.i s' ", ' ..■ *^-, r LIBR^JhLY OF THE University of California. Gl FT OF a^ss 1 tv06 tlbe Tanivctsiti? of Chicago njaniMV by jofn« d. BocicxyBiJ.K« NOTES ON SOME OFFIQALS OF THE SARGONID PERIOD PART OF A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND LITERATURE IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (DEPARTMENT OF SESDTICS) BY ALLEN HOWARD GODBEY > ^ CHICAGO 1906 Zbe "Glnlvetsfts o( Cbicaflo rOlIXDKD BY JOHN D. ROCKBFELLEK NOTES ON SOME OFFICIALS OF THE SARGONID PERIOD PART OF A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND LITERATURE IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (department of SEMITICS) BY ALLEN HOWARD GODBEY y CHICAGO 1906 b-^ PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS o •*?" ABBREVIATIONS. ABC. = Stevenson, Assyrian and Babylonian Contracts. ABLCL. = Johns, Assyrian and Bal>yloni(tn Laws, Contracts, and Letters. ABPR. =Meissnor, Alt-Bahylonischc Priratrecht. ADD. = Johns, Assyrian Deeds and Documents. AJSL. = American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures. AKA. = Budere and Kinp, Annals of the Kings of Assyria, Vol. I. AL. —S. A. Smith, Assyrian Letters. AOF. = Winckler, A It-Orient alische Forschungen. BAS. = Beit rage zur Assyriologie. Br. = Brunnow, A Classified List. CH. = RFHarper, The Code of If am murabi. DB. = Hastings, Dictionary of the Bible. DES. = Thompson, Deviit and Evil Spirits of Assyria and Babylonia. EAR. =E. A. Hoffman Collection in Radau's EBH. EB. = Cheyne-Black, Encyclopcedia Bihlica. EBA. = Amiaud and Mechineau, L^Ecriture babylonienne et assyrienne. EBH. =Radau, Early Babylonian History. HABL. = RFHarpor, Assyrian and Babylonian Letters. HWB. = Delitzsch, Assyrisches Handiv6rterbuch. JAOS. = Journal of the American Oriental Society. JEL. = Johnston, Epistolary Literature of the Assyrians and Babylonians. JRAS. = Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. LIH. = King, Letters and Iiiscriptions of Hammurabi. LS. = Lehmann, Sama^-iu)n-ukin. MVAG. = Mittheilungen der Vorder-Asiatischen Gesellschaft. OBI. = Hilprecht, Old Babylonian Inscriptions. PEFSt. = Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement. PSBA. = Proceedings of the Society of Bililical Archa'ology . RMA. = Thompson, Reports of the Magicians and A.slrologers of Nineveh. RS. = Robertson Smith. Religion of the Semites. SAS. Abp.= S. A. Smith, Die Keilschrifttexte Asurbanipals. SSO. = Barton, .1 Sketch of Semitic Origins. Stmbd. =Strassmaier. Inschriften von Nabonids. Strnbk. = Strassmaier, Ituichriften von Nabuchodonosor. Sup. — Moissuer, Supplement zu den assyri.tchen IVOrterbUchern. TSBA. — Transactions of the .Society of Biblical Archaeology. ZA. = Zeitschrifl fiir Assyriologie. i ai ^r>!> NOTES ON SOME OFFICIALS OF THE SARGONID PERIOD. (Revised from American Jouriial of Semitic Languages and Literatures, January, 1905, and October, 1905.) It is not to be expected that any exhaustive treatment of this subject can be achieved for years to come. C. H. W, Johns, in his Assyrian Deeds and Documents, has shown us one field from which much information may be derived, and has done excellent pioneer work in Assyrian official antiquities. It is the present purpose to render more available for the general student the rich material in R. F. Harper's Assyrian and Babylonian Letters. The accompanying index is intended to give a list of all the various officials, tradesmen, and men of sacred and learned pro- fessions, that are mentioned in the eight volumes of letters now published. It will be followed by excursus upon different functionaries. The determinative prefix amelu is used throughout the letters with very great regularity. But few cases of its omission are noticeable. A rab -so-and-so may sometimes be without it, as in the case of Abni, the rab BIR of the land of the city of Arpadda, in [221] K. 175, obv. 12. The term pikittu is also used in a way that leaves one a little uncertain whether or not some func- tionary is always meant. We have an^^i bel pikitte, as in [573] K. 1003, obv. 7; b6l pikitti [608] K. 1136, rv. 9; pikitte sa bit mar-sarri sa kutalli, [658] 83-1-18, 81, obv. 9, 10. In the stereotyped formulae of salutation, we have 5 6 Notes on Some Officials of the Saegonid Period ana ^'"®' pikitti sa Belit parsi sulmu, in [12] K. 666, obv. 6, 7. The same without the ^""^^ occurs in [7] K. 601, obv. 4. I do not at present know any other term that affords so much cause for uncertainty. Its occurrence without any deter- minative prefix is frequent ; yet in some of these places a functionary is certainly meant. There may be a few other words without any determinative prefix which really indicate officials; one cannot be positive on this point till every word occurring in the letters is certainly understood. It is not intended to include in this index gentilic names and adjectives. These belong rather to the geographical data afforded by the letters, which are being compiled by Mr. O. A. Toffteen. There are terms, of course, concerning which there may be a reasonable doubt ; and it may be that some have been assigned to the geographical data that should have been included here. Also, it has been the intention to omit all occurrences of other words with the determinative prefix amsiu ^^-^^t do not promise anything of importance in relation to the general subject. The word sabe has been omitted from the list, being a purely general term, without any necessary implications of rank. For illustra- tion, we have in [631] K. 1265, obv. 9-13, Ya-ra-pa-a, rab ki-sir; ga-tar-a-nu, rab ki-sir; Ga-na-bu, Ta-am-ra- nu; puhur 4 ^'"^^ sabe; yet two of the four are officers. It will be recognized, then, as advisable that a list should be given here indicating terms systematically excluded from the index. Besides the frequent ^'"^^ sabe, we find ^""^^ emuki-ia or -su, "a man of my or his troop," e.g., [197] K. 181, obv. 11; amelu alone, for "a man" or "any man," [55] K. 483, rv. 1, 4; amel + u-tu for "mankind," [128] K. 650, obv. 10; ^^^^ mkv- su= "the man his son," [117] K. 991, rv. 12, ^'"^^ ardu, [9] K. 618, obv. 14; ^'"^^ nakru, or nakruti, "the enemy," [340] Bu. 91-5-9, 183, obv. 21; ^"^^^ tebie, "attacking forces," [275] K. 82, obv. 17, rv. 12; ^"^^ bele bitu, "leaders of rebellion," [460] K. 1250, obv. 15; ^""ei parrisu su, "that liar," [208] K. 617, obv. 17; ^'"^^ bel ihtallikani, "the leader of those who ravage," [771] 83-1-18, 49, rv. 13; ^™^i lisanisu, "a man of his speech," [741] S. 807, obv. 5; '^'"^^ mukinnika, "thy sup- porter," [416] 80-7-19, 19, obv. 6; ^"^s^ kinatatikunu, similar to preceding, [37] K. 1039, obv. 7; ^™«^ ra'mani, "(those men are not) lovers (of the king my lord)," [277] K. 1066, rv. 8; Index of Officials 7 a^n^i zi'rani, "haters," [210] K. 647, rv. 9; ^"'^^ b6l dini'a, "my adversary, prosecutor," [416] 80-7-19, 19, obv. 7; «"«^ babtute, "plunderers," [839] 83-1-18, 21, obv. 16; ««"«! bubtu, "prisoner, captive," [280] K. 10, obv. 10; '^'°«^ munnabitu, "fugitive," [839] 83-1-18, 21, obv. 16; ^-"^i b6l6 tabtia, "my allies, partisans," [281] K. 13, obv. 12, 24; «•"«! bnnlu, is for anniu, [787] R"* 55, rv. 6; ''"'^^ GIG, might be "sick man," usually kadistu, [370] 81-2-4, 49, obv. 14; ^'"ei mihir, [718] Bu. 91-5-9, 87, rv. 6; '^'"^i mftr-banu, [280] K. 10, obv. 16; «™6i kinnisu, etc., "a man of his family," [542] K. 114, rv. 7; amat ekalli, "a female slave of the palace," [99] K. 5466, rv. 18; all passages that merely express family relationships, such as "father," "brother," "sister," etc.; ^"^^^ a, in a broken passage, [101] K. 561, rv. 11, perhaps stands for "son." In a few passages there may be scribal errors ; but this question is best deferred for the excursus. It is understood that the foregoing are but speci- men references; some of the phrases occur frequently. Their irrelevance to the proposed investigation will be recognized. Nor has it been deemed within the province of the index to correct the occasional scribal errors. It is preferred to give the reading as it stands, leaving corrections and comments for the excursus. Anyone will recognize that tur §ip-ia, [500] K. 1303, obv. 10, is an error for tur sip-ri-ia; ma-za-ei pa-ni, [656] 82-5-22, 168, rv. 8, is the reading in the text for mazazi = manzazi. Tur me-sa-ni occurs in [205] K. 537, obv. 5. I suspect the sa is a defective ra, and that we should read mar-siprani. A.ri, however, for "courier," does not seem to be an error, as one might at first suppose. It is listed by Brlin- now, No. 11451. It occurs in *™«i a.ri.ka, [208] K. 617, rv. 9. Scribal errors are, on the whole, rare in titular elements of the Letters. The references given are double: the first number, in brackets, being the number of the letter in Harper's Assyrian and Baby- lonian Letters, while the second is the British Museum number. In the excursus the Harper Letters are distinguished by a prefixed H. The order of the officials is that followed by Johns in Assyrian Deeds and Documents, so far as the data permit. It is hoped that this will facilitate the use of both sets of data by those who may take an interest in the subject. Yet many terms occur which 8 Notes on Some Officials of the Sargonid Period are not discussed by Johns; these follow immediately after the others, and are arranged in alphabetical order. The present state of Assyriology leaves us in uncertainty about many terms and words. The last page or so of this index contains terms that are hapax legomena in the letters so far published; and their occurrence is of a character that renders it impossible to dogmatize. Frequently all preceding or subsequent connection is lost, and all that can be affirmed at present is that here are phrases to be examined: a few of them may not after all indicate officials or artisans. The compiler of the index has examined these places carefully, and decides that the phrases demand con- sideration from those interested in the official life of Assyria. It is not advisable to commit one's self further now. The damaged character of many letters results in the frequent occurrence of the a™^i with the following characters missing. Here and there a restoration might be ventured from the connec- tion; but this has not been attempted in the index. Many are but partially effaced, and when the restoration of such seems safe, it has been given in the index, with properly bracketed parts. But many occur that do not suggest to me any known official, yet are comparatively little damaged. It has been deemed advisable to append an autographed page of these dam- aged words. It has 'not been deemed advisable to attempt any association or grouping of terms in the index, except where the facts are well established. The "messenger," or "courier," for instance, is indicated by a variety of phrases, already well known. But we may have in our data various terms for some other office; e. g., rab ali and hazanu might be interchangeable. It has been decided that the index should merely give the data, and leave the discussion of such points to the excursus. On the other hand, it is not intended that an excursus shall be limited in its discussions to the data given in this index. Any attempt to comprehend more clearly the institutions of ancient Assyria and Babylonia must consider something more than the epistolary literature. This work would be facilitated if similar compilations were acces- sible for other bodies of the cuneiform literature; and it is to be hoped such may be eventually available. As to the actual range of excursus upon various functionaries, it is clear to any student of the cuneiform records that such may involve the whole field of Index of Officials 9 Assyrian and Babylonian linguistic, scientific, historical, religious, civil, and social development. The custom, very generally followed hitherto, of indicating ideographic or Sumerian expressions by capitals has been aban- doned. While helpful to the young student, it does not seem necessary for those who are likely to avail themselves of this index. Each form of the term has been given in transliteration; the various spellings, and the occurrences with pronominal suffixes, that the lexicographers and grammarians may find their tasks facili- tated. But few of the functionaries are of a character that render possessive suffixes probable in the letters. The "courier" shows more variety of terms, and more occurrences with suffixes than any other; almost as many as all others combined; and I have questioned if this list were worth the space, since we already know what may be expected of the average courier or messenger. In the transliteration, effort has been made to indicate clearly how each spelling is written. The capital catch-word endeavors, where possible, to be phonetically accurate; in detailing the cita- tions, I have intended to suggest the syllables used. Thus, under amei itii'a, the scribe has choice of two characters for the syl- lable tu: the ordinary ud, and the heavier tu, which I have uniformly marked tii, where occurring. A few other terms, fairly well understood, have been included in the index: such as parsumu, hi&lu, sebu, ummAnu, agrutii. Their occurrence is not frequent, and investigation produced reason to suspect a particular technical sense in some of them. ameiTURTlNU, TARTINU: a^ei tur-tan, [205] K. 537, rv. 6, [571] K. 998, obv. 11; aniel tur-tan-nu, [682] K. 508, obv. 8; amel tur-tan-ni, [649] 81-2-4, 110, obv. 4, rv. 3, [373] 82-5-22, 99, obv. 8, [428] 83-1-18, 25, rv. 2, [684] 80-7-19, 37, rv. 8; a'nei tur-ta-nu, [568] K. 956, rv. 13, [795] Bu. 91-5-9, 107, obv. 5; a^ei tur-ta-nu- su, [197] K. 181, rv. 1, [492] 81-2-4,60, obv. 8; amoi tur-ta-uu II-u (^santl), [144] K. 194, obv. 13; amsi tur-ta-ni, [71] K. 1113 + K. 1229, obv. 10; «'"6i tar-ta-uu, [393] 80-7-19, 25, rv. 8, [701] S. 1338, obv. 8. amfil NAGIRU: amei laj,'ar, [281] K. 13, obv. 10, [576] K. 1009, obv. 9; amei lagar ^-gal, [112] K. 485, obv. 1, [408] R-" 2, 1. rv. 27, [409] R'n2, 2, obv. 2, [781] K. 823, rv.2; amsi na-gi-ri, [521] 83-1-18, 4, rv. 16; amei n6r 6-gal, [373] 82-5-22, 99, obv. 10, [785] K. 13142, obv. 5, [253] K. 1175 + 1207, obv. 8 (?). 