11 Dr. rf MEMO Philip >RIAA\ Graif V5 47. LAMARTINE'S HISTORY OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION Of 184: *8 & 50. JUNIUS'S LETTERS, with Notes, Additions, Essay, Index, &c. 6 vols. 19, 55, 60, 65, 71. VASARI'S LIVES OF THE MOST CELEBRATED PAINTER! SCULPTORS, AND Ai?Ci-!!TECTS. Translated by MBS. FOSTES, with .Note Complete iu 5 Vols., with Index. BOHN'S CLASSICAL LIBEAEY. DEMOSTHENES. LONDON : It. CLAY, PKINTEK, BREAD STREET HILL. THE OLYNTHIAC AND OTHER PUBLIC ORATIONS DEMOSTHENES. CHARLES RANN KENNEDY. LONDON: HENRY G. BOHN, YORK STREET, CO VENT GARDEN. 1852. CONTENTS. PREFACE i CHRONOLOGICAL ABSTRACT 20 ORATIONS : First Olynthiac 37 Second Olynthiac 45 Third Olynthiac 52 First Philippic 60 On the Peace 73 Second Philippic 81 On Halonnesus : 89 On the Chersonese 100 Third Philippic 115 Fourth Philippic 132 On the Letter 149 The Letter of Philip .156 On the Duties of the State 164 On the Navy Boards 176 On the Liberty of the Rhodians . 189 For the Megalopolitans 204 On the Treaty with Alexander 217 APPENDICES : I. Olynthus 227 II. Athenian Money and Mines 251 III. The Thracian Chersonese 257 IY. The Property Tax 299 Y. The Trierarchy 304 741963 PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION. MY. principle aim in undertaking this work is to produce a readable version of Demosthenes, adhering to the original as closely as is consistent with the primary object. Brevity and simplicity of style, together with the choice of apt and forcible words, are the most essential elements of a good translation. It is sometimes asked, and there seem to be various opinions on the question, whether a translation should be literal ? It depends, I say, upon the object which you pro- pose to accomplish. If you are composing a translation to be used in the Hamiltonian method of teaching, or as a mere help to the idle student against his day of examination, then you must be literal. And to perform such a task is not very difficult. But if you seek to accomplish a higher purpose, it is not to be done in this way : a work of another order becomes necessary. The primary object of a good translation is, that it may be read with pleasure, or at least without difficulty, by your countrymen ; and secondary to this is the assisting of the student in his perusal of the original. It is true, that for both these purposes a certain degree of closeness is necessary : but the first of these cannot be attained by a literal version, on account of the varying idioms of languages ; whereas the second may be accomplished by a good readable version. Nor does the matter rest here. I say that the classical student will derive much greater benefit from a readable ver- sion than he could from a literal. I speak of the real and self- improving student, not the cramming idler, nor yet the mere school-boy. Let us only see what his wants are. VOL. I. B 11 PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION. Such a person, in studying a Greek author, is not to look to a translation for a perfect analysis of the construction of sentences. This he should find out independently, from those principles of grammar wherewith his mind has been long storing itself, from glossaries, notes and commentaries. A translation which undertook to solve all the student'-s gram- matical difficulties, would be nothing more than a long note ; having indeed its use, but not performing the service of a good translation. The student, looking elsewhere for a thorough explanation of the syntax, may fairly consult the translator as an exponent of the true meaning of every sentence. And this is one piece of service which the translator renders him. But he has a right to look for much more than this ; viz. good English, choice words, and all the other elements of good writing; in short, the full sense of the original expressed in such a way as an Englishman would have expressed it himself, allowing for unavoidable discrepancies. No man will deny the importance of these things. One of the objects of studying foreign languages is, to obtain a more perfect mastery over your own. And a translation, either in prose or verse, may in this respect be made a useful medium of instruction, testing the powers and capabilities of your own tongue in comparison with those of another. Lord Brougham very truly observes : " Even to scholars the experiment is not without interest of trying how far the two languages can be used, so as to render in the one the thoughts couched originally in the other ; and even to scholars the comparative trial of the structures of the two, their resemblances, their differences, and their contrasts, is very interesting." To attain the advantage here proposed, it is manifest that the version must be thoroughly English; or there can be no comparison at all. But I must turn now to another view of the question. While it is the translator's duty to produce (if possible) such a work as, placed side by side with the original, shall be PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION. Ill in point of style and composition not unworthy of it, he must be sure to preserve all needful accuracy in regard to the sense and meaning. The term itself implies that he must do this. A translation is different from an imitation. He must adhere to the original. He must be accurate. But, how closely must he adhere? what degree of accuracy must he observe ? are questions that naturally occur, and can- not well be answered except practically, by examples. I will give just now some examples to illustrate my views; but will first endeavour, as far as I am able, to express my opinion in general words. It is the business of the translator to express the full sense briefly, simply, forcibly; to add nothing, omit nothing ; never to amplify or exaggerate. He should not servilely imitate constructions, or follow the order of words, yet not depart even from them unnecessarily. The production of good Eng- lish he will regard as essential ; to this everything must give way but the sense of the author. Within the limits of these two conditions, faithful interpretation and good writing, he may turn and twist his sentences with a considerable degree of latitude and freedom. But these limits will always pre- serve him from unreasonable vagaries. While he does not affect to teach grammatical rules, they must be the guide to his own version, or he cannot translate faithfully, so that he will always afford a clue to the construction, and will never mislead. To accomplish all this, not only must you be thoroughly familiar with the language which you translate, but you should have deeply studied your own, and even know several besides. It is an essential condition of producing a good translation, that you should be able to produce a literal one. Only this is far from being all. There are hundreds of good scholars who are able to do this, but who are not competent to write well. And on the other hand, clever men and practised writers have failed in translation because they never took due pains to study the original language. Hence we have had so many B2 IV PBEFACE TO THE TRANSLATION. bad translations from opposite causes. The literal translators necessarily fail, for want of a sufficiently high aim, a proper conception of their duty. The readable have been men who neglected or despised the niceties of scholastic learning. There are others also, from whose acquirements more might have been expected, who, carried away by the fervour of their imagination, or not liking the trouble of attending to words, have considered it sufficient to give the general meaning of an author, clothing it often in language which is purely their own. To the class of loose translators belongs Leland. His ver- sion of Demosthenes is the best of the English, and has con- siderable merit. He appears also to have been a pretty good scholar, so that his faults are generally attributable rather to negligence than ignorance. I shall now proceed to show, by a few examples, what my views of proper translation are. The following is from the Oration on the Crown; and I agree with Lord Brougham, that there is an unnecessary departure from the simplicity of the original : TOVTO TO \j;TJ(j)l(TliJLa TOV TOTE Trj TTo'Xet 7T|Ot0TaVra KLV^VVOV TrapeXdelv eTroirjffer wffirep VE ort auVw. Leland : Euboea is commanded by his two tyrants ; the one, just opposite to Attica, to keep you perpetually in awe ; the other to Sciathus. Yet you have not attempted to oppose even this. No, you have submitted : you have been insensible to your wrongs. In this passage there are six instances in which the trans- lator has needlessly departed from the original : First, the word his does not sufficiently express that Philip placed the tyrants in Euboea. Observe, I don't complain of the change of construction. He was perfectly at liberty to invert it, and say, two tyrants were placed by him in Euboea, had such inversion been required to make a neater sentence. The objection is, that the point of the matter is expressed too loosely. Secondly, -eTriTeL^iffac is not expressed fully enough. Thirdly, the word perpetually is not in Demosthenes. Fourthly, oppose is riot a correct version of cnreXvo-tto-fe. Fifthly, the words el prfev aXXo efiovXerrde are omitted. Sixthly, the last clause is an entire mistranslation. Francis thus translates the passage : Philip hath established two kings in Euboea ; one at Ere- tria, which he hath fortified, opposite to the coast of Attica ; the other at Oreum, to awe your island of Sciathos. Nor have you asserted your own dignity by opposing these injuries, (since you seem unwilling to attempt any nobler design,) but even indolently suffered them ; apparently remitted to him your own proper rights. Francis has committed the same error as Leland in the aVfXufrao-Oe, and has distinctly mistranslated the 7rirei\t(TaQ which Leland has only shirked. Philip did not fortify Eretria, but established in it the sway of Clitarchus, his own partisan, VI PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION. and thus made him, and through him Eretria itself, a fortress against Attica ; that is, a rallying point, a point d'appui, for the enemies of Athens, from which they might at any time sally forth, as the Lacedaemonians did from Decelea, to attack and ravage the country. And so Jacobs has it : ah feindlichen Hort. Pabst : in drohender fester Stellung. Francis has avoided some errors of Leland ; but, besides a too great verbosity, which is his constant fault, I must notice another, which is too frequently committed, viz. the insertion of explanatory words, the proper place for which is a note, and not the text. Here we have the words Eretria, Oreum, and our island, added to Demosthenes j and we might just as well have had the names of the tyrants, or any other historical fact introduced. The translation should be confined to the text. A correct literal translation is : lie established two tyrants in Euboea, one opposite Attica, fixing him like a hostile fortress, the other against Sciathus; and you have not even got rid of these nuisances, if you would do nothing else : you have allowed them ; you have manifestly given way to him. Here the word nuisances is not wantonly added, for it is contained in the ravra, and some such word is necessary to be introduced. It may further be observed, that the literal translation of el fjirictv ct'XXo eftovXeade is hardly sufficient to convey to an English reader the exact meaning of the original, which, fully expressed, is : these nuisances, at least, you should have got rid of, though you would do nothing else ; yet you have never done so, &c. But this expansion would weaken the translation too much. Therefore, I adopt a turn of expression which in English is equivalent to the Greek form, as those who are familiar with the Greek form will understand : and I trans- late thus : He established two tyrants in Euboea, one like a hostile fortress opposite Attica, one threatening Sciathus : and these nuisances you have never got rid of; not even this would you attempt : you have submitted ; left the road open to him clearly. PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION. Vll In the four preceding examples I cannot doubt that Leland understood the text of his author. He has translated him loosely from carelessness. And, it may be observed, that, while he has mistranslated Demosthenes, he has not departed from the general sense and meaning. But this is not always so : and persons addicted to very loose translating frequently wander from the argument as well as from the words. Take the next example from the Oration on the Chersonese : 'Hjuete ovre \prj fiara eiGfyepetv j3ov\6fj.eda, OVTE avrol .... vvTy cVei&prcp OVTWQ eloper, rci TJ^cYep Which means : We are unwilling to pay contributions, or to perform military service, .... and yet, with such disposition, we are not con- tent to mind our own business. That is ; the Athenians will neither take the proper means to carry on war, nor will they abstain from public business and Grecian politics. But Leland translates the last clause : Thus we proceed quite regardless of our interests : entirely mistaking the sense, which Auger puts clearly enough. Ainsi disposes, nous ne pouvons nous resoudre a ne nous meler que de ce qui nous regarde. Having thus noticed a few errors on the side of excessive freedom, let me turn to those which are equally injurious, on the side of excessive accuracy ; whose tendency is, to degrade translation into a schoolboy exercise. I must again have recourse to examples. Take the famous oath : Ma rovg Mapa0avi TrpoKLV^vvevcravTag TWV irpoyovuv. By your ancestors who met the peril at Marathon. A person who reviewed Lord Brougham's translation in the Times, insists that it should be translated thus : By those of your forefathers, who at Marathon were the first to encounter the brunt of danger. And I equally insist, that the critic's translation is de- testable, as emasculating all the vigour of the clause. It is true that he expresses the genitive case more fully, and I Vlll PEEFACE TO THE TRANSLATION. would require the schoolboy to do so in his lesson ; but that is a totally different affair. Here it is essential to have the fewest possible words, to preserve the spirit of the appeal, and something may be sacrificed for this purpose. My translation, however, is not incorrect : it does not exclude the partitive signification, but only leaves a trifling ambiguity, which de- ceives no man. But here are eight words for TrpoKivtivvtv- GCLVTCLQ, and the ?rpo virtually translated twice, by first and brunt. Over-accuracy always leads to verbiage. Jacobs has : Bei den Ahnherrn schwor* ich, die zu Marathon kampften. Shortly before the last passage we have : Et yap ravra Trpoeiro d/covtrt, Trept wv ov^tva KLV^VVOV ovnv ov% vVeyLteiyav 04 TTpOyOVOlj TIQ OV"^L Ka.T7TTVffV GLV (TOU. Lord Brougham has : For if she had given up without a struggle .all that your forefathers encountered every danger to win, ivho but would have spurned you, JEschines ? His reviewer has : For if voluntarily and without an obstinate struggle, those honours had been abandoned, for which our ancestors braved every danger, where is the man ivho would not have spit on you with loathing ? Lord Brougham's is far the preferable version. In the other, the words voluntarily, obstinate, and with loathing, though intended to exhibit a wonderful accuracy, are utterly unwarranted. And as to KareVrvcrsv, which Lord Brougham is charged with frittering away, the critic needs to be in- formed, that metaphors cannot always be transferred from one tongue to another. It happens sometimes, that a meta- phorical expression, by frequent use, becomes familiar to the people of the country, but if literally translated into another language, it sounds harsh or strange to those who are not accustomed to it. I might call the critic a goose in English, but if I called him anser in Latin, the point would be lost. The phrase classi immittit habenas sounds ill, if literally ren- dered in English, though it has been so. We know that y "^ PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION. X j IX had become a common word of abuse at Athens, and, being such, is well enough represented by such a word as despicable. I do not, however, absolutely say, that the meta- phor here may not be preserved ; I only object to a criticism which assumes its positive necessity. But if perfect accuracy is insisted upon, why add the words with loathing ? Jacobs has the simple angespuckt. I should prefer, in Lord Brougham's version, the substitu- tion of what for all that; and the omission of you before JEscliines. The introduction of the last word, instead of you y may be good, to escape too many monosyllables. In the Oration on the Crown, we have : Kcu yap ardpa iSiq. mi TTO\IV Koivy irpoQ TO. taXXterra TUJV VKapyovTwv del del TretpaaSat -a Xonrd TrpaVreiv. Lord Brougham and his critic both commit the error of attempting to translate i%ly and Koivrj literally ; the one hav- ing, individuals in their private concerns, and the state in public affairs ; and the other, a man individually, and a state collec- tively. The former of these is better in point of composition, the latter is closer to the original ; but they are both faulty, by making prominent that which in Greek is a mere flourish, and cannot be represented in our language. It is clear at once that the words individually and collectively add nothing to the sense in the above translation. It is a rhetorical antithesis not very unlike that of plv and e, which is perpetually re- curring, and has an elegance and a usefulness about it, which we can seldom express. Sometimes, indeed, it happens, that Hev and e may be represented by such expressions as, on the one hand, and on the other; but it is rare that they assume so much importance in the sentence. Leland has avoided this puerility : By the most illustrious of their former actions it is, that private men or public bodies should model their succeeding conduct. The only thing which I object to here is, public bodies, as being hardly dignified enough. Translate : For both individuals and communities should ever strive to model their future conduct by the noblest of their past. X PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION. Is there anything here left unexpressed 1 That is the test of a faithful translation. Are not the words avdpa iSiq, Trpdrreiv fully enough represented by the words individuals their conduct ? Or what further is wanted ? It is no slight advan- tage, in my view, that the last translation is shorter than any other. Yet, brief as it is, it has one word more than the Greek, and this shows how important it is to struggle for brevity. The best versions in the world will exceed the Greek in num- ber of words, if they are faithful ; for obvious reasons. 'Arrjp is a man ; Trpdrrw, / do, or, / am doing ; Trparrfrw, let him do; ravra, these things; QiXiTTTrov troXepovvTOQ, Philip being at war, or, while Philip is at war. These and the like ex- pansions are inevitable ; but they make it the more necessary to aim at brevity, wherever it can be had, consistently with good writing. The translator must seize upon every compen- sation which he can lay hold of, to Attain this object ; though it may cost him ten times the trouble of the ordinary method. OvoeV aXXo rj xXevafft vpaQ, he only mocks you. Don't trans- late it, he does nothing else but mock you, though this be the literal translation ; because, by so doing, you lose an advan- tage, which your own language here affords, as a set-off against many disadvantages. The literal version entails upon you the extra word does, from which you escape by using the idiomatical turn. This may seem very simple ; but I find by experience, that from inattention to such simple matters hardly any translation in our language is what it ought to be. "Eon yap 'e^iv Kctl raXXorpta. (Orat. de Halonneso.) Translate : For it is possible to hold the property of others; or, if you please, with Leland : For a man may possess the property of others. The sentence expressed at full is : For it is possible to hold the property of others, as well as your own. The last five words demonstrate the meaning of icai. Why do I omit them 1 ? Because that full demonstration is pur- chased at the price of too much verbiage ; and the idea is sufficiently expressed without it, if you read the sentence properly, laying the emphasis where you ought. The trans- PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION". XI lator, using that reserve which good - taste requires, relies on the intelligence of the judicious reader. And with this reliance, I don't think it necessary to put any words in italics. The German translators, Jacobs and Pabst, express the KOL by aucli. But in English neither also nor even, nor anything short of a paraphrase can fairly represent it. Auger has, Car on pent avoir le bien d'autrui. If I am asked why I do not adopt the turn of Leland or Auger, who are both shorter than I am, my answer is, that I wish to avoid the ambiguity of their sentences, which might be construed as importing that it was lawful to have the property of others ; and an emphatic word like possible is better than may or can. Here a ^p) Trpajerej eVetoaj/ ri yeVrjrat j (First Philippic.) Literally : When will you do what is necessary ? When what has happened ? Better : When ivill you perform your duty ? In what event ? Where Demosthenes urges the Athenians avrovg eterai, I often translate it, to serve in person; because the literal expression is inadequate : and to march out yourselves gives but half the sense, as it refers to naval expeditions as well as land services. QVT el pi pire yevoijj.rii', I neither am, nor wish to be. AmreXw 'e-^v. I have ever had is sufficient, without adding and still continue to have : for this makes too many words. 'E/c/^e^ TTT&XWI' TrXovGioi yeyovcLGiv , EK c)' d^6^d)v errijjLOL. From poor have become wealthy., from obscure honourable. But it is a little better to say : Have risen from poverty to wealth, from obscurity to honour. Milton has imitated the Greek construction : How earnest thou speakable of mute ? And in poetry I like it, but it does not suit so well in prose. Tac tvQvvaQ iTreffrjfjLaiveaOe. You, passed my audit, or you approved my account. But not, as more than one translator has it, you passed and approved my accounts. I notice this once for all, in order to condemn the practice, Xll PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION. common with some translators, of putting two words for one. This they do, either because they doubt which is the better word, and think, if they have both, they must be right ; or because neither word seems sufficient of itself, and they are anxious to convey every tittle of the sense. But it is better to exercise a little reserve, than to indulge this rage for accuracy. It frequently happens that a turn or paraphrase is not only allowable, but absolutely necessary ; as in the following ex- ample from the Oration on the Crown : Ov yap SI'ITTOV KTrjcrKJMJJVTa JJLEV Ivvarai ^LLJKEIV Si* ejjLe, E/JLE Be 9 EiTTEp t;XeyetJ' eVo/ziev, avrov OVK av cypai^aro. In this passage, which all the English versions that I have seen mistranslate, it is only necessary to see that the first negative governs both clauses, and nothing is more simple. But if we translate the words without a little management, they make nonsense ; as thus : For surely lie cannot prosecute jEschines on my account, and would not have indicted me myself } had he thought he should convict me. That is wrong, because, though the Greek ov may apply to both clauses, the English cannot is prevented from doing so by the change of tense. Otherwise it might have been lite- rally rendered, as in the following : Ov')(, rj cru Kvi%i, aov Kaivfjg CE vuntyrjQ IpEpu Not disliking your person and smitten with passion for the new bride. Here I must give the sense by a turn: Surely it cannot be, that he is able to prosecute JEscliines on my account, and would not have indicted me myself, had he thought he could convict me. But a little further deviation from the original form gives a more effective translation : Surely, if he can prosecute Otesiphon on my account, he would not have forborne to indict me myself, had he thought he could convict me. PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION. Xlll Auger saw the meaning : On ne dira pas sans doute qitun homme, qui pent bien & cause de moi accuser Ctesiphon, ne mleut pas accuse moi-meme, s'il cut cru pouvoir me convaincre. Jacobs is a little too wide : Denn Jcann er den Ctesiphon gerichtlich verfolgen um mein- etwillen, so Iconnte er auch mich selbst anklagen, wenn er den Beweis gegen mich zufuhren hoffte. Pabst is better. But all the English translators whom I have seen are entirely wrong. They seem to have followed Taylor. Leland's and Spillan's I subjoin : Leland : He cannot pursue Ctesiphon on my account ; and that he hath not directed his impeachment against me, can pro- ceed ^but from a consciousness thatjsuch impeachment could not be supported. Spillan : For he cannot prosecute Ctesiphon through me, but if he thought he could convict me, he would not have impeached Mm. One more example, and I have done. We have at the beginning of the first Olynthiac : "Ore Toivvv rov0' OVTWQ e'x 6t J TrpocrtiKei TrpodvpWQ edeXe Tv\ap"%ot into colonels and aids-de-camp. There is some truth in what Olivet says of the use of such terms, that to put them in the mouth of Demosthenes is like painting Alexander or Cessar in a peruke or an embroidered coat. PKEFACE TO THE TRANSLATION. XIX I agree also with what Pope says with respect to a transla- tion of Homer : " The use of modern terms of war and government, such as platoon, campaign, junto, or the like, into which some trans- lators have fallen, cannot be allowable ; those only excepted, without which it is impossible to treat the subjects in any living language." I have observed a similar rule in the translation of Virgil. But I must remark, that prose and poetry stand on a some- what different footing. Archaisms are often allowable and good in poetry, to give it (as Pope says) a venerable cast ; and, on the other hand, many modern words are fit for prose, which would not be suitable for poetry as campaign. In all these things taste and judgment are required. You must take care that your translations are as apposite as pos- sible ; and when you resort to words which can give but an imperfect idea of the original, select only such as are digni- fied, simple, significant, having rather a general and perma- nent, than a local or ephemeral character. I see, for example, no objection to words such as the following : Prince, general, captain, officer, commissioner, deputy, pre- sident, clerk, secretary, assessor, treasure?; paymaster, collector, board, rate, property-tax, register, audit, tribe, township, assembly, chairman, bill, decree, motion, resolution, statute, ad- vocate, jury, summons, action, indictment, plea, verdict, damages, fine, information, arbitrator, award, mortgage, trespass, But I will detain the reader no longer. I wish I were -as sure that I had carried out my principles well, as I am that the principles themselves are sound. c"2 CHRONOLOGICAL ABSTRACT EVENTS DURING THE LIFE OF DEMOSTHENES. B.C. 385 Demosthenes is born. This was just nineteen years after the termination of the Pelopon- nesian war. Greece was reposing under the peace of Antalcidas, and the power of Sparta had reached its height. 883 Philip of Macedon is born. His father, Amyntas II., has disputes with the Olynthians con- cerning their encroachment on his territories, and applies to Sparta for aid. Apollonia and Acanthus, two of the Chalcidian cities, send an em- bassy to Sparta for the same purpose. Sparta declares war against Olynthus, and sends a force under Eudamidas which takes possession of Potidsea. 382 Phcebidas, sent from Sparta to reinforce Eudamidas, stops on his road at Thebes, and seizes the Cadmea, in which he places a Lacedaemonian garrison. An oligarchical government is esta- blished at Thebes, at the head of which are Archias and Leon- tiades, devoted to Sparta. A multitude of Theban exiles fly to Athens ; among them Pelopidas. Teleutias, brother of Agesilaus, is sent with a larger force against Olynthus; is joined by a Theban contingent, by Amyntas, and Derdas prince of Elymia. The Spartans require Athens to dismiss the Theban exiles. Athens refuses. Teleutias defeats the Olynthians in a battle near the city, and shuts them in their walls. 381 Teleutias is defeated by the Olynthians, and slain. 380 Agesipolis, one of the kings, is sent with reinforcements from Sparta ; takes Torone, and dies of a fever. Polybiades succeeds to the command, and besieges Olynthus. 379 The Olynthians sue for peace, and submit to join the Peloponnesian confederacy. Pelopidas and his associates return to Thebes, where, having slain Archias and Leontiades, they are joined by their countrymen, and attack the Spartan garrison. A body of Athenian volunteers come to their assistance, and the garrison capitulates. CHRONOLOGICAL ABSTRACT,' OF EVES.TS. 21 B.C. 378 Demosthenes loses his father, and is placed under the care of three guardians. The Spartans send their king Cleombrotus into Boeotia. Chabrias, with an Athenian force, occupies the pass at Eleutherse ; Cleombrotus enters by another road, and having dispersed a Theban force at Plateea, takes possession of Thespiae, where he leaves Sphodrias, with a part of his army, and then returns to Peloponnesus. The Athenians, alarmed at the Spartan invasion, condemn their generals who had aided in the recovery of the Cadmea. Sphodrias marches against Athens, to surprise the Piraeus; ad- vances as far as the Thriasian plain, and retreats, after^ plunder- ing the country. The Athenians prepare for war with Sparta; strengthen the Piraeus 5 increase their fleet, and make alliance with Thebes. Chios, Byzantium, Khodes, and Mitylene revolt from Sparta, and renew their confederacy with Athens. Sphodrias is recalled, and Agesiiaus sent with a large Pelopon- nesian army into Bceotia. He ravages the Theban territory, but having encountered an Athenian and Theban force, commanded by Chabrias and Gorgidas, is repulsed, and returns home, leaving Phoebidas in command at Thespise. Phoabidas, after gaining partial success against Gorgidas, is de- feated and slain. 377 Agesiiaus again invades Boeotia ; is joined by a force of Olynthian cavalry, gains some advantage over the Thebans, and, after strengthening the oligarchical party at Thespiae, crosses over to Megara, where he falls ill. The Sacred Band, consisting of three hundred men, is established at Thebes. Acoris, king of Egypt, at war with Persia, engages the services of Chabrias, who, on complaint made by Artaxerxes, is recalled by the Athenians, and Iphicrates sent to assist the satrap Pharna- bazus. 376 Cleombrotus is sent into Boeotia, where he is repulsed by the- Athenians and Thebans, and returns home. A Peloponnesian fleet is sent out under the command of Pollis, to intercept the corn-ships bound for Athens. Chabrias totally de- feats this fleet at JSTaxos. Athens regains her ascendancy in the JEgean sea, and many of the islands return under her protection. Timotheus sails with a fleet to Corcyra, which renews her alliance with Athens. Jason of Pherae establishes his power or influence over most of the towns of Thessaly. 375 Timotheus is successful against the Peloponnesians in the Ionian sea. Pelopidas fails in an attempt to surprise Orehomenos, is attacked on his retreat by a superior force of Spartans at-Tegyra. The Spartans are put to the rout, and their generals slain. .CilROXG LOGICAL ABSTEACT OF EVENTS 374 The Thebans send an army into Phocis, which is in alliance with Sparta. Cleombrotus crosses the Gulf of Corinth, to the assist- ance of the Phocians, and forces the Thebans to retreat. The Athenians attempt to make peace with Sparta, but this is interrupted by a dispute concerning some Zacynthian exiles restored by Timotheus. A Peloponnesian fleet under Mnasippus is sent to recover Corcyra. The Athenians determine to relieve it, and despatch Timotheus with a fleet from Athens, who is forced for want of supplies to cruise about the ^Egean isles and the coast of Macedonia and Thrace. Pharnabazus and Iphicrates invade Egypt, which, after partial suc- cess, they are compelled to evacuate. Iphicrates quarrels with Pharnabazus, and .returns to Athens. 373 Mnasippus lands in Corcyra, and blockades the city, but is routed in a sally, and retires with his fleet to Leucas. Timotheus is recalled to Athens, and brought to trial, but ac- quitted. Iphicrates, Callistratus, and Chabrias, succeed to the command. The Athenians sail to Corcyra, and capture a Syracusan fleet sent to the aid of Mnasippus. Cephallenia is brought over to the Athenian alliance. The Thebans surprise Platsea, and raze the city to the ground. The inhabitants, allowed to depart, take refuge in Athens, and are admitted to the privileges of citizens. Thespise is taken, and shares the same fate. 372 Iphicrates crosses to Acarnania, and carries on the war against the Peloponnesians with various success; is preparing to invade Laconia. 371 The Athenians send ambassadors to Sparta, to conclude peace. The Thebans, invited to join in the embassy, send Epaminondas. Peace is made between the Peloponnesians and the Athenian con- federacy. Epaminondas refuses to concur in the treaty on behalf of Thebes, because she was required to acknowledge the independ- ence of the Boeotian towns. Cleombrotus is ordered to march from Phocis into Boeotia ; en- counters the Thebans under Epaminondas at Leuctra, is totally defeated and slain. Jason of Pherae arrives at Leuctra after the battle. By his medi- ation an armistice is effected, and the Lacedaemonian army retreats into Peloponnesus. A congress is held at Athens, and attended by most of the Pelo- ponnesian states, who resolve to maintain the independence declared by the peace of Antalcidas. The Mantineans rebuild their city, which had been dismantled by the Lacedaemonians. A democratical movement takes place in Peloponnesus. The Arcadians, encouraged by Epaminondas, resolve to build a new city, to become the seat of a federal government, to be called Megalopolis. Pammenes is sent with a small Theban force into Arcadia. DURING THE LIFE OF DEMOSTHENES. 23 B.C. 371 Tegea and Orchomenos, under the influence of Sparta and aristo- cratical institutions, oppose the Arcadian union. The Tegeans are defeated, and their city taken. Sparta declares war. 370 Amyntas II. dies, leaving three sons, Alexander, Perdiccas, and Philip. Alexander ascends the throne. Jason of Pherae announces his intention of marching to Delphi and presiding over the Pythian games. He collects a large army, and excites alarm; but is murdered a short time before the festival. His brothers Polydorus and Polyphron succeed him. Agesilaus marches to Mantinea, ravages the country, and returns to Sparta. The Thebans prepare to invade Peloponnesus ; collect troops from Phocis, Locris, Thessaly, and various states of northern Greece. Iphicrates is sent with an Athenian squadron to Macedonia, where he was encouraged by Amyntas to try for the recovery of Am- phipolis, but returns without success. 369 Pelopidas and Epaminondas lead the Theban army to Mantinea ; are joined by the Arcadians, Eleans, and Argives, and invade Laconia. The Spartans are unable to oppose them in the field, but, reinforced by a small body of Peloponnesian auxiliaries, prepare to defend the capital. The Thebans, after ravaging the country, approach Sparta, are repulsed in a skirmish, and retire. The Theban army enters Messenia, to accomplish the project of Epaminondas for the building of a new city, and the separation, of that province from Laconia. The building is rapidly carried on under Theban protection. The city is called Messene, and peopled by the Messenian insurgents, with a multitude of exiles and revolted Helots. Epaminondas, leaving a garrison there, prepares for his return to Thebes. The Lacedaemonians send an embassy to Athens, to implore her assistance, which is granted, and Iphicrates is sent with an army to Peloponnesus. Polyphron of Pheraa, having survived Polydorus, is murdered by his nephew Alexander, who assumes the office of Tagus, and oppresses the Thessalian towns. The Aleuadse of Larissa in- voke the aid of Alexander, king of Macedon, who marches to . their relief, and puts a garrison in Larissa and Cranon : but he is hastily recalled to Macedonia, in consequence of intrigues against him by his mother Eurydice and her paramour Ptolemy. Iphicrates stations himself at the Isthmus of Corinth, to oppose Epaminondas, who passes by a different road, repulsing the Athenian cavalry. 368 The Thessalians apply to Thebes for aid against Alexander of Pheraa. Pelopidas is sent into Thessaly, while Epaminondas marches for the second time to invade Peloponnesus. Dionysius of Syracuse sends a body of Celts and Iberians to the aid of Sparta. The Spartans send an army to the Isthmus, and are joined by the Corinthians and Athenians under Chabrias. Epaminondas forces 24 CHRONOLOGICAL ABSTRACT OF EVENTS B.C. 368 their lines, and effects a junction with his allies ; after a short and unimportant campaign he makes an attempt on Corinth, is repulsed by Chabrias, and returns home. Alexander of Macedon is murdered, and Ptolemy assumes the regency. The Arcadians carry on the war with success in the absence of Epaminondas. Pelopidas, having marched to Larissa, and restored tranquillity, is invited into Macedonia, to compose the disputes in the royal family. He forces Ptolemy to give security for preserving the kingdom to the heirs of Amyntas ; takes hostages from him, and receives the young Philip into his charge. Philip is taken to Thebes, where he resides for several years. The satrap Ariobarzanes makes an ineffectual attempt for the paci- fication of Greece. Alexander of Pherae raises new disturbances. Pelopidas, sent on an embassy to Thessaly, is seized by him and thrown into prison. Alexander obtains the assistance of Athens, and defeats a body of Thebans who are sent against him, among whom Epaminon- das, in temporary disgrace for the ill-success of his last cam- paign, was serving as a private soldier. The Thebans destroy Orchomenos in Boeotia. 367 Iphicrates sails with an armament to the coast of Macedonia, for the purpose of recovering Amphipolis ; is invited by Ptolemy and Eurydice to assist them against Pausanias, who aspired to the throne. He expels Pausanias, but is unable to reduce Amphipo- lis, which is supported by the Olynthians. Epaminondas marches again into Thessaly, and effects the release of Pelopidas. Archidamus, commanding the troops of Lacedsemon, Athens, and Corinth, with Syracusan auxiliaries, gains a great victory over the Arcadians and Argives on the borders of Laconia. Pelopidas is sent on an embassy to Susa, and obtains the Persian king's sanction for the projects of the Thebans. On his return a congress is held at Thebes, and attended by the king's deputy, but the Greek states refuse to accept the dictation of Persia. 366 Demosthenes comes of age, and brings an action against his guardians for mal-administration of his estate, in which he ob- tains a verdict. Iphicrates, with Charidemus of Oreus, sails to attack Amphipolis, but is opposed by Ptolemy and the Olynthians. Epaminondas marches into Achaia, but without much success. Of the Achaean states Sicyon only is secured to the Theban alliance. Themison of Eretria surprises Oropus. The Athenians send Chares to recover it, but the city is put in possession of the Thebans. Athens makes a separate peace with the Arcadians. 365 Corinth and the Achseans make peace with Thebes. Elis and Arcadia go to war, contending for the Triphylian towns. DURING THE LIFE OF DEMOSTHENES. 25 B.C. 365 Ptolemy is slain by Perdiccas III. who ascends the throne of Macedon. The Amphipolitans negotiate with Iphicrates for the surrender of their town, and give him hostages; but he, being recalled to Athens, delivers the hostages to Charidemus, who goes off into the service of Cotys, king of Thrace, and sends back the hostages to Amphipolis. 364 Sparta assists Elis against the Arcadians, who defeat Archidamus. The Arcadians invade Elis, and attempt to exclude the Eleans from the presidency of the Olympic games. The battle of Olympia is fought, in which the Arcadians and Argives are defeated by the troops of Elis and Achaia. Callisthenes commands the Athenian fleet on the Macedonian coast, and makes war against Perdiccas, but agrees to an armis- tice. He is superseded by Timotheus, who takes Torone and Potidaea. The Thebans are again invited into Thessaly, to give assistance against Alexander of Pherae. Pelopidas goes with a small troop to Pharsalus, where he collects an army of Thessalians. Alex- ander is defeated in the battle of Cynoscephalas, but Pelopidas is slain. Peace is made between Thebes and Alexander. 363 Dissensions arise between Mantinea and the other Arcadians. It is proposed to make peace with Elis and Sparta. The Thebans prepare for another invasion of Peloponnesus. The Mantineans ally themselves to Sparta. Timotheus takes Pydna and Methone. The Thebans send a fleet to Byzantium, to detach it from the Athenian alliance. Laches is sent to oppose it, but without effect. Alexander of Pheraa sends out a squadron to infest and plunder the small JEgean islands, and lays siege to Peparethus. The Athenians having sent Leosthenes against him, he sails to Attica, takes several Athenian ships, and plunders the Piraeus. 362 Epaminondas leads his army into Peloponnesus, and, joined by his Arcadian allies, assaults Sparta, but is repulsed. The Athenians send a force of six thousand men to the assistance of the Spartans. They march to Mantinea. Epammondas, retreating from Laconia, marches to attack Man- tinea. His cavalry are defeated by the Athenians, who sally from the town. Agesilaus marches with his army to join the Athenians and Man- tineans. Epaminondas advances to attack them, and the battle of Mantinea is fought, one of the most celebrated in Grecian history. On the one side are Boeotians, Thessalians, Eubreans, Locrians, and other northern allies, together with troops of Sicyon, Argos, Arcadia, and Messenia, to the number of thirty- three thousand. On the other, Lacedaemonians, Athenians, Mantineans, and troops of Elis and Achaia ; considerably less in number. After an obstinate resistance, Epaminondas breaks the centre of the enemy, but is slain in the moment of victory. -6 CHRONOLOGICAL ABSTRACT OF EVENTS SC2 A general peace follows, but the Spartans alone refuse to acknow- ledge the independence of Messenia. Timotheus, assisted by the satrap Ariobarzanes, takes Sestus, Cri~ thote, and Elseus, in the Thracian Chersonese ; and afterwards lays siege to Samos. The satraps revolt from the king of Persia. They are promised assistance by Tachos, king of Egypt, Mausolus, king of Caria, and most of the maritime parts of the empire. Miltocythes rebels against Cotys, king of Thrace, and engages the Athenians to assist him, by promising to cede to them the Cher- sonese. Cotys amuses the Athenians by negotiation, and over- comes Miltocythes. 361 Samos capitulates after a siege of eleven months. Orontes betrays the conspirators to Artaxerxes. Datames, satrap of Cappadocia, is murdered. Tachos, preparing to make war against Persia, engages Agesilaus to command his army, and Chabrias for his admiral. Agesilaus is sent with a thousand Spartans to Egypt, but quarrels with Tachos, and transfers his services to Nectanabis, to whom the Egyptian army revolts. Tachos flies to Persia, and Agesilaus establishes Nectanabis in the dominion of Egypt. Artaxerxes Mnemon; dies, and his son, Artaxerxes Ochus, ascends the throne of Persia. 360 Timotheus and Charidemus attack Amphipolis, which receives suc- cour from Macedonia and Olynthus, and the Athenians are defeated. Cotys marches into the Chersonese, and gets possession of Sestus. Agesilaus dies on his return from Egypt. Pammenes is sent with Theban troops to quell disturbances in Arcadia ; establishes the preponderance of Megalopolis. Artaxerxes makes an attempt to reconquer Egypt, which fails. 359 Perdiccas is slain in a battle with the Illyrians, leaving an infant son, Arnyntas. Philip ascends the throne of Macedon At this time the Illyrians are preparing for a new invasion, the Pifionians make an irruption from the north, and there are two pretenders to the crown Pausanias, assisted by Cotys, and Argseus, supported by the Athenians. Philip accommodates matters with Cotys, and marches against Argseus, whom he defeats. He returns the Athenian prisoners without ransom, and makes peace with Athens. He then re- duces the Pagonians to submission, and invades Illyria. Bardylis, the Illyrian prince, is defeated in a great battle, and a portion of his dominions is ceded to Macedonia. 358 Cotys, assisted by Charidemus, lays siege to Crithote and Elaeus. but soon after is murdered, leaving three sons, Amadocus, Beri- sades, and Cersobleptes, among whom the dominions of Cotys are divided. Charidemus takes Cersobleptes under his protection, and defeats the Athenian force. Miltocythes again raising disturbances, is taken prisoner by Chari- demus, who sends him to Cardia, where he is put to death. DURING THE LIFE OP DEMOSTHENES. 27 B.C. 353 Philip lays siege to Amphipolis. The Olynthians send an embassy to Athens, to negotiate an alliance, which is prevented by the intrigues of Philip. He conciliates the Olynthians by the cession of Anthemus, and soon afterwards obtains possession of Amphipolis. He then marches to Pydna, which is surrendered to him. Alexander of Pherse is murdered. Tisiphonus and his brothei Lycophron get the command. 357 Berisades and Amadocus combine against Cersobleptes, and aie assisted by Athenodorus, the Athenian general. Cersobleptes is forced to enter into a convention, by which the kingdom is equally divided, and the Chersonese ceded to Athens, with the exception of Cardia. The Athenians quarrel with Philip about Amphipolis. He makes an alliance with the Olynthians. The Thebans send an army into Euboea, from which, after much fighting, they are expelled by the Athenians. Chares is sent to take possession of the Chersonese, which, after some opposition from Charidemus, he effects. The Social War breaks out, in which Byzantium, Chios, Cos, and Rhodes revolt from the Athenian league. The Athenians attack Chios, and are defeated ; Chabrias is slain. The Phocians send succour to some of the Boeotian towns, attempt- ting to revolt from Thebes. The Thebans procure an Amphic- tyonic decree against the Phocians for having cultivated a portion of the consecrated plain near Delphi. This was the origin of the Sacred War. 356 Philip takes Potidoaa, with the assistance of the Olynthians, and gives it up to them. Alexander is born. Parmenio, Philip's general, gains a victory over the Illyrians. Philip takes the mine district of the Pangaeus from the Thasians, and establishes a new colony at Crenides, which he names Philippi. The Athenians besiege Byzantium, but the siege is raised by the fleet of the allies. Chares, Timotheus and Iphicrates command the Athenian forces, but the two latter are recalled on the com- plaint of Chares. The allies ravage Lemnos, Imbrus, and Samos, and levy contribu- tions in the JSgean. Chares, for want of supplies, lends assistance to Artabazus against the Persian satraps. Philomelus, the Phocian general, takes possession of Delphi, and defeats the Locrians of Amphissa. He negotiates an alliance with Athens and Lacedaemon, while the Locrians obtain promises of assistance from Thebes and Thessaly. Corcyra revolts from Athens. 355 The king of Persia threatens Athens with war on account of the aid furnished by Chares to Artabazus. The Athenians terminate the Social War by acknowledging the independence of the revolted states. 28 CHRONOLOGICAL ABSTRACT OF EVENTS B. C. 355 Timotlieus and Iphicrates are brought to trial for misconduct in the war. Timotheus is found guilty, and goes into exile. Shortly after, he dies at Chalcis. The Athenians send an expedition against Olynthus, without success. Chares takes Sestus. Philonielus again defeats the Locrians, and being threatened with a general war, seizes the treasures of Delphi and collects a body of mercenaries. The Thessalians and Boeotians, having marched into Locris, are defeated by Philomelus, who is strongly reinforced from Peloponnesus. Demosthenes makes the speeches against Leptines and Androtion. 354 The Thebans, largely reinforced, give battle to Philomelus in the denies of Parnassus. He is defeated and slain. Onomarchus succeeds to the command, and the Thebans retire. Philip sends Macedonian troops to assist Callias of Chalcis against Plutarch of Eretria. The latter applies to Athens for assistance, and is opposed by Demosthenes, who makes his first public speech on this occasion. The Athenians determine to assist Plutarch, and Phocion is sent with an army to Euboea. He defeats Callias and the Macedonians at TamynEe, and establishes popular government at Eretria. The Athenians debate about making war with Persia. Demos- thenes dissuades them in his speech de Symmoriis. 353 Onomarchus takes Thronium, and invades Boeotia. Here he takes Orchomenus, but is defeated by the Thebans at Chseronea. Lycophron, now sovereign of Pherse, enters into alliance with Onomarchus, and endeavours to oppress the independent Thes- salians. The Spartans declare war against Megalopolis, and apply for assist- ance to Athens. Demosthenes makes his speech pro Megalo- politanis, in which he urges the Athenians to espouse the other side. They remain neutral. Demosthenes delivers the oration against Timocrates. Philip takes Methone after a long siege, in which he lost an eye. The Macedonian party prevail at Eretria, and dissolve the con- nexion with Athens. Mausolus, king of Caria, dies, and is succeeded by his widow Artemisia. The Phoenicians revolt from Artaxerxes, and enter into alliance with Nectanabis. Cyprus soon after revolts. 352 Philip, invited by the Thessalians, marches against .Lycophron, defeats Phayllus, brother of Onomarchus, and takes Pagasas. Onomarchus marches with a large army into Thessaly, and defeats Philip in two battles, who retreats to Macedonia. Onomarchus then invades Boeotia, defeats the Thebans, and takes Coronea ; but is recalled to Thessaly by intelligence that Philip had re- turned with large reinforcements. The decisive battle of Pagasas is fought, in which Onomarchus is defeated and slain. Philip expels Lycophron from Pherse, and takes the city of Magnesia. DURING THE LIFE OF DEMOSTHENES. 29 B.C. 352 He then prepares to invade Phocis, and marches to Thermopylae, but finds the pass guarded by an Athenian force, and retreats. Phayllus, joined by a large force of auxiliaries from Sparta, Achaia, and Athens, invades Boeotia, but is defeated by the Thebans. Philip sends out a fleet, plundering the Athenian coast, and ravages Lemnos, Imbrus, and Scyros. He himself marches into Thrace, where, after long being occupied in the interior extending his power over the different tribes, he turns towards the coast of the Propontis and attacks Heraaum. Demosthenes speaks the first Philippic. The oration against Aristocrates is delivered. Thebes, Argos, Sicyon, and Messene send assistance to Megalopolis. The Spartans, assisted by mercenaries from Phocis, after various indecisive battles, are compelled to make peace. Artaxerxes makes great preparations to recover Phoenicia and Cyprus. 351 Phayllus overruns the country of the Epicnemidian Locrians, is defeated by the Boeotians at Abaa, afterwards defeats them at Aryca, and dies ; is succeeded by his nephew Phalaacus. The democratical party at Rhodes solicit the aid of Athens, and are supported by Demosthenes in his speech de Libertate JRhodiorum. Artemisia, queen of Criia, dies, and is succeeded by Idrieus, who, at the command of Artaxerxes, collects a large armament for the reduction of Cyprus. Phocion the Athenian is joined with Evagoras in the command of this expedition. The Thessalians remonstrate with Philip for retaining Pagasae and Magnesia. 350 Phalaacus invades Boeotia, and takes Chaaronea, from which he is again driven by the Thebans, who invade and ravage Phocis. Philip takes Apollonia, and threatens the Chalcidian towns. The Olynthians send to Athens to negotiate alliance. Pitholaus, brother of Lycophron, recovers Pheraa, and Philip is invited to expel him. On his return from Thessaly he marches into the Chalcidian peninsula, and lays siege to Stagira. Cyprus submits to Artaxerxes. Temnes, king of Sidon, assisted by Mentor at the head of Greek mercenaries, defeats the Persian satraps. Demosthenes brings an action against Midias, which is afterwards compromised. 3-19 The Thebans receive a large subsidy from Persia, to enable them to carry on the war against Phocis. The Olynthians send an embassy to Athens to implore assistance. A warm debate takes place, in which Demosthenes speaks the first Olynthiac. The Athenians vote alliance, and despatch Chares with a small force. The second and third Olynthiacs are delivered at short intervals after this. Meanwhile Stagira capitulates ; Torone is taken, and most of the Chalcidian towns hasten to make terms with Philip. The Olyn- thians send another embassy, pressing for more effectual assist- SO CHEONOLOG1CAL ABSTRACT OF EVENTS B.C. 349 anc3. A larger armament is sent from Athens ; and put under the command of Charidemus. The Olynthians, dissatisfied with Charidemus, send a third embassy, and entreat the aid of a native Athenian force. This is sent ; but arrives too late. Artaxerxes marches in person against the Phoenicians. Temnes betrays Sidon, and the Phoenicians submit. Mentor is taken into the service of Persia. 348 Philip takes Mecyberna, the port of Olynthus, and lays siege to the city. After various ineffectual sallies, Olynthus is betrayed to Philip, who razes it to the ground . Phalsecus is deposed from his command by the Phocians. The Sacred War languishes. Artaxerxes sends to the Greek states to collect mercenaries for the invasion of Egypt. Athens and Sparta refuse assistance. The Thebans send Lacrates with a thousand men; the Argives Kicostratus with three thousand. The Asiatic Greeks furnish a contingent, and the king marches in person into Egypt. The conquest of Egypt is ultimately effected, but the exact date is uncertain. 347 Philip celebrates his triumph over Olynthus by a festival at Dium in Pieria. An assembly is held at Athens, to consider the expediency of rousing the Greeks against Philip. JEschines is sent for that purpose to Arcadia. The negotiations of Athens are unsuccessful. Philip causes it to be intimated at Athens that he is desirous of peace. A decree passes at Athens to send ambassadors to treat with him. The Thebans, suffering by the depredations committed on their territories from the hostile garrisons in Boeotia, invite Philip to terminate the Sacred War. The Phocians pray for aid of the Athenians, and offer to put them in possession of Nicaea, Thro- nium, and Alponus. Meanwhile Phalsecus regains his power in Phocia, and refuses to admit the Athenian troops. Parmenio besieges Halus in Thessaly. Demosthenes, JEschines, and eight other ambassadors, are sent to Pella to treat for peace. They return in the beginning of the following year. 346 Parmenio and Antipater are sent to Athens to negotiate the peace. A congress of the allies is held, and peace is concluded, on the terms of each party keeping his own possessions ; but the Phocians and Cersobleptes are not named in the treaty. The ten Athenian ambassadors are sent to Macedonia to receive Philip's oath of ratification. On arriving at Pella, they find that Philip has marched into Thrace. There he had seized upon the Sacred Mount, and stripped Cersobleptes of a considerable part of his dominions. On his return to Pella he takes the ambassa- dors with him to Pherae, and there ratifies the peace. He then dismisses them, hastens to Thermopylae, takes Nicaea, Thronium, and Alponus, and being joined by the Boeotians, marches into DURING THE LIFE OF DEMOSTHENES. 31 B. C. 346 Phocis. Archidamus with the Spartan troops, and Phalascus with his mercenaries, retire to Peloponnc.-us, while the Phocian towns are either taken by storm or capitulate. The Athenians, alarmed at this intelligence, begin to prepare for their own defence, but are reassured by a letter of Philip. A council of Amphictyons is held at Delphi, and sentence passed on the Phocians for their sacrilege. Philip becomes a member of the council, and is chosen to preside at the Pythian games. The lost Boeotian towns are restored to Thebes by Philip, and Nicsea given to the Thessalians. The Amphictyonic Council send an embassy to Athens, to notify their election of Philip, and demand her recognition of it. Demosthenes delivers his Oration on the Peace, in which he dis- suades the Athenians from opposing the Amphictyonic league. 345 Philip promises to assist the Messenians and Arcadians against hostilities threatened by Lacedasmon. The Athenians send Demosthenes at the head of an embassy to Messene and Argos, to counteract the influence of Philip. Diopittes is sent with a body of Athenian settlers to the Thracian Chersonese, who become involved in disputes with the Cardians, Philip ravages Illyria, and takes many of the towns in that dis- trict ; after which he marches into Thessaly, where the regnant family had again made head, and expels them, leaving strong garrisons in Pherse and Magnesia. Soon afterwards he causes the whole country to be divided into tetrarchies, and governed by his own partisans. 3-14 Philip sends Python to Athens, to complain of the Athenian em- bassy to Peloponnesus. Demosthenes speaks the second Philippic. Sostratus the pirate, having seized the island Halonnesus, is ex- pelled by Philip. The Athenians demand its return. Philip sends Python again to Athens, to adjust his disputes. The Athenians send Hegesippus and other envoys to make proposals for the amendment of the treaty. The Cardians resist the attempt of Diopithes to take a portion of their territories, and apply to Philip for assistance. 343 Philip sends a letter to the Athenians, stating the terms which he is willing to consent to. Demosthenes and Hegesippus oppose them as unreasonable. The extant speech de Halonneso is sup- posed to be that of Hegesippus. Phocion is sent to protect Megara against a conspiracy to betray it into the hands of the Macedonians. He secures it by fortifying Nicsea, and completing the long walls. Philip invades Cassopia in Epirus, and annexes it to the dominions of his brother-in-law Alexander. Demosthenes, Hegesippus, and Lycurgus are sent into Achaia and Acarnania, to form a league against Philip, to oppose his designs upon Ambracia and the western parts of Greece. They are suc- cessful, and an Athenian force is sent into Ambracia. Philip retreats from Epirus. 32 CHRONOLOGICAL ABSTRACT OF EVENTS B.C. 343 Aristodemus with an Athenian force makes an unsuccessful attempt upon Magnesia. JSschines is brought to trial by Demosthenes for misconduct in the embassy, and acquitted. Philip sends assistance to the Cardians. and marches into the inte- rior of Thrace to attack Teres. Diopithes, having collected a large body of mercenaries, endeavours to interrupt the conquests of Philip. 342 A Macedonian force is sent to Oreus in Euboea, and establishes Philistides as governor. Clitarchus, a partisan of Philip, is secured in the government of Eretria. Philip sends a letter to Athens, complaining of the proceedings of Diopithes as an infraction of the peace. Demosthenes makes the speech de Cliersoneso. Philip completes the conquest of Thrace, and drives Cersobleptes from his kingdom. He then marches toward the Propontine coast. 341 Demosthenes speaks the third Philippic. Early in the year Philip besieges Selymbria. Twenty Athenian corn-ships, intended for the relief of Selymbria, are captured by Philip. The Athenians complain, and the ships are restored. Phocion is sent with troops to Eubcea, and expels Clitarchus and Philistides. Demosthenes is crowned by the people for having advised this expedition. Selymbria is taken, and Philip proceeds to besiege Perinthus. The Athenians, under the advice of Demosthenes, apply for assist- ance to Persia. 340 Philip sends his letter to the Athenians (which is still extant), in which, after reproaching them for their conduct, he virtually declares war. He sends an army into the Chersonese. The Persians relieve Selymbria, and Philip, leaving troops to blockade it, lays siege to Byzantium. Demosthenes goes to Byzantium, to offer Athenian succour, which is accepted, and Chares is sent with a fleet ; but the Byzantines refuse to receive him, and Phocion is sent in his stead. At the same time assistance is sent from Chios, Cos, and Rhodes, and also from other parts of Greece. Philip is compelled to raise the siege of Perinthus and Byzantium, and his troops are driven out of the Chersonese. He breaks up his camp, and marches into Scythia. Artaxerxes is poisoned by the satrap Bagoas, and his son Arses succeeds him. 339 JEschines goes as one of the Athenian deputies to the Amphic- tyonic Council. He accuses the Locrians of Amphissa, for having cultivated the sacred plain. The Delphians having attacked Cirrha, are put to flight, and a resolution is passed to convoke an extraordinary meeting at Thermopylae. At this meeting, unattended by Athens' or Thebes, war is declared against the DURING THE LIFE OF DEMOSTHENES. 