perditus. 
 
 LAT. PROSE COMP. 8 
 
114 CICERO 
 
 of him and his impious plots. They would not salute him 
 when he entered the senate house nay, more, they left 
 vacant even the bench on which he sat. Most men would 
 prefer to avoid such an affront, but Catiline would not with- 
 draw from their sight. His country had already suffered 
 much through him. He had injured and plundered her 
 allies, he had murdered her citizens, violated her laws. 
 Would she now suffer herself to be continually in fear 
 on his account ? The consul urged him to depart from 
 the city, but he said l he would not l go unless the Senate 
 should so [it] order. The consul, however, would not refer 
 (the question) to the Senate. " Catiline might see," said 2 
 he, " from the silence of the senators, when the consul 
 ordered him to go into exile, what would be-their-pleasure." 3 
 Yet Catiline, long desirous of laying waste the city, could 
 not then be influenced to do this. 
 
 CAT. I, 9-10 
 
 236. Why should Cicero have thought that Catiline would 
 reform? He had always been a man whom neither fear 
 nor reason could keep from disgraceful-deeds. If he had 
 gone into exile, he would have done so, not because he 
 yielded to the necessities of the state, but that he might 
 bring an impious war on his fatherland. Cicero knew 
 that he had already sent to the camp of Manlius at [to] 
 Faesulae that silver eagle which the army of Marius 
 was said to have borne. What could he mean [wish] by 
 this but [unless] war ? When he had gathered his force 
 of abandoned (creatures), he saw in it not-a-single good 
 man. The habits of his whole life had well trained him 
 
 1 nego. 2 inquit. 3 placet. 
 
CATILINE I, 11-13 115 
 
 to be commander of such an army. Cicero knew all this, 
 but thought that if he could drive Catiline [him] into exile, 
 just as he had before this defeated him for [repelled him 
 from] the consulship, his undertakings would be regarded 
 as brigandage, not war. " May he separate himself from 
 the conspirators in-the-city, or, rather, let him take them 
 with him! Then it will be ^easier for me to save the 
 state," thought Cicero. Cicero did, indeed, drive him 
 from the city, but later had to endure such a storm of 
 unpopularity that he himself went into exile. 
 
 CAT. I, 11-13 
 
 237. Why did Cicero allow a man who had already been 
 discovered (to be) an enemy to leave the city unharmed ? l 
 If the custom or laws of his Roman ancestors ought to be 
 heeded, 2 Catiline should have been thrown into prison, not 
 let loose against the city. Many men at Rome had these 
 same views, and Cicero thought it necessary to answer 
 them. He remembered that many men had won-honor, in 
 previous times, by putting to death the enemies of the state. 
 Consequently he did not fear that he would defile himself, 
 or that any odium would threaten him because of this. 
 But he had noticed that many, even among the senators, 
 could not understand in what danger the state was, and 
 had strengthened Catiline's conspiracy by their weak views. 
 If he had done what he thought ought to be done, these 
 men would say that he was acting tyrannically, and the 
 conspiracy could not be crushed forever. Under these cir- 
 cumstances, Cicero judged it better to let Catiline go forth. 
 He hoped, also, that Catiline would take with him to Man- 
 
 1 incolumis. 2 pared. 
 
1 1 6 CICERO 
 
 lius' camp all the rascals of-the-city. If he should do this, 
 and at last a wall should separate these from all good citi- 
 zens, each man would know, without (chance for) doubt, 
 that Catiline was the head of tl}e conspiracy, and the con- 
 sul could more easily defend the altars of the gods and the 
 homes of men from this impious alliance of crime. 
 
 CAT. II, 1-4 
 
 238. On the following day, Cicero told the Roman citi- 
 zens how Catiline, who had plotted the burning of the city, 
 had been driven forth. For Catiline had departed, for Mas- 
 silia as he said, but really for the camp of Manlius. No 
 longer would the Romans have to fear his plots within the 
 defenses (of the city). Already many, who a little-while 
 before did not believe that Catiline was to be feared, were 
 blaming Cicero because he had not put him to death. 
 How gladly 1 would Cicero have punished him according to 
 his deserts ! But he had seen that, if he should [do this], 
 he would be unable, because of the hatred of the people, to 
 overpower his associates.^ For, although Catiline had led 
 forth many men, yet he had left more in the city men of 
 noble birth, but heavily in debt, who could even then be 
 seen flitting about the Forum. These were the men, Cicero 
 thought, who should be feared, rather than that army of 
 rascals and bankrupts who had followed Catiline. Yet 
 Cicero might now despise them in-comparison-with the 
 splendid forces of Rome ; for he had shown clearly that a 
 conspiracy had been made against the state. He even 
 permitted those like Catiline to leave the city, if they 
 wished. In this way he hoped to relieve the state of pois- 
 oners and parricides, infamous women and abandoned men. 
 
 1 libenter. 
 
CATILINE II, 5-10 1 1/ 
 
 CAT. II, 5-7 
 
 239. Happy would Cicero be, could he but remove from 
 the city these intimates of Catiline, who are wasting the 
 means of industry in licentious-living ! If their desires 
 were but moderate, they would not have had to mortgage 
 their fortunes. Not only had they done this, but at their 
 feasts they had planned murders and the destruction of the 
 commonwealth. Cicero hoped that by their removal his 
 consulship would free the state from danger and add many 
 years [ages] to the republic ; for every foreign nation had 
 been subdued by Gnaeus Pompey, but within (her pre- 
 cincts) the state had to contend with the wickedness of her 
 own citizens. If these men could be restored (to good con- 
 duct), Cicero would use every means to accomplish it. When 
 some said that Cicero had driven Catiline, an obedient citizen, 
 into banishment, Cicero showed how the latter had plotted 
 to kill him ; how every senator had left vacant the bench 
 in the Curia, when Catiline approached ; how Catiline had 
 already sent to Manlius the well-known silver eagle. If 
 Catiline should not now go to Manlius, but should become- 
 terrified and depart into exile, Cicero would gladly endure 
 the storm of unjust odium, provided he could save the 
 state. However, he knew that Catiline did not intend-to- 
 go ; that those who kept saying this feared it rather than 
 complained of it. 
 