10 Notes on Some Officials of the Sargonid Period ameiBI.LUL: [322] K. 663, obv. 8; ameirab bi-lul, [194] K. 665, rv. 4, [353] 82-5-22, 169, rv. 11, [373] 82-5-22, 99, obv. 12, [388] Rm 2, 463, obv. 10, [585] K. 1098, obv. 3, [646] 79-7-8, 292, obv. 6; rab bi- lul, [659] Bu. 89-42-6, 17, obv. 6; ameirab bi- . . . . , [767] 83-1- 18, 75, obv. 9. amei MU, (NU5ATIMMU ?): [43] K. 122, rv. 1,6, [322] K. 663, obv. 10; [754] K. 5457, obv. 18, [699] 81-2-4,468, obv. 3(?); a^^ei rab mu, [274] K. 81, obv. 19, [357] S. 1368, obv. 9, [555] K. 677, obv. 5 . . . . rab mu, [143] K. 584, obv. 11. amei RAB. SE. GAR, [408] R^ 2, 1, rv. 18. amei RAB.GAR.MES, [43] K. 122, rv. 2, 18. amei SE.GAR, [43] K. 122, rv. 12. ameiRAB ^iKt: ^meirab sak, [64] K. 550, obv. 10, [95] K. 1151, obv. 6, [173] K. 686, obv. 5, [283] K. 597, obv. 1, [484] 81-7-27, 33, obv. 15, [568] K. 956, rv. 16, [709] 80-7-19, 67, obv. 3; amei rab sa-ki-e, [353] 82-5-22, 169, rv. 9. ameipATAR PARZILLI: amei gir-an-bar, [85] K. 613, rv. 7. amd ZAKKt: amei zak-ku-u, [143] K. 584, obv. 6, [459] K. 1141, rv. 3; ameiza-ku-u, [311] K. 630, rv. 3, [633] K. 1366, obv. 17, [685] 81-2-4, 96, obv. 4. (amei) ITU'A: amsi i-tu-'-u, [138] K.469,rv. 11; amei i.tu-u,[506]K. 678, rv. 15; amei I-tu-', [572] K. 1001, obv. 10, [685] 81-2-4, 96, rv. 22; amei l-tii-'-a-a, [201] K. 690, obv. 5, [242] K. 11148, rv. 16, [388J n^ 2, 463, obv. 7, [419] 83-1-18, 24, obv. 10, 12; amei i-tu, , [147] K. 1170, rv. 5; amei i-tu-'-e, [506] K. 678, rv. 10; amei i-tu- a-a, [424]S.760, rv.2,10; amei I-tu-'-a-a-e-a, [482] 82-5-22, 104, obv. 6; amei U-tu-'-a-a, [349] R^ 78, rv. 3. aniei BA, [645] R™ 2, 464, rv. 4. am6i seLAPPA, [471] 80-7-19, 41, obv. 17. amei PUR. KUL, [429] R=i 69, obv. 9, [531] 81-2-4, 50, rv. 13. ameiBARt, ameiBARtTU: amei hal [773] S. 152, obv. 7, [808] Bu. 91-5-9, 113, rv. 6, [854] K. 1158, rv. 10, [391] 83-1-18, 2, obv. 18 (?); amei bal-mes, [33] K. 572, obv. 6; amei ^al-u-tu, [755] 83-1-18, 122, rv. 18. ameiMASMASU: amei mas-mas, [23] K. 602, obv. 21, [24] K. 626, obv. 11, 14, rv. 5, [167] K. 582, rv. 16, [361] 81-2-4, 58, rv. 10, [670] K. 12, rv. 10; amei mas-mas-mes, [1] K. 167, rv. 8, [33] K. 572, obv. 7, [118] K. 1026, rv. 5. amei MA5UI): amei mab, [205] K. 537, rv. 4, [466] S. 51, rv. 4; amei mab-mes, [90] K. 594, obv. 13, [205] K. 537, obv. 3, 14, rv. 1, [252] K. 525, obv. 4, rv. 13, [306] K. 622, obv. 3, 14, [680] 83-1-18, 63, obv. 8; amei raab-mes-ni,[196]K. 125,obv. 8,13, [252]K.525,rv.7, 15. amei MUKIL APPlTE: amei mu-kil su pa-mes, [65] K. 629, obv. 21, [211] K. 662, obv. 4, [445] K. 724, obv. 7, [568] K. 956, rv. 20, [611] K. 1143, obv. 2; s« pa-mes, [609] K. 1140, obv. 4, rv. 7; amei mu-kil si a-pa-a-ni, [633] K. 1366, rv. 21. ameiMURIBBlNU, [458] K. 1122, obv. 6. Index of Officials 11 amei Rfi't : a-^ei sib, [639] K. 8390, obv. 10, [716] K. 31, rv. 9, [726] 80-7-19, 21, obv. 7, 12, [727] 83-1-18, 67, obv. 7, [845] K. 671, obv. 10. ameisib-mes, [75] K. 516, obv. 9, [268] K. 514, obv. 11, rv. 6, [633] K. 1366, rv. 1.3, [639] K. 8390, rv. 1. amei RAB.SIB.MES, [336] K. 644, rv. 5. amei SA gUTAKI, [445] K. 724, obv. 3. ameluS.KIB.SI: a^ei us kib-si-a-ni, [526] K. 628, rv. 2. ameiSA ELI ALI, [90] K. 594, rv. 13, [710] 81-2-4, 87, obv. 6; "mei sa muh-hi ali, [530] 80 7-19, 40, obv. 13. "■"^^i SA ELI BlTI, [343] 83-1-18, 18, obv. 9; amei sa eli blti sa bit-Ual, [5771 K- 1010^ obv. 6; '^niei ga eli bit-a-nu, [855] K. 1226, obv. 1; amel sa eli bit-a-ni, [568] K. 956, rv. 18. amMRAB KAKULlTE: "ei rab ka-ku-la-te, [152] K. 1101 + K. 1221, obv. 8. amei k£PU: amei til-la gid-da-raes,[542]K. 114, obv. 8; amelni. gab, [847] 83-1-18, 115, rv. 5; amei ki-pa-uu, [542] K. 114, obv. 17; amei ki-pa-ui-su, [524] K. 588, obv. 10; amM ki-pi, [516] 81-7-27, 81,rv. l;ki-pi,[95]K.1151,rv.7;amel ki-i-pi, [214] K. 831, rv. 14; amei ki-e-pu, [88] K. 507, obv. 7, [476] 83-1-18, 5, obv. 28, [703] K. 8989, obv. 5, [868] 81-2-4, 119, obv. 5; amei ki-pu, [703] K. 8989, obv. 9; amei ki-e-pi, [169] K. 997, obv. 8; amei ki-ba-a-ni, [442] K. 543, obv. 14; amei ki.pa-a-ui, [437] K. 168, rv. 9. amei RAB UALSU: amei rab aihal-su, [343] 83-1-18, 18, obv. 3. amei RAB URlTE: amei rab u-ra-te, [630] K. 1264, obv. 13. a™6i ra[b] ....(?) [623] K. 1212, obv. 1. am6iKA.TIN(?), KATINNU(?): amei ka-tin-ni sarri, [74] K. 185, obv. 11. amei SUKALLU : amei lulj, [70] K. 1070, obv. 1, 4, rv. 4, [132] K. 655, obv. 1, 3, 5, rv. 10, [235] K. 13016, obv. 1. 3, rv. 5, [253] K. 1175 + 1207, obv. 8(?), [327] K. 517, rv. 2, [424] S. 760, obv. 12, rv. 12, [473] 81-2-4, 65, rv. 11, [505] 81-2-4, 95, obv. 1, 3, 4, 6, [716] K. 31, rv. 11, [748] K. 5474, obv. 2, [781] K. 823, obv. 2, 4, 5, rv. 7, [805] S. 267, obv. 2, 5, (10?), 12, [874] Bu. 89-4-26, 31, obv. 12, [844] K. 986, obv. 2, 9; amei lub dan-nu, [568] K. 956, rv. 12; amei \^^^ H-u (=santi), [568] K. 956, rv. 15. a^ei S ARTIXU : amei sa-ar-te-nu, [716] K. 31, rv. 11, 15, 27; a'-ei sar-tiii-uu, [46] K. 939a, rv. 14 [568] K. 956, rv. 14; amei gar- tiu-ni,[441]K. 534, obv. 18. amei RAB DAN. DAN (KAL.LAB?): amei rab dan-dan-mes, [380] Rm 2, 3, obv. 5. amei MASSARU: amei en-nun, [197] K. 181, rv. 7, 23; amei en-nun biti ili, [493)83-1-18, 1.3. rv. 11; amei sa en-nun, [99] K. 5466, rv. 17, [353 1 82-5-22, 169, rv. 19, [410] R"" 2, 4, obv. 5, rv. 9, 13; en en-nun, [238] K. 1107, rv. 5. amei RAB a ANSA: amei rab L, [251] K. 506, obv. 4, 15, 20, 27, rv. 5, 7. atieiRAB SITIRTE(?): amei rab u-te, [432] D. T. 220, obv. 2, [816] K. 88, obv. 3; amei rab u-ti, [423] 83-1-18, 12, obv. 3, [829] K. 297, 12 Notes on Some Officials of the Sargonid Period obv. 3; amei rab u-gi (error for te), [671] K. 678, obv. 3; amsi rab u-mes-te, [867] 81-2-4, 94, obv. 5. amsi RAB KARMANI: amei rab kar-man, [43] K. 122, obv. 18; amei g-ar-man(?)-mes, [155] K. 1235, obv. 4, 7. amei RAB KARANI : amei rab gestin, [42] K. 14, rv. 11. amsi RAB KlRI : amei rab ka-a-ri, [467] S. 456, rv. 18. ameiMANZAZ PANI: a^ei man-za-az pani-ia, [291] K. 828, obv. 14; amei man-za-az pa-ni, [540] K. 87, obv. 7; amei ma-za-si pa-ni, [656] 82-5-22, 168, rv. 8; amei gub-ba pa-ni-ia, [289] K. 312, obv. 10; amei gub-ba pa-ni-su, [415] Bu. 91-5-9, 157, rv. 10. amei ABARAKKU, or TUKULTU: amei si-um, [63] K. 549, obv. 8, [75] K. 546, obv. 6, [84] K. 117, obv. 9, [89] K. 515, obv. 7, [114] K. 538, obv. 15, rv. 6, [145] K. 910, obv. 1, [273] K. 578, obv. 6, [393] 80-7-19, 25, obv. 10, rv. 3, [543] K. 176, rv. 9, [633] K. 1366, rv. 15, [639] K. 8390, rv. 12; amei us si-um, [867] 81-2-4, 94, rv. 4. ameliRRisU: amelapin, [4] K. 568, obv. 1, 3, 4, [15] K. 1197, obv. 1, [38] K. 1049, obv. 1, 3, 5, 7, [183] K. 113, obv. 1, 4, [167] K. 582, obv. 16 [223] K. 112, obv. 1, 18, rv. 10, [332] K. 13000, obv. 1, [361] 81-2-4, 58, obv. 1, 5, 7, [362] 83-1-18, 16, obv. 1(?), 15, [735] 82-5-22, 135, obv. 1 [816] K. 88, obv. 1, 6; amei apin-mes e-gal, [871] 82-5-22, 114, rv. 6; amei ir-ri-se-6, [500] K. 1303, obv. 8. amei NU.GIS.SAR (URKIU?): amei nu-gis-sar-mes, [182] K. 1058, obv. 4, [564] K. 937, rv. 4; amei nu-gis ur-ki, [167] K. 582, obv. 15. amei MALA5U: amei ma-lab ^" bar-ra, [167] K. 582, obv. 14; amei ma-du-du-mes, [103] K. 1189, obv. 10. amei USPARU; (EMITU?): amei us -par-mes, [209] K.636, obv. 7; [413] Bu. 91-5-9, 12, rv. 8; [714] K. 1217, obv. 7; sal us-par-mes- te, [196] K. 125, obv. 24. ameiAPIL SIPRI, MAR SIPRI, KALLAB SIPIRTI, MIR TEME : amei a-ki, [90] K. 594, rv. 4, 8, [101] K. 561, obv. 7, [144] K. 194, rv. 4, [145] K. 910, obv. 4, [165] K. 497, obv. 4, [171] K. 1047, obv. 4, [173] K. 686, obv. 7, [238] K. 1107, obv. 6, rv. 9, [264] K. 1045, rv. 6, [269] K. 528, rv. 7, [281] K. 13, rv. 5, [282] K. 524, obv. 17, rv. 15, [286] K. 5398, obv. 5, [311] K. 630, rv. 5, [412] 48-7-20, 115, rv. 9, [424] S. 760, obv. 15, 19, [433] 79-7-8, 138, rv. 17, [472] 80-7-19, 46, rv. 3, [474] 81-2-4, 67, rv. 2, [528] K. 1065, obv. 8, [548] K. 593, obv. 7, [559] K. 899, obv. 11, [576] K. 1009, obv. 7 [589] K. 1106, obv. 9, [622] K. 1210, obv. 1, 2(?), [685] 81-2-4, 96, obv. 29, [749] S. 1975, rv. 9, [754] K. 5457, obv. 6, [779] 83-1-18, 90, obv. 12, [792] 83-1-18, 52, rv. 16, [846] K. 673, rv. 16; amei a-ki-e-a, [157] K. 504, obv. 8, [340] Bu. 91-5-9, 183, obv. 8; ameia-ki-ia, [147] K. 1170, obv. 12, [193] K. 542, obv. 11, [259] K. 509, rv. 6, [286] K. 5398, obv. 6, [314] K. 1227, obv. 10; amei a-ki-ka, [98] K. 5465, obv. 7, [206] K. 539, obv. 12, [214] K. 831, obv. 15, [434] Bu. 89-4-26, 163, rv. 2, [587] K. 1104, rv. 16; amei a-ki-su, [524] K. 588, rv. 8; amei a-ki-ku-nu, [815] 48- 7-20, 116, rv. 17; amei a-ki- su-nu, [158] K. 530, obv. 20, [792] 83- Index of Officials 13 1-18, 52, obv. 9, 15; amei a-ki-mes, [146] K. 1080, rv. 5, [267] K. 462, rv. 7, [317] K. 5291, rv. 12, [462] K. 1374, rv. 7, [627] K. 1241, obv. 8, [749] S. 1975, obv. 5, [862] K. 1056, obv. 7; "•"fiia-ki-mes-ni, [129] K. 545S, obv. 24; amsi a-ki-mes-e-a, [340] Bu. 91-5-9, 183, rv. 14; amei a-ki-mes-su, [576] K. 1009, rv. 8; a^el ki-a,,[515] K. 621, obv. 5, 6; amei ki-a-mes, [515] K. 621, obv. 12; "mei a-sig, [140] K. 518, rv. 1, [154] K. 653, obv. 12, 20; «'"6i a-sig-ia, [602] K. 1127, rv. 2; amei a-sig-nies, [304] K. 533, obv. 10; a^el a si- pir-raes, [242] K. 11148, obv. 13; amsi a sip-ri, [197] K. 181, rv. 20, [324] K. 523, rv. 5, [705] 82-5-22, 109, rv. 18; ^mei a sip-ri-ia, [251] K. 506, obv. 14, [480] K. 8402, rv. 7, [637] K. 1888, rv. 1; amsi a sip , [442] K. 543, rv. 19; a««6i a sip-ri-ka, [345] 85-1- 18, 39, obv. 4, 7; amei a-ri-ka, [208] K. 617, obv. 9; amei a sip- ri -mes, [343] 83-1-18, 18, rv. 4; a^nei tur-ki-ia, [721] K. 912, obv. 5, [832] K. 9396, obv. 5, [833] K. 982, obv. 5, [835] K. 54186, obv. 5, [836] K. 5423c, obv. 5, [837] K. 7526, obv. 5; aniei tur sip-ri, [112] K. 485, obv. 14, [139] K. 1067, rv. 4, 8, 9, [227] K. 560, obv. 10, [276] K. 154, obv. 11, [805] S. 267, rv. 9; ^^^^ tur si-pir, [555] K. 677, obv. 11, 13; aiaei tur sip-ri-ia, [463] K. 1438, obv. 3, 4; tur sip-ri, [775] S. 268a, rv. 14; amei tur sip-ri-mes, [633] K. 1366, obv. 18; ain^i tur sip-ra-ni-ia, [123] K. 574, obv. 9; am^i tur sip-ia, [500] K. 1303, obv. 10; amei kal-la-bu si-pir-te, [227] K. 560, rv. 1; amei kal-lab si , [637] K. 1888, obv. 4; amoi kal-lab si-pir-tu, [322] K. 663, rv. 2. amci SANGt : amei sid, [48] K. 1019, obv. 8, [49] K. 1168, obv. 3, 17, [139] K. 1067, obv. 6, [177] K. 575, rv. 7, [493] 83-1-18, 13, obv. 3, [498] K. 646, obv. 20, [555] K. 677, obv. 9, [633] K. 1366, obv. 21, 26, rv. 3, 26, [724] K. 548, rv. 4, [780] K. 4734, obv. 17, [791] 83-1-18, 51, rv. 1; amei sid-mes, [468] R™ 217, obv. 11; amei gid H-u, [419] 83-1-18, 24, obv. 3, [577] K. 1010, rv. 2; a"i6i gid bit amei mu [43] K. 122, rv. 1; amei gia ^a bit amci ^u, [43] K. 122, rv. 6; amei sid sa bit amei ge-gar, [43] K. 122, rv. 12; amei gi^j ga bit kit-mu-ri, [152] K. 1101 + K. 1221, obv. 4, [710] 81-2-4,87, obv. 3; amei gid sa bit ii" Samas, [49] K. 1168, rv. 24; amei sid sa bit Vll-bi sa ali Nina, [49] K. 1168, rv. 17, 18; a'nei sid sa ali Nina, [43] K. 122,rv.8; amei sid-mes sa ali , [48] K. 1019, obv. 5; amei gid se-gar, [43] K. 122, rv. 2. aniei MUSARKISU : amei mu-sar-kis, [132] K. 655, rv. 13, [186] K. 11, obv. 12; amei mu-sdr-kis-mes, [153] K. 558, rv. 2; amei mu- sfir-kis-mes-ni, [122] K. 491, obv. 6; amei mu-sar-kis-mes, [127] K. 616, obv. 6; rv. 6, 10; amei mu-sar-ki-su, [326] K. 1249, rv.4,8,10; amei mu-sar-ki-si-raes, [344] 83-1-18, 28, obv. 3, 8; amei mu-sar-ki-sa-a-ni, [190] K. 596, obv. 4, 12, [630] K. 1264, obv. 14; amei mu-[ ], [630] K. 1264, rv. 5; amei mu-sar- ki-[. ...?], [153] K. 558, rv. 8. amei A.BA, or DUPSARRU: ^^^^ DUPSARR€TU: amei aba, [84] K. 117, obv. 11, rv. 8, 16, [90] K. 594, rv. 15, [127] K. 616, obv. 5, 14 Notes on Some Officials of the Sargonid Period [151] K. 652, obv. 7, [153] K. 558, rv. 3, [189] K. 1048, obv. 3, [415] Bu. 91-5-9, 157, obv. 5, [429] Rm 69, obv. 12, [434] Bu. 89-4-26, 163, rv. 9, [532] 83-1-18, 15, rv. 1, [557] K. 893, obv. 3, [563] K. 935, rv. 9, [633] K. 1366, obv. 9, rv. 2, 15, [688] 80-7-19, 21, obv. 10, 15, [697] 81-2-4, 73, rv. 2, [706] K. 1076, obv. 5, [779] 83-1-18, 90, obv. 13, [872] Bu. 89-4-26, 16, obv. 8; amsi a-ba-mes, [33] K. 572, obv. 6, [346] Bu. 89-4r-26, 9, obv. 2, [347] 81-2-4, 52, obv. 10, 11, [386] 83-1-18, 9 obv. 6, [423] 83-1-18, 12, obv. 4, [829] K. 297, obv. 4; amei a-ba- mes-ni, [739] 81-2-4, 101, obv. 5; amel rab a-ba, [307] K. 1078 obv. 4; am6ia-ba II-u, [532] 83-1-18, 15, obv. 10; amei a-ba mati, [211] K. 662, obv. 4, 20, [568] K. 956, rv. 19; am el a-ba 6-gal, [114] K. 538, obv. 15,rv. 7 [211] K. 662, obv. 10, [220] K. 1274 obv. 1, rv. 5; amgi a-ba biti ili, [724] K. 548, rv. 10; amei dup- sar, [733] 81-2-4, 113, obv. 2; amei dup-sar-su, [42] K. 14, rv. 12; am§i dup-sar biti ili, [476], 