33 B.C. 339 Locrians, and Cottyphus appointed to command an Amphictvonic army. He invades Locris, but without effect. Philip, on his return from Scythia, is attacked by the Triballi, and is wounded in a hard-fought battle. Phocion carries on successful operations against Philip in the north, but is severely wounded in an incursion into Macedonia. Another Amphictyonic assembly is convened, at which Philip is elected general to carry into effect the decree against the Locrians. 333 Philip marches through Thessaly, and takes possession of Elatea, which he begins to fortify. The Athenians in alarm hold an assembly of the people, at which Demosthenes proposes to send an embassy to Thebes. This is resolved upon, and Demosthenes himself heads the embassy. Meanwhile the Athenians muster all their troops, and collect a body of ten thousand mercenaries. An assembly is convoked at Thebes, and attended by Python on Philip's behalf; but Demosthenes prevails on the Thebans to become allies of Athens. Philip marches against Amphissa, and defeats Chares, who had been sent to succour the Locrians. After two indecisive battles, the hostile armies meet at Chseronea. Philip is at the head of thirty-two thousand men, chiefly Macedonians and Thessalians. On the other side are the forces of Athens and Thebes, with a few auxiliaries from Peloponnesus, somewhat inferior in number. Philip gains a decisive victory. The Athenians take energetic measures for the defence of their city. Demosthenes pronounces the funeral orations in honour of the slain. Lysicles the general is condemned to death. Ctesiphon proposes a decree, that Demosthenes be crowned at the Dionysian festival for his services in repairing the fortifications, and his general merits as a citizen. For .this a prosecution is instituted against him by ^JEschines. Philip grants peace to the Athenians, and puts a Macedonian garrison into Thebes. The Boeotian towns are emancipated, and Oropus given to Athens. Philip holds a congress of the Greeks at Corinth, and declares war against Persia. He makes a triumphant march through Pelo- ponnesus, and obtains universal submission. 337 Attains and Parmenio are sent with a force into Asia Minor, to liberate the Greek cities. Philip is engaged in a war with the Illyrians, after which he cele- brates his marriage with Cleopatra, and is involved in domestic broils. Arses is murdered, and Darius Codomanus raised to the throne of Persia. 336 A great festival is held at JEgsa in Macedonia, to solemnize the marriage of Philip's daughter with the king of Epirus; and attended from all parts of 'Greece. During the solemnity, Philip is murdered by Pausanias, one of his guards. D 34 CHRONOLOGICAL ABSTRACT OF EVENTS B.C. 336 Demosthenes receives speedy information of Philip's death, and takes instant measures to free the Greeks from Macedonia. Ambassadors are sent to the Greek states, and a correspondence commenced with Attains in Asia, and also with the Persian Court. A general rising is meditated in Greece, and also among the northern tribes. Alexander hastens to Thermopylae, joined by the Thessalians, and holds an Amphictyonic council, at which he is elected general of the Greeks. Thence he marches into Boaotia, and procures the submission of Thebes, The Athenians send ambassadors to conciliate him, and among them Demosthenes, who, after going as far as Cithseron, returns. Alexander then proceeds to Corinth, where at a general congress he is chosen to conduct the war against Persia. 335 Alexander marches into Thrace, defeats the Triballi, crosses the Danube, and, after receiving the submission of some barbarous tribes, returns through Paeonia to attack the Illyrian prince Cleitus. While he is- yet in Illyria, he hears of the revolt of Thebes. The Thebans, having blockaded the Macedonian garrison in the Cadmea, send to divers Greek states for assistance. Demosthenes persuades the Athenians to vote alliance, and himself furnishes- the Thebans with a supply of arms. Elis and other cities of Peloponnesus send troops to the aid of Thebes, but they march no further than the Isthmus, hearing of the advance of Alexander. Alexander besieges Thebes, which after a desperate resistance is taken by storm, and razed to the ground. The Athenians send a deputation to appease Alexander, who re- quires them to deliver up the principal leaders of the war-party, among them, Demosthenes, Hyperides, and Lycurgus. But he is persuaded by Demades to waive this demand. 334 Alexander crosses the Hellespont into Asia Minor. Battle of Granicus. Memnon intrigues with the Greek states, especially Laeedaemon, to excite a rising against Macedonia. His death, which happens- soon after, is fatal to the Persian cause. 333 Battle of Issus. 332 Siege of Tyre. The Lacedaemonians send an embassy to Darius. Agis, king of Sparta, sails to Crete, and reduces the island under the Persian dominion. 331 Alexandria in Egypt is founded. Battle of Arbela. Alexander enters the Persian capital. Agis forms a confederacy in Peloponnesus. 330 Antipater marches to suppress an insurrection in Thrace. The Lacedaemonians, commanded by Agis, rise in arms, and, joined by the Eleans and Achaians, besiege Megalopolis. Antipater DURING THE LIFE OF DEMOSTHENES. 35 B.C. 330 hastens to its relief, and an obstinate battle is fought, in which Agis is defeated and slain. jEschines brings on the trial of Ctesiphon, and the two Orations for the Crown are delivered. Ctesiphon is acquitted, and jEschines retires in exile to Rhodes, where he opened a school of rhetoric, and died many years after. Darius is murdered. 328 Alexander sets out on his march for India. 327 Porus is overcome. 326 The army embarks on the Indus. 325 Alexander returns to Persia. 324 An order sent by Alexander is read at the Olympic games, com- manding the reception of exiles by the Greek states. Demos- thenes goes to Olympia to remonstrate with the Macedonian envoy. The Athenians send an embassy to Alexander, to com- plain of this measure. Messages are sent to the Greek cities, requiring them to pay divine honours to Alexander. Harpalus, flying from Babylon with a large treasure, arrives in Athens. Antipater demands that he shall be given up by the Athenians, who throw him into prison, and pass a decree, on the motion of Demosthenes, to lodge his treasure in the Acropolis. A large portion of it is missing, and, on inquiry being insti- tuted by the Areopagus, Demosthenes (among others) is charged with having received a bribe from Harpalus. He is found guilty, and sentenced to pay a fine of fifty talents. Unable to pay this, he flies to Megara, and remains in exile. 323 Alexander dies at Babylon. The Athenians resolve on war, and send ambassadors to stir up the Greeks. A general rising takes place, and Leosthenes the Athenian is chosen commander. Sparta remains neutral, and the Boeotians adhere to Macedonia. Leosthenes defeats the Boeotians at Plateea, and marches to meet Antipater in Thessaly. Antipater is totally defeated, and takes refuge in Lamia, where he is blockaded. Macedonian envoys are sent to Peloponnesus, to counteract the efforts of the Athenians. Demosthenes opposes them success- fully in Argos, Corinth, and Arcadia. Demosthenes is recalled from exile by the Athenians, and a ship sent to bring him home. Leosthenes is killed in a sally from Lamia. Antiphilus succeeds him as general. The siege of Lamia is raided by the advance of Leonatu*, who is himself defeated and slain ; but Antipater effects a junction with his army, and receives large reinforcements from Macedonia. 322 The Athenian fleet is defeated by the Macedonian. A Macedonian force lands at Marathon and ravages Attica, but is defeated by Phocion. 36 CHRONOLOGICAL ABSTRACT OP EVENTS. B.C. 322 Antipater attacks the Greeks with a greatly superior army at Crannon in Thessaly, and gains a doubtful victory, which be- comes decisive by the general desertion of the allies. Antipater advances against Athens, which submits, and receives a Macedonian garrison. The Athenians are compelled to remodel their constitution, and adopt a property qualification, which disfranchises a large num- ber of citizens. Demosthenes and Hyperides, with other orators of the war party, are demanded by Antipater. Demosthenes flies first to ^Egina, and afterwards to Calaurea, where he takes refuge in the temple of Neptune. Pursued by Archias, the Macedonian emissary, he puts an end to his life by poison. THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. THE FIEST OLYNTHIAC. THE ARGUMENT. Olynthus was a city in Macedonia, at the head of the Toronaic gulf, and north of the peninsula of Pallene. It was colonized by a people from Chalcis in Euboea, and commanded a large district called Chalcidice, in which there were thirty-two cities. Over all this tract the sway of Olynthus was considerable, and she had waged wars anciently with Athens and Sparta, and been formidable to Philip's predecessors on the throne of Macedon. Soon after Philip's accession, the Olynthians had disputes with him, which were at first accommodated, and he gratified them by the cession of Anthemus. They then joined him in a war against Athens, and he gave up to them Potidsea, which had yielded to their united arms. After the lapse of some years, during which Philip had greatly increased his power, and acquired considerable influence in Thessaly and Thrace, the Olynthians became alarmed, and began to think him too dangerous a neighbour. The immediate cause of rupture was an attack which he made on one of the Chalcidian towns. An embassy was instantly sent to Athens, to negotiate an alliance. Philip, considering this as an infraction of their treaty with him, declared war against them, and invaded their territory. A second embassy was sent to Athens, pressing for assist- ance. The question was debated in the popular assembly. Demades, an orator of considerable ability, but profligate character, opposed the alliance. Many speakers were heard; and at length Demosthenes rose to support the prayer of the embassy, delivering one of those clear and forcible speeches, which seldom failed to make a strong im- pression on his audience. The alliance was accepted, and succours voted. The orator here delicately touches on the law of Eubulus, which had made it capital to propose that the Theoric fund should be applied to military service. This fund was in fact the surplus revenue of the civil administration, which by the ancient law was appropriated to the defence of the commonwealth ; but it had by various means been diverted from that purpose, and expended in largesses to the people, 38 THE OBATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. to enable them to attend the theatre, and other public shows and amusements. The law of Eubulus perpetuated this abuse. (See my article Theorica in the Archaeological Dictionary.) Demosthenes, seeing the necessity of a war supply, hints that this absurd law ought to be abolished, but does not openly propose it. There has been much difference of opinion among the learned as to the order of the three Olynthiac orations ; nor is it certain, whether they were spoken on the occasion of one embassy, or several embassies. The curious may consult Bishop Thirl wall's Appendix to the fifth volume of his Grecian History, and Jacobs' Introduction to his translation. I have followed the common order, as adopted by Bekker, whose edi- tion of Demosthenes is the text of this translation ; and indeed my opinion is, on the whole, in favour of preserving the common order, though the plan of this work prevents my entering into controversy on the question. To enable the reader more fully to understand the following orations, I have in an Appendix to this volume given a brief account of Olynthus, showing its position with reference to Mace- donia, and the importance of its acquisition to Philip. The historical abstract prefixed to this volume is intended chiefly to assist the reader in reference to dates. Such occurrences only are noticed as may be useful to illustrate Demosthenes. I BELIEVE, men of Athens, you would give much to know, what is the true policy to be adopted in the present matter of inquiry. This being the case, you should be willing to hear with attention those who offer you their counsel. Be- sides that you will have the benefit of all preconsidered advice, I esteem it part of your good fortune, that many fit sugges- tions will occur to some speakers at the moment, so that from, them all you may easily choose what is profitable. The present juncture, Athenians, all but proclaims aloud, that yo'u must yourselves take these affairs in hand, if you care for their success. I know not how we seem disposed in the matter. 1 My own opinion is, vote succour immediately, and make the speediest preparations for sending it off from Athens, that you may not incur the same mishap as before; send also ambassadors, to announce this, and watch the pro- ceedings. For the danger is, that this man, being unscru- pulous and clever at turning events to account, making concessions when it suits him, threatening at other times, (his threats may well be believed,) slandering us and urging our absence against us, may convert and wrest to his use some 1 This is a cautious way of hinting at the general reluctance to adopt a vigorous policy. And the reader will observe the use of the first per- son, whereby the orator includes himself in the same insinuation. THE FIRST OLYNTHIAC. 39 of our main resources. Though, strange to say, Athenians, the very cause of Philip's strength is a circumstance favourable to you. 1 His having it in his sole power to publish or conceal his designs, his being at the same time general, sovereign, paymaster, and everywhere accompanying his army, is a great advantage for quick and timely operations in war ; but, for a peace with the Olynthians, which he would gladly make, it has a contrary effect. For it is plain to the Olynthians, that now they are fighting, not for glory or a slice of territory, but to save their country from destruction and servitude. They know how he treated those Amphipolitans who surrendered to him their city, and those Pydneans who gave him admit- tance. 2 And generally, I believe, a despotic power is mis- trusted by free states, especially if their dominions are adjoining. All this being known to you, Athenians, all else of importance considered, I say, you must take heart and spirit, and apply yourselves more than ever to the war, con- tributing promptly, serving personally, leaving nothing un- done. No plea or pretence is left you for declining your duty. What you were all so clamorous about, that the Olynthians should be pressed into a war with Philip, has of itself come to pass, 3 and in a way most advantageous to you. For, had they undertaken the war at your instance, they 1 After alarming the people by showing the strength of their adver- sary, he turns off skilfully to a topic of encouragement. 2 Amphipolis was a city at the head of the Strymonic gulf, in that part of Macedonia which approaches western Thrace. It had been built formerly by an Athenian colony, and was taken by the Spartan general Brasidas in the Peloponnesian war. Ever since Athens regained her character of an imperial state, she had desired to recover Amphipolis, which was important for its maritime position, its exportation of iron, and especially from the vicinity of the forests near the Strymon, which afforded an inexhaustible supply of ship-timber. But she had never been able to accomplish that object. Philip, who at that time possessed no maritime town of importance, was for obvious reasons anxious to win Amphipolis for himself; and he got possession of it partly by force of arms, partly by the treachery of certain Amphipolitans who were attached to Ms interest. It seems the Athenians had been amused by a promise of Philip to give up the town to them. The non- performance of this compact led to their first long war with him. Immediately after the capture of Amphipolis, Philip marched against Pydna, and was ad- mitted into the town. 3 Compare Virgil, ^En. ix. 6. Turne, quod optanti Divum promittere nemo Auderet, volvenda dies en attulit ultro. 40 THE ORATIONS OP DEMOSTHENES. might have been slippery allies, with minds but half resolved perhaps : but since they hate him on a quarrel of their own. their enmity is like to endure on account of their fears and their wrongs. You must not then, Athenians, forego this lucky opportunity, nor commit the error which you have often done heretofore. For example, when we returned from succouring the Euboeans, and Hierax and Stratocles of Am- phipolis came to this platform, 1 urging us to sail and receive possession of their city, if we had shown the same zeal for ourselves as for the safety of Euboea, you would have held Amphipolis then and been rid of all the troubles that en- sued. Again, when news came that Pydna, 2 Potidsea, Me- thone, Pagasae, and the other places (not to waste time in enumerating them) were besieged, had we to any one of these in the first instance carried prompt and reasonable succour, we should have found Philip far more tractable and humble now. But, by always neglecting the present, and imagin- ing the future would shift for itself, we, men of Athens, have exalted Philip, and made him greater than any king of Macedon ever was. Here then is come a crisis, this of Olynthus, self-offered to the state, inferior to none of the former. And methinks, men of Athens, any man fairly esti- mating what the gods have done for us, notwithstanding many untoward circumstances, might with reason be grateful to them. /Our numerous losses in war may justly be charged to our ow T n negligence ; but that they happened not long -ago, and that an alliance, to counterbalance them, is open to our acceptance, I must regard as manifestations of divine favour. It is much the same as in money matters. If a man keep what he gets, he is thankful to fortune ; if he lose it by im- 1 The hustings from which the speakers addressed the people. It was cut to the height of ten feet out of the rock which formed the boundary wall of the assembly ; and was ascended by a flight of steps. 2 Potidsea was in the peninsula of Pallene, near Olynthus, and was therefore given by Philip to the Olynthians, as mentioned in the argu- ment. Methone and Pydna are on the Macedonian coast approaching Thessaly. Pagasse is a Thessalian town in the Magnesian district. It was the seaport of Pherae, capital of the tyrant Lycophron, against whom Philip was invited to assist the Thessalian s. Philip overcame Lycophron, and restored republican government at Pherse ; but Pagasas he garrisoned himself, and also Magnesia, a coast-town in the same district. THE FIRST OLYNTHIAC. 41 prudence, he loses withal his memory of the obligation. So in political affairs, they who misuse their opportunities forget even the good which the gods send them ; for every prior event is judged commonly by the last result. Wherefore, Athenians, we must be exceedingly careful of our future measures, that by amendment therein we may efface the shame of the past. Should we abandon these men 1 too, and Philip reduce Olynthus, let any one tell me, what is to pre- vent him marching where he pleases ? Does any one of you, Athenians, compute or consider the means, by which Philip, originally weak, has become great ? 1 Having first taken Am- phipolis, then Pydna, Potidsea next, Methone afterwards, he invaded Thessaly. Having ordered matters at Pherse, Pagasse, Magnesia, everywhere exactly as he pleased, he departed for Thrace ; where, after displacing some kings and establishing others, he fell sick | again recovering, he lapsed not into indo- lence, but instantly attacked the Olynthians. I omit his expeditions to Illyria and Pseonia, that against Arymbas,' 2 and some others. Why, it may be said, do you mention all this now ? That you, Athenians, may feel and understand both the folly of con- tinually abandoning one thing after another, and the activity which forms part of Philip's habit and existence, which makes it impossible for him to rest content with his achievements. If it be his principle, ever to do more than he has done, and yours, to apply yourselves vigorously to nothing, see what the end promises to be. Heavens ! which of you is so simple as not to know, that the war yonder will soon be here, if we are careless 1 And should this happen, I fear, Athenians, that as men who thoughtlessly borrow on large interest, after a brief accommodation, lose their estate, so will it be with us ; found to have paid dear for our idleness and self-indulgence, we shall be reduced to many hard and unpleasant shifts, and struggle for the salvation of our country. To censure, I may be told, is easy for any man ; to show what measures the case requires, is the part of a counsellor. I am not ignorant, Athenians, that frequently, when any dis- appointment happens, you are angry, not with the parties in Here he points to the Olynthian ambassadors. 2 Arymbas was a king of the Molossians in Epirus, and uncle of Olympias, Philip's wife. 42 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. fault, but with the last speakers on the subject } yet never, with a view to self-protection, would I suppress what I deem for your interests I say then, you must give a two-fold assist- ance here ; first, save the Olynthians their towns, 1 and send out troops for that purpose ; secondly, annoy the enemy's country with ships and other troops ; ; omit either of these courses, and I doubt the expedition will be fruitless., For should he, suffering your incursion, reduce Olynthus, he will easily march to the defence of his kingdom ; or, should you only throw succour into Olynthus, and he, seeing things out of danger at home, keep up a close and vigilant blockade, he must in time prevail over the besieged. Your assistance therefore must be effective, and two-fold. Such are the operations I advise. As to a supply of money : you have money, Athenians ; you have a larger military fund than any people ; and you receive it just as you please. If ye will assign this to your troops, ye need no further sup- ply; otherwise ye need a further, or rather ye have none at all. How then ? some man may exclaim : do you move that this be a military fund 1 Verily, not I. 2 My opinion indeed is, that there should be soldiers raised, and a military fundj/and one and the same regulation for receiving and per- forming what is due; only you just without trouble take your allowance for the festivals. It remains then, I imagine, that all must contribute, if much be wanted, much, if little, little. Money must be had; without it nothing proper can be done. Other persons propose other ways and means. Choose which ye think expedient ; and put hands to the work, while it is yet time. It may be well to consider and calculate how Philip's 1 The Chalcidian towns. See the Argument. Philip commenced his aggressions upon the Olynthians by reducing several of these. 2 There is some studied obscurity in this passage, owing to the neces- sity under which the speaker lay of avoiding the penalty of the law ; and a little quiet satire on his countrymen, who seemed desirous of eating their pudding and having it too. The logic of the argument runs thus My opinion is, that we ought to have a military fund, 'and that no man should receive public money, without performing public service. However, as you prefer ta.king the public money to pay for your places at the festivals, I will not break the law by moving to apply that money to another purpose. Only you gain nothing by it ; for, as the troops must be paid, there must be an extraordinary contribution, or property tax, to meet the exigency of the case. THE FIRST OLYXTHIAC. 43 affairs now stand. They are not, as they appear, or as an inattentive observer might pronounce, in very good trim, or in the most favourable position. He would never have commenced this war, had he imagined he must fight. He expected to cany everything on the first advance, and has been mistaken. | This disappointment is one thing that trou- bles and dispirits him ; another is, the state of Thessaly. 1 That people were always, you know, treacherous to all men ; and just as they ever have been, they are to Philip. They have resolved to demand the restitution of Pagasee, and have prevented his fortifying Magnesia; and I was told, they would no longer allow him to take the revenue of their har- bours and markets, which they say should be applied to the public business of 'Thessaly, not received by Philip. Now, if he be deprived of this fund, his means will be much straitened for paying his mercenaries. V And surely we must suppose, that Paeonians and Illyrians, and all such people, would rather be free and independent than under subjection ; for they are unused to obedience, and the man is a tyrant. So report says, and I can well believe it ;* for undeserved success leads weak-minded men into folly ; and thus it appears often, that to maintain prosperity is harder than to acquire it. There- fore must you, Athenians, looking on his difficulty as your opportunity, assist cheerfully in the war, sending embassies where required, taking arms yourselves, exciting all other 1 Philip's influence in Thessaly was of material assistance to him in his ambitious projects. It was acquired in this way. The power esta- blished by Jason of Pheree, who raised himself to a sort of royal autho- rity under the title of Tagus, had devolved upon Lycophron. His sway extended more or less over the whole of Thessaly ; but was, if not generally unpopular, at least unacceptable to the great families in the northern towns, among whom the Aleuadse of Larissa held a prominent place. They invoked Philip's aid, while Lycophron was assisted by the Phocian Onomarchus. After various success, Onomarchus was defeated and slain, and Lycophron expelled from Pherae. This established Philip's influence, and led to his being afterwards called in to termi- nate the Sacred war. How far the assertions of Demosthenes, respecting the discontent of the Thessalians, are true, cannot exactly be told. They are confirmed, however, in some degree by the fact, that at the close of the Sacred war Philip restored to them Magnesia. A new attempt by the regnant family caused Philip again to be invited, and Thessaly became virtually a province of Macedonia. Among other advantages therefrom was the aid of a numerous cavalry, for which Thessaly was famous. 44 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. people ; for if Philip got such an opportunity against us, and there was a war on our frontier, how eagerly think ye he would attack you ! Then are you not ashamed, that the very damage which you would suffer, if he had the power, you dare not seize the moment to inflict on him 1 And let not this escape you, Athenians, that you have now the choice, whether you shall fight there, or he in your coun- try. If Olynthus hold out, you will fight there and distress his dominions, enjoying your own home in peace. If Philip take that city, who shall then prevent his marching here 1 Thebans ? I wish it be not too harsh to say, they will be ready to join in the invasion. Phocians ? who cannot defend their own country without your assistance. Or some other ally ? But, good sir, he will not desire ! Strange indeed, if, what he is thought fool-hardy for prating now, this he would not accomplish if he might. As to the vast difference be- tween a war here or there, I fancy there needs no argument. If you were obliged to be out yourselves for thirty days only, and take the necessaries for camp-service from the land, (I mean, without an enemy therein,) your agricultural popu- lation would sustain, I believe, greater damage than what the whole expense of the late war 1 amounted to. /But if a war should come, what damage must be expected 1 ' There is the insult too, and the disgrace of the thing, worse than any damage to right-thinking men. On all these accounts, then, we must unite to lend our succour, and drive off the war yonder ; the rich, that, spend- ing a little for the abundance which they happily possess, they may enjoy the residue in security; the young, 2 that gaining military experience in Philip's territory, they may become redoubtable champions to preserve their own; the 1 The Ampliipolitan war, said to have cost fifteen hundred talents. 2 Strictly, those of the military age, which was from eighteen years to sixty. Youths between eighteen and twenty were liable only to serve in Attica, and were chiefly employed to garrison the walls. Afterwards they were compellable to perform any military service, under the penalty of losing their privileges as citizens. The expression in the text, it will be seen, is not rendered with full accuracy ; as those of the military age can only be called young by comparison. But a short and apt antitheses was needed. Sometimes I have "the serviceable," or " the able-bodied." Jacobs : die waffenfaliigen Ji'mglinge, and else- where, die Rustige. THE SECOND OLYNTHIAC. 45 orators, that they may pass a good account l of their states- manship; for on the result of measures will depend your judgment of their conduct. May it for every cause be prosperous. HE SECOND OLYNTHIAC. THE ARGUMENT. The Athenians had voted an alliance with the Olynthians, and resolved to send succours. But the sending of them was delayed, partly by the contrivance of the opposite faction, partly from the reluctance of the people themselves to engage in a war with Philip. Demosthenes stimulates them to exertion, and encourages them, by showing that Philip's power is not so great as it appears. ON many occasions, men of Athens, one may see the kind- ness of the gods to this country manifested, but most sig- nally, I think, on the present. / That here are men prepared for a war with Philip, possessed of a neighbouring territory and some power, and (what is most important) so fixed in their hostility, as to regard any accommodation with him as insecure, and even ruinous to their country; this really appears like an extraordinary act of divine beneficence. It must then be our care, Athenians, that we are not more unkind to ourselves than circumstances have been; as it would be a foul, a most foul reproach, to have abandoned not only cities and places that once belonged to us, but also the allies and advantages provided by fortune. To dilate, Athenians, on Philip's power, and by such dis- course to incite you to your duty, I think improper : and why ? Because all that may be said on that score involves matter of glory for him, and misconduct on our part. The more he has transcended his repute, 2 the more is he uni- versally admired; you, as you have used your advantages 1 Every man, who is required to justify the acts for which he is re- sponsible, may be said to be " called to account." But Demosthenes speaks with peculiar reference to those accounts, which men in official situations at Athens were required to render at the close of their administration. 2 Jacobs otherwise : uber sein Verdienst gelungen. 46 THE OEATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. unworthily, have incurred the greater disgrace. This topic, then, I shall pass over. Indeed, Athenians, a correct observer will find the source of his greatness here, 1 and not in himself. <" But of measures, for which Philip's partisans deserve his gratitude and your vengeance, I see no occasion to speak now. Other things are open to me, which it concerns you all to know, and which must, on a due examination, Athe- nians, reflect great disgrace on Philip. To these will I address myself. To call him perjured and treacherous, without showing what he has done, might justly be termed idle abuse. But to go through all his actions and convict him in detail, will take, as it happens, but a short time, and is expedient, I think, for two reasons : first, that his baseness may appear in its true light ; secondly, that they, whose terror imagines Philip to be invincible, may see he has run through all the artifices by which he rose to greatness, and his career is just come to an end. I myself, men of Athens, should most assuredly have regarded Philip as an object of fear and admiration, had I seen him exalted by honourable conduct ; \ but observing and considering I find, that in the beginning, when certain persons drove away the Olynthians who desired a conference with us, he gained over our simplicity by en- gaging to surrender Amphipolis, and to execute the secret article 2 once so famous ; afterwards he got the friendship of the Olynthians, by taking Potidsea from you, wronging you his former allies, and delivering it to them ; and lastly now the Thessalians, by promising to surrender Magnesia, and undertake the Phocian war on their behalf, f In short, none who have dealt with him has he not deceived. He has risen by conciliating and cajoling the weakness of every people in turn who knew him not. \/As, therefore, by such means he 1 In this assembly, by the contrivance of venal orators, or through the supineness of the people. In the first Philippic there is a more pointed allusion to the practices of Philip's adherents, who are charged with sending him secret intelligence of what passed at home. Such men as Aristodemus, Neoptolemus, perhaps Demades and others are referred to. ^Bschines had not yet begun to be a friend of Philip. 2 A secret intrigue was carried on between Philip and the Athenians, by which he engaged to put Amphipolis in their hands, but on the un- derstanding that they would deliver up Pydna to him. Demosthenes only mentions the former part of the arrangement, the latter not being honourable to his countrymen. THE SECOND OLYNTHIAC. 47 rose, when every people imagined lie would advance their interest, so ought he by the same means to be pulled down again, when the selfish aim of his whole policy is exposed. To this crisis, Athenians, are Philip's affairs come; or let any man stand forward and prove to me, or rather to you, that my assertions are false, or that men whom Philip has once overreached will trust him hereafter, or that the Thes- salians who have been degraded into servitude would not gladly become free, t But if any among you, though agreeing in these state- ments, thinks that Philip will maintain his power by having occupied forts and havens and the like, this is a mistake. True, when a confederacy subsists by good-will, and all parties to the war have a common interest, men are willing to co- operate and bear hardships and persevere.^ But when one has grown strong, like Philip, by rapacity and artifice, on the first pretext, the slightest reverse, all is overturned and broken up. 1 Impossible is it, impossible, Athenians, to acquire a solid power by injustice and perjury and falsehood. Such things last for once, or for a short period ; maybe, they blossom fairly with^hope; 2 but in time they are discovered and drop away. 3 I As a house, a ship, or the like, ought to have the lower parts firmest, so in human conduct, I ween, the principle and foundation should be just and true. But this is not so in Philip's conduct. / I say, then, we should at once aid the Olynthians, (the best and quickest way that can be suggested will please me 1 The original dv^x a/iTlG ' " shakes off," or " throws off," as a horse does his rider, when he rears and tosses up his neck. It will be observed that Demosthenes is very high-flown in his language here, passing from one metaphor to another. Leland translates these words, " overthrows him, and all his greatness is dashed at once to the ground." Francis : "hath already shaken off the yoke and dissolved their alliance." Wilson : " turneth all things upside down and layeth it flat in the end." Auger, better: suffisent pour Vebranler et la dissoudre. Jacobs : reiclit A lies umzusturzen und aufzulosen. Pabst, very nearly the same. 2 So in Henry VII I. Act. iii. Sc. 2. Such is the state of man : to-day he puts forth The tender leaves of hope, to-morrow blossoms, And wears his blushing honours thick upon him. 3 Like the leaves of a flower ; pursuing the last metaphor. So says Moore, in The Last Hose of Summer : " the gems drop away." Jacobs : Jiillt sie von selbst zusammen. Pabst : stilrzt in sick selbst zusammen. 48 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. most,) and send an embassy to the Thessalians, to inform some of our measures, and to stir up the rest ; for they have now resolved to demand Pagasas, and remonstrate about Magnesia. But look to this, Athenians, that our envoys shall not only make speeches, but have some real proof that we have gone forth as becomes our country, and are engaged in action. All speech without action appears vain and idle, but especially that of our commonwealth ; as the more we are thought to excel therein, the more is our speaking distrusted by all. You must show yourselves greatly reformed, greatly changed, contributing, serving per- sonally, acting promptly, before any one will pay attention to you. And if ye will perform these duties properly and becomingly, Athenians, not only will it appear that Philip's alliances are weak and precarious, but the poor state of his native empire and power will be revealed. To speak roundly, the Macedonian power and empire is very well as a help, as it was for you in Timotheus' time against the Olynthians; likewise for them against Potidaea the conjunction was important ; and lately it aided the Thes- salians in their broils and troubles against the regnant house : and the accession of any power, however small, is undoubtedly useful. But the Macedonian is feeble of itself; and full of defects. The very operations which seem to con- stitute Philip's greatness, his wars and his expeditions, have made it more insecure than it was originally. Think not, Athenians, that Philip and his subjects have the same likings. He desires glory, makes that his passion, is ready for any consequence of adventure and peril, preferring to a life of safety the honour of achieving what no Macedonian king ever did before. They have no share in the glorious result ; ever harassed by these excursions up and down, they suffer and toil incessantly, allowed no leisure for their em- ployments or private concerns, unable even to dispose of their hard earnings, the markets of the country being closed on account of the war. By this then may easily be seen, how the Macedonians in general are disposed to Philip. His mercenaries and guards, indeed, have the reputation of ad- mirable and well-trained soldiers, but, as I heard from one who had been in the country, a man incapable of falsehood, they are no better than others. For if there be any among THE SECOND OLYNTHIAC. 49 them experienced in battles and campaigns, Philip is jealous of such men and drives them away, he says, wishing to keep the glory of all actions to himself; his jealousy (among other failings) being excessive. Or if any man be generally good and virtuous, unable to bear Philip's daily intemper- ances, drunkenness, and indecencies, 1 he is pushed aside and accounted as nobody. The rest about him are brigands and parasites, and men of that character, who will get drunk and perform dances which I scruple to name before you. My information is undoubtedly true; for persons whom all scouted here as worse rascals than mountebanks, Callias the town-slave and the like of him, antic-jesters, 2 and composers of ribald songs to lampoon their companions, such persons Philip caresses and keeps about him. Small matters these may be thought, Athenians, but to the wise they are strong indications of his character and wrongheadedness. f Success perhaps throws a shade over them now; prosperity is a famous hider of such blemishes; but, on any miscarriage, they will be fully exposed. And this (trust me, Athenians) will appear in no long time, if the gods so will and you determine, jf For as in the human body, a man in health feels not partial ailments, but, when illness occurs, all are in motion, whether it be a rupture or a sprain or anything else unsound; so with states and monarchs, whilst they wage 1 The original signifies a certain lascivious dance, which formed a part of riotous festivities. We gather from history that the orator's description here is not wholly untrue, though exaggerated. Thirlwall thus writes of Philip : " There seem to have been two features in his character which, in another station, or under different circumstances, might have gone near to lower him to an ordinary person, but which were so controlled by his fortune as to contribute not a little to his suc- cess. He appears to have been by his temperament prone to almost every kind of sensual pleasure ; but as his life was too busy to allow him often to indulge his bias, his occasional excesses wore the air of an amiable condescension. So his natural humour would perhaps have led him too often to forget his dignity in his intercourse with his inferiors ; but to Philip, the great king, the conqueror, the restless politician, these intervals of relaxation occurred so rarely, that they might strengthen his influence with the vulgar, and could never expose him to contempt.'" It has been observed, that Philip's partiality for drinking and dancing, his drollery, and a dash of scurrility in his character, endeared him especially to the Thessalians. See Jacobs' note on this passage. 2 MI/J.OVS 7e\oW, players of drolls, mimes, or farces. Our ancient word droll signifies, like (JU/JLOS, both the actor and the thing acted. VOL. I. E 50 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. external war, their weaknesses are undiscerned by most men, but the tug of a frontier war betrays all. If any of you think Philip a formidable opponent, because they see he is fortunate, such reasoning is prudent, Athenians. Fortune has indeed a great preponderance nay, is everything, in human affairs, y Not but that, if I had the choice, I should prefer our fortune to Philip's, would you but moderately per- form your duty, y For I see you have many more claims to the divine favour than he has. But we sit doing nothing; and a man idle himself cannot require even his friends to act for him, much less the gods. \j No wonder then that he, marching and toiling in person, present on all occasions, neglecting no time or season, prevails over us delaying and voting and inquiring. I marvel not at that; the contrary would have been marvellous, if we doing none of the duties of war had beaten one doing ah 1 . But this surprises me, that formerly, Athenians, you resisted the Lacedaemonians for the rights of Greece, and rejecting many opportunities of selfish gain, to secure the rights of others, expended your property in contributions, and bore the brunt of the battle ; yet now you are loth to serve, slow to contribute, in defence of your own possessions, and, though you have often saved the other nations of Greece collectively and individually, under your own losses you sit still. This surprises me, and one thing- more, Athenians ; that not one of you can reckon, how long your war with Philip has lasted, and what you have been doing while the time has passed. You surely know, that while you have been delaying, expecting others to act, ac- cusing, trying one another, expecting again, doing much the same as ye do now, all the time has passed away. Then are ye so senseless, Athenians, as to imagine, that the same measures, which have brought the country from a prosperous to a poor condition, will bring it from a poor to a prosperous? Unreasonable were this and unnatural; for all things are easier kept than gotten. The war now has left us nothing to keep ; we have all to get, and the work must be done by ourselves. I say then, you must contribute money, serve in person with alacrity, accuse no one, till you have gained your objects ; then, judging from facts, honour the deserving, punish offenders; let there be no pretences or defaults on your own part ; for you cannot harshly scrutinize the con- THE SECOND OLYNTHIAC. 51 duct of others, unless you have done what is right yourselves. 'Why, think you, do all the generals l whom you commission civoid this war, and seek wars of their own ? (for of the generals too must a little truth be told.) Because here the prizes of the war are yours; for example, if Amphipolis be taken, you will immediately recover it; the commanders have all the risk and no reward. But in the other case the risks are less, and the gains belong to the commanders and soldiers ; Lampsacus, 2 Sigeum, the vessels which they plunder. So they proceed to secure their several interests : you, when you look at the bad state of your affairs, bring the generals to trial; but when they get a hearing and plead these neces- sities, you dismiss them. The result is that, while you are quarrelling and divided, some holding one opinion, some another, the commonwealth goes wrong. Formerly, Athe- nians, you had boards 3 for taxes ; now you have boards for 1 A system of employing mercenary troops sprang up at the cl ose of the Peloponnesian war, when there were numerous Grecian bands accustomed to warfare and seeking employment. Such troops were eagerly sought for by the Persian satraps and their king, by such men us Jason of Pherae, Dionysius of Syracuse, or Philomelus of Phocis. Athens, which had partially employed mercenaries before, began to make use of them on a large scale, while her citizens preferred staying at home, to attend to commerce, politics, and idle amusements. The ill effects however were soon apparent. Athenian generals, ill supplied with money, and having little control over their followers, were tempted or obliged to engage in enterprises unconnected with, and often adverse to, the interests of their country. Sometimes the general, as well as the troops, was an alien, and could be very little depended on. Such a person was Charidemus, a native of Oreus in Euboea, who commenced his career as captain of a pirate vessel. He was often in the service of Athens, but did her more harm than good. See my article Mercenarii, Arch. Diet. - Chares, the Athenian general, was said to have received these Asiatic cities from Artabazus, the Persian satrap, in return for the service he had performed. Probably it was some authority or privileges in those cities, not the actual dominion, that was conferred upon him. Sigeum, which is near the mouth of the Hellespont, and was a con- venient situation for his adventures, was the ordinary residence of Chares. 3 This refers to the institution of the crvfji/nopicu, or boards for manage- ment of the property-tax at Athens, as to which see Appendix IV. The argument of Demosthenes is as follows The three hundred wealthier citizens, who were associated by law for purposes of taxation, had become a clique for political purposes, with an orator at their head, (he intentionally uses the term T^ye/x&z/, chairman of the board,} to conduct E2 52 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. politics. There is an orator presiding on either side, a general under him, and three hundred men to shout; the rest of you are attached to the one party or the other. This you must leave off ; be yourselves again ; establish a general liberty of speech, deliberation, and action. If -some are ap- pointed to command as with royal authority, some to be ship-captains, tax-payers, soldiers by compulsion, others only to vote against them, and help in nothing besides, no duty will be seasonably performed; the aggrieved parties will still fail you, and you will have to punish them instead of your enemies. I say, in short; you must all fairly contribute, according to each man's ability; take your turns of service till you have all been afield ; give every speaker a hearing, and adopt the best counsel, not what this or that person advises. If ye act thus, not only will ye praise the speaker at the moment, but yourselves afterwards, when the condi- tion of the country is improved. THE THIRD OLYNTHIAC. THE ARGUMENT. The Athenians had despatched succours to Olynthus, and received, as Libanius says, some favourable intelligence ; more probably, however, some vague rumours, which led them to imagine the danger was for the time averted. They began, very prematurely, as the result showed, to be confident of success, and talked of punishing Philip for his pre- sumption. In this they were encouraged by certain foolish orators, who sought to flatter the national prejudices. Demosthenes in this oration strives to check the arrogance of the people ; reminds them of the necessity of defensive rather than offensive measures, and espe- cially of the importance of preserving their allies. He again adverts (and this time more boldly) to the law of Eubulus, which he intimates ought to be repealed; and he exhorts the Athenians generally to make strenuous exertions against Philip. NOT the same ideas, men of Athens, are presented to me, when I look at our condition, and when at the speeches which the business of the assembly, while they stood to shout and applaud his speeches. The general, who held a judicial court to decide disputes about the property-tax, and who in matters of state ought to be inde- pendent, was subservient to the orator, who defended him in the popular assembly. THE THIRD OLYNTHIAC. 53 are delivered. The speeches, I find, are about punishing Philip ; but our condition is come to this, that we must mind we are not first damaged ourselves. Therefore, it seems to me, these orators commit the simple error of not laying before you the true subject of debate. That once we might safely have held our own and punished Philip too, I know well enough ; both have been possible in my own time, not very long ago. But now, I am persuaded, it is sufficient in the first instance to effect the preservation of our allies. When this has been secured, one may look out for revenge on Philip ; but before we lay the foundation right, I deem it idle to talk about the end. The present crisis, Athenians, requires, if any ever did, much thought and counsel. Not that I am puzzled, what advice to give in the matter ; I am only doubtful, in what way, Athenians, to address you thereupon. For I have been taught both by hearsay and experience, that most of your advantages have escaped you, from unwillingness to do your duty, not from ignorance."* I request you, if I speak my mind, to be patient, and consider only, whether I s,peak the truth, and with a view . to future amendment. V You see to what wretched plight we are reduced by some men haranguing for popularity. I think it necessary, however, first to recal to your me- mory a few past events. You remember, Athenians, when news came three or four years ago, that Philip was in Thrace besieging Heraeum. 1 It was then the fifth month, 2 and after much discussion and tumult in the assembly you resolved to launch forty galleys, that every citizen under forty-five 3 should embark, and a tax be raised of sixty talents. That year passed ; the first, second, third month arrived ; in that 1 A fortress on the Propontis, (now Sea of Marmora,) near Perinthus. This was a post of importance to the Athenians, who received large supplies of corn from that district. 2 Corresponding nearly to our November. The Attic year began in July, and contained twelve lunar months, of alternately 29 and 30 days. The Greeks attempted to make the lunar and solar courses coincide by cycles of years, but fell into great confusion. See Calendarium in Arch. Diet. 3 This large proportion of the "serviceable citizens, TV tv 7/A.i/a'a, shows the alarm at Athens. Philip's illness seems to have put a stop to his progress in Thrace at this period. Immediately on his recovery he began his aggression against Olynthus. See the Chronological Abstract prefixed to this volume. THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. month, reluctantly, after the mysteries, 1 you despatched Charidemus with the empty ships and five talents in money ; for as Philip was reported to be sick or dead, (both rumours came,) you thought there was no longer any occasion for succours, and discontinued the armament. But that was the very occasion ; if we had then sent our succours quickly, as we resolved, Philip would not have been saved to trouble us now. Those events cannot be altered. But here is the crisis of another war, the cause why I mentioned the past, that you may not repeat your error. How shall w^e deal with it, men of Athens ? If you lend not the utmost possible aid, see how you will have manoeuvred everything for Philip's benefit. There were the Olynthians, possessed of some power ; and matters stood thus : Philip distrusted them, and they Philip. We negotiated for peace with them ; this hampered (as it were) and annoyed Philip, that a great city, reconciled to us, should be watching opportunities against him. We thought it necessary by all means to make that people his enemies ; and lo, what erewhile you clamoured for, has somehow or other been accomplished. Then what remains, Athenians/but to assist them vigorously and promptly 1 I know not. , For besides the disgrace that would fall upon us, if we sacrificed any of our interests, I am alarmed for the consequences, see- ing how the Thebans are affected towards us, the Phocian treasury exhausted, nothing to prevent Philip, when he has subdued what lies before him, from turning to matters here. Whoever postpones until then the performance of his duty, wishes to see the peril at hand, when he may hear of it else- where, and to seek auxiliaries for himself, when he may bo auxiliary to others ; \| for that this will be the issue, if we throw away our present advantage, we all know pretty well. ^ But, it may be said, we have resolved that succours are necessary, and we will send them ; tell us only how. Marvel not then, Athenians, if I say something to astonish the mul- titude. Appoint law-revisors : 2 at their session enact no 1 The Eleusinian Mysteries, in honour of Ceres and Proserpine, called The Mysteries from their peculiar sanctity. a A provision was made by Solon for a periodical revision of the Athenian laws by means of a legislative committee, called No.uoPe'rcn. (See my article Nomothetes, Arch. Diet.) They were chosen by lot from THE THIRD OLYXTHIAC. 55 statutes, for you have enough, but repeal those which are at present injurious ; I mean, just plainly, the laws concerning our theatrical fund, and some concerning the troops, whereof the former divide the military fund among stayers-at-home for theatrical amusement, the latter indemnify deserters, and so dishearten men well inclined to the service. \/ \Vhen you have repealed these, and made the road to good counsel safe, then find a man to propose what you all know to be desirable. V/ But before doing so, look not for one who will advise good measures and be destroyed by you for his painsV Such a person you will not find, especially as the only result would be, for the adviser and mover to suffer wrongfully, and, with- out forwarding matters, to render good counsel still more dangerous in future. V Besides, Athenians, you should require the same men to repeal these laws, who have introduced them, v It is unjust, that their authors should enjoy a popu- larity which has injured the commonwealth, while the ad- viser of salutary measures suffers by a displeasure that may lead to general improvement.^ Till this is set right, Athenians, look not that any one should be so powerful with you as to transgress these laws with impunity, or so senseless as to plunge into ruin right before him. Another thing, too, you should observe, Athenians, that a decree is worth nothing, without a readiness on your part to do what you determine// Could decrees of themselves compel you to perform your duty, or execute what they prescribe, neither would you with many decrees have accomplished little or nothing, nor would Philip have insulted you so longV Had it depended on decrees, he would have been chastised long ago.^ But the course of things is otherwise. ^ Action, posterior in order of time to speaking and voting, is in efficacy prior and superior. V This requisite you want ; the others you possess. There are among you, Athenians, men competent to advise what is needful, and you are exceedingly quick at understanding it ; aye, and you will be able now the judicial body, on a reference to them by a vote of the popular assembly. Demosthenes says, "enact no statutes," instead of saying, " let the committee enact no statutes." This is because the committee would be taken from the people themselves, and the part are treated as the whole. So in speeches to juries we shall frequently observe that in mentioning: the decision of some other jury he says, "you did this or that," as it they were the same persons. 56 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. to. perform it, if you act rightly. For what time or season would you have better than the present 1 When will you do your duty, if not now ? Has not the man got possession of all our strongholds ? And if he become master of this country, shall we not incur foul disgrace ? Are not they, to whom we promised sure protection in case of war, at this moment in hostilities? Is he not an enemy, holding our possessions a barbarian ] anything you like to call him 1 But, heavens! after permitting, almost helping him to accomplish these things, shall we inquire who were to blame for them ? '. I know we shall not take the blame to ourselves. , For so in battles, no runaway accuses himself, but his general, his neighbour, any one rather ; though, sure enough, the defeat is owing to all the runaways ; .for each who accuses the rest might have stood his ground, and had each done so, they would have conquered. / Now then, does any man not give the best advice ? Let another rise and give it, but not censure the last speaker. Does a second give better advice 1 Follow it, and success attend you ! Perhaps it is not pleasant : but that is not the speaker's fault, unless he omits some needful prayer. 2 To pray is simple enough, Athenians, col- lecting all that one desires in a short petition : but to decide, when measures are the subject of consideration, is not quite so easy ; for we must choose the profitable rather than the pleasant, where both are not compatible. But if any one can let alone our theatrical fund, and sug- gest other supplies for the military, is he not cleverer 1 ? it may be asked. I grant it, if this were possible : but I wonder if any man ever was or will be able, after wasting his means in useless expenses, to find means for useful. The wishes of 1 Barbarians (among the Greeks) designates persons who were not of Hellenic origin. Alexander, an ancestor of Philip, had obtained admis- sion to the Olympic games by proving himself to be of Argive descent. But the Macedonian people were scarcely considered as Greeks till a much later period ; and Demosthenes speaks rather with reference to the nation than to Philip personally. 2 Demosthenes sneers at the custom of introducing into the debate sententious professions of good-will, and prayers for prosperity ; a poor substitute (he would say) for good counsel. Compare Yirg. Georg. III. 454. Alitur vitium vivitque tegendo, Dum medicas adhibere manus ad vulnera pastor Abnegat, et meliora Deos sedet omina poscens. THE THIRD OLYNTHIAC. 57 men are indeed a great help to such arguments, and there- fore the easiest thing in the world is self-deceit ;i for every man believes what he wishes, though the reality is often different.' See then, Athenians, what the realities allow, and you will be able to serve and have pay.y It becomes not a wise or magnanimous people, to neglect military operations for want of money, and bear disgraces like these ; or, while you snatch up arms to march against Corinthians and Me- garians, to let Philip enslave Greek cities for lack of pro- visions for your troops. I have not spoken for the idle purpose of giving offence : I am not so foolish or perverse, as to provoke your displeasure without intending your good : but I think an upright citizen should prefer the advancement of the commonweal to the gratification of his audience. / And I hear, as perhaps you do, that the j speakers in our ancestors' time, whom all that ^ad- dress you praise, but not exactly imitate, were politicians after this form and fashion ; Aristides, Nicias, my namesake, 1 Pericles. V But since these orators have appeared, who ask, What is your pleasure 1 what shall I move 1 how can I oblige you *? ;the public welfare is complimented away for a moment's popularity, and these are the results ; the orators thrive, you are disgraced. \l Mark, Athenians, what a summary con- trast may be drawn between the doings in our olden time and in yours, v It is a tale brief and familiar to all ; for the ex- amples by which you may still be happy are found not abroad, men of Athens, but at home. V Our forefathers, whom the speakers humoured not nor caressed, as these men caress you, for five-and-forty years took the leadership of the Greeks by general consent, and brought above ten thousand talents into the citadel ; and the king of this country was submissive to them, as a barbarian should be to Greeks ; and many glorious trophies they erected for victories won by their own fighting on land and sea, and they are the sole people in the world who have bequeathed a renown superior to envy. Such were their merits in the affairs of Greece : ^ee what they were at home, both as citizens and as men. \ Their public works are edifices and ornaments of such beauty and grandeur in temples and 1 Demosthenes, the general so distinguished in the Peloponnesian war, who defeated the Spartans at Pylus, and afterwards lost his life iu Sicily. #0 THE ORATIONS OP DEMOSTHENES. consecrated furniture,, that posterity have no power to sur- pass them. In private they were so modest and attached to the principle of our constitution, that whoever knows the style of house which Aristides had, or Miltiades, and the illustrious of that day, perceives it to be no grander than those of the neighbours. Their politics were not for money- making each felt it his duty to exalt the commonwealth. 