 CAT. II, 8-10 
 
 240. Cicero no longer feared for the state, since Catiline 
 no longer remained at Rome. There were, however, many 
 in the city who had been associated with [associates of] 
 Catiline. To these [whom] he must now turn his attention. 
 They were (composed) of many classes of men, and to each 
 
Il8 CICERO 
 
 of them Cicero offered his advice. The most respectable 
 class was still rich, but they had been unwilling to add to 
 their credit by paying their debts. If this class expected 
 to keep [use] their property safe^in the common ruin, they 
 were mistaken. Such men were little to be feared and 
 would rather utter threats than bear arms against the state. 
 Another class was of such as expected to gain power in 
 the disturbance of the [in the disturbed] republic. To 
 these the warning must be given that all good citizens 
 would bring aid to their country. A third class remem- 
 bered the times of Sulla and hoped for new proscriptions ; 
 for already they had squandered their money in expensive- 
 luxuries. All the other classes were (composed) of debtors 
 and criminals. It would, indeed, be a good (thing) for 
 Rome if these men should go out into open brigandage ; 
 for they would become a nursery of Catilines unless they 
 should go where they might be recognized as enemies. 
 They were such bosom-friends of Catiline that he could not 
 live without them. 
 
 CAT. II, 11-13 
 
 241. When one contrasts the men who are to form Cati- 
 line's bodyguard with the Roman troops, how can he fear 
 the war ! Already exhausted by want of everything, Cati- 
 line will see arrayed against him the flower and strength of 
 all Italy. Nay, on the one side are all the virtues, on the 
 other, all the vices. So even if men should be lacking in 
 zeal, the very gods would oppose Catiline. Besides this, 
 Cicero has-taken-precautions to have a sufficient guard in 
 the city and to notify the towns of Italy of Catiline's raid. 
 Everything is ready to crush this man, or to check all his 
 attempts. Again and again has Cicero even urged the 
 
CATILINE III, 1-3 119 
 
 followers of Catiline, who have dared to remain in the city, 
 to depart. If they do not do this [which], but think the 
 consul will be remiss, they will find out [perceive] that 
 the prison is still an avenger of impious crimes. Cicero, 
 indeed, intended so to act that the evil only should suffer 
 punishment, and the state be undisturbed by any rioting. 
 Although he desired to act in this way, and hoped to 
 accomplish it by his (personal) efforts, yet he told the 
 Roman citizens that he had undertaken this task, relying 
 on the aid of the immortal gods alone. 
 
 CAT. ill, 1-3 
 
 242. What a glorious empire and what a beautiful city 
 had the gods saved from fire and sword ! Surely Cicero 
 ought to have been (held) in honor by the Roman people, 
 since they [who] had been torn from the jaws of fate by 
 his efforts and plans. When the conspirators had almost 
 set fire to [placed fires beneath] the temples of the gods, 
 he had extinguished the flames. Although Cicero had 
 already disclosed the whole plot [all things] in the Senate, 
 he thought that he ought to set forth briefly to the people 
 how it had been found out by him. " You know," said he, 
 " when Catiline was banished from the city, how little you 
 believed my words. How much I had then to fear, if he 
 had not gone to Manlius ! His associates in wickedness 
 who had remained in the city were still plotting. I per- 
 ceived that you must with your own eyes see the mischief 
 before you would provide for your own safety. So the 
 conspirators were watched, 1 and when they tried to bribe 
 the legates of the Allobroges, who had come to the 
 Senate, the opportunity was presented to me for arresting 
 
 1 custodio. 
 
120 CICERO 
 
 all (of) them. As the Allobroges, with letters to their 
 people, were leaving the city, the praetors seized l them 
 near the Mulvian bridge and brought l them to me. Al- 
 though many [and] noble men thought that I should open 
 the letters, I refused to do so, and immediately called the 
 Senate together." 
 
 CAT. Ill, 4-6 
 
 243. Write in indirect discourse, depending on Cicero 
 dixit : 
 
 First Volturcius was led in and told the Senate that 
 Lentulus had given him letters urging 2 Catiline to join 
 forces with the leaders in the city as soon as possible. 
 For they intended to set fire to the buildings and to 
 slaughter [make a slaughter of] the citizens, as soon as 
 he should draw near the city. Then I brought in the 
 Gauls, who declared that they had been urged to carry the 
 letters to their people and to make war on Italy. Besides, 
 Lentulus had assured them that the rule of the city must 
 come to him, for he was the third Cornelius, and the sooth- 
 sayers had said that the downfall of the government would 
 occur at the feast-of-the-Saturnalia. After this the letters 
 were shown to the conspirators. Each one could recog- 
 nize his own seal and handwriting ; and, although at first 
 they denied the charges of the Gauls [what the Gauls 
 charged against them], finally they confessed all. If they 
 had not convicted themselves by their own confessions, 
 they could have 3 denied everything. What did the Senate 
 decide to do ? Without any amendment it voted to thank 
 me for my services in freeing the state, and to put Cethe- 
 gus and the others except 4 Volturcius under arrest. It 
 
 1 Condense this sentence. 3 141, N. 
 
 2 Omit, but show by construction in the following clause. 4 praeter. 
 
CATILINE III, 8-9 121 
 
 was thought that the remaining members of the conspiracy 
 would be crippled by the punishment of these leaders. 
 Lentulus also freed us from any religious scruple in pun- 
 ishing him by resigning his praetorship. 
 
 CAT. Ill, 7-9 
 
 244. Write in indirect discourse, depending on Cicero 
 dlcit : 
 
 Now, fellow-citizens, we have seized all the leaders of 
 this foul conspiracy. Never could we have done this, had 
 Catiline remained here among us. When he was forced 
 from the city, there was no one else to be feared. He 
 [that man] never would have given his letters to barbarian 
 ambassadors; for he had judgment suited to his crime. 
 Although all his plans were met and opposed by me while 
 he was in the city, yet never could I have detected the 
 whole plot so plainly, had he himself been able to under- 
 take the direction of affairs. And yet, fellow-citizens, not 
 I alone, but the immortal gods through me, have managed 
 (the affairs of) the state. Indeed, they have shown their 
 care for us in many ways. Do you remember when all 
 Rome was terrified because the images of the gods had 
 been overthrown and that gilded (statue of) Romulus 
 was struck by lightning ? At that time to avoid the civil 
 wars that were approaching our citizens neglected nothing 
 which might placate the gods. They even contracted for a 
 large statue of Jupiter, which you saw erected this morning. 
 Indeed, that Jupiter has saved your city and opposed these 
 wicked men. In no other way would a race hostile to Rome 
 have neglected its own advantage, especially when this op- 
 portunity was offered them by our (own) Patricians. 
 