83-1-18, 5, obv. 28; amsi dup [sar](?), [557] K. 893, rv. 10; amei dup-sar ali, [530] 80-7-19, 40, obv. 13; am 61 dup - sar-u -tu, [755] 83-1-18, 122, obv. 10; dup- sar-u-te [629] K. 1263, obv. 11. amei MUTIR PtTI: amel gur-zak, [558] K.896,rv.3, [714] K. 1217, obv. 6; amei gur-zak-mes, [85] K. 613, rv. 2; am^i gur pu-tu, [167] K. 582, obv. 20. [226] K. 526, obv. 9, [228] K. 1055, rv. 4, [340] Bu. 91-5-9, 183, obv. 13, [339] 83-1-18, 19, rv. 11, [415] Bu. 91-5-9, 157, rv. 14, [476] 83-1-18, 5, rv. 23, [544] K. 464, obv. 6, [564] K. 937, obv. 7, [685] 81-2^, 96, rv. 3; amei gur pu-tu, [600] K. 1125, obv. 10; amei gur-ru pu-tu, [266] K. 79, rv. 20, [275] K. 82, obv. 14, 18, [462] K. 1374, rv.28(?), [792] 83-1-18, 52, rv. 13, [794] 83-1-18, 150, rv. 17, [866] 81-2-4, 93, obv. 6; amei gur pu-ti, [127] K. 616, obv. 4, [206] K. 539, obv. 7, rv. 1, 9, [306] K. 622, obv. 12, [556] K. 683, obv. 11, [860] K. 845, obv. 10; amei gur pu-te, [99] K. 5466, rv. 17, [124] K. 903, obv. 6, [165] K. 497, rv. 8, [243] K. 567, obv. 8, [246] K. 669, obv. 14, [306] K. 622, obv. 3, (16?), [336] K. 644, obv. 13, [408] R" 2, 1, obv. 7, [494] 80-7-19, 23, rv. 11, [552] K. 640, obv. 5, rv. 4, [598] K. 1123, obv. 3, [610] K. 1142, rv. 8, [638] K. 2908, obv. 6 (15?), [667] 81-7-27, 30, rv. 3, [742] R^ 2, 462, obv. 5, [760] R™ 2, 7, obv. 4, [761] Rm 2, 474, obv. 4; amei ga gur-ru pu-ti, [721] K. 912, rv. 1. amei SANt : amei H-u,, [154] K. 653, obv. 15, [424] S. 760, rv. 5, [428] 83-1-18, 25, rv. 1, [506] K. 678, rv. 4, [623] K. 1212, obv. 3; amei H-u, [207] K. 541, obv. 9, [211] K. 662, rv. 2; amei Il-u-te, [585] K. 1098, rv. 3, [682] K. 608, obv. 13; amei H-e, [49] K. 1168, rv. 10, [382] 81- 7-27, 199, obv. 1, 199A, 1, [784] K. 1031, obv. 5; amei H-i, [252] K. 525, obv. 12, [746] 83-1-18, 146, obv. 8; amei n ^ [787] Rm 55, obv. 6; amei II-u-su, [42] K. 14, rv. 12. amei SALSU: amei lH-su, [140] K. 518, obv. 11, 13, [211] K. 662, rv. 10, [580] K. 1051, rv. 3; amei IH-hu-si, [32] K. 527, rv. 12, [100] K. 554, obv. 9, [211] K. 662, obv. 4, [342] 79-7-8, 2.34, rv. 19, [425] Bu. 91-5-9, 105, obv. 8, [506] K. 678, obv. 7; amei in-hu-[si], [568] K. 956, rv. 21; amei IH-hu-si- mes, [85] K. 613, obv. 11, [683] H^ Index of Officials 15 550, rv. 11; amei Hl-^ju-si-ia, [639] K. 8390, obv. 7, [342] 79-7-8, 234, rv. 14, [705] 82-5-22, 109, rv. 4. amei RAKBU: a^ei gis-m^r, [607] K. 1134, rv. 2; ameigis-mfir- mes, [374] 82-5-22, 172, obv. 10; ameib^l gis-mSr-mes, [567] K. 946, obv. 13; a-^ei bel gis-[mdr-mes], [567] K. 946, rv. 1; amel bei [gis-mdr-mesj, [567] K. 946, rv. 3. ameiTAMKARU: a™6idam-kar, [186] K. 11, rv. 8, [233] K. 7339, obv. 8, [532] 83-1-18, 15, obv. 8, [578] K. 1018, rv. 8; a^ei dam-kar- mes, [196] K. 125, obv. 20, [234] K. 7548, obv. 5, [310] K. 610, obv. 9, [458] K. 1122, rv. 5, [529] K. 1252A, obv. 4. ameiKAB KISIR, RAB KISIR^TU: ^mei i-ab ki-sir, [173] K. 686, obv. 4. [275] K. 82, rv. 5, [315] K. 1402, obv. 10, [434] Bu. 89-4-26, 163, rv. 15, [462] K. 1374, obv. 21, rv. 27, [500] K. 1303, obv. 6, [530] 80-7-19, 40, obv. 14, [543] K. 176, rv. 15 [582] K. 1093, obv. 4, [639] K. 8390, obv. 3. rv. 1; amel rab ki-sir-mes, [138] K. 469, obv. 10, rv. 3, [169] K. 997, obv. 13, [342] 79-7-8, 234, obv. 4, [505] 81-2-4, 95, obv. 6; [....] sir-mes, [557] K. 893, rv. 5; am^l rab ki-sir-u- tu, [85] K. 613, obv. 9; a^ei rab ka-sir, [144] K. 194, obv. 3, [571] K. 998, obv. 10, [633] K. 1366, obv. 12, [755] 83-1-18, 122, obv. 15, [806] Bu. 91-5-9, 85, obv. 2; amei rab ka-sar, [273] K. 578, rv. 3, [274] K. 81, obv. 22; amei ki-sir, [414] R^" 77, obv. 12, [557] K. 893, obv. 4(?); [ameirab] ki-sir, [631] K. 1265, obv. 2; rab ki- sir, [631] K. 1265, obv. 9, 10. ameiRAB MUGU: amel rab mu-gu, [154] K. 653, obv. 15; amoi rab iiiu-gi, [108] K. 519, rv. 3. ameiRAB GAR.SID: amsi rab gar-sid-mes, [633] K. 1366, obv. 11, rv. 4; ameirab gar-sid sa 6 k alii, [263] K. 825, rv. 4, 5. ameiNUN.MES (RUBl^TU?): amel nun-mes, [468] R^ 217, rv. 6. aineiSU-I, GALLABU: amei su-i-su.(?) [15] K. 1197, rv. 6, [439]K. 432, obv. 6; amel su-u-i (?), [183] K. 113, rv. 1; amel su-[ ], [438] K. 177, rv. 10. ameiRAKSU: amel rak-su, [709] 80-7-19, rv. 15; amel rak-su-mes, [W] K. 550, obv. 9, [154] K. 653, obv. 14, [242] K. 11148, obv. 12; ameirak-su-ti, [304] K. 533, obv. 9; amel rak-su-te, [709] 80-7- 19, 67, obv. 7; ameisab-mes-ia ra-ki-su-te, [482] 82-5-22, 104, obv. 10; amel rab rak-si, [414] R"^ 77, obv. 6. amel SAKNU: amel gar-nu, [414] R'" 77, obv. 10, [630] K. 1264, obv 13, [524] K. 588, obv. 12, [639] K. 8390, obv. 6, [763] 81-2^, 126, obv 6, [871] 82-5-22, 114, obv. 9; amel gar-ui, [414] R"" 77, obv. 19 ameigar-uu-mes, [374] 82-5-22, 172, obv. 8, [557] K. 893, rv. 5 amel gar-nu-mes-su-nu, [138] K. 469, it. 13; an^^l gar-nu-te [380] R"i 2, 3, obv. 5; amel gar-nu-u-tu, [533] 83-1-18, 44, rv. 8 amel gar-mat (=sa-kin), [60] K. 487, obv. 9, [307] K. 1078, obv 2, 6, [339] 83-1-18, 19, rv. 5, [442] K. 543, i-v. 16, [473] 81-2-4, 65, obv 1, 4, 13, i-v. 8, 14, 19, [611] K. 1143, rv. 11; amel sak-nu, [238] K 1107, i-v. 8, [270] K. 1089, obv. 6, [419] 83-1-18, 24, obv. 9, 11, [542] K. 114, obv. 14, rv. 3, [863] K. 1196, rv. 6; amel sak-ni, [524] K. 588, 16 Notes on Some Officials of the Saegonid Period rv. 7, [567] K. 946, obv. 12, [638] K. 2908, obv. 14; amei sa-ak-ni, [833] K. 982, rv. 7; amei sak-na, [846] K. 673, obv. 13; amei gak- ni-ku-nu, [287] K. 94, rv. 3; amei sak-ni-su-nu, [610] K. 1142, obv. 10; amei sa-kau-su-nu, [610] K. 1142, obv. 5; amelgar-su- nu, [537] K. 8535, obv. 8; amei gar-man(?)-mes [= sakin-sarri- mes ?], [155] K. 1235, obv. 4, 7. ameiAB.BA: amei ab-ba-mes, [91] K. 620, obv. 13, [256] K. 1202, obv. 6, [287] K. 94, obv. 12, [289] K. 312, obv. 2, [293] K. 1054, obv. 3, [295] K. 1139, obv. 2, [296] K. 1162, obv. 2, [297] K. 1271, obv. 2, [377] 83-1-18, 43, obv. 16, [459] K. 1141, obv. 6, [517] 82-5-22, 91, obv. 8, [518] 83-1-18, 27, obv. 3. amei 1st: amei a-zu, [274] K. 81, obv. 6, [341] 82-5-22, 174, obv. 13, [465] K. 8509, rv. 8, 11; amei a-zu- mes, [33] K. 572, obv. 8, [157] K. 504, obv. 5. ameiBfiL ALT: amei en er, [645] Rm 2, 464, obv. 5, 13, [317] K. 5291, obv. 4, [590] K. 1111, obv. 5; ameien-mes er Sa-lu-li-e, [262] K. 607, obv. 12; amei en er-mes, [88] K. 507, obv. 13, [342] 79-7-8, 234, rv. 21, [526] K. 628, obv. 3; amei en er-mes-ni, [136] K. 631, obv. 5; .... en er-mes-ni, [784] K. 1031, obv. 16. ameiBfiL PASlTI, ameipAglTI: ameign-nam, [32]K.527,obv. 11, [43] K. 122, obv. 13, [59] K. 1041, obv. 7, [71] K. 1113 + K. 1229, obv. 12, [89] K. 515, obv. 11, rv. 2, 10, [95] K. 1151, rv. 4, [102] K. 657, obv. 10, [112] K. 485, obv. 15, [129] K. 5458, rv. 9, [140] K. 518, obv. 7, rv. 1, 6, [151] K. 652, obv. 10, [179] K. 664, obv. 6, [190] K. 596, rv. 7, [197] K. 181, rv. 5, [198] K. 5464, rv. 1, [206] K. 539, rv. 8, [208] K. 617, obv. 7, [220] K. 1274, obv. 9, [266] K. 79, obv. 19, [311] K. 630, obv. 6, 8, [339] 83-1-18, 19, obv. 7, rv. 5, 13, [380] R™ 2, 3, obv. 6, 13, [381] 81-2-4, 55, obv. 9, 11, [409] R^ 2, 2, obv. 9, 10, [415] Bu. 91-5-9, 157, obv. 11, [421] 83-1-18, 6, obv. 12, [424] S. 760, obv. 9, [444] K. 645, obv. 6, [462] K. 1374, obv. 21, rv. 27, [486] K. 8375, obv. 4, 7, rv. 3, 9, 10, 15, [532] 83-1-18, 15, obv. 10, [543] K. 176, rv. 5, 6, [547] K. 587, rv. 8, [548] K. 593, obv. 8, [558] K. 896, rv. 4, 5, 7, 8, [564] K. 937, obv. 2, [615] K. 1153, obv. 5, [626] K. 1233, rv. 3, [633] K. 1366, rv. 3(?), 5, 27, [646] 79-7-8, 292, obv. 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 13, [754] K. 5457, obv. 5, 11, 12, [769] K. 1042, rv. 2, [771] 83-1-18, 49, rv. 7, [790] S. 1392, obv. 5, [803] K. 13090, obv. 1, [830] K. 1376, obv. 1, [845] K. 671, obv. 16, [846] K. 673, i-v. 18, 21, [849] K. 580, rv. 5; amei en - na[m], [49] K. 1168, rv. 6; amei en-[nam], [131] K. 625, obv. 7; [205] K. 537, rv. 3; ameien-nam-mes, [381] 81-2^, 55, rv. 7, [444] K. 645, obv. 4, [506] K. 678, obv. 11, [646] 79-7-8, 292, obv. 5, 12, 14; amei en-nam-mes-te, [197] K. 181, obv. 13, [198] K. 5464, obv. 16; amei en-nam-mes-te-e-su, [198] K. 5464, obv. 14; ameign-nam- mes-su, [197] K. 181, obv. 11; en-nam, [189] K. 1048, obv. 9, [221] K. 175, rv. 11; amei nam, [190] K. 596, obv. 25, rv. 11, [671] K. 78, rv. 5, [839] 83-1-18, 21, rv. 15; amei nam-mes, [148] K. 1907, rv. 1, [409] Rm 2, 2, obv. 15, [415] Bu. 91-5-9, 157, obv. 9, [464] K. 1519, i-v. 3, [506] K. 678, obv. 12, [543] K. 176, obv. 12; amei en-nam II-u, [424] S. 760, obv. 10. Index of Officials 17 ameiDAGIL ISSURATE: ameida-gil mus6n-mes, [33] K. 572, obv. 9, [410] Rm 2, 4, obv. 6, 12. anieiDAllLU: h«i61 da-a-a-lu, [530] 80-7-19, 40, obv. 12; amei da- a-a-li, [52] K. 80, rv. 3, 6, [309] K. 1021, obv. 6, [424] S. 760, obv. 7, [444] K. 645, rv. 4, [509] 81-2-4, 123, obv. 13; amsi da-a-a-li-ka, [148] K. liK)7, obv. 3; ""^^i da-ia-a-li, [544] K. 464, obv. 17; (amei)? da-a-a-la, [618] K. 1169, obv. 15; a^^ei da-a-a-li-ia, [769] K. 1042, obv. 4; ameirab da-a-a-lu, [530] 80-7-19, 40, obv. 12; ameirab da-a-a-li, [573] K. 1003, obv. 9, 13; a^eirab da-a-a- li-ia, [547] K. 587, rv. 6. ameiMUTTAGGISU: a-^si tin, [102] K. 657, obv. 4; amsi tin- mes, [253] K. 1175 + 1207, obv. 4, 11; an^ei tin-raes-ni-ia, [253] K. 1175 + 1207, obv. 7; a«n6i rab tin-mes, [389] S. 1034, rv. 3. ameiDAllNU: a^ei di- tar, [403] Bu. 91-5-9, 210, obv. 14; amel da- a-a-nu, [340] Bu. 91-5-9, 183, rv. 16, 20. amei ZAMMERU : amsi lul, [473] 81-2-4, 65, obv. 10; amei lul-mes, [210] K. 647, obv. 3, [408] R"" 2, 1, rv. 15, 22, 30, [599] K. 1124, rv. 5; amei lul-mes-su-nu, [599] K. 1124, obv. 9. ameigAZANU (LAPUTTU?), amei gAZANtTU : ameinu- banda, [505] 81-2-4, 95, obv. 7; a™6» ba-za-nu, [150] K. 598, obv. 3, [366J 82-5-22, 96, obv. 10, 16, [419] 83-1-18, 24, obv. 5, [445] K. 724, rv. 1, [493] 83-1-18, 13, rv. 15, [551] K. 634, obv. 3, [573] K. 1003, obv." 9, [710] 81-2-4, 87, obv. 6, [812] 82-5-22, 93, obv. 3; ^^^^ fea-za-nu sa biti iiaNabu, [65] K. 629, obv. 12; amei ^a-za-ni, [251] K. 506, obv. 5, [473] 81-2-4, 65, obv. 9; amei ^a-za-nu-ti, [473] 81-2-4, 65, obv. 6; amei ija-za-na-te, [91] K. 620, obv. 12; amei ^a- za . . . (?), [528] K. 1065, obv. 10. ameiMUTIR Tl^ME: amei mu-tir te-e-mu, [336] K. 644, obv. 4; amei mu-tir (?), [265] K. 13100, obv. 5. ameiNANGARU: ^mei nagar-mes, [87] K. 466, obv. 6, rv. 7, [95] K. 1151, rv. 10; a'"6i nagar-mes-su-nu, [475] 83-1-18, 3, obv. 10; an^ei nagar, [476] 83-1-18, 5, obv. 21. amelNASlKU: amei na-sik, [608] K. 1136, rv. 7; amei na-sik-ku, [504] K. 1176, obv. 10; "'"el na-si-ku, [280] K. 10, obv. 14, [520] K. 680, obv. 4, 14, rv. 16, [774] Bu. 89-4-26, 162, obv. 13; a^nei na-si- k[u], [451] K. 924, rv. 10; amei na-si-ka-a-ti, [280] K. 10, obv. 19, [831] K. 470, rv. 5; amei na-si-ka-[a-ti], [622] K. 1210, rv. 4; amei na-si [210] K. 647, obv. 19. ameiNAPPAgU: amei gimug 6kalli, [502] K. 661, i-v. 2; amei simug buraHi, [566] K. 942, obv. 18; amei niurub (for simug) burasi, [551]* K. 634, rv. 7, [812] 82-5-22, 93, rv. 9, [847] 83-1-18, 115, obv. 3. ameipAgARU: aniei duk ka-])ur, [403] Bu. 91-5-9, 210, obv. 5, 7; amei pa-bi-ru, (?) [166] K. 505, obv. 3. ameipiRgixU: a^ei pir-bi-nu, [90] K. 594, rv. 14, [533] 83-1-18, 44, obv. 3; amei pir-bi-ni, [167] K. 582, rv. 17. 18 Notes on Some Officials of the Sargonid Period ameiRAB ALINI: am§i rab er, [424] S. 760, rv. 3; a^ei rab er- mes, [784] K. 1031, obv. 15; amsi rab er-mes-te, [633] K. 1366, rv. 15, [778] 81-2^,75, rv. 10: ameirab-mes gal-mes, [253] K. 1175 + 1207, obv. 5, 13; amei rab er-mes-su, [252] K. 525, obv. 8; amel rab er-mes-su-uu, [424] S. 760, rv. 5; a^el rab er-mes ha-a-mes, [767] 83-1-18, 75, rv. 1; amel rab er-mes mu-bu, [506] K. 678, rv. 5. amei RABtTE: amsi gal-mes, [43] K. 122, obv. 7, 11, [126] K. 609, obv. 6, rv. 3, [174] K. 619, rv. 11, 14, [284] K. 599, obv. 8, 12, [327] K. 517, rv. 2, [328] K. 638, obv. 9, [441] K. 534, obv. 5, [451] K. 924, obv. 17, [460] K. 1250, obv. 3, [467] S. 456, obv. 6, [482] 82-5-22, 104, obv. 13, [523] K. 585, rv. 1, [532] 83-1-18, 15, rv. 7, [546] K. 557, obv. 6, [598] K. 1123, obv. 4, [633] K. 1366, obv. 16, [714] K. 1217, obv. 8, [804] K. 544, rv. 8, [867] 81-2-4, 94, rv. 7; amsi gal-mes -te, [639] K. 8390, rv. 11; am6igal-[mes](?), [117] K. 991, rv. 7; amel gal-gal-mes, [467] S. 456, rv. 14; amel gal-mes-su, [197] K. 181, obv. 28, rv. 12, [281] K. 13, rv. 7, [284] K. 599, obv. 12, [515] K. 621, rv. 7. amei RAB BITI, amei R^IL BlTI, amei BITI: amei gal-e, [197] K. 181, rv. 27, [242] K. 11148, rv. 13, [243] K. 567, rv. 10, [281] K. 13, rv. 19, [414] Rin 77, rv. 3, [415] Bu. 91-5-9, 157, obv. 3, [579] K. 1043, obv. 8, [610] K. 1142, obv. 13, [746] 83-1-18, 146, obv. 8, [784] K. 1031, obv. 10; amelgal-e-su, [228] K. 1055, rv. 14; amei gal-mes sa biti, [67] K. 1050, rv. 1; rab sa bit-mes = rab bitani(?), [221] K. 175, rv. 12. amei RAB :fiKALLI or RAB MITI: amei gal-e-gal, [99] K. 5466, rv. 11, [160] K. 1243, obv. 14, [512] K. 858, obv. 2; amei gal-e -g[al](?), [774] Bu. 89^-26, 162, rv. 13; amei rab mati (gal-kur), [512] K. 858, obv. 7; . . . . gal-e-gal, [99] K. 5466, obv. 9. ameiKALLU: a^ei kal-lu-u, [275] K. 82, obv. 9, rv. 11, 16; amei kal-li-i, [434] Bu. 89-4-26, 163, rv. 16; amei rab kal-li-e, [414] Rm 77, obv. 6; amei gal -la, [266] K. 79, rv. 2, 11, [805] S. 267, obv. 10; amei ka-al-la-a, [852] K. 479, rv. 4; amei mare kal-lu-te, [563] K. 935, rv. 4; amei kal-mes, [3] K. 492, obv. 11; amel kal- mes-te, [232] K. 1059, obv. 7. amel K ALU: amei rab ka-li-i, [419] 83-1-18, 24, rv. 18; amel us-ku, [493] 