1 By a conduct honourable towards the Greeks, pious to the gods, brotherlike among themselves, they justly attained a high prosperity. So fared matters with them under the statesmen I have mentioned. How fare they with you under the worthies of our time ? Is there any likeness or resemblance 1 I pass over other topics, on which I could expatiate ; but observe : in this utter absence of competitors, (Lacedaemonians depressed, Thebans employed, none of the rest capable of disputing the supremacy with us,) when we might hold our own securely and arbitrate the claims of others, we have been deprived of our rightful territory, and spent above fifteen hundred talents to no purpose ;\| the allies, whom we gained in war, these per- sons have lost in peace, and we have trained up against ourselves an enemy thus formidable, v Or let any one come forward and tell me, by whose contrivance but ours Philip has grown strong. V Well, sir, this looks bad, but things at home are better. \What proof can be adduced ? , The parapets that are whitewashed ? The roads that are repaired ] foun- tains, and fooleries ? 2 f Look at the men of whose statesman- ship these are the fruits. They have risen from beggary to opulence, or from obscurity to honour ; some have made their private houses more splendid than the public buildings ; and in proportion as the state has declined, their fortunes have been exalted. What has produced these results 1 How is it that all went prosperously then, and now goes wrong 1 Because an- ciently the people, having the courage to be soldiers, controlled the statesmen, and disposed of all emoluments ; any of the 1 As Horace says : Privatus illis census erat brevis, Commune magnum. 2 Jacobs : und solclies Gescliwdtz. The proceedings of Eubulus are here more particularly referred to. THE THIRD OLYNTHIAC. 59 rest was happy to receive from the people his share of honour, office, or advantage. Now, contrariwise, the statesmen dis- pose of emoluments ; through them everything is done you the people, enervated, stripped of treasure and allies, are be- come as underlings and hangers-on, happy if these persons dole you out show-money or send you paltry beeves ; 1 and, the unmanliest part of all, you are grateful for receiving your own. NJ /They, cooping you in the city, lead you to your plea- sures, and make you tame and submissive to their hands.^ It is impossible, I say, to have a high and noble spirit, while you are engaged in petty and mean employments :y whatever be the pursuits of men, their characters must be similar. ]f By Ceres, I should not wonder, if I, for mentioning these things, suf- fered more from your -resentment than the men who have brought them to pass. / For even liberty of speech you alloy/ not on all subjects; I marvel indeed you have allowed it here./ Would you but even now, renouncing these practices, per- form military service and act worthily of yourselves / would you employ these domestic superfluities as a means to gain advantage abroad ; perhaps, Athenians, perhaps you might gain some solid and important advantage, and be rid of these perquisites, which are like the diet ordered by physicians for the sick. V As that neither imparts strength, nor suffers the patient to die,iso your allowances are not enough to be of substantial benefit, nor yet permit you to reject them and turn to something else. Thus do they increase the general apathy. What ? I shall be asked : mean you stipendiary service? Yes, and forthwith the same arrangement for all, Athenians, that each, taking his dividend from the public, may be what the state requires. Is peace to be had ? You 1 Entertainments were frequently given to the people after sacrifices, at which a very small part of the victim was devoted to the gods, such as the legs and intestines, the rent being kept for more profane pur- poses. The Athenians were remarkably extravagant in sacrifices, Demades, ridiculing the donations of public meat, compared the republic to an old woman, sitting at home in slippers and supping her broth. Demosthenes, using the diminutive fatSut, charges the magistrates with supplying lean and poor oxen, whereas the victims ought to be healthy and large, r&em. See Virgil, Mn. xi. 739. Hie amor, hoc studiurn ; dum sacra secundus aruspex Nuntiet, ac lucos vocet hflstia pinguis in altos. 60 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. are better at home, under no compulsion to act dishonourably from indigence. Is there such an emergency as the present ? Better to be a soldier, as you ought, in your country's cause, maintained by those very allowances. Is any one of you be- yond the military age ? What he now irregularly takes with- out doing service, let him take by just regulation, superin- tending and transacting needful business. Thus, without derogating from or adding to our political system, only re- moving some irregularity, I bring it into order, establishing a uniform rule for receiving money, for serving in war, for sitting on juries, for doing what each according to his age can do, and what occasion requires. I never advise we should give to idlers the wages of the diligent, or sit at leisure, passive and helpless, to hear that such^a one's mercenaries are victorious ; as we now do. Not that I blame any one who does you a service : I only call upon you, Athenians, to perform on your own account those duties for which you honour strangers, and not to surrender that post of dignity which, won through many glorious dangers, your ancestors have bequeathed. I have said nearly ah 1 that I think necessary. I trust you will adopt that course which is best for the country and yourselves. THE FIEST PHILIPPIC. THE ARGUMENT. Philip, after the defeat of Onomarchus, had marched towards the puss of Thermopylae, which, however, he found occupied by the Athenians, who had sent a force for the purpose of preventing his advance. Being baffled there, he directed his march into Thrace, and alarmed the Athenians for the safety of their dominions in the Chersonese. At the same time he sent a fleet to attack the islands of Lemnos and Imbrus, infested the commerce of Athens with his cruisers, and even insulted her coast. In Thrace he became involved in the disputes between the rival kings Amadocus and Cersobleptes, espousing the cause of the former ; and for some time he was engaged in the inte- rior of that country, either at war with Cersobleptes, or extending his own influence over other parts of Thrace, where he established or expelled the rulers, as it suited him. It was just at that time that Demosthenes spoke the following oration, the first in which he called THE FIRST PHILIPPIC. 61 the attention of his countrymen to the dangerous increase of Philip's power. He had become convinced by 'the course of events, and by observing the restless activity of Philip, that Athens had more to- fear from him than from Thebes, or from any new combination of the Grecian republics. The orator himself, perhaps, hardly appreciated the extent of Philip's resources, strengthened as he was now by .the friendship of Thessaly, possessed of a navy and maritime towns, and relieved from the presence of any powerful neighbours. What were the precise views of Demosthenes as to the extent of the impending danger, we cannot say. It was not for him to frighten the Athenians too much, but to awaken them from their lethargy. This he does in a speech, which, without idle declamation or useless ornament, is essentially practical. He alarms, but encourages, his countrymen ; points out both their weakness and their strength; rouses them to a sense of danger, and shows the way to meet it ; recommends not any extraordinary efforts, for which at the moment there was no urgent necessity, and to make which would have exceeded their power, but unfolds a scheme, simple and feasible, suiting the occasion, and calcu- lated (if Athenians had not been too degenerate) to lay the founda- tion of better things. HAD the question for debate been anything new, Athenians, I should have waited till most of the usual speakers 1 had been heard ; if any of their counsels had been to my liking, T had remained silent, else proceeded to impart my own. But as the subject of discussion is one upon which they have spoken oft before, I imagine, though I rise the first, I am entitled to indulgence. For if these men had advised pro- perly in time past, there would be no necessity for deliberat- ing now. First I say, you must not despond, Athenians, under your present circumstances, wretched as they are ; for that which is worst in them as regards the past, is best for the future. What do I mean ? That your affairs are amiss, men of Athens, because you do nothing which is needful; if, not- withstanding you performed your duties, it were the same, there would be no hope of amendment. Consider next, what you know by report, and men of expe- rience remember; how vast a power the Lacedaemonians had not long ago, yet how nobly and becomingly you consulted 1 By an ancient ordinance of Solon, those who were above fifty years of age were first called on to deliver their opinion. The law had ceased to be in force ; but, as a decent custom, the older men usually com- menced the debate. There would be frequent occasions for departing from such a custom, and Demosthenes, who was now thirty-three, assigns his reason for speaking first. 62 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. the dignity of Athens, and undertook the war 1 against them for the rights of Greece. Why do I mention this 1 To show and convince you, Athenians, that nothing, if you take pre- caution, is to be feared, nothing, if you are negligent, goes as you desire. Take for examples the strength of the Lace- daemonians then, which you overcame by attention to your duties, and the insolence of this man now, by which through neglect of our interests we are confounded. But if any among you, Athenians, deem Philip hard to be conquered, looking at the magnitude of his existing power, and the loss by us of all our strongholds, they reason rightly, but should reflect, that once we held Pydna and Potidsea and Methone and all the region round about as our own, and many of the nations now leagued with him were independent and free, and preferred our friendship to his. Had Philip then taken it into his feead, that it was difficult to contend with Athens, when she had so many fortresses to infest his country, and he was destitute of allies, nothing that he has accomplished would he have undertaken, and never would he have ac- quired so large a dominion. But he saw well, Athenians, that all these places are the open prizes of war, that the possessions of the absent naturally belong to the present, those of the remiss to them that will venture and toil. Acting on such principle, he has won everything and keeps it, either by way of conquest, or by friendly attachment and alliance ; for all men will side with and respect those, whom they see prepared and willing to make proper exertion. If you, Athenians, will adopt this principle now, though you did not before, and every man, where he can and ought to give his service to the state, be ready to give it without excuse, the wealthy to contribute, the able-bodied to enlist ; in a word, plainly, if you will become your own masters, and cease each expecting to do nothing himself, while his neigh- bour does everything for him, you shall then with heaven's permission recover your own, and get back what has been frittered away, and chastise Philip. Do not imagine, that 1 He refers to the war in which Athens assisted the Thebans against Lacedsemon, and in which Chabrias won the naval battle of Naxos. That war commenced twenty-six years before the speaking of the first Philippic, and would be well remembered by many of the hearers. See the Historical Abstract in this volume. THE FIRST PHILIPPIC. 63 his empire is everlastingly secured to him as a god. There are who hate and fear and envy him, Athenians, even among those that seem most friendly; and all feelings that are in other men belong, we may assume, to his confederates. But now they are all cowed, having no refuge through your tardiness and indolence, which I say you must abandon forth- with. For you see, Athenians, the case, to what pitch of arrogance the man has advanced, who leaves you not even the choice of action or inaction, but threatens and uses (they say) outrageous language, and, unable to rest in possession of his conquests, continually widens their circle, and, whilst we dally and delay, throws his net ah 1 around us. When then, Athenians, when will ye act as becomes you 1 In what event ? In that of necessity, I suppose. And how should we regard the events happening now ? Methinks, to freemen the strongest necessity is the disgrace of their condition. Or tell rne, do ye like walking about and asking one another : is there any news ? Why, could there be greater news than a man of Macedonia subduing Athenians, and directing the affairs of Greece I Is Philip dead ? No, but he is sick. And what matters it to you ? Should anything befal this man, you will soon create another Philip, if you attend to business thus. For even he has been exalted not so much by his own strength, as by our negligence. And again ; should anything happen to him ; should fortune, which still takes better care of us than we of ourselves, be good enough to accomplish this; observe that, being on the spot, you would step in while things were in confusion, and manage them as you pleased; but as you now are, though occasion offered Amphi- polis, you would not be in a position to accept it, with neither forces nor counsels at hand. 1 However, as to the importance of a general zeal in the dis- charge of duty, believing you are convinced and satisfied, I ;sav no more. As to the kind of force which I think may extricate you from your difficulties, the amount, the supplies of money, the best and speediest method (in my judgment) of pro- viding all the necessaries, I shall endeavour to inform you 1 Important advice this, to men in all relations of life. Good luck is for those who are in a position to avail themselves of it. llli poma cadunt qui poma sub arbore quserit. 64 THE ORATIONS OP DEMOSTHENES. forthwith, making only one request, men of Athens. When you have heard all, determine ; prejudge not before. And let none think I delay our operations, because I recommend an entirely new force. Not those that cry, quickly! to-day! speak most to the purpose ; (for what has already happened we shall not be able to prevent by our present armament ;) but he that shows what and how great and whence procured must be the force capable of enduring, till either we have advisedly terminated the war, or overcome our enemies : for so shall we escape annoyance in future. This I think I am able to show, without offence to any other man who has a plan to offer. My promise indeed is large ; it shall be tested by the performance ; and you shall be my judges. First, then, Athenians, I say we must provide fifty war- ships, 1 and hold ourselves prepared, in case of emergency, to embark and sail. I require also an equipment of transports for half the cavalry 2 and sufficient boats. This we must have ready against his sudden marches "from his own country to Thermopylae, the Chersonese, Olynthus, and anywhere he likes. For he should entertain the belief, that possibly you may rouse from this over-carelessness, and start off, as you did to Euboea, 3 and formerly (they say) to Haliartus, 4 and very lately to Thermopylae. And although you should not pursue just the course I would advise, it is no slight matter, that 1 The Athenian ship of war at this time was the Trireme, or galley with three ranks of oars. It had at the prow a beak (tpfioXov), with a sharp iron head, which, in a charge, (generally made at the broadside,) was able to shatter the planks of the enemy's vessel. An ordinary trireme carried two hundred men, including the crew and marines. These last (eTr/jScmu) were usually ten for each ship, but the number was often increased. The transports and vessels of burden, whether merchant vessels or boats for the carriage of military stores, were round-bottomed, more bulky in construction, and moved rather with sails than oars. Hence the fighting ship is called raxe?a, swift. It carried a sail, to be used upon occasion, though it was mainly worked with oars. 2 The total number was one thousand, each tribe furnishing one hundred. 3 The expedition about five years before, when the Thebans had sent an army to Euboea, and Timotheus roused his countrymen to expel them from the island. Of this, Demosthenes gives an animated account at the close of the oration on the Chersonese. 4 B. c. 395, when the war between Thebes and Sparta had begun, and Lysander besieged Haliartus. He was slain in a sally by the Thebans and Athenians. THE FIRST PHILIPPIC, 65 Philip, knowing you to be in readiness know it he will for certain; there are too many among our own people who re- port everything to him may either keep quiet from appre- hension, or, not heeding your arrangements, be taken off his guard, there being nothing to prevent your sailing, if he give you a chance, to attack his territories. Such an armament, I say, ought instantly to be agreed upon and provided. But besides, men of Athens, you should keep in hand some force, that will incessantly make war and annoy him : none of" your ten or twenty thousand mercenaries, not your forces on paper, 1 but one that shall belong to the state, and, whether you appoint one or more generals, or this or that man or any other, shall obey and follow him. Subsistence too I require for it. What the force shall be, how large, from what source maintained, how rendered efficient,,! will show you, stating every particular. Mercenaries I recommend and beware of -doing what has often beejfi injurious thinking all measures below the occasion, adopting the strongest in your decrees, you fail to accomplish th least rather, I say, perform and procure a little, add to it afterwards, if it prove insufficient. I advise then two thousand soldiers in all, five hundred to be Athenians, of whatever age you think right, serving a limited time, not long, but such time as you think right, so as to relieve one another : the rest should be mercenaries. And with them two hundred horse, fifty at least Athenians, like the foot, on the same terms of service; and transports for them. Well ; what besides 1 Ten swift galleys : for, as Philip has a navy, we must have swift galleys also, to con- voy our power. How shall subsistence for these troops be provided ? I will state and explain ; but first let me tell you, why I consider a force of this amount sufficient, and why I wish the men to be citizens. Of that amount, Athenians, because it is impossible for us now to raise an army capable of meeting him in the field : we must plunder 2 and adopt such kind of warfare at first : * Literally "written in letters ;" that is, promised to the generals or fillies, but never sent. Jacobs : eine Macht die auf clem Matte stelit. Compare Shakspeare, Henry IV., Second Part, Act I, We fortify in paper and in figures, "Using the names of men instead of men. 2 Make predatory incursions, as Livy says, " populabtmdi magis quam justo more belli." Jacobs : den Krieg als Freibeuter fuhren. Another VOL. I. F 66 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. our force, therefore, must not be over-large, (for there is not pay or. subsistence,) nor altogether mean. Citizens I wish to attend and go on board, because I hear that formerly the state maintained mercenary troops at Corinth, 1 commanded by Polystratus and Iphicrates and Chabrias and some others, and that you served with them yourselves ; and I am told, that these mercenaries fighting by your side and you by theirs defeated the Lacedaemonians. But ever since your hirelings have served by themselves, they have been vanquish- ing your friends and allies, while your enemies have become unduly great. Just glancing at the war of our state, they go off to Artabazus 2 or anywhere rather, and the general follows, naturally ; for it is impossible to command without giving pay. What therefore ask 1 1 To remove the ex- cuses both of general and soldiers, by supplying pay, and attaching native soldiers, as inspectors of the general's con- duct. The way we manage things now is a mockery. For if you were asked : Are you at peace, Athenians ? No, indeed, you would say ; we are at war with Philip. Did you not choose from yourselves ten captains and generals, and also captains and two generals 3 of horse 1 How are they em- German: Streifauge zu maclien (guerilla warfare). Leland : "harass Lira with depredations." Wilson, an old English translator : " rob and spoil upon him." 1 He alludes to the time when Corinth, Athens, Thebes, and Argos were allied against Sparta, and held a congress at Corinth, B. c. 394. The allies were at first defeated, but Iphicrates gained some successes, and acquired considerable reputation by cutting off a small division (mora) of Spartan infantry. 2 Diodorus relates that Chares, in the Social war, having no money to- pay his troops, was forced to lend them to Artabazus, then in rebellion against the king of Persia. Chares gained a victory for the satrap, and received a supply of money. But this led to a complaint and menace of war by the king, which brought serious consequences. See the Historical Abstract. 3 There were chosen at Athens every year 1 Ten generals (one for each tribe), Ten captains (one for each tribe), Two generals of cavalry, 'linrapxoi. Ten cavalry officers (one for each tribe), QvXapvoi. In a regular army of citizens, when each tribe formed its own divi- sion, both of horse and foot, all these generals and officers would be present. Thus, there were ten generals at Marathon. A change took place in later times, when the armies were more miscellaneous. Three, THE FIRST PHILIPPIC. 67 ployed T Except one man, whom you commission on service abroad, the rest conduct your processions with the sacrificers. Like puppet-makers, you elect your infantry and cavalry officers for the market-place, not for war. Consider, Athe- nians ; should there not be native captains, a native general of horse, your own commanders, that the force might really be the state's 1 Or should your general of horse sail to Lem- nos, 1 while Menelaus commands the cavalry fighting for your possessions $ I speak not as objecting to the man, but he ought to be elected by you, whoever the person be. Perhaps you admit the justice of these statements, but wish principally to hear about the supplies, what they must be and whence procured. I will satisfy you. Supplies, then, for maintenance, mere rations for these troops, come to ninety talents and a little more : for ten swift galleys forty talents, twenty minas a month to every ship; for two thousand soldiers forty more, that each soldier may receive for rations ten drachms a month \ and for two hundred horsemen, each receiving thirty drachms a month, twelve talents. 2 Should any one think rations for the men a small provision, ho judges erroneously. Furnish that, and I am sure the army itself will, without injuring any Greek or ally, procure every- thing else from the war, so as to make out their full pay. I am ready to join the fleet as a volunteer, and submit to anything, if this be not so. Now for the ways and means of the supply, which I demand from you. [Statement^ of ways and means. ,] This, Athenians, is what we have been able to devise. When you vote upon the resolutions, pass ^hat you 4 approve, Athenian generals were frequently employed, and at a still later period only one. Demosthenes here touches on a very important matter, which we can well understand, viz. the necessity of officering the foreign mer- cenaries from home. 1 To assist at a religious ceremony held annually at Lenmot ; . where many Athenians resided. 2 As to Athenian money, see Appendix II. 3 Here the clerk or secretary reads the scheme drawn up by Demos- thenes, in the preparing of which he was probably assisted by the finan- cial officers of the state. What follows was. according to Dionysius, spoken at a different time. The curious may consult Leland, and Jacobs' introduction to his translation. * /. e, some measure, if not mine, whereby the war may be waged F2 G8 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. that you may oppose Philip, not only by decrees and letters, but by action also. I think it will assist your deliberations about the war and the whole arrangements, to regard the position, Athenians, of the hostile country, and consider, that Philip by the winds and seasons of the year gets the start in most of his opera- tions, watching for the trade-winds l or the winter to com- mence them, when we are unable (he thinks) to reach the spot. On this account, we must carry on the war not with hasty levies, (or we shall be too late for everything,) but with a permanent force and power. You may use as winter quar- ters for your troops Lemnos, and Thasus, and Sciathus, and the islands 2 in that neighbourhood, which have harbours and corn and all necessaries for an army. In the season of the year, when it is easy to put ashore and there is no danger from the winds, they will easily take their station off the coast itself and at the entrances of the seaports. How and when to employ the troops, the commander ap- pointed by you will determine as occasion requires. What you must find, is stated in my bill. If, men of Athens, you will furnish the supplies which I mention, and then, after completing your preparations of soldiers, ships, cavalry, will oblige the entire force by law to remain in the service, and, while you become your own paymasters and commissaries, demand from your general an account of his conduct, you will cease to be always discussing the same questions without forwarding them in the least, and besides, Athenians, not only will you cut off his greatest revenue What is this ? He maintains war against you through the resources of your allies, by his piracies on their navigation But what next ] You will be out of the reach of injury yourselves : he will not do as in time past, when falling upon Lemnos and Imbrus he carried off your citizens captive, seizing the ves- sels at Gersestus he levied an incalculable sum, and lastly, made a descent at Marathon and carried off the sacred effectually. The reading of ironfffare, adopted by Jacobs after Schaefer, is not in congruity with the sentence. 1 The Etesian winds blowing from the north-west in July, which would impede a voyage from Athens to Macedonia and Thrace. 2 As Scopelus, Halonnesus, Peparethus, which were then subject to Athens. THE FIRST PHILIPPIC. 69 galley 1 from our coast, and you could neither prevent these things nor send succours by the appointed time. But how is it, think you, Athenians, that the Panathenaic and Dio- nysian festivals 2 take place always at the appointed time, whether expert or unqualified persons be chosen to conduct either of them, whereon you expend larger sums than upon any armament, and which are more numerously attended and magnificent than almost anything in the world ; whilst all your armaments are after the time, as that to Methone, to Pagasse, to Potidsea 1 Because in the former case every- thing is ordered by law, and each of you knows long before- hand, who is the choir-master 3 of his tribe, who the gym- nastic 4 master, when, from whom, and what he is to receive, and what to do. Nothing there is left unascertained or un- defined : whereas in the business of war and its preparations all is irregular, unsettled, indefinite. . Therefore, no sooner have we heard anything, than we appoint ship-captains, dis- pute with them on the exchanges, 5 and consider about ways 1 A ship called Paralus, generally used on religious missions or to carry public despatches. 2 The Panathenaic festivals were in honour of Pallas or Athene, the protectress of Athens, and commemorated also the union of the old Attic towns under one government. There were two, the greater held every fourth year, the lesser anually. They were celebrated with sacri- fices, races, gymnastic and musical contests, and various other amuse- ments and solemnities, among which was the carrying the pictured robe of Pallas to her temple. The Dionysia, or festival of Bacchus, will be spoken of more fully hereafter. 3 The choregus, or choir-master, of each tribe, had to defray the expense of the choruses, whether dramatic, lyric, or musical, which formed part of the entertainment on solemn occasions. This was one of the Aem>up7icu, or burdensome offices, to which men of property were liable at Athens ; of which we shall see more in other parts of our author. 4 The gymnasiarch, like the choregus, had a burden imposed on him by his tribe, to make certain provisions for the gymnasium, public place or school of exercise. Some of the contests at the festivals being of a gymnastic nature, such as the Torch-race, it was his duty to make arrangements for them, and more particularly to select the ablest youths of the school for performers. 3 For every ship of war a captain, or trierarch, was appointed, whose duty it was, not merely to command, but take charge of the vessel, keep it in repair, and bear the expense (partly or wholly) of equipping it. In the Peloponnesian war we find the charge laid upon two joint captains, and afterwards it was borne by an association formed like the Symmoriae of the Property Tax. Demosthenes, when he came to 7.0 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. and means ; then it is resolved that resident aliens and house- holders l shall embark, then to put yourselves on board instead: but during these delays the objects of our expedition are lost; for the time of action we waste in preparation, and favour- able moments wait not our evasions and delays. The forces that we imagine we possess in the meantime, are found, when the crisis comes, utterly insufficient. And Philip has arrived at such a pitch of arrogance, as to send the following letter to the Eubceans : \Tlie letter is read.~\ Of that which has been read, Athenians, most is true, unhappily true ; perhaps not agreeable to hear. And if what one passes over in speaking, to avoid offence, one could pass over in reality, it is right to humour the audience : but if graciousness of speech, where it is out of place, does harm in action, shameful is it, Athenians, to delude ourselves, and by putting off everything unpleasant to miss the time for all operations, and be unable even to understand, that skilful makers of war should not follow circumstances, but be in advance of them ; that just as a general may be expected to lead his armies, so are men of prudent counsel to guide circumstances, in order that their resolutions may be accom- plished, not their motions determined by the event. Yet you, Athenians, with larger means than any people, ships, infantry, cavalry, and revenue have never up to this day made proper use of any of them ; and your war with Philip differs in no respect from the boxing of barbarians. For among them the party struck feels always for the blow;* strike him somewhere else, there go his hands again ; ward or look in the face he cannot nor will. So you, if you hear of the head of affairs, introduced some useful reforms in the system of the Trierarchy. The exchange, dvriSoffis, was a stringent but clumsy contrivance, to enforce the performance of these public duties by persons capable of bearing them. A party charged might call upon any other person to take the office, or exchange estates with him. If he refused, complaint was made to the magistrate who had cognisance of the business, and the dispute was judicially heard and decided. 1 Freedmen, who had quitted their masters' house, and lived independently. 2 Compare Yirgil, JEn. ix. 577. Ille manum projecto tegmine demens Ad vulDus tulit. THE FIRST PH-ILIPriC. 71 Philip iii the Chersonese, vote to send relief there, if at Thermopylae, the same; if anywhere else, you run after his heels up and down, arid are commanded by him; no plan have you devised for the war, no circumstance do you see beforehand, only 1 when you learn that something is done, or about to be done. Formerly perhaps this was allowable : now it is come to a crisis, to be tolerable no longer. And it seems, men of Athens, as if some god, ashamed for us at our proceedings, has put this activity into Philip. For had he been willing to remain quiet in possession of his conquests and prizes, and attempted nothing further, some of you, I think, would be satisfied with a state of things, which brands our nation with the shame of cowardice and the foulest disgrace. But by continually encroaching and grasp- ing after more, he may possibly rouse you, if you have not altogether despaired. I marvel, indeed, that none of you, Athenians, notices with concern and anger, that the beginning of this war was to chastise Philip, the end is to protect our- selves against his attacks. One thing is clear : he will not stop, unless some one oppose him. And shall we wait for this ? And if you despatch empty galleys and hopes from this or that person, think ye all is well 1 Shall we not em- bark? Shall we not sail with at least a part of our na- tional forces, now though not before 1 Shall we not make a descent upon his coast ? Where, then, shall we land ? some one asks. The war itself, men of Athens, will discover the rotten parts of his empire, if we make a trial ; but if we sit at home, hearing the orators accuse and malign one another, no good can ever be achieved. Methinks, where a portion of our citizens, though not all, are commissioned with the rest, Heaven blesses, and Fortune aids the struggle : but where you send out a general and an empty decree and hopes from the hustings, nothing that you desire is done; your enemies scoff, and your allies die for fear of such an arma- ment. For it is impossible, aye, impossible, for one man to execute all your wishes : to promise, 2 and assert, and accuse this or that person, is possible ; but so your affairs are ruined. 1 This loose mode of expression, which is found in the original, 6pos. 2 The Amphictyonic league, at the head of which Philip was now placed, was a federal union of Hellenic (or Greek) tribes, having for its object the maintenance of a common religion and nationality. The various deputies met twice a-year, in the spring at Delphi, in the autumn at Anthela near Thermopylae. They met, not only to celebrate games and festivals, but to transact the business of the league, to determine T8 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. us necessitated, or furnished with a plea, to make a common war against us. I grant, if we renewed the war with Philip on account of Amphipolis, or any such private quarrel, in which Thessalians, Argives and Thebans are not concerned, none of them would join in it, and least of all hear me before you cry out the Thebans : not that they are kindly disposed to us, or would not gratify Philip, but they see clearly, stupid as one may think them, 1 that, if they had a war with you, the hardships would all be theirs, while another sat waiting for the advantages. Therefore they would not throw themselves into it, unless the ground and origin of the war were common. So if we again went to war with the Thebans for Oropus or any private cause, I should fear no disaster, because our respective auxiliaries would assist us or them, if either country were invaded, but would join with neither in aggression. Such is the spirit of alliances that are worth regard, and so the thing naturally is. People are not friendly either to us or the Thebans, to the extent of equally desiring our safety and our predominance. Safe they would all have us for their own sakes; dominant, so as to become their masters, they would not have either of us. What then, say I, is the danger? what to be guarded against? Lest in the coming war there be found a common plea, a common grievance for all. If Argives. and Messenians, and Megalopolitaris, and some of the other Peloponnesians, who are in league with them, are hostile to us on account of our negotiating with the Lacedaemonians and seeming to take up some of their enterprises; if the Thebans are (as they say) our enemies, and will be more so, because we harbour their questions of international law and religion. The oracular sanctity of Delphi gave a dignity to these meetings, but the rivalry and jealousies of the more powerful Greek states did not permit them (in general) to- be controlled by Amphictyonic decrees. The three Sacred wars are instances in which their decrees were enforced by combination ; but in the two last, for which Philip's aid was invited, there was but little enthusiasm in the cause from any motive of religion or patriotism. The meeting at which Philip had been chosen president was so tumultuous and, irregular, that the Athenians would not allow it to be a legal con- vocation of the Amphictyonic body. Philip greatly resented this, because his election was considered to establish the title of his country- men to rank among the Greek nations. 1 Boeotian stupidity was proverbial. So Horace,, Epist. II. i. 224. Bceotum in crasso jurares acre natum. ON THE PEACE. 79- exiles and in eveiy way manifest our aversion to them; Thessalians again, because we harbour the Phocian exiles, and Philip, because we oppose his admission to the Amphic- tyonic body ; I fear that, each incensed on a private quarrel, they will combine to bring war upon you, setting up the decrees of the Amphictyons, and be drawn on (beyond what their single interests require) to battle it with us, as they did with the Phocians. For you are surely aware, that now the Thebans and Philip and the Thessalians have cooperated, without having each exactly the same views. For example, the Thebans could not hinder Philip from advancing and occupying the passes, nor yet from coming last and having the credit of their labours. True, in respect of territorial acquisition, something has been done for them ; but in regard to honour and reputation, they have fared wretchedly ; since, had Philip not stept in, they would (it seems) have got nothing. This was. not agreeable to them, but having the wish without the power to obtain Orchomenos and Coronea, they submitted to it all. Of Philip, you know, some persons venture to say, that he would not have given Orchomenos and Coronea to the Thebans, but was compelled to do so. I wish them joy of their opinion, 1 but thus far I believe, that he cared not so much about that business, as he desired to occupy the passes, and have the glory of the war, as being determined by his agency, and the direction of the Pythian games. Such were the objects of his ambition. The Thes- saiians wished not either Philip or Thebes to be aggrandised, since in both they saw danger to themselves ; but sought to 1 Demosthenes did not entirely scout the suggestion made with regard to Philip's views ; but perhaps he thought that Philip could not venture to offend his Theban allies then ; and one of the means of humbling: Athens was, to increase the power of her neighbour. If it be asked why Philip might not have seized upon Elatea at this time, as well as eighr. years later, I should say, not on account of the peace with Athens, but because he desired to rest upon his Amphictyonic honours, and have the full benefit of the moral ascendency which he had acquired. It was not clear that his grand object, which was rather to lead than to conquer Greece, might not be obtained without a war against any of her principal states. Afterwards, when the Athenians, under the active administra- tion of Demosthenes, baffled his efforts in the north, and showed a deter- mination to counteract all his projects, it became necessary for him to strike a decisive blow, even at the risk of irritating Thebes. He ran this risk, and succeeded, but not without danger. 30 THE ORATIOXS OF DEMOSTHENES. obtain these two advantages, the synod at Thermopylae, and the privileges at Delphi; 1 for which objects they aided the confederacy. Thus you will find that each party has been led into many acts unwillingly : and against this danger, being such as I describe, you must take precautions. Must we then do as we are bidden, for fear of the conse- quences 1 and do you recommend this ? Far from it, I advise you so to act, as not to compromise your dignity, to avoid war, to prove yourselves right-thinking, just-speaking men. With those who think we should boldly suffer anything, and do not foresee the war, I would reason thus. We permit the Thebans to have Oropus ; and if one asked us why, and required a true answer, we should say, To avoid war. And to Philip now we 'have ceded Amphipoiis by treaty, and allow the Cardians 2 to be excepted from the other people of the Chersonese ; and the Carian 3 to seize the islands Chios, Cos, andjUhodes, and the Byzantines to detain 4 our vessels ; evi- dently because we think the tranquillity of peace more beneficial than strife and contest about such questions. It were folly then' and utter absurdity, after dealing thus with each party singly on matters of vital moment to ourselves, to battle now with them all for a shadow at Delphi, 1 The Thessalians were peculiarly aggri^gHj^Bir exclusion (during the Sacred war) from the national synod; and from the oracle and festivities of Delphi. Their country had been the cradle of the Hellenic race, their deputies were the most numerous in the council, and their vicinity to the 'places of meeting gave them a greater interest in the proceedings. Hence they most eagerly pressed for punishment of the Phocians. The tribes of Mount (Eta proposed, that the male popu- lation of Phocis should be precipitated from the Delphian rock ; which cruelty was not permitted by Philip. To gratify the Thessalians, Philip put them in possession of Nicsea, one of the towns near the pass of Thermopylae, but even there he kept a Macedonian garrison. The 'Thebans had expected to have that town themselves, and were disap- pointed. 2 Cardia was a city at the north-western extremity of the Chersonese, and from its position on the isthmus was considered the key of the peninsula. Among the towns ceded to Athens by Cersobleptes, Cardia had not been included ; but the Athenians afterwards laid claim to it, and Philip supported the Cardians in resisting that claim. 3 Idrieus, king of Caria, who was now in possession of these islands, which had revolted from Athens in the Social war. 1 Compel them to go into their port to pay harbour duties. THE SECOND PHILIPPIC. 81 THE SECOND PHILIPPIC. THE ARGUMENT. Soon after the close of the Phocian war, the attention of Philip was called to Peloponnesus, where the dissensions between Sparta and her old enemies afforded him an occasion of interference. The Spartans had never abandoned their right to the province of Mes- senia, which had been wrested from them by Epaminondas; and since Thebes was no longer to be feared, they seem to have conceived hopes of regaining their lost power. The Argives and the Arcadians of Megalopolis were in league with Messenia, but Sparta had her allies in the Peloponnesus, and even Athens was suspected of favouring her cause. It does not appear that any open hostilities had taken place ; but about this time the fears of the Messenians induced them to solicit the alliance of Philip. He willingly promised them his protection, and sent a body of troops into the Peninsula. The progress which Macedonian influence was making there having alarmed the Athenians, they sent Demosthenes with an embassy to counteract it. He went to Messene and to Argos, addressed the people, and pointed out the dangers to which all Greece was exposed by Philip's ambition. It seems that he failed in rousing their sus- picions, or they were too much occupied by an immediate peril to heed one that appeared remote. Philip however resented this proceeding on the part of the Athenians, and sent an embassy to expostulate with them, especially on the charge of bad faith and treachery which had been preferred against him by Demosthenes. Ambassadors from Argos and Messene accompanied those of Macedon, and complained of the connexion that appeared to subsist between Athens and Lacedsemon, hostile (they thought) to the liberties of Peloponnesus. In answer to these complaints, Demosthenes addressed his second Philippic to the Popular Assembly ; repeating the substance of what lie had said to the Peloponnesians, vindicating his own conduct, and denouncing the Macedonian party at Athens. The embassy led to no immediate result; but the influence of Demosthenes at home was increased. IN all the speeches, men of Athens, about Philip's measures and infringements of the peace, I observe that statements made on our behalf are thought just and generous, 1 and all 1 Generous, as regards the Greek states, whose independence the Athenians stand up for. This praise Demosthenes frequently claims for his countrymen, and, compared with the rest of the Greeks, they deserved it. Leland understood .the word THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. blished ? or that he who restored the meeting at Pylse l would take away their revenues ? Surely not. And yet these things have occurred, as all mankind may know. You behold Philip, I said, a dispenser of gifts and promises : pray, if you are wise, that you may never know him for a cheat and a; deceiver. By Jupiter, I said, there are manifold contrivances for the guarding and defending of cities, as ramparts, walls, trenches, and the like : these are all made with hands, and require expense; but there is one common safeguard in the nature of prudent men, which is a good security for all, but especially for democracies against despots. What do I mean? Mistrust. Keep this, hold to this; preserve this only, and you can never be injured. What do ye desire 1 Freedom. Then see ye not that Philip's very titles are at variance therewith ? Every king and despot is a foe to freedom, an antagonist to laws. Will ye not beware, I said, lest, seeking deliverance from war, you find a master *? They heard me with a tumult of approbation ; and many other speeches they heard from the ambassadors, both in my presence and afterwards ; yet none the more, as it appears, will they keep aloof from Philip's friendship and promises. And no wonder, that Messenians and certain Peloponnesians should act contrary to what their reason approves ; but you, after the termination of the Sacred war. The object of Philip in effecting this arrangement was, no doubt, to weaken the influence of the great Thessalian families by a division of power; otherwise the Phersean tyranny might have been exchanged for an oligarchy powerful enough to be independent of Macedonia. The decemvirate here spoken of (if the text be correct) was a further contrivance to forward Philip's views ; whether we adopt Leland's opinion, that each tetrarchy was governed by a council of ten, or Schaefer's, that each city was placed under ten governors. Jacobs understands the word decemvirate not to refer to any positive form of government, but generally to designate a tyranny, such as that which the Laced eemo- nians used to introduce into conquered cities. So, for example, the Eomans might have spoken of a decemvirate after the time of Appius. However this be, Philip seems to have contrived that the ruling body, whether in the tetrarchy or the decadarchy, should be his own creatures. Two of them, Eudicus and Simus, are particularly mentioned by Demosthenes as traitors. 1 Pylce, which signifies gates, was a name applied by the Greeks to divers passes, or denies, but especially to the pass of Thermopylae, which opened through the ridges of Mount (Eta into the country of the Epicnemidian Locrian?, and was so called from the hot sulphureous springs that gushed from the foot of the mountain. THE SECOND PHILIPPIC. 87 who understand yourselves, and by us orators are told, how you are plotted against, how you are inclosed ! you, I fear, to escape present exertion, will come to ruin ere you are aware. So doth the moment's ease and indulgence prevail over distant advantage. As to your measures, you will in prudence, I presume, consult hereafter by yourselves. I will furnish you with such an answer as it becomes the assembly to decide upon. [Here the proposed answer ivas read.] 1 It were just, men of Athens, to call the persons who brought those promises, on the faith whereof you concluded peace. For I should never have submitted to go as ambas- sador, and you would certainly not have discontinued the war, had you supposed that Philip, on obtaining peace, would act thus ; but the statements then made were very different. Aye, and others you should call. Whom ? The men who declared after the peace, when I had returned from my second mission, that for the oaths, when, perceiving your delusion, I gave warning, and protested, and opposed the abandonment of Thermopylae and the Phocians that I, being a water-drinker,' 2 was naturally a churlish and morose fellow, that Philip, if he passed the straits, would do just as you desired, fortify Thespise and Platsea, humble the Thebans, cut through the Chersonese 3 at his own expense, and give you Oropus and Euboea in exchange for Ainphipolis. All these declarations on the hustings I am sure you remember, though you are not famous for remembering injuries. And, the most disgraceful thing of all, you voted in your con- fidence, that this same peace should descend to your poste- rity ; so completely were you misled. Why mention I this now, and desire these men to be called ? By the gods, I will tell you the truth frankly and without reserve. Not that I may fall a-wrangling, to provoke recrimination before you/ 1 Whether this was moved by the orator himself, or formally read as his motion by the officer of the assembly, does not appear. 2 It was Philocrates who said this. There were many jokes against Demosthenes as a water-drinker. 3 This peninsula being exposed to incursions from Thrace, a plan was conceived of cutting through the isthmus from Pteleon to Leuce Acte, to protect the Athenian settlements. See the Appendix to this volume, on the Thracian Chersonese. 4 Similarly Auger : " Ce n'est pas pour m'attirer les invectives de mes anciens adversaires en les invectivant moi-mme." Jacobs other- wise : Niclit um (lurch Sclim'dlmngen mir auf gleic/ie Weise Gehor bei 88 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. and afford my old adversaries a fresh pretext for getting more from Philip, nor for the purpose of idle garrulity. But I imagine that what Philip is doing will grieve you hereafter more than it does now. I see the thing progressing and would that my surmises were false; but I doubt it is too near already. So when you are able no longer to disregard events, when, instead of hearing from me or others that these measures are against Athens, you all see it yourselves, and know it for certain, I expect you will be wrathful and ex- asperated. I fear then, as your ambassadors have concealed the purpose for which they know they were corrupted, those who endeavour to repair what the others have lost may chance to encounter your resentment; for I see it is a practice with many to vent their anger, not upon the guilty, but on persons most in their power. Whilst therefore the mischief is only coming and preparing, whilst we hear one another speak, I wish every man, though he knows it well, to be reminded, who it was 1 persuaded you to abandon Phocis and Thermopylae, by the command of which Philip com- mands the road to Attica and Peloponnesus, and has brought it to this, that your deliberation must be, not about claims and interests abroad, but concerning the defence of your home and a war in Attica, which will grieve every citizen when it comes, and indeed it has commenced from that day. Had you riot been then deceived, there would be nothing to distress the state. Philip would certainly never have pre- vailed at sea and come to Attica with a fleet, nor would he have marched with a land-force by Phocis and Thermopylae : he must either have acted honourably, observing the peace and keeping quiet, or been immediately in a war similar to that w r hich made him desire the peace. Enough has been said to awaken recollection. Grant, ye gods, it be not all fully confirmed ! I would have no man punished, though death he may deserve, to the damage and danger of the country. Eucli zu verscliaffen. But I do not think that tjj.a.vT