122 CICERO 
 
 CAT. Ill, 10-12 
 
 245. Write in indirect discourse, depending on Cicero 
 dixit : 
 
 When, Romans, has any people been saved from such 
 pitiable ruin without armies, without bloodshed ? You re- 
 member how Lucius Sulla, overcoming Sulpicius, banished 
 Gaius Marius and many others from the state ; how this 
 place overflowed with the blood of citizens when Cinna was 
 driven from Rome by Octavius. In all those civil strifes 
 each sought the destruction of the other. And yet, what 
 did each aim to accomplish ? Not to blot out the name 
 of the Roman people, as Catiline desires, but merely to 
 change the (form of) government. Catiline and his fol- 
 lowers would have burned the city and slaughtered you, her 
 citizens, had I not preserved you. His friends have now 
 become my bitter enemies, and it is your (duty) to see that 
 I am not injured by them. For I demand of you no other 
 reward save this that the remembrance of this day may 
 be cherished in the memory of all good citizens. Although 
 others less worthy of this honor than I may obtain statues, 
 yet let all remember him who preserved this empire from 
 the assault of wicked citizens. What! If I should be killed 
 by these men, surely there is nothing higher to which I 
 should ascend. Now depart to your homes, reverence 
 that Jupiter who has protected you from danger, just as 
 you have often previously done. Remember that I, the 
 consul, will be watchful in-the-interests-of our common- 
 wealth. 
 
 CAT. IV, 1-4 
 
 246. Senators, why are your eyes turned toward me? 
 Why are you so anxious for my safety ? (It is) the state 
 
CATILINE IV, 5-7 123 
 
 (that) is in peril ; for her safety you ought to take counsel. 
 If to save the state I must endure all tortures, I will do so 
 gladly, if only your wives and children may be snatched 
 from this great peril. Lay aside, therefore, (all thought of) 
 my safety. Even if I should be slain by these men, I should 
 not wish you to perish with me. You must come to a de- 
 cision to-day in regard to these men whom you have already 
 condemned to imprisonment. When so great a conspiracy 
 has been formed against a state, there should be no delay- 
 ing, no postponing-action, in the hope that in this way the 
 evil may be crushed. But it is my (task) first to state the 
 two propositions which have been brought to your notice. 
 The one proposes that, as these defendants have long 
 stirred (and are stirring) the people to overthrow the gov- 
 ernment, they should be punished by death. The other de- 
 clares that the gods did not establish death as a (means of) 
 punishment, and urges that the punishment should be im- 
 prisonment for-life [eternal]. This is, indeed, a severe pen- 
 alty [of great severity], for even hope is taken away, and 
 only life is left. If Caesar had only insisted on taking 
 away this, with the confiscation of their goods [when he 
 should confiscate their goods], he would have brought 
 them rest from [of] their toil and misery. 
 
 CAT. IV, 5-7 
 
 247. No doubt it is for my interest that you should 
 agree with [follow the opinion of] Gaius Caesar ; for if he 
 should approve your vote, I should have no more trouble, 
 since he is considered friendly to the people. Indeed, if 
 you will recall (the fact) that Caesar, but a few days ago, 
 voted for a thanksgiving in my name, and imprisonment 
 for these men, you can see that the advantage of the state 
 
124 CICERO 
 
 outweighed all considerations of private peril. He remem- 
 bers that by the Sempronian law a Roman citizen can be 
 deprived of life only by vote of the people. He forgets, 
 however, that these men, since they [who] have impiously 
 planned the destruction of this city, cannot be regarded 
 (as) citizens, but (as) enemies. Can any punishment be 
 too cruel ? If your slave had murdered your children and 
 attempted your own life, would you think any punishment 
 too severe ? The attempt of these conspirators was not like 
 that of Gracchus. These are men who have determined 
 to murder us, to burn the city. Be not cruel to your 
 country by any diminution of punishment. If you think 
 I have not sufficient guard to carry out your decrees, you 
 are greatly mistaken. It is to your interest to notice how 
 many, and what classes of men, are present about the 
 senate house. Even the poorest desire this government, 
 these temples, this common liberty, to remain [stand]. 
 
 CAT. IV, 8-1 1 
 
 248. The zeal not only of those men who were born at 
 Rome, not only of the freedmen who have gained the right 
 of citizenship, not the zeal of these alone, I say, should 
 be noticed, but especially that of other men who are still in 
 servitude. Although this city is not their country, although 
 they have not liberty the dearest (possession) of man 
 yet the audacity of these citizens appalls them, and in their 
 desire [desiring] that this government should continue, 
 they are contributing to its preservation all the goodwill 
 they dare. If you have heard that some have attempted 
 to bribe the needy and ignorant, be not frightened at this, 
 but rather provide for the safety of the Roman people. 
 
ARCHIAS 1-3 125 
 
 To-day you should remember that your country has a 
 leader forgetful of himself, devoted to you, who will not 
 hesitate to execute your decrees. Decide before night 
 what is to be done. I have now performed my consular 
 duty. Granted that your other leaders have become 
 famous by managing well (the interests of) the state, yet I 
 am the only man whom you have honored for saving the 
 state. If by chance I shall be overwhelmed by the multi- 
 tude of my enemies, I demand of you but one reward 
 [thing]. Let my deeds and the memory of this day be 
 fixed in your minds. Then protect my little son from 
 every danger. 
 
 ARCHIAS 1-3 
 
 249. If I am able to help the man from whom I received 
 my enthusiasm for [of] culture and literature, surely Aulus 
 Licinius may well demand this of me. For from my boy- 
 hood, from my earliest recollection, he trained my mind to 
 learning, my voice to public speaking. Do not think-it- 
 strange that this man cannot defend himself. He has so 
 devoted himself to literature that he shrinks from this kind 
 of speaking in a public assembly. And, Judges, as I am 
 about to plead in behalf of such a man, I beg that I may 
 be permitted to use a form of speech new to this court, yet 
 suited to this case. If you grant me this favor, I am sure 
 you will feel that you ought to add Archias to the number 
 of citizens, if he were not already (one). Born at Antioch, 
 he was trained to culture in the usual [the same which are 
 customary] branches. In a short time he excelled all the 
 learned men in that famous city. Soon after his reputa- 
 tion spread through Asia and Greece, and even here at 
 Rome he was known to many of us as (being) worthy of 
 
126 CICERO 
 
 our admiration. When Marius and Catulus were consuls, 
 he came to Rome, where he was received by the Luculli. 
 So pleasing was he to these and other noted men that the 
 highest honors were heaped upon him. 
 