83-1-18, 13, rv. 10, [361] 81-2-4, 58, rv. 9. ameiuS.KATI: amel us k a - 1 i , [90] K. 594, obv. 10. ameiSA ELI BIBI, amei raB ABULLE: amei sa muh ka, [277]K. 1066, rv.7; amel gal ka-gal-mes, [493] 83-1-18, 13, rv. 17. ameiSA PlNI £lKALLI: amei ga si § k alii, [90] K. 594, obv. 11, rv. 4, 8, [287] K. 94, rv. 5, [328] K. 638, obv. 9, [329] K. 8383, obv. 10, [568] K. 956, rv. 17, [725] K. 12989, obv. 5, [733] 81-2-4, 113, obv. 4; ameisa si ekalli-mes, [377] 83-1-18, 43, obv. 14; amei sa pa-ni ekalli, [202] K. 83, rv. 1, [270] K. 1089, obv. 5; amei ga pa-an e-ga[l], [521] 83-1-18, 4, rv. 8. amei SAKU: amei sag, [1] K. 167, obv. 11, [158] K. 530, obv. 4, [190] K. 596, obv. 10, [220] K. 1274, rv. 8, [261] K. 563, rv. 1, [267] K. Index of Officials 19 462, rv. 12, [322] K. 663, obv. 11, [313] 83-1-18, 18 obv. 9, [434] Bu. 89-4-26, 163, rv. 21, [448] K. 826, obv. 3, [527] K. 830, rv. 13, [565] K. 941, rv. 7, [623] K. 1212, obv. 2, [633] K. 1366, obv. 6, [638] K. 2908, obv. 4, rv. 4, [746] 83-1-18, 146, rv. 4, [841] K. 4757, obv. 7; a^ei sag- ia, [304] K. 533, rv. 5, 7, [539] K. 17, rv. 13; amei sag-su, [473] 81- 2-4,65, obv. 6, [547] K. 587, rv. 10, "'"ei sag-mes, [84] K. 117, obv. 7, [144] K. 194, obv. 5, 11, ,[336] K. 644, obv. 8, [532] 83-1-18, 15, obv. 4, [779] 83-1-18, 90, obv. 8; a^ei sag-mes-ia, [138] K. 469, obv. 7, rv. 1; am^i sag-mes-su, [473] 81-2-4, 65, obv. 7; an^ei sag- mes-ni, [322] K. 663, obv. 4, 12; amei sag sa sarri, [493] 83-1 -18,13, rv. 8; amei sag sarri, [556] K. 683, rv. 17; amsi sa-ku, [276] K. 154, rv. 10, [326] K. 1249, obv. 8, [327] K. 517, rv. 11, [340] Bu. 91-5-9, 183, obv. 23, rv. 12, [418] S. 1028, obv. 3, [542] K. 114, obv. 12, [853] K. 905, obv. 13; ^^^^ sa-ku-mes, [340] Bu. 91-5-9, 183, rv. 4; amei sa-ku-u-ti, [238] K. 1107, obv. 9. ZIKRIT fiKALLI: sal e-gal, [99] K. 5466, obv. 8, [232] K. 1059 obv. 6, [233] K. 7339, obv. 6, [437] K. 168, obv. 9, 13, [568] K. 956, obv. 16, rv. 9, [633] K. 1366, obv. 16. KALLATU: sal kal-la-ti, [263] K. 825, obv. 6; sal ka-al-la-a-te, [494] 80-7-19, 23, rv. 2. ameipiKiTTU: amei pi-kit-ti [12] K. 666, obv. 6; a^ei pi-ki-ta- te,[779] 83-1-18, 90, obv. 9; amsi bel pi-kit-te-ka-a, [573] K. 1003, obv. 7; amei bel pi-kit-ta-te-ia, [573] K. 1003, obv. 10; ameibgl pi-kit-ta-a-te, [476] 83-1-18, 5, i-v. 14; ^'^^^ bel pi- kit-ta-a-a-te-mes,;[778] 81-2-4, 75, obv. 13; b^l pi-k[it]-ti, [608] K. 1136, rv. 9; pi-kit-te, [658] 83-1-18, 81, obv. 9, [178] K. 482, rv. 1, [586] K. 1102, obv. 4; pi-kit-ti, [9] K. 618, obv. 6, [5] K. 583, obv. 10, [7] K. 601, obv. 4, [304] K. 583, obv. 7; pi-ki-te, [178] K. 482, obv. 8; pi-kid-di, [724] K. 548, rv. 9. amei ^A BITgALLiTI: almsi bit-hal, [309] K. 1021, rv. 7; a^^ei sa bit-bal-la-ti, [138) K. 469, rv. 22; an^ei sa bit-^al-mes, [159] K. 1025, obv. 4, [546] K. 557, obv. 7, 14, [174] K. 619. obv. 21, 25; a«j6i sa bit-ha[l-mes], [567] K. 946, obv. 15; amei sa eli biti sa bit-bal-[iiies], [577] K. 1010, obv. 6. ameiAGRt: amei ku-mal, [82] K. 1200, rv. 9; amei ag-ru-tu, [210] K. 647, obv. 9. atneiARiTU: Sa siSa-ri-te ai Mar-bu-ba-a-a, [251] K. 506, rv. 1. amei AS.KAK(?)A.A.TI, [385] H^ 2, 6, rv. 11. amM AS.SE, [814] 81-7-27, 34, rv. 7. amei fi.BAR sa ii Samas, [262] K. 607, rv. 11. amei IP.Tt.GU.TtJ.RA, [251] K. 506, rv. 9. ameiUMMlNU: ameium-ma-nu, [172] K. 1052, obv. 5, [336] K. 644, obv. 8; amei um-[ma-nu], [172] K. 1052, rv. 1; amei um- me-a, [566]K. 942, rv. 4; amei urn -ma -ni, [452] K. 943, obv. 10, [629 1 K. 1263, obv. 19, [867] 81-2-4, 94, obv. 3. amei ARAMU: amei a-ra-mu, [542] K. 114, obv. 15, [747] K. 923, obv. 4,6; amei a-ra-mi-su,[542]K. 114, rv. 8. 20 Notes on Some Officials of the Saegonid Period ameiuR: [465] K. 8509, rv. 7; ur-mes, [32] K. 527, obv. 10; a-ur (= mar kalbi) [208] K. 617, rv. 11. amei URlSU: amei u-ra-si, [91] K. 620, obv. 13, rv. 2, [476] 83-1-18, 5, rv. 20, [464] K. 1519, obv. 18; amei u-ra-si-e(?), [119] K. 499, rv. 13; amei u-ra-su-tu, [209] K. 636, rv. 1; ameirab u-ra-sa-ni, [323] K. 6005, obv. 5. ameiElRIB BITI, NIRIB BITI: amei tu bit i, [475] 83-1-18, 3, obv. 7, [496] K. 474, obv. 14; amei tti biti sa biti ili, [560] K. 906, rv. 2; ameitu biti sa iiSamsi, [468] R^ 217, obv. 7; amei tu biti sa iiNinip; [493] 83-1-18, 13, obv. 12; amei tii biti sa ii Asur, [539] K. 17, rv. 14; amei tu-mes biti sa Dur-ilu, [401] 83-1-18, 30, obv. 3; tu biti mes, [748] K. 5474, obv. 5; amei sa pani ni-ri-bi, [875] Bu. 89-4-26, 71, obv. 7. ameiSA BITI KUDINI: ameiga bit ku-din, [245] K. 513, obv. 4, 13, rv. 1, [312] K. 689, rv. 9. amei EN.GUR.A.NI, [387] S. 1045, rv. 8. ameiUDRI, UDRtTI, BEL UDRI: amei ud-ru, [309] K. 1021, rv. 4; amelbel ud-ri, [444] K. 645, obv. 13; nise ud-ru-u-ti, [121] K. 468, obv. 9, 10; ameigabe ud-ru -ti, [506] K. 678, rv. 16, 17. amei BI? [353] 82-5-22, 169, obv. 9. amei GAR. NA. I (error for gar-ni = aakni?), [430] Rm 72, obv. 2. ameiGUGALLU (or ASARIDU?): amei tig-gal, [562] K. 927, obv. 7. amei GUR.ru. TU, [752] R™ 48, rv. 19. amei DA-I-KA-NI-E(?), [848] K. 508, obv. 4, rv. 2. amei DAN. DA. A. NU : (Kal-da-a-nu?) [210] K. 647, rv. 5. ameiDI.SA.NU: [443] K. 579, obv. 6. ameiziLLIRU: amei zi-iMi-i-u, [281] K. 13, obv. 11. amei ZA.ZAK.KU, [464] K. 1519, rv. 4. amei ZtKU : amei zu-ku sa §kalli, [304] K. 533, obv. 6. amei gu.KAK: amei hu-kak-mes, [212] K. 679, obv. 18. amei giALU : amei }ji-ia-lu, [272] K. 4736, rv. 3; amei ha-a-lu . . . [849]K. 580, rv. 4?; amei ^i-ia-a-lu, [5201 K. 680, obv. 7; amei^i. a-lu-su-nu, [804] K. 544, rv. 15; fei-'-a-lu, [412] 48-7-20, 115, obv. 18, 21; ameihi-'-la-a-nu, [269] K. 528, obv. 8; amei Iji-ia- 1 a - n i - i a , [280] K. 10, obv. 22. saiHARIMTU: ^ai kar-kit, [289] K. 312, obv. 8; sal ha-ri-ma-te, [509] 81-2-4, 123, obv. 11. amei J.KI.I.SU : [633] K. 1366, obv. 22. ameiKIZU: amei ki-zu-u-mes, [542] K. 114, obv. 14. amei KU.ZI.ZI.IK.TU, [620] K. 1201, rv. 16. amei KI.ZU(?)BI.E, [346] Bu. 89-4-26, 9, i-v. 6. amei KAR.RA.NI, [103] K. 1189, obv. 9. amei KAR.KA.TIN, [322] K. 663, obv. 9. amei KALLAPANU : amei kal-la-pa-ni, [526] K. 628, rv. 1. amei KITKUTU (=KITKITTU?): amei ^ar ki-it-ku-te-e, [414] Rm 77, obv. 11. Index of Officials 21 amei L A : (error for APIN ?) [845] K. 671, obv. 10. amei MAKTU, a-^ei MAKTOTU: '^'"^1 ma-cak-tu, [343] 83-1-18,18, rv. 3; amsi ma-ak-tu, [434] Bu. 89^-26, 163, obv. 20; an^ei ma- ak-tu-tu, [792] 8.3-1-18, 52, rv. 7, [794] 83-1-18, 150, rv. 12; amsi ma-ak-tu-tu, [343] 83-1-18, 18, obv. 13; a^ei ma-ak-tu-te,[140J K. 518, obv. 6, rv. 5; a-^ei ma-ak-tii-u-te, [434] Bu. 89-4-26,163, obv. 17, rv. 19. amei MA.LA.ZIZ(?), [701] S. 1338, rv. 1. amei MAN : [873] Bu. 89-4-26, 20, rv. 7. amei MAR EKALLI: mar 6 ka Hi, [512] K. 858, obv. 5, 6, 14. amei MUBU: am^^i mu-bu-u, [467] S. 456, obv. 24; nise mu-bu, [506] K. 678, obv. 16 {cf. amei rab aiftni mu-bu, [506] K.678, rv. 5). amei NA.U.A.NI, [585] K. 1098, rv. 2. sal NA.GIS.MA.MES, [103] K. 1189, obv. 8. amei NlKISU : amei na-ki-su-te, [484] 81-7-27, 33, obv. 11. amei SAKLU: amei sa-ak-lu, [437] K. 168, rv. 15; amei gak-lu-te, [325] K. 571, obv. 10, 13, 16. anaei SU.gl. IN. TU.su, [564] K. 937, obv, 16. amei PI. E ? [812] 82-5-22, 93, rv. 20. amei PARITU: amei pa-ri-tu, [812] 82-5-22, 93, rv. 16. amei PARSAMU: amei par-su-mu, [3] K. 492, rv. 3; ameipar-su- me, [9] K. 618, obv. 15; amei^par-sa-mu-ti, [168] K. 636, rv. 15; amei par-sa-mu-te, [2] K. 183, obv. 16. amei KASTI: a^ei gis-ban-mes, [267] K. 462, obv. 14, rv. 13, [754] K. 5457, obv. 10, 28; nis6 ban, [617] K. 1167, obv. 10; nis6 gis- ban, [617] K. 1167, rv. 3. amei KADt: ameika-di-e, [462] K. 1374, obv. 10. amei KADISTU: amei gjg^ [447] k. 821, rv. 13, [370] 81-2^, 49, obv. 14. amei RAB ARDINI: amei rab nitag-mes, [208] K. 617, rv. 6 (?), [533] 83-1-18, 44, rv. 1, 12, 14, [633] K. 1366, rv. 15. amei RAB TANiBU: amei rab ta-ni-be, [114] K. 538, rv. 1, [876] Bu. 91-5-9, 144, obv. 12, rv. 4. amei RAB BIRTI: amei rab bir-ti, [422] Rm 215, obv. 8. amei RA.I.'AN-NU, [521] 83-1-18, 4, obv. 21. amei RAB.DIS.SI : (captain of 1,000?) Bu. 89-4-26, 162, rv. 7. (amei) RAB.BIR, [221] K. 175, obv. 12. amei RASt(?j: amei ra-sa-ni, [418] S. 1028, rv. 6; amei"ra-sa-a-ni, [518] 83-1-18, 27, rv. 7. amei RAB PILKANU: amei rab pil-ka-ui, [91] K. 620, obv. 14, rv. 4; rab pil-ka-ni, [512] K. 858, obv. 4. amei RADIANU, [102] K. 6.57, obv. 9, rv. 11. amei RIDt: amei ri-di-ia, [866] 81-2-4, 93, obv. 11, rv. 8; amei ri- di-ia-a-mes, [866] 81-2-4, 93, obv. 10; ameifi-di- . . . ^ibid., obv. 13. amei RI-'-MI(?), [262] K. 607, rv. 9. amei RA-SI-TU, [848] K. 508, rv. 5. 22 Notes on Some Officials of the Sargonid Period ameiSA BITI II-E, [801]K. 13077, obv. 6. amei SU.GAB.A.MES, [755] 83-1-18, 122, obv. 16; a^ei rab «"«! rab su-gab-a-mes, [755] 83-1-18, 122, obv. 6. ameiSA PlNI BIT KItA: [875] Bu. 89^-26, 71, obv. 5. ameiSA PiNI MlTI: (=sa pani ekalli) [467] S. 456, rv. 11. amei SEIBU, SIBtTU: amei si-bu-u, [790] S. 1392, rv. 4; amei si- bu-tu, [202] K. 83, rv. 15, [210] K. 647, obv. 2, [576] K. 1009, obv. 2, rv. 9, [753] 82-5-2, 111, obv. 6. aniei SAG.US(?).MES.TE, [175] K. 614, obv. 7. amei SISLU (SI'LU?): amei si-i^-lu, [154] K. 653, rv. 8. ameiSAL.UM: (should it be si-um, abarakku?) [433] 79-7-8,138, rv. 9; [712] S. 1223, obv. 5. amei SAMALLI): amei sagan-lal-mes, [65] K. 629, rv. 6. amei SA SA.GA.TE, [167] K. 582, obv. 17 (c/. sa-ga-a-te, [75] K. 546, obv. 7). amei SIMU: amsi gam-mes, [99] K. 5466, rv, 12; tur-mes sam- mes, [99] K. 5466, rv. 10; amei mes sam-mes, [99] K. 5466, obv. 11. amei SA SAPTI, or ZIKNI(?): amei ga su-mes, [144] K. 194, obv. 11. amei SARNUPPU: amei sa-Sr-nu-up-pu, [281] K. 13,rv.l2, 15, 18. amei SATAMMU: amei s^-tam, [412] 48-7-20, 115, obv. 15, [437] K. 168, obv. 6, 24, [476] 83-1-18, 5, obv. 28, rv. 9, 13; amei §&. tarn - mes, [437] K. 168, rv. 8; amei s^-tam-u-ti, [437] K. 168, rv. 15. amei TARGUMINU: amei tar-gu-ma-nu, [387] S. 1045, rv. 5. amei TARBllNU: amei tar-bi-a-ni, [127] K. 616, rv. 4. amei TIK.EN.NA: amei tik-en-na, [327] K. 517,obv. 2, [328] K. 638, obv. 2, [344] 83-1-18, 28, obv. 2, [438] K. 177, rv. 11, [447] K. 821, obv. 8, [540] K. 87, obv. 11, [542] K. 114, obv. 11; amei tiken-na- mes, [540] K. 87, obv. 4. A group of women in [527] K. 830 are described by terms that may be gentilic; but some rank or employment seems to me the more probable: sal AR-RA-BA-TI: obv. 3, 6, 9. saiRAB.TI: (=rabati?) obv. 4. saiBI-NI-TI: obv. 5. saiTU-'-A-TI: obv. 5. saiHU-LU-UT-TI: obv. 6. saiNA.MIR.TI: rv. 2, 16. Index of Officials 23 K. 1589, obv. 6. K. 634, rv. 3. K. 1202, obv. 4. K. 1098, obv. 1. D. T. 63, obv. 9. K. 910, obv. 7. 83-1-18, 5, obv. 21. K. 4736, rv. 2. Bu. 91-5-9, 107, obv. 8. 48-7-20, 116, obv. 17. 82-5-22, 141, rv. 4. 83-1-18, 5, rv. 24. K. 942, obv. 1. K. 1170, rv. 10, 12. Rm. 2, 6, obv. 14. S. 1940, obv. 13. K. 177, rv. 23. K. 651, rv. 2. K. 543, obv. 2. Bu. 91-5-9, 107, obv. 11 THE ASSYRO- BABYLONIAN ^'"ei TU.biti. Johns, ADD. II, p. 106, in discussing this officer, inclines to the view that he is not a temple official of any kind, but merely an occupant of temple lands, charged with certain dues to the temple. This opinion he would support by reference to royal endowments of the temples, in which connection the ^"^^^TU.biti is sometimes mentioned. But this is inconclusive. Such con- nection with temple -endowments may imply nothing more than the modern pastor's connection with the manse and glebe, or parsonage, or parish house. There is further the objection that in the Cultustafel of Sippara, also mentioned by Johns, the most important provisions for the reorganization of the temple services are made ki pi ^'"^^TU.biti, "according to the instructions of the TU.blti." Further, instead of being taxed for the main- tenance of the temple, provision is made for his support. He receives five shares of the daily receipts as against two shares received by the nas patri. In H. 167, K. 582, rv. 17, sqq., we may compare the daily allotment for a masmasu, four shares, and for a pirhinu, two shares. There is also an *™^^TU.biti II-u in the Cultustafel, a species of classification improbable in the case of mere tenants or taxpayers. We also find ^"^^TU.biti who do not appear to be connected with the temple, and are probably palace officials. In various places we find them spoken of in a way that suggests high rank. I do not see how to recon- cile the various data, except upon the theory that the TU.blti was a great official. Accepting the reading erebu for TU as the key to the solution, we may find him to be the ^"^^^sa pani ni-ri-bi, as written syllabically in H. 875, Bu. 89-4-26, 71, obv. 7. This may be preferable to the reading erib biti cited by Johns. That nirib rather than erib is used in reference to the entrance of a structure of any kind, is shown by numerous passages; cf. HWB., p. 127. That we must understand the officer in question to be something more than a mere porter or janitor, at least much more than is expressed by our modern conceptions 24 The Assyro-Babylonian a^'^'TU.BiTi 25 of, and associations with these terms, will appear from the following data. In H. 512, K. 528, we have a letter that is suggestive. The writer does not state his office, but, though addressing the mayor of the palace, he does not call him "my lord." Such mode of address clearly indicates that he is of higher rank than the recipient of the letter. Order of Nabfl-z§r-lisir to the mayor of the palace: (Admit) "Nabli-sarbti-ikisa; "^Zer-Istar, a chief repairer(?) {HWB., 527, Johns, ADD. II, p. 174; Van Gelderen, BAS. IV, p. 532); ^ Ubba (one Arabian) (?) a palace employee (son of the palace); "^ Mtisura (one Egyp- tian) (?) a palace employee; the wife of the rab-mati (mayor of the palace); three sons of °iNabti-zer-lisir; the wife of 'oNabli-sarbti- iklsa; two daughters of "> Nabti-z6r-llsir, (and) his daughter-in-law. The 8th day of Tammuz. «" Nabft-zer-lisir to (any) son of the palace. Total, fourteen persons admitted. It would seem that we here have an ancient pass ticket. The writer furnishes an order of admission to various persons who wish to enter the palace enclosure. Addressed primarily to the mayor of the palace, it is countersigned at the bottom, authorizing admission by any "son of the palace" who may be on duty at the gate when the ticket is presented. The note was written rapidly, the determinative amelu being omitted in some places; and hence there is uncertainty about the third and fourth names in the list. The plural sign is omitted throughout, and there is an error of two in the total as the letter stands in Harper's text. It is to be noticed that six of the persons mentioned are members of the writer's family, and one is the wife of the mayor of the palace to whom the order is addressed.' Two persons are palace officials of some type. It would appear, then, that even persons prominent in the social circle of the palace required, if they had been outside its precincts, a special order for their re-admission, and that there was a person authorized to issue such tickets; perhaps an amei gg pani niribi. In H. 511, K. 654, we have a letter from a man of the same name, Nabu-z6r-llsir, written, however, in the Babylonian script. He reports a number of things — garments, gold, silver, horses, sheep, etc. — for Abu-6rba "of the king's seed" and his 1 The cases cited by Johns, ..