intended for us in the event of peace, were ready and pro- 1 Philip's expedition against Ambracia followed the campaign in Epirus, which took place in B.C. 343. His designs against Ambracia were defeated by the exertions of the Athenians, who formed a league against him, and sent troops to assist the Ambracians. Demosthenes in the third Philippic speaks of an embassy, in which both himself, and Hegesippus were engaged, which had the effect of stopping Philip's invasion of Ambracia and Peloponnesus. 2 Cassopia is a district of Epirus, which Philip invaded B.C. 343, and added to the kingdom of Alexander his brother-in-law, between whom and Philip's uncle, Arymbas, the province of Epirus was divided. The Cassopian Elatea must not be confounded with the Phocran. OX HALONNESUS. 97 vided. After the peace was made, the good things intended for us all vanished, and among the Greeks has been wrought such ruin as you have seen. In his present letter he pro- mises you, that if you will trust his friends and advocates, and punish us who slander him to the people, he will greatly serve you. Such, however, will be the character of his service; he will not return you your own, for he claims it himself ; nor will his grants be in this part of the world, for fear of offending the Greeks : but I suppose some other land and locality will be found, where his gifts may take effect. As to the places which he has taken during the peace, taken from you in contempt of the treaty and violation of its terms, since he has nothing to urge, but stands convicted of injustice, he offers to submit to a fair and impartial tri- bunal, on a question which, of all others, requires no arbitra- tion, for the number of days determines it. We all know the month and the day when the peace was concluded. As surely do we know in what month and on what day Ser- rium, Ergisce, and the Sacred Mount 1 were taken. These transactions are not so obscure; they need no trial; it is notorious to all, which month was the earlier, that in which the peace was signed, or that in which the places were captured. He says also that he has returned all our prisoners who were taken in war. Yet in the case of that Carystian,2 the friend of our state, for whom you sent three embassies to demand his liberty, Philip was so anxious to oblige you that he killed the man, and would not even suffer him to be taken up for burial. It is worth while to examine what he writes to you about 1 These were places in Thrace, taken by Philip from Cersobleptes. 2 Carystus is a town of Euboea. The Proxenus, or public friend of a foreign state, was one who protected its interests in his own country, performing duties not unlike that of a modern consul. A relation of mutual hospitality subsisted (as the word imports) between him and the citizens of the friendly state ; and he was expected to entertain the ambassadors, or any persons who came on public business. (See title Hospitium, Arch. Diet.) We have no word by which Proxenus can be translated ; nor any indeed which expresses the double relation of host and guest, as |e^os and hospe-s do. In German we have Siaatsgast- freund. VOL. I. H 08 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. the Chersonese, and likewise to ascertain what his conduct 4s. All the district beyond Agora/ as if it were his own, and belonged not to you, he has given into the posses- sion of Apollonides the Cardian. Yet the boundary of the Chersonese is not Agora, but the altar of Terminal Jupiter, which is between Pteleum and Leuce-Acte, where the canal was to be cut through the Chersonese, as the inscription on the altar of Terminal Jupiter shows. Mark the words : This holy altar built by native hands, 'Twixt Pteleum and the Chalky Beach it stands, Stands for the limit of their just domains, The guardian He who in Olympus reigns. This < territory, large as most of you know it to be, he "claims : part he enjoys himself, part he has given to others, and so he reduces all your property into his possession. And not only does he appropriate ,the country beyond Agora, : but also with reference to the Cardians, who dwell on this side Agora, he writes in his present letter, that if you have any difference with the Cardians, (who dwell in your domi- nions,) you must refer it to arbitration. They have a difference with you ; see if it is about a small matter. They say, the land they inhabit belongs to them, not to you; that yours are mere occupations in a foreign country, theirs are possessions in their own; and that your fellow- citizen, Cal- lippus of Pseania, 2 alleged this in a decree. And here they are right ; he did so allege, and, on my indicting him for an unlawful measure, you acquitted him; and thus he has caused your title to the land to be contested. But if you could bring yourselves to refer this dispute with- the Cardians, whether the land be yours or theirs, why should not the 1 This was a place in the Chersonese, the whole of which, except Cardia, belonged to Athens. The orator contends, that the boundary of the Chersonese was a line drawn across the isthmus from Pteleum to Leuce-Acte, the latter of which places was probably named from the white cliffs on the beach. In the centre of this line was erected the altar, which anciently separated the boundaries of those towns. Agora was within the line. For further information concerning the Chersonese, see the following oration, a,nd Appendix III. 2 Paeania is one of the townships, S^ot, into which Attica was divided. Libanius says, it was Hegesippus who preferred this indictment against Callippus. ON HALOXNESUS. , 99 other people of the Chersonese be dealt with on the samo principle 1 His treatment of you is so insolent, that he says, if the Cardians will not submit to arbitration, he will compel them, as if you were unable even to compel Cardians to do you. justice. As you are unable, he says he will himself compel them. Don't you really find him a great benefactor] And some men have declared this epistle to be well written ; men who are far more deserving of your detestation than Philip. He, by constant opposition to you, acquires honour and signal advantage for 3 himself: Athenians who exhibit zeal, not for their country, but for Philip, are wretches that ought to be exterminated by you, if you carry your brains in your temples, and not trodden down in your heels. 1 , It now remains, that to this well-drawn epistle and the speeches of the ambassadors I propose an answer, which in my opinion is just and expedient for Athens. 1 Libanius censures the coarseness of this expression, and contends that Demosthenes never could have used it. Weiske thinks differently, and quotes the examples of coarse language adduced against his rival by JEschines. (Or. cont. Ctes.) Libanius, however, thinks that the whole tyle of this oration is beneath the Demosthenic character. The reader must form his own opinion. It has been remarked, both by Photius and Dr. Johnson, that there may be much difference between the best and the worst productions of an author. Yet there is in most good authors a general character, by which those who are familiar with them may form a judgment of what is genuine. 100 THE ORATIONS OP DEMOSTHENES. THE ORATION ON THE CHERSONESE. THE ARGUMENT. The Athenians had sent a body of citizens, commanded by Diopithes, to receive allotments of land in the Chersonese, and at the same time to protect the interests of Athens by acting as an army of observation. They soon fell into disputes with the Cardians about the limits of their territory. Philip, who at this time was engaged in a Thracian war, sent assistance to the Cardians ; but Diopithes, having collected a troop of mercenaries, kept the field successfully, and, not content with acting on the defensive, carried the war into Thrace, assisted the enemies of Philip, and wrested from him some of his conquests. Philip, whp, as we have seen in the last oration, had written before to the Athenians on the subject of Cardia, now wrote them a letter complaining of the conduct of Diopithes, charging them with an infringement of the peace. This letter arrived early in the summer of the year B.C. 342, and an assembly was imme- diately called to consider what measures should be taken. The Mace- donian party were vehement in denouncing Diopithes, and urging his recal. Demosthenes, seeing that Athens, though nominally at peace with Philip, was really defending herself against his aggressions, rose to justify Diopithes, insisted on the necessity, which he had so strongly urged in the first Philippic, of keeping a permanent force on the northern coast, and contended that the army of Diopithes should rather be reinforced, than recalled at a time when its presence was pecu- liarly necessary. He again warns his countrymen of impending danger, and points out the measures which, as men of spirit and prudence, they ought to pursue. This oration is full of good sense and manly eloquence. It had the success which it deserved. Diopithes was continued in his com- mand ; and the exertions of Athens in the next few years had the effect of preserving the Chersonese and the Bosphorus. Diopithes was father to Menander, the celebrated comic poet, whose plays have been copied by Terence. For further information on the subject of the Chersonese, see Appendix III. to this volume. IT were just, men of Athens, that the orators in your assem- bly should make no speeches to gratify either friendship or malice, but every one declare what he considers for the best, especially when you are deliberating on public measures of importance. However, since there are persons who are ON THE CHERSONESE, impelled to address you from factious motives, or others which I cannot name, it becomes you, Athenians, the majority, laying all else aside, to determine and to do what you find beneficial to the state. The serious question here is, the position of the Chersonese, and the campaign in Thrace, which Philip has now for upwards of ten months been carrying on; yet most of the speeches have been about Diopithes, his conduct and designs. It seems to me, that on a charge against any of these men, whom according to the laws you may punish when you please, it is in your option either to proceed immediately or at a later time, and need- less for me, or for any one, to argue the point strongly : but for the defence of our dominions, which PhiKp, our standing enemy, and now in * great force about the Hellespont, is making haste to conquer, and, if we are once too late, we shall never recover, our duty is to consult and prepare with the utmost speed, and not for clamours and charges about other matters to run off from this. I wonder at many things which are commonly said here, but I have been particularly surprised, Athenians, at what I lately heard a man declare in the Council, 1 that a states- man's advice should be, either to make war decidedly, or to observe the peace. True; if Philip keeps quiet, neither holding any of our territories contrary to the treaty, nor packing a world of enemies against us, there is nothing to say : peace we must absolutely observe, and I see every readiness on your part. But if the conditions of the peace, which we swore to, are recorded and open to inspection ; if it appears that from the beginning, (before Diopithes and the settlers, 2 who are accused as authors of the war, ever sailed from Athens,) Philip has robbed us of divers territories, of which you still complain in these unrepealed resolutions, and has been all along incessantly gathering the spoil of other nations, Greek and barbarian, for the materials of an attack upon you, what mean they by saying we must have war or 1 The Council or Senate of Five Hundred, of which Demosthenes became a member when he was thirty-six years of age. 2 The settlers called K\rjpovxoi were citizens sent out to receive parcels of land in some country dependent on Athens, but who still retained rights of Athenian citizenship, whether or not they permanently resided abroad. The word signifies " allotment-holders," or "allottees of lands." Jacobs : die A nsiedler. OF DEMOSTHENES. peace? We have no choice in the matter: there remains but one most just and necessary course, which these men purposely overlook. What is it ? To defend ourselves against an aggressor. Unless indeed they mean, that, so long as Philip keeps aloof from Attica and Piraeus, he neither wrongs you nor commits hostility. 1 But if they put our rights on this principle, and so define the peace, besides that 1 the argument is iniquitous, monstrous, and perilous for Athens, as I imagine is evident to all, it happens also to be inconsistent with their complaint against Diopithes. For why, I wonder, should we give Philip licence to do what he pleases, provided he abstain from Attica, while Diopithes is not suffered even to assist the Thracians, without our saying that he makes war? Here, it will be granted, they are shown 7 in the wrong : but the mercenaries make sad work ravaging the Hellespontine coast, and Diopithes has no right to detain vessels, and we must not allow him ! Well; be it so ! I am content. Yet I think, if they really give this counsel in ( good faith, as their object is to disband a force in your service, while they denounce the general who maintains it, they ought likewise to show that Philip's army will be dis- banded if you follow their advice. Otherwise, observe, they just bring the country into the same way, through which all our past measures have miscarried. 2 For you surely know, that by nothing in the world has Philip beaten us so much, as by being earlier in his operations. He with an army always attending him, knowing his own designs, pounces on whom he pleases in a moment : 3 we, when we hear that something 1 Philip sought to conquer Athens in Thrace, as Napoleon to conquer England in Egypt or Portugal. And we shall find that precisely the same arguments were used in our Parliament, to show the necessity of continuing the French war, which Demosthenes here urges to alarm the Athenians against Philip. 2 I follow the common reading d-n6\(a\ev. The explanation which Schaefer gives of his own reading does not satisfy me. 3 More closely, "is upon the eneim-, whom he pleases to attack, in a moment." Francis : " surprises upon the instant whom he thinks proper to destroy;" which is not bad, except for the last two words. Leland is too wide : " can in a moment strike the blow where he pleases." Jacobs is good : steht augenblicklicli Jedem gegenuber, den er angreifen will. Compare Virgil, Georgic III. Hosti Ante expectatum positis stat in agmine castris. ON THE CHEESOXESE. 103- is going on, begin to bustle and prepare. . Methinks the : result is, that he very quietly secures what he goes for; we arrive too late, and have incurred all the expense for nothing. Our enmity and our hostile intention we manifest, and get the disgrace of missing the time for action. Then be sure, Athenians, now, that all the rest is talk and pretence, the real aim and contrivance is, that while you re- main at home, and the country has no force abroad, Philip may accomplish what he pleases without interruption. First, consider what is actually going on. Philip is staying with a< large army in Thrace, and sending for reinforcements, as eye-" witnesses report, from Macedonia and Thessaly. Now, should he wait for the trade-winds, and then march to the siege of Byzantium, 1 think ye the Byzantines would persist in their present, folly, and would not invite you and implore your assistance ? I don't believe it. No ; they will receive any people, even those they distrust more than us, sooner than surrender their city to Philip; unless indeed he is before- hand with them and captures it. If then we are unable to sail northwards, and there be no help at hand, nothing can prevent their destruction. Well! the men are infatuated and besotted. Very likely; yet they must be rescued for all that, because it is good for Athens. And this also is not clear to us, that he will not attack the Chersonese : nay, if we may judge from^Se letter which he sent us, he says he will chastise the people in the Chersonese.' Then if the present army be kept on foot, it will be able to defend that country, and attack some of Philip's dominions ; but if it be once disbanded, what shall we do, if he march against the Chersonese 1 Try Diopithes, I suppose. And how will our affairs be bettered 1 But we shall send succour from Athens. And suppose the winds prevent us ? Oh, but he won't come I And who will insure that ? Do you mark and consider, men of Athens, the approaching season of the year, against which certain persons desire to get the Hellespont clear of you, and deliver it up to Philip ? Suppose he should leave Thrace, 1 Athens and Byzantium had not been on good terms since the Social war. Even at this period the Byzantines looked with more suspicion upon the Athenians than on Philip. Yet less than a year elapsed before the predictions of Demosthenes were fulfilled. Athens was in alliance with Byzantium, and defending her successfully against Philip. 104: THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. and without going near Chersonesus or Byzantium, (I beg you also to consider this,) he should invade Chalcis or Megara, as he lately did Oreus, 1 think you it is better to resist him here and suffer the war to approach Attica, or to find employment for him yonder ] I think the last. With such facts and arguments before you, so far from dis- paraging and seeking to disband this army, which Diopithes is endeavouring to organize for Athens, you ought yourselves to provide an additional one, to support him with money and other friendly cooperation. For if Philip were asked, " Which would you prefer, that these soldiers of Diopithes, whatever be their character, (I dispute not about that.) should thrive and have credit at Athens, and be reinforced with the assistance of the state, or that they should be dis- persed and destroyed at the instance of calumniators and accusers ? " I think he would say, the latter. And what Philip would pray to the gods for, certain persons among us are .bringing about j and after this you ask how the state is ruined ! I wish, therefore, to examine with freedom our present affairs, to consider how we are dealing with them, and what we are ourselves about. We like not to contribute money, we dare not take the field, we cannot abstain from the public funds, we neither give supplies to Diopithes nor approve what he finds for himself, but grumble and inquire how he got them, and what he intends to do, and the like ; and yet, though thus disposed, we are not willing to mind our own business, but with our mouths applaud those who speak worthily of the state, whilst in action we cooperate with their adversaries. You like always to ask the speaker What must we do 1 I will ask you this What must I say 1 For if you will neither contribute, nor take the field, nor abstain from the public funds, nor give supplies to Diopithes, nor let alone what he finds for himself, nor be content to mind your own business, I have nothing to say. If to these men, so prompt to accuse and calumniate, you already give such a licence, as to hear them complain by anticipation of projects which they impute to Diopithes, what can one say ? 1 Oreus of Euboea was betrayed to Philip not long before this time, as explained in the third Philippic. The designs of Philip on Megara were baffled. ON THE CHERSONESE. 105 But the probable effect of such conduct some of you should hear. I will speak frankly ; indeed, I could not speak otherwise. All the generals who have ever sailed from Athens, (or let me suffer any penalty,) take money from Chians, from Erythreeans, 1 from whom they severally can, I mean from the people who dwell in Asia. Those who have one or two galleys take less, those who have a greater fleet, more. And the givers give not, either the small or the larger sums, for nothing, (they are not so mad,) but by way of bargain, that the merchants who leave their harbours may not be wronged or plundered, that their vessels may be convoyed, or the like. They say they give benevolences : 2 that is the name of the presents. And so Diopithes, having an army, is well aware that all these people will give money : for how else do you suppose, that a man who has received nothing from you, and has nothing of his own to pay withal, can maintain his troops 1 From the skies 1 Impossible. He goes on with what he collects, begs, or borrows. Therefore they, who accuse him before you, in effect warn all people to give him nothing, as being sure to be punished for his inten- tions, much more for his acts, either as principal or auxiliary. Hence their clamours he is preparing a siege ! he is giving up the Greeks ! So concerned are many of these persons for the Asiatic Greeks : perhaps quicker to feel for strangers than for their country. And this is the meaning of our sending another general to the Hellespont. 3 Why, if Diopithes commits outrage and detains vessels, a small, very small summons, men of Athens, can stop it all; and the laws prescribe this, to impeach the guilty parties, but not to watch them ourselves at a great expense and with a large navy, for that were the extreme of madness. Against our enemies, whom we cannot bring under the laws, it is right 1 Erythrae is a city of Asia Minor. 2 It is singular that the same name should be given so many cen- turies after to the illegal contributions which were extorted by some of our English kings from their subjects, under the pretence of their being voluntary gifts. Edward the Fourth and Henry the Seventh were most oppressive in this way. 3 The argument is This is what my opponents mean by recon- mendina:, that another general should be sent to supersede and send back Diopithes. Such a course is wholly unnecessary, for you can summon him home by an order of state. 10G THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. and needful to maintain troops, and despatch a fleet, and con- tribute money; but against ourselves a decree, an impeach- ment, the state-galley, 1 are sufficient. Thus would men of discretion act ; malignant and mischievous politicians would proceed as these do. And that certain of these men are thus disposed, bad though it be, is not the worst. For you of the assembly are so minded now, that if any one comes forward and says, that Diopithes is the author of all your misfor- tunes, or Chares, or Aristophon, or what citizen he likes to name, you instantly assent and shout approbation; but if one rises to speak the truth Athenians, you are trifling ; of all these misfortunes and troubles Philip is the cause; had he only kept quiet, the state would have had no trouble you are unable to contradict these statements, yet, methinks, you are annoyed, and feel as if something were lost. The reason is and pray allow me, when I speak for the best, to speak freely certain statesmen have long since got you to be severe and terrible in the assemblies, in warlike preparations feeble and contemptible. If the party blamed be one whom you are certain to find within your reach, you say aye, and are content : but if one be accused, whom you cannot punish without vanquishing him by arms, you appear confounded and pained at the exposure. It ought, Athenians, to have been the reverse ; your statesmen should have accustomed you to be mild and merciful in the assembly, since there your dealings are with citizens and allies; in warlike prepara- tions they should have shown you to be terrible and severe, since in them the contest is with adversaries and foes. But by excessive coaxing and humouring they have brought you to such a condition, that in the assembly you give yourselves- airs and are flattered at hearing nothing but compliments,, whilst in your measures and proceedings you are putting everything to hazard. By Jupiter ! suppose the Greeks called you to account for the opportunities which you have indolently lost, and asked you, saying, " Men of Athens, you send us ambassadors on every occasion, and assert that Philip is plotting against us 1 The Paralus, or the Salaminia, which were employed for state pur- poses, and sometimes to fetch home criminals to be tried or punished. Thus the Salaminia was despatched to bring Alcibiades back from Sicily. ; ON THE CHERSONESE. 107 and all the Greeks, and that we should take precautions against the man, and more to the same effect :" (we must' admit and acknowledge it; for so we do :) "and yet, ye wretchedest of mankind, though Philip has been ten months away, and by illness and winter and wars prevented from returning home, you have neither liberated Eubcea, nor recovered any of your dominions. He, on the contrary, whilst fyou were staying at home, at ^leisure, in health, (if men so acting may be called in health,) established two rulers in Eubcea, one like a hostile fortress opposite Attica, one threatening Sciathus ; 1 and these nuisances you have never got rid of; not even this would ye attempt; you have sub- mitted, left the road open to him clearly, and made it mani- fest that, if he died a hundred -times, you would stir never a step the more. Then wherefore send embassies and make ac- cusations and give us trouble ? " If they asked this, what could we answer or say, men of Athens ? I really cannot tell. There are some persons indeed, who imagine they confute the speaker by asking, What must we do 1 I can give them a perfectly just and true answer Do not what you are now doing : however, I will enter into more full detail; and I trust they will be as ready to act as to interrogate. First, men of Athens, you must be satisfied in your minds that Philip is at war with the republic, and has broken the peace ; (pray cease reproaching one another about this;) that he is ill-disposed and hostile to all Athens, to her very ground, and (I may say) to all her inhabitants, even those who think they oblige him most. Or let them look at Euthycrates and Lasthenes the Olynthians, 2 who fancied themselves on the most friendly footing with him, but, since they betrayed their country, are sunk to the most abject state. But there is nothing that his wars and his schemes are directed against so 1 Clitarchus was established in Eretria, which is opposite the coast of Athens ; Philistides in Oreus, which is in the north of Euboea. The island of Sciathus is a little above Euboea, and off the Magnesian coast of Thessaly. As the group of islands, of which Sciathus was one, belonged to Athens, Oreus was a dangerous position to be occupied by an enemy, 2 They betrayed Olynthus to Philip, and went to reside afterwards at his court. But they were universally scouted as traitors, and on their complaining to Philip, he said, the Macedonians were a plain-spoken people, who called a spade a spade. 108 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. much, as our constitution; nothing in the 'world is he so earnest to destroy. And this policy is in some sort natural for him. He knows perfectly, that even if he conquer every- thing else, he can hold nothing secure, while your democracy subsists; but on the occurrence of any reverse, (and many may happen to a man,) all who are now under constraint will come and seek refuge with you. For you are not inclined yourselves to encroach and usurp dominion; you are famous for checking the usurper or depriving him of his conquest; ever ready to molest the aspirants for empire, and vindicate the liberties of all people. He likes not that a free spirit should proceed from Athens, to watch the moments of his peril : far otherwise ; nor is his reasoning weak or idle. First then, you must assume him for this reason to be an irreconcilable enemy of our constitution and democracy : without such conviction upon your minds, you will have no zeal for public duty. Secondly, you must be assured that all his operations and contrivances are planned against our country, and, wherever he is resisted, the resistance will be for our benefit. None of you surely is so foolish, as to suppose that Philip covets those miseries 1 in Thrace, (for what else can one call Drongilus, and Cabyle, and Mastira, and the places which he is taking and conquering now 1) and to get them endures toils and winters and the extreme of danger, but covets not the Athenian harbours, and docks, and galleys, and silver-mines, 2 and revenues of such value ; and that he will suffer you to keep them, while for the sake of the barley and millet in Thracian caverns he winters in the midst of horrors. 3 Impossible. The object of that and every other enterprise is to become master here. What then is the duty of wise men ? With these assurances and convictions, to lay aside an indolence which is becoming outrageous and incurable, to pay contributions and to call upon your allies, 1 I thought it better to adhere to the original, which explains itself, than to use any such expression as " paltry villages," or " bicoques," or elenden Besitztlmmern. Jacobs has the simple Armseligkeiten. 2 The mines of Laurium in Attica. See Appendix II. 3 The original fiapddpy signifies a pit, into which condemned crimi- nals were thrown at Athens. It is pretty much the same as if we were to speak of the black hole : and the horrors of Thrace would convey to an Athenian the same sort of idea as the horrors of Siberia to an Englishman. OX THE CHERSONESE. 109 see to and provide for the continuance of the present force, that, as Philip has a power ready to injure and enslave all the Greeks, so you may have one ready to save and to suc- cour all. It is not possible with hasty levies to perform any effective service. You must have an army on foot, provide maintenance for it, and paymasters and commissaries, so ordering it that the strictest care shall be taken of your funds, and demand from those officers an account of the expenditure, from your general an account of the campaign. If ye so act and so resolve in earnest, you will compel Philip to observe a just peace and abide in his own country, (the greatest of all blessings,) or you will fight him on equal terms. It may be thought, and truly enough, that these are affairs of great expense and toil and trouble : yet only con- sider what the consequences to us must be, if we decline these measures, and you will find it is our interest to perform our duties cheerfully. Suppose some god would be your surety for certainly no mortal could guarantee such an event that, notwithstanding you kept quiet and abandoned everything, Philip would not attack you at last, yet, by Jupiter and all the gods, it were disgraceful, unworthy of yourselves, of the character of Athens and the deeds of your ancestors, for the sake of selfish ease to abandon the rest of Greece to servitude. For my own part, I would rather die than have given such counsel; though, if another man advises it, and you are satisfied, well and good; make no resistance, abandon all. If however no man holds this opinion, if, on the contrary, we all foresee, that the more we let Philip conquer the more ruthless and powerful an enemy we shall find him, what subterfuge remains 1 what excuse for delay 1 Or when, Athenians, shall we be willing to perform our duty? Perad venture, when there is some necessity. But what may be called the necessity of freemen, is not only come, but past long ago : and surely you must deprecate that of slaves. What is the difference? To a freeman, the greatest necessity is shame for his proceedings; I know not what greater you can suggest : to a slave, stripes and bodily chas- tisement ; abominable things ! too shocking to mention ! I would gladly enter into every particular, and show how certain politicians abuse you ; but I confine myself to one. 110 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. When any question about Philip arises, people start up and cry, What a blessing it is to be at peace ! what a burden to maintain a large army ! certain persons wish to plunder our treasury! and more to the same effect; by which they amuse you, and leave him at leisure to do what he pleases. The result is, to you, Athenians, ease and idleness for the present, which, I fear, you may hereafter think dearly pur- chased; to these men, popularity and payment for their speeches. Methinks it is not you that need persuading to peace, who sit here pacifically disposed; but the person who commits hostilities : let him be persuaded, and all is ready on your part. . Burdensome we should deem, not what we expend for our deliverance, but what we shall suffer in case of our re- fusal to do so. Plunder of the treasury should be prevented by a plan for its safe keeping, not by abandonment of our in- terests. But this very thing makes me indignant, that some of you, Athenians, are grieved at the thought of your trea- sury being robbed, though it depends on yourselves to keep it safe and to chastise the peculator, yet are not grieved at Philip's conduct, seizing thus successively on every country in Greece, and seizing them for his designs upon you. What then is the reason, men of Athens, that while Philip is thus openly in arms, committing aggressions, capturing cities, none of these persons ever say that he is making war ; but they denounce as authors of the war, whoever advises you to oppose him and prevent these losses ? I will explain. Their desire is, that any anger, which may be naturally excited by your sufferings in the war, may be turned upon your honest counsellors, so that you may try them instead of resisting Philip, and they themselves be accusers instead of paying the penalty of their conduct. Such is the meaning of their assertion, that there is a war-party among you ; and such is the object of this present debate. I am indeed sure, that, before any Athenian moved a declaration of war, Philip had taken many of our possessions, and recently sent succour to Cardia, If however we choose to assume that he is not at war with us,, it were extreme folly in him to convince us of our mistake. But when he marches to attack us ; what shall we say ? He will assure us that he is not making war, as he assured the people of Oreus when his troops were in their country, as he assured the Phereeans before he assaulted their ON THE CHERSONESE. Ill walls, and the Olynthians at first, until he was actually in 'their territories with his army. Shall we then declare, that men who bid us defend ourselves make war 1 If so, we must be slaves : nothing else remains, if we neither resist nor are suffered to be at peace. And remember, you have more at stake than other people : Philip seeks not to subdue, but to extirpate our city. He knows for certain, you will not submit to servitude ; you could not if you would, being ac- customed to empire ; and if you get the opportunity, you will be able to give him more annoyance than all the rest of the world. You must therefore be convinced that this is a struggle for existence : these men who have sold themselves to Philip you must execrate and cudgel to death ; for it is impossible, impossible to overcome your enemies abroad, until you have punished your enemies (his ministers) at home. They will be the stumbling-blocks that prevent your reaching the others. 1 Why do you suppose Philip now insults you, (for to this, in my opinion, his conduct amounts,) and while to other people, though he deceives them, he at least renders services, he is already threatening, you ? For example, the Thessalians by many benefits he seduced into their present servitude : how he cheated the wretched Olynthians, first giving them Potidsea and divers other things, no man can describe : now he is enticing the Thebans by giving up to them Breotia, and delivering them from a toilsome and vexatious war. Thus did each of these people grasp a certain advantage, but some of them have suffered what all the world know, others will suffer what may hereafter befal them. From you all that has been taken I recount not : but in the very making of the peace, how have you been abused ! how despoiled ! Of Phocis, Thermopylae places in Thrace, Doriscus, Serrium, Cersobleptes himself ! Does he not now possess the city of Cardia and avow it ? Wherefore, I say, deals he thus with 1 The word Trpofiohos is explained by "Wolf : " impedimentum, sive sit scopulus in mari, sive vallum in terra." Leland translates the sen- tence : " else, while we strike on these, as so many obstacles, our enemies must necessarily prove superior to us." This is both vague and weak. Auger avoids the simile. Francis introduces " quicksands." Pabst : es ist unvermeidlich, dass Ihr an sie wie an Klippen anstosst, und dadurch aufgehalten werdet. Jacobs: immer wird durch sie, wie durch Pelsen des A nstosses, Euer Fortgang gehemmt werden. 112 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. other people, and not in the same manner with you 1 ? Because yours is the only state in which a privilege is allowed of speaking for the enemy, and an individual taking a bribe may safely address the assembly, though you have been robbed of your dominions. It was not safe at Olynthus to be Philip's advocate, unless the Olynthian commonalty had shared the advantage by possession of Potidsea : it was not safe in Thessaly to be Philip's advocate, unless the people of Thessaly had shared the advantage, by Philip's expelling their tyrants and restoring the Pylsoan synod : it was not safe in Thebes, until he gave up Bceotia to them and destroyed the Phocians. Yet at Athens, though Philip has deprived you of Amphipolis and the Cardian territory, nay, is even making Eubcea a fortress to curb us, and advancing to attack Byzantium, 1 it is safe to speak on Philip's behalf. Therefore of these men, some, from being poor, have be- come rapidly rich, from nameless and obscure, have become honoured and distinguished; you have done the reverse, fallen from honour to obscurity, from wealth to poverty; for I deem the riches of a state, allies, confidence, attach- ment, of all which you are destitute. And from your neglecting these matters and suffering them to be lost, Philip has grown prosperous and mighty, formidable to all the Greeks and barbarians, whilst you are abject and forlorn, magnificent in the abundance of your market, but in pro- vision for actual need ridiculous. I observe however, that some of our orators take different thought for you and for themselves. You, they say, should be quiet even under injustice; they cannot live in quiet among you themselves, though no man injures them. Then some one steps forward and says, "Why, you won't move any resolution, or run any risk ; ; 2 you are cowardly and faint-hearted." Let me say this : bold, brutal, and impudent I neither am nor wish to be ; yet, methinks, I possess far more courage than your headstrong politicians. For a man who, neglecting the interest of the state, tries, confiscates, 1 Not that Philip had commenced any operations against Byzantium, but from his march in that direction Demosthenes rightly conjectured that he had designs thereupon. 2 By subjecting yourself to a ypa B. c. 376. 3 The Spartans, whose severe military discipline rendered them far the best soldiers in Greece, were totally unfit to manage the empire, at the head of which they found themselves after the humiliation of Athens. Their attempt to force an oligarchy upon every dependent state was an unwise policy, which made them generally odious. The decemvirates of Lysander, and the governors (ap/noffral) established in various Greek cities to maintain Lacedaemonian influence, were re- garded as instruments of tyranny. It was found that Spartan gover- nors and generals, when away from home, gave loose to their vicious inclinations, as if to indemnify themselves for the strictness of domes- tic discipline. It became a maxim in their politics, that the end justified the means. The most flagrant proof was given by the seizure of the Cadmea at Thebes ; a measure, which led to a formidable con- federacy against Sparta, and brought her to the verge of destruction. THE THIRD PHILIPPIC. 121 by such as had no cause of complaint. But wherefore mention other people? We ourselves and the Lacedae- monians, although at the outset we could not allege any mutual injuries, thought proper to make war for the injustice that we saw done to our neighbours. Yet all the faults com- mitted by the Spartans in those thirty years, and by our ancestors in the seventy, are less, men of Athens, than the wrongs which, in thirteen incomplete years that Philip has been uppermost, 1 he has inflicted on the Greeks : nay they are scarcely a fraction of these, as may easily be shown in a few words. Olynthus and Methone and Apollonia, and thirty-two cities 2 on the borders of Thrace, I pass over; all which he has so cruelly destroyed, that a visitor could hardly tell if they were ever inhabited : and of the Phocians, so considerable a people exterminated, I say nothing. But what is the condition of Thessaly 1 Has he not taken away her constitutions and her cities, and established tetrarchies, to parcel her out, 3 not only by cities, but also by provinces, for subjection 1 Are not the Eubcean states governed now by despots, and that in an island near to Thebes and Athens? Does he not expressly write in his epistles, " I am at peace with those who are willing to obey me ?" Nor does he write so and not act accordingly. He is gone to the Hellespont ; he marched formerly against Ambracia; Elis, such an im- portant city in Peloponnesus, he possesses; 4 he plotted lately 1 I.e. in power ; but, as Smead, an American editor, truly observes, eVi7ToAaei has a contemptuous signification. Jacobs : oben schwimmt. The thirteen years are reckoned from the time when Philip's inter- ference in Thessaly began ; before which he had not assumed an im- portant character in southern Greece. 2 The Chalcidian cities. 3 This statement does not disagree with the mention of the 5ea5apxta in the second Philippic. Supposing that Thessaly was not only divided into tetrarchies, four provinces or cantons, but also governed by decemvirates of Philip's appointment, placed in divers of her cities, then by the former contrivance she might be said 5ouAi5e*j Kar y eflj/T], by the latter /caret TroAets. It is not clear indeed whether several decemvirates, or one for the whole country, is to be understood. The singular number is equally capable of either interpretation. 4 That is to say ; a Macedonian faction prevailed in Elis. The demo- cratical party had some time before endeavoured to regain the ascen- dancy, by aid of the Phocian mercenaries of Phalsecus ; but they ad been defeated by the troops of Arcadia and Elis. 122 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. to get Megara : neither Hellenic nor Barbaric land contains the man's ambition. 1 And we the Greek community, seeing and hearing this, instead of sending embassies to one an- other about it and expressing indignation, are in such a miserable state, so intrenched in our separate towns, that to this day we can attempt nothing that interest or necessity requires; we cannot combine, or form any association for succour and alliance; we look unconcernedly on the man's growing power, each resolving (methinks) to enjoy the in- terval that another is destroyed in, not caring or striving for the salvation of Greece : for none can be ignorant, that Philip, like some course or attack of fever or other disease, is coming even on those that yet seem very far removed. And you must be sensible, that whatever wrong the Greeks sus- tained from Lacedaemonians or from us, was at least in- flicted by genuine people of Greece ; and it might be felt in the same manner as if a lawful son, born to a large fortune, committed some fault or error in the management of it; on that ground one would consider him open to censure and reproach, yet it could not be said that he was an alien, and not heir to the property which he so dealt with. But if a slave or a spurious child wasted and spoiled what he had no interest in Heavens ! how much more heinous and hateful would all have pronounced it ! And yet in regard to Philip and his conduct they feel not this, although he is not only no Greek and noway akin to Greeks, but not even a barbarian of .a place honourable to mention; in fact, a vile fellow of Macedon, from which a respectable slave could not be pur- chased formerly. What is wanting to make his insolence complete? Besides his destruction of Grecian cities, does he not hold the 'Pythian games, the common festival of Greece, and, if he comes not himself, send his vassals to preside *? Is he not master of Thermopylae and the passes into Greece, and holds he not those places by garrisons and mercenaries ? Has he not thrust aside Thessalians, ourselves, Dorians, the whole 1 So Juvenal, Sat. X. 169 : JSstuat infelix angusto limite mundi, Ut Gyarse clausus scopulis parvaque Seripho. And Virgil, Mn. IX. 644 : Nee te Troja capit. THE THIRD PHILIPPIC. 123 Amphictyonic body, and got preaudience of the oracle, 1 to which even the Greeks do not all pretend 1 ? Does he not write to the Thessalians, what form of government to adopt ? send mercenaries to Porthmus, 2 to expel the Eretrian com- monalty; others to Oreus, to set up Philistides as ruler? Yet the Greeks endure to see all this; methinks they view it as they would a hailstorm, each praying that it may not fall on himself, none trying to prevent it. And not only are the outrages which he does to Greece submitted to, but even the private wrongs of every people : nothing can go beyond this ! Has he not wronged the Corinthians by attacking Ambracia 3 and Leucas? the Achaians, by swearing to give Naupactus 4 to the ^Etolians? from the Thebans taken Echinus? 5 Is he not marching against the Byzantines his allies 1 From us I omit the rest but keeps he not Cardia, the greatest city of the Chersonese? Still under these indignities we are all 1 This privilege, which had belonged to the Phocians, was transferred to Philip. It was considered an advantage as well as an honour in ancient times ; for there were only certain days appointed in every month, when the oracle could be consulted, and the order of consulta- tion was determined by lot in common cases. The Delphians used to confer the right of pre-consultation on particular states or persons as a reward for some service or act of piety. Thus the Spartans received it ; and Croesus, king of Lydia, for the magnificent presents which he sent to the temple. 2 Porthrnus was the port of Eretria, on the strait, opposite Athens. The circumstances are stated by Demosthenes at the latter end of the speech. By expelling the Sr^os of Eretria, he means of course the popular partj r , die Volkspartei, as Pabst has it ; but they would by their own partisans be called the people. 8 Divers colonies were planted on the north-western coast of Greece by the Corinthians > and also by the Corcyrseans, who were themselves colonists from Corinth. Among them were Leucas, Ambracia, Anac- torium, Epidamnus, and Apollonia. Leucas afterwards became insular, by cutting through the isthmus. Philip's meditated attack was in 343 B. c. after the conquest of Cassopia. Leucas, by its insular position, would have been convenient for a descent on Peloponnesus. We have seen that this design of Philip was baffled by the exertions of Demosthenes. 4 Naupactus, now Lepanto, lay on the northern coast of the Corinth- .ian gulf. At the close of the Peloponnesian war it came into the hands of the Achaians, from whom it was taken by Epaminondas, but after his death they regained it. The JEtolians got possession of the town some time after, perhaps by Macedonian assistance. 5 The Echinus here mentioned was a city on the northern coast of the Maliac gulf in Thessaly. 124 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. slack and disheartened, and look towards our neighbours, dis- trusting one another, instead of the common enemy. And how think ye a man, who behaves so insolently to all, how will he act, when he gets each separately under his control 1 But what has caused the mischief 1 ? There must be some cause, some good reason, why the Greeks were so eager for liberty then, and now are eager for servitude. There was something, men of Athens, something in the hearts of the multitude then, which there is not now, which overcame the wealth of Persia and maintained the freedom of Greece, and quailed not under any battle by land or sea ; the loss whereof has ruined all, and thrown the affairs of Greece into confu- sion. What was this ? Nothing subtle or clever : simply that whoever took money from the aspirants for power or the corruptors of Greece were universally detested : it was dread- ful to be convicted of bribery; the severest punishment was inflicted on the guilty, and there was no intercession or pardon. The favourable moments for enterprise, which fortune frequently offers to the careless against the vigilant, to them that will do nothing against those that discharge all their duty, could not be bought from orators or generals; no more could mutual concord, nor distrust of tyrants and barbarians, nor anything of the kind. But now all such principles have been sold as in open market, and those im- ported in exchange, by which Greece is ruined and diseased. 1 What are they 1 Envy where a man gets a bribe ; laughter if he confesses it ; mercy to the convicted ; hatred of those that denounce the crime : all the usual attendants upon cor- ruption. 2 For as to ships and men and revenues and abundance of other materials, all that may be reckoned as constituting national strength assuredly the Greeks of our day are more fully and perfectly supplied with such advan- tages than Greeks of the olden time. But they are all rendered useless, unavailable, unprofitable, by the agency of these traffickers. 1 'ATroAcuA.6 in reference to foreign affairs ; vty&rriKcv in regard to internal broils and commotions. Compare Shakspeare, Macbeth IV. 3. nation miserable, When filial t tliou see thy wholesome days again] 2 He glances more particularly at Philocrates, Demades, and JEschines. THE THIRD PHILIPPIC. 125 That such is the present state of things, you must see, without requiring my testimony : that it was different in former times, I will demonstrate, not by speaking my ovrii words, but by showing an inscription of your ancestors, which they graved on a brazen column and deposited in the citadel, not for their own benefit, (they were right-minded enough without such records,) but for a memorial and ex- ample to instruct you, how seriously such conduct should be taken up. What says the inscription then 1 It says: "Let Arthmius, son of Pythonax the Zelite, 1 be declared an out- law, 2 and an enemy of the Athenian people and their allies, him and his family." Then the cause is written why this was done : because he brought the Median gold into Pelo- ponnesus. That is the inscription. By the gods ! only con- sider and reflect among yourselves, what must have been the spirit, what the dignity of those Athenians who acted so 1 One Arthmius a Zelite, subject of the king, (for Zelea is in Asia,) because in his master's service he brought gold into Peloponnesus, not to Athens, they proclaimed an enemy of the Athenians and their allies, him and his family, and out- lawed. That is, not the outlawry commonly spoken of : for what would a Zelite care, to be excluded from Athenian franchises 1 It means not that ; but in the statutes of homi- cide it is written, in cases where a prosecution for murder is not allowed, but killing is sanctioned, " and let him die an outlaw," says the legislator : by which he means, that whoever kills such a person shall be unpolluted. 3 Therefore they considered that the preservation of all Greece was their own concern : (but for such opinion, they would not have cared, whether people in Peloponnesus were bought and cor- rupted :) and whomsoever they discovered taking bribes, they 1 Zelea is a town in My si a. Arthmius was sent by Artaxerxes into Peloponnesus, to stir up a war against the Athenians, who had irritated him by the assistance which they lent to Egypt. JEschines says that Arthmius was the vpdj-evos of Athens, which may partly account for the decree passed against him. 2 Of the various degrees of dri/j.ia at Athens I shall speak hereafter. I translate the word here, so as to meet the case of a foreigner, who had nothing to do with the franchises of the Athenians, but who by their decree was excommunicated from the benefit of all international law. 3 That is, his act being justifiable homicide, he shall not be deemed (in a religious point of view) impure. As to the Athenian law of homicide, see my article Phonos in the Archaeological Dictionary. 126 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. chastised and punished so severely as to record their names in brass. The natural result was, that Greece was formidable to the Barbarian, not the Barbarian to Greece. "Tis not so now : since neither in this nor in other respects are your sentiments the same. But what are they 1 You know your- selves : why am I to upbraid you with everything ? The Greeks in general are alike and no better than you. There- fore I say, our present affairs demand earnest attention and wholesome counsel. Shall I say what 1 Do you bid me, and won't you be angry ? [Here is read the public document which Demosthenes produces, after which he resumes his address. *] There is a foolish saying of persons who wish to make us easy, that Philip is not yet as powerful as the Lacedaemonians were formerly, who ruled everywhere by land and sea, and had the king for their ally, and nothing withstood them yet Athens resisted even that nation, and was not destroyed. I myself believe, that, w r hile everything has received great im- provement, and the present bears no resemblance to the past, nothing has been so changed and improved as the practice of war. For anciently, as I am informed, the Lacedaemonians and all Grecian people would for four or five months, during the season 2 only, invade and ravage the land of their enemies, with heavy-armed and national troops, and return home again : and their ideas were so old-fashioned, or rather national, they never purchased 3 an advantage from any ; theirs was a legitimate and open warfare. But now you doubtless perceive, that the majority of disasters have been 1 The Secretary of the Assembly stood by the side of the orator, and read any public documents, such as statutes, decrees, bills and the like, which the orator desired to refer to or to verify. It does not appear what the document was, which Demosthenes caused to be read here. If we may judge from the argument, it was some energetic reso- lution of the people, such as he would propose for an example on the present occasion. 2 The campaigning season, during the summer and fine time of the year. The Peloponnesians generally invaded Attica when the corn was ripe, burning and plundering all in their route. Thucydides in his history divides the year into two parts, summer and winter. 3 Compare the old lines of Eunius : Non cauponantes bellum sed belligerantes Ferro, non auro, vitam cernamus utrique. THE THIRD PHILIPPIC. 127 effected by treason ; nothing is done in fair field or combat. You hear of Philip marching where he pleases, not because he commands troops of the line, but because he has attached to him a host of skirmishers, cavalry, archers, mercenaries, and the like. When with these he falls upon a people in civil dissension, and none (for mistrust) will march out to defend the country, he applies engines and besieges them. I need not mention, that he makes no difference between winter and summer, that he has no stated season of repose. You, knowing these things, reflecting on them, must not let the war approach your territories, nor get your necks broken, relying on the simplicity of the old war with the Lacedaemo- nians, but take the longest time beforehand for defensive measures and preparations, see that he * stirs not from home, avoid any decisive engagement. For a war, if we choose, men of Athens, to pursue a right course, we have many natural advantages; such as the position of his kingdom, which we may extensively plunder and ravage, and a thousand more ; but for a battle he is better trained than we -are. 1 Nor is it enough to adopt these resolutions and oppose him by warlike measures : you must on calculation and on prin- ciple abhor his advocates here, remembering that it is impos- sible to overcome your enemies abroad, until you have chastised those who are his ministers within the city. Which, by Jupiter and all the gods, you cannot and will not do 1 You have arrived at such a pitch of folly or madness or I know not what to call it : I am tempted often to think, that some evil genius is driving you to ruin for the sake of scandal or envy or jest or any other cause, you command hirelings to speak, (some of whom would not deny themselves to be hirelings,) and laugh when they abuse people. And this, bad as it is, is not the worst : you have allowed these persons more liberty for their political conduct than your faithful counsellors : and see what evils are caused by listening to such men with indulgence. I will mention facts that you will all remember. In Olynthus some of the statesmen were in Philip's inte- 1 Chaeronea proved the wisdom of this advice. Similar counsel was- given by Pericles in the Peloponnesian war. Had the Athenians attempted to meet the invading army in the field, they must inevi- tably have been defeated in the early period of the war. 128 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. rest, doing everything for him ; some were on the honest side, aiming to preserve their fellow-citizens from slavery. Which party now destroyed their country ? or which betrayed the cavalry, 1 by whose betrayal Olynthus fell ? The creatures of Philip j they that, while the city stood, slandered and calumniated the honest counsellors so effectually, that the Olynthian people were induced to banish Apollonides. Nor is it there only, and nowhere else, that such practice has been ruinous. In Eretria, when, after riddance of Plutarch 2 and his mercenaries, the people got possession of their city and of Porthmus, some were for bringing the government over to you, others to Philip. His partisans were generally, rather exclusively, attended to by the wretched and unfortunate Eretrians, who at length were persuaded to expel their faithful advisers. Philip, their ally and friend, sent Hipponicus and a thousand mercenaries, demolished the walls of Porthmus, and established three rulers, Hipparchus, Automedon, Clitarchus. Since that he has driven them out of the .country, twice attempting their deliverance : once he sent the troops with Eurylochus, afterwards those of Parmenio. What need of many words *? In Oreus Philip's agents were Philistides, Menippus, Socrates, Thoas, and Agapseus, who now hold the government : that was quite notorious : one Euphreeus, a man that formerly dwelt here among you, was labouring for freedom and independence. How this man was in other respects- insulted and trampled on by the people of Oreus, were long to tell : but a year before the capture, dis- covering what Philistides and his accomplices were about, he laid an information against them for treason. A multitude then combining, having Philip for their paymaster, and acting under his direction, take Euphrseus off to prison as a dis- turber of the public peace. Seeing which, the people of Oreus, instead of assisting the one and beating the others to death, with them were not angry, but said his punishment 1 After Olynthus was besieged by Philip, various sallies were made from the city, some of which were successful. But the treachery of Lasthenes and his accomplices ruined all. A body of five hundred horse were led by him into an ambuscade, and captured by the besiegers. See Appendix I. 2 When he was expelled by Phocion after the battle of Tamynse, u. c. 354. THE THIRD PHILIPPIC. 129 was just, and rejoiced "at it. So the conspirators, having full liberty of action, laid their schemes and took their measures for the surrender of the city ; if any of the people observed it, they were silent and intimidated, remembering the treat- ment of Euphrseus ; and so wretched was their condition, that on the approach of such a calamity none dared to utter a word, until the enemy drew up before the walls : then some were for defence, others for betrayal. Since the city was thus basely and wickedly taken, the traitors have held despotic rule ; people who formerly rescued them, and were ready for any maltreatment of Euphraeus, they have either banished or put to death ; Euphrseus killed himself, proving by deed, that he had resisted Philip honestly and purely for the good of his countrymen. What can be the reason perhaps you wonder why the Olynthians and Eretrians and Orites were more indulgent to Philip's advocates than to their own 1 The same which operates with you. They who advise for the best cannot always gratify their audience, though they would ; for the safety of the state must be attended to : their opponents by the very counsel which is agreeable advance Philip's interest. One party required contribution ; the other said there was no necessity : one were for war and mistrust ; the other for peace, until they were ensnared. And so on for everything else ; (not to dwell on particulars ;) the one made speeches to please for the moment, and gave no annoyance ; the other offered salutary counsel, that was offensive. Many rights did the people surrender at last, not from any such motive of indulgence or ignorance, but submitting in the belief that all was lost. Which, by Jupiter and Apollo, I fear will be your case, when on calculation you see that nothing can be done. I pray, men of Athens, it may never come to this ! Better die a thousand deaths than render homage to Philip, or sacri- fice any of your faithful counsellors. A fine recompense have the people of Oreus got, for trusting themselves to Philip's friends and spurning Euphrseus ! Finely are the Eretriaii commons rewarded, for having driven away your ambassadors and yielded to Clitarchus 1 Yes ; they are slaves, exposed to the lash and the torture. Finely he spared the Olynthians, who appointed Lasthenes to command their horse, and ex- pelled Apollonides ! It is folly and cowardice to cherish such VOL. i. K 130 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. hopes, and, while you take evil counsel and shirk every duty, and even listen to those who plead for your enemies, to think you inhabit a city of such magnitude, that you cannot suffer any serious misfortune. Yea, and it is disgraceful to exclaim on any occurrence, when it is too late, " Who would have expected it ? However this or that should have been done, the other left undone." Many things could the Olynthians mention now, which, if foreseen at the time, would have pre- vented their destruction. Many could the Orites mention, many the Phocians, and each of the ruined states. But what would it avail them? As long as the vessel is safe, whether it be great or small, the mariner, the pilot, every man in turn should exert himself, and prevent its being over- turned either by accident or design : but when the sea hath rolled over it, their efforts are vain. And we, likewise, Athenians, whilst we are safe, with a magnificent city, plentiful resources, lofty reputation what l must we do ? Many of you, 2 I dare say, have been longing to ask. Well then, I will tell you ; I will move a resolution : pass it, if you please. First, let us prepare for cur own defence ; provide ourselves, 1 mean, with ships, money, and troops for surely, though all other people consented to be slaves, we at least ought to struggle for freedom. When we have completed our own preparations and made them apparent to the Greeks, then. let us invite the rest, and send our ambassadors everywhere with the intelligence, to Peloponnesus, to Rhodes, to Chios, to the king, I say; (for it concerns his interests, not to let Philip make universal conquest;) that, if you prevail, you may .have partners of your dangers and expenses, in case of neces- sity, or at all events that you may delay the operations. For, 1 Smead remarks here on the adroitness of the orator, who, instead of applying the simile of the ship to the administration of the state, Which he felt that his quick-minded hearers had already done, suddenly interrupts himself with a question, which would naturally occur to the audience. 2 You, ot KaQj)iJLvoi. See my observations in the preface. I cannot forbear noticing the manner in which Francis translates the following vll Af epcw . " Let Jupiter be witness, with what integrity I shall declare my opinion." The original means nothing of the kind. It is rare that vr) Aia can be translated literally with effect. Jacobs here has wohlan. THE THIRD PHILIPPIC. 131 since the war is against an individual/ not against the col- lected power of a state, even this may be useful ; as were the embassies last year to Peloponnesus, and the remonstrances with which I and Polyeuctus, that excellent man, and Hege- sippus, and Clitomachus, and Lycurgus, and the other envoys' went round, and arrested Philip's progress, so that he neithei attacked Ambracia nor started for Peloponnesus. I say no' however, that you should invite the rest without adopting measures to protect yourselves : it would be folly, while you sacrifice your own interest, to profess a regard for that of strangers, or to alarm others about the future, whilst "for the present you are unconcerned I advise not this: I bid you send supplies to the troops in Chersonesus, and do what else they require ; prepare yourselves and make every effort first, then summon, gather, instruct the rest of the Greeks. That is the duty of a state possessing a dignity such as yours. If you imagine that Chalcidians or Megarians will save Greece, while you. run away from the contest, you imagine wrong. Well for any of those people, if they are safe themselves. This work belongs to you. : this privilege your ancestors be- queathed to you, the prize of many perilous exertions. But if every one will sit seeking his pleasure, and studying to be idle himself, never will he find others to do his work, and more than this, I fear we shall be under the necessity of doing all that we like not at one time. Were proxies to be had, our inactivity would have found them long ago ; but they are not. Such are the measures which I advise, which I propose : adopt them, and even yet, I believe, our prosperity may be re-established. If any man has better advice to offer, let him communicate it openly. Whatever you determine, I pray to all the gods for a happy result. 1 Because a state is a permanent power ; a single man is liable to a variety of accidents, and his power terminates with his life. 132 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. THE FOURTH PHILIPPIC. THE ARGUMENT. The subject of this Oration is the same as the last, viz., the necessity of resistance to Philip. The time of its delivery would appear to have been a little later, whilst Philip was yet in Thrace, and before he commenced the siege of the Propontine towns. No new event is alluded to, except the seizure of Hermias by the satrap Mentor, the exact date of which is uncertain. The orator urges here, still more strongly than he had done in the third Philippic, the necessity of applying to' Persia for assistance. His advice was followed, and a negotiation was opened with that monarchy, which led to the effective relief of Perinthus. There is a remarkable passage in this speech, on the importance of general unanimity, which seems to imply that dis- putes had arisen between the richer and poorer classes, chiefly in regard to the application of the public revenue. The view which is here taken on the subject of the Theoric distributions is so different from the argument in the Olynthiacs, that modern critics have generally considered this Oration to be spurious. Another ground for such opinion is, that it contains various passages borrowed from other speeches, and not very skilfully put together. Yet the genuineness seems not to have been doubted by any of the ancient grammarians. BELIEVING, men of Athens, that the subject of your consul- tation is serious and momentous to the state, I will endeavour to advise what I think important. Many have been the faults, accumulated for some time past, which have brought us to this wretched condition ; but none is under the circumstances so distressing as this, men of Athens ; that your minds are alienated from public business ; you are attentive just while you sit listening to some news, afterwards you all go away, and, so far from caring for what you heard, you forget it altogether. Well ; of the extent of Philip's arrogance and ambition, as evinced in his dealings with every people, you have been in- formed. That it is not possible to restrain him in such course by speeches and harangues, no man can be ignorant : or, if other reasons fail to convince you, reflect on this. Whenever we have had to discuss our claims, on no occasion THE FOURTH PHILIPPIC. 133 have we been worsted or judged in the wrong ; we have still beaten and got the better of all in argument. But do his affairs go badly on this account, or ours well? By no means. For as Philip immediately proceeds, with arms in his hand, to put all he possesses boldly at stake, whilst we with our equities, the speakers as well as the hearers, are sitting still, actions (naturally enough) outstrip words, and people attend not to what we have argued or may argue, but to what we do. And our doings are not likely to protect any of our injured neighbours : I need not say more upon the subject. Therefore, as the states are divided into two parties, one that would neither hold arbitrary government nor submit to it, but live under free and equal laws ; another desiring to govern their fellow-citizens, and be subject to some third power, by whose assistance they hope to accomplish that object ; the partisans of Philip, 1 who desire tyranny and despotism, have everywhere prevailed, and I know not whether there is any state left, besides our own, with a popular con- stitution firmly established. And those, that hold the govern- ment through him, have prevailed by all the means efficacious in worldly affairs ; principally and mainly, by having a person to bribe the corruptible ; secondly, a point no less important, by having at their command, at whatever season they re- quired, an army to put down their opponents. We, men of Athens, are not only in these respects behindhand ; we cannot even be awaked ; like men that have drunk mandrake 2 or some other sleeping potion ; and methinks for I judge the truth must be spoken we are by reason thereof held in such dis- repute and contempt, that, among the states in imminent danger, some dispute with us for the lead, some for the place of congress ; others have resolved to defend themselves sepa- rately rather than in union with us. Why am I so particular in mentioning these things 1 I 1 I agree with Pabst and Auger that entivov signifies Philip. Schaefer takes it neutrally. 