 ARCHIAS 4-6 
 
 250. How was he enrolled as a citizen ? When Marcus 
 Lucullus, his friend, set out for Sicily, Archias went with 
 him. Coming to Heraclia on his way, he became a citizen 
 of that state, which has long been on a perfect equality 
 with us as to rights. Some time later the Senate decreed 
 that all who were citizens of allied states might be given 
 (Roman) citizenship, if they then had a residence in Italy, 
 and were enrolled within a certain time. These (conditions) 
 he fulfilled [did]. And yet, when you cannot weaken these 
 (statements) you finally remember that the record-office 
 at Heraclia was burned, and some one of you demands the 
 public records. A foolish request [thing], especially as he 
 made his declaration before Quintus Metellus, a most up- 
 right and careful man. Or do you think that the people of 
 Heraclia would not have enrolled him as a citizen ? Yet 
 they gave this (honor) to men of much less ability. " If he 
 had been enrolled by the censor, it would prove that he 
 thought himself a citizen ; but he was not enrolled." But 
 you know, Gratius, that he not only made a will, but often 
 received legacies from [of] Roman citizens. In doing this 
 he acted as a Roman citizen. But you wonder why I 
 should devote myself to his interests ? One reason is that 
 he furnishes me with rest of mind, when I am wearied with 
 the noise of the Forum. Indeed, I am not ashamed to grant 
 some time to reviewing such studies, for by so doing I am 
 better able to aid you all. 
 
ARCHIAS 7-12 127 
 
 ARCHIAS 7-9 
 
 251. Do you understand me to say that the illustrious 
 men of whose meritorious deeds we have read in literature 
 were trained by such teaching ? It may be difficult to prove 
 this, yet this reply can be made : When we see how much 
 trained natural ability accomplishes, and how able men 
 have been aided in acquiring (a love for) virtue by the 
 study of literature, we wonder how much other men of 
 excellent talent, but untrained, would have accomplished, 
 if they had had the molding-power of education. How 
 much, therefore, should we love and cherish the man who 
 not only shows this result of his teaching, but, if we seek 
 pleasure only, who indeed furnishes us with so refined a 
 diversion ? Again and again has Archias recited many 
 excellent verses extemporaneously. Who would think that 
 we should spurn such a poet ? Poets are given to man by 
 the gods, and for that reason were called sacred by our 
 own Ennius. Did not seven cities claim Homer as their 
 own, even though he was dead ? If the rocks and deserts 
 respond to the song of the poet, if even wild beasts stop 
 to hear it, shall we not be glad to call [gladly call] Archias 
 our citizen ? Who is not pleased at hearing the praises 
 of his own merits ? Archias has celebrated Rome by his 
 praises. For the same reason, (a bust of) Ennius was placed 
 in the tomb of the Scipios. Thus many other poets, who 
 have devoted themselves to praising the Roman name, 
 have been cherished by our ancestors. Shall we not adorn 
 Archias also with great honor, and recognize him as our 
 
 own ? 
 
 ARCHIAS 10-12 
 
 252. Do not think that the Roman people receives less 
 praise because Archias' works are in Greek verse. For 
 
128 CICERO 
 
 Greek literature is read among all peoples the Latin only 
 within our own territories. Consequently our praises will 
 penetrate to the farthest bounds of the world. The great 
 Alexander deemed Achilles fortunate to have had Homer 
 as a herald of his valor. And yet he himself had many 
 poets with him, to praise his deeds. In fact, some of our 
 own commanders have even bestowed the citizenship on 
 poets who have written of their deeds. Would any of 
 them have refused Archias, if he had asked it of them ? 
 Remember that the Luculli, father and son, and Metellus 
 Pius were his intimate friends. Through them he could 
 have obtained anything, for they gave rich rewards even 
 to poor poets. But why do I defend Archias ? Not alone 
 because of these considerations, but also because he has 
 promised to touch in verse upon the events of my consul- 
 ship. By this he will spread remembrance of me to all 
 the earth. In these praises of me, you also will be praised. 
 Therefore, spare this man, this poet of genius. Nay, 
 rather, let him conduct himself as a citizen unmolested. 
 
 MANILIAN LAW 1-4 
 
 253. I have to rejoice that, when I am about to speak 
 for the first time in this honored place, I am to devote my 
 time to my friend, Gnaeus Pompey. Hitherto I have been 
 so busy with [in] the defense [danger] of private citizens 
 that I could not aspire to the influence of this position. 
 But now that you have shown your judgment of me, by 
 electing me praetor, this avenue to [of] glory has been 
 opened to me, and I will bring to this place whatever 
 ability I may have. But to start at the beginning, two 
 powerful kings have seized your provinces in Asia. Your 
 tribute from these provinces is at stake ; the Roman 
 
MANILIAN LAW 5-7 1 29 
 
 knights, who have devoted themselves to your interests 
 in Asia, have begged me to report to you the state's 
 danger and their own. If I say what ought to be dis- 
 cussed first, I shall speak of the nature of the war. Here 
 let me warn you that you will not only lessen the glory of 
 the Roman People, but will lose your most powerful allies. 
 Desirous as you have been of (gaining) glory, how can 
 you allow Mithradates, who ordered all Romans in Asia to 
 be put to death, and whom you defeated in the previous 
 war, to (continue to) rule ? One must pardon your com- 
 manders because Mithradates has not received punishment 
 fitted to his crimes, for (the interests of) the state called 
 them home before he had been captured or slain. What did 
 Mithradates then do ? He prepared the greatest possible 
 armies, and now is planning to wage war on you from two 
 widely separated parts of the empire. In Spain, Pompey 
 has already removed all danger from you. In Asia, Lu- 
 cullus was doing the same, until summoned home. Should 
 we not send Pompey to bring this war to an end? 
 