^DZ). II, p. 157, make it api>ear that rab mftti and rab fikalli are equivalent titles. 26 Notes on Some Officials of the Sargonid Period wife, all of which seem to be consigned to his charge in the palace (dib-bu na-as-ru-ti sa " Nabti-zer-lisir ina ekalli du- bu-ub). If this person is the writer of H. 512, we should have some further suggestion as to the rigid supervision he would exercise over everything entering the palace. H, 475, 83-1-18, 3, is a short but suggestive letter, probably from Ibassi-ilu, written in the Babylonian character: To the king, my lord, thy servant (Ibassi-ilu). May Nabii and Marduk be gracious to the king, my lord. Referring to Iddin-a^li, and Ina-klbi-Bel, his brother, the TU.biti: According as the letter of the king my lord gave orders to me, viz., send them those carpenters — now I will send them unto the king my lord. Apparently the two officers named have made a requisition for carpenters for some purpose, and the king has sent word to Ibassi-ilu to supply the needed men. The inference is natural that alterations or repairs of the temple may have been under the supervision of the TU.biti, and this inference we shall find sup- ported by other data to be cited. The two officers named also appear in another important role; c/. infra H. 496. In the meantime we may compare the change in organization made by Joash, 2 Kings 12:4 sqq. It is to be observed there that so long as the chief priests, those officiating about the altar, handled the temple receipts, the house of Yahweh was in bad repair, and there were no available funds. Only when the matter was taken out of their hands and placed in charge of "the priests, the keepers of the threshold," was the house put in proper condition. The system adopted, the subdivision and distribution of priestly func- tions, is an interesting parallel to the Assyrian method. Modern critical views upon the relative importance and the chronological priority of priest and Levite may require a slight modification. Some such assignment to special duty would be necessary in the nature of the case, even though all alike were called "the priests, the Levites." 1 Chron. 9:17-29, will be reflected in the further study of the TU.biti. It would seem that the ^™^^ TU.biti was prone to make alterations in the temple interior without consulting anyone. The letter H. 493, 83-1-18, 13, is from Asur-rlsua, a priest of Ninib, who is not pleased with what has been done. The purport of this broken letter is clear enough. During the reign of the king's father the TU.biti of Ninib had altered the golden orna- OF THE ■* UNIVERSITY OF The AsSYRO-BABYLONIAN^'»^lTU.BiTI 27 merits of the head of Ninib. At the time of writing, a company of workmen are employed in cutting strips of silver from the walls. The priest begs that the king will stop the work, and remarks that he himself has not been consulted, though he thinks himself "their brother" in such matters. With this we may compare H. 468, Rm. 217. Some Babylonians complain to the king that 5ulala, a TU.biti of Samas, has come down and carried off "a sky^ of gold" from fisagila. What action the priests took with reference to the matter is illegible. Some of the people are incensed, and say that they are no longer safe; that they will be made like the city of Gana. Such stripping of costly decorations from temples, to beautify Assyria, may have been one of the causes of Babylonian revolts from Assyrian domination. To these evidences of the authority of the TU.biti in the matter of repairing or altering the temples, we may add Rm. Ill, 105, a broken cylinder, published by Winckler, AOF. I, pp. 256 sqq. It comes from the period of civil war in Babylonia, near the middle of the eighth century B. C. The inscription is of one Nabu-sum-imbi, who tells us that he is a nisakku and a TU.biti of Nabu, as well as sakti (Winckler, NIN.ku) of Borsippa. He records his restoration of the temple, which was damaged during the civil war. Nabusumiddina, a son of Daini- Nabu, and a TU.biti of Nabu, had made a night attack upon the temple in Borsippa, which Nabusumimbi was holding with an armed force. The pious Nabusumimbi prayed to Nabu until sunrise, and as a result the enemy were beaten ofip. The success- ful combatant expresses his gratitude to Nabti by repairing the temple. Passi'ng from this relation of the TU.biti to the repairs or alterations of the temple, we find another interesting feature of his office. Iddinabu and Ina-kIbi-B6l, two officials already men- tioned in H. 475, appear in this important function in H. 496, K. 474. Ibassi-ilu writes to notify the king that the third of Elul is the day for the arraying of Bfil, and that the opening of the great gate of the temple takes place upon the fourth. 2 AN. E., the usual mode of writing Sam 6 in the letters. I doubt its being a plural of "God," as this would not be in accfjrd with the epistolary usa^e. Moreover, fisagila is the residence of Marduk, and we should hardly expect miscellaneous idols tlierein, judging from the complaint against Nabonidus in the Cyrus cylinder. Further, would an official of the 3ama§ cult have use for images from the Marduk temple T He would, of course, have use for the gold. 28 Notes on Some Officials of the Saegonid Period Iddinahti and Ina-kibi-Bel, the TU.biti are, as the king knows, the persons properly in charge of those ceremonies. The writer asks that they be sent, and that they may stand with him on the day of the opening of the gate. It is probable, then, that they were expected to pass upon the dress of the worshipers as well as that of Bel, when they stood with Ibalsi-ilu. The position of Ibassi-ilu himself I do not know. In other letters of this group, HH. 496-501, we find him reporting that the king's orders for beds, coronets for Anu, and other temple fittings, have been filled. Since the data already given show the TU.biti to be connected with such matters, and since in the letter under con- sideration Ibassi-ilu wishes two well-known threshold-keepers to stand with him on the great day of the opening of the gate of Bel, he may have been such an official himself. He may also be identifiable with one of two men of his name prominent in Thompson's EM A. These suggestions concerning the functions of this official recall the Cultustafel. Col. V, 26 sqq., specifies, "and furni- ture of the interior^ according to the instruction of the two a-^^iTU.biti-MEg." The king's share of the daily expense (c/. 2 Chron. 31:3) is the food for the priests, and "two shares according to the instructions of the two ^""^^ TU.biti ;" then follows the list of clothing provided. Special garments are required for the seventh of Nisan, the tenth of lyyar, the third of Elul, the seventh of Tisrit, the fifteenth of Marchesvan, and the fifteenth of Adar : altogether six festal robes each year given by the king. The interesting features in these details are the evident authority of the TU.biti, and the fact that the third of Elul requires a special festal garment for the servitor of Samas, as it does in the letter last quoted for the servitor of Bel. In H. 338, 82-5-22, 98 Mar-Istar also discusses ceremonies for Bel and Marduk upon the third of Elul, and the opening of the gate is mentioned (c/. Van Gelderen, BAS. IV, p. 533). We may compare with these specifications for particular garments upon occasions of unusual significance, Jehu's order : " Bring forth vestments for the priests of Baal" (2 Kings 10:22), In the twenty -third verse is an order for special scrutiny of the assembly, that only duly qualified worshipers may be within. 3U-na-at lib-bi is not translated by Jeremias, BAS. I, p. 275 ;c/. u-na-a-te hurftsi kaspi sipirri parzilli isS uabnfi 6pu§, from an ASurbanipal inscription, cited by E. F. Harper, Hebeaica, X (1894), 198. The Assyro-Babylonian '^'"^^ TU.biti 29 This may be parallel to the request of Ibassi-ilu that the two wardens may assist him in the great gate upon the festal day. In Ezekiel's code we observe that the priests must leave their vestments in the side chambers, not being allowed to come among the laity wearing their official apparel (Ezek. 42:13, l-t ; 44:19). The Levitical code (Exod. 38:4) will readily suggest itself ; but till we know precisely what the Babylonian or Assyrian robes were, we cannot undertake a comparative study of Jewish and Mesopotamian priestly apparel. But it seems clear from the cuneiform data so far that the great guardian of the threshold was responsible for the proper preparation of every one who would enter the temple. Only thus could the perfection of each rite be guaranteed (observe the conditions and reservations in the oracles of the Sun-god) ; and only thus could the temple be kept free from defilement. The post was no sinecure, and we shall see that the warden needed to know all that occurred within the temple as well as what was approaching from without. Our data also allow the conclusion that the average temple had two chief officers of this type; and this may imply two gates of the temple in daily use, besides the great gate opened upon spe- cial occasions when the presence of the king was expected. We observe that there are two threshold keepers in the Cultustafel; two are called for by Ibassi-ilu ; in the narrative of Nabusumimbi two rival threshold keepers are warring for the possession of the temple; in the Cultustafel one of the two officers is an ^""^^ TU.bIti II-u. We may venture the suggestion, then, that Ezek. 44:1-4; 46:1-3, 8-12, give us some idea of the arrangement of a Babylonian temple [cf. also 1 Chron. 31 : 14 for "the porter toward the east") and of the movement of the throng upon a festal occasion, under the supervision of the TU.bIti. Further questions concerning the arrangement of the Babylonian temple will be considered in a separate paper. For the modification of Ezekiel's plan see Josephus, Ant., XV, II, 5, and 1 Chron. 9:17-28. As showing the familiarity of the TU.bIti with all that occurred within the temple, the letters of Akkullanu are pecu- liarly interesting. This writer is shown in H. 539, K. 17, rv. 14, 15, to be a TU.bIti of the temple of Asur. In H. 16, K. 428, in a brief report to the king, too broken to be intelligible, he is asso- ciated with Adadsumusur, Arad-fia, and Istarsumfires. This places his activity in Esarhaddon's reign, a fact further supported 30 Notes on Some Officials of the Sargonid Period by H. 43, K. 122. His prominence will be more clearly realized when that of his associates is remembered. Their activity is noticeable in the excursus upon the Esarhaddon succession. The letters of Akkullanu, HH. 42-50, 429, 678-681, suggest that he is the proper person to address for information upon almost any matter connected with the temple, or its service. H. 42, K. 14, has been translated by Van Gelderen, BAS. IV, p. 518. Akkullanu reports that on the third of the month (Elul again?), Asur and Belit went forth in peace and returned in peace. Goblets and drink for the king have been duly prepared, and rites which had ceased through neglect have been re-estab- lished; but the suraru-wine for the month Tisrit has not been provided for Alur. The chief vintner, his deputy, and his secretary have alike neglected the matter. The next letter, H. 43, K. 122, is the most interesting of all. Van Gelderen, BAS. IV, p. 513, has given a translation, and Johns gives a general view of it, ADD. II, p. 105, and a com- plete translation ABLCL., p. 377, changing his former view slightly. In both he differs somewhat from Van Gelderen. I am not sure that the reverse of the letter is perfectly understood. But the bearing upon the duties of the TU.biti is in no wise affected. In the first part of the letter, he replies to an inquiry of the king informing him of the governors, cities, and provinces that have neglected to send the regular offerings to Asur. Nineteen are named; and as several of these are certainly provinces out- side of Assyria itself, we may have a sidelight upon the unwil- lingness of the Hebrew prophet to see his king maintain either hostile or dependent relations with Assyria.