2 Used for a powerful opiate by the ancients. It is called Mandra- .gora also in English. See Othello, Act III. Sc. 3. Not poppy, nor mandragora, Nor all the drowsy syrups of the world, Shall ever medicine thee to that sweet sleep Which thou ow'dst yesterday. i 134 THE OEATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. seek not to give offence ; so help me all the powers of heaven 1 I wish, men of Athens, to make it clear and manifest to you all, that habitual sloth and indolence, the same in public matters as in private life, is not immediately felt on every occasion of neglect, but shows itself in the general result. 1 Look at Serrium and Doriscus ; which were first disregarded after the peace. Their names perhaps are unknown to many of you : yet your careless abandonment of these lost Thrace and Cersobleptes your ally. Again, seeing these places neg-. lected and unsupported by you, he demolished Porthmus, and raised a tyrant in Eubcea like a fortress against Attica. This being disregarded, Megara was very nearly taken. You were insensible, indifferent to all his aggressions ; gave no intima- tion that you would not permit their continuance. He pur- chased Antrones, 2 and not long after had got Oreus into his power. Many transactions I omit ; Pherse, the march against Ambracia, the massacres at Elis, 3 and numberless others : for I have not entered upon these details, to enumerate the people whom Philip has oppressed and wronged, but to show you that Philip will not desist from wronging all people and pursuing his conquests, until an effort is made to prevent him. There are persons whose custom it is, before they hear any speech in the debate, to ask immediately " What must we do?" not with the intention of doing what they are told, (or they would be the most serviceable of men,) but in order to get rid of the speaker. Nevertheless you should be advised what to do. First, my countrymen, you must be firmly convinced in your minds, that Philip is at war with our 1 Auger : " pre*sentent a la fin un total effrayant." 2 A town in Thessaly. We do not know all the details of Philip's proceedings in that country, but we have seen enough to show, that under the guise of a protector he was not far short of being the master of the Thessalian people. Some of their towns were actually in his possession, as Pherse and Pagasse. But that the Thessalians were never entirely subjugated to Macedonia, and still retained a hankering after independence, was proved at a later period by their desertion of Antipater. 3 The Elean exiles, having engaged in their service a body of the Phocian mercenaries, made an irruption into Elis, but were defeated. A large number of prisoners were taken and put to death. This happened B. c. 343. The government of Elis was at that time in the hands of a Macedonian party. THE FOURTH PHILIPPIC. 135 state, and has broken the peace ; that, while he is inimical and hostile to the whole of Athens, to the ground of Athens, and I may add, to the gods in Athens, (may they exterminate him !) there is nothing which he strives and plots against so much as our constitution, nothing in the world that he is so anxious about, as its destruction. And thereunto he is driven in some sort by necessity. Consider. He wishes for empire : he believes you to be his only opponents. He has been a long time injuring you, as his own conscience best informs- ' him ; for by means of your possessions, which he is able to enjoy, he secures all the rest of his kingdom : had he given up Amphipolis and Potideea, he would not have deemed him- self safe even in Macedonia. He knows therefore, both that he is plotting against you, and that you are aware of it ; and, supposing you to have common sense, he judges that you detest him as you ought. Besides these important consi- derations, he is assured that, though he became master of everything else, nothing can be safe for him while you are under popular government : should any reverse ever befal him, (and many may happen to a man,) all who are now under constraint will come for refuge to you. For you are not inclined yourselves to encroach and usurp dominion ; but famous rather for checking the usurper or depriving him of his conquests, ever ready to molest the aspirants for empire, and vindicate the liberty of all nations. He would not like that a free spirit should proceed from Athens, to watch the occasions of his weakness ; nor is such reasoning foolish or idle. First then you must assume, that he is an irreconcile- able enemy of our constitution and democracy ; secondly, you must be convinced, that all his operations and contrivances are designed for the injury of our state. None of you can be so silly as to suppose, that Philip covets those miseries in Thrace, (for what else can one call Drongilus and Cabyle and Mastira and the places which he is said now to occupy ?) and that to get possession of them he endures hardships and winters and the utmost peril, but covets not the harbours of Athens, the docks, the galleys, the silver mines, the reve- nues of such value, the place and the glory never may he or any other man obtain these by the conquest of our city \ or that he will suffer you to keep these things, while for the sake of the barley and millet in Thracian caverns he winters 136 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. in the midst of horrors. 1 Impossible. The object of that and every other enterprise of Philip is, to become master here. So should every man be persuaded and convinced ; and therefore, I say, should not call upon your faithful and upright counsellor to move a resolution for war : 2 such were the part of men seeking an enemy to fight with, not men forwarding the interests of the state. Only see. Suppose for the first breach of the treaty by Philip, or for the second or third, (for there is a series of breaches,) any one had made a motion for war with him, and Philip, just as he has now without such ' motion, had aided the Cardians, would not the mover have been sacrificed ? 3 would not all have imputed Philip's aid of the Cardians to that cause ? Don't then look for a person to vent your anger on for Philip's trespasses, to throw to Philip's hirelings to be torn in pieces. Do not, after yourselves voting for war, dispute with each other, whether you ought or ought not to have done so. As Philip conducts the war, so resist him : furnish those who are resisting him now 4 with money and what else they demand ; pay your contributions, men of Athens, provide an army, swift-sailing gallies, horses, trans- ports, all the materials of war. Our present mode of opera- tion is ridiculous ; and by the gods I believe, that Philip could not wish our republic to take any other course than what ye now pursue. You miss your time, waste your money, look for a person to manage your affairs, are discon- tented, accuse one another. How all this comes about, I will .explain, and how it may cease I will inform you. Nothing, men of Athens, have you ever set on foot or -contrived rightly in the beginning : you always follow the -event, stop when you are too late, on any new occurrence prepare and bustle again. But that is not the way of pro- ceeding. It is never possible with sudden levies to perform 1 See the note in the Oration on the Chersonese, page 108, where the same words nearly are repeated. 2 He deprecates here, as elsewhere, the factious proceedings of certain opponents, who sought to fasten the responsibility of a war on the orator, by forcing him to propose a decree. This (argues Demosthenes) was unnecessary, as they were at war already. 3 Pabst, following Wolf, takes this in the more limited sense of being carried off to prison : ins Gefdngniss geworfen. The English trans- lators, who have " torn to pieces," understand the word in the same sense that I do, as meaning generally " destroyed, exterminated." * Referring to Diopithes and his troops in the Chersonese. THE FOURTH PHILIPPIC. 137 any essential service. You must establish an army, provide maintenance for it, and paymasters, and commissaries, so ordering it that the strictest care be taken of your funds ; demand from those officers an account of the expenditure, from your general an account of the campaign ; and leave not the general any excuse for sailing elsewhere or prosecuting another enterprise. If ye so act and so resolve in earnest, you will compel Philip to observe a just peace and remain in his own country, or will contend with him on equal terms ; and perhaps, Athenians, perhaps, as you now inquire what Philip is doing, and whither marching, so he may be anxious to learn, whither the troops of Athens are .bound, and where they will make their appearance. Should any man think that these are affairs of great expense and toil and difficulty, he thinks rightly enough : but let him consider what the consequences to Athens must be, ir she refuse so to act, and he will find it is our interest to perform our duties cheerfully. Suppose you had some god for your surety for certainly no mortal could guarantee a thing so fortunate that, although you kept quiet and sacri- ficed everything, Philip would not attack you at last, yet, by Jupiter and all the gods, it would be disgraceful, unworthy of yourselves, of the dignity of your state, and the deeds of your ancestors, for the sake of selfish indolence to abandon the rest of Greece to servitude. For my part, I would rather die than have advised such a course : however, if any other man advises it, and can prevail on you, be it so ; make no defence, abandon all. But if no man holds such an opinion, if on the contrary we all foresee, that, the more we permit Philip to conquer, the more fierce and formidable an enemy we shall find him, what subterfuge remains ? what excuse for delay ? Or when, Athenians, shall we be willing to act as becomes us 1 Peradventure, when there is some necessity. But what may be called the necessity of freemen is not only come, but past long ago ; and that of slaves you must surely deprecate. What is the difference 1 To a freeman shame for what is occurring is the strongest necessity ; I know of none stronger that can be mentioned : to a slave, stripes and bodily chastisement ; abominable things ! too shocking to name ! To be backward, men of Athens, in performing those ser- vices to which the person and property of every one are 138 THE ORATIONS OP DEMOSTHENES. liable, is wrong, very wrong, and yet it admits of some excuse : but refusing even to hear what is necessary to be heard, and fit to be considered, this calls for the severest censure. Your practice however is, neither to attend until the business actually presses, as it does now, nor to deliberate about any- thing at leisure. When Philip is preparing, you, instead of doing the like and making counter-preparation, remain list- less, and, if any one speaks a word, clamour him down : when you receive news that any place is lost or besieged, then you listen and prepare. But the time to have heard and consulted was then when you declined ; the time to act and employ your preparations is now that you are hearing. Such being your habits, you are the only people who adopt this singular course : others deliberate usually before action, you deliberate after action. One thing 1 remains, which should have been done long ago, but even yet is not too late : I will mention it. Nothing in the world does Athens need! so much, as money for approaching exigencies. Lucky events have occurred, and, if we rightly improve them, perhaps good service may be done. In the first place, those, 2 whom the king trusts and regards as his benefactors, are at enmity and war with Philip. Secondly, the agent and confidant 3 of all Philip's preparations against the king has been snatched off, and the king will hear all the proceedings, not from Athenian accusers, whom he might consider to be speaking for their own interests, but from the acting minister himself; the charges therefore will be credible, and the only remaining argument for our ambas- sadors will be, one which the Persian monarch will rejoice to hear, that we should take common vengeance on the injurer of both, and that Philip is much more formidable to the king, if he attack us first ; for, should we be left in the lurch and suffer any mishap, he will march against the king without 1 He means negotiation with Persia, to obtain pecuniary assistance. 2 The Thracians, who had always been regarded as benefactors of the Persian king since they assisted Darius on his 'invasion of Scythia. Philip was making war in Thrace at this time, and had subjected a> considerable part of the country. 3 Hermias, governor of Atarneus in Mysia, who for his treasonable practices against Artaxerxes was seized by Mentor and sent in chains to Susa, where he was put to death. He was a friend of Aristotle, who was at his court, when he was taken prisoner. The philosopher after- wards married his sister. THE FOURTH PHILIPPIC. 139 fear. On all these matters then I advise that you despatch an embassy to confer with the king, and put aside that non- sense which has so often damaged you "the barbarian," forsooth, "the common enemy" and the like. I confess, when I see a man alarmed at a prince in Susa and Ecbatana, and declaring him to be an enemy of Athens, him that for- merly l assisted in reestablishing her power, and lately made overtures 2 if you did not accept them, but voted refusal, the fault is not his while the same man speaks a different language of one who is close at our doors, and growing up in the centre of Greece to be the plunderer of her people ; I marvel, I dread this man, whoever he is, because he dreads not Philip. There is another thing too, the attacking of which by unjust reproach and improper language hurts the state, and affords an excuse to men who are unwilling to perform any. public duty : indeed you will find that every failure to dis- charge the obligation of a citizen is attributable to this. I am really afraid to discuss the matter ; however, I will speak out. I believe I can suggest, for the advantage of the state, a plea for the poor against the rich, and for men of property against the indigent \ could we remove the clamour which some persons unfairly raise about the theatric fund, 3 and the 1 In the confederate war, when the Persian fleet enabled Conon to defeat the Lacedaemonians at Cnidus, B.O. 394. 2 Artaxerxes had applied both to Athens and Lacedsemon to aid him in the recovery of Egypt, which for many years had been held in a state of revolt. Both these states refused to assist him. He then applied to Thebes and Argos, each of which sent an auxiliary force. 3 Boeckh, Schaefer and others, regard it as conclusive against the genuineness of this Oration, that a different view is here taken on the subject of the Theoric fund from that which Demosthenes had expressed in the Olynthiacs. And certainly it is a strong argument. It is pos- sible, however, that circumstances may have induced him to modify his opinion, or he may have thought it dangerous to meddle with the law of Eubulus at the present crisis, which called for the greatest unani- mity among all classes. We may partly gather from this speech, that there had been some agitation among the lower classes, occasioned by the complaints of the wealthy against this law. Any agitation tending to a spirit of communism must have been extremely dangerous at Athens, where the people had such power of mulcting the higher classes by their votes in the popular assembly and courts of justice. It might therefore be better to let the people alone with their theatrical 140 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. fear that it cannot stand without some signal mischief. No greater help to our affairs could we introduce; 1 none that would more strengthen the whole community. Look at it thus. I will commence on behalf of those who are con- sidered the needy class. There was a time with us, not long- ago, when only a hundred and thirty talents came into the state; 2 and among the persons qualified to command ships or* pay property-tax, there was not one who claimed exemp- tion from his duty because no surplus existed: 3 galleys sailed, money was forthcoming, everything needful was done. Since that time fortune happily has increased the revenue, and four hundred talents come in instead of one, without loss to any men of property, but with gain to them ; for all the wealthy come for their share of the fund, and they are welcome to it. 4 Why then do we reproach one another on this account, and make it an excuse for declining our duties, unless we grudge the relief given by fortune to the poor ? I would be sorry to blame them myself, and I think it not right. In private families I never see a young man behaving treats, their fees and largesses, than to provoke retaliation by abridging such enjoyments. Leland observes on the subject as follows "All that the orator here says in defence of the theatrical appointments is expres- sed with a caution and reserve quite opposite to his usual openness and freedom ; and which plainly betray a consciousness of his being incon- sistent with his former sentiments. How far he may be excused by the supposed necessity of yielding to the violent prepossessions of the people, and giving up a favourite point, I cannot pretend to determine. But it is certainly not very honourable to Demosthenes, to suppose with Ulpian, that his former opposition was merely personal, and that the death of Eubulus now put an end to it." 1 Viz., than the removal of this clamour and alarm about the theatric fund. 2 This must be understood (according to Boeckh) of the tribute onty, which came in from the allies. The total revenue of Athens must have greatly exceeded this. 3 There was as much ground for legal exemption then as there is now ; and yet it was never claimed. Why should the rich seek to be relieved from their burdens because of an abundance of revenue] That abundance is for the general benefit of the state, not for theirs in parti- cular. Such appears to be the argument, perhaps not quite satisfac- tory ; but such it is. Pabst, apparently reading d$' eavrov, has : der nicht aus eigenem Antrieb seine Schuldigkeit zu tliun bereit war, weil kein Gelduberschuss vorhanden war. 4 J. e. the Theoric fund, in which every member of the common- wealth had a right to share. THE FOURTH PHILIPPIC. 141 so to his elders, so unfeeling or so unreasonable, as to refuse to do anything himself, unless all the rest will do what he does. Such a person would certainly be amenable to the laws against undutiful conduct : ' for I ween there is a tribute assigned to parents both by nature and by law, which ought to be cheerfully offered and amply paid. Accordingly, as each individual among us hath a parent, so should we regard the whole people as parents of the state, and, so far from depriving them of what the state bestows, we ought, in the absence of such bounty, to find other means to keep them, from destitution. If the rich will adopt this principle, I think they will act both justly and wisely; for to deprive any class of a necessary provision, is to unite them in dis- affection to the commonwealth. To the poor I would recommend, that they remove the cause, which makes men of property discontented with the present system, and excites their just complaints. I shall take the same course on behalf of the wealthy as I did just now, and not hesitate to speak the truth. There cannot, I believe, be found a wretch so hard-hearted I will not say among Athenians, but among any other people who would be sorry to see poor men, men without the necessaries of life, receiving these bounties. Where then is the pinch 2 of the matter ? where the difficulty 1 When they see certain persons transferring the usage established for the public revenue to private property, and the orator becoming immediately powerful with you, yea, (so far as privilege can make him,) immortal, and your secret vote contradicting your public 1 Pabst : die Gesetze wegen unyebulirliclier Beliandlung der Eltern. KaKoxris, " maltreatment," was a technical term in the Attic law, de- noting a failure of duty on the part of husband?, children, or guardians, towards their wives, parents, or wards, for whicli they were liable to be tried and punished in a suit called KaKwa-ews SIKTJ. The jurisdiction over this offence belonged to the Arch on, who was the protector of all family rights. 2 The expression " Where is the rub ?" would be still nearer to the original, and the expression reminds one of the line in Hamlet : To sleep ! perchance to dream ! aye, there's the rub. Reiske says the simile is taken from the collision of ch.-i riots in the race; but this is confining it too much. His vernacular explanation is : woran stosst es sick ? wo ist der Haken ? Pabst has : woran stosst sich die Sache, und was erzeuyt den Verdruss ? 142 THE OEATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. clamour. 1 Hence arises mistrust, hence indignation. We ought, ye men of Athens, to have a just communion of political rights; the opulent holding themselves secure in their fortunes, and without fear of losing them, yet in time of danger imparting their substance freely for the defence of their country; while the rest consider the public revenue as public, and receive their share, but look on private property as belonging to the individual owner. Thus it is that a small commonwealth becomes great, and a great one is preserved. To speak generally then, such are the obligations of each class; to ensure their performance according to law, some regulation should be made. The causes of our present troubles and embarrassment are many and of ancient date : if you are willing to hear, I will declare them. You have quitted, Athenians, the position in which your ancestors left you ; you have been persuaded by these politicians, that to stand foremost of the Greeks, to keep a permanent force and redress injured nations, is all vanity and idle expense ; you imagine that to live in quiet, to perform no duty, to abandon one thing after another and let strangers seize on all, brings with it marvellous welfare and abundant security. By sucli means a stranger has advanced 1 Having admonislied the higher classes to pay their^ property-tax and perform their public services cheerfully, and without seeking to be relieved at the expense of the public revenue, he proceeds to re- mind the lower classes of their duty. He warns them, that, while they receive a benefit from the funds of the state, they must not en- deavour to increase those funds unduly by an invasion of the rights of property. His language is not open, but would easily be under- stood by his audience. The Athenians ought not to promote law- suits to increase court-fees ; not to encourage prosecutions against wealthy citizens, in order to obtain fines and confiscations. He in- sinuates that there was too much cause for complaint already, lov Xiyovra is, not as Schaefer contends, the rich man pleading his cause before the people, but, as Wolf ^explains it, the popular orator or in- former, who speedily rose to favour and influence, of which it was not easy to deprive him. His opponent, speaking in a just cause, might be applauded at the time, but the votes showed what was the real bias of the people. In courts of justice at Athens the voting was usually by a secret ballot ; (see my article Psephus in the Archaeological Dictionary ;) and there being a large number of jurors, it would be difficult to dis- cover by whose votes the verdict was obtained. It is impossible to read the frequent appeals made by Athenian speakers to the passions and prejudices of the jury, without seeing that there was some ground for the insinuations of the orator in this passage. THE FOURTH PHILIPPIC. 143 to the post which you ought to have occupied, has become prosperous and great, and made large conquests; naturally enough. A prize there was, noble, great, and glorious, one for which the mightiest states were contending all along; but as the Lacedaemonians were humbled, the Thebans had their hands full through the Phoolan war, and we took no regard, he carried it oft without competition. The result has been, to others terror, to him a vast alliance and extended power; while difficulties so many and so distressing surround the Greeks, that even advice is not easy to be found. Yet, perilous as I conceive the present crisis to be for all, no people are in such danger as you, men of Athens; not only because Philip's designs are especially aimed at you, but because of all people you are the. most remiss. If, seeing the abundance of commodities and cheapness in your market, you are beguiled into a belief that the state is in no danger, your judgment is neither becoming nor correct. A market or a fair one may, from such appearances, judge to be well or ill supplied : but for a state, which every aspirant for the empire of Greece has deemed to be alone capable of opposing him, and defending the liberty of all for such a state ! verily her marketable commodities are not the test of pro- sperity, but this whether she can depend on the goodwill of her allies; whether she is puissant in arms. On behalf of such a state these are the things to be considered; and in these respects your condition is wretched and deplorable. You will understand it by a simple reflection. When have the affairs of Greece been in the greatest confusion 1 No other time could any man point out but the present. In former times Greece was divided into two parties, that of the Lacedeemonians and ours : some of the Greeks were subject to us, some to them. The Persian, on his own account, was mistrusted equally by all, but he used to make friends of the vanquished parties, and retain their confidence, until he put them on an equality with the other side ; after which those that he succoured would hate him as much as his original enemies. Now however the king is on friendly terms with all the Greeks, though least friendly with us, unless we put matters right. Now too there are protectors 1 springing up 1 This is said with some irony : many states offer to come forward as protectors, but only on condition of taking the lead: they will not join 144 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. in every quarter, and all claim the precedency, though some indeed have abandoned the cause, or envy and distrust each other more shame for them and every state is isolated, Argives, Thebans, Lacedsemonians, Corinthians, Arcadians, and ourselves. But, divided as Greece is among so many parties and so many leaderships, if I must speak the truth freely, there is no state whose offices and halls of council appear more deserted by Grecian politics than ours. And no wonder ; when neither friendship, nor confidence, nor fear leads any to negotiate with us. This, ye men of Athens, has come not from any single cause (or you might easily mend it,) but from a great variety and long series of errors. I will not stop to recount them, but will mention one, to which all may be referred, beseech- ing you not to be offended, if I boldly speak the truth. Your interests are sold on every favourable opportunity : you partake of the idleness and ease, under the charm whereof you resent not your wrongs; while other persons get the reward. 1 Into all these cases I could not enter now : but when any question about Philip arises, some one starts up directly and says " We must have no trifling, no proposal of war" and then goes on to say "What a blessing it is to be at peace ! what a grievance to maintain a large army ! " and again "Certain persons wish to plunder the treasury" and other arguments they urge, no doubt, in the full convic- tion of their truth. 2 But surely there is no need of per- suading you to observe peace, you that sit here persuaded already. It is Philip (who is making war) that needs persua- sion : prevail on him, and all is ready on your part. We- should consider as grievous, not what we expend for our the common cause on fair terms. Many of the translations nri?s the sense here. Leland understands it rightly : " there are several cities which affect the character of guardians and protectors." Auger con- founds this sentence with the next : " il a* eleve de tous cote's plusieura puissances qui aspirent toutes a la primaute*." 1 Schaefer rightly explains n^as to mean the price received for treason. But most of the translators, following Wolf, understand it to mean the honours won by Philip. ToTs a5t/coGcni/ is rendered by Auger, Leland, and Francis, "the traitors." I think it rather refers to, or at least includes, the enemies who profited by the treason, and made con- quests from Athens : of course meaning Philip in particular. 2 There is no difficulty in this, if we understand it to be ironical; and no need of any amendment. THE FOURTH PHILIPPIC. 145 deliverance, but what we shall suffer in case of refusal. Plunder of the treasury should be prevented by devising a plan for its safe custody, not by abandoning our interests. Yet this very thing makes me indignant, that some of you are pained at the thought of your treasury being robbed, though it depends on yourselves to guard it and to punish the criminal, but are not pained to see Philip plundering Greece, plundering as he does one people after another, to forward his designs upon you. How comes it, ye men of Athens, that of this flagrant aggressor, this capturer of cities, no one has ever declared that he commits hostility or injustice, while those who counsel against submission and sacrifice are charged as the authors of war 1 The reason is, that people wish to cast upon your faithful counsellors the blame of any untoward events in the war; for war must necessarily be attended with many mis- fortunes. They believe that, if you resist Philip with one heart and mind, you will prevail against him, and they can be hirelings no longer; but that if on the first outcry 1 you arraign certain persons and bring them to trial, they by accusing such persons will gain a double advantage, repute among the Athenians and recompense from Philip ; and that you will punish your friendly advisers for a cause for which you ought to punish the traitors. Such are the hopes, such the contrivance of these charges, "that certain persons wish to kindle a war." I am sure however, that, without any Athenian moving a declaration of war, Philip has taken many of our possessions, and has recently sent succour to Cardia. If we choose to assume that he is not making war against us, he would be the simplest of mankind to convince us of our mistake : for when the sufferers disclaim the in- jury, what should the offenders do ? But when he marches to attack us, what shall we say then 1 He will assure us that he is not making war, as he assured the Orites when his troops were in their country, as he assured the Phereeans before he assaulted their walls, and the Olynthians in the first instance, until he was in their territories with his army. Shall we then say, that persons who bid us defend ourselves 1 Leland : "the first unhappy accident." Francis gives the right meaning, but with too many words: "the first tumults occasioned by any unfortunate success." Spillan : " the first alarm." VOL. I. L . 146 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. kindle a war ? If so, we must be slaves ; for nothing else remains. But remember : you have more at stake than some other people. Philip desires not to subjugate your city, but to destroy it utterly. He is convinced, you will not submit to be slaves; if you were inclined, you would not know how, having been accustomed to command : you will be able, should occasion offer, to give him more trouble than any people in the world. For this reason he will show us no mercy, if he get us into his power : and therefore you must make up your minds, that the struggle will be one for life and death. These persons, who have openly sold themselves to Philip, you must execrate, you must beat their brains out : for it is impossible, I say impossible, to vanquish your foreign enemies, until you have punished your enemies within the city : these are the stumbling-blocks that must cripple your efforts against the foreigner. From what cause, do ye think, Philip insults you now ; (for his conduct, in my judgment, amounts to nothing less;) and while he deceives other people by doing them services tnis at $ least is something you he threatens already ? For example, the Thessalians by many benefits he seduced into their present servitude : no man can tell how he cheated the poor Olynthians, giving them first Potidsea and many other places : now he is luring the Thebans, having delivered up Boeotia to them, and freed them from a tedious and harassing war. Of these people, who each got a certain advantage, some have suffered what is notorious to all, others have yet to suffer what may befal them. As to yourselves; the amount of your losses I do not mention : but in the very making of the peace how have you been deceived ! how plundered ! Lost you not the Phocians, Thermopylae, country towards Thrace, Doriscus, Serrium, Cersobleptes himself? Holds. he not Cardia now, and avows it? Why then does he behave thus to other people, and in a different way to you ? Because our city is the only one where liberty is allowed to speak for the enemy, where a man taking a bribe may safely address the people, though they have been deprived of their possessions. It was not safe at Olynthus to advocate Philip's cause, without the Olynthian people sharing the benefit by possession of Potidaea. It was not safe to advocate Philip's THE FOURTH PHILIPPIC. 147 cause in Thessaly, without the people of Thessaly sharing the benefit, by Philip's expelling their tyrants and restoring the Pylseaii Synod. It was not safe at Thebes, until he restored Boeotia to them, and destroyed the Phocians. But at Athens, though Philip has taken from you Amphipolis and the Cardian territory, and is even turning Euboea into a hostile post, and advancing to attack Byzantium, it is safe to speak on Philip's behalf. Yea, among these men, some have risen rapidly from poverty to ^wealth, from meanness and obscurity to repute and honour, whilst you, on the contrary, have Mien from honour to obscurity, from wealth to indigence. For the riches of a state I consider to be allies, confidence, good-will; of all which you are destitute. And by your neglecting these things, and suffering your interests thus to be swept away, Philip has grown prosperous and mighty, formidable to all the Greeks and barbarians, whilst you are forlorn and abject, in the abundance of your market magni- ficent, but in your national defences ridiculous. 1 Some of our orators, I observe, take not the same thought for you as for themselves. They say that you should keep quiet, though you are injured; but they cannot themselves keep quiet among you, though no one injures them. Come, raillery apart, suppose you were thus questioned, Aristode- mus, 2 " Tell me, as you know perfectly well, what every one else knows, that the life of private men is secure and free from trouble and danger, whilst that of statesmen is exposed to scandal 3 and misfortune, full of trials and hardships every 1 The whole of tae foregoing passage is taken, with some little varia- tion, from the speech on the Chersonese. It certainly would seem strange, if this Oration had been forged by any grammarian, that he should have borrowed thus by wholesale from Demosthenes. There is perhaps less difficulty in the supposition that Demosthenes repeated his own words. 2 This man was a tragic actor, and charged by Demosthenes with being a partisan of Philip He was the first person who proposed peace with Macedonia, shortly before the embassy of ten. "See the Argument to the Oration on the Peace. 3 I have taken fyiXainov in the passive sense, as it is explained by Reiske and Schaefer, though it scarcely suits the character of the word. Compare Shakspeare, Henry V. Act IV. Sc. 1. hard condition, twin-born with greatness, Subjected to the breath of every fool ! What infinite heart's ease must kings neglect, That private men enjoy ! L2 148 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. day, how comes it that you prefer, not the quiet and easy life, but the one surrounded with peril ? " what should you say? If we admitted the truth of what would be your best possible answer, namely, that all you do is for honour and renown, I wonder what puts it into your head, that you ought from such motives to exert yourself and undergo toil and danger, whilst you advise the state to give up exertion and remain idle. You cannot surely allege, that Aristode- mus ought to be of importance at Athens, and Athens to be of no account among the Greeks. Nor again do I see, that for the commonwealth it is safe to mind her own affairs only, and hazardous for you, not to be a superlative busy-body. 1 On the contrary, to you I see the utmost peril from your meddling and over-meddling, to the commonwealth peril from her inactivity. But I suppose, you inherit a reputation from your father and grandfather, which it were disgraceful in your own person to extinguish, whereas the ancestry of the state was ignoble and mean. This again is not so. Your father was a thief, 2 if he resembled you, whereas by the ancestors of the commonwealth, as all men know, the Greeks have twice been rescued from the brink of destruc- tion. Truly the behaviour of some persons, in private and in public, is neither equitable nor constitutional. How is it equitable, that certain of these men, returned from prison, should not know themselves, while the state, that once pro- tected all Greece and held the foremost place, is sunk in ignominy and humiliation ? Much could I add on many points, but I will forbear. It is not, I believe, to lack of words that our distresses have been owing either now or heretofore. The mischief is when you, after listening to sound arguments, and all agreeing in their justice, sit to hear with equal favour those who try to defeat and pervert them ; not that you are ignorant of the men; (you are certain at the first glance, who speak for hire and are Philip's political, agents, and who speak sincerely for 1 All the translators have mistaken TV &\\v 5ia TOVTUV to mean, persons, supposing yap to refer only to the last clause of the preceding sentence. I understand yap as referring to the whole of the orator's advice, not to the last point only. The reader will find that in the similar passage in the second Olynthiac (26, Bekker's edition) the words TV avTu>v TTpd^cav are introduced ; which makes it more probable that TOVTWV here is neuter. Jacobs and Pabst take it as I do. 156 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. been wounded all over his body fighting with the enemy, whilst Athenians, whose birthright it is to submit to none, but to conquer all in war, through slackness or effeminacy desert the conduct of their ancestors and the interests of their country. Not to be tedious, I say we must all prepare ourselves for war ; the Greeks we must invite, not by words but by deeds, to espouse our alliance. All speech is idle, unattended by action ; and Athenian speech the more so on this account, that we are reputed more dexterous in the use of it than any of the Greeks. THE LETTER OF PHILIP. THE ARGUMENT. This is the Letter' to which the preceding Oration purports to be reply. For the circumstances which gave rise to it, see the Argument of the Oration. PHILIP to the senate and people of Athens greeting : Whereas I have frequently sent ambassadors, that we may abide by our oaths and agreements, and you paid them no regard, I thought proper to write to you concerning the matters in which I consider myself aggrieved. Marvel not at the length of this epistle ; for, there being many articles of complaint, it is necessary to explain myself clearly upon all. First then; after Nicias the herald was snatched from my dominions, you chastised not the culprits, but imprisoned the injured party for ten months ; and my letters, of which he was the bearer, you read on the hustings. 1 Secondly, when the Thasians were receiving in their port the Byzantine galleys and all pirates that chose to enter, you took no notice, although the treaty expressly declares, that whoever act thus shall be enemies. Again, about the same time Diopitkes made an irruption 1 It is mentioned by Plutarch that a letter from Philip to his Queen. Olympias, which fell into the hands of the Athenians, was returned un- opened. But whether it was on this or another occasion, does not appear. THE LETTER OF PHILIP. 157 into my territory, carried off the inhabitants of Crobyle and Tiristasis } for slaves, and ravaged the adjacent parts of Thrace ; proceeding to such lawless extremities, that he seized Amphi- lochus who came to negotiate about the prisoners, and, after putting on him the hardest durance, took from him a ransom of nine talents. And this he did with the approbation of the people. Howbeit, to offer violence to a herald and ambas- sadors is considered impious by all nations, and especially by you. Certain it is, when the Megarians killed Anthemo- eritus, 2 your people went so far as to exclude them from the mysteries, and erect a statue before their gates for a monu- ment of the crime. Then is it not shameful that you are seen committing the same offence, for which, when you were the sufferers, you so detested the authors ? Further, Callias 3 your general took all the towns situate 1 Crobyle must have been in Thrace. Tiristasis is mentioned by Pliny as a place in the Chersonese. Probably then it was near Cardia, not far from the isthmus. 2 The Athenians, having charged the people of Megara with pro- faning a piece of consecrated ground, sent Anthemocritus to admonish them to desist from the sacrilege. The Megarians put him to death, and drew upon themselves the wrath of their powerful neighbours, who passed the decree of excommunication here referred to. The monument which recorded their impiety was to be seen in the time of Pausanias, on the sacred road leading from Athens 10 Eleusis. 3 This is the same Callias, ruler of Chalcis, whom we have seen opposing the Athenians at the time when Phocion was sent to assist Plutarch of Eretria. (See the Oration on the Peace, p. 75, note.) At the battle of Tamynae Callias had been aided by Macedonian troops ; but after the departure of Phocion, and the decline of the Athenian interest in Euboea, he formed the scheme of bringing the whole island under his own sway, or at least of making it independent. This did not suit the views of Philip, and Callias, having lost his favour, tried to form a connexion with the Thebans. Failing in this attempt, he determined to unite himself to Athens, and accordingly came over and concerted with Demosthenes and his party a plan for a revolution in Euboea. It was not possible to accomplish this by negotiation, owing to the strength of Macedonian influence, which was confirmed by the occurrences at Oreus and Eretria. (See the Oration on the Chersonese, p. 107, note 1.) At length, by the exertions of Demosthenes, a decree was passed to send troops into Euboea ; and Phocion, to whom the com- mand was entrusted, overpowered the Macedonian garrisons, and ex- pelled Clitarchus and Philistides from the island. This was B.C. 341. Afterwards, it seems, an Athenian force, under the command of Callias, crossed the narrow strait that separates the north of Eubcea from Thessaly, and made the attack, which Philip here speaks of, on the towns in the bay of Pagasee. 158 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. in the Pagasaean bay, towns under treaty with you and in alliance with me ; and sold all people bound for Macedonia, adjudging them enemies ; and on this account you praised him in your decrees. So that I am puzzled to think, what worse could happen, if you were confessedly at war with me : for when we were in open hostility, you used to send out pri- vateers and sell people sailing to our coast, you assisted my enemies, infested my country. Yet more j you have carried your animosity and violence so far, that you have even sent ambassadors to the Persian, to persuade him to make war against me : a thing which is most surprising : for before he gained Egypt and Phoenicia, you resolved, 1 in case of any aggression on his part, to invite me as well as the other Greeks to oppose him ; but now you have such an overflow of malice against me, as to negotiate with him for an offensive alliance. Anciently, as I am in- formed, your ancestors condemned the Pisistratids for bringing the Persian to invade Greece : y6t you are not ashamed of doing the same thing, for which you continue to reproach the tyrants. 2 In addition to other matters, you write in your decrees, commanding me to let Teres 3 and Cersobleptes rule in Thrace, because they are Athenians. I know nothing of them as being included in the treaty of peace with you, or as inscribed on the pillars, or as being Athenians ; I know however, that Teres took arms with me against you, and that Cersobleptes was anxious to take the oaths separately to my ambassadors, 1 The time referred to is B.C. 354, when there was a rumour of a Persian invasion, and a proposal at Athens to declare war against Arta- xerxes, upon .which Demosthenes made the speech de Symmoriis. Phoenicia and Egypt were recovered some years after that. The argu- ment of Philip is, that since the recovery of those provinces Persia was more dangerous than before, and therefore it was more disgraceful for a Greek state to be connected with that monarchy. 2 If the Emperor of Russia at the present day was to reproach England with the alliance of Turkey, designating the Sultan as the common enemy of Europe, we should scarcely think it worth a serious reply. His relation to us is not unlike that of Philip to the Athenians; nor would it be very surprising, if some years hence an English garrison occupied Constantinople. 3 Of Teres nothing is known, but from this passage: he must have been a prince in the interior of Thrace. As to Cersobleptes, so fre- quently mentioned in the orations of Demosthenes, see Appendix III on the Thracian Chersonese. THE LETTER OF PHILIP. 159 but was prevented by your generals pronouncing him an enemy of Athens. How can it be equitable or just, when it suits your purpose, to call him an enemy of the state, and when you desire to calumniate me, to declare the same person your citizen and on the death of Sitalces, 1 to whom you im- parted the freedom of your city, to make friendship imme- diately with his murderer, but on behalf of Cersobleptes to espouse a war with me ? knowing too as you must, that, of the persons who receive such gifts, none have the least regard for your laws or decrees ? However to omit all else and be concise you bestowed citizenship on Evagoras of Cyprus/ 1 It is impossible, for the reasons stated in Jacobs' note, that this can refer to the Sitalces, King of the Odrysse, and ally of the Athenians, whose wars and death ;are related by Thucydides. He fell in a battle with the Triballi, and was succeeded by his nephew Seuthes. It was his son Sadocus, and not he, that was made a citizen of Athens. Tour- neil tries to get over the difficulty by suggesting that Seuthes was sus- pected of murdering him ; but there is no evidence that the Athenians entered into treaty with Seuthes till long afterwards. However, the circumstances here mentioned exactly apply to Cotys, father of Cerso- bleptes, who had the honour of Athenian citizenship conferred on him, for which he showed very little gratitude in his subsequent conduct, and accordingly, when he was murdered., by Python and Heraclides of JEnus, the Athenians rewarded them with citizenship and a golden crown. Sitalces therefore may have been a mistake, or a slip of the pen, for Cotys. Mitford had come to the same conclusion before Jacobs. 2 Evagoras, the friend of Conon, who assisted the Athenians in the re- establishment of their independence, was made a citizen of Athens, and statues of him and of Conon were placed side by side in the Ceramicus. He aimed at becoming absolute master of Cyprus, and was engaged in a long war against the Persian king, in which he was ultimately over- powered, but, on submission to Artaxerxes, was permitted to rule in Sala- mis. On his death, B.C. 374, he was succeeded by his son Nicocles, who was father of the Evagoras here referred to. Nicocles did not reign long, and the young Evagoras was afterwards driven from Salamis by a, successful usurper. Cyprus was at this period divided among several princes, who afterwards joined the great rebellion of Phoenicia and Egypt against Artaxerxes. Meanwhile Evagoras had passed into the service of the Persian king, and was perhaps dwelling in Caria, when Idrieus the prince of Caria appointed him, together with Phocion the Athenian, to command the armament collected for the reduction of Cyprus. This was B.C. 351. Cyprus was reduced in the following year ; but Evagoras, instead of being rewarded, as he expected, with the principality of his native town, was appointed to a government in Asia. In this he misconducted himself, and fled to Cyprus, where he was arrested and put to death. The honour which it appears he re- ceived, of Athenian citizenship, may have been owing to respect to his 160 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. and Dionysius of Syracuse, 1 and their descendants. Tf you can persuade the people who expelled each of those princes to re- instate them in their government, then recover Thrace from me, all that Teres and Cersobleptes reigned over. But if against the parties, who mastered Evagoras and Dionysius, you will not utter a word of complaint, and yet continue to annoy me, how can I be wrong in resisting you 1 On this head I have many arguments yet remaining, which I purposely omit. But as to the Cardians, I avow myself their auxiliary ; for I was allied to them before the peace, and you refused to come to an arbitration, although I made many offers, and they not a few. Surely I should be the basest of men, if, deserting my allies, I paid more regard to you, who have harassed me all along, than to those who have always been my steadfast friends. Another thing I must not leave unnoticed. You have arrived at such a pitch of arrogance, that, while formerly you did but remonstrate with me 6n the matters aforesaid, in the recent case, where the Peparethians complained of harsh treatment, you ordered your general to obtain satisfaction from me on their account. 2 Yet I punished them less severely than they deserved. For they in time of peace seized Halon- nesus, and would restore neither the place nor the garrison, though I sent many times about them.' You objected 3 not to the injury which the Peparethians /had 'done me, but only grandfather's memory and his connexion with Phocion. Or perhaps the honour inherited from his grandfather may be referred to, or pos- sibly Philip may be confounding the elder and younger Evagoras. At all events, the comparison is not a happy one. 1 This refers to the younger Dionysius, twice expelled from Syracuse, first by Dion, B.C. 356, afterwards by Timoleon, B.C. 343. He \vas in alliance with Sparta, and sent troops to her assistance against Kpami- nondas. His connexion with Athens began, after she had niMcle common cause with Sparta: from that time many Athenians resorted to his court, and (among others) Plato is as, while all other translators take it to be dependent on d.-K^a\&>^v. Leland and Spillan render it " your city," meaning the city of Athens, I suppose. Jacobs and Pabst are to the same effect. It appears to me, that there is no reference here to any measures against Attica or the city of Athens, nor to any other hostilities against her but such as might have been taken in the neighbourhood of the Hellespont. Philip says: " I did not attack either the ships or the territory of your stale;" that is ; " I neither attacked your fleet which was watching in the Hellespont to prevent the passage of mine into the Propontis, nor VOL. I. M 162 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. in a condition to take the greater part, if not all ; and I have persisted in offering to submit our mutual complaints to arbi- tration. Consider now, whether it is fairer to decide by arms or by argument, to pronounce the award yourselves or per- suade others to do so : reflect also, how unreasonable it is, that Athens should compel Thasians and Maronites to a judicial settlement of their claims to Stryme, 1 yet refuse to determine her disputes with me in the same manner, espe- cially when you know, that, if beaten, you will lose nothing, if successful, you will get what is in my possession. The most unaccountable thing of all, in my opinion, is this when I sent ambassadors from the whole confederacy/ that they might be witnesses, and desired to make a just arrange- ment with you on behalf of the Greeks, you would not even hear what the deputies had to propose on the subject, though it was in your power, either to secure against all danger the parties mistrustful of me, or plainly to prove me the basest of mankind. That was the interest of the people, but it suited not the orators. To them as persons acquainted with your government say peace is w r ar, and war is peace : for they always get something from the generals, either by sup- porting or calumniating them, and also, by railing on your hustings at the most eminent citizens and most illustrious did I commit any hostilities in the Chersonese, but only marched through it, as a measure of necessity, passing along the coast to protect my fleet." The presence of a land force on the coast, to protect a fleet, was not uncommon in Greek warfare. Francis saw the difficulty of supposing an allusion to the city of Athens, and has rendered it : " We restrained ourselves from attempting aught against your republic, your galleys, and your territories." And Auger too, whose translation is : " Je vous e*pargnai ; je ne touchai ni a vos vaisseaux ni a vos domaines." Next to the construction which I adopt, I should prefer taking the two last genitives as an epexegesis of rfjs ir6\ws. By the TO. ir\e7a-ra % 7rcu/Ta, I understand both the ships and the towns in the Chersonese. Philip's boast would be an extraordinary one, according to the majority of the translators. Mitford avoided the difficulty by rendering rijs .voters, " your towns. " 1 Maronea and Stryme were neighbouring towns, on the coast of Thrace, north-east of the island of Thasos. Stryme was founded by the Thasians, whom the Maronites endeavoured to deprive of their colony. 2 This seems to have been the embassy that led to the second Philip- pic. See the argument to that Oration. -By "the whole confederacy," he means the Amphictyonic union, and affects to treat the Athenians as belonging to it. THE LETTER OF PHILIP. 163 foreigners, they acquire credit with the multitude for being- friends of the constitution. Easy were it for me, at a very small expense, to silence their invectives, and make them pronounce my panegyric. 1 But I should be ashamed to purchase your good-will from these men, who besides other things have reached such a point of assurance, as to contest Amphipolis with me, to which I conceive I have a far juster title than the claimants. For if it belongs to the earliest conquerors, how can my right be questioned, when Alexander my ancestor first occu- pied the place, from which, as the first fruits of the captive Medes, he brought the offering of a golden statue to Delphi ? 2 Or, should this be disputed, and the argument be, that it belongs to the last possessors, so likewise I have the best title ; for I besieged and took the place from a people, who expelled you and were planted by the Lacedaemonians. 3 But we all hold cities either by inheritance from our ancestors, or by conquest in war. You claim this city, not being either the first occupants or the present possessors, having abode for a very short period in the district, and after having yourselves given the strongest testimony in my favour. For I have 1 This observation laid Philip open to a severe retort. What experi- ence had he of the facility of bribing orators at Athens or elsewhere ? Ir he had none, it was a gratuitous piece of slander, and an insult to the Athenians, to suppose their leading statesmen so corruptible. If he spoke from experience, he proved the justice of what Demosthenes asserted of him, and the danger to be apprehended from his intrigues. 2 Auger has justly remarked, that Philip's assertion here is contrary to the historical evidence which has been handed down to us. The city of Amphipolis did not exist in the time of this Alexander, but was founded many years after by Hagnon the Athenian. Nor is there any account of his having gained a victory over the Persians, though Herodotus speaks of the golden statue which he erected at Delphi. He was at first compelled to follow in the train of Xerxes, though he after- wards came over to the Greeks, and his desertion was considered by them as highly meritorious. It is not unlikely, that there were tra- ditions concerning him in Macedonia, unknown to the southern Greeks, and Philip himself might well put faith in them. Supposing the facts here asserted to be true, the argument, as against the Athenians, who set up a prior title in point of time, was conclusive. But, except as an argumentum ad hominem, it could be worth little or nothing. 3 After the death of Brasidas, the Amphipolitans paid divine honours to his memory, and treated him as their founder, destroying every vestige of Hagnon the Athenian. Therefore they are spoken of as being a Lacedaemonian colony. 164: THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. frequently written in letters concerning it, and you have acknowledged the justice of my tenure, first by making the peace whilst I held the city, and next by concluding alliance on the same terms. How can any property stand on a firmer title than this, which was left to me originally by my fore- fathers, has again become mine in war, and thirdly has been conceded by you, who are accustomed to claim what you have not the least pretensions to ? Such are the complaints which I prefer. As you are the aggressors, as by reason of my forbearance you are making new encroachments, and doing me all the mischief you can, I will in a just cause defend myself, and, calling the gods to witness, bring the quarrel between us to an issue. THE ORATION ON THE DUTIES OF THE STATE. THE ARGUMENT. The object of this Oration is, to show the necessity of making a proper application of the public revenue, and compelling every citizen to perform service to the state. With respect to the first point, the advice given in the first and third Olynthiacs is in sub- stance repeated, viz. that the Theoric distributions should be put on it different footing ; that the fund should either not be distributed at ail, or that every man should accept his share as a remuneration for service in the army and navy, or the discharge of some other duty. This was but a circuitous way of proposing (as before observed) that the law of Eubulus should be repealed. (See the Argument to the first Oiynthiac.) It is here further recommended, that the duties required by the state should be systematically divided among all classes, and performed with regularity. No specific plan however is pointed out. At what time or on what occasion this speech was delivered, we cannot determine. It is mentioned in the exordium, that an assembly of the people was held to consider how certain public moneys should be dis- posed of. But this gives us no clue to the circumstances. There is no mention of Philip, or of any historical event in connexion witlx the subject. It is stated by the orator, that he had discussed the same question before ; and perhaps it may be inferred from hence, that the present speech was later than the Olynthiacs. Again, it may be pre- sumed to have been earlier than the fourth Philippic, in which Demosthenes appears to have changed or modified his views on the ON THE DUTIES OF THE STATE. 165 subject of the theoric fund. If however the fourth Philippic be not genuine, as some persons contend, the last argument can have no weight. In consequence of this uncertainty, commentators are not agreed as to the date of the Oration before us. Pabst and some others think it was spoken soon after the Olynthiacs. Mitford, following Ulpian, places it before all the Philippics. Leland and Francis place it after the Philippics ; but there is very little ground for their opinion. Dionysius makes no mention of this speech in his letter to Ammaeus ; and some critics have thought it spurious. WITH respect to the present money and the purpose for which you hold the assembly, men of Athens, it appears to me that two courses are equally easy ; either to condemn those who distribute and give away the public funds, to gain their esteem who think the commonwealth is injured by such means, or to advocate and recommend the system of allow- ances, to gratify those who are pressingly in need of them. Both parties praise or blame the practice, not out of regard to the public interest, but according to their several condi- tions of indigence or affluence. For my part, I would neither propose that the allowances be discontinued, nor speak against them ; yet I advise you to consider and reflect in your minds, that this money about which you are deliberating is a trifle, but the usage that grows up with it is important. If you will ordain it so, that your allowances be associated with the performance of duty, so far from injuring, you will signally benefit the commonwealth and yourselves. But if for your allowances a festival or any excuse be sufficient, while about your further obligations you will not even hear a word, beware lest, what you now consider a right practice, you may here- after deem a grievous error. My opinion is don't clamour at what I am going to say, but hear and judge that, as we appointed an assembly for the receiving of money, so should we appoint an assembly for the regulation of duties l and the making provision for war ; 1 2tWa|rs, which often signifies an assessment of taxes or tribute, is here used in a more enlarged sense, importing a general arrangement of political duties, under which every citizen is obliged to perform some service befitting his age and condition ; for example, to pay taxes, or serve in the army, or hold some civil office. Thus the word bears a meaning similar to Shakspeare's Act of Order: Henry V. Act I. Sc. 2. I have adopted a title to the Oration, which seemed nearer to the sense than any of the old. Leland calls it ; . The Oration on the Regulation of the State. Francis, On the State of the Republic. 