 MANILIAN LAW 5-7 
 
 254. To speak further of the nature of this war, consider 
 how our ancestors punished those who treated our citizens 
 abusively. Because the Greeks addressed our ambassadors 
 too haughtily, war was waged on Corinth until it. was 
 destroyed. And yet you suffer Mithradates to deprive 
 Roman citizens of life ! Your friends and allies are driven 
 from their kingdoms all Asia is demanding aid from 
 you, so great is the danger. They would ask of you, if it 
 were allowed them, one leader of whose self-restraint they 
 have often heard ; but you have sent a different one. Yet 
 this other leader, who is now close-at-hand, has already 
 
 LAT. PROSE COMP. 9 
 
130 CICERO 
 
 checked the enemy's attacks (simply) by his [very] name. 
 Think what is-at-stake. Consider how necessary it is to 
 protect a province not merely from war, but even from 
 fear of it, if you expect to enjoy the revenues from that 
 province. All your tribute ceases while war is being 
 waged. Even if you should gain a victory, the property 
 of your tax-gatherers would be lost. Who then would 
 farm your taxes? If you neglect the interests of these 
 men, others will have no desire to invest in any of your 
 provinces. For they would think that you will consider 
 them of too little importance to defend [so little that you 
 will not defend]. Consider also what would happen at 
 Rome, how credit would fail and many be dragged to ruin. 
 
 MANILIAN LAW 8-9 
 
 255. Consider now the greatness of this measure. Do not 
 scorn what I shall say. For although this war is not to be 
 feared, yet you must undertake it with the greatest care. 
 And do not think that great praise is not due Lucius 
 Lucullus, a man of the greatest wisdom and valor. For 
 although, when he arrived, Mithradates with large forces 
 was besieging Cyzicus, that city was relieved by his efforts. 
 If this same Lucullus had not overwhelmed and sunk that 
 well-equipped fleet, it would already be blockading [shut- 
 ting.off from all access] Italy. That leader also captured 
 the king's palaces, despoiled him of his ancestral kingdom, 
 and drove him as a suppliant to other peoples. Have I 
 given Lucullus sufficient praise? Has any one, even of his 
 friends, or of those who oppose Manilius, bestowed like 
 praise on him ? Do you ask then how there can now be 
 anything more to be done if Lucullus accomplished all 
 this ? Since the question is not unreasonable, you shall 
 
MANILIAN LAW 10-12 131 
 
 learn. When our army was driving Mithradates from his 
 kingdom they were delayed by the gathering of the booty. 
 For all the silver and gold that Mithradates had heaped 
 up in Pontus was left by him when he fled to the Arme- 
 nian king. Although Lucullus defeated both Tigranes 
 and Mithradates in Armenia, our soldiers sought rather 
 a return from that remote place than a further advance. 
 Since this time Mithradates has been gathering new forces, 
 gaining new allies. I pass over that terrible disaster to us 
 when he suddenly attacked our victorious army. At that 
 crisis Lucullus was obliged to deliver the army to Manius 
 Glabrio. 
 
 * MANILIAN' LAW 10-12 
 
 256. Fellow-citizens, I have said enough in regard to the 
 nature and greatness of this war. Let us now consider 
 who is to be commander of interests [things] so great. 
 Would that it were difficult because of an abundance of 
 leaders for you to select one preeminently [especially] 
 suitable! But of all your commanders one only, Gnaeus 
 Pompey, possesses the necessary qualities of a leader. 
 Consider his knowledge of the art of war from earliest 
 boyhood he was trained by the discipline of the camp. 
 What wars has he not waged ! If you should read of the 
 various kinds, you would learn that he has been drilled in 
 every one. Indeed, there is nothing in military experience 
 that has escaped his knowledge. Is not his merit also 
 equal to his knowledge (of war) ? Indeed, he has such 
 merits as none of your other leaders has had. If witnesses 
 to this are sought, you must select them from a large 
 number. For not only Italy and Sicily, which were freed 
 from their enemies by his aid, but Africa, Gaul, and Spain, 
 all saw him overthrow the numerous foes that oppressed 
 
132 CICERO 
 
 them. From him alone did every coast, every foreign 
 nation seek aid, when the pirates held every harbor and no 
 one dared sail except in winter. If you recall that widely 
 scattered war, you will even nojv wonder how such a war 
 could have been finished by one commander in one year. 
 Yet Gnaeus Pompey in the fury of war passed over all 
 coasts, all shores. By midsummer all the pirates had 
 surrendered to his power. Besides, Cilicia had been added 
 to the Roman dominion. No longer had we to fear that 
 robbers would plunder our coasts, and even our harbors. 
 And all this was accomplished by the valor of one man. 
 
 MANILIAN LAW 13-15 
 
 257. A finished commander must possess not merely 
 valor but also blamelessness, self-control, and other quali- 
 ties of like nature [like these]. You must consider the 
 character of these virtues [what sort of virtues these are] 
 in-the-case-of Gnaeus Pompey, for any one can recognize 
 how (truly) great they are. In his army you do not hear of 
 the buying and selling of centurionships [that the centurion- 
 ship is bought 1 and sold]. If he had taken from the treasury 
 money which the Senate had appropriated for the expense 
 of war, and, as others have done, had kept it for himself or 
 divided it among his (friends), already your murmurs would 
 show [make] that you recall-it-to-mind. If you are angry 
 with the generals who from avarice have done this thing, 
 how much more must your foreign allies be alarmed, all of 
 whose fields and towns have been pillaged by these same 
 commanders! Because these remember what other lead- 
 ers have done and know how self-restrained [of how great 
 self-restraint] Pompey and his armies are, they regard him 
 
 1 emo. 
 
MANILIAN LAW 16-18 133 
 
 (as one) sent by the gods to free them from oppression 
 [wrong]. 
 
 They think that they see why their ancestors considered 
 it more to their advantage to be-servants-of Rome than 
 to have other nations as their tributaries. Such indeed 
 is the courtesy of Gnaeus Pompey that even the private 
 citizen dares enter complaint before him. Consider also 
 how great is his prestige ; for there can be no doubt 
 that our enemies are influenced by this. ' How you have 
 increased this by your decrees! When you filled the 
 Forum to demand Pompey as commander for the war 
 against the pirates, his fame penetrated to the most solitary 
 shore of the world. When you appointed him commander 
 of this war, prosperity came to Rome, and even the price of 
 grain fell [the cheapness of grain followed]. Had he not 
 been in Asia when we suffered that disaster in Pontus, you 
 could _not have checked Mithradates. Will he not then 
 save Asia if you put him in charge (of the war) ? 
 