* The reverse of the tablet reports the facts concerning two priests (Van Gelderen, "scribes"), who had been consecrated by Sennacherib, but had lost their positions through some cere- monial mishaps, "not great sins." One is "priest of the bake- room,"^ shaved when he was young. The other is chief of the larder, or almost a "head-waiter" for the temple tables. Each seems to have been deposed for some inattention to proper shaving * Compare the frequent complaints concerning rebels in the cuneiform historical inscriptions. "Thej' had had not sent to inquire after my peace — they scorned the solemn oaths by the great gods." 5 With this priest of the bake-house, compare the little cooking chambers flanking Ezekiel's temple (after Babylonian models (?)), 46 : 19-24, and the chambers and those in charge of things baked in pans, 1 Chron. 9 : 31 ; 23 : 28, 29 ; Lev. 2:5-7; 6 : 21 ; 7:9. The Assyro-Babylonian «"*^TU.BiTi 31 (ina la sa^-sa-su-te la gal-lu-ub).*^ Thus apart from the information the letter gives concerning the TU.bIti, it is of interest as suggesting some exacting ritual of the Assyrian priesthood. Apparently, cuttings of the "corners of the head and beard" were seriously regarded. As for the TU.biti, he is evidently expected to know the past history of the temple as well as current events. One would infer his familiarity with the temple library, or record room. The record of the neglect of stated sacrifices by certain governors recalls the frequent com- plaints of the Hebrew narratives, and the list of nobles bringing offerings,' in Numb. 7. H. 185, K. 1396 is interesting after this report concerning delinquent governors. NabubSlsunu tells Asurmudammik that he has been wronged by Akkullanu. The latter has obtained twelve or thirteen mana of silver from Asurmudammik, for the breaches of the shrines of Asur and Belit. Nabubelsunu tells his friend to make a memorandum of it, and to plan for its recovery. It would seem that Akkullanu, when charged with repairing the temple, was inclined to somewhat vigorous measures for securing the necessary funds, H. 44, K. 604 gives us no information. Akkullanu asks the king for a reply to a previous letter. In H. 45, K. 691 he announces that he will "bring to Dilbat"(?) an axe,* pilakku that has been called for. It is probable that some sacred symbol, 6 For shaving the head as part of the ceremony of consecration to the priesthood, com- pare ASurbAnipal. L^ 12, 13. Observe the many cylinder-seals and reliefs in which a shaved person is brought before a god, e. g., the DeClercq collection. The appendix to Curtiss, PSR., 268, by Wm. Hayes Ward, gives a number of illustrations. Notable are figures 3, 7, 10, n, 19. A fully appareled priest wears a queue, sometimes plaited, sometimes turned up behind, or decorated. .\s an unclean person must keep from the altar in general Semitic usage, we must regard these scones as illustrating consecration or purification. Some of the figures may represent females, but some are certainly shaved males. Compare the shaving of the Levites when consecrated. Numb. 8:7; the shaving of tiio head of the Nazirite as a mode of cleansing, Numb. 6:9, 18; cf. Acts, 18:18; 21:24; shaving of a leper for cleansing. Lev. 1-1:8,9; 13:.S3; Egyptian shaving of one coming to court. Gen. 41:14; the shaving of Egyptian priests mentioned by Herodotus, the prohibition in the case of Hebrew priests. Lev. 19:27; 21:."); Deut. 21:12; Ezok. 44:20. On general subjects see A. R. S. Kennedy, DH. I, p. ->36\ Carslaw, DB. Ill, p. 478. ' These duties of .\kkullauu suggest the inventory clerk, and Ezekiel's familiarity with all costly merchandise (Ezekiel 27 : 1-2')). Wa.s Ezokiel a priestly thresht)ld keeper, becoming in consequence, familiar with all kinds of articles likely to be brought before a god T 8 We may think of the double axe, Greek ire'Aeicu? as contrasted with the tiiiintKiKKov, now familiar from excavations of the Cretan Labyrinth, which bears traces of Semitic influence; the double axe (or maco) in the hand of I^tHr(?) on some seals (Ward, appendix G, to Curtiss, PSR., fig. 7) ; the lance, as emblem of Ninib, as evidenced by k ak k ab Su kudu, kakkab tarta^u, and the upright lanco upon his (7) altar, DeClercq, ;}08, 371, 373; the double trident (thunderbolt (1)) in the hand of Marduk when assailing Tiftmat in various reliefs and seals; the bow of .VSur in reliefs and historical inscriptions and O. T. reference to worship of military emblems, Hah. 1 : 16. 32 Notes on Some Officials of the Sargonid Period or piece of temple furniture, is here referred to. Both letters have been translated by S. A. Smith, AL., and Delitzsch, BAS. I, p. 222; II, p. 30. In H. 429, Rm. 69, translated by Van Gelderen, BAS. IV, p. 530, AkkuUanu is again concerned with the decorations of the temple. A golden tablet, a peace offering from the king, is missing. Akkullanu reports that it has been seen in the possession of a jeweller (?), and that he will institute a rigid examination of the man before a scribe. That the ornament came safely to the temple from the king's messenger is doubted, and this person should be questioned. Perhaps the same subject is discussed in the badly broken H. 592, K. 1116. Of the four- teen original lines, not one is left entire. We can recognize some reference to a golden tablet and a jeweller. In H. 47, K. 979 Akkullanu announces libations and royal sacrifices at Tarbisi, and asks the king if he should attend them (c/. RFHarper, Hebraica, X, 1894, p. 196), adding that the king cannot complain this time of not being duly notified. In H. 48, K. 1019, and H. 49, K. 1168, the breaks are too serious to allow any connected narrative ; both, however, may refer to the same subject. In H. 48, Akkullanu says: "Regarding the priests of the city of Assur(?), about whom the king sent to me, I will myself inquire of some priest . . . ." H. 49 is much longer, and begins, after greetings, "As to that priest about whom the king, my lord, sent to me, he made complaint from his heart three times on that day." The next twenty lines are too fragmentary to yield any connected sense. About the middle of the reverse we find instructions for ritual on certain days; on the tenth day at noon a censer; on the eleventh and twelfth, great sacrifices (nike). There follows a report concerning a complaint made by the priest of the Temple of Seven at Nineveh, about whom he had sent word to his lord the king. The son of some priest of the Temple of Samas has been asked for; his name, Akkullanu says, is Zari, son of Nadinapal. The next letter of this group, H. 50, K. 1242, broken also, refers to sacrifices before which Akkullanu stands. Sumerian ritual titles are discernible, and tamarti of Sin and Samas are mentioned. HH. 678, 680, 681, are too fragmentary to be of value, but H. 679, 83-1-18, 61 is interesting as being a purely astrological report. Star movements are discussed at some The Assyro-Babylonian ^""^^TU.biti 33 length, though nearly half the letter is broken away. We may question if the writer is the same Akkullanu as above. Bezold thinks there are two. Yet knowing the dominance of astrology in Assyrian thought and ritual, it would seem that all the learned classes and priestly authorities should have some general knowl- edge of the subject, as it would be impossible otherwise for them properly to perform their daily functions. This is supported by Thompson's Rejwrts of the ^logicians and Astrologers. Nos. 81, 259 are from a rab dup-sar; Nos. 100, 266, from a rab A. BA. ; No. 160 from a dup-sar; No. 58 from the rab A.ZU; No. 83, 115F, 183, 243, from a mas-mas. There is a fair pre- sumption then, in favor of some astrological knowledge upon the part of the TU.biti. It is practically confirmed by H. 401, 83-1- 18, 30, in which the king writes to Zeru'a and the TU.MEg.bIti of Dur-ilu, that the month Adar has an excess, and that they must adjust its calendar. The various astrological reports from Akkul- lanu in Thompson's collection, and the two other similar reports in HABL, need not then be assigned to some other than our temple warden, as Bezold conjectures. Whatever we may conclude as to the warden Akkullanu's con- nection with astrology, the passages cited indicate that the TU.biti was a very powerful official. That his position was one of great honor may be fairly inferred from the case of Nabulum- imbi, previously cited. A nisakku, and saku of Borsippa, he would have us know that he is also a TU.biti of Nabu. Per- haps it is for the purpose of maintaining his right to this position that he battles with Nabtibelsunu. Akkullanu's activities and associations suggest high honors. We may add from Nergl. 13, "Nabusumukin, the TU.biti of Nabu and satammu" of fizida, spoke to the king Neriglissar thus: Give me Gigltum, your virgin daughter to wife." Some further texts must be noticed. In the large inscription of Merodach-baladan II one Ina-kibi-Bel is mentioned as a ^azanu. Is this the person above mentioned as a TU.biti by Ibassi-ilu in HH. 475, 406? For baz&nu is a term sometimes 9The Satammu kept the Sutummn or "storehouse," to which the TU.biti con- siffned valuable property, and from which the k6pu drew the supplies which ho loaned out when handlint; the temple revenues. Compare the S6-tam bit u-ua-ti on Boundary stone 10:5, col. IV, 9. with the u-na-a-ti of the temple in Note 3. supra, and the ani^l S6-tam of the « "^^^ T U . bl t i of Marduk in VA. 4.J1 (A'fi. IV, p. 172). The term seems Babylonian rather than Assyrian. In Strassmaier's contracts we sometimes find the Satammu furnishini; urain and money from the temple stores. He is occasionally men- tioned in connection with the kfipu. 34 Notes on Some Officials of the Sakgonid Period applied to the TU.biti. In H. 65, K. 629 [JEL., p. 153.), Nabti- sumiddin writes to the mar-sarru. The functions shown in the letter are those we have already observed. The writer announces that the temple of Nabti will be opened on the third of lyyar. The couch of the god will be consecrated (for this ceremony see K. 164, BAS. II, p. 635) ; the god will return on the fourth; sacrifices are announced, and the route of the sacred pro- cession is given. All may enter the temple who bring one ka of food. The writer calls himself the ^azanu of the temple of Nabu. In H. 366, 82-5-22, Nergal-sarrani writes of a like event ; the temple opening on the third of the month and the god returning on the fourth to the couch. The hazanu's connection with the ceremonies is noted. In H. 419, 83-1-18, 24, we have a joint letter from the sangti II-u and the hazanu. In H. 49, 83-1-18, 13, the hazanu of the temple is expected to aid in stop- ping certain alterations. The other hazanu passages in the RFHarper letters refer generally to city officials. Such may be observed in the historical inscriptions and in the Tell el Amarna letters (c/ Zimmern, ZA. VI, 248). Winckler, AOF., 246, argues that the title was originally that of the prefect of a village or petty district. But the ideogram for hazftnu, NU.BANDA, is common in early cattle accounts in the E. A.. Hoffman collec- tion (Radau, EBH.). The hazanu there is only a common herds- man. In early Boundary stones, II R. 43, III R. 41, the hazanu is a household officer. The inference is that the word hazanu has no restricted technical sense; that it is merely "overseer" {ZA. VI, p. 349), and can in consequence be applied to various func- tionaries. The inference finds support in the Jewish use of the borrowed term. Four hazans are distinguished in Jewish literature ; (1) the hazan, or mayor, of a city; (2) the hazan, or sheriff of a court of justice; (3) the hazan of the temple (the "porter" of 1 Chron. 10:26-29) who had charge of the robes, treasures, and utensils and who aided the priests in robing and disrobing [cf. the Arabic hazin, "treasure-keeper"); and (4) the hazan of the synagogue, whose functions may be regarded as a survival of those of the temple hazan. (For particulars see, Jewish Ency- clopcedia, VI, pp. 284 sqq.