166 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. and every man should exhibit not only a willingness to hear the discussion, but a readiness to act, that you may derive your hopes of advantage from yourselves, Athenians, and not be inquiring what this or that person is about. All the revenue of the state, what you now expend out of your private fortunes to no purpose, and what is obtained from your allies, I say you ought to receive, every man his share, those of the military age as pay, those exempt from the roll l as inspection-money, 2 or what you please to call it ; but you must take the field yourselves, yield that privilege to none ; the force of the state must be native, and provided from these resources ; that you may want for nothing while you perform your obligations. And the general should command 3 that force, so that you, Athenians, may experience not the same results as at present you try the generals, and the issue of your affairs is, "Such a one, the son of such a one, impeached such a one ;" nothing else bat what results 1 first, that your allies may be attached to you not by garrisons, but by com- munity of interest; secondly, that your generals may not have mercenaries to plunder the allies, without even seeing the enemy, (a course from which the emoluments are theirs in private, while the odium and reproach fall upon the whole country,) but have citizens to follow them, and do unto the enemy what they now do unto your friends. Besides, many operations require your presence, and (not to mention the advantage of employing our own army for our own wars,) it is necessary also for other purposes. If indeed you were content to be quiet, and not to meddle with the politics of Pabst, Ueber die Einrichtung des Staats. Auger, Sur le Gouverne- ment de la Republique. Wolf, De Ordinandd Republica. From some of these expressions it might be inferred, that the speech was about constitutional reform. 1 The roll in which were inscribed the names of all citizens qualified to serve in the cavalry or heavy-armed infantry. Men past the military age were exempt. 2 Pabst : Aufsehergebuhren. It would be the duty of these persons, who received such fees, to inspect the militia roll, see that it was com- plete, that all the qualified citizens took their turns of service, were properly armed and equipped, &c. 3 Le. really and effectually command it; not be reduced by their necessities to relax the discipline of the troops, or to employ them on a service foreign to the interests of Athens. See the second Olynthiac, p. 51, note 1. ON THE DUTIES OF THE STATE. . 167 Greece, it would be a different matter : but you assume to take the lead and determine the rights of others, and yet have not provided, nor endeavour to provide for yourselves, a force to guard and maintain that superiority. Whilst you never stirred, whilst you kept entirely aloof, the people of Mitylene l have lost their constitution ; whilst you never stirred, the Ehodians 2 have lost theirs our enemies, it may be said true, men of Athens ; but a strife with oligarchies for the principle of government should be considered more deadly than a strife with popular states on any account whatsoever. But let me return to the point I say, your duties must be marshalled ; there must be the same rule for receiving money and performing what service is required. I have dis- cussed this question with you before, and shown the method of arranging you all, you of the heavy-armed, you of the cavalry, and you that are neither, and how to make a common provision for all. But what has caused me the greatest despondency, I will tell you without reserve. Amid such a number of important and noble objects, no man remembers any of the rest, but all remember the two obols. 3 Yet two obols can never be worth more than two obols ; whilst, what I proposed in connexion therewith, is worth the treasures of the Persian king that a state possessing such a force of infantry, such a navy, cavalry, and revenue, should be put in order and preparation. Why, it may be asked, do I mention these things now 1 For this reason. There are men shocked at the idea of en- listing all the citizens on hire, whilst the advantage of order and preparation is universally acknowledged. Here then, I say, you should begin, and permit any person that pleases to deliver his opinion upon the subject. For thus it is. If you can be persuaded to believe, that now is the time for making arrangements, when you come to want them, they will be ready : but if you neglect the present time as unseasonable, you will be compelled to make preparations, when you have occasion for their use. 1 The establishment of oligarchy at Mitylene is again allude^, to in the speech on the Liberty of the Rhodians. 2 For further particulars with respect to the Rhodians, see the argu- ment to the speech above referred to. 3 The sum distributed as the price of admittance to the theatres. 1GS THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. It has been said before now, I believe, Athenians, not by you the multitude, but by persons who would burst if these measures were carried into effect "What benefit have we got from the harangues of Demosthenes? He comes forward when he likes, he stuffs 1 our ears with declamation, he abuses the present state of things, he praises our forefathers, he excites and puffs up our imaginations, and then sits down." I can only say, could I persuade you to follow some of my counsels, I should confer upon the state such important benefits, as, if I now attempted to describe them, would appear incredible to many, as exceeding possibility. Yet even this I conceive to be no small advantage, if I accustom you to hear the best advice. For it is necessary, men of Athens, that whosoever desires to render your commonwealth a service should begin by curing your ears. They are corrupted: so many false- hoods have you been accustomed to hear, anything indeed rather than what is salutary. For instance let me not be interrupted by clamour, before I have finished certain persons lately, you know, broke open the treasury : 2 and all the orators cried out, that the democracy was overthrown, the laws were annihilated ; or to that effect. Now, ye men of Athens only see whether I speak truly the guilty parties committed a crime worthy of death ; but the democracy is not overthrown by such means. Again, some oars were stolen : 3 and people clamoured for stripes and torture, saying 1 Compare Shakspeare, Henry IY. Second Part, Prologue : Stuffing the ears of men with false reports. 2 The O7rur0u5o/xos was a chamber at the back of the Parthenon, used for a treasury. 3 If this circumstance in any way related to the story of Antiphon, mentioned in the Oration on the Crown, it might help to determine the date of this Oration. But the connexion is not sufficiently apparent. Leland has the following note on this passage : "We cannot welt suppose, that the depredations made in their naval stores were really so slight and inconsiderable as they are represented in these extenuating terms. A design had lately been concerted of a very momentous and alarminsr nature, and an attempt made on the naval stores at Athens, which Demosthenes himself laboured with the utmost zeal to detect and punish. A man named Antiphon had been for some time con- sidered an Athenian citizen, till by examination of the registers he was found to be really a foreigner, was accordingly deprived of all the privileges of a native, and driven with ignominy from the city. Enraged at this disgrace, he went to Philip, and proposed to him to steal privately into Athens and set fire to the arsenal. The Macedonian ON THE DUTIES OF THE STATE. 169 the democracy was in danger. But what do I say 1 I agree with them, that the thief merits death ; but I deny that the constitution is by such means overturned. How indeed it is in danger of subversion, no man is bold enough to tell you ; but I will declare. It is when you, men of Athens, are under bad leading, 1 a helpless multitude, without arms, without order, without unanimity; when neither general nor any other person pays regard -to your resolutions, no one will inform you of your errors, or correct them, or endeavour to effect a change. This it is that happens now. And by Jupiter, Athenians, another sort of language is current among you, false and most injurious to the constitu- tion ; such as this, that your safety lies in the courts of justice, and you must guard the constitution by your votes. It is true, these courts are public tribunals for the decision of your mutual rights ; but by arms must your enemies be van- quished, by arms the safety of the constitution must be main- tained. Voting will not make your soldiers victorious, but thev who by soldiership have overcome the enemy provide you with liberty and security for voting and doing what 3^011 please. In arms you should be terrible, in courts of justice humane. If any one thinks I talk a language above my position, this very quality of the speech is laudable. An oration to be listened readily to the proposal, and by bribes and promises encouraged him to make the attempt. Antiphon repaired to Athens, and was lodged in the port, ready to put the enterprise into execution, when Demosthenes, who received intimation of the design, flew to the Piraeus, seized and dragged the delinquent before an assembly of the people. Here the clamours of the Macedonian party were so violent, that the accusation was slighted, and Antiphon dismissed without the formality of a trial. He departed, triumphing in his escape, to pursue his designs with greater confidence. But the court of Areopagus, whose province it was to take cognizance of all matters of treason against the state, caused him to be again seized and examined. Torture forced from him a full confession of his guilt, and sentence of death was passed and executed upon him. The detection of so dangerous a design might have quickened the vigilance of the people, and exaspe- rated their resentment against the least attempts made on their military stores." This seems to have happened some time after the peace. ] So Pabst : schlecht geleitet. Auger : " ma! gouverne. " Leland : "without conduct." Wolf takes it in a different sense : <; male educati." Francis: "held in contempt." I take rn^eVot to be used as in Thucydides, II. 65, OVK ^yero fj,ci\\ov VTT avroD T) avros ?fte. 170 THE ORATIONS OP DEMOSTHENES. spoken for a state so illustrious, and on affairs so important, should transcend the character of the speaker, whoever he be ; it should approximate to your dignity rather than his. Why none of your favourites speak in such a style, I will explain to you. The candidates for office and employment go about and cringe to the voting interest, 1 each ambitious to be created 2 general, not to perform any manlike deed. Or if there be a man capable of noble enterprise, he thinks now, that starting with the name and reputation of the state, pro- fiting by the absence of opponents, holding out hopes to you, and nothing else, he shall himself inherit your advantages which really happens whereas, if you did everything by yourselves, you would share with the rest, not in the actions only, but also in their results. Your politicians and that class of men, neglecting to give you honest advice, ally them- selves to the former class : and as you once had boards for taxes, so now you have boards for politics ; an orator pre- siding, a general under him, and three hundred men to shout on either side ; while the rest of you are attached some to one party, some to the other. 3 Accordingly this is what you get by the system such and such a person has a brazen statue ; here and there is an individual more thriving than the commonwealth : you, the people, sit as witnesses of their good fortune, abandoning to them for an ephemeral indolence your great and glorious heritage of prosperity. But see how it was in the time of your ancestors ; for by domestic (not foreign) examples you may learn your lesson of 1 Pabst : Gelien mit sklavischer Demuth herum, um sicli die Begun* stigung durch, Stimmen zu verschaffen. Auger : " Vous font bassemenfc la cour, et briguent vos suffrages." Tfjs eVl rat x* l poTovt'i(T9ai %apn-os, I understand to mean, " favour or interest for being elected," xapts being " the favour of the voters towards the candidate." But Reiske takes Xpjs to signify "the courting of the voters by the candidate," and thus* explains it : " Ea gratia activa, ea contentio alii gratificandi, studiura placendi alii, penes quern sit potestas tibi honorem, quern ambis, suf- fragio tuo addicendi." 2 I have followed Reiske in giving a simple meaning to rcXeo-drj^ai: But Schaefer thinks, and perhaps with reason, that it means something more. He says : " Yidetur locutio esse oratoris stomachantis : singuii operam dantes ut strategic initientur mysteriis : Jeder sicli abmuhend zum Strategos geweiht zu werden. Pabst translates it : Sicli zu Strategen weihen zu lassen : thinking it refers to the solemnity of an election by votes, as contradistinguished from an appointment by lot. 3 See the second Olynthiac, p. 51, note 3. ON THE DUTIES OF THE STATE. 171 duty. Themistocles who commanded in the sea-fight at Salamis, and Miltiades who led at Marathon, and many others, who performed services unlike the generals of the present day assuredly they were not set up in brass nor overvalued by your forefathers, who honoured them, but only as persons on a level with themselves. Your forefathers, my countrymen, surrendered not their part in any of those glories. There is no man who will attribute the victory, of Salamis to Themistocles, but to the Athenians ; nor the battle of Marathon to Miltiades, but to the republic. But now people say, that Timotheus took Corcyra, 1 and Iphicrates cut off the Spartan division, 2 and Chabrias won the naval victory at Naxos : 3 for you seem to resign the merit of these actions, by the extravagance of the honours which you have bestowed on their account upon each of the commanders. So wisely did the Athenians of that day confer political rewards ; so improperly do you. But how the rewards of foreigners? To Menon the Pharsalian, who gave twelve talents in money for the war at Eion 4 by Amphipolis, and 1 Timotheus brought back Corcyra to the Athenian alliance, B.C. 376. The Lacedaemonians attempted to recover it three years after, but were defeated. 2 At Lechaaum near Corinth. See the first Philippic, p. 66, note ] . The division of the Lacedaemonian army called popa, which Iphicrates defeated, was little more than four hundred men. The fame of the exploit, so disproportioned to the numbers engaged, was owing, partly to the great renown of the Spartan infantry, which had not been defeated in a pitched battle for a long period before, and partly to the new kind of troops employed by the Athenian general. These were the peltastce or targeteers, who were something between heavy-armed and light-armed soldiers, combining in some degree the advantages of both. Their shield (pella) was lighter, their spear and sword were longer. Until this occasion they had never been fairly tried against the heavy troops of the line. Afterwards they came into more general use. 3 Which annihilated the Spartan navy, B.C. 376. In this battle Phocion first distinguished himself. 4 Eion is a city on the Strymon below Amphipolis. In the eighth year of the Peloponnesian war, when Brasidas had taken Amphipolis, he sailed down the Strymon to attack Eion, but the town had been put in a posture of defence by Thucydides the historian, who came to its- relief with some ships from Thasos. There is no mention in Thucydides of Menon the Pharsalian. Brasidas had partisans in Pharsalus, and marched through Thessaly on his expedition to Chalcidice, aided by some of the nobles of that country. But the Thessalian people in general sided with the Athenians, and an endeavour was made to pre- vent his march. Afterwards they stopped the passage of the Spartan 172 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. assisted them with two hundred horsemen of his own re- tainers/ the Athenians then voted not the freedom of their city, but only granted immunity from imposts. 2 And in earlier times to Perdiccas, 3 who reigned in Macedonia during the invasion of the Barbarian when he had destroyed the Persians who retreated from Platsea after their defeat, and completed the disaster of the king they voted not the freedom of their city, but only granted immunity from imposts ; doubtless, esteeming their country to be of high value, honour, and dignity, surpassing all possible obligation. But now, ye men of Athens, ye adopt the vilest of mankind, menials and the sons of menials, to be your citizens, receiving a price as for any other saleable commodity. And you have fallen into such a practice, not because your natures are in- ferior to your ancestors, but because they were in a condition to think highly of themselves, while from you, men of Athens, this power is taken away. It can never be, methinks, that your spirit is generous and noble, while you are engaged in petty and mean employments ; no more than you can be abject and mean-spirited, while your actions are honourable and glorious. Whatever be the pursuits of men, their senti- ments must necessarily be similar. Mark what a summary view may be taken of the deeds performed by your ancestors and by you. Possibly from such comparison you may rise superior to yourselves. They for a period of five-and-forty years took the lead of the Greeks by general consent, and carried up more than ten thousand reinforcements. We can have no difficulty therefore in believing this story of Menon. There was little regular government in Thessaly ; and the great families, among whom it was parcelled, would not always agree in their policy and alliances. 1 The Penestce of Thessaly were serfs or vassals, whose condition was somewhat like, though superior to, that of the Laconian Helots. They were in fact the ancient inhabitants, reduced to a state of dependence by the Thessalian conquerors. 2 Such an immunity, when granted to a foreigner, would exempt him from customs and harbour dues. In the case of a person like Menon, it would be little more than an honorary distinction. But to a citizen or a foreigner residing at Athens an exemption from duties and taxes would be more important, as we shall see hereafter. 3 It was Alexander who reigned in Macedonia at this time. This then is either a mistake of the orator, or we may suppose with Lucche- sini, that Perdiccas, the son of Alexander, was governor of a princi- pality, and therefore dignified with the kingly title. ON THE DUTIES OF THE STATE. 173 talents into the citadel ; and many glorious trophies they erected for victories by land and sea. wherein even yet we take a pride. And remember, they erected these, not merely that we may survey them with admiration, but also that we may emulate the virtues of the dedicators. 1 Such was their conduct : but for ours fallen as we have on a solitude 2 manifest to you all look if it bears any resemblance. Have not more than fifteen hundred talents been lavished ineffec- tually on the distressed people of Greece 1 3 Have not all private fortunes, the revenues of the state, the contributions from our allies, been squandered 1 Have not the allies, whom we gained in the war, been lost recently in the peace ? * But forsooth, in these respects only was it better anciently than now, in other respects worse. Very far from that I Let us examine what instances you please. The edifices which they left, the ornaments of the city in temples, harbours, and the like, were so magnificent and beautiful, that room is not left 1 The trophy, which consisted of armour and spoils taken from the enemy, was hung up, usually on a tree, near the field of battle, and con- secrated to some god, with an inscription showing the names of the conquerors and the conquered. See Juvenal, Sat. X. 133. Bellorum exuviae, truncis affixa tropaeis Lorica, et fracta de casside buccula pendens, Et curtum temone jugum, victseque triremis Aplustre. And Virgil, Mu. XI. 5. Ingentem quercum decisis undique ramis Constituit iumulo, fulgentiaque induit arma, Mezenti ducis exuvias; tibi, magne, tropeeum, Bellipotens. But sometimes pillars of brass and stone were erected, as lasting memorials of important victories. 2 I.e. an absence of competitors. 3 What this refers to is unknown. It has been suggested, that Athens may have sent supplies of corn for the relief of certain Greek cities. Schaefer, justly considering this an unsatisfactory explanation, prefers the reading of dTro5etj> came to be synonymous with (j)\vapw, "to talk nonsense, to string words together without meaning;" and in this sense the word has been appro- priated to our own language. Compare Shakspeare, Hamlet, Act III. c. 4. Oh, such a deed, As from the body of contraction plucks The very soul, and sweet religion makes A rhapsody of words. ON THE NAVY BOARDS. . 181 comes, if what we now expect be really brought to pass, I fancy none of the Greek community rate themselves so high, that, when they see you possessed of a thousand horse, as many in- fantry soldiers as one could desire, and three hundred ships, they would not come with entreaties, and regard such aid as their surest means of deliverance. The consequences then are by inviting them now, you are suppliants, and, if your petition be not granted, you fail : whereas, by waiting your time and completing your preparations, you save men at their own request, and are sure they will all come over to you. Swayed by these and the like considerations, men of Athens, I sought not to compose a bold harangue of tedious length : but have taken exceeding pains in devising a plan, the best and the speediest, for getting your forces ready. It will be for you, to hear it, and, if it meet your approval, to vote for its adoption. The first and most essential part of preparation, men of Athens, is to be so disposed in your minds, that every citizen is willing and earnest to perform his duty. For you see, Athenians : whenever you have had a common wish, and every man has thought afterwards, that the accomplishment belonged to himself, nothing has ever escaped you ; but when you have wished only, and then looked to one another, each expecting to be idle while his neighbour did the work, none of your designs have been executed. You being so animated and determined, I advise that we fill up the twelve hundred and make two thousand, adding:, eight hundred to them : for if you appoint that number,.., 1 reckon that, after deducting the heiresses and wards, and holders of allotments and partnership property, 1 and persons ; 1 The persons here enumerated were exempt from service of tlie^ Trier ar clda. Heiresses and wards were exempt, because, although thej might have property enough to defray the contingent expense, yetthrv service was connected with a personal trust, which by reason of ses: and age they were incapable of performing. The colonial allottees (K\-npouxoi) were exempt, by reason of their absence. (See p. 101, note 2.) Kowcwol are any partners or joint owners, who would fairly be exempt, when the share of each was not sufficient to qualify him ; as in the case suggested by Harpocration, of brothers having an undivided in- heritance. The operation of the law would be as follows. The state in the first instance looks to the visible property of the citizens, such as land, houses, stock in trade or agriculture. A register is formed of the twelve hundred owners of property most competent to e.rve the office 182 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. in reduced circumstances, you will still have your twelve hundred members. Of them I think you should make twenty boards, as at present, each having sixty members. Each of these boards I would have you divide into five sec- tions of twelve men, putting always with the wealthiest person some of the least wealth, to preserve equality. And thus I say the members ought to be arranged : the reason you will understand, when you have heard the whole scheme of arrange- ment. But how about the ships 1 I recommend you to fix the whole number at three hundred, and forip. twenty divisions of fifteen vessels each, giving five of the first hundred and five of the second hundred and five of the third hundred to each division ; then allot one division of fifteen ships to every board of men, and let the board assign three ships to each of their own sections. When these regulations have been made, I propose as the of trierarch. This register continues the same, until circumstances have happened which call for an alteration ; and, practically speaking, the same families continue for a long period in the register. But (says Demosthenes) the thing worked so, that at any given time, when there was a call for service, the register could not be depended on for the whole number. Thus, the name of Timon is found in the register ; but Timon is dead, and the estate has descended to his three sons, or his three brothers, who are not liable, because the share of each is inade- quate. Or Timon has sold his property, and it is in the hands of three or four partners. Or Timon has mortgaged it, and become himself too poor to undertake the office. There would not be time always to investigate the excuses alleged by the registered party, or the condition of his heirs or successors. That false excuses and evasions were some- times resorted to, we learn from the orators. On the other hand, the presumption against a maa, from his name being in the register, would sometimes operate unjustly to a man in reduced circumstances. The law of the exchange was indeed a mode of relief, but attended with difficulty. (See Appendix Y.) We may suppose, that when a registered estate was found to have devolved upon several joint proprietors, the excuse would at once be admitted in the first instance ; though, if a man's separate estate, toge- ther with his joint estate, were of the requisite amount, one can hardly suppose he would escape ultimate liability. Thus, if Callias be one of Timon's heirs, his share of that inheritance not being sufficient to serve the trierarcliy, and his other property not being sufficient, but both together being sufficient, he would not have his name immediately substituted for Timon's, but the fact afterwards appearing, either in a judicial contest, or on a general revision of the register, his name would be entered. With respect to the adjectives opfyavMwv, &c. ; I understand (rw^druiVf "persons of the class of orphans," &o. ON THE NAVY BOARDS. 183 rateable capital of the country is six thousand talents l in order that your supplies may be apportioned, you should divide this capital and make a hundred parts of sixty talents each ; then allot five of these hundredth parts to each of the twenty larger boards, and let the board assign one hundredth part to each of their own sections ; so that, if you have need of a hundred ships, sixty talents may be applied 2 to the expense, and there may be twelve to serve as commanders ; 3 if of two hundred, there may be thirty talents applied to the expense, and six persons to serve ; if of three hundred, there may be twenty talents defraying the expense, and four persons to serve. In the same manner, Athenians, I advise that all the furniture of the ships, which is out on loan, 4 should be valued according to the register, and divided into twenty parts ; that you then allot one good 5 portion to every large board ; that every board distribute equal shares among their own sections; that the twelve in each section call their imple- ments in, and get the ships which are severally allotted to them in readiness. Thus do I think the supplies, the vessels, the commanders, and the collection of implements, may be most effectually provided and arranged. How the manning may be made sure and easy, I proceed to explain. I say the generals should divide the dockyards into ten departments, taking care that there be thirty docks in each as near as possible to one another ; and when they have done this, let them attach two boards and thirty ships to each of these departments, then allot the tribes and the several commanders to each dockyard, so that there may be two boards, thirty ships, one tribe. And whichever department be allotted to a tribe, let them divide it in three and the 1 See Appendix IV. 2 I.e. that shall be the proportion of the whole rateable capital, upon which a tax shall be levied to meet the expense. It is a short way of expressing this. See Appendix IV. and V. 3 Trierarcks. The name was kept up, when it had become a matter of contribution and civil trust, rather than of naval service. So, the Lord High Admiral of our own government might never have seen the sea. 4 It was customary for individuals to borrow the naval implements and stores from the public arsenal, when the state had no occasion for them. 5 Al. ^prjcrrwj/, debtors. 184 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. ships likewise, and then allot the third of a tribe to each, so that of the whole dockyards there may be one division belong- ing to every tribe, and the third of a tribe may have the third part of every division, and you may know, in case of neces- sity, first, where the tribe is stationed, next, where the third of the tribe next, who are the commanders and how many ships there are ; and the tribe may have thirty ships, and every third of a tribe have ten. Let the system be only put in train, and though we should forget something now for it is difficult to make all the details perfect it will be ascer- tained in the working ; and there will be one arrangement for all the ships and every division. In regard to money and real supplies, I know that I am about to make an extraordinary statement, yet still it shall be made ; for I am persuaded that, on a correct view, I alone shall be found to have declared and predicted the truth. I say, we ought not at present to speak of money : a supply there is, if occasion require it, ample, honourable, and just : if we look for it immediately, we shall not think we have it even in reserve ; so far shall we be from providing it now ; but if we leave it alone, we shall have it. What then is this supply, which hath no being now, but will exist hereafter ? for cer- tainly it is like a riddle. I will explain. You see the extent of this city, men of Athens. It contains treasures equal, I may almost say, to the rest of the states put together. But the owners are so minded, that if all your orators alarmed them with intelligence that the king was coming, that he was at hand, that the danger was in- evitable if, besides the orators, an equal number of persons gave oracular warning so far from contributing, they would not even discover their wealth or acknowledge the possession. Yet if they knew that these proceedings, so terrible in report, were actually begun, there is not a man so foolish, who would not be ready to give and foremost to contribute. For who would rather perish with all his possessions, than contribute a part of his possessions to preserve himself and the re- mainder 1 Thus, I say, we have money against the time of actual need, but not before. And therefore I advise you not to search for it now. Indeed what you would raise, if you determined to raise it, would be more ridiculous than nothing at all. For example : Let a tax be proposed of one per cent OX THE NAVY BOARDS. 185 there are sixty talents. Let twice as much, namely two per cent, be proposed there are a hundred and twenty. But what is this to the twelve hundred camels, which, these men say, carry the king's gold 1 Let me suppose however, that we contributed the twelfth of our property, five hun- dred talents. This you would not submit to ; but if you did pay it, the sum would be insufficient for the war. Your f proper course then is, to complete your other preparations ; let the owners retain their money for the present ; (it can- not be in better keeping 1 for the state ;) and should the occasion ever arrive, then take it from them in voluntary contributions. These, my countrymen, are practicable measures, thes are honourable and advantageous, fit to be reported as your proceedings to the king ; and by them no little terror would be excited in him. He knows right well, that by three hun- dred galleys, whereof we furnished a hundred, his ancestors lost a thousand ships ; and he will hear that we ourselves have now equipped three hundred ; so that, were he ever so mad, he could hardly deem it a light matter to provoke the hostility of our republic. Should he however entertain an overweening con- fidence in his wealth, even this he will find to be a weaker support than yours. He is coming, they say, with gold. ; But if he give it away, he will lack supplies : for even wells and fountains are apt to fail, if you draw from them con- stantly and by wholesale. He will hear that the valuation of our land is a capital of six thousand talents. That we shall defend it against invaders from that quarter, his ancestors who were at Marathon would know best : and certainly, as long as we are victorious, money can never fail us. Nor is there, as it appears to me, any ground for what some persons fear, that having money he will collect a large body of mercenaries. I do indeed believe, that against Egypt 2 1 Direct taxation in time of peace, when there is no urgent necessity, is like killing the goose for the golden eggs. 2 Egypt had been in a state of revolt from Persia ever since the reign of Darius Kothus. An attempt was made to recover it by his successor Artaxerxes Mnemon, who engaged the services of the Atlie^ nian Iphicrates, and sent him with a powerful fleet and army under the satrap Pharnabazus B.C. 374. This expedition failed, owing to the mis- conduct of Pharnabazus. After the accession of Artaxerxes Ochus, repeated efforts were made to reconquer this valuable province. At 186 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. and routes, 1 and any other barbarians, many of the Greeks would be willing to serve in his pay, not that he may subdue any of those adversaries, but in order to obtain sup- plies for themselves to relieve their several necessities. Against Greece however I do not believe that any Grecian would march. For whither could he betake himself afterwards? Go to Phrygia and be a slave 1 Kemember, a war with the barbarian can be for no other stake, than for country and life and customs and freedom and everything of the kind. Who then is so wretched, that he would sacrifice himself, parents, sepulchres, fatherland, for the sake of a paltry pit- tance ? I believe, no man. But further it . is not even the king's interest, that mercenaries should conquer the Greeks. "For they that conquer us must have been his masters already : and he desires, not to subdue us and then be dependent on others, but to rule, if possible, over all ; if that be not possible, at least over his present subjects. Should any one think the Thebans will be on his side I know it is difficult to speak to you about that people : you hate them so, you will not like to hear even the truth or any- thing favourable of them however men who are considering important questions must not omit any useful argument on any pretext. My opinion then is, the Thebans, so far from being likely to join him in any attack upon Greece, would length about the year B.C. 348 or later the king collected a considerable force of Greek mercenaries, and marched against Egypt in person. Mentor of Rhodes, and the Theban Lacrates greatly distinguished themselves in the king's service on this occasion, and Egypt was again brought under the dominion of Persia ; in which it remained until the overthrow of that empire by Alexander. 1 Orontes was satrap of Mysia in the reign of Artaxerxes Mnemon. He joined the great conspiracy of the satraps and the king of Egypt in the year B.C. 362. He was chosen to command their forces, and en- trusted with a large fund which had been collected to carry on the war. He was induced however to change sides ; and the trust which had been reposed in him enabled him to betray his party to the king most effectually. Other rebels followed his example ; and this confederacy which at one time had threatened the very existence of the Persian monarchy, was suddenly dissolved. What "became of Orontes after wards, is unknown. The other satraps who joined this coalition were Ariobarzanes of Phrygia, -Autophradates of Lydia, Datames of Cappa- docia, and Mausolus king of Caria. Datames was a man of great ability. The treacherous manner in which his destruction was accom- plished is recorded by Cornelius Nepos, who wrote his life. ON THE NAVY BOzVRDS. 187 give a large sum of money, if they had it, for the opportunity of repairing their former offences against her. 1 But supposing the Thebans to be so utterly wrongheaded, of this at least you are all aware, that, if the Thebans are in his interest, their enemies must necessarily be in the interest of the Greeks. I believe then, that our cause (the cause of justice) and its adherents will be better armed against all adversaries than the traitors and the barbarian can be. And therefore my advice is be not over-alarmed at the war; neither be led on to commence it. I do not see indeed, that any other people of Greece have reason to fear this war. For which of them is ignorant, that whilst, looking on the Persian as a common enemy, they were in concord among themselves, they enjoyed many advantages ; but since they have regarded him as a friend and quarrelled about private disputes with each other, they have suffered greater calamities than could have been wished in pronouncing a curse upon them ? Then should we fear a man, whom fortune and heaven declare to be unpro- 1 The Thebans had always been reproached for siding with Xerxes against the Greeks. (See the second Philippic, p. 83.) After the capture of Thebes by Alexander, this old charge was (not very fairly) revived against them by their enemies : " studia in Persas non praa- sentia tan turn, verum et vetera adversus Grsecise Hbertatem increpantes; quamobrem odium eos omnium populorum esse :" as Justin says. The penalty which had been denounced against them ever since the Persian war was then inflicted, and Thebes was rased to the ground. Here we find Demosthenes speaking more liberally of the Thebans than his countrymen were wont to do. The Athenians, besides their recent grounds of quarrel, had a long standing enmity with that people, arising out of various causes. The Thebans had been their most bitter opponents in the Peloponnesian war, and at its termination had pro- posed to destroy Athens altogether. Their merciless treatment of the Plateeans, both in that war, and afterwards B.C. 373, when they destroyed the city, could never be forgotten by the Athenians, between whom and the Plataeans the closest friendship had subsisted ever since the battle of Marathon. Neighbourhood had brought the two people into frequent contest about their frontiers; and their estrangement was increased by dissimilarity of character, customs, and institutions. Athenians sneered at Boeotian stupidity, while they had reason to dread Theban arms : and Thebans were jealous of a city, which by its external splen- dour and attractions of every kind so greatly eclipsed their own. Sixteen years after this speech was delivered, Thebes and Athens were united in a mortal struggle against a common enemy ; yet owing to their long dissension, the utmost difficulty was found in bringing them together; and this was only effected by the powerful exertions of Demosthenes. 188 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. fitable as a friend, and useful as an enemy ] Let us do no such thing ! Yet do him no injustice either ; having regard to ourselves, and to the disturbances and jealousies among the other people of Greece. If it were possible with one heart and with combined forces to attack him alone, such an injury I would not have pronounced an injustice. But since this cannot be, I say we must be cautious, and not afford the king a pretence for vindicating the rights of the other Greeks. As long as we remain quiet, any such attempt on his part would awaken suspicion ; but if we are the first to commence hostilities, it will naturally be thought, that he courts their friendship because of his enmity with us. Do not expose the melancholy condition of Greece, by con- voking her people when you cannot persuade them, and mak- ing war when you cannot carry it on. Only keep quiet, fear nothing, and prepare yourselves. Let it be reported of you to the king not (for heaven's sake) that all the Greeks and the Athenians are in distress and 'alarm and confusion ; which is very far from the truth but that, if falsehood and perjury were not considered as disgraceful by the Greeks, as by him they are considered honourable, you would have marched against him long ago ; that you will forbear to do this for your own sakes, but you pray unto all the gods, that he may be inspired with the same madness that his ancestors were formerly. Should he come to reflect on these matters, he will find that your resolutions are taken with prudence. He knows assuredly, that Athens by her wars with his ancestors became prosperous and great, whilst by the repose, which she enjoyed before, she was not raised above any Grecian state so much as she is at present. And as to the Greeks, he per- ceives that they stand in need of some mediator, either a voluntary or an involuntary one ; and he knows that he should himself step in as such a mediator, if he stirred up war. Therefore the accounts that he will receive from his informants will be intelligible and credible. Not to trouble you, men of Athens, with over-many words, I will give a summary of my advice and retire. I bid you prepare yourselves against existing enemies, and I declare that with this same force you should resist the king and all other people, if they attempt to injure you ; but never com- mence an injustice either in word or deed. Let us look that ON THE LIBERTY OF THE RHODIANS. 189 our actions, and not our speeches on the platform, be worthy of our ancestors. If you pursue this course, you will do ser- vice, not only to yourselves, but also to them who give the opposite counsel ; since you will not be angry with them afterwards for your errors committed now. 1 THE ORATION ON THE LIBERTY OF THE RHODIANS. SHE ARGUMENT. This Oration was delivered B.C. 351 on the following occasion. Jn the island of Rhodes, as in divers other of the Grecian states, there had been many contests between the deraocratical party and the oligarchical. At the close of the Peloponnesian war it was in the hunds of an oligarchy, under the protection of Lacedcemon. About the year 396 Conon, being at the head of a considerable fleet in that part of the jEgean, drove the Peloponnesians from the port of Rhodes, and compelled the islanders to renew their connexion with Athens. Democracy was then re-established ; but four years after- wards the opposite faction again prevailed, a Spartan fleet made its appearance, the popular leaders and the friends of Athens were banished or put to death. For the next thirty years or more following that event little is known of Rhodian history. After the destruction of the Spartan navy, Rhodes with most of the ^Egean isles returned to the Athenian confederacy, and we may fairly presume that a new democratical revolution was effected in the island during that period. But in the year 358 a rupture of a most serious kind took place between Rhodes and Athens, pregnant with disastrous consequences to both. This was the breaking out of the Social war, the immediate causes of which are obscurely reported to us, though there is suffi- cient evidence to show, that the provocation to revolt proceeded from the misconduct, or at least the imprudence of the Athenians themselves. We learn from various parts of Demosthenes, especially from the Oration on the Chersonese, (p. 105,) how the Athenian commanders at this period, sent out with inadequate forces and supplies, were tempted or driven to commit irregularities, amounting often to acts of plunder and violence, in order to maintain their armaments or carry on their wars. Not confining their aggressions to the enemies 1 The speech of Demosthenes was so far successful, that it calmed the excitement of the Athenians ; and they were content to make a show of preparation, without adopting any actual measures of war. In the following Oration he refers with some satisfaction to this result. 190 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. of Athens, or even to neutrals, they harassed the allies, by extorting from them loans and contributions, and thus brought the name of their country into general odium and discredit. It seems that Chares, having the command of a fleet destined to act against Amphipolis, and conceiving himself to hold large discretionary powers, sailed to Rhodes, and by his vexatious and arbitrary proceedings so irritated the people, that they were ready on the first opportunity to throw off their connexion with Athens. The islands of Cos and Chios had been alienated from the Athenians by similar causes, and desired to recover their independence. These three states entered into a league with Byzantium, which in fact had been meditated some years before, and raising a fleet powerful enough set the Athenians at defiance, commenced the Social war, which, after a three, years' continuance, was terminated (as we have seen) by a peace humiliating to Athens, B.C. 355. In the course of this war the allies received assistance from Mausolus, king of Caria. He had formed the design of annexing Rhodes to his own dominions, to which it was so conveniently adjacent ; but there was little hope of accomplishing this purpose, unless he could sever it from the Athenian alliance. The oligarchical party in Rhodes, still watching for a new revolution, were easily brought over to his views ; and at the close of the war a Carian garrison was introduced into the island, which established the oligarchy, and in effect brought the island in subjection to a foreign yoke. The Rhodians had no hopes of recovering their liberty ; they had lost the protection of a powerful state; while Mausolus could obtain effectual aid from the Persian king, whose vassal he was, and to whom it was important to acquire any of the islands near Asia Minor. Mausolus died in the year B.C. 353, and was succeeded by his queen Artemisia. In her reign the government of Rhodes became oppressive to the people ; who at length resolving to throw off their yoke, sent a deputation to Athens, to implore her assistance. These petitioners, who were not very favourably received at Athens, found an advocate in Demosthenes. It was natural to expect, that there would be a strong feeling at Athens against a people who had deeply injured her. A very few years had elapsed since the Social war, and the events were fresh in the memory of all. To overcome this feeling of resentment was the principal difficulty which an advocate of the Rhodian people had to encounter. Demosthenes appeals to the higher and nobler feelings of his country- men. Motives of honour, generosity and compassion should in- fluence Athenians : it was not worth while to remember the wrongs done them by so insignificant a people as the Rhodian; they should consider only what was due from them to Athens and to Greece. It was their duty as well as their interest, to vindicate the liberties of a Greek people under oppression, and more especially to defend the cause of popular government against oligarchs and tyrants. Unless they] did so, their own constitution rcight soon be in danger ; for '. there was a perpetual strife going on between oligarchy and demo- cracy, and, if all other democracies were put down, the Athenian must be assailed at last. It was urged on the other side, that interference with Rhodes might provoke the hostility of the Persian king. ON THE LIBERTY OF THE RHODIANS. 191 Demosthenes contends, that the loss of Rhodes, which did not properly belong to him, was not likely to provoke the king ; that in. the present state of the Persian empire both he and Artemisia would probably remain neutral ; but that at all events the Athenians ought to espouse the cause of the Rhodian people, even at the risk of Persian hostility. I THINK, men of Athens, that on a consultation of such moment you ought to grant liberty of speech to every one of your advisers. For my own part, I have never thought it difficult to make you understand right counsel for to speak plainly, you seem all to possess the knowledge your- selves but to persuade you to follow it I have found dif- ficult ; for when any measure has been voted and resolved, you are then as far from the performance as you were from the resolution before. One of the events, for which I consider you should be thankful to the Gods, is that a people, who to gratify their own insolence went to war with you not long ago, now place their hopes of safety in you alone. Well may we be rejoiced at the present crisis : for if your measures' thereupon be wisely taken, the result will be, that the calumnies of those who traduce our country you will practically and with credit and honour refute. The Chians, Byzantines, and Rhodians, accused us of a design to oppress them, and therefore com- bined to make the last war against us. It will turn out, that Mausolus, who contrived and instigated these proceedings, pretending to be a friend of the Ehodians, has deprived them of their liberty ; the Chians and Byzantines, who called them allies, have not aided them in misfortune ; whilst you, whom they dreaded, are the only people who have wrought their deliverance. And, this being seen by all the world, you will cause the people in every state to regard your friendship as the token of their security : nor can there be a greater bless- ing for you, than thus to obtain from all men a voluntary attachment and confidence. I marvel to see the same persons advising you to oppose the king on behalf of the Egyptians, 1 and afraid of him in the 1 This can have no reference to the expedition, conducted by the king in person, when by aid of the Greek mercenaries he finally con- quered Egypt. For that expedition certainly took place at a later period, though the exact date is a matter of controversy. See Thirl- wall's History of Greece, vol. vi. p. 142, note 2. It appears from 192 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. matter of the Rhodian people. All men know, that the latter are Greeks, the former a portion offois subjects. And I think some of you remember, that, when you were debating about the king's business, I first came forward and advised nay, I was the only one, or one of two, that gave such counsel that your prudent course in my opinion was, not to allege your quarrel with the king as the excuse for your arming, but to arm against your existing enemies, and defend yourselves against him also, if he attempted to injure you. Nor did I offer this advice without obtaining your approval ; for you agreed with me. Well then : my reasoning of to-day is con- sistent with the argument on that occasion. 1 For, would the Diodorus, that there had been various attempts made by Artaxerxes to recover Egypt, and it is likely enough that the Egyptian king applied to Athens for succour, and that the question of granting succour was dis- cussed at Athens. The Athenians however appear to have abstained from all interference, not wishing to violate their treaty of peace with Persia. Chabrias indeed was appointed to command the fleet of Tachos in 361 B.C., but Diodorus expressly states that he was not sent out by his country, but went as a volunteer at the solicitation of Tachos. On the last occasion, when Artaxerxes applied to Athens for assistance against Egypt, the Athenians refused it, but promised neutrality. The passage of Diodorus above referred to is in lib. xvi. s. 40, and the words are as follows : " The Egyptians having revolted from Persia at a former period, Artaxerxes Ochus, not liking war, remained himself inactive, but despatched troops and generals, and incurred numerous failures by the cowardice and ignorance of his commanders. Wherefore he was despised by the Egyptians, but forced to submit, by reason of his in- dolence and love of peace. At this crisis however, as the Phoenicians and princes of Cyprus had followed the example of the Egyptians, and broken into rebellion out of contempt for his authority, he was roused to anger and resolved on war with his revolted subjects. He decided not to commission generals, but to contend in person for the preserva- tion of his empire." It appears from another circumstance in the nar- rative of Diodorus, that the king had not commenced his final invasion of Egypt when this speech was delivered. It did not take place, according to the historian, till after he had given orders for the expedi- tion against Cyprus; but those orders were given to Idrieus, after he had succeeded to the kingdom of Caria, which w^as at the close of the year 351 ; and at the time of the speech Artemisia was alive. There is a great difficulty attending the inference that we must draw from Diodorus, that the king only once invaded Egypt in person ; for it is not only inconsistent with the express statement of Isocrates, quoted by Thirl wall in the passage above-mentioned, but it is not easily recon- cilable with the language of Demosthenes in this Oration, (below, page 194.) _ J The argument runs thus I advised you then [in the last Oration] ON THE LIBERTY OF THE RHODIANS. 193 king take me to his counsels, I should advise him as I advise you, in defence of his own possessions to make war upon any Greeks that opposed him, but not to think of claiming domi- nions to which he had no manner of title. If now it be your general determination, Athenians, to surrender to the king all places that he gets possession of, whether by surprise, or by deluding certain of the inhabitants, you have determined, in my judgment, unwisely : but if in the cause of justice you esteem it your duty, either to make war, if needful, or to suffer any extremity ; in the first place, there will be the less necessity for such trials, in proportion as you are resolved to meet them ; and secondly, you will manifest a spirit that becomes you. That I suggest nothing new, in urging you to liberate the Ehodians that you will do nothing new, in following my counsel will appear, if I remind you of certain measures that succeeded. Once, Athenians, you sent Timotheus out to assist Ariobarzanes, 1 annexing to the decree, " that he was not to declare war against Persia, because such war would have been aggressive, and attended with serious difficulties. At the same time I recommended you to make defensive preparations, as the surest means of averting hostilities on the side of Persia, or defeating them if under- taken. I now advise you to assist the Khodians, on the same principle that I counselled measures of defence ; because they are a Greek people, with whom the Persian king has no right to interfere. It is not his interest to interfere with them, if he sees you in earnest (as you ought to be) for their defence : so I should tell him myself, if I were his adviser : and therefore I calculate he will be neutral. The state of the Persian empire at this time fully justified the calcu- lation of Demosthenes. See the last note. 1 Ariobarzanes, satrap of Phrygia, was concerned in the rebellion of B.C. 362. See p. 186, note. It seems that, in soliciting Athenian aid, which he obtained the more easily on account of his connexion with the state he having received the honour of citizenship Ariobarzanes had concealed the object of his preparations ; and therefore the Athenians, in sending Timotheus, took the precaution of restricting his powers in the way mentioned by the orator. Timotheus, in return for some service which he had done, was helped by the satrap to get possession of Sestus and Crithote in the Chersonese. Cornelius Kepos praises the Athenian general, because, instead of getting any private recompense from Ariobarzanes, he had looked only to the advantage of his country ; while Agesilaus, who had gone out on the same service, took a pecu- niary reward for himself. Timotheus then proceeded to besiege Samos, which was occupied by a Persian garrison, and took it in the course of the following year. Isocrates the orator, who acted as the secretary of VOL. I. 194 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. not to infringe your treaty with the king." Timotheus, seeing that Ariobarzanes had openly revolted from the king, and that Samos was garrisoned by Cyprothemis, under the ap- pointment of Tigranes, the king's deputy, renounced the intention of assisting Ariobarzanes, but invested the island with his forces and delivered it. And to this day there has been no war against you on that account. Men will not fight for aggressive purposes so readily as for defensive. To resist spoliation they strive with all their might ; not so to gratify ambition : this they will attempt, if there be none to hinder them ; but, if prevented, they regard not their oppo- nents as having done them an injury. My belief is, that Artemisia would not even oppose this enterprise now, 1 if our state were embarked in the measure. Attend a moment and see, whether my calculation be right or wrong. I consider were the king succeeding in all his designs in Egypt, Artemisia would make a strenuous effort to get Rhodes into his power, not from affection to the king, but from a desire, while he tarried in her neighbourhood, 2 to confer an important obligation upon him, so that he might give her the most friendly reception : but since he Timotheus, was at the siege of Samos, and praises the general for having taken it with little or no cost to Athens. The occupation of Samos by the Persians was an infringement of the peace of Antalcidas, by the terms of which the Greek islands were to be independent. Therefore the conduct of Timotheus, in wresting Samos from Persia, afforded an apt illustration for the argument of Demosthenes. 1 Leland erroneously translates this as follows : " !N"or do I think that Artemisia will act contrary to these principles." The position of of the word ot)5e shows this to be wrong. Jacobs renders it: Glaube icli nun aber, dass Artemisia der Stadt, wenn sie sich auf dieses Unternehmen einliesse, Jceinen Widerstand thun wurde. 2 These words, ir\^ monians, by sacrificing the Asiatic Greeks to Persia, detached that monarchy from the Athenian alliance, and were enabled to maintain their own ascendancy over the Grecian states. 1 The argument is thus pursued In national affairs right follows might. An illustration of this is afforded by the two treaties with Persia. In each case the various claims and questions of right were settled upon a different plan, and according to a different rule.- This proves that there can be no fixed principle of international justice, by which the relations of different states to each other can be immutably preserved. The civil law of every free country prescribes a uniform rule of right and justice for all. But there is no such rule in the law of nations, as experience demonstrates. 2 This observation is in accordance with the argument as above explained. He assumes that his countrymen were sincerely desirous of acting on the principle of justice, but contends that they could not carry out their purposes by abstaining from interference with other nations. If they espoused the cause of the oppressed, they would be looked up to and respected as the patrons of freedom ; if they kept aloof, they would be despised, and their allies would gradually fall away from them. Jacobs translates this clause : DaEuch nun die Kenntniss dessen, was zu thun recht ist, niclit mangelt. Leland and Francis read Kal 7roie?j/. Leland has : " You assume the character of arbitrators and defenders of justice." Francis: "It becomes the dignity of your character to determine those bounds [of justice] for others, and to act in consequence of that determination." Pabst follows Jacobs ; but their version of tyvofKevat iroitiv is incorrect, liciske and Schaefer explain it rightly. 