 MANILIAN LAW 16-18 
 
 258. Is there need 1 of further examples to make clear 
 how great Pompey's influence is among foreign nations? 
 He was the only (man) to whom the Cretans would sur- 
 render, although he was far away, and another of your 
 generals was even then in command of the army on the 
 island of Crete. It happened that this same Mithradates 
 increased Pompey's prestige, when he sent a messenger to 
 him in farthest Spain. But come, let us consider his good- 
 fortune. Because of this indeed, and not merely because 
 of wise counsels and valorous-deeds, do we select com- 
 manders for our armies. For good-fortune seems to be 
 
 1 Cf. 55. 
 
1 34 CICERO 
 
 given in-some-divine-tnanner by the gods. When we remem- 
 ber how great good-fortune Gnaeus Pompey has already 
 had, may we not hope that in the future [remaining time] 
 he will not be displeasing to the gods ? Already even (the 
 forces of) nature seem to have given obedience to his will. 
 Had any one, before we saw what fortune the gods have 
 granted this man, dared (even) silently to declare himself so 
 endowed with honors, he would have been thought insolent. 
 At home, in the field, everywhere, 1 all things have yielded 
 to his wishes. Now as we cannot abandon our allies in 
 this danger, and as you have a commander endowed with 
 such virtues, will you not place him in charge of this war ? 
 Why must we choose another as commander, especially 
 when Gnaeus Pompey is already in Asia with his army? 
 And yet Quintus Hortensius, whose authority has always 
 had the greatest weight with you, says that this is not 
 the best (thing) to be done. He thinks you ought not to 
 appoint the same (man) for all wars. If we had followed 
 his advice when we were appointing Pompey commander 
 against the pirates, even now we should be cut off from 
 our provinces. How weak was the state of the Roman 
 people, although-their [whose] ancestors had conquered 
 all maritime nations, and adorned this place with the 
 spoils of fleets, while we could not keep our own shores 
 safe from robbers, nay more, even feared to set forth 
 from the city by the Appian Way. Ought we not to 
 have been ashamed to mount this rostrum? 
 
 MANILIAN LAW 19-21 
 
 259. Had the Roman people then been persuaded by 
 your views, Quintus Hortensius, rather than by their own 
 
 1 ubique. 
 
MANILIAN LAW 19-21 135 
 
 distress, we should not now be freed from all dangers on 
 land and sea. And yet you declared with the best inten- 
 tions what seemed to you to be for the safety of the state. 
 Further, as Pompey demands that Aulus Gabinius shall be 
 made his lieutenant, why should he not obtain from you a 
 man suitable for defending your allies ? By decrees of the 
 Senate your other commanders have often received such 
 lieutenants as they desired, to plunder your provinces. If 
 the consuls hesitate to bring before the Senate the choos- 
 ing of Gabinius as lieutenant, I myself will do so. Quintus 
 Catulus, however, demands that you do nothing contrary 
 to the precedent of your ancestors. You answered well 
 when you said that, in case any misfortune should prevent 
 Pompey from doing all you hoped he would accomplish, 
 there was none so worthy of your trust as Quintus Catu- 
 lus. And yet we must differ from this noble man, who 
 has been of so great an influence for good in the state that 
 we all believe-in him and gladly listen to his advice. If I 
 may call to mind the Carthaginian and the Spanish wars, 
 you will remember that these were conducted by one man. 
 Recently even the Senate decided that unless Gaius Marius 
 was placed in command of all the forces of our land, there 
 could be no hope of safety for the state. This same man 
 both subdued Jugurtha and defended us from the Teutons. 
 To pass by all others, even in the case of Gnaeus Pompey 
 very many remarkable honors have been granted by decree 
 of the Senate. It was indeed an unheard-of (event) that a 
 knight should have a triumph at Rome, that a private citi- 
 zen should be given a proconsulship. If these examples 
 are not sufficient, remember how he was permitted to be- 
 come consul before he had held any other office. And all 
 these things, too, were done with the full consent of Catulus. 
 
136 CICERO 
 
 MANILIAN LAW 22-24 
 
 260. Such men should respect your judgment in regard 
 to Gnaeus Pompey, especially since you have always ap- 
 proved their opinions concerning this same man. Did not 
 many men cry out when you chose Pompey general in the 
 maritime war? But did your judgment then bring safety 
 or disaster to the state ? Can they not see that they must 
 sometimes yield to the will of the Roman people ? Now 
 especially you should have in Asia a commander of great 
 self-restraint ; for it is difficult to think of nothing save the 
 state. The rich shrines and prosperous cities are so many 
 in number that our generals have even sought a pretext 
 [reason] for waging war. Why ? Simply that they might 
 plunder those intrusted to their care and become rich on 
 the spoils of war. All this has been done to such an 
 extent that we are bitterly hated by [in great hatred 
 among] foreign nations. The complaints of your allies 
 are known to Catulus and Hortensius. They know that 
 the property of those cities and the royal treasure are so 
 great and the ornaments of the shrines in Asia so rich 
 that your other generals would not keep their hands from 
 them. Do not then fear the threats of these men who, 
 (although) endowed with the greatest talent, would dis- 
 suade you from sending [urge you not to send] Gnaeus 
 Pompey to the Mithradatic war. Abide by your purpose. 
 I promise to aid [be an aid to] you with this pretorian 
 power, not that I expect to gain from this any defense 
 against dangers or any assistance to (further) honors, but 
 that I may place your advantage before my own. There- 
 fore, fellow-citizens, appoint Gnaeus Pompey to the man- 
 agement of this war. 
 
SPECIMEN COLLEGE ENTRANCE EXAMINATIONS 
 IN LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION 
 
 AMHERST COLLEGE, 1897 
 
 While Caesar was thus engaged, he desired to know 
 what was being done elsewhere. A message was brought 
 to him from Titurius, whom he had placed in command^ of 
 the troops at the bridge : " The Belgians have changed 
 their plan, and have come down to the river. I fear they 
 will cross it at a ford* and thus attack us in the rear 2 *" 
 Caesar immediately dispatched his horse and light troops 4 
 to prevent their carrying out this design. These squad- 
 rons^ crossing the river by the bridge, reached the ford 
 before the Belgians had passed it, and attacked them with 
 their missiles while they were still struggling^ in the mid- 
 dle of the stream. Part of them who had already gained 
 the opposite side were surrounded and cut in pieces 1 by 
 the cavalry. The Belgians were forced* to retreat to their 
 former encampment, where they heard that Divitiacus had 
 entered their confines and was now wasting their homes 
 with sword and fire. They therefore determined to aban- 
 don their attempt^ and to return each to defend his own 
 - land. 
 