^ Considering the very definite character of the reports we have examined, coming from the TU.biti or bazanu, we may fairly conjecture, when we find such reports of the order of services The Assyro-Babylonian ''■"''i TU.BiTi 35 coming from one who does not mention his office, that the writer is the official under consideration. Thus we may conclude that Nabupasir who writes H. 134, K. 1234:, and Nabukudurusur, writer of H. 858, K. 822, are such officers. Compare with the data so far given the account given by Curtiss, {PSR., chap. XII) of the sacred classes in modern Syria, "In addition to the care that the minister takes of the shrine he is repository of such legends as may exist with respect to the origin of the shrine, and the life of the saint whose names and deeds are celebrated." This suggests the Cultustafel. In S^ 77, 4, we road of an akil kisallulji, or "vakeel of the anointed ground." Perhaps this is the early equivalent of TU.blti. The passages cited inevitably raise the question, What was the relation of this officer to the sangu? For we have found a sangti complaining of alterations made by a TU.blti. Akkul- lanu gives us nearly all the information derivable from the letters concerning the sangu. The latter appears the less conspicuous personage because the matters treated do not fall within the range of his official activity. He may have been influential in popular intrigues, as he is mentioned in two or three reports of governors and military officers, and it was deemed advisable to place two sons of Esarhaddon in the most powerful priestly offices of the empire. While the TU.biti clearly super- vises the general procedure within the temple, we must not conclude that the sangu had no field of his own in which he was final authority. We must regard him as the personage who officiated at the great altar upon the solemn occasions when the keen-eyed and fully-appareled TU.biti stood in the great gate and carefully inspected the incoming worshipers. The reli- gious texts published suggest the domain of the sangu. From the evolutionary standpoint both officials are certainly descended from the primitive custodian'" of the sacred shrine, the Arabian kali inn, the Hebrew koheu. The cuneiform litera- ture affords some data for the history of their development. Neither is known so far in the older inscriptions. We have in them the term patesi, sometimes translated "priest-king," and comparable with the Semitic sheikh of a petty district, who may •oSuch custodian appears on some very early seals. Ward. PSR., Appendix G, fig. 14i gives a very interesting case: a porter guards a two-lea vod door, while a worshiper stands before the god within. 36 Notes on Some Officials of the Sargonid Period also be the custodian of its sanctuary. This translation has been fairly questioned. Budge and King [AKA. I, p. xvii; cf. Jensen, KB. Ill, 1, 66) would interpret its use by early Assyrian kings as indicating their subjection to Babylonian secular domina- tion. It may as plausibly be construed as showing that there was then little religious difiPerentiation from Babylonia; and Lehmann {BAS. II, p. 614) has shown that the early rulers of Shirpurla use it regularly, whether they were independent or vassals. Moreover, in Assyria they are patesis of gods, not of other princes. In the IJammurabi period the patesis are clearly a sacred class. In LIH., 42, we read of one man libbi mftrfi bar6, and four libbi mare patesi ; in LIH., 17, we have two men libbi mare patesi and one libbi mare bare. This pair- ing "the sons of the seers" with "the sons of the patesis" recalls the seers or "sons of the prophets" and "the priests the Levites" of the O.T. In LIH., 43, we learn of a sharp protest made at the drafting of a patesi for corv6e service. The recipient of the letter is given to understand that the patesis are exempt from such service. We must understand this exemption to be upon religious grounds; we cannot suppose that one secular governor had seized his confrere for corvee service. Compare Ezra, 7:24. In LIH., 91 a sangil of Anunit is included as one of the patesis of Anunit. This form of statement makes us think that the sangu is appearing as a subdivision of the patesis. In LIH., 38, a patesi in the service of one officer wishes to be transferred to the employ of another. The king directs that an exchange be effected and that the employer see that the pate si's field is properly cultivated for him (c/. Nell. 13: 10-13). This is extremely interesting, as sug- gesting that the patesi class was not yet concentrated at a few great temples, but that many were household priests like Micah's Levite in Judges 17. It would also appear that ^ammurabi is endeavoring to control the distribution of the patesis; the LIH. letters show also that he looked after the temple revenues. The grouping of patesis with seers, bartiti, by 5ammurabi, should recall the references to visions and a seer-goddess by the patesi Gudea, Cylinder A. This same distribution of the patesi class is shown us a thou- sand years later. Boundary stone No. 105, III R. 41, records the sale of a piece of land. In the list of curses we find one that The Assyro-Babylonian '»'"«' TU.biti 37 is unique: an imprecation upon him who shall ignore this deed of sale and present the land to any god, or king, or patesi of a king, or patesi of a saknu, or patesi of a bit tSmi. Remembering how frequently we find the kings seizing lands and setting them aside for various temple servitors, we may suspect that patesis, in the days of Marduk-nadinabi, B. C. 1115, were not universally admired, and that they were to some extent household priests, as the data above would suggest: and that the term in the boundary stone is still a general one for shrine functionaries of any kind. Furthermore, we find documents of the later periods showing sacred personalities holding two or three leading offices: as Nabtl- sumimbi, already cited, is both nisakku and TU.blti. And the ability of a man to establish his household shrine and priest is shown by documents like Bu. 88-5-18, 704, cited by Johns, ABLCL., p. 223, in which Nur-ilisu dedicates to a god one SAR of land, and decrees that Pi-sa-Samas shall be its priest, Nurilisu himself laying no claim to the priesthood. This is an excellent parallel to the case of Micah (cf. Nbd. 773). One or two passages in the religious texts may siipport this view of the patesi as a religious functionary instead of a secular "deputy." Marduk is the well-known masmas ilani: the incantations of the mas mas ila,ni are sometimes called for: in his name evil is adjured to leave. But in DES., p. 168, "E" 41, Ea tells Marduk, "perform for him the incantation of ^^^ pa-te-si-MAQ." In DES., p. 34, "By '1" Pa-te-si-GAL.ZU.AB be thou exorcised." Is the "Great Puritier," Marduk, the PATESI. MAS? The second reference seems to be to Ea. We may now fairly ask if PA, TE.SI is not simply aklu + temfinu + karnu (see Briinnow, under signs) "the horned official of the platform." On ancient seals (e. g., Ward, PSB., Appendix G) the priest wears a horned cap. In the O. T., and in the cases considered by Evans, Myce- ncran Tree and Pillar Cult, the horns are on the altar, or over the sacred portal. In Babylonia the title patesi persists to the end, the title TU.biti appearing as early as the time of the Cultustafel. But since the restoration described there is "according to the instruc- tions of the two TU.blti," and since this office tended, as we shall see, to be hereditary, we may fairly conclude that the office existed, and that its functions were fixed before the destruction of the temple by the Suteans, several centuries earlier. It may even 38 Notes on Some Officials of the Saegonid Period date back to the days of Hammurabi, since we have found the sangii known at that time. The TU.biti appears in other familiar documents of the time of Nabupaliddin, to be mentioned presently in connection with the hereditary character of the office. But in Assyria the title patesi soon disappears. It is claimed by Irisum, B. C. 2000, who is called centuries later a sangu of Asur (Scheil, Rec. Trav., XXI, 1900) ; by Samsi-Adad and Isme- Dagan, B. C 1850-1800. Tiglathpileser I. accords these two the same title, VIII, 2, 3. Pudti-ilu, B. 0. 1350, calls himself issakku of Asur, the equivalent of patesi. Adad-nirari, his son, calls himself issakku of Asur in one inscription, and sangu siru of Bel on a stone tablet; he is in this inscription the son of Puduilu the saknu of Bel, issakku of Asur; grandson of Bel- nirari the sangu of Asur, great-grandson of Asur-uballit, whose sangutu was glorious. Can this varied terminology mean that the chief priests of different divinities originally bore different titles, arising from the different rites prominent in the cults? Sangu is, up to this point, reserved for the servitor of Asur or Istar. Asur-res-isi, 1140 B. C, is sangu of Asur, and gives the same title to Mutakkil-Nusku and Asurdan, his predecessors. Tiglathpileser I. claims the office. Asurnasirpal, in his various inscriptions, is sangu of different gods; Asur, Istar, Bel, Ninib, and Nergal (see AKA., pp. 182, 189, 198, 205, 209; Annals I, 25). In K. 868 he is isipu na'du nibit Ninib. Evidently he has become "commander of the faithful" of all the more prominent cults. The Sargonids emphasize their sangutu of Istar. But Sargon himself, evidently a religious reactionary, revives the phraseology of Pudu-ilu 600 years before. In the Nimrud inscription he is saknu of Bel, issakku of Asur: he repeats this on numerous bricks. This is certainly irreconcilable with the theory that patesi or issakku, when used by an Assyrian king, implies his subjection to Babylon. In some of these brick inscriptions we have his title more fully: sakan ^^"Bel, issakki ^^^Asur sakkanak i^" Nabu u ^^^Marduk. This supports the suggestion that the chief priests of certain gods may have had distinctive religious titles. The sakkanakku of Babylon would appear to have been the vicegerent of Nabu and Marduk. We may wonder if these royal claims indicate functional activity, or mere honorary headship. We do not hear of an Assyrian king claiming for himself the honor of TU.biti. He The Assyro-Babylonian ^'"^'TU.BiTi 39 would think of himself as officiating at the altar instead of "keep- ing the charge of the house." But Neriglissar, placed on the throne by priestly intrigue, tells us that he is the son of Belsum- iskun, the wise prince, the perfect hero, nftsir massarti fisaggil u TIN.TIR.KI. (Budge, PSBA., 1888, cylinder; col. I, 11-13.) Is the king boasting of his descent from a TU.biti ? In Assyria, did the temple officials, who, in their let- ters, frequently used the phrase: "We keep the charge of the king our lord,"" think of the king as a sangti whom they assisted? Esarhaddon's favorite oracle, we know, was that of Istar of Arbela, sometimes spoken of as Belit parsi. He declares that Istar of Arbela is a goddess, ra'imat sangutia. In opening salutations Adadsumusur (and occasionally others) frequently writes, after greeting the king, a-na pi-kit-te sa Belit parsi sul-mu a-dan-nis. Does he think of the king as the great sangu of Istar, and therefore include in such salu- tations " those who kept the charge of the house " of Istar? Ques- tions like these are natural in connection with the subject, but answers just now would be premature. Reference has been made to the efforts of various kings to guarantee the maintenance of certain temple officials by freeing certain lands or persons from royal taxation, the revenues being instead devoted to the temple service, and the produce of the lands going into the temple stores, when it was more than could be immediately consumed. The term zakku, "dedicate," secures this exemption from secular demands. The Chronicler may be copying this scheme in 2 Chron. 31 : 13-19. Exemptions for sacred classes are specified in Ezra 7:24. But the records of such royal grants raise the question of heredity, the land so con- secrated being sometimes spoken of as previously consecrated by a former king, and later reverting to the royal domain. An example may be cited in K. 4-467, published by Johns, ADD., I, 714. Meissner, MVAG., 1903, III, p. 6 sqq., collates it with K. 1989, and 83-1-18, 425, and Bu. 91-5-9, 193. Sargon narrates in this deed his restoration of land originally set aside by Adad- nirftri to supply the granaries of Asur, Ninety-five imeru of land in the fields of the city of the TU.biti, in the campus of Nineveh, are reconsecrated. The land is given in charge of the n The frequency of the similar expression in the Old Testament should be noticed : Gen. 26:5; Exod. 6:13; Numb. 9:19; 27 :28; 1 Chron. 9:27; 2 Chron. 8:14. 