202 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. out. Such means you will possess, if you are supposed to be the common protectors of Grecian liberty. It is, doubtless, very difficult for you to adopt proper measures. The rest of mankind have one battle to fight, namely, against their avowed enemies : if they conquer those, nothing hinders them accomplishing their desires. You, Athenians, have a double contest ; that which the rest have, and also another, prior to that, and more arduous : for you must in council overcome a faction, who act among you in systematic opposition to the state. Since therefore through these men it is impossible for any good measure to be effected without a struggle, the natural consequence is that you lose many advantages. Perhaps the chief cause why so many adopt this line of politics without scruple, is the support afforded them by their hirers : at the same time you are yourselves chargeable with blame. You ought, Athenians, to hold the same opinion concerning the post of civil duty, as you hold concerning the military. What is that ? You consider that one, who deserts the post assigned by his general, should be degraded and deprived of constitutional privileges. 1 It is right therefore, that men who desert the political post received from their ancestors, and support oligarchical measures, should be dis- abled to act as your counsellors. Among your allies you regard those to be the most attached, who have sworn to have the same friends and enemies with yourselves ; and yet of your statesmen you esteem those the most faithful, who to your certain knowledge have sided with the enemies of Athens. However matter of accusation against these men, matter of censure against the people, is not hard to discover : the difficulty is to know, by what counsels or what conduct our present evils may be repaired. This perhaps is not the occa- sion to speak of all : could you only give effect to your policy by some useful effort, things in general perhaps, one after another, would go on improving. My opinion is, that you should take this enterprise vigorously in hand, and act 1 An Athenian who deserted the army in time of war was liable to prosecution by a process"called AerTroaTparfot ypafy-f). One who deserted his post or rank was] liable to a \nrora^iov ypa^-fj. A conviction for either of such offences was followed by disfranchisement, an^ia. The Generals were the presiding magistrates, who took cognizance of these matters. OX, THE LIBERTY OP THE BHODIANS. 203 worthily of the state, remembering, that you love to hear men praise your ancestors and recount their exploits and speak of their trophies. Consider then, your forefathers erected these, not that you may view and admire them only, but that you may imitate also the virtues of the dedicators.' 1 The speech of Demosthenes produced no effect. Athens abstained from interference ; the Ehodians continued under the government of an oligarchy, and subjection to Caria. (See pp. 80 and 167 of this volume.) Artemisia died soon after the delivery of this Oration, having reigned two years. She is said to have been inconsolable for the death of her husband Mausolus, whose ashes she drank dissolved in scented water, and to whose memory she paid the most extravagant honours. The monument which she erected was so magnificent as to be considered ope of the wonders of the world ; and from this the name of Mau- soleum has been applied to all sepulchres built on a grand scale. She invited the most eminent literary men to her court, and offered a reward for the best funeral panegyric. Theopompus the historian, a native of Chios, and pupil of Isocrates, gained the prize. Artemisia was succeeded on the throne by her brother Idrieus, who reigned seven years. 204 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. THE ORATION FOR THE MEGALOPOLITANS. THE ARGUMENT. Megalopolis was an Arcadian city near the frontiers of Laconia. It was founded in the year B.C. 371, and, being designed for the metropolis of the whole Arcadian people, who then united themselves into one body, it was built on a scale of magnitude corresponding with that purpose, having a circumference of more than six miles, and received the name of the great city. Next to Athens, it is said to have been the most beautiful city in Greece. The population was obtained by migration from the existing Arcadian towns, no less than forty of which were required to contribute to it. Most of these were entirely deserted "by their inhabitants, others were reduced to the condition of villages dependent on Megalopolis. A supreme council of ten thousand, taken from the whole Arcadian body, held their public deliberations in the capital. About half a century afienvards, when it was besieged by Polysperchon, there were found to be fifteen thousand citizens capable of bearing arms in its defence. The chief object of building this metropolis was, to establish a per- manent union among the Arcadians and preserve their national independence. Before that time, the Arcadians as a body had very little influence in the affairs of Peloponnesus, though they occupied a large portion of its territory. They had generally been in the alliance of Sparta, whose armies they strengthened by a brave and hardy race of soldiers. It was therefore the policy of Sparta to keep them feeble and divided among themselves. In the time of the Peloponnesian war Mantinea, then the principal city of Arcadia, formed a small confederacy among her neighbours, renounced her connexion with the Lacedaemonians, and joined an offensive alliance with Athens and Argos. But this was soon put an end to. The Mantineans were compelled, by the success of the Lacedaemonian arms, to abandon their confederacy ; and at a later period, B.C. 387, paid dearly for their disaffection to Sparta, by having their city dismantled and being dispersed into villages. The defeat of the Spartans'at Leuctra changed the aspect of affairs in Greece. The prestige of ancient victory was gone ; and it was soon found that the vast alliance, of which Sparta had been the head, and which had enabled her for many years to give the law to Greece, would crumble almost entirely away. One of the first effects of this change in Peloponnesus was the rebuilding of Mantinea; which was soon followed by the establishment of Megalopolis. But the heaviest blow to the pride and power of Lacedaemon was the loss of her ancient province of Messenia, which for more than three centuries FOE THE MEGALOPOLITANS. 205 had been the fairest portion of her domain. Whether the Arcadians could have maintained their independence against Sparta without foreign aid, may perhaps be doubted ; but this last revolution was wholly due to the arms of Thebes and the genius of Epaminondas. That general, having assembled a large army in Boeotia, marched across the isthmus and was joined in Arcadia by his Peloponnesian allies. At the head of an overpowering force he invaded and ravaged Laconia. Troops of divers people who not many years before had followed the Lacedemonians in their wars, or would hardly have dared to face them in the field Thebans, Phocians, Locrians, Euboeans, Thessalians, Acarnanians, Argives, Arcadians, Eleans, marched now almost without opposition to the gates of Sparta; and nothing but the shadow of the Spartan name preserved that haughty capital from destruction. Epaminondas did not venture to make a general assault upon the town, but, after continuing his ravages for some time longer, proceeded to execute his well-laid scheme, which he rightly judged would reduce Sparta to the condition of a second or third-rate power in Greece. The Messenian population had long been, like the Laconian helots, in a state of vassalage to Sparta, but were ripe for insurrection at any favourable opportunity, as they had proved during the Athenian occupation of Pylus. The march of Epaminondas into Laconia was the signal for a universal rising of that people, who were now again to form a nation, and to build a capital city under the protection of the Theban general. But it was not only the existing inhabitants of the country, by whom this task, of reconstituting the nation, was to be accomplished ; for which, after their long servitude, they might, not have been so well fitted by themselves. Messenian exiles from every quarter, and especially those of Naupactus, who had been expelled after the Peloponnesian war, and migrated to Sicily and Africa, were invited to return to their ancient home, and assist in the glorious restoration. It has been mentioned as a remarkable example of the love of country, tha,t these exiles, during so long an absence, had jealously preserved their ancestral usages and the purity of their original language. They returned in great numbers and formed the nucleus of a Messenian government. The new city was founded on the site of the ancient Ithome, Epaminondas laying the first stone, and received the name of Messene. This was B.C. 369. The humiliation of Sparta was now complete. She had no power to disturb the new settlement. She was hemmed in by a chain of enemies, who cut off her communication with Peloponnesus ; by the Messenians on the west, the Arcadians and Argives on the north. Her war with Thebes continued for eight more years. The succour of Athens and her few remaining allies saved her from further dis- asters ; and the death of her great enemy, Epaminondas, brought on a general peace, B.C. 361. From the negotiations of this peace the Lacedaemonians kept aloof, refusing to acknowledge the independence of Messenia, which they regarded as a deep disgrace to themselves. Their spirit, though depressed, was not extinguished ; and they only waited for an oppor- 206 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. tunity of recovering their lost dominion. Archidamus, son of Agesilaus, who had acquired honour in the late war by the tearless victory, (in which [he defeated the Arcadians and Argives without losing a single Spartan life,) kept alive the ambitious hopes .of his countrymen, and continually stimulated them to fresh exertions. Hte was a man of ardent character ; to recover Messenia was the principal object of his desire; in which he had even been encouraged by a pamphlet of Isocrates, entitled Archidamus, and still extant. In the course of seven or eight years events occurred which, favoured the views of this prince. There had been disturbances in Arcadia. The Sacred war had broken out, in which the principal parties were Phocis and Thebes. An obstinate struggle was yet going on ; neither party had gained any decisive advantage, and both were greatly weakened. The Phocian generals had carried the war into the enemy's country : some of the Boeotian towns had been taken ; and the Thebans, dis- tressed at home, and burdened with heavy expenses, seemed no longer in a condition to assist their Peloponnesian. allies. Under these circumstances, about the year 353, Archidamus thought the time had arrived to effect a counter-revolution, which should restore the influence of his' country. His real aim was the destruction of Megalopolis and Messene. But to avow this purpose, or attempt to -execute it without further pretext than the desire to satisfy Spartan ambition, might have drawn on him the hostility of those | states, which were unconnected with the Theban alliance. Accord- ingly, he conceived the idea of announcing a principle, which would secure certain advantages to the states hostile to Thebes, and induce them to concur in his own scheme of aggrandizement. He gave it out, that ancient rights ought to be resumed ; that Athens should have Oropus, the towns of Thespise, Plateea, and Orchonumus should be restored ; Elis and Phlius should have certain claims, conceded to them. While he published these declarations, he kepi in. the back ground that portion of the scheme, in which Sparta was*' interested, viz. the recovery of Messenia and the dissolution of .the Arcadian union. ^Notwithstanding all the care which Archidamus took to conceal his ""views, they could not fail to be apparent ; and it was soon understood that the warlike preparations in Laconia were designed against Megalopolis. Two embassies were sent at the same time to Athens, one by the Spartans, and one by the Megalopolitans, each to .solicit assistance in the approaching war. The Spartan ambassadors re- minded the Athenians of their former alliance, and showed what advantage would accrue to them from the plan of Archidamus, by which Thebes their old enemy would be depressed. The Megalo- politan deputies urged the justice of their own cause, and the danger that would result from the revival of Spartan supremacy. . \ There were many speakers 011 both sides in the Athenian assembly. Demosthenes espoused the cause of the Megalopolitans, and delivered what Auger pronounces to be one of the most subtle of his orations. He begins by condemning the warmth with which both parties had assailed their adversaries. It became them, (he argues,) without any feeling or prejudice for or against either of the contending states, to FOR THE MEGALOPOLITANS. 207 decide the question by reference to justice and the good of Athens. Justice required that no people should be oppressed by another. Their alliance with Sparta had been based on that principle, and they had saved her from ruin ; but if Sparta commenced ambitious enterprises inconsistent with the spirit of their alliance, they were justified in breaking it off. It was the interest of Athens, that neither Sparta nor Thebes should be too powerful. The dissolution of Megalopolis would lead to the re-conquest of Messenia, and that would destroy the balance of power in Peloponnesus. The advantage offered to Athens might be obtained in a more honourable manner, without sacrificing the Peloponnesians ; and as to Thebes, it was better to weaken her by conferring an obligation upon her allies, arid attaching them to Athens, than by allowing them to suffer injustice. IT appears to me, Athenians, that both are in fault, they who have spoken for the Arcadians and they who have spoken for the Lacedaemonians. For as if they were deputies from either people, not citizens of Athens, to which both direct their embassies, they accuse and attack one another. This might be the duty of the envoys ; but to speak independently on the question, and consider your interests dispassionately, was the part of men who presume to offer counsel here. I really think setting aside the knowledge of their persons and their Attic tongue many would take them for either Arcadians or Laconians. I see how vexatious a thing it is to advise for the best. For when you are carried away by delusion, some taking one view and some another, if any man attempts to advise a middle course, and you are too impatient to listen, he will please neither party and fall into disgrace with both. How- ever, if this be my case, I will rather myself be thought a babbler, than leave you to be misled by certain people, con- trary to my notion of Athenian interests. On other points I will speak, with your permission, afterwards; but will begin with principles admitted by all, and explain what I consider your wisest course. Well then : no man will deny it to be good for Athens, that both the Lacedaemonians and our Theban neighbours should be weak. But things are in this sort of position, if .we may form a conjecture from the statements repeatedly made in our assembly the Thebans will be weakened by the reesta- blishment of Orchomenus/ Thespise, andPlatsea; the Lacedee- 1 The Boeotian cities were at an early period connected by a federal union, each having an independent government. Thebes was at their head, and received a council of deputies from the league. Every state 208 THE ORATIONS OP DEMOSTHENES. monians will grow powerful again, if they subdue Arcadia and take Megalopolis. We must mind therefore, that we suffer not the one people to wax mighty and formidable, before the other has become weak ; that the power of Lacedsemon do not increase (unremarked by iis) in a greater degree than it is well for that of Thebes to be reduced. For we shall hardly say this, that we should like to have Lacedsemonians instead of'Thebans for our rivals. It is not this we are anxious for, but that neither may have the means of injuring us : so shall we enjoy the best security. But granting this ought to be so 1 it were scandalous for- sooth, to take those men for allies, against whom we were arrayed at Mantinea, and then to assist them against the people, with whom we shared the peril of that day. I think so too, but with one addition "provided the others are willing to act justly." If all will choose to observe peace, we appointed a Boeotarch, who took his share of military command and some other executive duties. In process of time Thebes asserted an im- perial authority over the federal cities, and most of them were compelled to submit. Platsea espoused the alliance of Athens, and for a long time enjoyed her protection, but in the Peloponnesian war fell a victim to Theban revenge. The exiles returned and rebuilt the city after the peace of-Antalcidas, but it was again destroyed by the Thebans B.C. 373. Thespiee was destroyed about the same time; having long been suspected of disaffection to Thebes and favour to Athens. The Thebans had dis- mantled its walls in the Peloponnesian war, though the flower of the Thespian youth had fallen in their cause at the battle of Delium. Orchomenus was taken and depopulated by the Thebans B.C. 368. They had resolved on that measure some years before, but were induced by Epaminondas to change their intention. Afterwards, being alarmed by a conspiracy of certain Orchomenian exiles, they fell upon the city, massacred the adult citizens, and sold the women and children for slaves. During the Phocian war, and shortly before or after the date of this Oration, Orchomenus was seized upon by the Phocian general, Onomarchus, and occupied as a fortified post. At the close of that war it was delivered by Philip to the Thebans, who razed it to the ground. After the battle of Cheeronea Philip caused all these three cities, PJataaa, Thespiae, and Orchomenus, to be restored. 1 Yiz. that neither Lacedaemonians nor Thebans should be powerful &c. Most of the translators seem to have neglected the word SeTv in this clause. Jacobs has: Aber dieses Alles zugegeben. Auger: "Nous conviendrons peut-6tre de ce point." Pabst and Francis commit the same error. Leland errs only in giving too much force to 5eIV : " But it will be said yes ! this is indeed a point of utmost moment." The force of the argument is not impaired by this trifling error. But inattention to minutiae sometimes leads to considerable mistakes ; and I therefore notice it for the sake of the student. FOR THE MEGALOPOLITANS. 200 shall not help the Megalopolitans ; for there will be no neces- sity ; and thus we shall be in no opposition to our fellows in arms : one people are, as they profess, our allies already, the other will become so now. And what more could we desire ? But should they 1 attempt injustice and determine on war then if this be the only question, whether we ought or ought not to abandon Megalopolis to the Lacedaemonians, although it would be unjust, I concede the point; let things take their course, don't oppose your former partners in danger : but if you all know, that after taking that city they will march to attack Messene, let any of the speakers who are now so hard upon the Megalopolitans tell me, what in that case he will advise us to do. None will declare. However, you all know, that you would be obliged to support them, whether these men recommend it or not, both by the oaths that we have sworn to the Messenians, 2 and because it is expedient that their city should be preserved. Reflect therefore in your minds, whether it would be more noble and generous, to begin your resistance to Lacedaemonian aggression with the defence 1 I.e. the Lacedaemonians; whom the orator does not expressly name, because they are uppermost in his mind, since the clause ending Ttav Irepcoj/. 2 This engagement was probably entered into at the general peace, which was concluded after the battle of Mantinea, and by which the Athenians, as well as other states of Greece, recognised the independence of Messenia. Pausanias mentions, that at this time, when the assistance of Athens was prayed for by the Messenians, it was promised in the event of a Spartan invasion. It is quite clear from the argument of Demosthenes, that the claims of Megalopolis upon the Athenians stood upon a different footing from those of Messene, not being grounded upon any former alliance. Yet in the narrative of Diodorus, XV. 94, we read that the Athenians sent a body of troops under Pammenes to quell an insurrection in Arcadia, which broke out in about a year's time after the peace, and threatened to dissolve the Megalopolitan community ; that Pammenes reduced the malcontents to submission, and compelled those who had seceded from Megalopolis, and gone back to their ancient homes, to return to the capital. The name of Pammenes, a distinguished Theban general and colleague of Epaminondas, pretty well indicates (as Thirlwall has remarked) that 7j(3aiovs ought to be read in Diodorus instead of 'AQyvaiovs. Besides, (independently of the proof afforded by this Oration,) what could be more improbable, than that the Megalopolitans should so soon after the battle of Mantinea request the assistance of Athens, their opponent] On the other hand, what more probable, thaa that they should solicit the aid of Thebes, their ally ] VOL. I. P 210 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. of Megalopolis., or with that of Messene. You will now be considered as protectors of the Arcadians, and striving for the maintenance of that peace, for which you exposed yourselves in the battle-field : whereas then it will be manifest to the world, that you desire Messene to stand not so much for the sake of justice, as for fear of Lacedsemon. Our purposes and our actions should always be just ; but we must also be careful, that they are attended with advantage. There is an argument of this kind urged by my opponents, that we should attempt to recover Oropus, 1 and, if we now make enemies of the men who would assist us to gain it, we shall have 110 allies. I also say, we should try to recover Oropus : but, that Lacedsemon will be our enemy, if we join alliance with the Arcadians who wish to be our friends, they of all men, I consider, are not at liberty to. assert, who per- suaded you to assist the Lacedaemonians in their hour of danger. The men who argue thus actually persuaded you when all the Peloponnesians 2 came to Athens and desired to march with you against the Lacedaemonians to reject their 1 Oropus was on the confines of Attica and Boeotia, on the coast oppo- site Eretria in Euboea. It anciently belonged to Athens, but frequently changed masters. In the twentieth year of the Peloponnesian war it was betrayed to the Boeotians and Eretrians, It became independent at the close of the war ; but a few years after, the Thebans took advantage of some internal disturbances to seize upon the city, which they re- moved nearly a mile from the coast, and annexed to the Boeotian con- federacy. A new revolution some time after restored it to Athens. But in the year 366 B.C. Themison, ruler of Eretria, got possession of it by the aid of some exiles. The Athenians marched against him, but, the Thebans also making their appearance with an army, they were induced to leave Oropus under Theban protection, until the dispute could be amicably settled. The Thebans however kept it in their own hands ; and so it remained until after the battle of Chseronea, when Philip gave it up to the Athenians. 2 This statement accords not with the narrative of Xenophon, who makes no mention of such an application to Athens, though he states that the Athenians invited a congress to their own city, which was attended by many of the Peloponnesians. Diodorus however relates,|that in the second year after the Jbattle of Leuctra the Spartans sent a force into Arcadia, and took possession of Orchomenus ; that they were afterwards defeated by Lycomedes of Mantinea, but the Arcadians, still fearing the power of Sparta, even after they had been joined by the Eleans and Argives, sent an embassy for assistance to Athens. The Athenians having refused their request, they applied to the Thebans, who sent an army under Epaminondas and Pelopidas. FOR THE MEGALOPOL1TANS. 211 overtures, (on which account, as a last resource, they applied to Thebes,) and to contribute money and risk your lives for the safety of Lacedeemon. You would hardly, I think, have been disposed to save them, had they told you, that after their deliverance, unless you suffered them to have their own way and commit injustice again, they should owe you no thanks for your protection. And indeed, however repugnant it may be to the designs of the Spartans, that we should adopt the Arcadian alliance, surely their- gratitude, for having been saved by us in a crisis of extreme peril, ought to outweigh their resentment for being checked in their aggression now. How then can they avoid assisting you to gain Oropus, or being thought the basest of mankind ? By the gods I can- not see. I wonder also to hear it argued, that, if we espouse the Arcadian alliance and adopt these measures, our state will be chargeable with inconstancy and bad faith. It seems to me, Athenians, the reverse. Why ? Because no man, I appre- hend, will question, that in defending the Lacedaemonians, and the Thebans 1 before them, and lastly the Euboeans, 2 and making them afterwards her allies, our republic has always had one and the same object. What is that ? To protect the injured. If this be so, the inconstancy will not be ours, but theirs who refuse to adhere to justice ; and it will appear, that while circumstances change, through people continually encroaching, Athens changes not. It seems to me, the Lacedaemonians are acting the part of very crafty men. For now they say, that the Eleans ought to recover a certain part of Triphylia, 3 the Phliasians Trica- 1 He alludes to the war that followed the seizure of the Cadmea, commenced by the invasion of Cleombrotus B.C. 378. See the Historical Abstract. 2 When the Thebans attempted to get possession of the island. See the Oration on the Chersonese, p. 113. 3 Triphylia was a small province on the Cyparissian bay, between Elis and Messenia. Concerning this there had been many disputes between the Eleans and the Arcadians. The chief town was Lepreum, which in the Peloponnesian war became the cause of a rupture between Elis and Sparta. The Eleans had assisted Lepreum against the Arcadians, on condition of receiving half the Leprean territory : for which the Lepreans afterwards paid a sort of rent or tribute of one talent to Olympian Jupiter. On their refusing to pay this during the war, the matter was referred to Sparta, who decided in .favour of the p2 212 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. ranum, 1 certain other Arcadians their territory, and we Oropus : not from a desire to see us each possessing our own far from this it would be late for them to have become generous but to make it appear as if they helped all to recover their claims, so that, when they march themselves to attack Messene, all these people may readily join and assist them, or be deemed ungrateful, after having obtained their concurrence in the question of their own several claims, for not returning the obligation. My opinion is, first, that our state, even without sacrificing any Arcadian people to the Lacedsemonians, may recover Oropus, both with their aid, if they are willing to be just, and that of others who hold that Theban usurpation ought not to be tolerated. Secondly, supposing it were evident to us, that, unless we permit the Lacedaemonians to reduce the Peloponnese, we cannot obtain possession of Oropus, allow me to say, I deem it more advi- sable to let Oropus alone, than to abandon Messene and Peloponnesus to the Lacedsemonians. I imagine, the question between us and them would soon be about other matters. However I will forbear to say what occurs to me only I think, we should in many respects be endangered. Lepreans ; whereupon the Eleans went over to the alliance of Argos and Athens. In the year B.C. 366, the Arcadians were in possession of Triphylia, when a body of their exiles who had fled to Elis assisted the Eleans to surprise Lasion, one of the Triphylian towns. A war then broke out between Arcadia and Elis, in which the Eleans greatly suffered, though at the close of the war they distinguished themselves by a victory, gained over the Arcadians and Argives at Olympia. It was the time of the festival, which the enemy had determined to celebrate tinder the presidency of Pisa ; the games had actually begun, when they were vigorously attacked and routed by the Eleans on the sacred ground. 1 Tricaranum was a fortress in the Phliasian territory. The city of Phlius was on the confines of Argolis, Achaia, and Arcadia. During the Theban war, when most of their allies had deserted the Lacedae- monians, Phlius continued faithful, and was exposed to the attacks of 3ier neighbours. The Argives fortified Tricaranum, and kept it as a hostile post, making incursions to plunder the Phliasian country, and attack the city, which at one time was nearly surprised by an Argive- Arcadian force assisted by some exiles. The Phliasians, whose con- stancy is praised by Xenophon, baffled all the attempts of their enemies. In the year 366 Chares the Athenian was sent to their assistance, and took Thyamia, another hostile fortress occupied by the Slavonians. Tricaranum, it seems, remained in possession of the Argives. See further as to the history of Phlius, p. 175, note 1. FOR THE MEGALOPOLITANS. 213 As to what the Megalopolitans have done against you (as they say) under the influence of Thebes, it is absurd to bring that now as a charge against them, and yet, when they proffer their friendship, with an intention of doing you good instead of harm, to mistrust and look for an excuse to reject them, without considering that, the more zealous they prove this people to have been in the Theban cause, the more will they themselves deserve your anger, for having deprived Athens of such allies, when they applied to her before they applied to Thebes. It looks indeed, as if they wished a second time to turn these people to another alliance. I am sure to judge from rational observation and I think most Athenians will agree with me, that, if the Lace- daemonians take Megalopolis, Messene will be in danger ; and, if they take that also, I predict that you and the Thebans will be allies. Then it is much better and more honourable for us, to receive the Theban confederacy as our friends, and resist Lacedaemonian ambition, than, out of reluctance to preserve the allies of Thebes, to abandon them now, and have afterwards to preserve Thebes herself, and be in fear also for our own safety. I cannot but regard it as perilous to oiir state, should the Lacedaemonians take Megalopolis, and again become strong. For I see, they have undertaken this war, not to defend themselves, but to recover their ancient power : what were their designs, when they possessed that power, you perhaps know better than I, and therefore may have reason to be alarmed. I would fain ask the men, who tell us and say, they detest the Thebans and the Lacedaemonians, whether they detest whom they detest respectively out of regard to you and your interests, or detest Thebans for the sake of Lacedaemonians, and Lacedaemonians for the sake of Thebans. If for their sakes, to neither as rational beings ought you to listen : if they say for your sake, wherefore do they exalt either people unduly 1 It is possible, surely possible, to humble Thebes without increasing the power of Lacedaemon. Aye ; and it is much easier too. I will endeavour to show you how. It is well known, that up to a certain point all men (how- ever disinclined) are ashamed not to observe justice, and that they openly oppose the transgressors, especially where any people suffer damage : it will be found moreover, that what 214: THE. ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. mars everything, and originates every mischief, is the unwil- lingness to observe justice uniformly. Therefore, that no such obstacle may arise to the depression of Thebes, let us declare that Thespise and Orchomenus and Platsea ought to be re-* established, and let us co-operate with their people and call on others to assist us -just and honourable were this, not to regard with indifference the extermination of ancient cities but let us not abandon Megalopolis and Messene to the ag- gressors, nor, on the pretence of Thespise and Plataea, suffer existing and nourishing cities to be annihilated, If such bo your declared policy, every one will desire, that Thebes shoulcl no longer hold her neighbour's dominion. If not in the first place, we may expect to find these men oppose the other scheme, when they see that the establishment of those towns would be their own ruin : secondly, we shall have an inter- minable business of 'it ourselves ; for where indeed can it end, if we continually allow existing cities to be destroyed, and require those which are in ruins to be restored 1 It is urged by the most plausible speakers, that the pillars 1 1 It was the practice among Grecian states to inscribe their treaties on pillars of stone or brass, which, so long as the treaties remained iu force, were religiously preserved, and exposed to view in temples and other public places. And it was frequently provided in the treaty itself, where the pillars recording it should be deposited. Thus, in the treaty of peace between Athens, Lacedaemon, and their respective allies, in the tenth year of the Peloponnesian war, it was stipulated that pillars should be erected at Olympia, Delphi, and the Isthmus ; and also in the Acropolis at Athens, and in the temple of Apollo at Amyclae. In the treaty between A thens, Elis, Argos, and Mantinea, made in the follow- ing year, it was agreed that stone pillars should be set up by the Athe- nians on the Acropolis, by the Argives in the temple of Apollo in their market-place, by the Mantineans in the temple of Jupiter in their market- place; and that they should jointly erect one of brass at Olympia* This (among many others) was seen by Pausanias in the Olympian temple. There is some difficulty attending the words that follow : ol 8e tyaal ^kv avTols OVK elj/ai crr^Aas, aAAa TO (Tv/j.(ppov eiVcu TO TTOLOVV i"r\v One thing in certain men surprises me ; that they dread the enemies, of Lacedeemon becoming allies of Thebes, and yet see no danger in the Lacedaemonians conquering them; although we have actual experience furnished by the past, that the Thebans always use these allies against Lacedsemon, whereas the Lacedaemonians, whilst they had the same people, used th*em against us. I think further, you ought to consider this. If you reject the Megalopolitans should their city be destroyed and them- selves dispersed, 1 the Lacedaemonians at once become power- ful : should they chance to escape, (as unhoped-for events people of -Megalopolis had no pillars, further argument was useless. Besides, it is very unlikely they had none. The doubt of Jacobs is founded upon too minute a view of grammatical nicety. It would have been better had the order of words been, ov o-TTjAas aAAa TO crv^epov elVca. At the same time, the words as they stand may, according to strict rules of grammar, be literally translated thus : " They say that with them it is not pillars, it is interest that makes friendship," the eii/at being repeated twice. The sentence is not so well constructed as in the other case; but we cannot always expect from an author the most neat and elegant modes of expression. In this clause lay an emphasis on OVK and on 0^77 Aas, but not upon e?j/cu, and then the reading will express the true sense. Few persons will approve of Schaefer's conjecture, substituting Kevas for elwu, or Weiske's far-fetched explanation of OVK elmt for ou5a,uoC el^ou, 1, G. ov$vos Xoyov. 1 Into villages. See p. 76, note 3. 216 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. do happen,) they will in justice be steadfast allies of the Thebans. 1 If you accept them for allies, the immediate con- sequence to them will be deliverance by your means but passing from their case let us consider what may be looked for and apprehended with reference to Thebes and Lacedsemon. Well then : if the Thebans be vanquished in war, as they ought to be, the Lacedaemonians will not be unduly great, having these Arcadians for their rivals, living near them. If the Thebans chance to recover and come off safe, they will at all events be the weaker for these men having become our allies and been preserved through us. So that in every point of view it is expedient, that we should not abandon the Arca- dians, and that they should not appear (in case they do escape) to have owed their deliverance to themselves, or to any other people but you. I have spoken, Athenians, (Heaven is my witness,) not from private affection or malice towards either party, but what I consider advantageous for you : and I exhort you not to abandon the Megalopolitans, nor indeed any other of the weaker states to the stronger. 1 The event proved the justice of this remark. Demosthenes could not prevail on the Athenians to follow his counsel. They joined the alliance of neither party. Archidamus commenced war against the Arca- dians, who were assisted by Argos, Sicyon, and Messene. In the course of the same year, Philip having defeated Onomarchus in the great battle of Pagasee, the Thebans were enabled to send forces to the succour of their old allies. On the other hand, the Lacedaemonians were reinforced by some Phocian mercenaries ; and the war was carried on for two years with various success, and at length terminated by a truce. The Arca- dian confederacy, however, were alienated from Athens, and the bad effects of this were discovered some time after, when, alarmed at the designs of Sparta, they applied not to Athens, but to Philip, for assist- ance, and thus caused Macedonian influence to extend itself in Pelopon- nesus. See the Argument to the Second Philippic. ON THE TREATY WITH ALEXANDER. 217 ON THE TREATY WITH ALEXANDER. THE ABGUMENT. This is one of the Orations which has generally been considered spurious ; yet as it is published in Becker's and other editions of Demosthenes, it finds a place in this translation. It purports to be an address to the Athenian people, rousing them to take arms against Alexander king of Macedon, and shake off the ignominious yoke to which they were subjected, on account of certain injurious acts committed by that monarch in violation of his engage- ments. It appears that in the year B.C. 335, a treaty was entered into between Alexander and the Greek states, according to which a general peace was to be maintained by all the members of the Greek com- munity, both with Macedonia and among themselves, every state enjoying political independence, and Alexander being the common protector of all. It is alleged that Alexander had broken the treaty by sundry acts of interference with Greek cities, more especially Messene, where the sons of Philiades had by his influence regained possession of the government. Another complaint is, that some Athenian ships returning from the Euxine had been seized by Mace- donian officers; and that Athens had been insulted by a Macedonian, galley sailing into the Piraeus without leave. The date of the speech may have been B.C. 334, after Alexander had crossed over into Asia. IT is right, Athenians, that those who bid you observe your oaths and engagements should, if they do so from con- viction, have your entire concurrence. For I think nothing so becomes a people who enjoy self-government, as to be regardful of equity and justice. The persons then, who are so vehement in urging this course, should not trouble you with declamations on the principle, while their conduct is directly opposite ; but should submit to inquiry now, and either have you under their direction in such matters for the future, or retire and leave you to advisers who expound the rules of justice more truly so that you may either tamely endure your wrongs, and let the aggressor have his way, or, preferring justice to every other consideration, you may be above all reproach, and consult your own interest without delay. 1 From 1 /. e. by taking arms against Alexander, which is a measure of prudence as well as justice. 218 .THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. the very terms of the treaty, from the oaths by which the common peace was ratified, you may see at once who the transgressors are. in what important particulars, I will briefly explain. 1 Were you asked, men of Athens, what would most strongly excite your indignation, methinks you would all say, that if you were constrained 2 I mean, if the Pisistratids were alive at this day, and an attempt were made to reinstate them by force, that you would snatch up your arms and encounter every peril rather than receive them ; or, yielding, you must be slaves, like those that are purchased in the market and far worse, 3 inasmuch as no man will kill a servant wantonly, while the subjects of tyrants are notoriously destroyed without trial, and have outrages also committed upon their wives and children. Well then Alexander has, contrary to his oath and the. express conditions of the general peace, brought back to Messene the sons of Philiades, her tyrants. 4 In so doing has he paid regard to justice or has he not rather acted on 1 Reiske explains it differently : " ea brevitate, quee locum habet in tanta argument! amplitudine ;" i.e. "briefly, considering the importance and magnitude of the question." 2 Schaefer thinks the words si rts dvajKafyt ought to be connected with aya.va.KT'fio-a.t.Te, from which they have been disjoined by an error of the copyist. I connect them with the following clause, and explain it thus : The orator was intending simply to add 7roo-8e|a0ov Zirivftov ev, TOU? dt Karao-T/jo-a? rail/ /3atriXe'a)v. Demosth. Olynth. i. 13. (5) Olynth. iii. 29. Demosthenes intimates, that if the armament first decreed had sailed in time, they might have surprised Philip during his illness and destroyed him, oil* av 7jvux^ c '< vv * ilfJ-^v fca^etj. VOL. I. R 242 APPENDIX I. The siege was begun in the latter end of the year 352, nor does if clearly appear whether or not Herseum was taken. Philip however, fatigued by his long marches and incessant toil, fell dangerously ill; and for a time his military operations were suspended. No sooner had he recovered, than he quitted Thrace, and marching towards Chalcidice, early in the year 351, surprised the Olynthians by making a hostile inroad" into the peninsula. 1 Why or on what pretence he took such a step, is doubtful. Ife appears however, that some time before this the Olynthians had broken off their connexion with Philip and made friendly overtures to the Athenians. 2 They had discovered soon after the capture of Potidsea,that Philip would do nothing more for them, that he was begin- ning to make conquests on his own account in their neighbourhood, and acquiring power of a formidable character. They were acquainted with the value of the mine-district, and saw the great advantages that he was deriving from it. To them, living on the confines of Macedonia, all his plans and proceedings, his naval and military pre- parations, became speedily known. The fall of Methone, one of the strongest fortresses of Greece, revealed to them, that few cities would be protected by their walls from ,the assault of the Macedonian army. The late occurrences jn Thessaly and Thrace must have greatly increased their apprehensions. Philip had defeated in a pitched battle the veterans of Onomarchus, and made the Thessalians his allies. Olynthus was surrounded by his power on every side. Eor even the sea was now open to Philip. He had not indeed such a navy as could meet the Athenians in a fair sea-fight ; but he sent out piratical expeditions to infest their commerce and plunder their allies. 3 His cruisers had lately made a descent upon Lenmos and Imbrus, captured a fleet of merchant-men off the Eubcean coast, and even sailed into the bay of Marathon and carried off the Athe- nian state-galley. 4 The time when the Olynthians began to change their policy was about the year 353, perhaps before the siege of Methone. Overtures were soon afterwards made to Athens for peace ; and they were joy- fully accepted. 5 Yet, although the two cities had resumed their friendly intercourse, it does not appear that an offensive alliance had been formed between them against Macedonia, and certainly the Olyn- thians had taken no hostile measures, at the time when Philip, as (1) Olynth. i. 13. EvOvs 'OAuv0/o

lay the blame somewhere. The Olyntliians were unhappily persuaded to deprive Apollonides of his command, and to confer it- uponEuthy- crates and Lasthenes, the paid agents of Philip. From that moment the doom of Olynthus was sealed. 1 Meetings were now held in the city to propose negotiations with Philip; but the people were not yet prepared for submission. The Athenians were expected ; their soldiers, though outnumbered, were brave ; they had a fine body of five hundred horse, which had greatly distinguished itself in the field. It was resolved to try the effect of a sally. But the design was betrayed to Philip. Lasthenes, who commanded the horse, led them into an ambuscade, where they were surrounded by the Macedonians, and made prisoners of war. 2 This consummate piece of treachery threw the whole city into consternation. No man any longer could trust his neighbour. The besieging army surrounded the walls. If Chares had arrived, it would have been too late now. 3 Olynthus was not on the sea, so that he could throw his forces into the town ; and he was not strong enough to attack Philip in his lines. All hope of raising the siege was gone ; and the Olynthians, in utter despair, were driven to surrender. The only terms which they could obtain were, that their lives should be spared. Thus, in less than a year from the time that he invaded Chalcidice, Philip terminated the war, and entered Olynthus in triumph. He kept his promise to the inhabitants, and spared their lives, putting to death only his fugitive brothers, Menelaus and Aridasus : * but the whole body of the Olynthian people, without distinction of sex, age, or rank, were put up to sale by public auction, and reduced to slavery. 5 The walls, the houses, the whole city of Olynthus was demolished ; and the lands distributed as a reward among the officers of Philip. 6 (1) Philipp. 67, 79. It is true, as Thirlwall (Hist. Gr. v. 314) observes, that K/3a\flv does not necessarily signify that Apollonides was expelled, but it may signify that, and there is no reason to think that it does not. So Leland takes it ; (Life of Philip, ii. 22.) (2) Demosth. De Fals. Leg. 426. (3) What Chares did with himself, does not appear. Probably finding he could not; relieve Olynthus, he did nothing, and attempted nothing. Some Athenians were taken in Olynthus by Philip, as we learn from JEschines, (De Fals. Leg. 30.) but clearly not Chares or his troops. (4) Justin, viii. 3. (5) LHodorus, xv i. 53. Dinarchus cont. Dem. 93. Demosth. De Fals. Leg. 439..' ] (6) Thirlwall, Gr. Hist. v. 316, citing Theopompus. OLYNTHUS. 249 The total destruction of this great city, which had once defied Laeedsemon in the plenitude of her power, excited a feeling of dismay throughout the whole of Greece. "Has Philip destroyed Olynthus ? " said one ; " he himself never raised such a city ! " But nowhere was it felt so deeply as at Athens. The grief and indigna- tion of the people were mingled with sharne and fear. The words of Demosthenes were recollected, that unless they saved Olyntlius, the war would soon be on their own frontiers. In the iirst moment o-f their anger, they passed a vote of outlawry against the traitors who had sold their country, making it lawful to slay them wherever they could be found. Chares came in for his share of their resentment, yet contrived, by means of his influence, to escape any public cen- sure. 1 What became of Charidemus is unknown : whether he was slain in battle, or whether he saved his life and liberty. No more is heard of him in Athenian history. Euthycrates and Lasthenes received the recompense of their treason, though not exactly in the way that they expected. Philip maintained them at his court, but only as servile dependents and parasites. The Macedonian courtiers held them in contempt, the soldiers reviled them for their baseness. On one occasion they com- plained to Philip. " Never mind," said lie ; l ' the Macedonians are a blunt people ; they call a spade a spade." 2 The conquest of Olynthus was of the utmost importance to Philip. It secured his dominions from being attacked by Athens or any other maritime power. The Chalcidian peninsula had separated one part of his kingdom from the other, and, while it remained subject to Olynthus, gave an access to his enemies into the heart of Macedonia. Now it became a province of his own; and the severe measures which he resorted to, in rooting out the hostile population, prove how anxious he was to prevent all disturbances in that quarter for the future. A glance at the map will show us what progress Philip had made in the ten years since he ascended the throne. From the bay of Pagasa3 to the mouths of the Nestus in Thrace, all the coast of Northern Greece had been brought under his power. Thessaly was devoted to him. His territories were extended on the Illyrian and Pa30nian frontiers; and he had made an impression u^pon Thrace. In the north he menaced the Athenian dominions in Chersonesus ; while on the south he came in contact with Eubcea, and alarmed Athens for her own safety. While the Athenians were lamenting the disasters of the late war, and preparing to send embassies among the Greek states, to raise up a new confederacy against Macedonia, Philip had given orders for a solemn festival in honour of the Muses to celebrate his triumph, Archelaus, one of his predecessors, had instituted this festival afc (1) Aristotle, Rhet. iii. 10. The interpretation of this passage is doubtful. See Mitford, Gr. Hist. iv. Le^and's Life of Philip, ii. 30. (2) Demosth. de Chers. 9U ; de Coron. 241. Leland's Life of Philip, ii. 31. 250 APPENDIX I. j33g8e, after the model of the Olympian. It was held by Philip at Dium in Pieria, a district of his own kingdom, on the borders of Thessaly, sacred from the earliest time to the goddesses of song. It was solemnized with extraordinary pomp, with games, sacrifices, banquets, and theatrical exhibitions, and continued for nine days. Nor was this intended by Philip for an idle display. A concourse of visitors flocked from all parts of Greece, to enjoy his hospitality ; and while all were dazzled with the grandeur of the spectacle, and impressed with admiration of the king's fortune and power, many eminent men from foreign states were won over to his friendship : military adventurers were lured by his gifts and promises, and led to believe that the camp of Philip was the place to look for honour and reward. 1 It is pleasing to record one or two acts of clemency and generosity on the part of the conqueror. At the sale of Olynthian citizens, at which Philip himself was present, one prisoner, who was about to be put up to auction, loudly demanded his liberty, declaring that he was a friend to the king, and desiring to be brought near him, that he might prove his word. This having been allowed by the king, the man begged him in a whisper to let fall the skirt of his robe, as he was exposed in an indecent manner. Philip entered into the joke, and said : " Yes ; this man is my friend : let him be set at liberty." 2 At a banquet given during the festival, Philip, observing the melancholy countenance of Satyrus the actor, and that, while other artists and performers claimed a recompense for their services, he alone asked for nothing, inquired the cause. "I am indifferent," replied Satyrus, " to what the others desire ; there is one favour I would gladly ask, and one that Philip could easily grant, but I fear he would refuse it me." Philip pressed him to speak out, and de- clared that he would deny him nothing : on which Satyrus preferred his request as follows : " Apollophanes of Pydna was my friend. When he was murdered, his relations sent his two daughters, then children, to Olynthus, as a place of security. They are among the captives of the fallen city, and are now of marriageable age. I pray and beseech you to give me them. But I would have you know what is the nature of the boon I ask. It is one from which I seek no personal advantage. If you deliver them to me, I shall give them each a marriage portion, and they shall be treated in a manner worthy of me and of their father." This speech was received with a tumult of applause from all the company : Philip was greatly affected, and set the girls free, although Apollophanes their father had been one of the murderers of his brother Alexander. 3 Diodorus adds, that there were numerous other instances in which. Philip displayed a similar generosity. (1) Diodorus, xvi. 55. (2) Leland, 1. c. (3) Deraosth. De Fals. Leg. 402. Diodorus, 1. c. ATHENIAN MONEY AND MINES. 251 APPENDIX II. ATHENIAN MONEY AND MINES. PHIDOJT, an ancient king of Argos, said to have lived in the eighth century before Christ, was the first person in Greece who established a system of weights and measures, and also a coinage in silver and copper. It acquired the name of the JEginetan, because the people of -ZEgina, by their commercial intercourse with other parts of Greece, brought it into general use. There was another system called the Euboic, introduced to the Greeks by the people of Chalcis and Eretria, who at an early period were celebrated for their com- mercial activity, and who worked mines of silver and copper in their own island. 1 In fact however, both these systems were derived from the East, having been invented in very ancient times by the Chaldees of Babylon, and brought into Greece by the commerce of the Phoeni- cians. The standard of weights, which became known as the Euboic, was one used in Asia for gold. Herodotus expressly in- forms us, that in the reign of Darius I. the silver tribute collected from the satrapies of the Persian empire was estimated by the Babylonian talent, the gold tribute by the Euboic. 2 Whether Herodotus means that the term Eutoic was adopted by the Persian government, or only the weight so called by the Greeks, does not appear. The denominations under both these systems were the same, although the scales v:ere different ; viz. the talent, the mina, the drachm, and the obol; which bore the following invariable relation to each other : A talent = 60 minas. A mina = 100 drachms. A drachm = 6 obols. The word talent originally signified weight, that is, any weight, or weight in general ; and was also used to signify a pair of scales. In such sense it is used by Homer. Afterwards the term was applied to a specific weight, and became the principal standard in the Greek (1) For more full information upon this subject the reader is referred to the Archaeological Dictionary, titles Nummus and Pondera. (2) Herod, iii. 89. 252 APPENDIX II. systems. Mina was a term of oriental origin. Drachm and old are Greek words. Drachm is said by the lexicographers to signify a handful, that is, as much coin as could be held in the clenched hand. 1 Obol takes its name from a spit, which it somewhat resembled in figure. 2 The weights under each system were as follows : ^Eginetan talent about 96 Ib. Euboic talent 80 Ib. The denominations of money in Greece were the same as those of weight, and the proportions the same likewise. Money (as is well known) has always been founded on a system of weight. In process of time the coinage ceases to represent the original standard, although the name is preserved. Eor example a pound, in our own country, formerly represented a pound weight of metal; now it signifies a sum of twenty shillings. So in Greece an Euboic talent (in a pecuniary sense) anciently denoted eighty pounds of silver that being the metal generally current in Greece afterwards its value would be measured by the number of drachms that were paid for it; and, if the drachm-piece had fallen below the ancient standard of weight, so would the talent. The JEginetan system was adopted in Peloponnesus and most of the Dorian states. The Euboic prevailed in the Ionian settlements, and in Attica. Solon however, for certain political reasons which will be noticed elsewhere, lowered the standard of money, and the Attic talent, according to his regulation, was reduced about twenty- seven per cent. 3 The money computed on the Solonian scale is that which we have generally to deal with in perusing the Attic writers. Judging from the ancient coins which have been preserved, the value of the Attic money has been thus estimated in English : s. d. An obol = 1 A drachm = 009- A mina = 3150 A talent = 225 The value however has been put by others both higher and lower. It must be observed that the talent and the mina are sums only, the drachm and the obol are coins also. And it will be found in perusing the orators, that the Athenians generally made their com- putations in drachms, so that, when no specific sum is mentioned, drachms are understood. The coinage at Athens was principally silver, consisting of drachms and obols, with fractions and multiples of those pieces. The obol and half-obol were small coins, like our silver penny. There were (1) As if it were Spay/^/, from <3pa-57, mention is made of Cothelas, a Thracian prince, who sub- mitted to Philip, and gave his daughter Meda to be one of his wives or concubines. (1) As to its situation near Perinthus, see Herodotus, iv. 90. (2) Demosth. Olynth, iii. 29. (3) Demosth. de Cor. 254. De Fals. Leg. 367, 3D7. 280 APPENDIX III. as well by negotiation or intrigue ; nor to let his enemies combine, but to separate arid beat them one after another. Nor were the diffi- culties in his way so inconsiderable. The Athenians, driven from the Macedonian and Chalcidic shores, having fewer garrisons to main- tain, and fewer objects to distract their attention, might concentrate all their naval power for the defence of the Hellespont, which they felt to be so important. The commerce of Macedonia had already suffered greatly by the presence of their cruisers. Again, they might with the Lacedaemonians send troops to the assistance of Prialacus, and occupy the pass of Thermopylae, as they had done some years before. In such case the issue of the war in Phocis might be doubt- ful, even with the forces of Thebes and Thessaly at his disposal. It was well known how Demosthenes had exerted himself to rouse his countrymen against Macedonia. Defeat would be greatly injurious to Philip's reputation and prospects ; and he saw a way of gaining his ends without incurring any such risk. 1 He caused a negotiation for peace to be opened with the Athe- nians, and so contrived matters, that the first formal proposal came from the Athenians themselves. His wishes were made known at Athens by some Euboean ambassadors, and by other indirect commu- nications. The Athenians, weary of an unprofitable war, were not indisposed to accept his overtures. A motion was then made by Philocrates, that he should have liberty to send a herald to Athens. The motion was carried ; and Philocrates, having been prosecuted for it, was successfully defended by Demosthenes, who appears at this time to have been in favour of a peace. Aristodemus the actor was sent to Macedonia, to treat for the ransom of the Athenian pri- soners, who had been taken at Olyntlms ; and on his return reported, that Philip was desirous not only of peace, but of alliance with Athens. Thereupon Philocrates moved and carried another decree, to send ambassadors to Philip with full powers to negotiate a treaty. Ten ambassadors were appointed accordingly JBschines, Demosthe- nes, Aristodemus, Philocrates, Ctesiphon, Phrynon, latrocles, Nau- sicles, Dercylus, Cimori. Another was added, to represent the Athenian confederacy; Aglacreon of Tenedos. They started for Macedonia in the beginning of the year 346 B.C. 2 The transactions of this embassy are revealed to us by the two principal ambassadors, jEschines and Demosthenes, in their celebrated speeches on the trial which took place a few years after, on which jEschines was charged by his rival with corruption and treason. The speeches must be perused with the closest attention by any one who desires to gain full information ; and even this will not be satisfac- tory ; for the speeches so abound in contradictions, and have so little (1) Demosth. Olynth. ii. 20. De Cherson. 105. De Cor. 276. De Fals. Leg. 442. Diodorus, xvi. 54. Pausanias, viii. 7. (2) jEschines, De Fals. Leg. 29, 30. Demosth. de Cor. 232. ^Eschines contra Ctes. 62. THE THRACIAN CHERSONESE. 281 the appearance of fairness and candour, that it is difficult even to form an opinion of the truth. 