 1 praeficere. 4 miles expeditus. 7 trucidare. 
 
 2 vadum. 5 turma. 8 cogere. 
 
 3 a tergo. 6 impeditus. 9 inceptum. 
 
 137 
 
138 COLLEGE ENTRANCE EXAMINATIONS 
 
 BRYN MAWR COLLEGE, 1897 
 
 He told me to buy him a horse for twenty minae, but 
 said that he could not pay it now because his friend had 
 not sent him the money that he heeded. I am ashamed of 
 my faults, but what business is that of yours? He was 
 leaning on the table, when suddenly the table was moved, 
 and he fell to the ground. I broke the window with a 
 stone, but I cannot remember what I was trying to hit. 
 All the world is full of good men, but the wicked seem to 
 have the most pleasures. 
 
 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY, 1897 
 
 If I should say that I had done these things alone with- 
 out the help of the gods, I should be beside myself. Does 
 it not seem to have happened providentially that Lentulus 
 was so foolish as to intrust the letters to the Gauls who, 
 though they might have kept silent, nevertheless of their 
 own accord offered us the proofs of Catiline's guilt? 
 
 CORNELL UNIVERSITY, 1897 
 
 1. All good citizens will obey the laws of the Roman 
 people. 
 
 2. These brave men blocked the way of the enemy with 
 their own bodies. 
 
 3. Before I set out from Rome, you returned to the city 
 from Asia. 
 
 4. Take care that those who are absent may not have a 
 place to which to return. 
 
 5. If he had known that you were to come to-day, he 
 would have remained at Athens. 
 
COLLEGE ENTRANCE EXAMINATIONS 139 
 
 6. He said that he should have done this before setting 
 out, but that he did not know how important it was. 
 
 DARTMOUTH COLLEGE, 1897 
 
 On the next day Caesar led out his forces from both 
 (uterque) the camps, and advancing a short distance from 
 the larger camp, he drew up his army and offered battle to 
 the enemy. As soon as (udt) he perceived that the enemy 
 did not come out, he withdrew. Then Ariovistus sent a 
 part of his troops to attack (oppngnari) the smaller camp, 
 and a sharp battle was fought till evening (vesper). Then 
 Caesar, calling a council, said that he should send out a 
 detachment of cavalry (aid) to reconnoitre (explorare), and 
 when they returned, he should order the soldiers to pre- 
 pare (corpora curare) for an engagement. 
 
 HARVARD COLLEGE, 1897 
 
 Although only a small part of the summer was left, 
 Caesar determined to cross into Britain, for he had ob- 
 served that in nearly all the wars with the Gauls aid had 
 been furnished to the enemy by the inhabitants of that 
 island. Since, however, he could learn nothing from the 
 Gauls about the nature of the island and of its people, and 
 was afraid that some misfortune might happen to him if 
 he acted incautiously, he sent a lieutenant to find out all 
 he could about that portion of Britain which was nearest 
 to Gaul. 
 
 In the meantime Caesar gathered together about eighty 
 ships in which to carry across the troops if a favorable 
 report was made by his lieutenant. When after five days 
 
I4O COLLEGE ENTRANCE EXAMINATIONS 
 
 this officer had returned and reported all that he had 
 seen, Caesar at once set sail with two legions of infan- 
 try and ordered the cavalry to follow with all possible 
 speed. 
 
 The cavalry, however, waited more than five days before 
 setting out and then proceeded so slowly that one battle 
 had already been fought with the enemy before they came 
 within sight of Caesar and the infantry. 
 
 PRINCETON COLLEGE, 1897 
 
 1. Although news of this was brought to Ariovistus, 
 he told his men to wait until the enemy had crossed 
 the river. Then, after he had incited his soldiers to the 
 highest pitch of daring, he began the attack. 
 
 or, 
 
 The hostages told him that the enemies' camp was not far 
 distant, and that only old men and boys were guarding it, 
 and that if he chose to make an attack, in the absence of 
 the soldiers, he could capture it quite easily. 
 
 2. It is worth my while, citizens, to undergo this out- 
 burst of unjust hatred provided the peril of this dread- 
 ful war be removed from you. Let people say that I 
 have cast him out, if only he go into exile. But believe 
 me, he is not going to go. 
 
 TUFTS COLLEGE, 1897 
 
 Marcellus was much stronger in infantry forces, for he 
 had veteran 1 legions tried by many battles. Cassius relied 
 more on the loyalty than on the bravery of his legions. 
 So when Marcellus had seized a place suitable for a fort- 
 
COLLEGE ENTRANCE EXAMINATIONS 141 
 
 ress, 2 in order to cut off the followers 3 of Cassius from 
 water, Longinus, fearing that he might be confined by a 
 sort 4 of siege in regions hostile to himself, set out from 
 his camp by night in silence, and hastened by a swift 
 march to Ulia, a town which he believed to be faithful 
 to him. 
 
 1 veteranus. 2 castellum. 3 Cassiani. 4 genere quodam. 
 
 VASSAR COLLEGE, 1897 
 
 There are times when it is wrong to do things that 
 ordinarily are fitting (dignus) for good men to do. For 
 instance, if you have agreed to go and be an advocate 
 for some one, and meanwhile your son falls ill, surely it 
 is not shirking your duty not to do that which you said 
 you would do. If this were not so, says Cicero, there 
 would be no one who would dare make a promise ; but, 
 he adds, every man in deciding whether he ought to keep 
 a promise or not must bear in mind this rule, that the 
 lesser injury is to be preferred to the greater. 
 