40 Notes on Some Officials of the Sargonid Period sons of former temple servitors. Fifteen imeru of ground are set aside for the rab akale, "like the field of the city of the TU.biti — with the field of the governor of Dur-Sarrukm I counted it — fifteen I thus consecrated." This placing of the lands of the temple servitors upon the same footing as the land of the governor should be compared with Ezekiel's land system, 45:1-8, and endowed state offices in the ^arran census. Since the benefice is given to the descendants of former bene- ficiaries, and the TU.biti are spoken of as though owning or dwelling in a city, or definite territory, and since Akkullanu, in H. 43, speaking of a deposed priest, then dead, recommends his son for the vacancy, the fact of heredity in sacred offices, and the existence of Levitical cities, is clearly shown. '^ In this con- nection we have some interesting matter. VA. 208 of the Berlin Museum {KB. IV, p. 94) is from the 22d year of Nabupaliddin. In it Beliddin, son of Nabti-zer-iddin, the TU.biti of ^^^ La-ga- ma-al and saku of Dilbat deeds to his second son his right to the entrance fees of flesh of different kinds. In another docu- ment, much damaged, from the 20th year of Nabupaliddin, we find Nabupaliddin, son of Abua, grandson of Akar-Nabu, the TU.biti, complaining that he has received but part of the land held by his fathers. His petition in the case is granted {KB. IV, p. 92). A very interesting case of transfer appears centuries later. It suggests that the hereditary line of temple wardens may have been threatened with extinction. A TU.biti adopts a son, and transfers to him a right to 6 ka of food and 6 ka of drink, a fourth interest (zittu) in the flesh of offered oxen, and an interest in the table of the god (zitti passuri). This document is dated in the first year of Barzia (VA. Th. 123, 124; KB. IV, p. 296). We should not infer that the entire TU.bit-u-tu is transferred by this docu- ment, for we have another, showing partial sale. It comes from Uruk, from the time of the Seleucidae, {KB. IV p. 313). The seller holds the TU.bit-u-tu of Bel, or at least a one-sixth interest in it. He sells for one mina five shekels of silver "one- sixth of the day" upon the 16th, 17th, and 18th days, forever, with all right to the purchaser to do as the seller would have done, with the receipts of the "sixth of the day." As the document is i2This question of the city I discuss in "The Semitic City of Refuge," Monist, October, 1905. The Assyro-Babylonian """^itU.biti 41 dated the 27tli of Nisaii, and no month is named in connection with "the 16th, 17th, and 18th days," we may infer that those days of each month are implied. Comparing this with the announce- ment of Nabusumiddin, ah-eady noticed, H. 65, K. 629 that the entrance fee upon the festal day will be one ka of food, we may perceive how very protitable the wardenship of a large temple might be. The document just cited is one of the earliest cases of simony or speculating in pew-rents on record. But though heredity in sacred offices is shown by the documents cited, they also show that it was subject to modifications, as in Palestine. The above transfers of TU. bit-u-tu may be compared with trans- fers of other sacred offices. Thus, in the fourteenth year of Nabuna'id, 84-2-11, 61, ABR. II, p. 20, Nabubalatsuikbi bequeaths to one son the "dagger-bearership" (GIR. L AL-u-tu) or position of official slaughterer in the temple of Esarra, and to another son the income of the shrine of Papsukal in the temple of Belit-same-ersiti. In MAP. 41, we find in the days of Rim-Sim a suit involving the right to five days in the year in the temple of Nannar, sixteen in the temple of Belit, and eight in the shrine of Gula. In Bu. 91-5-9, 2175 A is discussed the right to act as satammu, for six days in the month, in the temple of Samas. And such priestly offices could be held by women, or transferred to them: the "dagger-bearership" above mentioned Nabu-balatsu- ikbi states he had' formerly assigned to his mother. We may conjecture that during her tenure of the benefice a hireling per- formed the work. Such rights to temple receipts on certain days may lie behind the rotation service of the Levites in the Chroni- cler's scheme. THE ESARHADDON SUCCESSION. In the preceding index the term mar-sarrii was not included, as it was not considered to need special explanation. But a care- ful examination of the numerous occurrences of the term suggested important bearings upon a mooted historical question. Perhaps this Sargonid title had in the later period a significance which it did not have in the earlier. In its technical sense it is considered a compound noun. That it has such special or restricted sense when used incidentally or in formulae of salutation, must be conceded for the sake of intelligibility. To translate "Peace to the king my lord: peace to a son of the king," when the king has several sons, would be too indefinite. It must be that " the king's son" kut i^o^v^ (Johns, ADD. II, p. 182, "crown prince;" cf. Lehmann, ^amassumukin II, p. 108) is meant by mar- sarru in such salutations. In H. 3, K. 492, and H. 365, Bu. 91-5-9, 141, Adadsumusur mentions one mar-sarru, without qualifying additions. Nabti- sumiddin, of the same period {JEL., pp. 131, 153), writes in H. 65, K. 629 to the mar-sarru. At a later time, in H. 66, K. 1017, he knows of two princes of such rank, with distinctive qualifying epithets. Nabiirabiahe in H. 175, K. 614, writes to the mar-sarru concerning the shortcomings of the Sidonians. This suggests Esarhaddon's reign. Isdi-Nabu, H. 187, K. 589, and H. 189, K. 1048, addresses letters to the mar-sarru. He is probably to be assigned to the reign of Esarhaddon [cf. J EL., p. 156). In H. 108, K. 519, Arad-Nana, court-physician of Esar- haddon's time, writes in his salutations, sulmu adannis ana mar-sarri. Winckler's theory {AOF. II, p. 185) that Asur- mukinpale'a is meant here, because that prince is mentioned by name by Arad-Nana in H. 109, K. 532, can hardly be accepted ; the reason is insufficient. There is no evidence that Asurmukln- pale'a was ever crown prince. Winckler does not seem to recog- nize any technical sense for mar-sarru, nor the fact that it is specifically applied to two princes who are also called by name, 42 >^ or I UNiV The Esarhaddon Succession 43 while the other sons of Esarhaddon are mentioned by name only. The niceties of Assyrian official etiquette must be given due con- sideration. In H. 430, Rm. 72, we have a brief letter written by a mar-sarru. It does not seem to occur to him that any confusion would result. Surely no other son of the king could write as mar-sarru. In H. 152, K. 1101+ K. 1221, Sarruna'id com- plains to the mftr-sarru that his property has been seized by one who is neither the king's agent nor the agent of the mar- sarru. In H. 404, 81-2-4, 62 the welfare of the mar-sarru and his brothers is prayed for; compare like expressions for Asurbanipal and his brothers in H. 453, K, 948. In H. 614, K. 1152, some one is asserted to be called by Sin and Samas a - n a m a r - s a r r u - u - 1 e "^ '^ * A s s u r . A number of these citations belong indisputably to the reign of Esarhaddon. We have evidence, then, that for some time during that reign one son of the king, and but one, held the official rank of mar-sarru. Does mar-sarru, or mar-sarru rabu, as "crown prince," designate the eldest son of the king, as some translate (c. g. Johnston, JAOS. XX, p. 248; cf. contra, Lehmann, Samfissum- ukln, II, p. 108), or does rabu imply precedence rather than seniority ? Sennacherib's name is suspected to refer to his being a younger son; yet 5unnl in H. 216, K. 1062, says, "Peace to Sennacherib, the mar-sarru rabu, peace to the mar6 sarri." Meissner in MVAG., 1904, pp. 181-84, and Johnston, JAOS. XXV, pp. 79 sqq., discuss H. 870, 82-5-22, 107. That letter, as they recognize, shows that Samassumukin, not Asurbanipal, was the eldest living son of Esarhaddon, it being agreed that these two princes are referred to. Yet Samassumukin, we shall see, was not mar-sarru rabu. The seniority of Samassumukin is also suggested by a boundary-stone inscription dating from the reign of Samassumukin, published by Winckler, AOF. I, pp. 498 sqq. The broken beginning speaks of maru restu sa Asur-nlj-iddin sarru dannu sar kissati sar "'^''Assur, sar kal sarrani sakkanak TIN. TIR.ki sar la sanan aberson to receive 200 geese for the temple. It seems that hf Ifts out 50 "mother geese," requiring a return of 200 geese within the year. For the seizure of choice animals by royal agents, compare Neb. I, col. I, 51 sqq.; contrast 1 Sam. 8:15-17; 12:3. That such agents were equally imp. 370); but ENGAK is usually read "farmer" and is in the ailjective posi- tion, making one think of "otfieiT of the farmer king." Com- pare also EAH. 25; the oxen accounted for to the farmer king are specifically "plough oxen." Such "Farmer king" as title may be compared with the Hindoo Gai-kwar or "Cowherd" of Baroda. Notice also Brflnnow 3810-21 ; ""''" AB may be either 66 Notes on Some Officials of the Sargonid Period "farmer, prince, or elder;" suggesting a time when princes were farmers. Those believing the Sumerians to be Mongols may recall that the Chinese Emperor, the "Son of Heaven" still plows at an annual agricultural ceremony. Again, UR-Ningir- su (Arad-Ninib?) name of an early king, is simply irrisu or ikkaru, Br. 11267. Literally it is "servant of Ningirsu," who is Ninib, Br. 10996, the NIN.APIN, Br. 11007, or DINGIR. APIN, Br. 1020, or "lord of dates," Br. 767. Radau {EBH. 23) quotes Bur-Sin, the SIB. SAG or "chief shepherd" of Nippur, and ENGAR.LIG.GA of Ur ; "mighty farmer" instead of Radau's "powerful shepherd" seems natural. Invo- cations of Nisaba, the "harvest-goddess," by the early Baby- lonian rulers, are to be considered. Against such Sumerian ideas set the Semitic preference for "faithful shepherd," familiar in royal inscriptions from Hammurabi onward. Yet the older view does not wholly disappear: Babylonian kings boast the title of "cultivator of the sacred tree;" Nebuchadnezzar II. calls himself "Farmer of Babylon." Hence ^'^^^ APIN might be a royal title in some RFHarper letters. In the collision of agriculturists of the river valleys (see TIK.EN-na) and Semitic shepherds of the highlands, it has been suggested that we might find a basis for legends like that of Cain and Abel. These accounts of royal plough cattle, of temple stores, and granaries of the gods, let us understand that a k6pu would be needed by every large landholder, sacred or secular. Four sec- tions of the Code of Hammurabi, 253-56, deal with this system of farming. The data above concerning AL and the kepu suggest "means of cultivation" as the meaning of the ideogram AL.KAK.A (eresu + epesu). Such means our various cita- tions have shown to be cattle, seed, and sustenance while raising a crop. "Implements," as Johns translates, is too restricted. Yet tools were sometimes supplied. In 82-9-18, 116, Str. Cyr. 26, a wealthy contractor, Sula, leases 60 gur of land from the ki-i-pi of Ebabbara, and is furnished with 12 oxen, 8 irrise, or cultivators, 3 iron ploughshares, 4 hoes, and 5 appata of corn for seed, for support of the irrise, and for provender for the cattle. The renter guarantees the temple 300 gur of corn. Tools probably came from the sutummu, or "store- house" of the temple, supervised by the satammu. Ob- serve the sa-tam bit unati, or "keeper of the tool house," The Kfipu 67 in Boundary Stone 108, Col. IV, 9. This assistant of the kSpu and TU.biti frequently occurs; notice the «'"'*' s6-tam "'"*' TU.bIti ii"Marduk in V. A. 451, KB. IV, p. 152. SA. GAL in the sections of the Code is, as Johns translates, ''prov- ender" (Br. 8051, ukullu; see HIVB.), rather than "growing plants" (RFHarper). Compare K. 28G7, 27; ukulti ali)6 sSni. In EAH. 1 [EBH., p. 823), we have "10 gur grain of the king for one (?) gur cop[)er, as provender for the cattle." {Cf. II R. 39, 54, c. d.) In EAH. 5 {EBH. 824) we again have ukullu as food. The four sections of the Code are valuable as showing the indigence of the man who was dependent uf)on the k6[)u system of farming. Men tinancially responsible, §45 42- 65, make compensation or restitution for their delinquencies. In the k6pu system the Code apparently assumes that the delin- quent has nothing wherewith to repay, and punishes him, for a minor offense, by mutilation; for total delinquency he is torn to pieces by oxen (Johns, DB. V, (307). Such punishment may indicate that those dependent upon the kepu may have belonged largely to the politically inferior muskSnu class. We have therein some suggestion as to the hard lot of the man who should, according to Esarhaddon's wish, tind the k6pu in a bad humor. No English word seems to me to exactly express the meaning of the word k6pu. As the agent of private parties he is nearly the "factor" of the English landholder; but as supervisor of government stores or temple revenues he has not his equivalent in western civilization though remotely suggesting the Indian agent of the American Indian reservations. I prefer to leave the term untranslated. The ideogram NI.GAB i.s often translated '"p(nter." As a name for the k6pu, it may go back to the primitive custodian or "doorkeeper" of communal granaries. A Nabfl-b6l-suniAte is a NI.GAB in Johns' -4L>D. 9, line 14. A rab NI.GAB.MES occurs in ADD. No. 150, line 6. VITA. I was born in Cooper County, Missouri, on the twenty-first of November, 1864, the oldest son of Rev. William C. Godbey, a minister of the Methodist-Episcopal Church, South. My prepara- tory and classical training was received under home instruction, while I acted as tutor for my younger brothers. I entered Mor- risville Institute in September, 1879, receiving the degree of A.M. from that institution in June, 1883. During the succeed- ing nineteen years I was constantly employed in teaching, journal- ism, and pastoral work, my leisure being occupied with historical and linguistic studies, and the preparation of some volumes of a popular character. Having given special attention to Semitic studies, I entered the University of Chicago in the summer of 1902, and was appointed Fellow in Semitics. This rank I held three years, receiving the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in June, 1905. While a student at the University I attended the courses of President William R. Harper, and Professors Robert F. Harper, Ira M. Price, H. L. Willett, Shailer Mathews, J. R. Jewett, and the late George S. Goodspeed. To all of these, but pre-eminently to the first, my thanks are due, and my indebtedness is hereby gratefully acknowledged. However, for the results of this inves- tigation and the views here expressed I alone am responsible. OF THE ^^ UNIVER2 OF ^^ETURN TO DeI^"^^ ^SE LOAN DEPT This book ic J "^ ■■ "^ ■ • 02,5 "^'-C'"- JW 9-75 ""«^3'S10>476— A-33 ,,„.^i«al Library