1 Here it will be sufficient to notice- what concerns the subject before us. Parmeuio, Philip's general, was besieging Halus in Thessaly ; Philip himself was at Pella, preparing for a new invasion of Thrace, when the ambassadors arrived. They were admitted to an audience, and addressed the king in order of seniority. JEschines made a long speech about the ancient, connexion between Iphicrates and Amy 11- tas, and the rightful claims of his countrymen to Amphipolis. De- mosthenes, either abashed in the presence of a man against whom he- had so fiercely declaimed at home, or feeling that no arguments of his could have any effect on this occasion, after speaking a few words, stopped suddenly short, and made an abrupt ending. Neither of them said a word about the terms or conditions of the proposed treaty. It was known to them, that Philip was about to march against Cersobleptes ; yet, although that prince was an ally of Athens, no remonstrance was made on his behalf. Philip promised only, that he would make no attack upon the Chersonese pending his nego- tiation with the Athenians. He made a formal reply to the state- ments of the ambassadors, invited them to supper, and afterwards dismissed them with a letter to the people of Athens, in which he assured them of his pacific intentions, and sincere wish to become their ally and benefactor. It was arranged that his own ministers should speedily follow the ambassadors to Athens, where the condi- tions of peace were to be decided on. 2 The ambassadors, on their return, made a report of their proceed- ings to the senate and people, and delivered Philip's letter. On the motion of Demosthenes, two soecial days, the seventeenth and eighteenth of Elaphebolion (March), were appointed to consider the offers of peace and alliance. Before that time the ministers of Philip arrived; three distinguished men, Parmpnio, Antipater, and Eury- lochus. They were hospitably entertained by Demosthenes himself, who showed them marked attention, and from first to last displayed an earnest desire to press the conclusion of the treaty. A congress of deputies from the Athenian allies was then sitting at Athens, who passed a resolution, that, as the envoys sent to rouse the Grecian states to the defence of their freedom had not returned, it was better to wait for their return before debating the question of peace. jEschines condemns Demosthenes for having frustrated this resolu- tion by his decree, which fixed an arbitrary day for the discussion. Demosthenes probably thought that, as things had gone so far, it (1) See Thirlwall, Gr. Hist. v. 338. Mitford, Gr. Hist. iv. c. 39, s. 4; c. 40, s. 2. Leland's Life of Philip, ii. 56. (2) jEsch. De Fals. Leg. 3133, 38, 39. Demosth. De Fals. Leg. 353, 354. De Halonn. 85. Plutarch, in the Life of Demosthenes, gives a different account of his address to Philip on the embassy. He represents, that Philip took more pains to- reply to Demosthenes than to the other ambassadors, though in other respects he treated him with less kindness and civility. 282 APPENDIX III. was better to terminate the war as soon as possible, and prevent Philip's designs upon the Chersonese. On the first day of the assembly there was a stormy debate, of which we have no clear or consistent account. There was much discussion, whether peace only, or peace and alliance should be agreed upon. Various proposals were made about the restoration of Amphipolis, the Phocians, and other matters. The Macedonian envoys would not hear of Amphipolis being given up ; nor would they permit the Phocians to be treated as allies of Athens. Of Cersobleptes they did not condescend to speak, but insisted on the recognition of Cardia as an independent state in alliance with Macedonia. Philocrates supported them in all their claims, but met with much opposition, and even from JEschines himself, if we can trust the assertion of Demosthenes, who charges him with having espoused different sides on the first and second days, as if he had been brought over in the meantime. jEschines denies this, and alleges that it was impossible he could Lave spoken on the second day, as Demosthenes prevailed on the presidents to put the question without debate. However this be, certain it is, that on the second day the treaty with Philip was con- cluded almost in the very terms proposed by his ministers. 1 Before the ministers of Philip had departed, there came to Athens a representative of Cersobleptes, one Critobulus, a citizen of Larnp- sacus ; who demanded, on behalf of the Thracian king, that he should be included in the treaty as one of the allies of Athens. This, if JEschiues is to be believed, was opposed by Demosthenes, but carried by the people in spite of him ; whereas Demosthenes asserts, that Critobulus was afterwards prevented from taking the oath by JEschines. A different account is given by Philip himself, in his letter to the Athenians, viz. that Cersobleptes desired to make a separate treaty with him, but was prevented by the Athenian generals, who represented him to be an enemy of the Athenians. It is not indeed clear, that what Philip alleges took place at Athens, or had any connexion with the proceedings of which we are now speaking. That Cersobleptes, however, was excluded from the treaty is certain ; and the probability is, that Philip's ministers at Athens would not permit his name to be inserted. 2 An embassy was now appointed to proceed immediately to Mace- donia, to receive Philip's oath in ratification of the treaty. The same ambassadors were chosen as before. While they were yet preparing for departure, a letter was brought from Chares, who commanded the Athenian fleet in the Hellespont, announcing that Cersobleptes had lost his kingdom, and Philip had seized the Sacred Mountain. The senate, in alarm, passed a decree, ordering the am- (1) jEsch. De Fals. Leg. 34 36, 39. Demosth. De Fals. Leg. 345. JEscli. contra Ctes. 62, 63. (2) JKsch. De Fals. Leg. 38, 39; contra Ctes. 63, 64. Demosth. De Fals. Leg. 395, 398. Epist. Philipp. ad Athen. 160. THE THRACIAX CHERSONESE. 283 bassadors to set put instantly upon their mission. This was on the third of Munychion, or April. 1 Philip had in truth been making the best use of his time, while the Athenians were deliberating about peace and alliance with him. In the very month (Elaphebolion) when his ambassadors were sent to Athens, he was overrunning the kingdom of Thrace. Myrtium, Ergisce, Serrium, Doriscus, cities on the .^Egean coast, yielded to his arms. He seized upon the fortresses of the Sacred Mountain, de- feated Cersobleptes in divers battles, and compelled him to deliver up liis son as a hostage, and engage to pay tribute to Macedonia. No attempt was made by the Athenian general Chares to check the progress of Philip. How far he may have been guilty of neglect, as ^Eschines insinuates he was, it is impossible, in the absence of his- torical evidence, to determine. Athenian troops are said to have been stationed at Serrium, and on the Sacred Mountain, and to have been driven away by Philip. We may presume they were not strong enough to offer any resistance to his arms. 2 The Athenian ambassadors proceeded to Oreus in Eubcea, from whence they were to be conveyed by sea to the nearest place where they could find the king of Macedon. Notwithstanding this injunc- tion of the senate, they lost some time at Oreus, and then took a circuitous route to Pella, by which they consumed twenty-three days. At Pella they had to wait nearly a month, while Philip was in Thrace. He returned with the son of Cersobleptes, and the reports of his con- quest were confirmed. Meanwhile embassies from divers parts of Greece had arrived at Philip's court, the most important being those from Thessaly, Thebes, and Lacedsemon. Warlike preparations were going on. It was easy to see that Phocis was their object, and that Philip was about to take some decisive step for the termination of the Sacred war. What were the Athenian ambassadors to do ? They had no power to interfere with Philip's designs. Their business was simply to receive Philip's oath and signature to the treaty, the terms of which had already been drawn up. It is true, there was a clause in their instructions, empowering them generally to consult the in- terest of the commonwealth. But it might be dangerous to construe this with too much latitude, and, unless it authorized them to break off the treaty altogether, any mere remonstrance of theirs against the proceedings of Philip would be disregarded by him. The result may be briefly stated. Philip preserved silence as to his intentions, (1) ^schin. De Fals. Leg. 40. Demosth. De Fals. Leg. 389. De Coron. 235. The decree set forth in this last passage is manifestly incorrect. See Jacobs' note (20) to his translation of the Oration on the Crown. (2) Diodorus, xvi. 71. Justin, viii. 3. Demosth. de Coron. 234, 235. De Fals. Leg. 390, 447, 448. JEsch. De Fals. Leg. 37, 38. It is here stated, that Antiochus was sent to find Chares, and inform him, that the people of Athens were astonished, that, while Philip was marching against the Chersonese, they did not even know where their general or his armament was. It is not quite clear, whether the story has reference to this period. Compare Or. de Chers. 105. Philipp. iii. 114; iv. 133. jEsch. contra Ctes. 65. 284 APPENDIX III. and induced the Athenian ambassadors to accompany him as far as Pliera?, on the pretext that he desired their mediation between the Pharsalians and the people of Halus. The signature of the treaty was delayed until their arrival at Pherae. Here he demanded, that both Halus and the Phocians should be expressly excepted from it, and the colleagues of Demosthenes, in opposition to his opinion, allowed the clause to be introduced. This first excited the suspicions of Demosthenes, according to his own account ; yet, although a letter was sent by his colleagues to Athens, misrepresenting the position of affairs, he took no step himself to warn his countrymen or counteract the danger. The ambassadors returned to Athens, where they arrived on the thirteenth of Scirrophorion (June), while Philip set out on his march for Thermopylas. The success of his schemes was complete. An assembly was held at Athens on the sixteenth, when ^Eschines and Philocrates buoyed up their countrymen with hopes of advantage to be derived from Philip's expedition. The capitulation of Pha- Ia3cus, the occupation of Phocis and ThermopylaB, the delivery of the Boeotian cities to Thebes, and the election of Philip into the Am- phictyonic council, awakened them from their delusion. 1 Among the many perplexing questions which suggest themselves to the historian concerning these transactions, the most interesting are those which arise upon the conduct of Demosthenes himself. How came it that he allowed the peace to be concluded, without having Cersobleptes and the Phocians comprehended in its provisions ? He complains himself of their exclusion. He complains of the delay on the second embassy, which enabled Philip to conquer Thrace be- fore the peace was ratified. But, assuming that JEschines has not answered this charge, it does not appear how Philip could have been prevented from completing his conquest, if the ambassadors had caught him during his progress; for he would still have contended, that Cersobleptes, not being named in the treaty, was not entitled to its benefits. Demosthenes indeed might argue, that, as the peace was made with Athens and her allies, Cersobleptes, being an ally of Athens, was virtually included in it. But if so, Philip was to blame for violating the treaty, rather than JEschines and others for having sanctioned it : and all parties were in some measure to blame, for having left so important a question open to dispute. But if we look at the circumstances, it can hardly be thought that Philip committed any breach of faith by pursuing his Thracian campaign. The ambassadors, on their first visit to Pella, were distinctly apprised of his intentions ; and therefore, if it had been intended to give protection to Cerso- bleptes, there ought to have been an express clause to that effect. It may be that Demosthenes, never having been friendly to Cerso- bleptes, or regarding the success of Philip in a Thracian war as doubtful, or thinking the danger remote, did not think it worth (1) jEsch. De Fals. Leg. 40, 41, 44, Demosth. rie Coron. 236, 237. De Pace, 59. Philipp. ii. 74, De Fals, Leg. 355, 359. Diodorus, xvi. 60, 64. THE THRACIAN CHERSONESE. 285 while to require such a clause ; or perhaps he considered that peace was desirable for the security of the Chersonese. With respect to the Phocians, it did not appear at the time when the peace was first made, what the designs of Philip were. It might be open to the Athenians, notwithstanding the treaty, or even the rather on that account, to insist that Philip should not pass the Straits of Ther- mopylae for the purpose of any hostile invasion. And it might well seem, that there was plenty of time for the consideration of any future question concerning Phocis. When, however, Demosthenes was the second time at Pella, when he found that Cersobleptes had been subdued, and vast preparations made for an invasion of Phocis, then his eyes were opened to the danger ; he saw that the peace was a delusion ; that the Phocians would be overwhelmed, unless his countrymen came to their assistance ; and that there was no secu- rity against Philip's ulterior projects. The danger was augmented, in his opinion, when Philip had prevailed on his colleagues to ex- clude the Phocians expressly from the benefits of the peace ; and then, it seems, he first suspected that JEschines was a traitor. His true course then was, to return instantly to Athens, to call a special meeting of the people, and urge them to take arms and march with the Lacedaemonians to the defence of Phocis. But for this his courage or presence of mind was not sufficient, and he let things take their course. Afterwards, when jEschines and Philocrates, playing the game of Philip, amused the Athenian people with reports of his friendly intentions, Demosthenes raised a warning voice : but it was too late ; the people, thinking that his colleagues were in the secrets of Philip, believed them rather than him ; and Demos- thenes himself did not then assume that confident tone, either as counsellor or accuser, which was likely to gain credence to his asser- tions. In the speech which he delivered three years afterwards on the subject of the embassy, having a case to make out against jEschines, and there was a very good one as far as regarded his conduct upon the second journey to Pellp he overcharges it by imputing blame to ^Eschines for mistakes, in which ^Eschines was either not implicated at all, or no more implicated than others : and he may have been partly induced to do so by the consciousness, that he himself was to some extent duped and deluded in common with the rest of his countrymen, and had neglected to provide those guarantees and securities for his country, which were indispensable in a negotiation with so crafty a monarch as Philip. The general result of the whole proceedings was, that Philip had made a conquest of Thrace ; he had acquired the honour of termi- nating the Sacred war, by which he greatly increased his influence and ascendancy in Greece ; he had conferred obligations upon the people of Thebes and Thessaly, and been elected a member of the Am phictyonic council ; he had got possession of Nicaea, Thronium, and Alponus, which commanded the pass of Thermopylae, and gave 286 APPENDIX III. him admittance into Phocis and Boeotia. The only advantage which Athens had gained by the peace, was the security of Chersonesus ; and even that, as Demosthenes justly observed, was in reality weakened by the augmentation of Philip's power. 1 It was at this time that Isocrates, struck with admiration at the achievements of Philip, composed a pamphlet in the form of an address to that monarch ; in which, eulogizing his good fortune and magnanimity, he exhorts him to effect by his influence a pacification of all the Greek states, and then to unite them under his own standard for a war against the Persian empire. For the chain of events which followed, but which cannot here be enlarged upon such as the debate on the embassy of Amphio tyons to Athens ; the negotiations in Peloponnesus ; the intrigues of Philip at Megara; his invasion of Epirus and Ambracia; the establishment of his partisans in Eubcea the reader is referred to the Historical Abstract in this volume, and the arguments and notes to divers Orations. 2 In the year following the peace, that is, B.C. 345, the Athenians sent a body of their citizens to take allotments of land in the Chersonese. The object was, not so much to make a provision for a poor class of emigrants, as to establish an army of observation, to strengthen their position in that important peninsula. At the head of them was Diopithes, a man of considerable military ability. The colonists in taking possession of their lands, (allotted to them in the neighbourhood of the Isthmus, where it was peculiarly necessary to establish a protective force, and where probably they occupied the ancient fortresses of Alcibiades,) came into collision with the Cardians, between whose domains and those of Athens the boun- daries were not very well defined. No immediate rupture took place; but the grounds were laid of a quarrel which afterwards became serious. 3 Philip meanwhile was extending his power in the north and north-west. He attacked the Triballi, with whom, his Thracian conquests had brought him into contact. He invaded Illyria, and, after ravaging the country and taking many towns, returned home laden with spoil. 4 It was perhaps during his absence on this expedition that an embassy arrived from Artaxerxes, and was received by Alexander, then only twelve years old, who astonished the Persian envoys by the questions he put to them concerning the state of the Persian empire, the army, the roads, and the character of their king. 5 About the same time Philip, to secure and con- solidate his power in Thrace, began to found new cities in different (1) De Fals. Leg. 365, 366. (2) See the Argument to the Oration on the Peace, p. 73. Argument to the second Philippic, p. 81. Argument to the Oration on Halonnesus, p. 89. Text and notes in pp. 96, 119, 123, 134, 157. (3) Libanii Argumentum in Demosth. Or. de Cherson. (4) Diodorus, xvi. 69. Justin, viii. 6. Demosth. de Coron. 240. (5) Plutarch in Vit. Alexand. v. Leland's Life of Philip, ii. 149. Thirlwall assigns this story to a later period : Gr. Hist. vi. 91. THE THRACIAN CHERSONESE. 287 parts of the kingdom, peopling them either with Macedonian colonists, or with the inhabitants of countries which he had con- quered and depopulated. One of these was Cabyla, situated on the river Taxus, among the tribe of the Asti below Mount Hsemus. Another was Philippopolis, on the river Hebrus, between the ridges of Hsemus and Rhoaope, which, from the vile character of the population transported to it, received the nickname of Poneropolis, or Rogue-town/ Returning from his northern expeditions, Philip marched into Thessaly, where a new revolution at Pherse called for his interference ; and he was for some time occupied in settling the government of the Thessalian provinces on a new basis, calculated to secure Macedonian ascendancy. 2 Demosthenes and his party watched all the movements of Philip with anxiety. In the second Philippic, which was spoken in the year B.C. 344, we find a particular allusion to Philip's proceedings in Thessaly. But during the same year an event occurred, which induced the Athenians to send envoys to Philip, with a formal complaint against him for infraction of the peace. This was the seizure by him of the island Halonnesus, which had a short time before been wrested from the Athenians by Sostratus a pirate. Sostratus, having committed plunder on the Macedonian coast, was expelled by Philip, who, regarding the island as a fair conquest, kept it for himself. The Athenians, taking a different view of the matter, resolved to demand restitution; and an embassy having been decreed for that purpose, it was thought proper at the same time to speak of other grievances, arising out of the late treaty of peace. Philip thereupon sent Python to Athens ; who, in a speech made before the people, which was heard with applause, gave them strong but vague assurances of his master's desire to settle their disputes amicably, and to amend the treaty in any way that was reasonable. 3 This led to another embassy from Athens, at the head of which was Hegesip- pus, instructed to demand such concessions as from the language of Python it was imagined they could obtain. Among them were an alteration of that article in the treaty, which declared that both parties should retain what they possessed. It was proposed to substitute a clause, "that each should have his own;" the Athenians having especially in view the restoration of Amphipolis. 4 Another amendment was, that Greek states not included in the treaty should be free and independent. This was demanded, in order to prevent (1) Diodorus, xvi. 71. Justin, viii. 5. Strabo, vii. 320. Leland's Life of Philip, ii. 147. Thirlwall, Gr. Hist. vi. 32. Demosthenes de Cherson. 100. Philipp. iv. 135. It is doubtful, whether the orator is there speaking of places conquered by Philip, or settlements founded by him. His own knowledge of the facts was probably imperfect. Nor can the date of these settlements be determined accurately. (2) Diodorus, xvi. 69. Demosthenes, Philipp. ii. 71; iii. 119. De Coron. 241. Thirlwall, Gr. Hist. vi. 13, 14. (3) Or. de Halonneso, 77, 78, 81, 82, and Liban. Argument, j (4) Ib. 83. Confer Epist. Philipp. 165. 288 APPENDIX III. Philip's making new conquests, or extending liis influence in Greece; tmd it had particular reference to his aggressions in Thessaly and Epirus. 1 A third proposal was, that those places which Ir'hilip had taken after the peace should be restored ; meaning in particular the towns and fortresses in Thrace which he had got possession of since the negotiation had begun : for the Athenians had now discovered their mistake in not insisting that hostilities should be suspended on both sides during the progress of the treaty, and they sought to rectify it by an equitable construction, that the peace was to be reckoned as having commenced before the final ratification. 2 A complaint was also preferred on the subject of Cardia and the Chersonese, which will be presently explained. Phil'ip was so incensed at these demands, that he could hardly treat the ambassadors with common civility, and even ordered the poet Xenoclides to quit his dominions, because he had received them with hospitality. 3 Nevertheless he sent a letter by them to Athens, in which he discussed the various questions which had been raised. Halonnesus, he said, was his own by right of conquest, but he was -willing to make a present of it to the Athenians : an offer which roused the indignation of the orators. 4 With regard to Amphipolis lie asserted with perfect justice, that thd treaty, which took the basis of the uti possidetis, had confirmed his title ; 5 and he said the Athe- nians had misconstrued the language of his ministers. He agreed to introduce a clause providing for the independence of the Greek states, and offered to refer the dispute concerning Cardia and the Th racian towns to arbitration. 6 A debate was held on this letter in the Athenian assembly, where Demosthenes and his party declaimed against it with vehemence. The oration on Halonnesus, which is printed among the works of Demosthenes, is ascribed by the best critics to Hegesippus. 7 That their arguments prevailed, and that the offers of Philip were rejected, we may infer from the events that followed. Halonnesus was not given up. Shortly afterwards the Peparethians made a descent on the island, and surprised the Macedonian garrison. Philip sent fresh troops to recover his conquest, and then revenged himself by ravaging the island of Peparethus ; for which the Athenians again demanded satisfaction, but in vain. 8 The dispute about the Chersonese was a question' of boundary. The Cardians had applied to Philip for assistance against the en- croachments of the Athenian settlers ; and Philip, as their ally as such he was acknowledged by the late treaty of peace had engaged (1) Or. de Halonneso, 81. Confer Philipp. iii. 118, 120. (2) Ib. 85. Confer Philipp. iii. 114. De Coron. 233, 234. {3} Demosth. De Pals. Leg. 447. (4) See p. 90 of this volume, notes 2 and 3. (5) See p. 95, note 1. (6) Or. de Halonn. 87. Confer Philipp. Epist. 161. (7) vEschin. contra Ctes. 65. Jacobs' Introduction to the Oration on Halonnesus, p. 298 et seq. Ib. note 3, p. 314. (8) Philipp. Epist. 162. Demosth. de Coron. 248. Plutarch in Vit. Demosth. THE THRACIAN CHERSONESE. 289 to support them. 1 Cardia was (no doubt) included within the ancient wall across the Isthmus ; so that its territories, or most of them, lay within the Peninsula. The Athenians, dissatisfied with the treaty which declared Cardia independent, were anxious at all events to straiten its limits, while the Cardians contended that they, as resi- dents, had a much better title to land in Chersonesus than Athenian colonists, who came to a country which was not their home, still retaining their rights as citizens of Athens. Another question arose about the boundary of the Chersonese itself. The old wall must have been destroyed, in or before the time of Cotys : for there had been a talk of cutting a canal through the Isthmus, and a promise held out that Philip would do it at his own expense. 2 The intended line of the canal was not in the direction of the wall, but further on, perhaps making a shorter cut, from Pteleum to Leuce Acte. 3 Midway be- tween these two places stood an altar of Jupiter, erected apparently to mark their boundaries. Hegesippus contended that this altar was the land-mark of the Chersonese. And his argument was a little helped by the circumstance of 'the projected canal. Philip, conceiv- ing that the town of Agora, 4 which stood midway between Pactya and Cardia, in the line of the old wall, marked the extreme limit of Chersonesus, had taken possession of a tract of land which lay be- tween it and the altar. This, according to Hegesippus, was an act of injustice to Athens ; and the offence was not diminished by his having given a portion of the land to Apollonides of Cardia. Philip dis- dained to make any answer to this complaint, but, with respect to the boundary question between the Athenians and his allies, he repeated his proposal of an arbitration. The Cardians made the same offer; but it did not suit the Athenians, who, while they asserted their own title to Cardia itself, knew that it could not be supported by international law in derogation of their own compact, and that there was an unrepealed decree at Athens which distinctly acknow- ledged the rights of the Cardiaus. To find an impartial umpire would have been almost impossible ; and neither party could seriously have entertained the project. 5 The remonstrances on neither side having produced any result, Philip, in the year B.C. 343, sent troops into Chersonesus to assist the Cardians. 6 Diopithes, unable with his Athenians only to resist this accession of force, collected a body of mercenaries, and then, returning to the attack, drove the Macedonians out of the Peninsula. Not content with this advantage, he roused Cersobleptes and the Thracians to take arms to recover their independence. It has been remarked by Pausanias, that none but the Romans ever effected a complete conquest of Thrace. 7 Philip, absent at this time inEpirus, (1) Demosth. De Fals. Leg. 396. Philipp. Epist. 161. (2) Philipp. ii. 73. (3) This place is mentioned by Lysias, contra Alcib. 142. (4) Herodotus, vii. 58. (5) Or. de Halonn. 86, 87. Philipp. Epist. 161. (6) Demosthenes, De Coron. 274. De Cherson. 104. Philipp. iii. 114; iv. 147. (7) Pausanias, i. 9. VOL. I. U 290 APPENDIX III. found it necessary on his return to march with a powerful army against his rude eastern neighbours, to protect his infant settlements, and reestablish his power in the country. But this time it was not quite so easy a matter. Besides Cersobleptes, an Odrysian prince named Teres, who had formerly been Philip's ally, had now risen in arms against him ; and Diopithes seized every opportunity to make diversions in their favour. While Philip was engaged in the interior, Diopithes attacked the adjoining parts of Thrace, which were subject to Macedonia. Two cities, Crobyle and Tiristasis probably on or near to the Sacred Mountain he took by storm, and made the garrisons prisoners. Amphilochus, a Macedonian, who came to demand their re- lease, was himself cast into prison, and forced to pay a heavy ransom. 1 The length of time, that Philip was occupied in Thrace, proves the great difficulties which he encountered. After nearly a twelve- month's campaign he was obliged to send for large reinforcements from Macedonia and Thessaly ; and not being at leisure to turn his arms against Diopithes, he sent a letter to Athens, to complain of his conduct. 2 The charge was, that Diopithes by attacking his allies, and assisting his enemies, had violated the treaty of peace. The manifest object was to gain time, and to cripple the efforts of an active gene- ral, by setting his countrymen against him. Philip knew that the Macedonian party at Athens would second his endeavours ; and sb in fact they did. A clamour was raised against the general, not only for making war against Macedonia, but for divers irregularities of which he had been guilty. Diopithes, being at the head of a troop of mercenaries, unprovided for by any supply from home, had adopted the same methods of raising money, which Chares and others before him had done ; that is to say, he had begged, borrowed, or extorted it from merchants, from the islands, or cities on the coast of Asia. The orators opposed to him declaimed loudly against these practices, and pressed for his recall. 3 They were answered by Demosthenes in one of the most powerful speeches which he ever addressed to the Athenian assembly. The true question for ; the people to consider was (said he), not the conduct of Diopithes, but the safety of Athens. If Diopithes had raised troops and money by improper means, it was the fault of the Athenians themselves, who had not supplied him with the materials of war. There would be time enough to punish him here- after : to recall him now, and leave the Hellespont and the Chersonese unguarded, was what Philip and his partisans most desired, but what no friend of his country could advise. It was not Diopithes who had first broken the peace, but Philip himself, by his proceedings in Thrace, in Epirq^, and elsewhere. If Philip might attack the allies (1) Philipp. Epist. 159, 160. Demosth. de Cherson. 92. Liban. Argument. (2) Demosth. de Cherson. 90, 93. Liban. Argument. (3) Demosth. de Cherson. 95, 96. Olynth. ii. 26. Compare Isocrates de Pace, 164, 165, 167, 168. THE THRACIAN CHERSONESE. 291 of Athens, why might not Diopithes defend them ? Philip was virtually attacking Athens in Thrace : all his plans and operations were directed against Athens. If their armament was withdrawn from the Hellespont, there would be nothing to prevent him from besieging the Propontine cities or invading the Chersonese. Unless they found employment for him where lie was, he might attack Megara or Eubcea, or even march against Attica. Instead of dis- couraging Diopithes, they ought to support him ; instead of disband- ing their forces, they ought to increase them. It was idle to wait until Philip declared war : this he would never do until he was at their gates. They should exert themselves in every possible way ; shake off their indolence, submit to pecuniary contribution and to military service ; send embassies among the Greek states and excite them to arms ; for not Athens only, but all Greece was in peril. Finally, they should denounce and punish the corrupt statesmen who sold their interests to the enemy, and prove to men of a different stamp that they could serve their country with honour arid advantage. Such was the substance of this oration. The arguments were sound and just, 1 and produced the desired effect on the hearers. Philip's complaint was disregarded; and the Athenians not only retained Diopithes in his command, but prepared to give him vigorous support. Philip however was not deterred by any resolution of the Athe- nian assembly from prosecuting his designs. It may be gathered from his extant letter, that the Athenians had sent a message informing him that Teres and Cersobleptes were allies and citizens of Athens, and requiring him not to meddle with their dominions. 2 At such an intimation the king of Macedon would only smile. He was determined, if possible, to crush the rebellious princes of Thrace, and knowing by experience how lightly they regarded the observance of treaties, and how easily they repaired the disasters of a short campaign, 'he encamped himself in their country during the winter of 1S42-1841, with the intention of completing his conquest (1) Other writers however have expressed a different opinion. I am surprised to read the following remarks in Thlrlwall, Gr. Hist. vi. 36 : " Diopithes "retained his command, and it may be presumed, after such a mark of his sovereign's approba- tion, was not much more circumspect in his conduct. There can be no doubt that he had given cause for such complaint, and that in his invasion of Thrace, at least, if not in his hostilities with Cardia, he had violated both the letter and the spirit of the treaty with Philip. The wisest, as well as the most honourable course would have been, to disavow his proceedings, and remove him from his command. Demos- thenes, we may be sure, would have been very willing that an armament should have been sent under another general to supply his place. But he knew that a decree to this effect would probably be only so far executed as to disarm Diopithes, and to leave the Athenian interests near the seat of war unprotected. How far he was misled by the fallacy of his own reasoning, which appears to a modern reader flagrantly sophistical, we cannot determine. His view however of the perilous position of his country is not the less sound, and maybe admitted as an excuse for some indistinct- ness of ideas as to the precise line of separation between offensive and defensive measures. Compare Leland's Life of Philip, ii. 201 210. Jacobs' Introduction to his translation of the speech. Mitford, iv. 521. (2) Philipp. Epist. 160. U2 2 112 APPENDIX III. in the spring, and then proceeding to those ulterior measures, for which his war in Thrace was paving the way. 1 Demosthenes had rightly conjectured, that, although the Byzantine people were in alliance with Philip, he would not hesitate to attack them, if they presumed in any manner to thwart his purposes, or even refused to cooperate with him. 2 He saw how important the possession of the Propontine cities would be to Philip ; that it would enable him to intercept the commerce of Athens with the Euxine and the Hellespont, and in a short time to deprive her of Chersonesus. The long continuance of the campaigns in Thrace, while it created in the minds of other men a doubt of Philip's success, caused uneasiness to Demosthenes, who saw in it an indication of Philip's perseverance in his plans. What Philip was exactly about, was unknown to Demosthenes himself; as we may infer from the vague manner in which he speaks of Drongilus, Mastira, and other places which Philip was either taking or fortifying. 3 It was enough for him that a Macedonian army was advancing to the neighbourhood of the Greek coast : and the very uncertainty augmented his alarm. In this state of suspense, an assembly was held at Athens, and Demosthenes deemed it necessary to animate his countrymen to fresh exertions. He delivered the oration which is known by the name of the Third Philippic, which in substance repeats the argu- ments already urged in the oration on the Chersonese. The Athenians had not done their duty. They had not sent sufficient reinforcements to the Hellespont. Clitarchus and Philistides, parti- sans of Philip, had been suffered to establish themselves in Eubcea. The peril was imminent. He urges them to reinforce Diopithes both with, men and money; to apply for succour to Peloponnesus, to Rhodes and Chios, the ancient allies of Byzantium, and also to the king of Persia. This is memorable as the first occasion on which Demosthenes advised an alliance with Persia. He was justified by the necessity of the case ; and it shows how critical the position of affairs had in his opinion become. 4 Philip, having completed the overthrow of Teres and Cersobleptes, 5 and settled other affairs in the interior of Thrace, suddenly marched southward, and appeared in the neighbourhood of Chersonesus. (1) Demosthenes, de Cherson. 101. Philipp. iv. 135. (2) De Cherson. 93. Philipp. iii. 118, 120; iv. Hy. De Coron. 254. (3) De Cherson. 100. (4) Philipp. iii. Ill, 125, 126, 129. Compare Philipp. iv. 139, 140. (5) Philipp. Epist. 161. I have referred the passage in Diodorus, xvi. 71, to the first and not the second war with Cersobleptes, notwithstanding the date which he assigns, because it agrees better with his facts. He states that the Propontine cities, which had been attacked by Cersobleptes, became allies of Philip after his defeat. But this cannot apply to the second war, after which they became hostile to Philip, and in which they probably rendered secret assistance to Cersobleptes and the Athenians. (Philipp. Epist. 159, 163. Diod. xvi. 74.) It does apply to the first war, after which Byzantium undoubtedly became Philip's ally. (Dem. Philipp. iii. 120. De Coron, 254.) Nor is it likely that Cersobleptes, after being so humbled in 346 B.C., and giving his son as a hostage to Philip, would have ventured to attack the cities on the Greek coast on his own account. THE THRACIAN CHERSONESE. 293 His immediate purpose was, not to attack the Athenian general, but to protect the passage through the Hellespont of a Macedonian fleet, which he had ordered to sail to the Propontis. He was pre- paring to besiege Selymbria, a city which stood on the Propontine coast between Byzantium and Perinthus ; and, that the siege might be brought to a speedy issue, he resolved to invest it both by land and sea. Speed was of great importance to him on this occasion. Selymbria was an ally, or subject, of Byzantium. 1 It might receive aid from that powerful city. Its capture might determine the sub- mission botli of Byzantium and Perinthus, which had hitherto refused to join him in any offensive measures against the Athenians. 2 Once master of the whole Propontine coast, it would not be difficult for him to bring the Athenians to terms ; and the command of the Bosphorus would facilitate that, which had become the great object of his ambition, the invasion of Persia. 3 His intentions were a profound secret. He knew that the Athenian forces in the Helles- pont were ready to attack him, if they could find an opportunity, and would certainly, unless he took precautions, intercept the advance of his fleet. Accordingly, while his vessels were sailing up the Hellespont, he himself, making a sudden irruption into Cher- sonesus, marched along the coast for their protection. The presence of a land force on the shore was often of great service in the maritime warfare of the Greeks : 4 and Philip very likely desired, not only to strike terror into the Athenians, but also to mask his real design with respect to Selymbria. It does not appear that any actual hostilities took place between the troops of Athens and Macedonia. Diopithes was probably not strong enough to meet Philip in the field, though his naval and military force would enable him to protect the Chersonesite cities. Philip still affected to be at peace with Athens, and complains in his letter, that the warlike measures of Diopithes and the Chersonesites had placed him under the necessity of entering their territories. He alleges also, that it was in his power, if he had chosen, to capture the fleet and fortresses of the Athenians ; an assertion to which we can hardly give credence, more especially as it is not consistent with his previous complaint. 5 When his fleet had passed through the straits, Philip marched rapidly to Selymbria, which was soon blockaded on all sides. The Greek cities were so surprised by this movement, that they had no time to send relief, and Selymbria in the course of the year was forced to capitulate. An incident occurred during this time which marks the dubious character of the relations between Athens and Philip. Twenty Athenian corn-ships, passing from the Propontis to the Hellespont, were seized by Amyntas, the Macedonian admiral, (1) Demosthenes, de Rhod. Libert. 198. (2) Demosthenes, de Coron. 254. (3) Polybius, iii. 6. (4) Thucydides, ii. 86, 90; vii. 53. (5) Philipp. Epist. 163. The ravaging of the Chersonese mentioned in Demosth. de Coron. is not referable to this occasion. 294 APPENDIX III. and carried away as prize. Messengers were sent from Athens to demand restitution; who brought back the following letter: 1 " Philip, king of Macedon, to the Senate and people of Athens, greeting: Your ambassadors, Cephisophon, Democritus, and Poly- critus, have been with me, and conferred about the restoration of the ships which Laomedon commanded. I must indeed regard you as very simple, if you imagine I do not see, that your ships were despatched under the pretence of conveying corn from the Hellespont to Lemnos, but really to assist the Selymbrians whom I am besieging, and who are not comprehended in our treaty of peace. These orders were given to your commander, without the sanction of the people of Athens, by certain magistrates and other persons not now in office, who are urgent for the people to break off the treaty and begin war again, and are far more anxious to accomplish this than to assist the Selymbrians. And they suppose that such an event will be a source of profit to them. I do not think it will be advantageous either to you or to me. Accordingly, I restore the vessels which have been carried into my ports, and for the future, if you will not permit your statesmen to pursue their malignant policy, but rebuke them for it, I will, on my part, endeavour to maintain the peace. Farewell." The correspondence was a piece of coquetry on both sides. Philip had made a lucky prize of some merchantmen, but was well aware that he might be greatly embarrassed in his operations by the ships of war, which the Athenians could send against him. The Athenians, in order to obtain restitution of their squadron, had condescended to use the language of peaceful negotiation. Philip adopted the same artifice, hoping that possibly, by a small sacrifice, he might purchase their neutrality in his contest with the Propontine cities. He soon found himself mistaken. Selymbria having been surrendered, Philip laid siege to Perinthus. There can be little doubt that the Perinthians and Byzantines had not only attempted to relieve Selymbria, but had been concerting measures of defence with Diopithes and the Athenians. It was enough for Philip that they had refused to join him in an offensive war ; and he had no more hesitation in attacking them, than he had formerly in besieging Olyntlms. Succour however was promptly sent from Byzantium, and the Propontine fleet, assisted by the Athe- nian, was more than sufficient to protect Perinthus from blockade. Philip resolved to take it by storm. The Macedonian army was thirty thousand strong, and well provided with all the materials for a siege. The usual methods were resorted to, of battery, scale, and mine. Movable towers were advanced against the wall, and the besieged were driven from their ramparts by a storm of missiles. A breach was effected, but the citizens rushed to the opening and defended it obstinately, until it was repaired by a new wall. At length, after a hard struggle, which was continued by night as well (1) Demosthenes, de Coron. 249251. THE THRACIAN CHERSONESE. 295 as by day, the whole outer circle of defence was carried by the be- siegers. But their difficulties had still to begin again. Perinthus was built on a sloping isthmus : the houses stood close together on a succession of terraces ; and the passages were blocked up by the inhabitants, so that each terrace formed a new rampart, on which a more desperate resistance had to be encountered. The numbers and discipline of the Macedonians might still have prevailed, had not a powerful reinforcement been sent into the town by Arsites, Satrap of Phrygia. A negotiation had, under the advice of Demosthenes, been opened with the Persian king, 1 who, alarmed at the ambition and victorious progress of Philip, ordered his Satraps to render every possible assistance to the Perinthians. A large body of mercenaries came to their relief, with all kinds of provisions and military stores. They were commanded by Apollodorus, an Athenian. Philip, seeing that all his efforts to take the city were unavailing, withdrew from the attack ; and leaving one half of his army before Perinthus, marched with the other half to surprise Byzantium, which, weakened by its efforts to relieve the Perinthians, he hoped to find unprovided for defence. 2 Before he left Perinthus, or perhaps shortly before he commenced the siege, he had sent a letter to the Athenians, which is still extant, and is a remarkable document. It is a letter of reproof and menace. In style it is clear and forcible, in argument weak, except where it confutes the false points made by his adversaries. He complains of various breaches of treaty, and violations of international law, com- mitted by the Athenians ; referring particularly to the operations of Diopithes in Thrace. He denounces their embassy to Persia as an offence against the Greek community. He defends his own conduct with respect to Cardia and the Thracian princes, and declares that his march into Chersonesus was necessitated by the hostilities of the Athenian general and the Chersonesites themselves. His own pacific intentions had been manifested by the Amphictyonic embassy after the peace, when the Athenians spurned every proposal made to secure the safety of Greece. For this the orators were chargeable, who con- sulted their own interests rather than the advantage of their country. In every respect the Athenians were the aggressors : he had given them no provocation ; he had shown the utmost forbearance : but as this had produced no effect, he must decide the quarrel by arms. 3 Such arguments might have come well from a king who remained quietly at home, and interfered not with his neighbours. But coming from the conqueror of Olynthus, the invader of Epirus and Thrace, the dictator of Thessaly, the plotter in Eubrea and Megara, they appear (1) Demosthenes, Or. ad Epist. 153. Philipp. iv. 139, HO. The orator and his countrymen were both reproached for this, but unjustly. Demosthenes has also been censured for receiving money from Persia; but the real question is, for what purpose he received it, and how he used it. See Philipp. Epist. 160. Plutarch in Vit. Demosth. jEschines contra Ctes. 88, 90. (2) Diodorus, xvi. 74 76. Pausanias, i. 29. (3) Philippi Epistola. Sde p. 156 of this volume. 296 APPENDIX III. somewhat ludicrous, until one reflects what the real object of Philip was viz. to encourage his own party at Athens, including not only his paid advocates, but all who were afraid of war, or selfishly attached to mercantile pursuits, or to a life of idleness and amuse- ment. He might distract the counsels of the Athenians, impede their warlike preparations, and so create a diversion in his own favour. There is a current of ill-humour in the letter, arguing that he had. been annoyed by the Athenian operations in the Hellespont, and that he discerned symptoms of more than usual vigour in their administration. 1 Demosthenes, at this time all-powerful at Athens, replied to the letter by an animated speech, in which, repeating the old arguments, he urged his countrymen to redouble their exertions in the war. 2 They had been greatly encouraged by the success of their arms in Eubcea, from which, at the close of the year B.C. 341, they expelled the tyrants Clitarchus and Philistides. It was the generalship of Phocion, the counsel of Demosthenes, that secured this important victory; and the latter was rewarded with a golden crown. 3 The Byzantines, on the approach of Philip, sent an embassy to Athens to solicit succour; and such was the state of public feeling, that the Athenians were easily induced to forget former injuries, and pass a decree in their favour. It was resolved, on the motion of Demosthenes, that the pillar, on which the treaty with Philip was inscribed, should be taken down, and an armament sent instantly to the Propontis. 4 He himself went beforehand to encourage the people of Byzantium, and conclude a treaty of alliance. 5 It seems there was a party in that city who preferred submission to Macedonia. Demosthenes silenced their opposition, confirmed the waverers, and animated the people to resistance. 6 The Athenian armament arrived ; but great was the disappointment of the Byzantines when they found that Chares was in command. Chares was the man whose rapacious exactions ha'd brought on the Social war ; who had caused the revolt of Corcyra; who had massacred the Sestian population. 7 He was generally feared and detested throughout the JSgean and the Helles- pont. The citizens refused to receive his fleet into their harbour, so that he was forced to cruise about the Euxine, committing piracy, and subsisting by plunder. An attack which he made on the Mace- donian fleet was disgracefully repulsed. When the news of this (1) Mitford praises the energy of Demosthenes at this period. Hist, of Greece, iv. c. 41, s. 1. (2) Demosth. Oratio ad Epistola. See p. 149 of this volume. Whether we have this oration in an entirely genuine state, may perhaps be doubted. (3) Demosthenes, de Coron. 253. Diodorus, xvi. 74. (4) Philochorus apud Dionys. Epist. ad Amm. i. 11. (This, according to him, was the first formal breaking of the peace.) Plutarch in Vit. Demosth. (5) He had advised this course in the case of Olynthus, 7rpe.a-(3eiav 7rt/j.Treiv >m? Tat}-r' epel KO.I Trapearai TOIS Trpd^/JiaiTt. Olynth. i. 10. (6) Demosth. de Coron. 308. JEschines contra Ctes. 90, sneers at his rival's boast. (7) Diodorus, xv. 95. Argument. Isocr. de Pace. Compare pp. 18&, 276, of this volume. THE THRACIAN CHERSONESE. 297 came to Athens, it excited indignation among the people, who re- garded the disrespect shown to their general as an insult to them- selves. Demosthenes had not returned; and the people in their angry mood were about to take some rash step ; when Phocion ad- dressed them in a calm speech, showing, that the fault lay in the character of their general, and not in the fickleness of their allies. A vote was then carried jto send reinforcements, and Phocion himself was put in command. He sailed immediately to the Bosphorus, and landing his forces on the beach, encamped outside the walls. He had an intimate friend in Byzantium, one of the principal statesmen, named Cleon, who had formerly been his fellow-student in the Academy at Athens. Cleon pledged his own responsibility for the good behaviour of his friend ; and Phocion was at once admitted into the city, where both he and his soldiers excited the esteem and admiration of the Byzantines by their zeal, their valour, and their sobriety. 1 Philip had in the meantime been vigorously carrying on the siege ; but Byzantium was not only strong by its position and its fortifi- cations, 2 but had received considerable succours from Cos, Chios, llhodes, and other states of Greece. On Phocion's arrival, the aspect of affairs was so greatly changed, that Philip deemed it prudent to abandon his enterprise. He raised the siege both of Byzantium and Perinthus, and after ravaging the territory that lay between those cities, retired to his own kingdom. 3 That on his way he made an attempt to surprise the cities of Chersonesus, is indeed very pro- bable; and that his failure was owing partly to the courageous resistance of Diopithes and the inhabitants, partly to the activity of the gallant Phocion. Plutarch relates, that Phocion, after expelling Philip from Byzantium, captured some of his ships, and recovered places which Philip had taken and garrisoned; that then he made incursions into the enemy's territory, and levied contributions ; but, being at length wounded in a battle with the Macedonians, was forced to return. Erom this vague narrative it may be collected, that Phocion sailed with his fleet to the Chersonese, to protect it against Philip's inroad ; that having chased him from thence, he pur- sued his victory into the continent of Thrace, and recovered some of the fortresses which Philip had there taken. This is more reason- able, than to suppose that Phocion invaded Macedonia ; and it partly agrees with the statement of Justin, and witli that of Demosthenes, which implies that the Chersonese had been in danger. 4 Such was the issue of this memorable campaign ; the first in which Philip suffered defeat and loss of reputation. Perinthus and Byzan- (U Plutarch in Vit. Phoc. s. xiv. Leland's Life of Philip, ii. 257. (2) Pausanias, iv. 31. (3) Diodorus, xvi. 77. 298 APPENDIX III. tium testified their gratitude to the Athenians by a joint decree, which is preserved to us in the oration of Demosthenes on the Crown. By this it was resolved, that the rights of citizenship, inter- marriage, and other honourable privileges, should be conferred on their allies that three colossal statues should be erected in the harbour of Byzantium, representing the people of Athens crowned by the Byzantines and Perinthians and that a religious deputation should be sent to the Isthmian, Nemean, Olympian, and Pythian festivals, to proclaim these well-earned honours to the Grecian world. Nor were the Chersonesites behindhand in their acknowledgments. The inhabitants of Sestus, Eleus, Madytus, and Alopeconnesus, honoured the senate and people of Athens with a golden crown, and built an altar consecrated to Gratitude and the Athenian people, in requital for the preservation of their country, their laws, their liberty, and their sanctuaries. Demosthenes justly boasted, that these glories were in a great measure attributable to his own counsels and exertions. 1 Of Diopithes, whose able measures contributed so much to the discomfiture of Philip, history says nothing further. We may infer that he died shortly afterwards; for Aristotle mentions a present having been sent to him from the King of Persia, which arrived after his death. The exact date however is uncertain. 2 Within two years after these occurrences the liberties of Greece were extinguished at Chseronea. The Athenians were still permitted to retain their possessions in Chersonesus, though their real inde- pendence was gone. In the year 334 B.C., twenty Athenian galleys assisted in the transportation of Alexander's army from Sestus to Abydos. At a somewhat later period the Chersonese itself fell under Macedonian dominion. Lysimachus built a town at the Isthmus, be- tween Pactya and Cardia, which was named after him Lysimachia. 3 During the reign of Philip the Thracian Chersonese gave birth to one great, man Eumeues of Cardia concerning whom Plutarch writes as follows : 4 " Duris reports that Eumenes the Cardian was the son of a poor wagoner in the Thracian Chersonese, but liberally educated, both as a scholar and a soldier; that, while he was very young, Philip, passing through Cardia, amused himself with seeing the youth of the place perform their gymnastic exercises ; and, being struck with the cleverness and activity of Eumenes, took him at once into his service. But the more credible story is, that Philip promoted him on account of the friendship which he bore to his father, whose guest he had often been." Eumenes accompanied Alexander into Asia as his principal secre- tary, and after his death played a conspicuous part in the theatre of the world. (1) Demosthenes, de Coron. 255257. (2) Aristotle, Rhet. ii. 8, 11. (3) Strabo, Excerpta ex lib. sept, fine, 26. Polybius, xviii. 34. (4) In Vit. Eumen. init. THE PROPERTY TAX. 299 APPENDIX IV. THE PROPERTY TAX. WE frequently read in Demosthenes of contributions 1 for the service of the state, of the reluctance of the Athenians to pay contri- butions, the necessity of contributing^ &c. These expressions almost always relate to an extraordinary tax, in the nature of a property or income tax, which was levied at Athens in times of danger and necessity, to defray the expenses of war. In ancient times there was no such thing as a standing army in any Grecian state, and little occasion to employ a military force for any length of time at a distance from home. The citizens formed a national militia for the defence of their country, and were bound to serve for a certain period at their own expense. Afterwards, when wars became long and frequent, not only was it necessary to pay the citizens who performed military duty, but large bodies of mercenary soldiers had to be maintained at the public cost. For this purpose the Athenians resorted to the extraordinary tax above mentioned, when the proceeds of their ordinary revenue were found insufficient. The first instance that we know of this tax being levied was in the fourth year of the Peloponnesian war, when two hundred talents were raised to carry on the siege of Mitylene. The principle of its assessment however was established long before, according to the classification of the people by Solon, which I am about to explain. Solon distributed all the citizens of Athens into four classes, according to the amount of their property, which he caused to be assessed and entered in a public schedule. The highest class were those whose land yielded an annual income of five hundred measures (medimni) of corn, and hence they were called Pentacosio- medimni. 2 The second class consisted of those whose income amounted to three hundred measures: they were therefore called Triacosiornedimni ; and also Knights, because they were reckoned able to keep a war-horse. The third class were those whose income amounted to two hundred measures : 3 they were called Zeugit, or (1) The expressions are eio-0opa, contribution or payment of property-tax : e\crost interestmz InciUents and Scenery in Waiter Scot's Novels, by HEATH, TINDEN, ROT i s> *nd ethers, after Pictures by LESLIE, STOTHARR, COOPER, HV.WAKI-, &c., with illustrative *e^-r- CATALOGUE OF NEW BOOKS 3ROCKEDON'S PASSES OF THE ALPS. 2 vols. medium 4to. 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In respect to this new and improved edition, one of the most eminent scholars of the present day has expressed his opinion that "the increased advantages given to it have doubled the original value of the work." It should be observed that the numerous additions and the amended Chronology, from that Yahiahle performance, the AWi f/ellenid, are subjoined in the shape of Notes, so as not to interfere with the integrity of the text. As there are many editions of Mitford's Greece before the public, It may be necessary to observe that the present octavo edition is the only one which contains Mr. King's last correc- tions and additions (which, as stated in his advertisement, are material); it is at the same time the only edition which should at the present day be chosen for the gentleman's library, being the 1-andsomest, the most correct, and the most complete. 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Toyiady. PUBLISHED OR SOLD BY II. G. BOIIN. 27 LEE'S HEBREW GRAMMAR, compiled from the best Authorities, and principally from Oriental Sources, designed for the use of Students in the Universities. Is'ew Edition, enriched with much original matter. Sixth Thousand, 8vo (pub. at 12*.), cloth, 8s. Loud. Duncan, 1840 LEE'S HEBREW, CHALDEE, AND ENGLISH LEXICON. Compiled from the best Authorities, Oriental and European, Jewish and Christian, including BUXTOKF, TAYLOR, PARKHURST, and GESENIUS; containing all the Words, with their Inflections, liliomaf.c Usages, &c. found in the Hebrew and Chaldee Text of the Old Testament; with numerous corrections of former Lexicographers and Commentators, followed by an English Iiulex, in 1 thick vol. 8vo. Third Thousand (pub. at It. as.), cloth, 15*. London, 1844 LEVERETTS LATIN-ENGLISH AND ENGLISH-LATIN LEXICON, compiled from FACCIOLATI and SCHELLER. Thick royal 8vo (pub. at it. 11*. &d.), cloth, it. 3*. 1847 LIVII HISTORIA, EX RECENSIONS DRAKENBORCHII ET KREYSSIG; Et Annotationes CREVIERII, STROTIUI, RUPERTI, etaliorum: Animadversiones NIEKUHRII, \Y~ACHSMUTHII, et suas addidit TRAVERS Twiss, J. C. B. Coll. Univ. Oxou. Socius et Tutor. Cum Indice amplissimo, 4 vols. 8vo (pub. at II. 18*.), cloth, II. 8*. Oxford, 1841 This is the best and most useful edition of Livy ever published in octavo, and it is preferred in all our universities and classical schools. LIVY. Edited by PRENDEVILLB. Livii Historiw libri quinqne priores, with English Notes, by PRENDEVILLE. New Edition, 12mo, neatly bound in roan, 5*. 184$ the same, Books I to III, separately, cloth, 3*. 6J. - the same, Books IV and V, cloth, 3*. 6d. NEWMAN'S PRACTICAL SYSTEM OF RHETORIC; or, the Principles and Rules of Style, with Examples. 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ENTERTAINING NATURALIST, being popular Descriptions, Tales and Anecdotes of more than 500 Animals, comprehending all the Quadrupeds, Birds, Fishes, Reptiles, Insects, &c. of which a knowledge is indispensable in Polite Education; Illustrated by upwards of 500 beautiful Woodcuts, by BEWICK, HARVEY, WHIMPER, and others, post 8vo, gilt cloth, 7*. 6d . 1850 MARTIN AND WESTALL'S PICTORIAL HISTORY OF THE BIBLE, the letter- press by the Rev. HOBART CAUNTER, 8vo, 144 extremely beautiful Wood Engravings by the first Artists (including reduced copies of MARTIN'S celebrated Pictures, Belshaz/.ar's Feast, The Deluge, Fall of Nineveh, &c.), cloth gilt, gilt edges, reduced to 124. Whole bound mor. richly gilt, gilt edges, 18*. 1846 A most elegant present to young people. PARLEY'S (PETER) WONDERS OF HISTORY. 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