 WELLESLEY COLLEGE, 1897 
 
 Render into Latin : 
 
 But the barbarians were not lacking in counsel. For 
 through all the ranks (tota acii) their leaders gave the 
 order (pronuntiare jusserunf) that "no one should quit his 
 place ; the booty was theirs, and for them was reserved 
 whatever the Romans should leave ; so then they should 
 understand that all depended (posita) upon victory." In 
 valor and numbers our men were their equals in the fight. 
 Although they were deserted by their leader and by for- 
 
142 COLLEGE ENTRANCE EXAMINATIONS 
 
 tune, they yet placed all their hope of safety in valor, and 
 as often as each cohort rushed forward, in that quarter 
 great numbers of the enemy fell. When he perceived 
 this, Ambiorix ordered his men to throw their weapons at 
 a distance and not approach too near, and to fall back 
 whenever the Romans made a charge. 
 
 Change from indirect to direct discourse : 
 
 Germanos neque priores populo Romano bellum inferre 
 neque tamen recusare, si lacessantur, quin armis conten- 
 dant, quod Germanorum consuetude haec sit a majoribus 
 tradita, quicumque bellum inferant, resistere neque depre- 
 cari. Haec tamen dicere : venisse invitos, ejectos domo ; 
 si suam gratiam Romani velint, posse iis utiles esse amicos ; 
 vel sibi agros attribuant, vel patiantur eos tenere quos 
 armis possederint. 
 
 Change from direct to indirect discourse: 
 
 Alterum genus est eorum, qui, quamquam premuntur 
 aere alieno, dominationem tamen exspectant, rerum potiri 
 volunt, honores, quos quieta re publica desperant, pertur- 
 bata consequi se posse arbitrantur. Quibus hoc praecipi- 
 endum videtur, unum scilicet et idem quod reliquis omni- 
 bus, ut desperent se id, quod conantur, consequi posse. 
 
 WILLIAMS COLLEGE, 1897 
 
 In the five-hundred-and-fortieth year after the founding 
 of the city (a condita urbe) Paulus and Varro were sent 
 against Hannibal. At a town called Cannae in Apulia a 
 battle was fought, in which both consuls were defeated. 
 The consul Paulus was killed, thirty senators were either 
 
COLLEGE ENTRANCE EXAMINATIONS 143 
 
 captured or slain, as well as three hundred nobles and 
 forty thousand soldiers. Yet no Roman dared to speak of 
 peace. Slaves were manumitted (manumissi sunf), a thing 
 which had never been done before, and in this way the 
 army was increased. 
 
 YALE COLLEGE, 1897 
 [Time allowed, 30 minutes.] 
 
 When the Romans reached Britain the barbarians, occu- 
 pying the shore, hurled javelins at them and attempted to 
 prevent them from disembarking (ex navibus egredi). The 
 Romans, not accustomed to -fight on ships, were terrified 
 by this until (donee) Caesar ordered some of his ships to be 
 stationed near the exposed flank of the enemy. Then the 
 barbarians disturbed by the arrows and javelins retreated 
 slightly (paulum pedem referre). While the Romans were 
 still hesitating, the eagle-bearer 1 of the tenth legion, jump- 
 ing (se proicere) into the sea, cried out, " Leap down (desi- 
 lire), soldiers, unless you wish to betray your eagle to the 
 enemy ! " All immediately followed him and after a fierce 
 conflict put the enemy to flight. 
 
 1 " He who carried the eagle." 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO, 1897 
 Elementary Prose Composition 
 
 Translate into Latin (marking all long vowels): 
 
 i. Ariovistus told Caesar that he (Ariovistus) had not 
 crossed the Rhine of his own accord, but at the earnest 
 entreaties of the Gauls, who were being hard pressed by 
 their neighbors. 
 
144 COLLEGE ENTRANCE EXAMINATIONS 
 
 2. Moreover, he wanted to know what business Caesar 
 had anyhow in his part of Gaul, which he had conquered 
 in war. 
 
 3. Caesar replied : You do not think, do you, that I 
 can permit the friends and dependents of the Roman 
 people to be injured? 
 
 4. Can you not, therefore, be persuaded to send your 
 forces home and not allow any more Germans to cross the 
 Rhine ? 
 
 5. Although Ariovistus spoke so boldly, yet he was 
 afraid that Caesar would drive him out of Gaul. 
 
 Advanced Prose Composition 
 
 [Do not attempt to render the English into Latin word for word, but grasp 
 clearly each thought, and consider what is the Latin way of expressing this 
 thought.] 
 
 Translate into Latin (marking all long vowels) : 
 
 Tullius sends greeting to Tiro : 
 
 I thought that I could bear your absence a little more 
 easily than I do, but I do not bear it easily ; and although 
 it is of great importance to me to come to the city as soon 
 as possible, still I seem to have done wrong in leaving you. 
 But since it seemed to be your wish not to sail until your 
 health was restored, I have approved of your plan. I 
 have sent Mario to you with instructions that he is to 
 come with you to me as soon as possible, or, if you remain 
 for a time, that he is to return to me at once. But be 
 assured of this, 1 that if it can be done with safety to your 
 health, I prefer nothing more than that you should be with 
 me. 
 
COLLEGE ENTRANCE EXAMINATIONS 145 
 
 ii you sail at once, you will overtake us at Corcyra; 
 but if you wish to recover your strength? you will take 
 good care to choose suitable weather and a suitable vessel. 
 Give heed to one thing, Tiro : do not let the arrival of 
 Mario and this letter disturb you. Take care especially 
 of your health. 
 
 1 hoc tibi persuade. 2 te confirmare. 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA, 1897 
 
 Translate into Latin (if Latin word is unknown, indicate 
 in blank space the case or the mood and tense required) : 
 
 When Caesar made these inquiries (asked these things) 
 of the envoys, he found that the Belgae long before had 
 driven out the Gauls (use participial phrase) and that they 
 were the only ones who had been able to prevent the Cim- 
 bri from entering (or invading) their country; that the 
 Nervii, who were considered the fiercest among them, had 
 promised fifty thousand armed-men for this war. 
 
 While Caesar was waiting for reinforcements, the Belgae 
 attacked a walled town of the Remi, which was eight miles 
 from the Roman camp. So Iccius sent a messenger to say 
 that unless aid were given him, he would have to surrender 
 the .town. Caesar replied that he would send one legion 
 to help the Remi because they had obeyed his orders. 
 
 LAT. PROSE COMP. IO 
 
 TYPOGRAPHY BY J. 8. CUSHING & CO., NORWOOD, MASS. 
 
Dodge, CC 
 
 
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 bes6d on CH 
 and Cicero 
 
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 THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY